Thinking Like a Man: Tadano Makuzu (1763-1825) (Brill's Japanese Studies Library)

THINKING LIKE A MAN BRILL’S JAPANESE STUDIES LIBRARY edited by H. BOLITHO AND K.W. RADTKE VOLUME 24 THINKING LIKE ...

Author: Bettina Gramlich-Oka

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THINKING LIKE A MAN

BRILL’S JAPANESE STUDIES LIBRARY edited by H. BOLITHO AND K.W. RADTKE

VOLUME 24

THINKING LIKE A MAN Tadano Makuzu (1763-1825) BY

BETTINA GRAMLICH-OKA

BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON 2006

Cover illustration: Hanging Scroll Sakurabana. Poem by Mazuku. Courtesy of Tadano Hama.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

The book was printed with the financial support of the Förderverein japanisch-deutscher Kulturbeziehungen e.V., Köln (JaDe).

ISSN 0925-6512 ISBN-13: 978-90-04-15208-3 ISBN-10: 90-04-15208-3 © Copyright 2006 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill Academic Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

IN MEMORIAM HELMUT WILHELM GRAMLICH (1928–95)

CONTENTS Conventions and Abbreviations List of Illustrations

........................................................

ix

..............................................................................

x

Acknowledgments ..................................................................................

xii

Introduction ................................................................................................ 1 Makuzu’s Place in Japanese Literature .......................................... 4 Makuzu’s Place in Intellectual History .......................................... 8 Contents ............................................................................................. 12 Part One

Makuzu’s Life .....................................................................

17

Chapter One Remnants of Legends .................................................. Legends of Samurai and Scholars: The Nagai Family ............... Legends of Samurai and Scholars: KudĿ Grandparents ............ Makuzu’s Parents: Superior Man and Poet ................................... Heisuke ....................................................................................... Heisuke’s Education .................................................................. Makuzu’s Mother ...................................................................... Among Lords, Scholars, and Poets ..............................................

24 25 27 32 33 34 41 49

Chapter Two Heisuke’s Legacy ......................................................... Makuzu’s Education ........................................................................ Heisuke’s Proposal ........................................................................... The Ezo Affair .................................................................................. Gods of Misfortune .........................................................................

66 67 72 82 89

Chapter Three The Crafting of the Author Makuzu ................... Departure to Married Life .............................................................. The Poet Makuzu .......................................................................... The Victim Makuzu ...................................................................... Mukashibanashi ............................................................................. From Victim to Activist ................................................................

96 97 107 117 127 132

Chapter Four Makuzu and Bakin ................................................... 139 Epistolary Intrusion ....................................................................... 143 Producing a New Form of Filial Piety ....................................... 147 Bakin’s Empathy ............................................................................ 151 Promoting the Agenda .................................................................. 153 Bakin’s Dilemma ............................................................................ 156 The End of the Relationship ...................................................... 163 Work of Regret ............................................................................... 165

viii

CONTENTS

Hitori Kangae (Solitary Thoughts) ...............................

168

Chapter Five Critique of the Masculine Way ................................. The Masculine Way ........................................................................ 'H¿QLQJ*HQGHU The Body Beneath the Skin ....................................................... Woman’s Place in Society ........................................................... Transcending Gender by Enlightenment .................................. Confucius and Women ..................................................................

173 174 186 192 200 205

Chapter Six The Rhythm as Guide ................................................ The Rhythm between Heaven and Earth ................................. The Rhythm’s Genealogy ............................................................. The Dimension of Time ............................................................... The Dimension of Space .............................................................. The Rhythm and Japan-centeredness ........................................

209 210 215 223 227 232

Chapter Seven The Human Condition and Society ..................... Decoupling the Individual from Heaven ................................... Human Nature and Morality ........................................................ Good and Evil ................................................................................. Human Competition ...................................................................... Human Agency and Ikioi ............................................................... Accommodation of Human Nature ...........................................

241 242 243 246 250 255 258

&KDSWHU(LJKW 7KH5K\WKP$SSOLHG:LOO%HQH¿W$OO Kokueki %HQH¿WWRWKH&RXQWU\ To Order the Country and Save its People (Keisei Saimin) ..... The Ikioi of Money ........................................................................ The Lord Who Knows Arithmetic ............................................. Kokueki by Means of Knowledge .............................................. Makuzu’s Vision .............................................................................

267 271 276 279 283

Epilogue .......................................................................................

287

Part Two

List of Works Cited ............................................................................. 290 Works by Makuzu ......................................................................... 290 Other Sources ................................................................................. 291 Index ........................................................................................................ 305

CONVENTIONS AND ABBREVIATIONS CONVENTIONS 1DPHVDUHJLYHQLQWKH-DSDQHVHRUGHUVXUQDPH¿UVWIROORZHGE\SHUVRQDORUVREULTXHWV$IWHUWKH¿UVWDSSHDUDQFH,UHIHUWRWKHLUSHUVRQDO or artistic name, with the exception of Tanuma Okitsugu, who is better known as Tanuma. Ages are given by traditional Japanese reckoning, one or two years older than by Western count. Years have been converted from the lunar to the Gregorian calendar, while days and months are left in the original numbering, e.g. 1755/2/20 or twentieth day of the second month of 1755. I ignore thereby the complexity of the conversion, since some days of the twelfth month in the lunar calendar fall into the next year of the Gregorian calendar. All translations from the Japanese are the author’s unless otherwise indicated. MEASURES 1 koku 1 ryĿ (koban gold piece) 1 shaku 1 ri

about 180 liters (47.5 gallons) about 4,000 mon (copper coins) about 30 cm (1 foot) about 3.9 km (2.5 miles) ABBREVIATIONS

DK HJAS HK JJS KMZ MB MN MNZ NKBT NKT NST SHS TMS

DokkĿron Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies Hitori kangae Journal of Japanese Studies Kamo Mabuchi zenshŗ Mukashibanashi Monumenta Nipponica Motoori Norinaga zenshŗ Nihon koten bungaku taikei Nihon keizai taiten Nihon shisĿ taikei Shin HokkaidĿshi Tadano Makuzu shŗ

ILLUSTRATIONS MAPS Map 1 Edo ................................................................................... Map 2 Sendai and Environs ........................................................

