Toasts with the Inca: Andean Abstraction and Colonial Images on Quero Vessels (History, Languages, and Cultures of the Spanish and Portuguese Worlds)

History, Languages, and Cultures of the Spanish and Portuguese Worlds This interdiscipliuary series promotes scholarship in studies 011 Iberian cultures and contacts from the premodern and early modern. periods.

SERIES ED ITOR

Sabine MacCormack, Univers ity of M ichiga n SERIES BOARD

J. N. Hillgarth, emeritus, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies Peggy K. Liss, Independent Scholar David Nirenberg, Rice Univers ity Adeline Rucq uoi , Ecole des Hautes Et udes en Sciences Sociales

TITLES IN THE SERIES

The Mirror of Spa;'" 1500-1700: The Formation of a Myth J. N. H illgarth Bishops, Councils, and Consensus in the Visigothic Kingdom, 589- 633 Rachel L. Stocking Toasts with the Inca: Andem, Abstraction and Colonial Images on Quero Vessels Thomas B. F. Cummins

e

Toasts with the Inca

Andean Abstraction AND Colonial Images ON Quero Vessels

THOMAS B. F. CUMMINS

Ann Arbor

THE llNIvERSITY OF MrcmGAN PREss

Copyright © by the University of Michigan 2002 All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America €) Printed on acid-fcee paper 2005

2004

2003

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2002

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No part of this publication may he reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Cummins, Thomas B. F., 1949Toasts with the Inca: Andean abstraction and colonial images on quero vessels / Thomas B. F. Cummins. p. em. - (History, languages, and cultures of the Spa nish and Portuguese worlds) ISBN 0-47'-II05I-9 (cloth) I.

Queros. 2.. Inca 3rt. II. Series.

3. Acculturation-Peru-Case studies.

l. Title.

F2230.r.D75 C8S 980' .or-dC2.1

2.002-

2001006445

To Kyle, Ian, and Serge

Peru. Hay diversas opiniones sabre la etimologia deste vocabulo. Algunos dicen ... que llegando los espanoles a aquella provincia toparon a un indio y preguntandole que tierra eea aquella, respondi6 Beru Pelu, que ni el supo 10 que Ie preguntaron, nj ellos entendieron 10 que les respondi6. Pero de aqui conjeturaron que se llamaba Peru, y asi Ie pusieron este nombre. -Sebastian de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de fa Lengua Castellana a Espanola, 16II

Peru: Country in which everything is made of gold. -Gustav Flaubert, Dictionary of Received Ideas

Et accepi calicem de manu Domini, et propinavi cunctis gentibus ad quas misit me Dominus; Ierusalem etc .... Et regibus teer isularum qui sunt trans mar etc. -Jeremiah 25:17-nb, as cited by Christopher Columbus in his Libra de fa profecias. 150 I-2.

Acknowledgments

An attempt to repay a debt of thanks that cannot really be measured is here offered to the many people who, through their friendship and advice, sustained my efforts in developing this book. First and foremost are my friends and companions from the beginning: Kyle Huffman, Joan Weinstein, Serge Guilbaut, Carol Knicely, Tom Crow, Barry Braverman, Jane Williams, Mimi Hall, Holly Clayson, Paula Braverman, and Kathleen Corrigan. They formed part of a wonderful, raucous community that we, although now dispersed across time and space, will always share. Without the intellectual support and warm friendship of Sabine MacCormack, this book would not have seen the light of day. I cannot thank her enough. Cecelia Klein saw the potential in the work at its initial stage and was always encouraging. She nurtured the project with insightful critiques and careful readings. Still another debt of thanks is owed to Rolena Adorno, whose work, comments, and friendship have deeply affected this study. I am also deeply appreciative of the support I have received from Emily Umberger and Elizabeth Boone. The community of Andean scholars has been tremendously generous and receptive toward my work. Joanne Rappaport, Bruce Mannheim, Gary Urton, Jorge Flores Ochoa, Juan Ossio, Tom Zuidema, Ramiro Matos Mendieta, Franklin Pease, Frank Salomon, John Rowe, Alan Kolata, Natalia Majluf, and Joanne Pillsbury are just some of those who have contributed in various and important ways to my work. I am also deeply grateful to my colleagues in the Department of Art History at the University of Chicago. They embraced my area of research without question and with an open mind and offered a truly wonderful environment in which to teach and learn. Research could not have been conducted on queros without access to collections and archives in Peru, Europe, Ecuador, and the United States. When I first undertook this project, permission was graciously

x

Acknowledgments

given by Dr. Rojas, Director of the Museo Nacional de Antropologfa y Arqueologfa, and by Roger Ravines, then Director of the Museo Nacional de Cu ltura Peruana, to study and photograph the quero collections of their respective musewns. I thank the staff of the Museo Arqueologico (now Museo Inka) in Cuzco, who allowed me to study and photograph that musewn's collection. In Lambayeque, Dr. Walter Alva, Director of the Museo Bruining, kindly allowed me to study and photograph pieces in his musewn's collection. I also thank Senor Enrico Poli Bianchi of Lima; Dr. Horacio Villanueva Urteaga, Director of the Archivo Historico de Cuzco; and the staff of the Archivo Nacional, Lima . In Quito, the director of the national archives kept them open and allowed access even during the most difficult of times. Maria Concepcion Saez graciously made available the collections of the Museo de America of Madrid. In the United States, my requests to study and photograph museum collections were kindly received by Craig Morris at the American Museum of Natural History in New York, and Diana Fane, as always, made a trip to the Brooklyn Museum a wonderful experience. Elena Ph ips at the Metropolitan Musewn of Art in New York shared her time and profound knowledge of pre-Columbian and colonial Andean textiles. Mr. and Mrs. Kuhn and Mr. Alfred C. Glasell also graciously made their collections available for study. Finally, I want to thank Matt Hunter and Carmen Fernandez, who put the draft of this book intO shape, and Collin Ganio and Ellen Bauerle, who were patient editors par excellence.

Contents

Introduction

I

CHAPTER I

Queros, Aquillas, and Cajamarca

14

CHAPTER 2

Andean Festivals and Reciprocity CHAPTER

39

3

Mythical Origins and Inca Queros

59

CHAPTER 4

Conquest and Gifts CHAPTER

80

5

Social Reorder: From Reciprocity to Redistribution 99 CHAPTER

6

From Abstract to Pictorial Images

II8

CHAPTER 7

Pictorial Invention and Political Coercion CHAPTER

140

8

Profane Images and Visual Pleasure: Quero Imagery '73 CHAPTER

9

Commerce and Commodification of Things Andean 197 CHAPTER 10

Colonial Drinking and Quero Iconography 221

xii

Contents CHAPTER II

Images, Ritual, and Colonial Society

270

CHAPTER 12

Queros, Curacas, and the Community 331

Glossary Bibliography Index

369

Plates

379

333

297

Toasts with the Inca

Introduction

.. . the phenomena of counter acculturation must be understood as the mganic impossibility of a culture to modify anyone of its customs without at the same time fe-evaluating its deepest values, irs most stable models. -Frantz Fanon, A Dying Colonialism

This is a story about images, objects, and their interaction within a sphere of radical historical transformation. In the main, the account focuses on the particular aesthetic dynamic between an Andean ritual wooden vessel called a quero and the images painted into the quero's surface. Painted queros were a colonial phenomenon, and they participated in the tremendously complex and violent history that even now has very clear echoes in the cordilleras of Peru. Queros were produced in large quantities in the highlands of southern Peru and Bolivia during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.' Before that time, however, the quero was already a venerable drinking vessel, and it held a privileged place in Inca art production and ritual. Passed from one hand to another and from one generation to another, the quero carried into the colonial period Andean artistic and social precepts enacted by ritual exchange. The imagery on the preconquest Inca vessel was, by and large, abstract and inextricably linked to an imperial culture. By the term abstract, I mean a set of highly regularized geometric forms that, for the most part, bear no visual relation to objects and beings. Only occasionally and very specifically can one recognize such forms as highly stylized figures . These abstract designs have a linear quality that, I. Since I began this study in 1982, I have seen more than fifteen hundred colonial painted queros. Almost all of them have entered into collectors' hands in (he past 150 years, sold out of indigenous communities during times of hardship or by theft, once a market was understood to exist. Nonetheless, there are still communities that maintain possession of Inca and colon ial queros and use them for appropriate rituals.

2

Toasts with the Inca

among other things, suggests visually the relationship between design and production-the lines appear through incisions in the surface of the vessel, an aspect that is critical within an Inca aesthetic.

This linear abstraction gave way to polychrome pictorialism in the space and time of less than a hundred years of colonial rule. The colonial quero, with figures carved and painted into its surface, came to materialize, among other things, Andean memory, conjuring an image

of the pre-Hispanic Inca for the colonial viewer. An account of the quero therefore cannot be merely about a transformation of style, a visual change incidental to the historical condition of conquest. A critical material relationship, too often bypassed in art history, is the reciprocity between image and object. No visual image exists independently or virtually. It appears on or as the surface of something. This material relationship is always meaningful, although the nature of the relationship is sometimes more immediately apparent than at other times. Whatever the case, the intimate physical interaction between image and object establishes an expanded field of meanings that brings the image into the phenomenological sphere of social interaction and that brings the object into the sphere of the imaginary. Within the particulars of the quero's history, it is in the social sphere of colonial interaction that a field of meaning is reevaluated so as to be at once more and less than it once was.1This field of cultural meaning is revealed as a historical subject not merely by the images and objects but by the traces found in colonial written records. Reading the records is not just an attempt to create a context for explanation, something tangential to intrinsically meaningful qualities of the image and object. The quero, the images, and their circulation come to exist independently and differently within a variety of colonia l written genres. Spanish conquest creates another figuration of the image and vessel, and this figuration is equally a part of the transformation, not a neutral or transparent record of it)

Queros-and here I mean both the vessel and the painted imageswere first caught, as were so many other Andean objects, in the written 1. This kind of transformation is certainly not restricted to the objects and tbeir mode of circulation in the colonized culture of Peru; see N. Thomas, Entangled Objects: Exchal1ge, Material Culture, alld Colollialism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, .1991), 83-]84. 3. For recent scholarly works that treat written documents as a passive medium through which the record of colonial transformation of ind igenous culture can be extracted-albeit from very different perspectives-see j. Lockhart, The Nahuas after the

Conquest: A Social and Cu/tural History of the Indians of Central Mexico. S;xteellth through Eighteenth Cel/iuries (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992.); S. Gruzinski, The Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1:993) .

INTRODU CTION

3

descriptions ofInca customs and history in early colonial chronicles. As we shall see, they play key roles in the narration of pre-Hispanic and conquest histories. Only slightly later, queros were caught in the cross hairs of extirpation discourse. In this genre of colonial writing, queros are figured between the polarities of idolatry and native resistance. As trus genre of writing about Andean colonial practices abounds, it is too easy to accept the structuring concerns of the documents as adequate, even determining representations of colonial society and its material culture.- Extirpation documents, if not read against other genres, reduce colonial interaction to stable but binary epistemological categories. Andean society was convulsed in an ongoing confrontation between idolaters (Andeans) and extirpators (Spaniards), and colonial images were one locus among many in the battle. But if that were all that it was, one would encounter the colonial figure of the quero only as something demonic, a thing of the devil. The quero was seen as that, of course, but it variously-even simultaneously-was much more. The possibility of the same object existing as different and even contradictory things reveals the complexity of this decorated vessel that was (and continues to be) produced in and used by Andean communities. The quero is one of the few pre-Columbian artistic expressions from either Mexico or Peru that transcends the trauma of the conquest and its subsequent cultural suppression. Therefore, the quero's participation in colonial culture cannot be taken as a given. Rather, the quero's ongoing participation in Andean communities allows us to think about the social life of the image in relation to the object and vice versa within the historical frame of colonial relations and the formation of historica l memory.'

The Pre-Columbian and Colonial Quero painting begins precisely at the point where the tightly constructed world of pre-Columbian art-forms, structure, meaning4. See, for example, H. Urbano, "ldolos, figuras, imagenes: La representaci6n como discurso ideoI6gico," in Catolicismo y Extirpadon de ldolatrfas Siglos XV1-XVIIl. ed. G. Ramos and H. Urbano (Cuzco: Centro de £Studios Regionales "Bartolome de las Casas," 1993), 8: "De aqui en adela nte nadie podrfa ignorarlo (el telUa de idolatria). Es punto fundamental para futuros esrudios ." 5. I use the phrase "the social life of" to evoke A. Appadurai's essay "Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value. I> in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. ed. A. Appaclurai (Cambridge: Cam bridge University Press, 1986), 3--63.

4

Toasts with the Inca

gives way to what Hegel called Western "Spirit" and "Vitality. "· But some pre-Columbian visual forms ceded ground only to return, drawing on ancient tradition and combining with new Western modes of expression. Considering this process of destruction and reconstitution, many underlying tenets of Andean pre-Columbian art are revealed. I do not mean to posit here some kind of historical transcendentalismsome kind of unending unity in Andean art that moves back through time in relation to every event. But because pre-Columbian art presents hardly any history other than chronology, one must look for certain constants that are altered and reconstituted by those historical events now forever hidden to us. This is part of what can be uncovered in studying colonial painted queros, because the events that brought about their transformation are known.

There is, then, a double edge to this study. It opens a path to the art of the past, but it also leads to the understanding of the colonial formation of native art and identity. It takes into account the process through which Andean art first appeared to European eyes, almost exclusively in the guise of idolatry. The discourse of idolatry is a universalizing frame that transforms discrete representational systems into a knowa ble and, crucially, exorcisable entity. Whatever was unrecognizable or profo undly troubling about Andean pre-Columbian art had no place in this mirroring exercise. At issue in this study is how Andeans were able to rearticulate the discourse of idolatry not by assimilating or accommodating but by distilling or condensing the most significant aspects of native representation within a new imagery of queros.7

I am not arguing that the quero represents some kind of material equivalent to a verbal aporia, fissure, or gap that accords access to the contradictions of the prevailing discourse of representation- in this case, idolatry. Colonial society and its cultural manifestations, like any 6. "Mexico and Peru . .. was a purely natu ra l culrure w hich had to perish as soon as the Spirit [dIe West] approached it. America has always shown itself physica ll y and psychica ll y impotent, and it does so ro this day" (G. W. F. Hegel, Lectures on the Philosoph,. of World History, trans. H . B. Nisbet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, (975), I63). 7. In the modern literature on queros, [here is an odd coroUary to the Spanish distaste of the troubling content of pre-Columbian art. Quero imagery is often described as representing the free ing o f the native artist fro m the yoke of the Inca past and as symbo lic of the harmonic unity of and concord between the twO colo nial worlds: see M. Gusinde, "D ie peruanischen Keros," Mitteilungell der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien (Vienna) 46-47 (1967): :lIS; L. Castaneda Leon, "EI Kero, Cronica Popular," Pert~ Folk (Lima) 7 (£980): 2.; F. Anton and F. Dockstader. Pre-Columbian Art and LAter b zdiall Tribal Arts (New York: Harry N. Abrams, I967) , 208. The most recent and in-depth study of queros and quero imagery is much more nuanced and should be read as a companion to this volume: see J. Flores Ochoa, E. Kuon Acze, and R. Samanez Argumedo, Qeros: Arte Inka en Vasos CeremOlliaies (Lima: Banco de Cn!dito del Peru, I998).

b

INTRODU CTION

5

other society and its manifestations, are much greater than the written record. That is why physical objects and their images matter so very much as historical traces. It is not because they reflect some kind of reality; rather, through their heightened materiality (by which I mean their aesthetic value), they draw attention to themselves and their cultural value. It is here that a part of that reality is constituted. Nonetheless, history and art history are too often the stuff of words, something read and then illustrated (reified) by something visual. Although few today would suggest that writing is any more transparent to reality than an image is, it is often argued that reality can be at least glimpsed through the fissures of representation when what is expressed strays too far from what is acceptably or normally voiced. That which is out of the ordinary, an aberration, a mistake, is privileged as an interpretive place of leverage, prying open and piercing the opacity of discourse. The irregular is no longer to be disregarded as incidental, accidental, or marginal. It is treated instead as a kind of parapraxis or slip of the tongue that manifests not only repression but the repressed matter itself. The colonial proliferation of queros might be considered such a place of leverage, where the act of repression and the repressed is visually manifested. The pictorialization of the "past" on queros does in fact signal for some scholars a welling up of Andean resistance. 8 Quero images become transparent, illustrating history's repressed, emerging finally in 1781 into convulsive rebellion. I want to move away from this singular and teleological view of Andean colonial cultural production. The needs manifested by sustained materialization and production of queros far exceed the armed rebellion of 1781. As objects, queros come to occupy a place of agency in colonial society in multiple and simultaneous ways. It is the multiplicity and simultaneity that are important. Queros perform crucial tasks that overlap and are contradictory. They are important precisely because they move beyond the binary paradigm of oppression and resistance that too often expresses an unbridgeable chasm between Spanish colonial and native colonial worlds, bounded by discrete identities, interests, and understandings .•

8. See, fo r example, J. C. Estenssoro Fuchs, «La Plastica colo nial y sus relaciones con la gran rebeli6n ," Revista AlIdina 9, no.:z. (r99r) : 4:15-39. 9. For a very different and important reading of European and Indian relations that form a commo n and mutually comprehensible world, see R. White, Th e Middle Ground: Indians. Empires. and the Republics ;n the Great Lakes Region. 1650-.1815 (Ca mbridge: Cambridge University Press, I99 I ).

6

Toasts with the Inca

Peru and Its Gifts It is only through the habit of everyday life that we come to think it perfectly plain and commonplace that a social relation of production

should take on the form of a thing . . . -Karl Marx, Capital

How the quero as image and object circulated in Andean society is critical to the story. As objects that even today manifest forms of Andean reciprocity and gift exchange, the quero and the aquilla (the quero's equivalent form in gold or silver) were critical participants in Inca and colonial Inca ritual life. Thus, it will be important to outline in this book the operation of queros and aqnillas within the norms of Andean prestation. They not only take on but give meaning within the act of exchange. In fact, the very act of production of queros and aquillas already presupposes the act of exchange, as I shall show in this book. Gift giving and reciprocity are not, however, static categories, immutable to historical conditions. Nor are they acts particular to the Andes or to non-Western cultures. In fact, these concepts are integral to the colonization of the New World and of Peru in particular. The conqnest and colonization of Peru are figured within an economy of the gift. As I shall describe in the following chapters, from the moment of first interaction between the conquistadors and the Inca sovereign, the locus of action is the exchange of gifts in both Andean and European forms. Gift exchange is the very first transitive point of commensurability between otherwise mutually unintelligible speakers. It is a trap that, once entered into, springs shut, forever entangling Europeans and Andeans. For the Spanish conquistadors, however, a gift had much greater force than merely the cultural expression of social and political relations. As I will show, God's gift to mankind gave the Spaniards a moral imperative to colonize and indoctrinate. From the Yucay Valley, near the imperial city of Cuzco, a priest, or perhaps a colonial official, writing in defense of the conquest and against the work of Dominican friar Bartolome de las Casas, articulated the metaphysical nature of a Christian gift exchange and its consequences for Peru in '57I. ... these mountains are filled with it [gold and silver], ... and the earth is mixed with gold dust. What does this mean except that what God did with us and these miserable gentiles is what a father would do who has two daughters: the one very beautiful and fair, very discreet and full of grace

INTRODUCTION

7

and charm; the other very ugly, bleary-eyed, stupid, and brutish. If the first is to marry, she needs no dowry; rather, just place her in the castle, and there gentlemen wil1 come running in competition to see who can marry her. For the ugly, slow, stupid, unfortunate one, this is not sufficient; rather, [it is necessary] to give her a great dowry, many jewels, rich clothes, sumptuous houses . .. . God did the same with them and us. We were once all infidels: Europe, Asia; but in their nature [resided] great beauty, many sciences, discretion. Little was required by which the apostles and apostolic men wed these souls with Christ by the faith of baptism . . . . But these [other] nations were ugly, rustic, stupid, unskilled, dreary-eyed, and in need of a great dowry. And so [God] gave them mountains full of gold and silver, as well as fertile valleys, because [drawn] by their scent, men came, as God wished, to preach the Gos pels and baptize them and make these souls the bride of Christ... . Thus, I say of these Indians [of Peru] that their mines, treasures, and riches were one of the means of their predestination and salvation, because we see clearly that where they are, the gospel goes flying and in competition, and that where there is none [of these riches], it is a means of disapproval, because the gospel will never reach there, as it is seen by long experience that to the land where there is not this dowry of gold and silver, neither the captain nor soldier would wish to go, nor even the minister of the gospel! Then good are the mines of the barbarians, since God gave them to them so that they might carry the faith and Christianity to them for ... their salvation. 1O This is truly a remarkable passage, and so I have quoted it at length. It leaves one gasping as it breathlessly links all elements of Spanroo " •.. todas estas montanas estan lIenas della, y rierras hay [que] en las casas y en los campos y adonde quiera, esta la tierra mesclada con polvo de oro. ,Que significa esto sino que se hubo Dios, con estos gentiles miserables yean nosotros, como sea un padre que tiene dos rujas: la una muy blanca, muy discreta y lIena de grac;ias y dona ires, la otra muy rea, laganosa, tonta y bestial? Si ha de casar la primera, no ha menester [darle] dote sino ponerla en palac;io, que alH andaran en comperencia los senores sobre quien se casanl con ella. A la fea, trope, n~ia, desgrac;iada, no basta esto sino darle gran dote: muchas joyas, ropas ricas, sumptuosas casas, y con rodo eso Dios y ayuda. La mismo hic;o Dios con estos y con DosotroS. Todo eramos infieles: esa Europa, esa Asia; mas, en 10 natural , gran hermosura, muchas cienc;ias, discrec;i6n. Poco fu e menester para que los apostoles y varones apost61icos desposasen estas almas can Jesuccisto por la fee del bautismo. Mas estas naljiones, criaturas eran de Dios; y para la bien aventuraw;a, capaljes deste mauimonio can Jesucristo; mas eran feos, rusticos, tontos, inhabiles, lagafiosos, y era menester gran dote. Y asi, les dio hasta las montanas de oro y plara, tiercas fertiles y deleitosas, porque a este olor hubiese gentes que par Dios quisiesen ir a esta predicaci6n evangelica y los bautisasen y quedasen estas almas esposas de Jesuccisto ....