23 95

FIGURES Hanging Scroll Sakurabana ....................................... 2 Makuzu’s Names ...................................................... 10 Grave of KudĿ JĿan ................................................. 29 Grave of KudĿ Heisuke ........................................... 34 Aoki Kon’yĿ ............................................................. 36 Tanuma Okitsugu ..................................................... 40 Abbreviated Genealogy of Makuzu ........................ 44 Letter by the family friend Mishima Kageo ............. 46 Ground plan of Katsuragawa Hoshŗ’s house ........... 52 Matsumae han-i Maita Gentan monogatari no omomuki (The Story of Maita Gentan, physician to the Matsumae domain) by Maita Gentan ............. 54 Figure 1-9 Seadrifter Daikokuya KĿdayŗ and his companion Isokichi ................................................. 55 Figure 1-10 KikkĿden by Kamo Mabuchi .................................. 58 Figure 1-11 Frontispiece of the Cruydt-Boeck by Rembert Dodonaeus ........................................... 60 Figure 1-12 Store for Foreign Curios .......................................... 63 Figure 2-1 Grave of Kada Tamiko ............................................ 69 Yoshio KĿgyŗ ........................................................... 74 Figure 2-2 Figure 2-3 ľtsuki Gentaku ........................................................ 75 Figure 2-4 Matsudaira Sadanobu ............................................. 83 Figure 2-5 Introduction of Heisuke’s medical treatise Kyŗon sode goyomi .................................................. 85 Figure 2-6 Hayashi Shihei ......................................................... 86 Figure 2-7 KudĿ BankĿ monjo by KudĿ Heisuke .................... 87 Figure 3-1 House of the Tadano Family in Sendai ..................... 98 Figure 3-2 House of the Tadano Family in Nakaniida .............. 99 Figure 3-3 Makuzu’s letter to husband Iga ........................... 101 Figure 0-1 Figure 0-2 Figure 1-1 Figure 1-2 Figure 1-3 Figure 1-4 Figure 1-5 Figure 1-6 Figure 1-7 Figure 1-8

ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 3-4 Figure 3-5 Figure 3-6 Figure 3-7 Figure 3-8 Figure 3-9 Figure 3-10 Figure 3-11 Figure 3-12 Figure 3-13 Figure 3-14 Figure 4-1 Figure 4-2

Figure 4-3 Figure 4-4 Figure 5-1 Figure 5-2 Figure 6-1 Figure 6-2 Figure 6-3 Figure 6-4 Figure 6-5

Makuzu’s writing sample for stepson Naosaku ....... Matsushima ........................................................... Makuzu’s composition, sent to Shimizu Hamaomi in Edo, including his correction marks .................. Shimizu Hamaomi’s letter attached to Makuzu’s composition ............................................................ Grave of Murata Harumi ....................................... Grave of KatĿ Chikage ........................................... Grave of Shimizu Hamaomi .................................. Hagi-ni’s letter (1) to Makuzu ............................... Crest of the Tadano Family .................................... Makuzu’s record of game of incense ..................... From Hagi-ni’s mistress to Makuzu ...................... Takizawa Bakin ..................................................... Takizawa-ke hĿmon Ŀrai jinmei bo (Records of visitors to the Takizawa house) with the entry of Makuzu ............................................................. Hagi-ni’s letter (2) to Makuzu .............................. Grave of Makuzu .................................................. Kaitai shinsho; Adam Kulmus’s Ontleedkundige Tafelen; Jŗtei Kaitai shinsho ................................. First page of DokkĿron by Takizawa Bakin ........... First page of Hitori Kangae (copy made in 1926) Kamo Mabuchi ...................................................... Jisanka by Tadano Makuzu ................................... Motoori Norinaga ................................................. Kamo Mabuchi’s chashaku (tea scoop) .................

xi 106 108 112 113 114 116 117 123 134 135 138 140

145 161 164 183 205 210 216 218 220 228

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Ichigaya, Tokyo, 1996. My encounter with Tadano Makuzu began in a coffee shop. Kate Nakai and Umezawa Fumiko, my advisers for my Masters thesis at Sophia University, mentioned to me that Tadano Makuzu’s collected works had been published only recently, and knowing of my interest in the lives of women during the Tokugawa period, they thought it would be worthwhile for me to look into her work. With the book in my suitcase, soon after I left for California. In September 2003 I submitted my dissertation on Makuzu to the Institute of Japanese Studies at Tübingen University, Germany. Two and a half years later, this book is completed. During these years my research has been nurtured in several academic communities. From my alma mater, Tübingen University, I received the greatest support that a student could wish for. I was an unconventional student: I left Germany for Japan after my undergraduate studies, never to return permanently. Klaus Antoni, Viktoria EschbachSzabo, and Klaus Kracht helped me overcome bureaucratic obstacles arising from my absence from Germany and were approachable at all times, offering their intellectual advice and academic support. Auditing Herman Ooms’s seminars at UCLA and Anne Walthall’s at UCI ZDVPLQGRSHQLQJ,ZDVWUXO\IRUWXQDWHWRKDYHPHWVRPHRIWKH¿QHVW VFKRODUVLQRXU¿HOG:LWKRXW$QQH¶VJXLGDQFHLQSDUWLFXODULQZULWLQJ my dissertation, which must have been trying at times, I doubt that I would have come this far. Our translation group—Janet Goodwin, (OL]DEHWK /HLFHVWHU <XNL 7HUD]DZD DQG $QQH :DOWKDOO²FRQ¿UPHG and reinforced my decision to work on Makuzu despite the initial dif¿FXOWLHV,KDGZLWKKHUWKRXJKWDQGZLWKKRZWRFRQFHSWXDOL]HLWLQD larger framework. After the translation of Makuzu’s Solitary Thoughts had been published in Monumenta Nipponica, we continued our regular meetings (now also joined by Kristine Dennehy), where we read and discussed my manuscript chapter by chapter. I learned to keep WLJKWGHDGOLQHVEXWPRUHLPSRUWDQW,SUR¿WHGIURPWKHLUH[FHOOHQWDQG stimulating critique, which I miss dearly. I am in particular thankful for having met Elizabeth, who shares not only my interest in Tokugawa history but also similar life choices.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

xiii

During my research in Japan many scholars mentored, inspired, and supported me. I would like to thank many of them for their valuable assistance and guidance, including my former advisor at the RikkyĿ University, Arano Yasunori, and my advisor at Ochanomizu Women’s University, ľguchi YŗjirĿ. I am especially grateful to Kado Reiko, Seki Tamiko, Shiba Keiko, and Suzuki Yoneko who shared with me their knowledge, expertise, and their sources on Makuzu. My mentors, Kate and Fumiko, who continue to share their vast knowledge with me, have my deep respect and gratitude. While I transformed the dissertation into a book, Wesleyan University in Middletown, CT, became my new haven. William Johnston and Steven Angle introduced me to academic life from the other side of the classroom; but they also gave me needed advice about the publishing process. Others who have read my entire manuscript are Gregory Smits and the reader for Brill. I appreciate all their suggestions and hope to have responded to most of them. Their input adds to the invaluable comments on the presentations that I gave at various conferences over WKHSDVW¿YH\HDUV,DOVRZRXOGOLNHWRDFNQRZOHGJHWKHHQFRXUDJHPHQW I received at various stages of this project, even though I cannot properly thank everyone to whom I am indebted. Any errors that remain, of course, are mine alone. Some short segments have been published in “Tadano Makuzu and Her Hitori Kangae,” MN 56:1 (Spring 2001). Portions of chapter 5 have been published in “A Woman’s Critique of Male Academics in Early Nineteenth Century Japan,” in Kulturwissenschaften und Frauenstudien, ed. Viktoria Eschbach-Szabo et al., vol. 1 (Tübingen: Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, 2005). Financial support was provided in the summer of 2004 by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; the ideal working conditions of that summer and the following one, when I was close to Kate, Lynne Riggs, and Takei Masako, who offered me concrete advice, enabled me WREHPRVWHI¿FLHQWLQWKHVKRUWSHULRGRIWLPHDYDLODEOH0\WLPHLQ7Rkyo was also enriched by the Saturdays I spent with the members of the Katsura no kai, who introduced me to the wealth of Tokugawa women’s writings and their meaning for women today. Gaye Rowley deserves special thanks for helping me to gain access to the Waseda University Library. Laura Mercs, Yui Suzuki, and Andrea Vogt know best how much I relied on them in recent years, and I appreciate their friendship. My mother, Charlotte Gramlich, and my sisters and brothers have my deepest affection for always being there for me.

xiv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Special gratitude goes to Tadano Hama and her family, who invited me to their home and spent hours in the heat of the summer showing the relentless historian materials that were kept in heavy boxes. I am KRQRUHG WR EH DEOH WR SUHVHQW KHUH IRU WKH ¿UVW WLPH VRPH LPDJHV RI what she showed me. In addition to Laurence Marceau who introduced me to Brill, there are two individuals who helped with getting the manuscript ready for Brill’s printer: my editor Julia Perkins at Wesleyan University, who did an excellent job in responding to all my particular requests, and my husband Oka Kiyoshi, who created the graphics and images. Finally, the book is dedicated to Kiyoshi, Dai, and Shin for sharing the journey, and to my in-laws, Oka Masahiko and Tomiko, without whom I could not have accomplished half of the research I did while I was in Japan. New York, Winter 2006

INTRODUCTION 2QH PRUQLQJ LQ WKH HDUO\ IDOO RI D WKLUW\¿YH\HDUROG ZRPDQ left the shogun’s capital, Edo, on her journey to the northern domain of Sendai. The woman, Tadano Makuzu ྅㔕┷⴩ (1763–1825), left her birthplace for the home of her newly wedded husband.1 It is with this departure that the story of the poet and thinker begins. The starting point is the woman’s choice, as Makuzu began actively collecting and preserving her literary productivity from this moment in time.2 Even though the same lord employed both her new husband and her family, Makuzu had never before left Edo. Makuzu was born in 1763 as KudĿ Ayako ᕝ⸠࠵ࡷᏄ, the oldest daughter of the physician scholar KudĿ Heisuke ᕝ⸠ᖲຐ (1734–1800), who served the Date ௿㐡 family of the Sendai domain in Edo. Makuzu’s mother was the daughter of a fellow physician serving the same domain. Makuzu’s childhood, her ten-year service as a maid-in-waiting, and her care of her father’s household all took place within the city limits of Edo. Makuzu’s marriage, to which she dutifully agreed according to her father’s wishes, was meant to promote her brother’s career within the domain’s bureaucracy by building stronger ties with a Sendai domain retainer. In her new role as a second wife, Makuzu started to develop a literary voice, expressing her impressions of her new environment and of the people she met. What has brought her fame in recent years, however, is the political voice with which she freely criticized the scholars and lords of her time. 1 Makuzu was her artistic name and Tadano her married name. For consistency I refer to her throughout as Makuzu, not least because her collective works are called Tadano Makuzu shŗ ྅㔕┷⴩㞗 (Collected Works of Tadano Makuzu), ed. Suzuki Yoneko, SĿsho Edo bunko, vol. 30 [Tokyo: Kokusho KankĿkai, 1994]; abbreviated hereafter as TMS). In doing so I disregard that she signed her works and letters with different names, an indication of her multiple personae depending on age, stage in life, and addressees. See Figure 0-2. 2 Makuzu herself states that she started writing in Sendai (Hitori kangae ≺⩻ [Solitary Thoughts], in TMS, p. 291; abbreviated hereafter as HK, indicating the publication in TMS). We know that Makuzu had been skilled from an early age in composing poems, but no traces of her work remain from her earlier life in Edo. The sudden change in the volume of her literary output, which is effectively displayed in her collected works published in 1994, can be partly explained by the possibility that much of her early writing was lost, but the large amount of poetry and prose that she produced from the PRPHQWVKHOHIW(GRWHVWL¿HVWRKHUDSWLWXGHDQGKHUVWURQJPRWLYDWLRQWRZULWH

2

INTRODUCTION

Figure 0-1. Hanging Scroll Sakurabana. Poem by Makuzu. Courtesy of Tadano Hama.

Women of the Tokugawa period (1600–1868) have long been neglected in modern scholarship, in particular with regard to their own agency. Although publications increasingly unearth the lives and works of Tokugawa women, the assumption persists that the early-modern period was the dark ages for women.3 Recently, however, among the few women writers whose works are known in and outside of Japan, Makuzu has attained a distinguished position.4 Even though her life course is quite 3 For concrete examples, see footnotes 15 and 16. The number of Japanese publications continues to grow. See, in particular, the works by Maeda Yoshi, Shiba Keiko, and 6HQGDL@ZLWKWKHLUPHGLFDOSUR¿FLHQF\´34 Her account to Takizawa Bakin of her lineage demonstrates that her father Heisuke incorporated both the image of the military family of the 0LQDPRWRZLWKLWVIDPRXVZDUULRUVDQGRIWKHFXOWXUDOO\UH¿QHGFRXUW family, the Fujiwara, while her mother embodied noble poetic sophisWLFDWLRQH[HPSOL¿HGE\6XJDZDUDQR0LFKL]DQHⳚཋ㐠┷ (845–903). The obvious conclusion is that Makuzu herself embodies all of these qualities.