Toasts with the Inca

8

ish conquest into a single causal relationship, based on the economy of the gift and couched in the great metaphysics of Western civilization. Peru is gendered as the ugly daughter for whom God has had to provide a great dowry. Her precious metals lie in her ground, anticipating the natural desire of the Spanish suitor. Peru's intrinsic allure sets into circulation God's gift of wealth bestowed on these otherwise miserable lands. In exchange, God's gift returns transformed as divine grace and salvation.

These sentiments may seem parochial, a local expression in an obscure document, written by a minor historical character. They are neither isolated nor marginal, however. They find universal expression-albeit perhaps ironic-in the first Spanish vernacular dictionary, published in 16Il. In his definition of Peru, the author, Sebastian de Covarrubias Orozco, writes: Peru: Extremely famous province in the West Indies conquered and

ruled by the Catholic Kings of Spain, from which has been taken enormous quantities of gold and silver. And in exchange, the holy Catholic faith has been communicated to them, so firmly established in those parts as it is in all those places where the Gospels have been preached. I I

Spaniards must not just receive, they must give, freely and most generously. The selfless gift is, of course, not disinterested, as Mauss first demonstrated. But in the case of European history, it has been taken to the extreme. From the beginning, the gift of the Gospels has AsI, digo destos indios que uno de los medias de su

predestina~i6n

y salva 12.6, 306; Anonymous, Vocablliario y phrasis el1la le1tglla Gel1era/ de los indios del Peni /lamada Quiclma, y ell la lellgua espOIiola ... [15&61, ed. Amonio Ricardo (Lima: Edicion dellnstituto de Historia, San Marcos, X95I) , H, I24; D. de Torres Rubio, Arte de la Leltglla Qlfichlffl (Lima: Francisco Lasso, 161:9), n.p. 7..7. In the earliest Quechua -Spanish dictionary, qlfero is listed as a word meaning "wood," and qllerocamayoc and I/acl/aca are listed as the Quechua words meaning "carpenter" (Santo Tomas, Lexicon, 73. }06.) The term meaning "wooden cup" is quero vicchi. K •••

22

Toasts with the Inca

word quero is translated as "vasa de madera para beber" [wooden cup for drinking] in both an anonymous 1586 dictionary and Diego de Torres Rubio's 1619 dictionary." In Gonzalez Holguin's dictionary, published in 1608, quero is listed twice, under two different spellings. The spelling quero is translated to indicate a wooden vessel, and the spelling qquero is translated to indicate any rype of wood that can be used for carpentry.'- According to Holguin's orthographic rules for Quechua phonetics, these are two complete.ly different words, with the double consonant signifying an ejective stop.,oUnfortunately, Holguin was not consistent in his use of special characters, and he sometimes writes a stem two or three different ways." This is clearly the case with his spellings quero and qquero, because in the Spanish-Quechua section of his dictionary, he identifies a "vasa de madera" as a «qquero. ":!.l. The dictionary entries suggest that the word quero was a synecdotal term. It referred to both the quero vessel and the material from which it was made, and the word was used to categorize generally the carpenters (querocamayocs) who made a variery of wooden objects for the Inca." For example, a group of craftsmen from the northern Huain which qlfero is an adjective meaning "wood" and modifying the noun vied,i, "cup." The translation of quero as a genera l word meaning "wood" seems to be a regiona l variation of the Quechua dialect of Chinchasuyu, where Domingo de Santo Tomas spent most of his time in Peru and learned Quechu3 (see Raul Porras Barrenechea's preface in Santo Toma s, Lexicon, XV). It reflects the dispersion of Quechua inro coloniz.ed non-Quechua-speaking areas and the concomitant loss of semantic distinctions. The regional meaning of the word is made clear in the anonymous Vocalmlario ),phrasis published in ]"586, where when qllero is translated by the word madero-referring to wood used to make something-it is fo ll owed by the gloss "(chin)," which means that this was the word's meaning in Chinchasuyu . 18. Anonymous, Vocablllario y phrasis, 75. :J57; Torres Rubio, Arte de 10 Lellglla, r6T9·

]"9. D. Gonzalez Holgufn, Vocabll lario de fa leuglla general de todD Perti lIamada Quic/mo a del illca [1608] (Lima: Universidad de San Marcos, (989),205--0. 20. Gonza lez HolgUin, Vocablilario de la JCllgl/O general, 9-10. 21. See B. Mannheim, Tbe Language of the lnka since the European 111110sioll (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991), 1}6. 22. Gonzalez Holguin, Vocablliario de 10 lel/gtto general, 689. In Torres Rubio's dictionary, the word meaning "vasa de madera " is also spelled two different ways: "quero" in the Quechua-Spa nish section; "cqueco," indicating a glotta l stop, in the Spanish-Quechua section. Torres Rubio was probably copying from Holguin's dictionary, bur nevertheless there seems to have been conhlsion about the relation between the word signifying the vessel and tbe material from which it was made. 2} . In contemporary Q uechua, quero still refers only to "vaso incaico de madera," wh ile madera is translated as " kurku"; see A. Cusihuaman, Dicciollario Queclma: CUZCQCollao (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanas, (976), 115, 258. Mariusz Zio lkowski has suggested, based on Santo Tomas's dictionary, that quero is exclusively related etymologica lly to the material wood and that the proper term for the vessel was quero IJiccbi; see Ziolkowski, "Acerca de algllnas funciones de los keros y los akillas en eI Tawantinsuyu inca ico y en eI Peru Colonia l, n £Studios Latil1oamericol1os (Wroclaw) 5 (1979): 12.-.14. Vic-

QUEROS, AQUILLAS, AND CA)AMARCA

nacopampa District and stationed in Cuzco made wooden litters, called rampas, for the Inca, yet these specialists were called not "rampacamayocs" but "querocamayocs," like all other woodworkers who fashioned Inca sumptuary goods. It cannot be the meaning of quero as "wood" that alone gave this title to carpenters, because the Inca had another word, kul/u, that meant "madera para labrar alga" [wood for making something]." Neither kullu nor any other Quechua word for wood appears in the context of defining a carpenter's craft or what he produced . For the Inca at least, the metonymical relation between the woodworker and the vessel seems to have been based on a hierarchy of social value among the things he produced. The term quero implies the relations of production between the carpenters and the state, by signifying the material (wood) that was transformed into one of the most important cultural artifacts (the quero vessel) for Inca consumption." A similar concept is implied by the term meaning "master weaver," cumbicamayoc. Cumbi is the fine cloth of tapestry weave that was most prized by the Inca . The word cumbi, like quero, signifies both object and material, and the artisan is classified in terms of that relationship.,6 It is probable that many of the skilled woodworkers either came from or had kin relations with groups who lived in the montana, or eastern slopes of the Andes, from where most of the wood came." Even chi-which Ziolkowski claims feU into disuse in less than thirty years-is defined in Gonzalez Holguin's Vocablllario de la lenglla general and in the anonymous Vocabulario y pbrasis of 1586 (87) as "callgilon. " In an Aymara dictionary of the same period, the definition of vicchi makes clear that in the sourhern sierras, it was not a drinking vessel: "vicchi-ollita boqui ancha por donde echan la quinua 0 mail. mascado para la chicha" (L. Bertonio, Vocablllario de la leI/gila aymara [1611.]. ed. J. Plarzmanll [Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1879J. vol. 1:38+ 24. Gonzalez Holguin, Vocablflarjo de la icnglfa gel/eral, 576. 25. See, for example, Falcon, "Representacion, " 149. 26. Santo Toma s makes this clear in his uses of the term camayoc: "los indios ... usan Il1UY frequentamente deste nombre camayoc que propriamente significa official 0 a([tfice de qualquier arte 0 officio que sea, y hablase por eI juntandolo con el nombre, que significa la materia principal del officio que quieren signi.ncar, componiendo y haziendose un Hombre con el, v.g.: quero significa 'madera,' que es la materia de que se usa eI carpilltero, quero camayoc significa 'carpintero'; guacin significa casa, que es la materia principal del albafiir, guasi camayoc significa 'a lbanir'" (Gram matica 0 Arte de la LCl1gllo General de los lltdios de los ReylJos del Pert; [:1560) [Cuzco: CenCTO de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Ba rtolome de las Casas," 19951. 1)3). In both cases, objects-the cup and the house-are also considered to be the primary material of the profession. 27. John Murra infers that the Lupaca of the Lake Titicaca region, as well as other altiplano groups, had woodworkers in the montana; see Murra, "'EI 'control vertical' de un max imo de pisos ecologicos en 1' gobierno de los Incas" [r563], in Tres Re/aciol1es de Qntigiiedades pemalias, ed. M. Jimenez de Ia Espada IAscuncion, Paraguay: Editorial Guarania, I950), 46). The same passage appears almost verbatim in Anonymous, "' Relaci6n del arigen e gobierno que los Incas tuviecon y del que habra antes que ellos seiloreasen a los indios deste reino y de

80

CONQUEST AN D GIFTS

8,

Santil"ln's general account of Inca conquest ritual is perhaps structured according to Spanish institutions and most particularly by the Requerimie1'1to.~ But in whatever manner the Inca acts were reconfigured by Santillan to parallel Spanish practices, they did occur. The Inca initiated relations through the offer of this set of objects, as confirmed by specific accounts given by witnesses from two very different geographic areas. In '558, for example, the south coast curacas of the Chincha Valley told Cristobal de Castro and Diego de Ortega Morejon that the Inca Capac Yupanqui had conquered their area some one hundred and fifty years before. The Sapa Inca came with a large army. He told the curacas that he had come as "the son of the sun" for their well-being and that of the world . He did not wish to have the curacas' gold, their daughters, or anything else. The Sapa Inca had more than enough, and he had even brought gifts for them. In exchange, the Sapa Inca wished to be recognized as their sovereign. He then gave them clothes brought from Cuzco, golden aquillas, and many other things that the curacas did not have. The curacas of the valley gathered together and decided to receive the Inca leader as their leader on account of the good treatment he had shown them.' In the central highlands east of Lima, Alonso Poma Guala, the son of the curaca of the Hurin Huancas, testified in '570 that his great grandfather, Apu Guala, had told him how the Inca first brought the Jauja region under their authority. Tupa Inca Yupanqui brought an army of ten thousand men and camped on a hill. Apu Guala, unsure of que tiempo y OlIas cosas que a eI converua declaradas por senores que si rvieron al Inga Yupanqu i }' a Topainga Yupanqui a Guainacapac y a Huascar Inga" [ca. 1580], CLDRHP, 2-d ser., 3 (1920): 58-59· 2. See P. Seed. Ceremollies of Possessioll ill Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492-r640 (Cambridge: Cam bridge University Press, 1995).69"""99. 3. C. de Castro and D. Ortega Morejon. "Relaci6n y declaraci6n del modo que este valle de Chincha y sus comarcanos se governaron antes que oviese yngas y despues q los hobo hasta q los (ehcistian)os entraron en esta tierra" [.£5581. in Qucllell Zlir Ktllturgeschichte des priikolumbischell Amerika, ed. H. Trimborn (Stuttgart. 1936). 237. I have interpreted the passage " Ies dio [opa que traya del Cuzco y cocos de oro" as "clothes from Cuzeo and golden aquillas." The word coco means "thistl e" in Quechua, and cocos were used in ritual battles during the Inca initiation ceremony; see C. de Molina. Relaci61l de las fabu/as)' ritos de los Incas [I573], CLDRHP, Ist ser .• I (I9I6). 78. In Spanish. coco means. among other tbings. "coconut." Because the Chincha VaUey craftsmen were Doted for making mates (drinking vessels formed by splitting gourds in half like coconuts). thi s translation makes the most sense. The Chincha curacas probably interpreted the aquillas given by the Inca in terms of the mates, with the Span ish translation coming out as "cocos. " This is certa inly what coco meanr in northern Ecuador, as is found in the "Testamento de Cluist6bal Cuatin, Principal del Pueblo de Tuza" (Archivo Historico del Banco Centra! del Ecuador, Ibarra , I592. Ibarra Siglo XVI), which li sts as part of the testaror's goods "dos cocos de plata que en lengua del Cuzco se llama aquilla" {fol. IV).

Toasts with the Inca

the Inca's intentions, went to speak with Tupa Inca Yupanqui, who assured him that he had come in peace. Apu Guala then pledged himself and his people to the Inca. Alonso Poma Guala added that he was told that "Topa Ynga gave his great grandfather some fine shirts and cloaks and some cups in which to drink, which among themselves they call aquillas. "4 The incorporation of each new territory seems to have begun in the same way. Peaceful submission was first requested and then, if accepted, rewarded by gifts. For refusal, the Inca promised total destruction.' John Murra has interpreted the textiles given by the Inca on such occasions as an act of generosity that initiated a cycle of obligatory "reciprocity," by which the new territory symbolically entered, on an unequal basis, into the redistributive Inca economy! Certainly the presentation of precious metal vessels normally used in feasrs to express such reciprocity can be interpreted as much in the same way, if not more so. The aquillas also implied the closure of more or less equal reciprocity. As seen by the Ayarcachi episode discussed in chapter 3, the cups demonstrated the Inca's ability to control unmitigated and chaotic destructive power. The curacas' acceptance of these aquillas and thus the suzerainty of tbe Inca also stayed this mythical, destructive force, which in reality the Inca threatened to use in the form of their army. By restraining their force, the Inca displayed themselves as people of goodwill. They came in peace and good order and demonstrated tbat they did not engage in arbitrary acts of destruction. The offer and acceptance of the cups therefore marked not only entrance into whatever Tahuantinsuyu meant but also the order of the Inca's enterprise. For the intent of tbe Sapa Inca's gift of aquillas to be understood by those who received it, its transactional significance could not rest solely within Inca imperial mytbology. One could harrlly expect non-Inca groups to be fully conversant witb its broad outline, let alone its nuances. However, the structure and symbols of Inca mythology and customs did not spring full-grown from the heads of Manco Capac or 4. u . . . el dicho Topa Ynga. oyo decir este testigo [Alonso Porna Guala], que habra dado al dicho su bisagiielo [sic] unas cam isas y mantas ga lanas y WtOS vasos que bebiese, que /laman entre ellos aquillas" (F. de Toledo. "Informac iones Acerca del Senoclo y Gob+ ierno de los Incas" [1570-72], CLERC 16 [181h): 205--6). 5. There is amp le evidence of the Inca's unmerciful attacks on dissenting groups. For the use of this threat were his gifts not accepted, see C. Vaca de Castro, Relacioll de la descelldel1cia. gobiemo Y cOllqllista de los Incas lea . .1541-42] (Lima: Ediciones de la Bibli oteca Universitaria, .1973), 35-36. 6. J. Murra, "La Funcion del Tejido en varios contextos socia les y politicos," iu Fo rmaciones ecollomicas y po/fticas del mwtdo andi1,o (Lima: Instituto de Estud ios Peruanos, I975), I70.

CONQUEST AND G IFT S

Pachacuti. They derived from more ancient, Pan-Andean, traditions whose transmutation was personified in the rule of these quasi-mythical Inca leaders. Betanzos's comments about the use of queros are thus especially important in clarifying how curacas might have perceived the implications of this particular gift object. Most of Betanzos's text is a rather straightforward retelling of Pachacuti's history as he received it from his Inca in-laws. Only very occasionally does he intervene with an explanatory comment for his readers. He does so in his account of the Inca calendar and their rituals as organized by the Pachacuti Yupanqui . One ritual commemorated the fecundity that the waters gave to the land. The Inca went to where the two rivers bordering Cuzco joined. There, they poured aqha from a cup into the rivers; at the same time, they drank from another, to show their

participation, with the waters, in the consumption of the libation. Although drinking with the waters is an important calendrical ritual, Betanzos interrupts the narrative to explain ritual toasting in a

broader social context. He says that "the Incas and all the others throughout this land had a custom and habit of good breeding." Whenever a person of high status (sefior or sefiora) went to visit another, he or she brought two cups in which they drank aqha . If the visitor was female, she brought the corn beer in an urpu strapped to her back; if the visitor was male, the host provided the beer. First, the host and guest each drank from the cups carried by the guest. Then, the host brought out a second pair of cups and they drank again. Betanzos identifies this as "the greatest honor that is used among them." He then explains what happened if this was not done: "the person who went to visit someone took it as an insult if he were not honored by being offered a cup of chicha . It was cause for him to never visit again. It was equally an insult to offer the drink to the other and to have it be refused ."7 It is clear that the cups given by the Inca to the curacas at conquest stemmed from this custom, which Betanzos says was Pan-Andean.' At the level between two sejiores, the exchange of drinks in two sets of 7. ". .. rienen una cosrumbre y manera de buena crinnza estos senores e todas los dem:ls de toda Ja tierra .. . la mayoc honora que emre elias se usa ... tienense por afrentada la persona que ansi va a visitar al otro y est.1 honora no se Ie hace de da de a beber y excusase de no Ie ir mas aver y ansi mismo se tiene por afrentndo eI que da a beber a otto y no Ie quisiera rescebir" U. de Betanzos, Suma y ltarraciol1 de los lucos Capacrulla que (ueroll seilores de fa ciudad de C/lzeo y de todo 10 a ella slIbjetado [I5P] I.Madrid: Atlas, 1987], chap. (5. p. 71.-73)· S. Domingo de Santo Tomas also menrions tbis custom in re lation fO a socia l hierarchy, in "De algunos terminos particulares de que los indios desta tierra uSavatl en algunas cosas," chapter 23 in his Grallllluitica 0 Arte de /0 Lenglla Gel/eral de los Indios de los Reyllos del Peru ['-[560] (Cuzco: Centro de Estud ios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de la s Casas," I995), q~--t2..

Toasts with the Inca

paired cups was a great honor. The refusal to extend or accept the drink was an equally grear insult and gave ca use to not visit again. For the Inca, the acceptance or rejecrion by the curacas meant either peaceful or hostile relations. There is, however, a significant difference between these two acts. The beverage that was offered and either accepted or refused defined the nature of the seiiores' relationship, but each participant had and kept his own pair of queros. In contrast, at the imperial level of Tahuantinsuyu, the cups themselves were the defining element. The shift marks the differences between a relationship that was freely accepted and subject to change depending on circumstances and one that was demanded and sealed in perpetuity. The exchange of aqha among seiiores was an act in which the object of exchange was immediately consumed. It was thus transitory, defining the amicable disposition between the two parties only at the time of its consumption. The next time the seiiores met, the drink might be refused for whatever reason, thereby signaling a new state of affairs. The Sapa Inca's gift of the aquillas signaled, in contrast, that the curacas and their community had now entered into a permanent, hieratic relation with the Inca. The aqha might be drunk from the queros initiaring this new bond, but the queros remained in the community as the constant material reminder of the community's new but unalterable relation to the state. Moreover, the cups, like the string of Damocles' sword, held in abeyance the destruction that the Inca could call into play should the curacas renege on their promises. Cieza de Leon provides an example of this process in his description of the Colla's incorporation into and subsequent revolt against Tahuantinsuyu. According to Cieza, Inca Viracocha went toward Col.lasuyu with an army, to aid one side of a civil war between the two Colla lords, Cari and Zapana. His aim was to bring Collasuyu under the suzerainty of the empire. By the time he arrived, Cari had already defeated Zapana. Inca Viracocha offered to give Cari one of his daughters to marry. Cari refused, saying that he was too old and that she should marry a young man, from whom there were plenty to choose. The refusal notwithstanding, Cari told Inca Viracocha that he recognized the Sapa Inca as his lord and friend and would obey him in all that he ordered. Then, in the presence of aU the other nobles, Viracocha commanded that a great golden cup be brought forth and an oath of homage was pledged between them in this manner:

they drank a bit . .. and then the Inca took the cup ... and, putting it on top of a smooth-faced stone, said, "Here is the sign of our

CONQ UE ST AND G IFTS

agreement, which neither YO ll nor I will touch or move, as a sign that what was agreed is true. "9

The two leaders paid homage to the sun, and after a feast, the golden cup was taken to a temp le "where were put similar oaths that were made between kings and nobles. "'0 Cieza indicates that the pledge made by Cari to Viracocha was not an isolated incident but rather a standard practice and that the cups used to make the pledge were kept in a building used to commemorate such pacts. In this light, Santillan's complete passage about Inca conquest becomes clearer. ... and thus the majority of curacas came out in peace, and to them

[the Inca] bestowed honors and gave cups of gold and clothes from Cuzco; and in memory of their obedience, he commanded that there be made in each province a house for th e said curaca next to

one made for himself; and as for those who did not obey him of their own will, he subjugated and forced them with complete rigor and cruelty to his [ule."