Heisuke In the center of Makuzu’s biographical portrayal of her family stands her father, Heisuke, serving her objective to consign his name to posterity. By the 1810s, when Makuzu wrote Mukashibanashi, Heisuke had been dead for a decade and his fame had faded. Makuzu asserts to her readership that her father was an exceptional man in many ways, but due to a series of unfortunate events his historical presence had fallen into oblivion. Makuzu’s fear that he would be forgotten is not far-fetched, since it is a fact that modern historians rely heavily upon her portrayal in their analysis of Heisuke’s work and life.35 One reason is the paucity of other sources. From Heisuke’s apparently extensive works only a few are extant, among them the report that earned him renown, as I will discuss in more depth in the next chapter. An epitaph and a short biography by ľtsuki Gentaku’s ኬᵫ⋖Ἁ (1757–1827) grandson written decades after Heisuke’s death serve the historian as HYLGHQFHRIDPDQZKRHQWHUHGKLVWRU\KDYLQJLQLWLDWHGWKH¿UVWVWHSV toward the colonization of Ezo.36 It is thus through Makuzu’s brush that the life and thoughts of the political advisor Heisuke, which she claims to transmit in her work Hitori kangae, gain some larger dimension. In fact, through her contemporary eyes—although in a selective account—we encounter a network of otherwise unrelated people around Heisuke, who populate our textbooks. 34

Nanakusa no tatoe ୏⛸ࡡࡒ࡛࠻ (Seven Flowers), in TMS, p. 378. The research on Heisuke is light. See, for instance, Hokumon sĿsho, ed. ľtomo Kisaku, 6 vols. (Tokyo: Kokusho KankĿkai, 1943), or Shichinomiya KeizĿ, Michinoku rangaku kotohajime (Tokyo: Shinjimbutsu ľraisha, 1977). 36 The few entries about Heisuke are compiled by ľtomo 1943, pp. 15-19. ľtsuki Nyoden ኬᵫዯ㞹 (1845–1931), Gentaku’s grandson, wrote a short biography of Heisuke (cited in ľtomo 1943, p. 20). 35

34

CHAPTER ONE

Figure 1-2. Grave of KudĿ Heisuke, ShinkĿji Temple, KĿtĿ-ku, Tokyo.

Heisuke’s Education KudĿ JĿan imposed a strict regimen on his recently adopted son, Heisuke. After he learned that Heisuke, as the youngest son of the Nagai family, had not yet received a proper education, JĿan one morning grabbed a copy of the Great Learning, read it three times out loud and told his son to recite it by the next morning. Makuzu implies here that the former samurai from the countryside, Nagai Taian, apparently thought it unnecessary to provide his son with a literary education. Heisuke, who therefore had never learned any Chinese characters, DVNHGKLVDGRSWLYHIDWKHU¶VPHGLFDOVWXGHQWVWR¿QGWKHPIRUKLPLQWKH dictionary. He would not eat or rest until he managed to go through the text line by line. After one full day he managed somehow to read the Great Learning to his adoptive father. JĿan praised him, “Well done!” but added, to Heisuke’s worst fears, “Now, let’s move on to the Analects!” He recited the book three times to Heisuke and left the house to follow his daily routine. In this fashion Heisuke learned after just ten days to read the Four Books, only to continue in the same manner again

REMNANTS OF LEGENDS

35

with the Five Books. Makuzu was told that after two or three months Heisuke was able to read all the relevant works that were indispensable for a solid education.37 In displaying Heisuke’s delayed schooling, Makuzu emphasized how Heisuke’s path diverged greatly from that of his natural father. She also hints at one of her recurring observations: intellectual prowess was not an innate quality, but was the result of self-discipline and determination. Heisuke’s medical training was peculiar as well. Surprisingly, JĿan, who was so strict with Heisuke’s classical education, did not train his only son and heir in the medical profession, but only in the preparation of medicine. As a consequence, according to Makuzu, Heisuke studied medicine with his natural father, Taian, and the town physician, EndĿ Sansei 㐪⸠୔┤ (no dates).38 Makuzu also informs us that her father had experience with a different trend in medicine. When he was still single, he went with a teacher of anatomy (kaitai no shi ゆమࡡᖅ) and IRXURU¿YHRWKHUVWXGHQWVWR6X]XJDPRUL㕝࠿᲻ in Shinagawa to observe the dissection of the corpse of a prisoner.39 This event is remarkable, since Makuzu places the dissection prior to 1763, when she was ERUQ &RPPRQO\ QRWHG DV WKH ¿UVW GLVVHFWLRQ IRU VWULFWO\ DQDWRPLFDO research is Yamawaki TĿyĿ’s ᒜ⬝᮶Ὂ (1705–62) 1754 dissection in Kyoto. The best-known observation of a dissection in Edo, however, occurred only in the spring of 1771 and led to the famous book Kaitai shinsho ゆమ᩺᭡ (New Book of Anatomy, 1774).40 Makuzu, who understands the later importance of such knowledge, thereby situates 37 MB, p. 25. The Four Books are the Analects, Book of Mencius, Great Learning, and Doctrine of the Mean. The Five Books or Classics are Book of Changes, Book of Documents, Book of Poetry, Spring and Autumn Annals, and Book of Rites. 38 MB, p. 25. MB, p. 114. 39 MB, pp. 178-79. Makuzu converted this event into an eerie story, showing her VNLOOVDVDZULWHUZKRLVIDPLOLDUZLWKFXUUHQWWUHQGVRISRSXODU¿FWLRQ³,WZDVDWWKH end of the tenth month and Heisuke decided after the dissection to stop in Shinagawa’s pleasure quarters. The night was cold and windy, and even drinking did not make him feel at ease, nor did the woman. When they lay down they heard a cuckoo calling close by, which made the woman cling to him in fear. At dawn, after Heisuke went home as usual, he suddenly realized that it was strange to hear a cuckoo at this time of the year. Since the woman’s conduct (soburi ࡐࡩࡽ) was also unusual, Heisuke concluded that something was wrong with this house.” Suzugamori is located in Minami-ľi ༞ኬ஬ 2-5. In particular the Kubi arai no ido㤫ὑ࠷ࡡ஬ᡖ, “well for washing the heads,” is still a locus for ghost appearances. 40 Kaitai shinsho is the translation of the Dutch version of Adam Kulmus’s Anatomische Tabellen, 1722 (Dutch title: Ontleedkundige tafelen, 1734) by Sugita Gempaku, Maeno RyĿtaku, and Nakagawa Jun’an, of whom the latter two were acquaintances of Heisuke; Gempaku may also have been an acquaintance.

36

CHAPTER ONE

Heisuke among leading peers in medicine.41 This claim to intellectual superiority is further enhanced in Hitori kangae where she mentions that she saw a Western anatomy book at home, of which only a few circulated in Edo at that time.42 Another interest that Heisuke pursued, and for which he is known today, was economics. Makuzu mentions that Heisuke was a student of the famous scholar Aoki Kon’yĿ 㟯ᮄ᪳㝟 (1698–1769). Many later commentaries claim that Heisuke studied Rangaku (Western studies) under Kon’yĿ. Makuzu, however, referred to Kon’yĿ as a Confucian scholar ( jusha ൰⩽).43 As mentioned previously, the categorization into strict ¿HOGVLQWKLVWLPHSHULRGLVQRW constructive and the fact that Figure 1-3. Aoki Kon’yĿ. Courtesy of Waseda UniMakuzu mentioned Kon’yĿ’s versity Library. attention to economic affairs and Heisuke’s preoccupation with the same subject leads me to assume that this may have been their common interest.44 Makuzu argues 41 That her claim has some validity is supported by an early biographical account’s mention of Heisuke studying medicine under Nakagawa Jun’an ୯ᕖῗᗙ (1739–86), who was part of the Kaitai shinsho project. Sendai jimbutsu shi, ed. Imaizumi TorashirĿ (Sendai: Hayakawa Katsu Hansho, 1909), p. 63. 42 See chapter 5 for more details. 43 MB, p. 111. Makuzu calls Kon’yĿ BunzĿ ᩝⶮ. 44 There are indications that Heisuke and Kon’yĿ knew each other through several people. Makuzu explains that Kon’yĿWKHVRQRID¿VKVKRSRZQHULQ6KLPEDVKLGLVliked townspeople so much that he sold his share (kabu ᰬ) to become a Confucian teacher. Kon’yĿ decided to pack his bundle and leave for Kyoto to study under ItĿ TĿgai, who had a special interest in economic issues. KudĿ JĿan, as mentioned above, was also a disciple of TĿgai, though probably some years after Kon’yĿ had returned to Edo and had opened a school for Confucian studies in HatchĿbori ඳ୍ᇷ (MB, pp. 111-12). The other link between Heisuke and Kon’yĿ is KatĿ Enao ຊ⸠ᯖ├ (1692– 1785), a Matsuzaka ᮿᆊ samurai who held the rank of a police constable (yoriki ୙ ງ LQWKHRI¿FHRIWKHWRZQPDJLVWUDWHEdo machi bugyĿ Ờᡖ⏣ዅ⾔). Enao was so impressed by Kon’yĿ’s strict performance of mourning for his parents—altogether he mourned for six years—that he found him employment in 1739 with his superior ľoka Tadasuke ኬᒱᚽ┞ (1677–1751), the legendary commissioner and judge, and rented

REMNANTS OF LEGENDS

37

that scholars like Kon’yĿ who had practical and mundane (zoku ಐ) concerns are rare. She praises in particular his exemplary occupation with economic issues that include peasant taxes and foreign trade, for instance his concern with the shogunate policy in the 1760s to counteract the increasing dependence on the importation of ginseng root.45 By EULHÀ\VKDULQJZLWKKHUUHDGHUVKHURZQNQRZOHGJHDQGFRQFHUQZLWK economic affairs, Makuzu goes on to trivialize and personalize this information that heightens her father’s position among leading scholars of her time, and hence herself, by adding that when Kon’yĿ started his VHUYLFHDVDQRI¿FLDOLQFKDUJHRIWKHVKRJXQDWHOLEUDU\KHDVNHGWREH DGGUHVVHGIURPWKHQRQZLWKWKHKRQRUL¿FDGGUHVVRI³sama” ࡈࡱ.46 :KLOH LW LV GLI¿FXOW WR WUDFH +HLVXNH¶V PHQWRUV DQG WKH VXEVWDQFH of their guidance in detail, Heisuke had already inherited his adoptive father’s position as a physician in his early twenties. The retired lord Yoshimura had been fatally ill and JĿan was exhausted from his daily strenuous duty of attending him.47 After Yoshimura’s death in the second month of 1751, JĿan moved from Sodegasaki to Tsukiji ⠇ ᆀ (today ChŗĿ-ku ୯ኳ༇), where his mother retired from her service and came to live with them.48 However, JĿan was still busy taking care of patients at his former lord’s mansion in Sodegasaki, which was a disto him a space to live on the grounds of his residence in HatchĿbori. Either way, at some point Kon’yĿ and Heisuke had become neighbors in Tsukiji. After retirement, Kon’yĿlived in a humble house in Atagoshita, where Makuzu would visit his widow with her mother (MB, p. 112). Interestingly, Kamo Mabuchi ㈙Ⱪ┷Ῑ (1697–1769), too, rented land from KatĿ Enao in HatchĿbori, around 1742. Enao was a sponsor and disciple of Mabuchi upon the latter’s arrival in Edo in 1736. Mabuchi most likely was an acquaintance of Makuzu’s grandmother, Kuwabara Yayoko ᱋ཋࡷࡻᏄ (no dates) (Ibi Takashi, Edo shiikaron, [Tokyo: Kyŗko Shoin, 1998], pp. 348-49). The Hatchôbori area was a place where many constables (yoriki ୙ງ) and patrolmen (dĿshin ྜྷᚨ) of the town magistrate lived. See the Maps from ľedo happyaku hachichĿ, number 50 and 51, p. 43. 45 About the ginseng monopoly, see Koyama Yukinobu, “Kinsei chŗki no bĿeki seisaku to kokusanka,” in Atarashii Kinseishi, ed. Sone Yŗji and Kimura Naoya, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Shinjimbutsu ľraisha, 1996), pp. 141-86, in particular, pp. 157-58. Another matter that Kon’yĿ took up was the new land distribution in Sodegasaki after the retired lord Date Yoshimura, KudĿ JĿDQ¶V¿UVWHPSOR\HUSDVVHGDZD\LQ7KHSHDVDQWV ZHUHZRUULHGDERXWKRZWKHODQGZRXOGEHGHFODUHGHLWKHUDVXSSHURUDVORZHU¿HOGV which were taxed differently (MB, p. 112). Kon’yĿ’s treatise about the sweet potato, BanshokĿ ⶵ⸁⩻, 1735, which offers a dietary alternative in times of famine, later brought him the name Master Sweet-potato (Kansho-sensei ⏉⸩඙⏍). 46 MB, p. 111. Kon’yĿZDVERUQLQWRWKHIDPLO\RID¿VKPRQJHUDQGZDVWKHUHIRUH of commoner status. 47 MB, p. 42. 48 MB, pp. 27-28. JĿan’s mother received a generous allowance for her service in the mansion.