Santillan does not say so, but considering what Cieza de Leon writes, it seems likely that the cups given by the Inca to the curacas were placed in the house built for the Sapa Inca, or possibly the pair was split, with one kept in the curaca's ho use and the other in the Inca's. The construction of Inca provincial centers, eventually equipped with a variety of sumptuary goods representing the Inca's sociopolitical estab9. " ... mand6 traer Viracocha Inca un gra n vaso de oro y se hizo eI pleito homenaje entre elias desta manera: bebieron un raro ... y ll1ego el Inca tomo el vasa ... y, ponien· dolo encima de una piedra muy lisa, dij o: ' Ia senal sea eS£a que este vasa se este aquI y que yo no Ie mude ni ru Ie toques, en senal de ser ciecto 10 asenra do'" (P. de Cieza de Leon EI Seliorio de los In cas (1554] [Madr id: Historia 1:6, 198.f], chap. 43, p. 136). 10. " . . . donde se polllan los semejantes juramentos qu e se hacia ll por los reyes LIncas] y senores [curacas} " (Cieza de Leon) EI SCliorio de los Incas, chap. 43, p. 1:36). Whether or not such temples were built is unclear. However, in his 1598 will, Diego Collin leaves to his son Diego a house (casa) "que se llama cl1scohuasi" (Archivo H istorico Nacional, Quico 1598, caia 7 Ill·:!.:!. r657. "Aucos dc los Indios de Panza leo contra el Colegio de la Compania de Jesus." fol. 3.lV). What this house is exactl y is not clear, but the name cliscohllas; (ho use of C UlCO) suggests some special relationship co the Inca and ma y indicate the type o f rem· pie mentioned by Cieza de Leon. u. uy asi los mas caciqucs ysenores Ie saHa n de paz, y a estos les hada mercedes y daba vasos de oro y ropa del Cuzco, y en memoria de aquella ohedencia mandaha que toda aquella provincia hiciese una casa para eI dicho cacique junto a la que bacia edificar para sl, ya los que no Ie obedescian de su voluntad, can todo rigor y crueldad los subjetaba y con· strenia a su obedencia ... " (Sa ntillan, " Relaci6n del origen," 46-47). j

j

j

86

Toasts with the Inca

lishment, may have been initiated by the building in a local pueblo a structure commemorating the treaty and perhaps housing the queros that signified the nature of the treaty. The twin structures established the relation of the curaca to the Inca, and the queros marked the ultimate authority of the Sapa Inca, who had received similar cups, tupa curi, during his coronation, as a sign of divine authority. The aquillas given by the Sapa Inca expressed the bond between the non-Inca and Tahuantinsuyu." The breaking ofthat bond gave the Inca "just" cause for retribution. When, for example, Cari of Collasuyu rebelled, Tapa Inca Yupanqui- Inca Viracocha's grandson-entered the area and forcibly put down the uprising. He imposed harsher conditions than before and sent Cari to Cuzco, where he was punished, having first been asked if this was how he kept the promise sworn to Tapa Inca Yupanqui's grandfather. ' 3 Cieza de Leon mentions just one quero given to Cari by the Sapa Inca . However, it is most likely that two cups were presented. In almost every other chronicle, the number of cups given is plural, and when that number is quantified, it is always two. Betanzos, Garcilaso de la Vega, Cabo, and others all insist that queros were manufactured in different materials but always in pairs. Betanzos's description implies, and Garcilaso makes explicit, that by making and using matched vessels, there was parity in the amount drunk." The parity marked the amicable and reciprocal relations that defined the visits between senores and the feasts held at the community level. The cups, not the aqha, expressed the insoluble bond that was being contracted . Although equal in size and material, the cups were being held by individuals who personified the new state of hierarchy. The parity normally expressed in an exchange of toasts was slightly altered to indicate a relation of real superiority and inferiority as the curaca acknowledged the Sapa Inca as his lord. I2.. Garcilaso de )" Vega states directly that objects were kept to memorialize the person and the event. Descri bing the June celebration of Inti Raymi in which the cumeas and rhe Inca celebrated a series of toasts using aquiUas and queros, he writes, "Esms vasos [queeos and aqu illas] porque el ' The modeled figure on the Inca queros and aquillas is in the location of a handle, but its shape is amorphous, resembling a quadruped reptile as much as a puma (the term leon was used by the Spaniards to designate the Andean mountain lion, called a puma in Quechua).l9 The word katari, however, also is listed separately in Bertonio's dictionary as "vivora grande," so Bertonio's Spanish translation of katari quero at first seems to be based on his own iconographic interpretation of the figure on these vessels.'o In the mid-nineteenth-century Quechua dictionary compiled by Tschudi, eatari is listed as "the name of a small very poisonous snake from the family of Chersophes. "., Although here again katari refers to a reptile, the figure on the Inca queros camlOt be considered a snake. In the 1586 Spanish-Quechua dictionary, the word !laesa is translated as "a certain serpent like a basilisk. "., The word may refer to any number of tropical American lizards of the genus Basiliseus of the iguana family, but in sixteenth-century Peru, a giant serpent was a general attribute of Antisuyu, the jungle area of Tahuantinsuyu. Moreover, the area of Antisuyu is populated by the European form of the biblical basilisk composed by the body of a cock, the tail of a serpent, and the head of a feline in Guaman Poma's "Mapa Mundi." The relation between this hybrid creature and the modeled figure on katari queros is suggested by an entry in Gonzalez Holguin's dictio38. L. Bertonio, Vocablliario de la leI/gila aymara [J.6I:!.J, ed. I879),2.90.

J.

Platzmann (Leipzig;

39. Anonymous, Vocabillario y phrasis [5+ J

40. John Rowe ("Chronology," .l96I) suggests that this type of quero is nOt part o f the Inca tradition, because dle preponderant number of examples fo und in an archaeological

t;,.ontext come from the Arica area. However, a number of Inca Stone vessels found in and around Cuzeo have almost identical figures peering over the rim. Moreover, there aee wooden queeos with such figures that supposed ly came from the Cuzco region. Finally, a numbet of colonial painted queros that also have these modeled figures have a recorded tradition in the highlands as early as r612. It is possible that the Inca incorporated the Arica figures after they conquered the area, although it is more likely that it was already a highland tradition dating perhaps to Tiahuanaco. Whatever rhe case, these figures were a part of Inca quero decoration. For an example of stone vessels, see R. Carrion Cachot, "£1Culro al Agua en el antiguo Peru: La Paccha e1emento cu ltural panandino,'" RMN 2., no. 2. (1955): plate XlI, figs. g, h, and i. For queros, see J. Larrea, Arte Peruano (Sevilla: Tipografra de Archivos, 1935), plate :16; M. Portugal, "AcqueoJogia de la Paz, '" Arqlle%gio Boliviano (La Paz: D.p., 1957): fig. Lf7; S. Linne, "Kerus: Inca Wooden Cups,'" Etlmos (Stockholm) q. nos. 2.-4 (19~9): fig. I . For a full discussion of the Arica queros, see L. N uilez, " Los Keros del Norte de Chile," Antropo/ogia (Santiago, Chile) r ("1963): 74' 41. J. J. von Tschudi, Die Kechua-SfJrache: Dritte Abtheillfllg, (Vienna: Worterbuch, 18H), as cited in V. Liebscher, "Keros Definition, Typologie, und Zeitliche Einordung" (master's thesis, Universirat Ti.ibingen, 1983), 39. 42.. "Cierta serpiente como Basilisco'" (Anonymous, Vocablliario y fJhrasis, 53).

b

CONQUEST AND GIFTS

97

nary. He translates the term /laesae katari as "vivora como basalisco que mata";~j that is, the word katari, as in "katari quero/' is modified by llaesa, meaning "a serpent like a basilisk that kills. " The sculpted image is not a puma as Bertonio suggests in his translation. It is a hybrid creature-perhaps based on a real lizard-that to the Spaniards at least resembled the basilisk. But even more important to understanding what seeing the image might have meant is the relation between /laesa and katari. Llaesa as a verb form has a different meaning. Holguin defines llaesani as "Pasmar a otro hazede turbar de rniedo, 0 contrarIe, 0 desmayarle, 0 elarle la sangre como el que vee un leon cerca, 0 serpiente, meaning "to astound or frighten someone as someone who sees a puma or serpent close up. " .... The author of the 1586 dictionary defines this fear in a more exact way. Llaesani and llaesayeuni are translated as "veneer 0 sujectar" [to conquer or to subjugate," Ilacsaca as "vencido 0 sujecto" [conquered or subject] . The Spanish words oprimir and oprhnido are translated as "Ilacsani" and " llacsansa."45 In other words, the figure on these queros is directly associated with fear and conquest. Moreover, this fear associated with seeing a puma or a serpent up close is doubly suggestive because a basilisk is a combination of the two, and the puma and the serpent (amant) were emblematic of Inca rulers. 46 These traits are further recognized in the seventeenth-century Spanish definition of a basilisk as an African serpent that could kill by sight and had dominion over all other serpents." The metaphoric relationship between the Sapa Inca and katari in relation to pre-Hispanic queros can only be suggested by linguistic evidence. However, the selective use of traditional European images by colonial quero artists makes this connection concrete. The only pictorial image that the quero painters borrowed directly from European sources consistently beginning at least at the end of the sixteenth century is the basilisk (fig. 4.12a) .4" It is significant that the basilisk figure usually appears in a composition that is commonly used in these two groups and simply substitutes for the figure of the Inca. For example, in II

43. Gonzalez HolgUin, Vocabulario de la lellgua ge/leral, 20] . _1+ Gonz:i lez HolgUin, Vocabulario de la lel/gua general, 1.07. 45. Anonymous, Vocobulario y phrasis, 53. 167. 46. See Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cor6l1ica. pp. 64-65, fo1. 83 [83}. 47. " . .. can su vista y resllella mata. Llam6se regula, 0 por la di adema que tiene en la cabeza, a par la excelencia de su veneno e imperio que tiene en todas las demas serpientes ponzoiios3S" (S. de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de fa Lel1gll0 Castellollo 0 Espaiiola [.l6uj, ed. F. Maldonado and M. Ca mero [Madrid: Ediwrial Casta li a, 1995], I70. 48. The O ld Testament basilisk is also associated with fear and conquest as recorded in Psa lm 91:13. In medieva l Christian art, Christ appears trampling the basilisk as a sign of triumph over death and ev il.

Toasts with the Inca

the rainbow motif, a coya (Inca queen) appears under one rainbow (fig. 4.I2b), while beneath the other, where the Inca normally is placed, a basilisk appears. The peculiarity of using a European figure by colonial quero painters therefore makes sense. Although it is a Spanish figure, the word basilisk was used by Spaniards to translate katari, and the katari as a composite mythic being embodied the metaphoric power of the Inca. The sculpted katari figures on pre-Hispanic queros and aquillas and their association with terror and conquest cannot be mere chance.

Like the incised designs of disarticulated heads and arms, they represent the paradox of the Inca's peaceful and benevolent offer. If their offer was refused, the Inca did not retire back to Cuzco; instead, they attacked with devastating force. The intent of the Inca was not, however, to be perpetually at war. While queros and their designs could serve to remind Andeans of the consequences of resistance or rebellion against the Inca- acts that would destabilize the cosmic order-these vessels were most often used by the Inca to effect the peaceful integration of non-Inca into the empire. This use extended beyond the initial gift of queros to a curaca and was constantly reinforced in Inca ceremonies. The perpetual ritual use of queros and aquiUas in Inca ceremonies was perhaps even more significant, as it

allowed the Inca to manipulate traditional q uero symbolic associations so as to transform an expression of ayllu independence into an expression of allegiance and subservience to Tahuantinsuyu .

CHAPTER FIVE

Social Reorder: From Reciprocity to Redistribution

Queros and aquillas had a crucial place in Tahuantinsuyu. Their form, material, decoration, and use materialized key concepts that intersected through religion, legitimacy, origin, and subjugation. These concepts had currency among Inca and non-Inca alike. Queros and aquillas evoked Andean norms of reciprocity expressed within the social organization of Hanan and Hurin. In Inca feasts, however, queros and their exchange refigured these norms to stand for an imposed hierarchy. At issne are the means through which the Inca ritually coordinated the ayllu with Tahuantinsuyu and how their drinking vessels transformed expressions of Hanan and Hurin to signify the authority and hierarchy of the empire.

Hm,an and HuTin: From Ayllu Member to State Subject The " laws" promulgated by the Inca in regard to the ayllu simply codified preexisting traditions. It was not the Inca's intent to disrupt ayllu patterns of behavior. It would be a mistake, moreover, to assume that Inca regulations were mere formalities meant only as imperial propaganda for consumption by elites. This would especially be a mistake in regard to their "law" insisting that curacas hold fiestas for the community. Here, the Inca stated authority over the curaca and the community without violating ayllu standards. BIas Valera says that the Inca commanded curacas to hold feasts two or three times a month in the village plaza. Guaman Poma adds that this was to ensure that the needs of the lame, the sick, the orphaned, and widows were attended. Both note that the custom originated before the Inca and that the Inca only restated it.' The Inca probt. Bias Va lera, cited in Garci laso de la Vega, Comel/taTios Reales de los l11cas [1609] (Buenos Aires: Emece Edirores SA, T.943), bk. 5. chap. n, pp. 245-46; F. Guaman Poma de

99

100

Toasts with the Inca

ably did insist that the ayllu feast be continued, but it was not an empty ideological demonstration of "Inca omniscient benevolence in action. "2 The Inca took control of the Andean feast as a means of validating authority. By demanding that curacas hold communal feasts, the Inca as well as the community held the curaca responsible if this requirement were not fulfilled. ' In the early colonial period, curacas lost their authotity if they did not perform this obligation. The community withdrew its labor support. The same would have occurred if a curaca had not fulfilled this duty under Inca rule, and the Inca had no interest in supporting or imposing a curaca who squandered his authority. His role at whatever level was to bind his community to the Inca, bringing the community's resources under Inca access. If the curaca could not perform this function, the Inca had no reason to object to his dismissal. However, the Inca did have an interest in asserting that the curaca's authority was linked ultimately to the authority of Cuzco. The Inca preempted the role of the communal feast as something expressing and affirming, both to the ayllu and to the curaca, the traditional basis of the curaca's authority. By simply making de jure under Inca rule what was already de facto, the Inca demonstrated the inversion of this basis: authority now came from above as well as below. In other words, the authotity of the curaca in Tahuantinsuyu was now conditional on two accounts. The curaca had to satisfy his obligation to the ayllu community and his obligation to the Inca. There is ample evidence that the Inca removed and replaced disloyal curacas for "reasons of state," but by tillS "law" Ayala, EI Primer Nueva Corol1ica y Bltell Gobiemo [ca. 16.15]. ed. J. Murra and R. Adorno, tr~ns. J. Urioste (Mexico: Siglo XXI, 1980), p. 166, fol. I92 [194]; C. Vaca de Castro, Relaci6n de fa descel1dencia, gobiemo Y cOllquista de los Incas [ca. 154I-.P.] (Lima: Ediciones de la Biblioteca Universitaria, '1973), 37. See chapter I I in this book for a discussion of the colonial interpretation of the custom. 2 . J. Murra, Th e Ecollomic Organizatioll of the Illca State (Greenwich, Conn .: .TAl Press, I980), 9+ 3. In ISlh, Garda de Melo, resident of CUlCO since "I nS, answered a questionnaire sent by the king in which he said in regard to Inca civi l and criminal law that "los caciques estaban obligados ncomer en la plaza en publico. y sus indios can eUos, y el que no 10 hacia, Ie quitabal1 el cacicazgo." AJi of Melo's testimony was read poim by poinr to Damian de la Bandera, Cristobal de Molina, and Francisco Cocamaita of Hurin Cuzco and Francisco Quiqua of Hanan Cuzco-both more than sevenry yea rs o ld. All of them agreed with Melo's statement about the feast. See J. Medina, ed., La Imprenta ell Lima (1584-18:14) (Santiago: Casa del Aurar, :1904-5), 1:187-99. Antonio Herrera y Tordes il1as seems to have copied thi s passage ve rbatim in Historia Gel/eral de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas y tierra finite del Mar Oceallo [T6IO-IS] (Madrid : Editorial Maestre Franco, 1952.), vol. 2., decada ), bk. 4, chap. 2., pp. 2.83-84.

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the Inca appropriated the traditional expression of conditional authority between ayllu and curaca, demonstrating that the Inca judged the curaca's fulfillment of both ayllu and Inca conditions of authority. The Incas posed themselves as the final arbiter of the curaca's position from both ends of the sociopolitical spectrum. The Inca may have altered the sociopolitical significance of feasts; however, the feasts' form of communal expression at the ayllu level did not change. Taking place in villages outside immediate Inca control, these feasts still celebrated the community's relationship to their huacas and ritually expressed the necessary bond of reciprocity between moiety factions. As is made clear in the Huarochirf Manuscript, moreover, these feasts confirmed the community's ties to their curaca o Yet by encoding the curaca's role at this level with the hierarchy of Inca authority, the feasts sponsored by the Inca could legitimately be connected to and seen as an expansion of the ayllu feasts. Moreover, by maintaining the HananlHurin structure of the ayllu feast, the Inca could transform the feasts held in Cuzco and Inca provincial centers to express in traditional terms the new hieratic structure of religious and political authority. The social expression of reciprocity between moieties could be transformed by the moiety associations themselves to express the nature of the Inca state and everyone's place in it. The nexus between feasts and moieties was as fundamental to Inca society at an imperial level as it was to the rest of Peru at the ayllu level. The relation between feasts and moieties as complementary parts within the Inca symbolic structure and social practice is suggested by the fact that HananlHurin organization and feasts often have a common mythological origin. Martin de Murua, for example, records that Inca Roca, the sixth Inca king, was the first to command that his people eat and drink publicly in the plaza. At the same time, he divided his people into two ayllus, which were thereafter forever called Hanan and Hurin suyu.-l Garcilaso de la Vega, in a more detailed account, credits Manco Capac, the dynastic founder, with these institutions. He says that Manco and his wife/sister gathered people from the north and the south of Cuzco. Manco had some members build the city, w hile others were sent to collect food for the feasts. Manco then divided Cuzco into Hanan and Hurin, which meant "Upper Cuzco" and "Lower Cuzco." Those who followed the queen lived in Hurin Cuzco and were called "el 4. M. de MUIll

Toasts with the Inca

bajo." Those who followed Manco lived in Hanan Cuzco and were called "el alto." The division did not signify any advantage of one group over the other; all were equal, born of the same mother and father. Manco created rhe division only to commemorate that one group followed him and one group followed his sister/wife. The single difference and acknowledgment of superiority was that the people of Hanan Cuzco were considered firstborn while those of Hurin were considered secondary children. Garcilaso offers a metaphor for this division, a metaphor which, as we shall see, is important in understanding queros and aquillas as an imperial sign. Garcilaso writes that Hanan members were like the right arm and Hurin members were like the left arm in matters of preeminence of place and office, in remembrance "that those of the high were brought by the male and those of the low were brought by the female." 5 Garcilaso's account begins with the feast and then goes on to explain that the moiety division of Hanan and Hurin Cuzco found expression in the opposition of north to south, right to left, above to below, and male to female. He ends by saying that this division was made in all rhe towns, large and small, throughout the empire. The "barrios" and lineages were called Hanan ayllu and Hurin ayllu, and the provinces were called Hanansuyu and H urinsuyn 6 Almost all Peru had some form of a moiety system that generated categories of expression in terms of high/low, right/left, and malelfemale.7 As such, the imposition of Hanan and Hurin could be accommodated by non-Inca groups in Inca state activity, as it was analogous to their own social and symbolic structures. The Inca could synchronize regional moiety organization throughout the empire by giving the divergent peoples of Tahuantinsuyu a single social identity when 5. ".. . los del alto atrafdos por el varon y los del oajo por]a hembra" (Garcilaso de In Vega, Comelltarios Reales. bk. I, cb(lp . .r6, p. 43)· 6. Garcilaso de 1a Vega, Come1ttarios Rcales bk. I, chap. r6, p. 43. 7. In the Huanuco region, the moiery division was termed allattga and ichoq, or "right" and "'eft"; see J. Murra, "La Visita de los Chupachos como fuente ernoI6gica," in Visita de la Provincia de Leon de Hllal1l1co en 1562 por bilgo Ortiz de Zlllliga (HU3.11 llCO: Universidad Naciona l Hermilio Valdizrln, .(967), r:398. In the Lupaca region, the division was ca lled alassa and //100550. or "upper" and "lower." In the CalIej6n de Huaylas area, the terms for "agricultural ist" and "herder"-llasca and lIaclloz-seem to have been used; see P. Duviols, "Huari y Il acuaz., agricultores y pastores: Un dualismo prehispanico de oposicion y complementaridad," RMN 39 (1973): 165. On the north coast, Holtan and Hllrill were not llsed to describe the moieties in colonial documents, which suggests to Patricia Netherly that these categories were indigenous and not jusr an Inca imposition; see Netherly, "Loca l Level Lords on the North CO:.lst of Peru" (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, r977), 133. For an overview, see M. Parssinen, TawolltillSIlYII: The J/1CO State alld Its Politicol Organization. 5cudia Historica 43 (Helsinki: SHS, r992.), 304-71· J

SOC IAL REORDER

10 3

they were gathered for state purposes' For example, the workers brought to Cuzco were placed in moiety quarters that corresponded to their own at home .. As this was the case in Cuzco, one can assume that similar arrangements were made for those who performed temporary or permanent service in Inca provincial centers. In Cuzco- the political, social, and religious center of the empire-this ritualized division found its most elaborate expression. Apart from special feast days, the communion of Hanan and Hurin through drinking was incessantly staged in Cuzco's main plaza through drinking. Pedro Pizarro describes what he saw in Cuzco when it was still the imperial Inca capital. Each day, the mummified bodies of all past Sapa Incas were brought into the plaza . There, they were seated in two rows facing each other, divided according to Hanan and Hurin. '0 Each mummy was accompanied by male and female servants, and the mummies and their attendants sent toasts to one another as moiety representatives of Hanan and Hurin. U Aqha was poured into large jars (verquis) made of either gold, silver, or clay, one set before each mummy. When 8. For example. the orgaJlization of Tahl1antinsllYu into four sociogeographica l areas and the subsequent division into moieties seem to have been the principles by which the massive agricultural projecc in Cochabamba was organized in terms of land distribution among the foufteen thousand Indians who were brought from all over the empire; see N. Wachtel, "Les Mitmaes de la Vallee de Cochabamba: La Po Litique de Colonisation de Hu ayna Ca pac," ]ollmai de fa Societe des Americal1istes (Paris) 67 (1.980-81) ; 30.1"""'9. In other places, the Inca used the local moiety system as if it were Hanan and Hurin. In the construction of the important Huan3copampa Bridge, the work was divided among the loca l populace according to their moieties, called alluollea and ieboc. Inca mitmaqkll1ta labor may also have been llsed in the initia l construction of the bridge, however; and the closest group of these colonists was divided into Hanan Pi llao and Hurin Pillao. As such, the two moiety systems would have been conflated in this wo rk project. See D. Thompson and j. M urra, "'The Inca Bridges in the Huanllco Region," American A1ltiquity (Washing· ton, D.C.) 31, no. 5 (1966): 6 32-39. See a)so Parssinen, Talllantil1SIIYll, 228-35, 352-62 . ,. See Jeronimo Roman y Zamora, Repltblicas de Indias [1575], CLERC .14-15 (r&97) , 28. Murra (Economic Organization, II9 n. 92) cites this reference as an example of the state's attempt to cteate continuity between village social structu re and that of Cuzco. 10. " . . . sentandose en ringlera cada uno seglio de su antiguedad" (P. Pizarro, Relacioll del descubrimiento y conqltista de los reinos de Peru lI57I], C LDRHP, 1St ser., 6 [19171: 66-68) . Pizarro's text is ambiguous because be does not qua lify whether there was one or two rows. However, "segull de su antiguedad" implies two rows because tbe Inca dynasty was not reckoned simply in chronologica l terms. The first fi ve Sapa Inca belonged to Hurin Cuzco, the next five to Hanan Cuzco. The arrangement by age thus sllggests an arrangement by moiety and two rows facing each other. This isconfirmed by the arrange· ment of the mummies for a ceremony taking pl ace on a plain outside of Cuzco in which they were seated so tha t "de una banda y de otra se formaba un gran ca lle ... de treinta pasos de aucho" (B. de las Casas, Dc las alltigllt1S gentes del Pen; [ca. ISSO), CL DRHP. 2-d sec., I I ['9391,63..... ). II. See C. de Molina, Relaci61l de las (abu las y ritos de los In cas [157 3], C LDRHP, l'St iCr., r (19 16); 44.