38

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tance of about 8 km. Still only in midlife, exhaustion caused the illness WRZKLFKKH¿QDOO\VXFFXPEHGLQDWWKHDJHRI49 Heisuke had to succeed as physician at an early age, but apparently this caused no SUREOHP+LVIDWKHUDOWKRXJKQRWYHU\SUR¿FLHQWDWPDQDJLQJ¿QDQFLDO DIIDLUV EHTXHDWKHG KLP D WKULYLQJ ZHOOFRQQHFWHG RI¿FH LQ 7VXNLML which Heisuke, despite his youth, would expand in the near future. Despite Makuzu’s regrets that JĿan had had no intention of passing on any of his vast medical knowledge in any form, either through his son or in the form of writing, the reader is again drawn to Heisuke’s amazing capabilities.50 The medical occupation secured Heisuke a livelihood. He probably ¿UVWVHUYHGORUG'DWH0XQHPXUD௿㐡ᏺᮟ (1718–56, r. 1743–56) but soon thereafter served Munemura’s heir and son Date Shigemura ௿㐡㔔ᮟ (1742–96, r. 1756–90) with the same stipend of 300 koku.51 When he received orders to serve in Sendai, he thought of ways to avoid leaving Edo. Heisuke had many reasons to stay, among them his ailing adoptive grandmother, JĿan’s mother, and his adoptive mother, Oen. Providentially, at the mansion of senior councilor (rĿjŗ ⩹୯) Matsudaira Takemoto ᮿᖲṂඔ (1716–79),52 Heisuke made the acquaintance of a man who convinced Shigemura that Heisuke was indispensable and that it was extremely advisable for Heisuke to remain in Edo in order for him to be of service to powerful people (kenmon ᶊ㛓).53 According to Makuzu, this Sekiguchi HyĿdayŗ 㛭ཾඹኯኰ, who remains XQLGHQWL¿HGEXWZKRZDVDSSDUHQWO\DSHUVRQRIVRPHLQÀXHQFHDOVR VXEVHTXHQWO\XVHG+HLVXNHIRUYDULRXVRI¿FLDOIXQFWLRQV7KHIDFWWKDW Heisuke was in the mansion of Takemoto highlights and foreshadows Heisuke’s tasks and missions for his lord. His status as a physician gave Heisuke access to otherwise closed gates, and therefore Shigemura may well have asked him to make inquiries in his stead. This assumption is not unlikely since Shigemura once wrote that in order to improve his court rank, “he would have to buy off” Takemoto and Tanuma Oki49 According to Fujinami Kazuko, TĿkyĿ sĿtairoku (Tokyo: TĿkyĿ Meibo Kenshokai, 1940), p. 177. 50 MB, p. 25. 51 According to ľtsuki Nyoden. Cited in Nakayama 1936, p. 47, or ľtomo 1943, p. 19. 52 Makuzu calls him rĿjŗ Ukon-sama ⩹୯ྎ㎾ᵕ. MB, p. 99. Takemoto had alUHDG\ KHOG RI¿FH XQGHU 6KRJXQ0L\DJL@1DNDQLLGDPDFKL S6KHWXUQHGWZHQW\¿YHLQ WKH¿UVWPRQWKRIWKHIROORZLQJ\HDU

HEISUKE’S LEGACY

91

cian Kimura YĿshun ᮄᮟ㣬᫋, who had plenty of room for the large KudĿ household.98 The house, even though comfortable, was farther away from the mansion of Heisuke’s lord in Shibaguchi, which made his daily commute more arduous.99 The family’s tragedies continued with the death of Makuzu’s grandmother. In 1787, KudĿ Oen died. Only one day after she had sent Makuzu, who was still serving at the Hikone mansion, a letter along with vegetables and other goods, she found she was not able to move her legs.100 $IWHU 0DNX]X ZDV QRWL¿HG VKH DVNHG IRU SHUPLVVLRQ WR VHH her grandmother during the day. But her grandmother never opened her eyes again. Three days later she peacefully passed away. Makuzu recalls how deeply she regretted serving at the mansion and not being able to stay at home with her family.101 Her wish to return home was granted soon thereafter. The gods of misfortune also held sway in the mansion of the Ii family. Only several months later in the same year, 1787, the residence, too, was struck by ill fate. Akiko’s husband Ii Naotomi ஬௿├ᐣ (1760– 87), the heir-apparent, died in the seventh month after a severe illness.102 Akiko, who was then only eighteen, withdrew from public life by taking tonsure, while Makuzu came home to HamachĿ at the end of her term in 1788, at the age of twenty-six, after ten years of service.103 Makuzu explains her retreat from service by claiming that since she, with Heisuke, attended the young lord until the end and it was not good to be the last one with the dying, she prepared herself to resign from service, though actually a ten-year service was common practice. Upon her return many things had changed since Makuzu had left home at age sixteen. Her brother Motoyasu and her grandmother were no longer among them, their house had burned down, and Heisuke was LQ¿QDQFLDOGLVWUHVV6KL]XNRWKHVHFRQGROGHVWGDXJKWHUZDVPDUULHG 98

MB, pp. 54-55; MB, p. 159. Makuzu’s youngest sister Teruko was born around that time. 99 MB, p. 56. 100 It was important for women in attendance to receive produce and other gifts that they could present in the mansion. See Walthall 1999, pp. 65-66. 101 MB, p. 55. 102 MB, p. 56. Makuzu wondered in hindsight if it was an omen that the lights would always go out even after they changed the type of oil, so that they had to use candles (MB, p. 132). 103 MB, p. 56. After the death of one’s lady, the maid would usually retire and go home to her parents. In case there was no family to go to, the maid would remain in the mansion or would be sent to the domain to live. In the case of Makuzu, since her lady retired from public life, Makuzu was probably sent home.