Toasts with the Illca

these vessels were full , they were emptied into the opening of a round stone that was a part of an usnu (throne and altar complex) set in the center of the plaza ." Here, a golden image of the sun sat on a tiana and, like the mummies, was given food and drink.'J This image was in the middle of the plaza, between the rwo rows and probably at their bead. Its centrality marked the right and left, the Hanan and Hurin sides. The reigning Sapa Inca also joined the ceremony when he was in Cuzco. He sat on the usnu in the center of the plaza, next to the sun idol and at the head of and between the two rows of mummies." Together, "the sun and the Sapa Inca" sent cups of chicha to the mummies, and in large ceremonies, such as the Citua ritual, members of the mummy's panaca sat " together but divided into two groups, with Hanancuzcos on one side and the Hurincuzcos on the other, and spent the whole day eating and drinking. ))15 Not only were the ro yal mummies of the two moieties present, but the heads of the panacas were also present where they toasted the sun, the Sapa Inca, and each other.'6 The exchange of toasts followed the pattern described by Betanzos. Two queros or aquillas were used. One was used by whomever sent the toast, and the second quero was

1:2. For the identification of the stone as part of the usnu, see R. T. Zu idema, "Shaft Tombs and the Inca Empire,'" j otlrlta/ of tbe Steward Anthropological Society (Urbana) 9. nos. 1.-2 (1:977-'78): 158-60. 13. Piza rro, Relaci611 del descllbrimiellto y conqllista. 66-68. Parts of the Piza rro manuscript are illegible. Since Bernabe Cobo copied it almost verbatim, however, we ca n recollstruct the missing parts; see Cobo, Historia del Nllevo MIll/do [I653], BAE 9I-92 (1956) : bk. 3, chap. 10, p. I64_ [4. " ... e1lnca sa lfa (a 1a plaza] a ponerse en eI suyo [Jugar] porque era junto al sol" (Cabo. Historia del Nuevo Mundo. p. 80). Guaman Porna (Ntfeva Coroll;ca, p. 371. fol. 398 1400]) ca lls the usnu "'trona y asiento del Inca" in an iUusrration of Manco Inca seated on the usnu in Cuzco. This illu stration and the illustration of Atahualpa on tbe throne at Cajamarca (357, fol. 384 ()86J) depict the Sapa Inca frontally and in tbe center of the composition. His position divides all other figure s, primariJy in profile. to his right and left. This composition is no accidem but registers in a two-dimensional space the three-dimensional arrangement of ritual space divided according to Hanan and Hurin and separated by the central position of a deity, Sapa Inca, or curacao See M. L6pez-Baralt, "'L'l Persistencia de las estructuras sirnb61icas andinas en los dibujos de Guaman Porna de Ay., la," JOllmal of Lath' American Lore (Los Angeles) 5. no. T (1979): 83-.1IT; R. Adorno, "Icon and Idea: A Symbolic Reading of Pictures in a Peruvian Chronicle," Indian Historian (S an Francisco) 11., no. 3 (1979): 27- 50. 15. " ... cada uno de la ca Udad que tienen dividos, los Hanancllzcos a su parte y los Hurincuzcos a Ia suya y este dia entendfan en s610 comer y beber" (Molina, ReJacion de las (abu/as y ritos, 43-44)' 16. Each mummy was accompanied in the smaller daily feasts by a "capidn," a descendent of the dead Inca's lineage who rook charge of [he Sapa Inca's estate when be diedj see J. Polo de Ondegardo, " Relaci6n de los fundamentos acerca del notable dano que resulta de no guardar a los indios sus fueros" [157IJ, CLDRHP, rst ser., 3 (r'I6): I2.3-24.

SOCIAL REORDER

10 5

received by whomever was invited." The toasts could be between two individuals or twO groups. In this sense, these daily feasts replicated on an imperial level the traditional feasts that were held at the ayllu community level. The expression of communal solidarity now also expressed, at one level, the closed ranks of the Inca royalty as the spiritual and political head of the Tahuantinsuyu. Bartolome de las Casas notes that Pachacuti Inca introduced this custom in Cuzco "in order to be in accord with the simplicity of the ancient ways. "" We have already seen that Pachacuti's actions personified the transformation of Cuzco from being just one ayllu community among others to being the paramount imperial capital. His reign marked the ascension of the Inca as a socially elite and distinct group, through the institution of the ruler's incestuous marriage and the creation of the panaca system. Las Casas's statement that Pachacuti also introduced these feasts signifies that they, too, were used to codify within traditional terms this imperial panaca organization. At the same time, the division of everyone else in Tahuantinsuyu into Hanan or Hurin provided the necessary "harmonious" and "organic" ideological link with the imperial elite, because traditionally the only difference between Hanan and Hurin was their expression of superiority and inferiority, which meant nothing more than precedence in ritual space and action." All ritual activity in state centers-be it in Cuzco or the provinces-could be simultaneously staged so that all those present had an equal social identity that partially mitigated the decimal system of hierarchy. Moreover, Inca centers themselves were constructed so as to produce this image. Within their plazas, the Inca were able to impress on a large number of non-Inca the notion of HananlHurin and its ritual associations of high/low, right/ldt, male/female, and superior/inferior. At the same time, they were able to assert the central and absolute position of Inca religious and political authority.

Quero Exchang",:JhfLQjftf,:om _Equality to Jfierarchy

-

The expression of hierarchy began at the very first meeting between the Sapa Inca and the ruling curacao In this encounter, the Sapa Inca's gift 17. See Polo de Ondegardo, "Relaci6n de los fundamentos," I23-24; Piz.1rro, Relacioll del descubril1liellto y conquista, 66-68; Las Casas, De las alttiguas gelltes del Pent, Il.7-28.

I8. ". . . por sec con forme a la simplicidad de los antiguos" (Las Casas, De las amigllQs gClltes del Pent, 127-28) . .(9. Garcilaso de la Vega, Comel/tarios Reales, hk. I, chap. 16, p. 4); Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo, bk. n, chap. 24. p. 112; J. de Matienzo, Gobiemo de PeY/1 {I S67] (Buenos Aires: CompaiHa Sud Americana de BiUetes de Banco, 19TO), pt. I, chap. 1, p. 16.

Toasts with the Inca

106

of queros and the toasts that were drunk in them symbolically established the curaca's place in the sociopolitical order of Tahuantinsuyu. The initial pact was followed by the integration of the new territory into Tahuantinsuyu's economy, the establishment of the Inca's chain of command, and the building of state centers. When all was in place and the collcas were filled, the feasts could be held, and the levels of authority could be periodically reaffirmed by state gifts. The content of the gifts remained the same, primarily textiles and queros. But instead of signaling entrance into the state, the gifts were now received by the curacas "as compensation for their labors. "2.0 Toasts were here made in aquiUas and queros given to the curacas as material reminders of their perpetual obligation to fill Tahuantinsuyu's coffers. The gift of these cups therefore had a similar purpose to the queros given at the curaca's very first encounter with the Inca. Their materiality signified the permanent state of political and economic relations expressed by the feasts. This relationship between the cups and the feast is implicit in a comment of an anonymous chronicler. Tbe Inca bad a custom for winning the will of the vassals, which was to periodically hold feasts, to which many attended, where they drank, which is the joy of aUthese barbarians, and there, with his hand, tbe [Sapa] Inca gave the curacas the cups in which they drank, which was a sign of great favor, and he gave them some of his own clothes and silver cups.2.1

Certainly these gifts, like the feasts themselves, were given to balance the Inca's due; yet they were meant to merge this notion of reciprocity with that of state hierarchy and redistribution. This ideological shift is recognizable in Francisco Falcon's description of Inti Raymi-the winter solstice festival held in June. At this time, the state's part of the harvest was transported either to Cuzco or to Inca provincial centers. The curacas accompanied this transport and, depending on their rank and/or distance from Cuzco, reported to the Sapa Inca or the tocricoc in the closest provincial capital. In return, the en recompensa del rrabajo" (Molina, Relacion de las (ablllas y ritos, 57) . "TenIno costumbre los Ingas para ganar las volumades de sus vasa llos hacer

:!.C. " . • .

21.

fiestas algunas veces, a las cuales acudfan muchas gentes donde bebfan, que es la felicidad de rodos estos barbaros, y alii con su mana eI Inca a los caciques les daba mates 0 vasos de chich a que bebiesen, que eran gran favor, y daba les ansi mismo ropa de la propia para vestir y vasos de plata" (Anonymous, "Relacion del origen e gobierno que los Incas tlIvieron y del que habia antes que ellos senoreasen a los indios deste reino y de que tiempo y otras casas que a ei convenia declaradas par senores que sirvierOll al Inga Yupanqui y a Topainga Yupanqui a Guainacapac y a Huascar luga" [ca. 15&0], CLDRHP. 2-d sec., 3 [1:92.0]: 81).

SOC IAL REORDER

I07

visiting curacas were given textiles and queros. The queros, however, were not all alike. They were, of course, made in pairs, but the pairs were made of either gold, silver, or precious wood. The material of the quero depended on who ("quien era") the curaca was." In other words, the quero's material corresponded to the sociopolitical rank of the individual curaca." Not only did the vessel physically represent in general the set of relations between the subjugated curacas and the Inca, but the material of the vessel demarcated the different levels of that hieratic order." The exact correspondence between rank and material is not known.'s lt may have fluctuated according to a variety of criteria; however, it seems that golden queros (aquillas) were given to Hunu-ranking curacas (leaders of ten thousand). Silver queras went to Waranga-level 220. F. Falcon, "Representacion hecha por ellicenciado Falcon en Conci lio Provincial sobre los danos y molestias que se hacen a 105 indios" [I5671, CLDRHP, 1St ser., 2. (1~J18): I 53-54. This informati on is copied almost verbatim by Bernabe Cobo (HistoTia del Nuevo Mundo, bk. 12., chap. 30, p. 1.25); see also G. Dfez de San Miguel, Visita becha a la provin· cia de ChUCliito por Gard Dfez de San Miguel [I567] (Lima: Casa de la Culwr:l, I96"4), 7I. 23. In discussing tianas, Gunman Poma says that the Inca used three categories of material-gold , silver, and wood-as one of the means of distinguishing the rank and sta· tus of someone who could sit on the tialla , or sear o f authority. Tianas in severa l museums demonstrate that the metal ones were usu aUy, if not always, covered with sheets o f gold or silver over the wooden base, 3 5, for exampl e, the tiana of M useum fur V6lkerkul1de, Berlin, ace. no. VA4H82. Size (height) was a second indicator; see Guarna n Porna de Ayala, Nueva Corollica. pp. 419""2.2, fol s. .J52. [.J54j-456 [.+5 8). 2.+ The relation between rank and the vessel's material may have originated with or was at least coincident with the menllS by which the rank of a roya l mummy witbin rhe panaca system was denoted in the feasts in Cuzco. The mummies had verqllis (the vessels into which the aqha was poured) Illade of either gold , silver, or clay, each one according to the mummy's wish; see Pizarro, Relaciol1 del descllbrilllieflto y cOl1qllista, 67. Ie is extremely doubth.1 that the Inca would have left the material of such important vessels to individua l whimsy. It is more likel y that the three materials of the verquis--clay here substituting fo r wood--corresponded in some way to the tripartite division of CoUana, Payan , and Collao, a marriage and kinship system that denoted political hierarchy. See R. T. Zu idema, The Ceqlfe System of Ctlzco: The Social Orgal1ization of the Capitol of the Il1ca (Leiden: Brill, 1:96"4), .JI-67; "Hierarchy and Space in lncaic Social Organization,'" Etlmobistory 30, nO.2([98} ): 50-H· 2.5. After living forty years in Peru, the conqui stador and chronicle r Diego de Trujillo understood the eq uation berween rank, drinking vessel, and its material, as is demonstrated by his account of the meeting that Hernando de Soto and Hernando Pizarro bad with Ata hu alpa. Trujillo says that Atahualpa first greeted Pizarro with a pa ir of golden queros, from which they both drank . Arah ualpa then toasted de Soro with a silver pai r. Pizarro noticed the discrepancy, saying [0 Atahualpa " que de ml al ca pitan Soto no hay diferencia" (Tru jillo, Una Relaciol1 iltCdita de la Conqflista: La CrollicQ de Diego de Tn.t;illo [r57 r] , ed. Raul Porras Barrenechea [Lima: Instiwro Raul Porra s Ba rrenechea, 1948; reprint, 1970], p.). TrujiUo credits Pizarro with ;lL1 astuteness abo ut Andea n signification that he could not possibly have had in rB I , but Trujill o's hindsight validates Falcon's assessment of the correspondence betwee n the vessel's material and a curaca's sociopolitica l rank.

r08

Toasts with the Inca

curacas (leaders of one thousand), and wooden queros may have gone to Pachaca-Ievel curacas (leaders of one hundred).'· Size and decoration may have given a greater range to a specific material's use, because Garcilaso de la Vega says that all Indians had matched queros made of gold, silver, or wood, some large and some small, depending on rank." Whatever the case, the queros that one held in the plaza defined one's place in the sociopolitical hierarchy of Tahuantinsuyu. In this sense, there is a parallel between these queros and the textiles, which were given together. By their abstract geometric tocapu designs and the quality of the weave-a category comparable to the material of the cup--the textiles marked status as well as geographic origin." Queros, however, denoted, by their manufacture in pairs, a concept different than status in a hierarchy. The concept was an ideal of equality and reciprocity, expressed in exchanged drinks with ones moiety connterpart. This parity was foreclosed, however, at the outset of negotiations between Inca and curaca, by the natnre of the contracted relationship. The Inca also transformed the parity that this duality expressed in the feasts, but not by disregarding the moiety associations of reciprocity implied by the paired queros. Rather, the Inca emphasized the already implicit notions of inequality and subservience that were encoded into the moiety division, by politicizing Hanan and Hurin's ritual expression of superior/inferior, right/left, and male/female. Supposedly signifying no more than ritual precedence, these signs provided the cultural nexus by which the innate hieratic relations between ayllu structure and Inca state structnre were made legitimate. In other words, already embedded within Hanan and Hurin was a system of signification that could, within the shared cultural arena of the feast, render an equivalence between state hieratic relations and ayllu community relations. The equivalence was necessary if the Inca were to establish their claim to authority according to traditional terms, and this equivalence was made through the exchange of queros. The con£lation of these twO disparate sets of relations had its clear26. See F. de Toledo, "lnforma(:iones de las idolatrias de los Incas e indios y de como se enterraban ... " (CS7I], in Colecci61l de doell/nentos ;I1Cditos relativos of descltbrilll;cllto . socadas ell 51/ mayor parte de Real Archivo de 1l1dias (Madrid: !l.p., 1874), :n :I71-7:!.. 2.7. Garcilaso de In Vega, Comelltarios Rea/es, bk. 6, chap. 23. p. 53. 2.8. See R. T. Zuidema~ "'Bureaucracy and Systematic Knowledge in Andean Civilization," in The Inca alld Aztec States. 14°0-1800, ed. G. ColJier, R. Rosa ldo, and J. Winh (New York: Academic, 1981.). 447-49- As textiles and queros were given together, there may have been a coordination between their design. because the tocapu design is said to have been used to decorate both; see Anonymous. Vocabulario y phrasis enla ICl1glla General de los indios del Penf Ilamada Quiclma, y eft la ICl1glla espaiiola ___ {1S86]. ed. Antonio Ricardo (Lima: Edicion del Instituto de Historia. San Marcos. I9P), 84-

SOCIAL REORDER

est reptesentation during the Inti Raymi festival in June, when the curacas brought the fruit of their harvests to Cuzco and other centers. The Inca gave them queros, whose material demarcated an individual's sociopolitical status in Tahuantinsuyu. However, this act was coordinated with the greater Inti Raymi feast that was held to honor the winter solstice. Through this winter solstice feast, the Sapa Inca reiterated his claim to divine authority as a direct descendant of the sun. According to Garcilaso de la Vega, the Sapa Inca went with all his kin to Huacaypata Plaza, Cuzco's main square, before dawn on the first day of the festivaL" All but the Sapa Inca divided themselves into Hanan and Hurin and then arranged themselves according to age and rank.3 0 At the same time, the non-Inca, visiting curacas gathered in the same order in the contiguous plaza called Cusipata Plaza . Facing the rising sun, the Sapa Inca stood alone, holding two large "vasos de oro, que llaman aquillas," filled with aqha. He raised the cup in his right hand and, as the firstborn, offered it to the sun, his father. At the same time, the Sapa Inca invited all his kin to drink. From the golden quero (aquilla) in his right hand, the Sapa Inca poured the contents into a golden basin in the usnu that drained through a subterranean channel into the Coricancha. In this way, the sun was seen to drink the aqha . The Inca drank a few drops from the quero in his left hand. He then shared the rest with the Incas in H uacaypata Plaza, so that each royal member could partake of the aqha "sanctified by the hand of the sun or the Inca or both, and thereby transmitting their virtue to each of the recipients. "F The curacas in Cusipata Plaza were also given aqha, but it was not blessed by the sun or Sapa Inca. The ~Iessed aqha was reserved only for the Inca . Garcilaso ends this part of his description of Iuti Raymi by saying that it was but a foretaste of the drinking that was to come. However, prior to any additional drinking in the plazas, everyone solemnly proceeded to the Coricancha, the temple of the sun. Before continuing Gaccilaso's narrative, it is important to point out

two critical remarks he makes concerning the toasts. First, like Betanzos m his explanation of specific Inca ritual, Garcilaso feels obliged to 29. Garcilaso de 13 Vega, Comelltarios Reales, bk. 6, chap. 21, pp. 48-50. 30. A similar ceremony dedicated to the vernal equinox took place just outside ClIZCO.

In that ceremony, the Inca nobility were arranged in two rows, and the Sapa Inca stood at the head of and berween them, facing the sun; see Las Casas, De las Qlltigl/QS gentes del

Perti,63-64 · 31. u . . . sancrificado por manD del Solo del Inca, 0 de ambos a dos, comunicasse su virrud al que Ie fues sen echando" (Garcilaso de la Vega, COll1cntarios Reales, bk. 6, chap.

21, p. 49).

lIO

Toasts with the Inca

explain to the reader the general significance that toasts from two queros had in Peru. Garcilaso, however, adds that the exchange of queros expressed amicable relations not only between friends but also between people of different rank." Second, Garcilaso is careful to explain that only the Inca exchanged toasts directly with the sun. As such, the Inca represented themselves- to the curacas standing in Cusipata Plaza-as both the direct descendants of the sun and his earthly intercessors, through whom the curacas were required to act for the sun's fertilizing power.

This second aspect was even more forcefully demonstrated when the curacas and Inca reached the Coricancha. Only the Incas were allowed to enter. The curacas remained outside, because although they were Indians of high rank, they were not "children of the sun. » Inside the Coricancha, the Sapa Inca, as both secular and religious leader, gave to the image of the sun the queros that he had just used to toast the rising sun. The other Incas entering with him, who were not priests themselves and were not allowed to perform any priestly fW1Ctions, gave their queros to the sun's priests. Then, these same priests went outside, where the curacas also gave them their queros. At the same time, the curacas turned over a variety of other gold and silver objects, representing the various domesticated and wild animals of their province that were owed to the estates of the sun. In general, the order by which the queros were turned in to the priests marked the descending hierarchy of relations to this Inca deity. After giving these offerings to the sun, the Inca and curacas returned to Huacaypata and Cusipata Plazas. There began the final and longest part of the celebration-the drinking. A vast quantity of aqha was brought into the two plazas, where everyone readied themselves for the general celebration. In this part of Garcilaso's description of the feast, we find the clearest exposition of how the Inca used queros to merge the moiety associations of HananlHurin with the descending authority of state hierarchy).' In the center of Huacaypata Plaza, the Sapa Inca sat on a golden tiana on the usnu, facing the gathered curacas in Cusipata Plaza. His 320. In another section, Garci laso relates his own encounter with the Sayri T upac in Lima. Sayri Tupac gave Garci laso an interview before he well{ off [0 Spain. Sayri Tupac offered him a sma ll quero and dmnk from another, as a sign of friendship and greeting between a royal Inca and someone of his close famiJy. The dimensions of (he sma ll aquilla described by Garci laso are similar [0 the small wooden quee~s from the colonial period, and

it is probable thOlt curacas used them for personal greetings similar to the exchange between Sayri Tupac and Garcilaso. H. Garcilaso de la Vega, C011lelltarios Reales. bk. 6, chap. ~3, pp. 53-55 .