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off to a certain retainer of the Tsugaru ὘㍅ domain named Amenomori 㞭᲻, whose family was of such low rank that people wondered why Heisuke had not chosen a better husband for his daughter.104 To distract and cheer up the female members of her family, Makuzu mentions that VKHWRRNWKHPRXWWRYLHZWKHÀRZHUVWRWDNHERDWULGHVDQGWRWDNH long walks close by the theater section, where apparently they could hear the drums from the fair in RyĿgoku ୦ᅗ6RRQDIWHULQWKH¿IWK month of 1788, the family, without the resources to rebuild their house in Tsukiji, decided to leave their temporary residence in HamachĿ and to move to a house in SukiyachĿ ᩐᐞᒁ⏣, Nihonbashi.105 Melancholically, Makuzu recalls that only one tree, a hemp palm (shuro Ყᷯ), KDGVXUYLYHGWKH¿UHWKDWGHVWUR\HGWKHEHDXWLIXOJDUGHQLQ7VXNLMLDQG they were able to bring it to their new house.106 Eventually, at age twenty-seven, it was Makuzu’s turn to be married. In the winter of 1789, with Heisuke’s friend Isoda TĿsuke ☶⏛⸠ຐ acting as go-between, Makuzu was engaged to a retainer of the Sakai 㒿஬ family from the Tsuruoka domain 㭧ᒱ⸤. Filled with emotion, Makuzu remembers a conversation she had with her father about the prospective marriage to an old man. To her shock, her father said that since she was not that young herself, she had no reason to complain about the advanced age of her spouse. Makuzu, however, was distressed about the situation, replying under tears, “It was not that I meant to get VRROG´:KHQVKH¿UVWPHWKHUIXWXUHKXVEDQGZKRVHQDPHVKHGHOLEerately withholds, she saw that his eyes were red and rheumy and that he had not a single black hair on his head. “When I realized that I had saved myself for him (ima made mi o mamori ௑㎶㌗ࢅᏬࡽ) and that he would be the one for the rest of my life, upon whom I would have to UHO\P\WHDUVSRXUHGRXWLQVWUHDPV´7KH¿UVWWKLQJWKHPDQWROGKHU ZDVWKDWKHZRXOGOLYHQRPRUHWKDQ¿YH\HDUVDWWKHPRVWDQGWKDWVKH should be prepared to take care of all his affairs thereafter. Makuzu was so unhappy that she wept continuously and eventually was sent back to her parents’ house.107 Apparently, no one asked her to go back; instead her father, who according to her story had had no pity for her at ¿UVWOHWKHUEHZLOOIXO 104

MB, p. 56 and p. 61. MB, p. 56. 106 MB, p. 81. 107 MB, p. 128. It is not clear from Makuzu’s statements if she was married or only going to be. See back-chart in Nakayama 1936; ľguchi 1995, p. 226. ľguchi has in his footnote 6 that Makuzu is vague about the matter. Makuzu simply mentions that she went to the house of the Sakai family (MB, p. 61). 105

HEISUKE’S LEGACY

93

Even though Makuzu succeeded in declining the marriage, her family’s ill fortune still persisted. Back home, Makuzu continued to help out in the household, but only a few years later her mother, who had been ailing for some time, died in 1793 (Kansei 5).108 She was not even ¿IW\\HDUVROG109 Makuzu’s younger sister Shizuko, whose health was never very good and whose mother-in-law told her before marriage that OLIHZRXOGEHGLI¿FXOWZDVSUHJQDQWDURXQGWKHWLPHWKDWWKHLUPRWKHU passed away. Weakened from all the sorrow, she died after giving birth, though she was only twenty-three years old. The same year, the third daughter, Tsuneko, was wed, but she, too, died before long.110 In those times of personal anguish, Heisuke remarried; he also eventually found another spouse for his oldest daughter, Makuzu.111 Makuzu followed Heisuke’s public career with much anxiety. Since she too played a part in his endeavors from the time she had started her service in their lord’s mansion, she was not merely a passive observer. After all, women, too, are part of the same system to improve the social standing of the household. In Makuzu and Heisuke’s case, we can observe how the KudĿ household was embraced by their lord, who used Heisuke to advance his standing vis-à-vis the shogunate. Heisuke used his favorable position in return to venture out on his own. When his plans fell through, Makuzu ended up staying longer in service than expected and was promised, initially, to an unfortunate match. On the other hand, even when Makuzu was the instrument of her father’s ambition, her education and service brought her experience and knowledge that was noticeable when she refused the marriage. This breathing space and leeway was crucial since it enabled Makuzu to craft an identity as the heir of Heisuke’s legacy despite being a woman. The household offered her this legitimacy and, since her father had already stepped into the public arena, she assumed the same stance. By 1811, when Makuzu wrote Mukashibanashi, her father’s reputation was smeared, according to her, and his life work was already falling into oblivion.112 Heisuke’s political and personal career as portrayed in her recollection turned sour due to Tanuma’s fall. Resentful and bitter, 108 HK, in TMS, gives no age, p. 265, but according to Sugiura’s version of HK, Makuzu was 31 (1793), Sugiura Minpei and Bessho KĿichi, ed., Edoki no kaimei shisĿ: Sekai e hiraku, kindai o tagayasu (Tokyo: Shakai HyĿronsha, 1990), p. 65. 109 MB, p. 6. 110 MB, p. 56. 111 Heisuke married a woman from an Okuno ዚ㔕 family, but Makuzu does not mention her at all. Cited by ľtomo 1943, p. 21. 112 See MB, p. 72.

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Makuzu blamed her own fate on political events and external circumVWDQFHVWKHWUDJLFGHDWKVRIPDQ\ORYHGRQHVDQGWKH¿UHWKDWUXLQHG their house, all occurrences that had great impact on the family as a whole. Yet, other textual evidence tells a different story. Makuzu ignores Heisuke’s further success as the attendant physician to his lord, WDNLQJRI¿FLDOWULSVWRWKHGRPDLQDVZHOODVKLVLQWHOOHFWXDODFWLYLWLHV in writing books that circulated far beyond Edo or his small circle of friends. Together, these complexities are only some pieces of a puzzle that contributed to Makuzu’s decision to become the author of a political treatise.

Map 2. Sendai and Environs.