SOCIAL REORDER

III

relatives surrounded him but were divided into their Hanan and Hurin affiliations. Before the general drinking commenced, the Sapa Inca initiated the celebration with a series of toasts, just as he had begun the celebration to the sun. Now, however, the Sapa Inca offered t he first toast to the military captains who had proved themselves in battle, even if they were not "senores de vasallos" (curacas) . Second, the Sapa Inca toasted those curacas from the neighboring areas of Cuzco on whom the dynastic founder, Manco Capac, had conferred the title "Inca" (or, more properly, "Inca-by-privilege"). They occupied a position of prestige second only to Incas of royal blood. More importantly, they swelled the Inca's ranks and enabled them to staff many of the provincial bureaucratic and military positions. Finally, the Sapa Inca toasted certain other curacas. In accord with Garcilaso's attempt to portray all levels of Inca authority as benevolent and caring only for the common good, he says that these curacas were those most beloved by their people. In all probability, they were high-level leaders, either Hunu or Waranga curacas. The last toasts thus went to those curacas who controlled the provinces at a level immediately be.low Inca administrators. The hierarchy of Tahuantinsuyu is very much in evidence in these toasts. By the order in which they were made, they suggest descending stages of material power and political authority, just as the quero's material signi£ed a curaca's rank. This vertical form of political toasts-expressing real hierarchy, authority, power, and prestige-was equated with the socially horizontal juxtaposition of Hanan and Hurin traditional associations of right/left, high/low, and superior! inferior, also indicated by the exchange of toasts. The Sapa Inca- semidivine and socially distinct from all otherssat in the center of the plaza, representing the indivisible authority of Inca society and state. As such, he did not actually present the cups to those he was honoring. Rather, he sent them through his blood relatives. Each of these Inca carried two aquillas to one of the members of the group being honored. Saying first, "the Sapa Inca invites you to drink and I come in his name to drink with YOU,"34 they offered one cup to their guest and drank from the second. This order and form of toasting originated within ayllu feasts. In Huarochiri, for example, a feast for the local huaca, Llocllay, involved a toast with two queros. The priest of Llocllay held out one quero and said, "Yayanchicmi an cusasonqui" [Our father invites you]. The other quero was taken into Llocl lay's temple, where its contents were poured 34. "EI O But we also know that the Inca always gave queros and aq uillas with textiles as gifts to compliant curacas. The chullpas thus compellingly show how the association between textiles and queros as a mutually signifying set of objects becomes literally incorporated into architectural structure. The walls are painted as textiles and studded with queros. Just as the body of the ancestor substantiates a historical presence, these structures simultaneously house the body and display a part of its political and social history through Inca objects and their design. History is not pictorialized here. It is manifested by material objects and their designs. Cristobal Albornoz understood this signifying process . In the early I580s, he wrote to caution fellow priests against certain native practices. One was a dance in which venerable queros and textiles were brought out and displayed because they "reminded" the participants of past military feats. Albornoz describes the queros as being decorated with figures and describes the textiles as having a checkerboard design. The checkerboard design refers to the Inca nulitary tunic, as described by many chroniclers and miniaturized in the Dumbarton Oaks tunic (fig. 4-2). The description of quero figures is vague, but some designs on Inca queros and aquillas did convey concepts of conquest and military feats (figs. 4.6a-c). Albornoz stresses that these objects were brought out together in ceremonies and that their physical presence and their designs were capable of suggesting a specific type of Inca "historical" event. In relation to their decorative designs, the queros and textiles could only convey types of event in general, but their participation in the events-in the case already mentioned, specific Inca triumphs-allowed the events to be convincingly recalled and then conveyed by songs and dances. The association between queros and textiles as elements of a single gift given by the Inca to commemorate

indicate an indigenous graphic system. For example, the map accompanying Diego Davila Brizeiio's IS86 "Descripcion y Relacion de la Provincia de Los Yauyos Toda, Allan Yauyos y Lorin Yauyos" was created completely within the cartographic tradition of Spain and even includes the social geogra_phy of Hanan and HUlin. 50. Gisbert et ai., Los Chullpares del RID Lallca. 47.

Toasts with the In.ca

certain events means that the objects acted together as mnemonic forms and that their designs recalled types of event. It is perhaps no accident, then, that the closest figure to the Ollantaytambo jaguar appears on a colonial uncuY The color schemes are different, but the style of representation is almost identical. The figures are outlined by a single unbroken line of either gold (quero) or black (uncu). The bodies are composed of solid fields of color-red (quero) and yellow (uncu)-and the jaguar's markings are then painted over these colors in horizontal rows . The figures are posed in profile, but the heads are turned en face. On the quero, the pose of the head is a bit ambiguous because the mouth is shown in profile, opened with upper and lower teeth inlaid with silver paint. The eyes, however, are both painted as if looking at the viewer, and both ears are displayed. The stylistic similarity between these early colonial images reiterates the close conceptual relationship and similar historical transformation shared by textiles and queros. What does this all mean for early colonial quero imagery? First, there is no evidence that Inca history boards represented some lost Inca pictorial system . Rather, these paintings shared in the general conventions of Inca two-dimensional art. They were, in other words, essentially geometric and abstract, occasionally employing discrete pictorial figures . Second, it seems that early queros, as represented by the pair found at Ollantaytambo, were decorated by techniques and perhaps with images derived from these board paintings. This source suggests the unique feature of the gold outline of the jaguars. This use of gold color is unique in quero production. Molina, however, accounts for this peculiarity: he notes that the paintings on history boards were bor• dered with gold. This fact implies, in relation to the skill shown in the Ollantaytambo queros, that history boards may have served as the source of these early quero images, which would explain their iconic quality. The Ollantaytambo queros represent only the beginnings of painted decoration. No archaeological or textual evidence suggests wide-scale quero painting before the Spanish arrival or immediately thereafter. Most queros continued to be decorated with abstract incised designs (e.g., the Ollantaytambo painted queros were found with a pair of unpainted ones). Some examples, however, began to be painted with figural forms derived from Inca tradition. The development of painted decoration on queros does not seem to 51. For illustration, see D. Bonavia, Arte e Historia del Penl Antigllo (Arequipa : Banco del Sur, [994),259.

FROM ABSTRACT TO PI CTO RIAL IMAGES

I37

have been rapid. It went unnoticed by Spanish authorities and native chroniclers until the I570s. There is no reference to painted queros, for example, in Santo Tomas's dictionary, published in r560 but compiled some ten years earlier. Holguin's dictionary, published forry-eight years later, however, includes several entries indicating different types of painted queros. The chronological difference can also be seen by comparing the works of two native authors, Guaman Poma de Ayala and Garcilaso de la Vega. Both authors wrote from personal experience and completed their works within a few years of each other at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Both mention the importance of queros in Peru. Yet Garcilaso does not mention painted queros, while Guaman Poma says rhey were a widespread Inca craft." The discrepancy is understandable in light of the time frame of each author's experiences. Garcilaso de la Vega, although writing in the early part of the seventeenth century, left Peru in I560 and never returned. Guaman Poma was born in the late I540S or early I 550S and gained his adult experiences only after I560. More importantly, he wrote over a thirry-year period of ongoing work in Peru, while Garcilaso de la Vega's work is based on remembrances of a situation prior to 1560. Garcilaso's experiences corresponded to the period when Santo Tomas gathered informarion for h.is text, while Guaman Poma's experiences paralleled the period when Holguin compiled his dictionary. Moreover, Garcilaso de la Vega was reared in Cuzco, while Santo Tomas primarily lived on the coast and worked in the areas of Huailas and Conchucos in the sierras. The experience and knowledge of Garcilaso and Santo Tomas covered a wide area of Peru, so their lack of references cannot be attributed to geographical factors. Guaman Poma's assertion that quero painting was a common and widespread pre-Hispanic Inca practice seems to be apocryphal. The Inca may have painted some of their queros, but it was by no means a common occurrence . Painted queros with figures arranged in pictorial compositions are a colonial phenomenon.

A World Upside Down At first, all was confused as Manco retreated from Ollantaytambo into the lowland refuge of Vilcabamba. Tahuantinsuyu became colonial p . Guaman Porna de Ayala, Nuevo Corollica. p. 1.65. fo\' I9[ [I93J.

Toasts with the Inca "Peru"-an upside-down world where those Indians who had once been prohibited golden and silver queros might now openly drink from them, as the Inca structure of authority was being whittled away. 53 As Spanish voracity for precious metals seemingly reached into every Andean nook and cranny, many Inca aquillas were slowly passed from native hands to Spanish hands without being passed back.H The native artisans who had once crafted these vessels now plied their trade for a new clientele in Spanish towns. Still called on to make new aquillas, they were also now asked to disassemble them (aquillactantacapu1lijin order to recover and transform the precious metals into new objects of desire and commerce.5 5

Aquillas were still produced into the seventeenth century, but queros made of wood, the next-precious material as defined by Inca sumptuary laws, appear ever more frequently in both the material and written records . Their form and material were traditional, and by their use, they provided a vital expression of the ritual production of native social structure. At the same time, both aquillas and queros began to be decorated with pictorial representations that were new and European inspired. What are the images doing here, and from where do they come? What is their relation to the objects on which they appear? What, in other words, is the nexus of commensurabilry between the pictorial and the material? What, then, did these new images signify and to whom? How and why, in the final analysis, does a pre-Hispanic object come to be a colonial object? In the background to these issues lies another problem. Native drinking in Peru was understood as drunkenness just as it was through53. In «La diferencia que hay en los Indios Agora a cuando Estaban por Conquistas,'" we find the passage "No era ninguno senor de tener vasija de o ro oi plata. sino era algun

principal, a quieo eI Inga poe gran favor 10 da ba, y agora rodos, ch icos y grandes. lo pueden (enee n (Anonymolls, "Parecer acerca de 1O Other animals, such as guinea pigs and llamas, known to have been sacrificed during religious ritual, are also rarely found on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century querosY Some anima l figures (birds, felines, and monkeys) that were incorporated into or were already a part of European secular and religious art continue to be represented)' These figures, however, no longer appear individually as discrete symbols emphasized by their isolation within incised geometric designs, like the felines on the Ollantaytambo queros. Instead, they are almost always integrated into the pictorial compositions, in which human figures are the focus. These later compositions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries therefore exhibit a decided change from early colonial imagery. Early quero imagery, such as that found at Ollantaytambo, was not a synthesis of Hispanic and native elements. It was based on a pre-Hispanic system of representation that was still functioning as if there had been no conquest. The images on later queros are a tacit acknowledgment of the conquest. Beginning in the late sixteenth century, artists had to contend with the mandate that images painted on queros could not offend Spanish taste or beliefs. This understanding was incumbent not only on those who painted queros but also on those who would use them. The imagery on these queros was not just a formal shift but a shift in understanding of what could be depicted and how. This change was not isolated to quero imagery and did not occur in a vacuum. It is important, therefore, to look at the general production of proscribed late-sixteenth-century imagery and native artists' adaptation to it.

From Icon to Iconography: The Shift in Native Understanding of Image, 1570-1610 For the natives of Peru, the I570S were transitional years on many counts. During that period, Peruvian natives became ((Indians"; that is, 50. See Albornoz, "Un inedit de Cdst6ba l de Albornoz," 2}; P. J. de Arriaga, La extirpaciou de la idolatria en el Pertt [,[62..I], CLDRHP. 2d ser., 1: (:1920): I .rr. 51:. In my research, I have seen only o ne quero depicting a llama sacrifice. There are no representations of guinea pigs in the examples studied. )2. Notwithstanding their possible pagan coment (as mentioned by Toledo) , monkeys, parrors, and fel ines became increasingly common in late sixteenth-, seventeenth-, and eighteenth-century churc h sculptu re, tapestries, and painting. See H. E. Werhey, Co/ouial Architecture and Sculpture il1 Pem (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1949), 85; T. Gisbert, Icol1ogmffa y mitos il1dfgellas en ef arte (La Paz: Gisbert y Ga, T980), 60--63.

Toasts with the b1ca

their ethnic identities were subordinated to relationships created by the colonial state." They were bunched together into reducciones, where every aspect of their behavior was subject to the condemning eyes of doctrineros and visitadores. For native artists, the pretext of the extirpation of idolatry led to the disappearance of certain aspects of their art during the last third of the sixteenth century." Garcilaso de la Vega describes the disappearance of art literally in his reference to the rock painting of condors outside Cuzco. He says that the painting was still in good condition in 1580. But by 1592, when he asked a priest just returned from Peru about it, he was told "that almost nothing could be seen of it, because with the rains and the neglect for caring for it and other similar antiquities, they have been destroyed." 55 The destruction Garcilaso describes does not mean that native artists ceased to exist or stopped making images. Rather, it means that what some images looked like and the way they signified, if they appeared publicly, had to change to conform with, rather than confront, Spanish taste. The requirements for acceptable images had to be learned by native artists, and European examples, both artists and artworks, were soon on hand in Peru. By I545, Spanish artists were working in Cuzco, and native artisans were employed along with them to build and decorate the cathedral. 56 Smaller churches were also being built in native communities even before Toledo's reducciones. As in other parts of the Americas, imports of paintings, prints, and illustrated books were brought to Peru either to adorn the churches or to be used as models for paintings by local Spanish and native artists. 57 These new images in Peru had an exact and crucial place in the evangelical efforts of the Spaniards. As spelled out in the Council of Trent and enthusiastically endorsed in the Second and Third Councils of Lima, the paintings-portraits of Christ, the Virgin, and the saints, as well as narrative paintings of subjects such as the Last Judgment-were 53. See Stern, Pem's Indian Peoples, 80. 5+ See Duviols, La Destruccion, 297. 55. "... que casi no se divisaba Dada della, porque el tiempo con sus aguas y el descuido de 1a perpetuidad de aquella y otras sel11ejalltes alltigltollos la avian arruinado" (emphasis added) (Garcilaso de la Vega, Comelltarios Reales de los Incas [r6091 (Buenos Aires: Emece Editores SA, 1943J, bk. 5, chap. 23, p. 274)· 56. See.J. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, Historia de la Pintura Ctlzqueiia (Lima: Bibiioteca Peruaoa de Cuitura, .1982), 48. 57. See Mesa and Gisbert, Historia de la Pintmo Cuzque;ia, 48--68.

PICTORIAL INVENTION AND POLITICAL COERCION

I57

used to demonstrate the points of doctrine preached in sermons." The use of Western mimetic representation as documentation or proof was,

however, alien to Andean concepts of imagery. For Andeans, there was an irreducible connection between the representation and the thing represented, based on a synecdotal relationship. Nonetheless, by the end of the sixteenth century, it is reasonably certain that many Indians, artists and nonartists alike, were familiar with the form and illustrative content of European religious imagery. In the bilingual sermons writren by the Third Council of Lima, different uses for images were prescribed . In the twenry-ninth sermon, for example, Andeans were instructed how to pray the Our Father and Ave Maria. For the latter, every native was to have an image of Mary before him or her when reciting the prayer ("Cada uno procure tener la imagen de Nuestra Senora para rezar can devoci6n y 11amada que aunque estan en el cielo, nos aye muy bien").'. One sermon makes direct reference to paintings of the subject that the sermon addresses, the Last Judgement, a theme that Guaman Poma says was painted in every church.'" Fm one Jesuit, doctrinal paintings had achieved their intended objective; he writes that catechetical paintings, such as those of the Last Judgment, were worth a thousand words." 58. For an analysis of the Council of Trent's effects on imagery in Peru in general and on Gunman Poma's drawings in particular, see M. L6pez-Baralt, "La Contra rreforma y el Arte de Gunman Ponta: Noms Sobre una Politica de Comunicaci6n Visual," Hist6rica (Lima ) 3, no. I (1979): 81-96. 59. Tercero Cathecisl110 y Exposici611 de 10 Doctrina Christiana por Serlllol1es (Lima: Amo nio Ricardo, I585), fo\' 189V. 60. "Porque habeis de saber que en arrancandose vuestra alma y saliendo de ese cuerpo, luego es lI evada por los angeles ame el Juido de jesl1cristo. Y alii Ie relatan todo cuanto ha hecho buena y malo; y oye semencia de aquel alto Juez, de vida 0 muerte, de gloria 0 de infierno, como 10 merece sin que haya mas mudanza para siempre jamas. Y por eso "abeis visto pintado a Sail Migl/el gJorioso areal/gel COli WI peso que estd pesalldo las almas, ql/e siglti(1ca y qlliere decir que ell la otra vida se mira eI biell )I elmal que han hecbo las almas, y con(orl1le a eso recibel1 sentencia" ( Yet most references do not cast them in a disciplinary context. For instance, Diego de Ocana's hackles are not raised by their use or appearance, and he notes how impressed he is by the skill of Indian painters, some of whom may very well have painted any queros he might have seen. Ocana is not alone in his regard for painted queros. For example, Francisco de Avila makes specific reference to queros painted with flowers and butterflies in bis bilingual sermons of 1648, not to condemn tbem, but as exemplars of what an image is in the Western sense of representation.' The many documents referring to 3. See P. Duviols, La Destmedou de las Religiolles Alldiltas (Durante la COllqlfisla), la Colonia), trans. A. Maruenda (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1977),176-2.01. + F. de Avila, Tratado de los Evollge/ios que lIuestra Madre la iglesia propane ell todo e/ mlo desde fa primera dOli/filleD de adviellto basta /a li/tima missa de Difimtos, Sautos de EsPQJla y aiiadidas e ll eJ nuevo rezado .. . (Lima: Jeron imo de Contreras, [648), vol. 1 :102..

Toasts with the Inca

queros and the character of Ocana's image cannot then be attributed to heightened Spanish sensitivity toward the quero's potentially idolatrous meanmg. The noniconoclastic aspect of so lllany references may argue, among other things, that there was a qualitative as well as a quantitative change in painted queros. Put simply, more painted queros were being made after I570, and the imagery painted on them did not necessarily offend Spanish sensibilities, even during periods of intense extirpation and iconoclasm. This does not mean that queros and aquillas were ignored by the investigative eyes of extirpators. Rather, it suggests that some of the imagery on queros and aquillas occupied a different category of object within the colonial Andes and that anything approaching what might be termed a visual colonial culture was always contingent. I am not proposing that colonial quero and aquilla imagery developed merely out of some Andean self-censorship. Rather, at one level of colonial culture, queros and aquillas provided a commensurate or mutual locus for material and visual engagement. In other words, it seems that these objects attracted the attention of some Spaniards, such as Ocana, for reasons other than for their annihilation. They could be considered something curious, worthy of note, perhaps even beautiful and offering unguarded pleasure. In this cultural framing, queros and aquillas came to be things operating in a field of desire generated outside of Andean communities, the field of their primary activation . This is not to say that they had the same set of meanings in the different cultural arenas of the colonial world. Rather, it implies that these cups were not regarded just within the terms of the idolatry discourse of Spaniards or the ritual discourse of Andeans. Something else comes into play with the newly decorated queros and aquillas, something rarely taken into account in colonial visual studies: the notion of pleasure that is accorded to looking at images and the objects on which they appear. I am not interested in broaching a discussion of the possible differences between Andean and European notions of visual pleasure. Rather, I want to suggest that there was an articulated awareness toward the beauty of and the pleasure in images in late-sixteenth-century colonial Peru and that it operated at a variety of levels. Of course, at one level, the beauty of an image was its external quality, some exterior trapping that attracted Andeans to Christianity. The first Jesuit general, Fray Bracamonte, characterized the beauty in a painting as a functional cultural tool, like many others, in the Andean campaign of evangelization. He advocated "images that represent with majesty and beauty what they signify, because the people of this

PROFANE IM AGES AND VISUAL P LEASURE

'77

nation are lead by such things ." Guaman Porn a also understood that pictorial images could please, but for a different purpose. They could entertain and displace tedium. T hat is how he addresses his drawings to Philip ill in his introduction to the Nueva Coro,,;ca 6 Bracamonte and Guaman Porn a had strategic reasons for their appeals to different visual pleasures. But in addition to whatever religious and/or documentary functions much of the colonial images might have had, some images were produced on diverse objects to satisfy other colonial needs, including pleasure, especially European delight in seeing and possessing the exotic and marvelous.? In '57', Viceroy Francisco de Toledo organized the great number of Indian silversmiths in Cuzco, mandating that a price list, signed by the corregidor, be posted at the door of each house in which they worked. The basic prices depended on the size and weight of the object, but the cost could go up if the piece were worked. Within this context of prices and craftsmanship, Toledo noted that native silversmiths "pintan sus [dolos" on some pieces, especially when they worked gold and silver. The viceroy warned the overseer to be on guard against this practice, but he did not prohibit the images completely; he stipulated that this type of decoration was ouly permissible if it were expressly requested by the client.' Clearly, Toledo intended the marketplace to patrol content as well as price. Equally, Toledo understood that some Spanish clients might want something decorated with " local flavor," a desire similar to the one with which Ocana imbued his images of Cuzco's native residents. The market was explicitly recognized as one mechanism through which new objects with Andean images could be gotten if so desired. Colonial aquillas and their decoration seem to have been some of the objects that fulfilled this kind of desire. 5. ". .. 10 mucho que pueden para con los yndios las cossas e:xteriores, de suerte q. cobran estimll de las espirituales conforme ven las seiiales externas, y el mucho provecho q. sacarfan de vee imagines que representasen con magestad y hermosura 10 que significauan. porque la genre de aqudla n a~ i 6n va mucho tras escas cossas" (Anonymous. Historia Gelleral de fa Compa;Ua de J CSIIS el1 fa Provincia del Pertl [1600], ed. F. Ma teos [Mad rid: lnstituta Gonzalo Fern andez de Oviedo, 1954], vol. I, bk. t, 245). 6 . F. Guaman Poma de Ayala, EI Prilller Nueva Coronica y Bllelt Gobiemo [ca. T6IS}, ed. J. Murra and R. Adorno, trans. Jorge Urioste (Me:xico: Siglo XXI, 1980), p. 10 . 7. Viceroy To ledo voices this sentiment in his letter accompa nying the Inca portra its ro Phil ip ll. For a general discussion of the issues, see S. Greenbhl tt, Marvelol/s Possessiolls (Chicago: University of Chicago Press: .I99r), 51.-85. 8. F. de Toledo, Francisco de Toledo: Disposiciones Gubemativas para el Virreillato del Pertl L569'"' I57.h ed. G. Lohmann Villena (SeviJla: Escuela de Estudios Hispa no-AmeriCa no de Sevilla, 1986), 205- 7.

Toasts with the Inco

In [622, the Tierra Firma fleet of twenty-eight ships left Havana's harbor, bound for Seville. The ships were filled with crew, passengers, luggage, silver, and gold. On the following day, Monday, August 5, a great storm arose, scattering the fleet and sinking a number of the ships on the reefs off the Florida Keys. Among those lost was the newly built galleon Nuestra Se,iora de Atocha. A good number of the forty passengers on the Atocha were traveling from the viceroyalty of Peru, including Don Diego de Guzman, corregidor of Cuzco, and Fray Maestro Pedro de la Madriz, visitador of Peru, with three companions from his Augustinian order. Of lesser social status but important to the following discussion were merchants and travelers from Cuzco, Potosi, and Callao, the port of Lima.Aside from the cargo of bullion and the ceramic ware, much of what has been recently recovered from the Atocha seems to be the personal belongings of the passengets, including a number of plates and cups of Andean origin, identifiable by form and design. '0 Their recovery gives an indication of the types of objects being brought from Peru, and among other things, there were at least seven pairs of silver aquillas (figs. 8.8a-b). Few colonial aqui llas have survived, as most, sooner or later, were melted down for their silver content. The presence of aquillas on the Atocha marks them as contemporary local objects of sufficient interest and curiosity that they were on their way to Spain. U All the pairs are decorated around the rim and together display a wide variety of decorative styles, perhaps indicating the diverse visual interests of whomever they belonged to. The heterogeneity of decorative style is important not only for the specific study of queros but to colonial art in general. It calls into question any attempt to attribute stylistic difference to sequential development. In fact, the range of style of the Atocha material encompasses all varieties of quero decorative style simultaneously. 9. See Anonymous, Relaci61t de /0 SlIcedido elt los Coleolles y Flota de Tierra{irl1le (Sevilla: n.p.,r.6l.2). 10. In rhe past twenry yeats, much of the nonperishable cargo of the ill-fated galleon has been recovered by seagoing hlloqucros (treasure humers) . Some of the pieces have ended up in museums, but IllOSt of the material has been sold at auction and has been lost to scholarsh ip, disappearing into the collections of private homes. In June 1988, some )88 of the most va luable pieces from the Atocba and the Margarita were put up for auction at Christie's in New York, an auction house with a very dubious record in its handling of Latin American art, colonial an in particu lar. II. For a discl1ssion of other pieces from the Atocba, see T. Cummins, "Let Me See! Writing Is for Them: Colonial Andean Images and Objects 'como es costumbre tener los caciques seilores,' n in Native Traditions in tIle Postcollquest \Vorld. ed. E. Boone and T. Cummins (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks. I998). II9-22.

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I79

The embossed designs on one pair of aquillas manifest no recognizable Spanish influence at all (figs. 8.8a-b). The two rows of repeated concentric squares simply repeat around the upper border and are common Inca design elements (cf. figs. I.6, 4.4) . If this pair of aquillas had been recovered in a different context, they might well be classified as preconquest Inca imperial style. A second pair depicts four identical jaguars, clearly indicated by pelage markings (figs. 8.9a-b). These figures are similar to those found at Ollantaytambo (fig. 6.3) . The body is viewed in profile, with only a single front and back leg visible, and with the head turned to face the viewer (in the Ollantaytambo images, the mouth is in profile, while both eyes and ears are shown as if seen frontally). These Atocha aquillas are matching but not identical, differentiated by their design. On one cup, the jaguars face toward the left; on the other, they face toward the right. This may indicate that each cup comes from a different pair. If the two vessels do constitute a pair, the two directions may reference the categories of Hanan and Hurin into which each pair of queros is divided. Whatever the case, these aquillas might be classified as transitional, as they represent the first two stylistic categories of the four in John Rowe's developmental sequence from simple to complex." A third pair, however, indicates the difficulty of giving a temporal dimension to colonial stylistic categories. Each cup of the pair is also decorated with a feline figure, but in a very different style and design (figs. 8.roa-b). A profile lion is depicted standing on its two hind legs, with a long tail elegantly curving upward and behind it. The right front leg is raised and rests against a tree. The left front leg is foreshortened, resting on a stump or rock, and presumably bearing the lion's front weight. Each lion is framed by two columnlike forms, and each pictorial section is divided from the other by a field of tluee rows of seven concentric squares each. These two fields of geometric design are Incaic; however, the lions are clearly European-inspired and probably come from some heraldic device. It is significant that the figure of the lion is pictorially handled in a very different manner than the jaguars on the other set of aquillas. The body of the lion has a curvilinear contour such that the body appears rounded, with various definitions of interrelated parts. For example, the back haunches of the leg curve upward snch ll.. In a seminal article, John Rowe divided colon ial quero decoration into two styles ("Formal" and "Free") based on a stylistic development of figure type fro m more static figures to figures with a comparatively greater variety of poses and more realistic appearance; see Rowe, "The Cbronology of Inca Wooden Cups," in Essays jll Pre-Co/llmbian Art and Archaeology, ed. S. Lothrop et al. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, I961), 336.

180

Toasts with the Inca

that the torso of the lion appears to be obscured by the flexed muscle of the lion's leg. Moreover, the pose is much more dynamic and pictorially complicated than the static position of the jaguar. The display of all four legs and the foreshortening of the left front leg give a certain depth and volume to the composition. These are formal characteristics that one would attribute to Rowe's "free" style of quero imagery. Rowe suggests an approximate date of 1630 for the beginning of this style, so the Atocha aquillas are well within the range of Rowe's chronology. Moreover, Rowe never suggests that one style immediately replaced another. Rather, he is clear that the different styles gradually evolve and are often coterminous. However, the complicated narrative pictorial compositions with relatively more rea listic figures defining the "free" style of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are already present on other Andean silver vessels aboard the Atocha. The final three pairs of aquillas from the Atocha indicate by one of the pictorial elements that the place of their manufacture was most likely PotosI. The design of all of them is essentially the same, with the upper border divided into five discrete sections composed of different figural motifs (figs. 8.na-b, B.na- b, 8.13) . A profile lion, a profile basilisk, a rider wielding a sword, and either a profile figure playing a trumpet or a frontally standing man, perhaps a priest, are individually represented in each of the first four sections. ' 3 In the fifth section, a mountain is depicted, with figures working both on the surface and within the shafts. A small structure, perhaps a church or a hut, appears higher in the picture plane, giving a sense of depth to the inlage. Clearly, this represents the cerro of Potosi (the great silver mine of Peru), the very source of the material from which the vessels were made. The image is r emarkably close to Cieza de Leon's illustration of Potosi made some forty-five years earlier (fig. 8.14) and forms part of the only sustained tradition of topographic representation in Peru. But unlike Cieza de Leon's image, which is an illustration to his written text, the image of Potosi on the aquillas refers, in part, to the objects it decorates, by the material with which the vessels are made, the silver extracted from the mines of PotosI. q IJ. The meaning of the combination of these discrete motifs is no t clea r. Their cryp· tic allusions may derive &om "hieroglyph," or pictoria l symbolic, mo tifs used to decorate colonia l monuments. Several of the images on the aquilla appear in Arzan's metaphoric description of Porosi; see 8. Arzans de Ors lia y Vela , Historia de la villa imperial de PotOSI [1735 1, ed. L. Hanke and G. Mendoza (Providence: Brown University, 1965), 1:3 . ! 4. A somewhat similar aq uilla from a private collectio n has four engraved scenes: a trumpeter, a basilisk, twO birds, and a lio n. While this aquilla does not bear the ima ge of PotoSI, it does have two silver marks, one of which is simila r to one of the marks on a piece fro m [he Atocha. See C. Esteras Martin, Plateria del Penl Virreillal J.535-I825 (Madrid : Grupo BBV and Banco Continental, 1997),82.-8), fig. 2..

PROFANE IMAGES AND VI SUAL PLEASURE

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To my knowledge, Potosi does not appear on painted queros; however, a number of other figures found on these aquillas do appear on painted queros. The basilisk, a European fantastic creature, is one of the few images taken directly from Spanish sources to decorate queros (fig. 4.I2a). The sword-wielding rider may represent Santiago (Saint James), and the disembodied arm below the horse's belly perhaps metonymically stands for the Moors and Indians trampled by this militant saint. Like the image of Potosi, Santiago's image does not appear on painted quero-style cups. However, the theme of the miracle of Swlturwasi, when Santiago appeared in the sky and swooped down to save the Spaniards in Cuzco, is depicted on wooden chalice-like vessels decorated in the same style and technique as queros. The figure blowing the horn on the Atocha aquilla is perhaps the most similar to images painted on queros. In fact, the Atocha figure is almost identical to a quero painted figure with billowed trousers to the knees, a cinched jacket, and a hat with a feather drooping forward (figs. 8.Isa- b). The quero figure is placed between two rainbows emanating from either side of the head of a feline . The trumpeter thus stands as a kind of herald to the figures below the rainbow: an Inca with a staff (champ;) and a shield; a coya, the Inca queen, holding a flower. Rowe places this quero within the category of "formal" style," so the Atocha piece might also be classified in the formal style. However, this particular figure continues to be depicted into the eighteenth century. For example, four nearly identical figures to those on the Atocha aquilla appear on an extremely fine tapestry-woven poncho of the late seventeenth or eighteenth century (figs. 8.I6a-b). They are placed along the imaginary intersecting diagona ls of the poncho's rectangular form. Each figure faces inward such that the trumpeting men would face toward the chest and back of whomever wore it, as if part of a retinue announcing his (the poncho is normally a male garment) coming or departure. They perhaps are the imaginary residue of the troops of musicians who, as reported on the coast, once accompanied curacas on their tours to outlying ayllu communities. Or they might have conjured up for the owner the colonial pageantry of a viceroy's or other important official's entrance into a town. The poncho may even have been worn by one of these officials, given as a gift upon entering a town in the sierras. Whatever the case, the figure itself was widely distri buted across time and media in colonial Andean art. It is certainly unclear what this and the other figures might have signified, if anything in particular, to whomever carried the aquillas on 15. Rowe, "Chronology/' 33 7.

Toasts with the I11ca

board the Atocha. The object on which the figure appeared was outside an Andean context of use and was in some fashion a curio, not only appreciated for its exotic form and imagery but also valued for its silver content.

We can only guess who owned these aquillas and what pleasure in the strange and marvelous they may have offered. As a group, they are a collection of disparate decorative styles in relation to the constant of the vessel form. If one assumes that they were the property of one passenger, it appears as if he or she gathered them with an eye toward variety. Because queros are so often decorated with the same designs and in the same style as aquillas, the cache of the Atocha aquillas and other silver vessels from Peru also gives a terminus post quem for the appearance of stylistic features and figural compositions not on queros. The Atocha aqui llas by themselves do not alter a temporal model of stylistic progression from simple to complex. But finding this diversity in such a small cache of securely dated objects is remarkable and perhaps implies that even greater diversity existed. This empirical evidence presents the difficulty of sustaining a model of historical positivism in describing any colonial situation. Co lonial history radically alters any hypothesis in which time is considered as a casual factor of differentiation between one form, style, culture, or society and another. ,6 It cannot be assumed that material forms and cultural evidence are somehow the result of a linear process, regular change, or evolution in relation to rational meaning or temporally ordered events. q In terms of representation, simple, complex, and all stages in between can occur almost simultaneously. Colonial cultural forms do not necessarily fit a model of development from one type to the other following a linear historical course. Developments can occur almost instantaneously; competing cultural and social systems, genres, and forms are not necessarily sequential or distinct but can be coincident and interrelated." If in encountering a heterogeneity of colonial forms and styles, we order them only within a developmenta l series from simple to complex, the possibility of colonial synchronic production is I6. See J. Fabian, Time mId the Other (New York: Columbia Universiry Press, I9S3 ), 37-I05; H. K. Bhabha, The Locatiol/ of Clfltllre (London: Rourledge, 1994), X23-'70' 17. Here it is simply best to ignore the concept of sequence and temporal relationships, as is suggested by George Kubler in The Shope of Time (New Ha-ven: Ya le Universiry Press, 1962.). IS. This is evident in literary production as well; see R. Adamo, G,IOI/WIT Poma: Writ· jug and Resistmtce i" Colollial Peru (Austin: University of Texas Press, ] 986).

PROFA NE IMAGES AND VISUAL PLEA SU RE

missed ." Synchronic production, in the case of quero and aquilla decoration, means that the single stiff isolated figure of the formal style came into existence almost simultaneously with the complex, pictorial scenes of the free style, with figures interacting in a landscape. The terms fo rmal and free might be useful as stylistic terms to divide quero images into two broad categories, but they have no value as chronological indicators. Two different vessel types from the Atocha bear directly on colonial quero chronology and figural style. One is a silver bowl. Embossed around its outer rim, just below the lip, are a number of male and fema le figures moving parallel to the picture plane within an Andean landscape (figs. 8.17a-b) . They are dressed in Andean clothes and are organized in groups performing different, but perhaps related, ritual activities. In one of the principal interactions, a female holding two queros offers one to her male companion, an action similar to that in Ocana's watercolor of the Inca and the coya in Cuzco (fig. 8.1). Here, however, the action is clearly related to an adjoining scene depicting the principal act of the August celebration of spring planting. Two men pull back on diagonally held foot plows (chakitacllas), while a female kneels before them to plant seeds of corn . This scene is also often painted on queros normally believed to have been produced in the eighteenth century. However, it not only appears here but is depicted on queros and twice by Guaman Pam a (figs. IO.5a-b). In another scene, a pack llama traverses a set of hills, moving toward a another pair of male and female figures with queros. This scene is set in a schematic town indicated by a building, probably a church. The second relevant Atocha piece is a silver plate about nine inches in diameter with a fluted interior wall (fig. 8.18). At the base is embossed a shield, in the center of which is a large bird with outstretched wings, perhaps mimicking the Hapsburg eagle. It is remarkably similar to the bicepbalic eagle drawn by Guaman Poma for the coat of arms of Potosi. Each bird has both an elongated neck and beak, splayed legs, and long tail feathers. Whether or not this bird is meant to represent Potosi is unclear, but the image likely derives from a coat of arms, as it figures prominently in several granted to cities and individuals in the viceroyalty of Peru. The rest of the piece is in an extremely fragile condition, and a part 1:9. This is certainly the case for the chronological seq uences that have been constructed for colonia l queros based 011 sty listic change: see Rowe, "Chronology"; V. Liebscher, Los QlIeros: Ulla Introdl/cciol/ a Sll Estudio (Lima: Herrera Editores, 1986), 89-109_

Toasts with the [',ca

of the outer lip is missing. Nonetheless, one can clearly determine that this area was fully decorated with a series of figures dressed in Andean clothes and placed in a landscape of buildings, animals, and trees, all oriented to the same ground line. There is little sense of scale. Human figures are larger than some animals (llamas) and smaller than others (owls). The trees and buildings are rendered according to a different scale altogether. Nonetheless, the figures on the plate are more rounded and are posed in more complex interactive compositions than are those depicted on the Atocha aquillas. For example, a profile figure leads a llama w ith a pack, while a male and female stand facing the viewer. The male holds a quero in one outstretched arm; with the other, he holds the raised arm of his companion, as if in dance. Another male holds a chakitaclla and stands beside a church with an atrium and tower, and a woman weaves using a backstrap loom tethered to a tree. Again, the complex iconography, figure types, and composition are clearly related to the images of the free style on painted queros. On the plate, the activities are located within a Christianized Andean landscape marked by the repetitive image of the church. Equally important, this plate and the fragment of a similar plate from the Atocha are related to a silver plate produced in POtOSI nearly fifty years before the s.inking of the Atocha (fig. 8.19) . This plate has a remarkable and well-documented history.'o Like the Atocha plates and 20. We know that this plate passed into rhe hands of the African king Manni Kongo sometime before r643. The piece was carried [0 Africa and given co one of the African rulers of Angola in exchange for slave-trading rights. In r643, Manni Congo is recorded as having sem the vessel, along with a cargo of slaves, to Johann Moritz, governor of the then Dutch seaport of Recife on the east coast of SOllth America. Johann Moritz, COllnt of Nassa u, in turn presented it in T658 (0 the ch urch of St. N icholas in Siegen, Westphalia. Part of this information is engraved on the base of the vessel. in Latin:

MUNUSHOC JOH MAURITIUS PRINCIPES NASSAVIAE CUM BRASILlAE lMPERARET AB AFRORUM IN CONGO REGE OBLATUM AD SACRI BATISMA TIS USUM ECCLESlAE REFORMAT SIGENSI CONSECRAT MDCLvm A n engraving and a description of the history of the piece was published in 1693; see

F. Muthmann. Die silbemc Taufschale Zit Siegen: Eim \'Qerk aus der spallischell Ko /ollia/zeit Pems, Abhandlun gen der Heidelberger Akademie def Wissenschaften T (Heidelberg: C. Wimer, 1:956), 17-)'8, fig. 3. Muthmann suggests that the vessel was produced in Potosi in 1586 and that it may have made its way into the hands of Manni Congo by being first car· ried down the eastern slopes of the Andes and coming into the entrepreneurial hands of the

PROF ANE IMAGES AN D VISUAL PLEASURE

aquillas, it was produced in the highlands and eventually sent to Europe as a prized item, where it now serves in Siegen, Germany, as a baptismal

font. The date 1586 is embossed on the inner lip." The decorative motif embossed around the rim demonstrates that the type of images on the Atocha vessels were already well established. A series of Andean figures are depicted between two of the four circu lar medallions containing the bust portrait of a European man and woman. A traditionally dressed male and female attempt to make a well-loaded llama rise to its feet. Behind the female are a gourd and an urpu with a strap ready to be hoisted to her shoulders. The figures are set in a landscape, and a sense of perspective is created by the overlapping of figures and the diminutive size and vertical placement of the buildings. The sophisticated use of perspective and the tremendous skill demonstrated in the handling of European figural types mean that the piece was made either by a Spanish metalsmith or by an Indian metalsmith who had apprenticed with a European at a very early age. Who actually made the plate is not important here. l l Rather, as pointed out over forty years ago, the composition and figures have a close affinity with quero images and with Guaman Poma 's drawings." Andeans were well acquainted with the Western decorative use of the human figure, and in Spanish art, human representation was not only a permissible form but a privileged one. In addition, many of the church buildings, trees, and figures on the Siegen plate are almost identical with those found on the rim of the Atocha vessel, suggesting that aquillas similar to those found on the Atocha may have been produced as early as the 1570s. Equally important, the Siegen piece, like the Atocha silver, did not remain in PotOSI but was carried acrOss the Atlantic. If pieces like these were traveling such long and difficult distances, they were surely distributed throughout the Andes. bishop of Tlicliman, Francisco Vitoria , a Portuguese by birth. It w as then offered as a gift in the slave trade w ith Africa sometime berween Is87 and 1625, when si lver was being transported from Pmos! to Buenos Aires (Muthmann, Die silbeme Tallfschale Zit Siegelt, 67-68) . Perhaps no other work of art is more closely conn ected w ith the mise ry brought about by European ex pansio n. From the material mined to make it to the treaty it W:lS used to sea l, the vessel stands as the quintessenti al sign of the human ability to render aesthetic hW11ankind 's inhumanity to humankind . 21. See Muthmann, Die silbeme Tallfschale Zit Siege1t, 67. 22. Pal Kelemen suggests that the piece was made by an Indi an silversm ith, with tbe argument that o nly an Indian could have rendered the native costumes and poses with such accu racYi see Kelemen, Art of the Americas, Ancient and Hispanic (New York: Tbomas Crowell , 196"9), 178-79. However, these criteria can not help to determine the ethnic idemity of the artist. The faithful rendering of observed nature using perspective is not a quality of traditio nal Andean metalwork. The artist may have been either a native or a Spanish metalsmith, but w hoever created the basin did 50 in a purely Western tradition. 1..3 . See Muthm' One indication of prestige is the materials of the tianas of the two kings. Guaman Poma indicates different levels of authority in the Inca hierarchy by the height and material of the tianaY The Sapa Inca sat on gold, and the lords of the four suyu, of which Collasuyu was one, sat on silver. There are differences between this song and the modern variants of the myth, but the principal elements are the same . However, one element that seems to be absent both on the quero and in the song is the key element around which the modern variants are structured, the competition between the two kings. Competition may be implied in the hierarchy expressed in the song, but it is not apparent in the actions of the kings on the quero or in the song: they merely toast each other. But the toast itself explicidy manifests the element of competition. Both in Quechua, the language of the Inca, and in Aymara, the language of the Colla, severa l verbs define the act of toasting. Each language has one verb that closely allies toasting with competition. In Quechua, that verb 50. "'Cam Cuzco capac;] i'iuca Colla capaca, hupyasu, miCUSSll, rimassu, ama pi etc. tiuca eoUque tiya cam chuq ui tia, cam viracocha pachayachi fsie] muehha tiuea inti Illuchha,» Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacion de on/igiiedades d este reyno del Pi", fca. I615J (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas" and Institut Franc;a is D'Etudes Andines, 1993), 217. jI . See C. Julien, Hallmqolla: A View of [Ilca Rule frollt the Lake Titicaca Regioll. University of Ca lifornia Publications in Anthropology, no. 15 (Berkeley: University of Ca lifornia Press, 1983), 39. 52.. Guaman Poma de Aya la, Nuevo Coroflica. p. 42.0, fol. 453 [455].

COLONIAL DRINKINC AND QUERO I CONOGRAPHY

239

is Q1~cossanacuni3 and it is translated as "beber a porfia con otro" [to drink in competition with another).'.! In Aymara, the verb c017chafitha is translated as "beber en comperencia" [to drink in competition).54 Alrhough neither verb is used in the Quechua text, this song speech is understood within the context of competition or challenge. 55 Drinking and toasting- acts that are common to the quero, the song, and the myth-signify competition at a variety of sociocultural levels. But the question then becomes, what does the competition between the kings mean specifically and how does it relate to agriculture? The Incari-Collari myth explains why the Inca live to the north of La Raya and why the Colla live to the south. This interpretation does more than explicate ethnic boundaries. The loss of the Colla king in all the contests means that he must live to the south, where, because of the higher altitude, his people cannot grow corn. Because of this, the Colla must go to the Quechua region to barter for the corn.5' Embedded in the myth, then, is a traditional account of rhe various climatic zones of Peru that necessitated a particular kind of vertical economy based on reciprocity and extended family ties." Nor only do the Inca and the Colla personify ethnic differences, but those ethnic differences then imply social and economic differences. These distinctions are presented in terms of complementarity and opposition as signified by the associations of Hanan and Hurin. Because of the categories of opposition, the Incari in the myth is always male while the Callari can be either male or female." On the queros, this is represented by the Colla always occupying the pictorial left and the Inca occupying the right. Not only does the division of the scene's composition into right and left suggest the spatial values of Hanan and Hurin, but these more general values are used to express the myth's underlying theme. 59 It is again evident that 53. D. de Samo Tomas, Lexicoll 0 voca/mlotio de In lel/gua general del Peni [1560] (Lima: Instituto de Historia, Universidad Nacional de San Marcos, I9SI), :!oJ+ 5+ Bectonio, Vocabillario de In leI/guo 0Y11lora, 93. 55. "y entonces traya [capac de los Hawn Coll as] su ydolo y guaca muy adornado y muchas vezes les podiaba al ynga deziendo," Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio/l de allligiiedades,2T.7. 56. See Flores Ochoa , "In kariy y Qollariy," 304. 57. See J. Mmra, "EI 'Control vertical' de un maximo de pisos ecol6gicos en la economfa de las sociedades andina s." in Visita de la Provi1lcia de Leoll de HwilllfCO Cit 1562 IJOr {jUga Ortiz de Zliiiiga (Hua nuco: Urriversidad Nacional Hermilio Valdizan, 1972). 58. See Ossio, "Presenracion," 125-2.6. 59. Chavez Balian ("Que ros Cusqueii os," 104) sllggests that the symbolic categories of Hanan and Hurin are represented in this composition by the disposition of the figure types. He does not, however, systema ticaUy relate the iconographic features of the figures to their arrangemenr in the picture plane so that the pictoria l left side of the composition

Toasts with the Inca

the properties of quero use as described by Cabo exist within the imagery itself. But the question now becomes, how is this image to be related with those values as they are expressed in the Chacra Yapuy QuiHa images? The odd man out in the quero scene is the figure tilling the ground. This character is not mentioned in either the myth or the song, and he is singled out in the image by being the only figure set in the foreground . Yet this figure clearly indicates agricultural activity and links the scene to the dramatization of the myth and its specific underlying agricultural theme. In the town of San Pablo in Canchis Province, just south of Cuzco, the competitions between the Incari and CoHari were reenacted until I94I. 60 It is still remembered, however, that the dramatization took place at La Raya, not too distant from San Pablo. The actors were always natives, and the drama took place in public in honor of the Virgin de Belen and after her mass, said on January 23 of each year. In the competition, the Inca king always won. This drama was eventually fused with Christian theology and altered by a local priest for didactic purposes. 6 ' The fusion seems to have been reciprocal, as the Incari-Collari competition is associated with the festival of the three Magi, one of whom is considered to be an Indian. The festival is also celebrated on January 6, partly by a horse race between the three kings. The prize for the winning king is the honor of carrying "el Niiio de la Virgen del Belen" before the Virgin's platform during the procession around the plaza . A second meaning attached to the race and its outcome relates to traditional agricultural concerns. If the Indian king wins, there will be an abundant harvest. If the black king wins, there will be a bad harvest and hunger. More important, the Indian king is identified as Incari and the black king as Callari. During the race, the onlookers actively try to obstruct the black king/CoHari. They throw hats and ponchos at him, represents Hanan and the right side represents Hurin. He therefore does not acknowledge the symbolic structural relationship between dle figures. In the example he illustrates, the positions o f the Inca and Colla are reversed. However, the Sapa Inca, who appears on the left side, is associated w ith Hurin characteristics; for exa mple, his tiana has jaguar markings that have decidedly Hurin association. Thus, in this unique representation, the position of the Inca and Colla ha ve been reversed on the pictorial pJane, bur the figures on the right still convey Hanan associations whi le those on the left convey Hurin associations. The Colla now stands for the highland population , while the Inca, by their association with the jaguar, are associated with the lowland. The highland/lowlan d dichotomy is the major cat· egory of distinction in the battle/presentation scene and wi ll be discussed later. 60. See Valencia Espinoza, "Inkari Qollari Dramatizado," 283-87. 61. See Valencia Espinoza, "Inkari Qollari Dramatizado," 2H3-87.

COLONIAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

throw dirt in his horse's eyes, or try to divert his route, always hoping that the Indian kingfIncari will win·' These competitions were part of a traditional Andean agricultural celebration in the same way that the Chacra Yapuy Quilla ceremony was. They are part of a January festival that anticipates the coming harvest. The competition at once signifies and tries to reconcile possible antagonism berween social groups and the possible conflict berween mankind and nature inherent in any agricultural enterprise. Also imporrant is the fact that the celebration took place in January. In this light, the tilling figure on the quero becomes even more significant. He is depicted bending over, using a hand hoe, or lampa. This is the only depiction of this tool on queros. Everywhere else, either the chakitaclla or the oxen and plow are used . The lampa therefore signifies a specific type of agricultural activity. In Guaman Poma's illustrations for the colonial months, a man is only once depicted using a lampa, whereas a man is shown using the chakitaclla in the illustrations for four diHerent months·' The illustration in which the figure uses tbe lampa is for the month of January. It is the month to clean the field s and to bank the earth in the fields in anticipation of heavy rains. There can be no doubt that this quero scene refers to agriculture and the desire for a bountiful harvest of potatoes. As in the Chacra Yapuy Quilla scenes, this motif expresses an ideal of Andean labor couched in terms of cooperative and amicable ayllu behavior as well as competition across ecological zones.6' It is not a depiction of labor itself, just as the Chacra Yapuy Quilla is not a scene of real or day-to-day labor. Rather, such images of labor through ritual codified the actual rules of Andean work and economy.

Aymuray and the TocapulFigural Format Scenes on queros with the tocapu/figural format may also depict ceremonial aspects of the Andean agricultural calendar. This is certainly the 62. Either the wbi te king or the mestizo king Mistirey occupies an intermediary position. If the intermediary king wins. it will be a bad year for agriculture and the harvest. but there will be an abundant amount of money. This ambivalence places the intemediary figure outside the polar opposites that the Incari and Coll ari represent. 63. Females are shown on two different occasions using the lampa, but rhey are subsidia ry to the main task at hand; see Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nllevo CorollicQ, p. 1032, fol. 1135 [1145]; p. 104 ... fol. I:I47 [U57). 64. See Flo res Ochoa, "Tres remas pinrados," 135-36.

» Toasts with the Inca

case on queros in which the Chacra Yapuy Quilla theme is abbreviated to a single pair of figures in the act of planting. Most other scenes in this category, when not copied from more expanded narrative scenes, are too cryptic to identify. At least one scene relates to a specific agricultural celebration, and it is the most common scene depicted on this type of quero (figs. 8.22a-b) . A consideration of this scene illuminates the persistence of indigenous symbolic categories in colonial imagery. The scene is composed of two figures, a male and a female. They both move toward the left of the picture plane, with the female following the male. The male carries a branch over his shoulder, while the female often bears a pair of queros in her hands and sometimes has an urpu strapped to her back. The branch identifies the procession as parr of the Aymuray celebration, the harvest festival taking place between April and May when the corn was picked and taken to the storehouses . Part of the celebration was the dance called the ayrihua, taking its name from the name of the AyrillUam.ita festival, the celebration of harvest labor. Before the festival, the parianes-those who were elected to guard the harvest-attached to a small branch from the maguey plant branches of the molle (pepper tree) and the willow tree." When the harvest began, ears of corn were also tied to the branch, which was taken to the plaza, where the celebration commenced . Tbe bra ncb was carried all night in the dance, and anyone who dropped it was fined one or two reales. At the end of the dance, the corn was ground together with coca leaves and offered to the ancestors. The dance was prohibited in the seventeenth century, first by Arriaga and then by Villagomez, but Luis Valearcel was able to describe a performance in 1946.66 By this date, the celebration was connected to 6S- This part of the description comes from a documem concerning the H acas area in the seventeenth century. published in P. Duviol s, "Hunri y lI acll3Z, agricultores y pastores: Un dua lismo prehispanico de oposicion y complemenraridad," RMN 39 (I973) : 165--66. 6(" For rhe prohibition of tbe d,lllce, see P. J. de Arriaga, La extirpacioll de la ido/atria ell eJ PeTli LI6:11"I, CLDRHP, l.d sec., I (I9:!.O), 52.-55. I99i P. de Villagomez, Carta Pas-

toral de Exortaciol1 e l11struccion contra las ida/atdas de los illdios del Arzobispado de Lima (1649] CLDR HP, Ist ser., 12 (T.9l9): 209. The ayrihua dance survived the prohibitions leveled aga inst it. In 1656, for example, Hernando Hacas Porna testified that for the ayrih113, "they make large branches flom maguey w ith peppertree and willow boughs, and they dance . .. after the harvest, ... having great drunken feasts" [ai rigua sa ras asian unos rami lleres grandes en unos palos de magei con famos de molle y sa uce y bailaban ... despues del coxidas, ... as iendo grandes borracheras) (Archivo Arzobispal de Lima, legajo 6, expediente 11, "Testimonio de Hernando Hacas Poma .... fol. nv, cited in L. Huertas Vnllejos, La Religion enUI1Q Sociedad Rural Andina (Siglo X VII) IAyacucho: Universidad Naciol1t 65. For such a reading, see J. c. Esrenssoro Fuchs, "La Plastica colonial y sus relaciones con la gran rebelion," Revista Andhta 9, no. 2. (I991): 415-39.

Toasts with the Inca

in relation to changing social and political conditions. We often tend to let the documents produced within the literate world of colonial Peru reveal how Andeans interacted with Spaniards and among themselves. Yet these texts were almost always directed toward a Spanish colonial audience, whereas queros and aquillas were foremost used within Andean communities. I have therefore tried to weave an interpretation of the written sources together with an interpretation of this critical Andean category of objects, objects that frequently appear in the documentary sources themselves. I have attempted to give equal weight to both Spanish and Andean expression, to understand how they informed one another within Peruvian colonial interactions.

Coda I have no idea if a colonial Andean would recognize my analysis of quero paintings, because I have looked at these works as object and image, stressing aspects of power and authority that do not lie at the surface. Yet in their various guises, power and authority are, in a very real sense, at the center of colonial interactions . I am not altogether sure, however, that there is not at least one Andean author who might recognize as true some of what I have written. Guaman Poma de Ayala has in a sense been a coauthor to this study. It has been in part through his drawings and writings that I have come to understand quero paintings and what they could signify in a colonial society. He, more than anyone else, was able to articulate the transformation of the Andean world under European colonialism. He understood how traditional signs could be altered to serve an alien overlord. And although his drawings predate by at least some fifty years the majority of extant colonial quero paintings, it is appropriate to allow him, as an Andean voice raised against colonialism, to have the last word and image. In a drawing of colonial relations that condenses their complexity, Guaman Poma shows us an interior scene of a corregidor seated at a table with a mestizo and a mulatto (fig. 12.6). Coming into the picture frame from the left (the viewer's right) is a figure identified by the words "tributary Indian" written above his head. The gloss at the top of the page reads "Corregimiento, The corregidor toasts low people at his table, the mestizo, mulatto, and mita Indian." However, the actions of the corregidor and the Indian reveal something else. The corregidor holds two identical goblets---different from the single vessels held by the mestizo and the mulatto-and offers one to the Indian, who stretches

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

forward to receive it. The corregidor's gesture is clear. The cup is offered by a superior on the right and received by an inferior to his left. However, the figure on the left is called three different things: a mita Indian (written in the gloss at the top of the drawing), a tributary Indian (written above his head), and a curaca (when addressed by the corregidor). The last title is antithetical to the first two, because the curaca did not have to perform mita or pay taxes. But the curaca, as the traditional authority figure in his community, did setve the corregidor by collecting that tribute and providing that labot. This is what is meant by the traditional Andean gesture proffered by the corregidor to the Indian. So ·that we may understand that this action is the primary signifying element in the drawing, Guaman Poma has transferred the speech, which in the author's other drawings emanates from the figures' mouths, to their arms. On the corregidor's outstretched arm offering the cup is written in Spanish, "Brindes cotes Senor Curaca" [Toast to the profits [obtained from the Indians to benefit the corregidor], Senor Curaca]'6 To this, the curaca replies, written half in Spanish and half in Quechua on the atm extended to receive the cup, "Apu rouy senor noca ciruiscayqui" [Lord, high lord, I am going to serve you].

66. Corominas, under the entry for coto, lim cotes. Coto is defined by Sebastian de Cova rrubia s Orozco as follows: "eJ precio y Ia tasa que se pOlleen 10 que se com pea 0 se vende. y en esta significacion usa deste termino Ia ley 2, tit. 7, part. 5, que dice asi: 'Corose posturas ponen los mercaderes entre 51 ... 2.. Acotar una cosa es aceptarl a por eI precio en que esta puesta'" (Tesoro de fa Lenglfa Castellana 0 Espmioia [r6uJ, ed. F. Maldonado and M. Camero, 2d ed. [Madrid: Editorial Casta lia, r995}, 364). I thank Carmen Arellano for pointing me in this direction.

Glossary

Quechua terms have been spelled according to the manner in which they most often occur in colonial documents and dictionaries. Anti aqha aquilla ayllu audiencia cacique camay chakitaclla

chich a chullpa coca

collca cumbi curaea doctrinero

encomienda forastero

huaea mascapaicha mate mira obr aje Pachamama puna

An Inca name for a jungle inha bita nt; also known as chunch. Corn beer. A paired Inca drinking vessel made of gold Or silver. All Andean social, ritua l, and territorial unit; also a bola . Royal judicial and administrati ve cc unei.! fo r a regio n. A Caribbean word used by the Spani sh for native elites, such as curaeas. T he Inca concept of the supernatural vita lization of all material things. A diagonally held Andean foot plow. An Andean fermented beverage made from maize; see aqha. Burial structure. T he potent leaf traditionall y chewed by the Inca, which became a prized conunodity. An Andean warehouse. Fin e tapestry produced in the An des. A regional Andean leader. A Catho lic priest w ho lived among the Andeans. A system of land di visio n wherein tracts of land were allocated to Spanish overlords. A term meaning "outsider" or "fo reigner" that designates natives who were alienated fro m theif ayllu and had no landholding rights. A local sacred site. The tassel worn by the Inca king. A drinking vessel made from a gourd. Corporate labor with in the ayllll. A textile sweatshop instituted by the Spanish in the seventee nth century. Mother Earth. Pastoral land.

33 I

33 2 pututo quero reduccion repartimiento requerimiento

Tahauntinsuyu tiana

['inku rocapu tumi urpu visita yanantin

Glossary A conch-shell trumpet. A paired Andea n drinking vessel made of wood. A Spanish-style town based on a grid plan and into which An deans were resettled.

A distribution of Andean labor. Document read out loud by the Spa ni sh, giving them legal and mora l au thority to conquer a territory. The name of the Inca Empi re based o n a conceptual wvision into four parts. A low stool on whic h the Andea n leaders would sit at ceremonial events. Ce remonial battles fought in the Andes. Geo metric Inca designs. A hunting knife. A large vessel used to store liquids, such as chieha. A general tour of inspection by the Spanish. The concept wherein a member of one moiety member sees himlherse lf mirro red in a member of the other.

Bibliography

Abbreviations BAE

Biblioteca de Qutores espmloles desde fa formaci6n dellenguoje hasta 1Zuestros dias. Ed. Manuel Rivadeneira. 305 vols. Madrid, .r846- 83,

1954-· Continuaci6n. Ed. M . Mene ndez Pe layo. Madrid, 1905-29. Colecci6n de Joel/mentos ineditos para 10 historia de Espana. Ed. M. Fernandez Navarrete, M. Salva, and P. Sainz de Baranda . Continued by Marques de Pidal y de Mirafiores, Marques de la Fuensanta de Va lle, Jose Sancho Rayon, and Francisco de Zabilburu. H2o vals. Madrid, .r842-95. CDHH-A Co fecci6n. de documentos i1teditos para 10 historia de HispanoAmerica.. 14 vols. Madrid, I92.7- 30. CLDRHA Cofecci6n de fibros y documentos refere1ttes a fa historja de America. Ed . M . Serrano y Sanzo2.1 vals. Madrid, 1904-29. CLDRHP Coleccion de libros y documen.tos referentes a fa historia del Pent. Ed. Ca rlos A. Romero and Horacio H. Urteaga. 1St ser., 12 vols. 2d ser., 10 vols. Lima, 1916-35. CLERC Coleccion de fibros espmioles raros 0 curiosos. 2.5 vols. Madrid, 1807-97. RGI Relacio'1es Geograficas de Indias·Perti. Ed. M. Jimenez de la Espada . Vols. 1-2. Madrid: Tipografia de Manuel G. Hernandez. Reprinted in BAE r83-85 (r965): 3 vols. RH Revista Historica. Organo del instituto Historico del Peru. Lima,

CDHE

r906-. RMN

Revista del Museo Nacional de Lima. Lima, 1932..

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tion, L64D-.Q 50. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Miranda, Jose. 1960. "Oll antayta mbo." Revista Universitoria (Cuzca). Montato de Sedas, Santiago. 1.92.]. Nobiliario Hispano-Americano del Siglo XVI. Vol. 2 . Madrid: Colecci6n de Documentos Ined itos para la Hiscocia de IberoAmerica. Moorehead, Elizabeth L. 1978. "Highl and Inca Architecture in Adobe." Nawpa Pacha (Berkeley) I6,65-94Marner, Magnus. 1966. "La Infiltraci6n Mestiza en los Cac iazgos y Cabildos Indios, Siglos XVI-Xvrn." Aetas del Congreso lnternacional de A111ericanistas (Sevilla) 36, no. 2:155-60. - - -. 1970 La corona espanola y los fordl1eos e1t /05 pueblos de indios America. Stockholm, Almquist and Wiskel. Morris, Craig. 1982. "The Infrastructure of Inka Control in the Peruvian Highlands." In The Inca and Aztec States, r..j.oo-r8oo: Anthropology and History, ed. G. Coll ier, R. Rosaldo, and J. W irch, 153-72. New York: Academ ic. Morris, Craig, and Dona ld T hompson . 1985. Huanaco Pampa. London: T hames and Hudson. MiiJler) T homas, and H elga M uller. 1984. "Miro de lnkarri-Qollari." A llponchis (Cuzco) 20, no. 203:125- 44. Mundy, Barbara E. I996. The Mapping of New Spaill: Indigenous Cartography and the Maps of the Relaciones Geogrdficos. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Murra, John. 1960. "Rite and Crop in the Inca State." In Culture in History: Essays in Honor of Paul Radin. ed. S. Diamond, 393- 407. New York: Columbia University Press. - - -, 1967. liLa Visita de los Chu pachos como fuente etlloI6gica." In Visita de la Provi1~cia de Le6n de Huallllco en 1562. P01' Inigo Ortiz de Z tiiiiga, 1:381-406. Hmlnuco: Univefsidad Nacional Hermil io Va ldizan. - - - . 1972. "EI 'control vertical' de un maximo de pisos eco l6gicos en la economia de los sociedades andinas." In Visita de la Provincia de Le6,'l de Hutinuco en 1562 por Inigo Ortiz de Ztiliiga. n:427- 76. Huanuco: Universidad Naciona l Hermilio Valdizan. - - -.1975. Formaciones eco1l6micas), politicos del 711Ul1do andil1o. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanas. - --. 1975. uLa Func i6 n del Tejido en varios co ntextos socia les y politicos." hl Murra, Formaciones econ6micas y politicos. 145-70. - - - . 1980. The Economic Organization of the Inca State. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press. Muthman n, Friedrich. 1956. Die silberne Taufschale zu Siegen: Eim Werk aus der spanischen Kolonialzeit Perus. Abhand lu ngen der Heidelberger Akadem ie def Wissenschaften 1. Heidelberg: C. Winter. Nader, Helen. 1990. Liberty in Absolutist Spain: The Hapsburg Sale of Towns. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univers ity Press. Nandy, Ashis. 1983. The Intimate Enemy: Loss a11d Recovery of Self under Colonialism. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Netherly, Patricia. 1977. "Local Level Lords on the North Coast of Peru." Ph.D . diss., Cornell University .

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Powers, Martin. 1981. "An Archaic Bas-Relief and [he Chinese Moral Cosmos in the First Century A.D." Ars Orientalis 12:25-40. Protzen, Jean-Pierre. 1993. Inca Architecture and Co1tstruction at Ollantaytambo. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Radicati de Primeglio, Carlos. 1984. "EI Secre[o de la Quilca." Revista de Indias (Madrid) 44, no. '73"I-62. Rafael, Vincente. 1988 . Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Christian COI1'version in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Ramfrez, Susan. 1996. The World Upside Down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conflict in Sixteenth-Century Peru. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press. Ramos, Gabriela . 1993. "Polftica eclesiastica y extirpaci6n de idola[rfas: Discursos y silencios en tomo al Taqui Onqoy." In Catolicismo y Extirpaci611 de Idolatrias Siglos XVI-XVII, ed. G. Ramos and H. Urbano, 137-{;9. euzco' Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas." Randa l, Robert. 1993. "Cosmovisi6n y poHtica de la embriaguez desde el inka nato hasta la colonia." In Borrachera y memoria: La experiel1cia de /0 sagrado en los Andes~ ed. T. Saignes, 73-112. La Paz: HISBOL; Lima: Institute Frances de Estudios Andinos. Rivera Martinez, J. Edgardo, ed. 1963. El Pertl en la literatura de viaje Europea de los Siglos XVI, XVII, y XVIII. Lima, Univetsidad Nac ional Mayor de San Marcos. Rojas y Silva, David. 1981. "Los Tocapu: Un Program a de Interpretacion." Arte y Arqueologia (La Paz) 7"I~32 . Ros[worowski de Diez Canseco, Maria. 1960. "Succession, Cooptation to Kingship, and Royal Incest among the Incas." Southwestern Journal of Anthropology (Albuquerque) 16, no. 4:417- 27. - - -. 1961. Curacas y sucesiones (costa norte). Lima: Minerva .

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Salas de Coloma) Miriam. I979. De los Obrajes de Conaria y ChiHcheros a las Communidades indigellas de Vilcashuanuil1~ siglo XVI. Lima: SESATOR. Salazar-Soler) Carmen. 1993. "'Embriaguez y visiones en los Andes: Los Jesuitas y las 3 in quero decoration, 27-28, 92-93, 135- 37

in stone carving, 2.7-2.8 Acosta, Jose de on acculturation, 308-9 on Andean painting, 130 on coca, 203-4 on feasting, 309 on marriage of Sapa Inca, 70 Adorno, Theodor, 10 AJbornoz, Cristobal de on Inca memory, lSI-53 on queros, 135 relations with GU3ma n Perna de Ayala, 16r-62repression of the Taqui Onkoy, 146-48 Alvarez, Bartolome, on idolatrous images, 1 )3-54 « Andeanness» in colonial Spanish taste, 175-77, 283-86

defined, 13 Andean socia l structures. See also Hanan and Hurin; Inca conceptsj lnea Empire feasting, 39-44, 50-54, 99-105 gifting, 82- 87, 89-92soc ial reciprociry, 42-«, 46-54, 57-5 8,83-87,228- 2 9

Aqha, 40, 43, 103, 109-10, 207. See also C hicha Aquillas, 6, 13, 30, 107, 109, 138-39, 178-88, 190, 2II-q. See also Atocha. Nuestra Seiiora de; Queros Arriaga, Jose de on Christian images as surrogates for Andean beliefs, 159 on extirpation, 198 Arrieros. See also Native populations contracts of, 2.46-50 images of, 245-50 Atahualpa in colonial theater, 2884)1 death of, 18 drinking from head, 90 encoul1Cer with Pizarro, 14-19, II8 rivalry with brother, Huascar, 90, 100,258

Atocha. Nuestra Seiiora de. See also Aquillas; Queros aquillas on, 178-88, 190 Europea n-style vessels on, 183-86, 192-93 importance from quero chronology, 182.-83

passengers on, 178, 186 Avila, Fra ncisco de on drinking, 224 on quero painting in sermons, 175, 216-17

sermons of, 175, 2I6-I7, 2.24

Index

370

Ayllu. See a/so Curacas; Hanan and Hurinj Inca Empire defined, 40 under Inca Emp ire, 9~I02, 105 persistence in colon ial culture, 246-49, 267-69,281- 82,3 0 4-5. 30 ,9-26

Ayrihu3, fest iva l of, 268 Bakhtin, Mikhail, on do uble voice, 145 . See

also Taqui cokoy

Bandera, Damian de la, on Inca gifts, 57-58 BeatIiz (daughter of Sayri Tupac) marr iage of, 292-93 painting of, 293-97, 325-26 Bertonio, Ludovico definition of katari queros, 96 on painted quero designs, 201 Betanzos, Juan de

as ambassador to Vi1cabamba, no difference from Cabello Balboa's account, 54 on drinking custo ms, 83-84. 104 on Inca history, 47-51, 83 on metaphor of head and quero, blood and aqha, 9-91 on Pacaritambo, 132-33 Bracamonte, Fray, on religious power of painting, 176-77 Cabe ll o Balboa, Miguel difference from Betanzos's account, 54

on Inca power, 46 on painted cups, 1.51 Cabeza de Vaca, Diego, on nati ve drinking, 229 Ca may. See also inca conceptsj Native artists definition , 28-2.9 in relation to Europea n concepts, 157-60

Caqui aviri image of quero, 2.25 painting at, 2.30 Chicha . See also Aqha; Drinking; inca and colonia l Andean ritual

as commodity, 205-7, 2.21 income from, 206- 7, 209 as object of ritual exchange, 16-18, 83- 87 production of, 205-7 sale of, 207, 221 Chicherias, 2.07 Cieza de Leon, Pedro de on coca, 203 depiction of PotosI, 180 on drinking, ISO, 2.67 on gift of queros, 84- 86 on inca mythic hi story, 84-87 on Inca " treaties," 47 Coats-of-arms. See also Heraldry on Co legio de San Borja in C uzco, 278-79 of Cuzco, 276 of Don Juan Tito T upac Amaru, 26 5

of Francisco Pizarro, IS in frontispiece of GarciJaso de la Vega, 265 of Garda de Loyola, 292 of J uan de Porras, 35, 275 with portrait of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, 134, 173 privileges of, 276- 77 on Sayei Tupac's pa lace, 278 of sons of Huayna Capac, 274-75 Cabo, Bernabe on board painting, 12.9-30 on queros, 33- 34, 86, 2 00, 2.08, 230-3 1 ,3 10

on quilca, 132 on Tiahuanaco, 61-62 Coca as commodity, 202-4, 246-50 ritual significance of, 202.- 4 Colonia l visual cu lture importance of human representation in, 164-68, 185, 188-89 pedagogical aims in, 157-60, 17 6--77

place of European representations in, I25-26, 156-60, 224- 25. 270"-'96

politicization of, 127.158-60, 176,

INDEX

182,270-96 ,3 09- 12 ,319-2.2, 32 5- 29 stylistic hybridity of, 3-4, II-I 3, 125-26,155-60, 178, 182-83, 270-96 ,3 26-29 Confession, 305-6. See also Religious

structures, colonial Coricancha , 32, 109-10. See also Cuzco Corpus Christi, festival of, 292-93, 325- 26. See also Cuzco; Religious structures, colonial Council of Trent. See also Religious structures, colonial policy on images, 158 in Second and Third Councils of Lima, 156-58 Cova rrubias Orozco, Sebastian de, on Peru, vii Cumbi, 23, 28, 312. See also Native artists; Textiles Curacas. See also AyUu; Inca Empire; Social structures, colonial authority of, 25, 42-44, roo-II7, 247-49,2.81

in colonial festivals, 287-96 dress of, 56, 279-80,293, 302-4, 31 7-2I duties in Inca Empire, 49-54 education of, 279-80, 287 investiture rituals of, 302-4 social starus of, 81-87, rOO-IT7, 141-43,227-30,2.77-82,287-96, 300-3 12 ,3 16-29 Cusipata. See Cuzco; Plaza

Cuzco (Inca and colonial) Coricancha of, 32, 109-10 Corpus Christi paintings of, 293-97 division into Hanan and Hurin, 10I metaphor for division, 101, II 3 as modeled on Tiahuanaco, 62-63 as mythic center, 49-51, H3-IS richness of, 20-2.1, 51 as ritual center, 44, )I-56, TOI-5, 112- 15,250-5 1,290-92 Doctrinero, r41-43, 149. See also Religious structures, colonial

37I

Dramas, colonia l curacas in, 2.87-89 political claims, 287-92 reconfigurations of Inca history, 28 7-9 2 written by Spaniards, 288 Drinking colonial transformation (as "drunkenness"), 138-39, 149-50, 206- 7,221-3°,306-12 cultural significance of, 39-40, 42-44.197-202,2.2.1-34,249-50, 1.60-61, 306-12 and idolatry, .l49-50, 153-55, 223-30, 307

improper toasting, 227--2.8 and incest, 223-2.4 role in Inca imperial project, 52-)3. 78-87,103-17

toasting, 42., 83-87. 103-17, 197, 199, 23 0,23 8-39

Encomienda system/encomenderos, 141- 44,322.-2.5. See also Social structures, colonial

Falcon, Francisco, redefinition of woodworker, 33 Fanon, Frantz, I, I2 First Council of Lima, 142 . See also Religious structures, colonial Flaubert, Gustav, definition of Peru, VII

Forasteros, 32 2-24. See also Native populations; Social structures, colonial Garda de Loyola, Martin. See also Beatriz (daughter of Sayri Tupac) capture of Tupac Amaru, 292 coat-of-arms with head, 292 marriage to Beatriz, 292 painting of marriage, 293, 297, 32 5-26

Ga rcilaso de la Vega au Inca feasting, 101-2., 109-14, 2.51 life and times of, 137 on native painting, 123-2.4. 156

Index

372

Garcilaso de la Vega (continued) on queros, 2.7, 137 on Tiahuanaco, 61 Gift. See also Andean social structures as analytical category, 6. 8- 9 deployed in colonia l metaphor, 6- 10, 141-42

in Inca feasting, 56-58, 105-8 in Inca imperial expa nsion, 80-87 of queros, 84- 87, 105- 8, 115-17. 186 Gonzalez Holguin, Diego definition of painted queros, 201 definition of quero, 22 definition of yanantin, 261 on painted queros, 137 Guaman Porna de Ayala, Felipe. See also Native anists and Andean artistic forms, 94-96. 161-64,168-69,171-]2.,23 2

dra wings of, 94--95, 160-75, 188, 227- 34, 32 8-29

on drinking, 22.2.-31 on function of images, 177 on "Inca times" and absence of drunkenness, 2.2. S-2 7 life and times of, 137. 162-64, 328- 29 and Murua, 167-68 on painting of Last Judgment, 157 portraiture of, 167-69, 2:q-28, 32.8- 29 on queros, 137,2.01,225-31 relation of drawing to silverwork, 18 5 relations with Albornoz. 161-62 Hanan and Hurin. See also Ayllu; Cuzco; Inca concepts; Inca Empire defined, 40-41 in exchange of queros, 78-79, 102, 1I3-16. 190

geographical sign ificance, 101-5, 108-16,250-61,300-3 01

ritual significance, 54-56, 101-5, 108- 16,250-61,300-301

visual manifestation of. 92.--93. 168-69, 190, 2.44, 271, 3II- I4

Hegel, G. W. F., on Western "Spirit," 4

Hera ldry. See also Coats-of-arms; Colonial vis ual culture Andean symbols on, 274-82., 318 used by curacas. 277-82., 317-18 Herrera, Antonio de, and Inca portraits, 282 Hilcara, 324. See also Social structures, colonial Huacas. See also Inca and colonial Andean ritual; M ummies carved, 26-28 Christia n images as, I58 destruction of, 146, 199 in Taqui Onkoy, r44-45 Huaycapata. See Cuzco; Plaza Ignacio de Loyola, beatification of, 291-92 . See also Cuzco Inca and colonial Andean ritual of agricu ltural calendar, 54-S6, I09-15,~31-45,250-61

Capacocha, 199 Citua ceremony, 54- 56 of conquest, 81-9~ Corpus Christi, 2.92.-93, 325-26 in Cuzco, 103- 5, lO9-r5 of imperial authority, lOS-IS Inti Raymi festival, r09-r5 mock battles (t'inku ), ' Scr54, 2.56-61

wma de posesi6n, 30~-3 vecochina, 259 Inca concepts chaos, 87- 92 creative activa tion (camay), 28-29, 157- 60 ,272

gender, 90-9I,102-S, 189-90 history, 45- 48, s,-62. object, 29-30 property, 50-51 punishment, 52-55, 82-92 regal status (tupa), 69, 74 slll1ilitude (yanantin), 260-61, '7 '

Inca Empire (Ta hauntinsuyu). See also Ay llu; Curacas; Sapa Inca

I NDEX

feast ing in, 39-44, 47, 51-56, lOl-I 3, 30 6 growth of, 44-S8, 80-87, II6-17 Inca imperial marriage. 69-74 "peacefulness" of, 78- 79, 87--92, 105, II6-17

power of, 26, 52-58 redistribution in, 53- 54, 57- 58, 73, 82-87, 106-8, 112-17 social reciprocity in, 42-44. 46-54, 57-58, 82-87, 106-8, In-l]. 228-29

social structure of, 40-58, 68--'76, ICX>-10S, III- 14

transformation of Andean feasting, p·-54,99- I I7

Inca myth. See also Inca concepts; Pachacutij Tiahuanaco of competition with Calia, 235-41 mythic wa r widl Chanca, 87-91 origins of Andean peop le, 60-61, 66-74,7 6--'7 8

rise of Inca Empire, 4S, 47-52 role of queros in, SI- 52, 68-74, 76--'79

Inca visual culture abstraction in, 28, 92--93 human representation in, 93-95, 12 3-2 4 panel painting in, 127-37 as significant through ritual, 133 standardized natu re of, 25-26, 80, 92- 93. IQ- I5, 208

vessels in, 1-2, 30, 36- 39, 99, 114- 17

La Plata, painted queros bought and sold in, 214- IS

373

portrait of, 123-27 rebellion of, lIS-2.0, 123. 137 Maps colonial, 165-66 rocapu as, 134-35 Marx, Karl, 6 Mascaipacha, 49, 74. 168, 191, l.7,. 280,285_ See also Colonial visual cuhure; Heraldry; Sapa Inca Mare. See also Queros in colonial homes, 201 gourd vessel, 30-31 in inventory of Philip 11, 187 Mexican mates in Andean wills, 21 3-1 4 punishment wi th, 91 transformation of heads into, 88 Matienzos, Juan de on colonial towns, 146-47 (see a/50 Toledo, Viceroy Francisco de) on expense of coca, 209 on feasting, 300-301 on occupation of co lonial curacas, 2I8 Mesa, Alon zo de, on Inca punishment, 89-9" Mira, 42.. See also Social structures, colonial Molina, Cristobal de, o n Inca history painting, n8--29. 136 Mummies. See also Huacas; Inca and colonial Andean ritual extirpation of, 146, 149, 199 ritual participation of, 103-4 Murua, Martin de portraits of Inca, 173--'74, 282. queros as antidote to poison, 59 on rainbows in Inca coats-of-arms,

264,266

Manco Capac. See also Inca myth and incestuous maniage, 69-74 mythic, originary status, 66, 69'11, 73-74,7 6-7 8

seeing rainbow over Huanacauri, 262-63

transformation of feasting, 101-2 Manco Capac II. See also Ollantaytambo

relation to Guaman Poma de Ayala, r67--68

Native artists. See also Guama n Poma de Ayala, Felipe; Ollantaytambo; Painting, Andean aesthetic ability of, 27, 164-65. 173... 175, 21 7

board paintings by, 127-32

Index

374

Native artists (continued) craft organ ization of, 20-27, 32- 34, 143, 177, 208, 215-19, 246-47

as cu mhicamayocs, 203, 28-2.9 production in colonial culture, 123-24,155--77,184-88,208, 2. 1 5-20

as querocamayocs, 20-24, 28-2.9, 2. 0 9. 216

rock paintings by, 123-27, 133-34, 15 6

training of, 143. 156, 215-19 Native populations. See also Curacas; Social structures, colonial as arrieros, 246-50 as foras teros, 322-2.6 as labor force, 2.05-6, 209, 245-50, 321 - 26 as naturales, 2.1I as ya nacones, 2.2.6, 246

Ocana, Fray Diego de depictions of queros, 174-'75 o n "Inca and coya" motif, 174-75, 18 3 portraiture by, 173- 75 O ll antaytambo Manco Capac II at, 12.3-2.7, 137-38 painted queros at, I2.5-2.7, 136, 154-55

portrait at, 123-28 Pacaritambo, 76-78, 132- 33. See also Inca myth; Ma nco Capac PachacuD (e ighth Sapa Inca) in auguration of Inca feasting, I05 institution of imperial marriage, 6!r74 mythic s ignificance of, 45, 47-52, 87- 9 1

at Tiahuanaco, 61--62 Painting, Andean. See also Native artists " history" painting, 12.7-36 rock painting, 123--2.7, I3 3-34, 1.56 techniques, 126-27 Parecer de Yucay, on God's gifts, 6-8, 12.2

Peru colo nial culture of, 2- 3, 12.1-2.3, 143-44, 160

commercial routes of, 207-IO, 214- 1 5 Covarrubias Orozco on, vii Flaubert's defillition of, vii foundation of, 138-41 Pictorial narration o n Atocha vessels, I86 in colonial painting, 282-87, 294-95 novelty and importance in colon ial Peru, I2- q, 268--69, 272, 294-95,2.97-99,3 20 ,3 26- 29 Pizarro, Francisco address to Manco Capac II, II8- 20 encounter wi th Atahualpa, 14-15, u8 on queros, 30 Pizarro, Pedro on ha ir, 257 on Inca feasting in Cuzco, 103- 4 Platt, Tristan, on ritual battles, 253- 54,260 Plaza (Inca and coloni al), as space of ritual interaction, 44, 99-105, 109-IO, 299-3 II

Polo de On degardo, Juan on Inca Empire, 34, 45-47 on Inca history painting, U9 Porras, Antonio Diaz de, on Inca board painting, 13I Portra iture, co lonia l in Colegio de San Borja, 285 commissioned by Rodrigues de Figueroa, 285- 86 commissioned by Viceroy To ledo, 1.29,1.64-65,283- 84

by Europeans, 173 evidentiary status of, 164--68 of the Inca, 1.64, 173- 75, 282-87, 28 9,294--95

indigenous market for, 286-90, 295

by native artists, 164--68, 287 at Ollanta ytambo, 123-27 sent to Garcilaso de la Vega, 166--67 PotosI. See also Dramas, colonial;

I NDEX

Native popu lations; Social structures, colonia l depicted o n aquiJIas, 180-81 dramatic im personation of Inca at, 2. 87- 90 as market for commodities, 203-10, 21 4, 28 7 mining culture of, 205-10, 287 Principe, Hernandez, and return of aq uiH as to colonial owners, 199 Querocamayoc, 20-24, 29, 209, 216. See also Native artists Que ros (as formal objects) abstractionltocapu on, 27- 28, 92-93, .135-37, 179-80, 190, 192.,2.44 colonial iconography, 93-98, 123, 187-95,231-69,274,313-21 depiction of agricultura l activity, 193-95, 23 1-67 'Ianns and head" motif, 94-95 arrieros,245-5 0 Aymuray, 241-45 basilisk, 98, 18r, 191 II battie/presentation" motif, 193-94,259-62 ,3 14-15 butterflies, 153-55, 175 Chacra Yapuy Quill a ceremony, 231- 32,239-41 coca harvesting, 245-50 coya,192,2.56-65,274 fe li ne figures, 179-80, 254- 55, 266 Inca, 174, 188, 192--94, 235-41, 254-65,274- 75,3 10-11 Inca-Anti,250-61 lnea battles, 250-61 lncar i- Coll ar i, 235-41, 2.53 "nature," 254-57, 262-67 rainbow, 191, 261-67, 274- 81 reptiles (katar i), 95- 98, 12.6, 153-55,180 (see also Queros, depiction of, basilisk) ritual, 319-21, 325-28 Santiago, 181 figure/ground distinction on, 2., 126-27,188-89,272., 298

375

importance of human figuration on, 174, 185- 90,297, 3J6-17 materia l of, r06-8, 138 O ll antaytambo style, 125-27, 136, 154- 55,179,209 pictorial space as metaphoric composition, 189-90 pre-Columbi an decoration of, 25-29, 36, 92-98, u5-26, 135- 37 proximity to European vessels, 22.1-22, 22.j, 264 relation to textile design, 258 self-reflexive design (depiction of quero ritua l on), 174/5, 183- 87, 190,243-45,276, 297-98,310,31?-21,325-28 shape of, 25- 26, 37, 88-92, 194. 2.55-5 6 in shape of head, 255-56 Spanish imagery on, 274/5, 316-17 stock figures, 188 stylistic hybridity of, nO-2!, 155- 56,178- 87,261,270-76, 310-12, 317- 19 Queros (as social objects). See also Inca and colonial Andean ritual; Tupa Cusi as aesthetic objects/c uriosities, 176-82, 186-87 as antidote for poison, 89 as co mm odities, 186- 87. 202., 208- 21 in Europea n royal collections, 187 as funerary objects, 125-27, 135 as gifts, 57- 58, 80-87, 89-92, 105- 8, II5-22., 135- 36, 186 as Incaic lu xury good. 23. II5. '7 2-73 indigenous consumption of, 195-96, 198,200-202,208-20,230, 267-69, 298, 310-12, 3I7- 19, 32.6-28 as loc lls of sin, 224-25 mediating pre-Columbi an cultural exchange, 19, 2?-30, 37- 38, 57- 58.7 6- 87,115- 17 as metaphor for head, 90 and native identity, 201, 271, 325- 29

Index Queros (continued) negotiating native/colonial cuJtures, I5-I9, n8-2 3, I38-39, 214, 222- 34, 267-74,3 10-29 ontology of, 197 physical act of exchange, I:I3- r6 position in extirpation discourse,

150-55,175-77,186,197-99 production of, 2.0-} 0, 32.- 34, 37, 67-68, 126- 27, 138- 39, 188-8" 195-96,209-20 as property, 211-14 status in Inca culture, 37-38, 65-69, 107-8,114-17,272-73 and Tiahuanaco, 62-68 twentieth-century use of, 267-70 use in pairs, 25, 86-87, re6-8, 115-r6,227-31,310 Quipus, use with pictures, 129-33 Ramirez, Balrasar, on sa le of painted wooden vessels, 209-10 Religious structures, colonial administration, 146-60, 320-25 confession, 305-6 destrucrion of native objects/images, 142-43, 146-60, 197-99 doctrinero, 141-43, 149 evangeliza tion, 14.2-43, 147-48, 156-58, I]6-77 and Jesuits, 291-93 use of images in, 157-60, 176-77 Requerimiemo, read in Cuzco, lI8-I9 Rowe,John categorization of queros, 125-26, I79-83 imerpretation of colonial symbols, 31 8- 1 9 Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamq ui , Joan

de drawings of, 132--35 o n Inca myth, 52- 53, 66-69, 73-74. 76,13 2,23 8,262-63

Santilhln, Hernando de, on Inca conquest and queros, 80--81, 85 Samo Tomas, Domingo de. absence of painted quero notations, 137

Sapa Inca. See also Inca Empirej Portraiture, colon ial coronation of, 74- 87 incestuous marriage of, 6"-74 sta tus of, 6,.-87, 104-17, 235-38, 29 2--9 1

Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro, his history of the Incas, 128-29, 164-65, I66-67 Second Council of Lima on drinking, 149, 307 on paintings in sermons, 156 rel igious injunctions of, 148-49 Siegen baptisma l font history of, 184-85 relation to Guaman Porna de Ayala drawings, 185 simil arity to Atocha pieces, 184-85 Social structures, colonia1. See also Curacas; Plaza; Toledo, Viceroy Francisco de administrative structures, 146-47 encomienda system, 141-44, 32.2.-25 hilcara, 324 importance of curacas in, 146, 247-49,275- 82, 302- Il., 316-29

indigenous labor (mita), 205-7, 245-50, 321- 2 5

market economy, 202.-20, 246-50, 3 2 0--2 5 reducciones, 146-48, 210, 300-301, 30 5-6 Stone carving of huacas, 26- 28 of Sapa Inca (huaqu i), Il.4-2.5, 282 Taqui Onkoy nature of, I44-45 Spanish response to, 145-50 Textiles as gifts, 106-8, 120 iconography of, 181, 258-59, 312-16 relation to Inca and colonial queros, 2.3,28,108,135-37,153-55, I81, I97- 202,258,312-I8

Third Council of Lima, on paintings in sermons, 156-57. See also Religious structures, colon ial

INDEX

Tiahuanaco. See also Inca concepts figurative sculpture of, 63-65 and Incaic queros, 62-68, 87-91 in Inca imagination, 59-68 Tianas. See also Curacas; Inca and colonial Andean ritual; Sapa Inca defined, 21, 194 design of, 303-4 ritual use of, 50, lID, 300-304 Tiru Cusi Yupanqlli (son of Manco Capac II), narrative of Atahualpa's meeting with Pizarro, 15-19 Toasting. See Drinking Tocapu definition, 92'"""93, 131 and funerary towers (chllllpas), 134- 35

as " map, " 134-35 meanings of, 92-93, 130-37 Toledo, Viceroy Francisco de. See also Portraiture, colonial; Religious structures, colonia l on Andean material culture, 151, 153 on curacas, 306 organization of metalsmiths, 177 and production of art, 164-65, 177 reforms of, I47-jI, 205-6, 210, 3 21- 2 5

377

Tupa, definition of, 74. See also Inca concepts; Queros (as social objects); Sapa Inca Tupac Amaru, death of, II9, 292 Tupac Amaru (ll), rebellion of, 5, 326- 2 7

Tupa Cusi, ritual use of, 66, 69, 74-87. See also Inca concepts; Queros (as social objects); Sapa Inca

Urpu gold and silver material of, 34-35 relation to queros, 35 symbolizing Inca rule, 35 Tiahuanaco design on, 67 Va lverde, Vicente de, image of, at Cajamarca, 14 Viracocha. See also Inca myth and gifts of aqu illas, 66 re·creation of world, 60, 65 relation to Cuzco's plaza, 68 as seen at Tiahuanaco, 61 Wills, indigenous, including queros, 210-14

Yanaotin, as similitude, 260-61, 271. See also Inca concepts

Plates

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