CHAPTER THREE

THE CRAFTING OF THE AUTHOR MAKUZU ࠷ࡱࡵୠ࡞ṟࡿࡾ➱ࡡ࠵࡛࡝ࡼ࡚࡝࡞ࢅᪿࡡ࠾ࡒࡲ࡛ࡢࡎࢆ Ima mo yo ni nokoreru fude no ato narade nani o mukashi no katami to wa sen

If there are no traces left behind by the brush what else can become a remembrance from the past? Hotta Masaatsu ᇷ⏛ḿᩌ (1758–1832)1

In 1797, the marriage between Makuzu and a Sendai retainer was deFLGHGXSRQ7KDWIDOO0DNX]XQRZWKLUW\¿YH\HDUVROGOHIWKRPHIRU Sendai, never to return. Makuzu’s literary output begins with her departure from Edo. So far, we have encountered Makuzu’s descriptions of past events in Mukashibanashi from her epistemological position: she already knew their outcome; she knew what happened next. This hindsight gave Makuzu the opportunity to put things the way she saw them to be “right,” as in her depiction of her father and of her own position and life in Edo.2 Makuzu manipulates or covers up with her conclusions events that were damaging to her family’s reputation or about which she lacked knowledge, and most likely she ignores those that did not serve her agenda. Many sections of her collected works, called Makuzugahara ┷⴩࠿ࡢࡼ (Playing Field of Makuzu, compiled in 1816), or her letters to Takizawa Bakin (written throughout 1819) emphasize the same retrospective testimonies of a memoirist. From our perspective today, Makuzu’s life in Sendai represents a literary partition into two temporal dimensions. The autobiographical accounts in regard to the second part of Makuzu’s life are disjointed because of the overlapping of two narratives, one a memoir, in particular Mukashibanashi, and the other a presentation of the perpetual present. 7KHODWWHULVUHSUHVHQWHGE\IRULQVWDQFH0DNX]X¶V¿UVWNQRZQORQJHU essay, Michinoku nikki ࡲࡔࡡࡂ᪝エ (Diary from Michinoku), which FDSWXUHVWKH¿UVWFRXSOHRI\HDUVRIKHUOLIHLQ6HQGDLLQSURVHDVZHOODV 1 Poem by Hotta Masaatsu for the third memorial of Makuzu’s brother Motosuke. Recorded by Makuzu in Nanakusa no tatoe, in TMS, p. 383. 2 MB, p. 72.

THE CRAFTING OF THE AUTHOR MAKUZU

97

in poetry, and which, so far as we know, is the closest thing to a diary that Makuzu ever wrote.3 With Makuzu’s arrival in Sendai we meet the poet Makuzu, who displays her inner constitution and reaction to curUHQWHYHQWVH[SUHVVHGLQWKHFRQ¿GHQWLDOSULYDF\RIKHUSHUVRQDOSDSHUV which are preserved for us—and this needs to be stressed—in revised form. In addition to the two temporal dimensions, then, we still have to be aware that while her poetry is the vehicle for conveying her feelings and thoughts within her prose narrative, it also is undoubtedly her way of giving expression to the expected conventions of waka poetry, in which she was trained.4 Together, these documents spanning roughly twenty years give us glimpses of the poet and the crafting of the author Makuzu. DEPARTURE TO MARRIED LIFE Makuzu’s new husband was Tadano Iga Tsurayoshi ྅㔕௿㈙⾔⩇ (d. 1812/4/21). The Tadano family had served the Date clan as loyal retainers since the days of Date Masamune ௿㐡ᨳᏺ (1566–1636). In 1757, WKHIRUPHUVWLSHQGZDVWUDQVIHUUHGWRD¿HIDQGWKHIDPLO\EHFDPHWKH ¿HIKROGHU (jinushi ᆀ୹) of Nakaniida ୯᩺⏛, in Mutsu Kami-gun 㝛 ዚຊ⨶㑾 in Sendai. This was an indication of the high esteem the family enjoyed within the Date clan’s ranking hierarchy.5 The family’s assignment was the prestigious one as a personal guard to the lord, either at the castle in Sendai or at the domain’s mansion in Edo. It was during Iga Tsurayoshi’s duty as guard to the lord in Edo (edobangashira Ờᡖ 3 About Michinoku nikki, see Nakayama 1936, pp. 142-46. Just as Heisuke’s proposal can be found in Matsudaira Sadanobu’s collection, a copy of Michinoku nikki is WKHUHWRRSUREDEO\WKURXJKWKHRI¿FHVRI0DNX]X¶VVLVWHUZKRZDVHPSOR\HGE\WKH Matsudaira family (Suzuki, in TMS, p. 572). 4 Other accounts that were written directly after the events can also be found in Makuzugahara. See, for instance, some parts of letters that she included, and her travelogues (Makuzugahara, in TMS, pp. 466-90). 5 7KH7DGDQRIDPLO\¶VJHQHDORJ\¿QGVLWVUHFRUGHGEHJLQQLQJVIURPWKHWLPHRI'DWH Masamune. Most detailed records can be found in NakaniidachĿshi 1964, pp. 7677KH¿UVWDQFHVWRULQWKH7RNXJDZDSHULRGZDV7DGD,JD6HQGDL@ watarimo aezu the year comes to an end toshi zo kurenuru without a reunion.

Both lonesomeness and longing are popular themes of poetic convenWLRQVWKDWPD\RUPD\QRWUHÀHFW0DNX]X¶VIHHOLQJV:KLOHLWLVWKHUHIRUHGLI¿FXOWWRLQWHUSUHW0DNX]X¶VHPRWLRQDOVWDWHZHFDQ\HWGLVWLQguish the language she used to communicate emotions and, especially, for what purposes. The complexity of interpreting Makuzu’s usage of poetry is shown best in one early account. Makuzu describes her attitude toward Iga in a combination of prose and verse, which she later altered. At last Iga 19 20

Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 466. Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 467.

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was to come home.210DNX]X¿OOHGZLWKMR\SUHSDUHGIRUKLVUHWXUQ on the twentieth day of the second month of 1798. Somewhat embarrassed about feeling so cheerful, she noted later that she was so happy not because of him (kono otoko Ṁࡡ⏠) but because she was all alone in this—to her— strange place.22 Makuzu’s defense of her emotions on paper is crucial. The diary itself, Michinoku nikki ZDV SUREDEO\ ¿UVW a loose collection of poems, which, some time later, she arranged and compiled into an account polished for her family and friends back in Edo.23 At various times Makuzu weighs, analyzes, and changes her expressions with her brush, as in the section above where she downplays her joyfulness as initially having been written in a moment of excitePHQW7KLVPRGL¿FDWLRQRIKHUDWWLWXGHWRZDUG,JDLQWKH¿UVWFRXSOHRI years after her marriage, when it was expected that she would cherish her husband, can be interpreted in various ways. She may be honest when she claims that it was her loneliness that made his arrival a happy event, or she may indeed have been embarrassed about having feelings for a man that she had not meant to have. Makuzu may have developed feelings for Iga, despite the fact that WKHPDUULDJHZDVFKLHÀ\SROLWLFDO,QWKHWLPHWKH\VSHQWWRJHWKHURYHU WKHLU¿IWHHQ\HDUVRIPDUULDJH0DNX]X¶VSRUWUD\DOLVDVH[SHFWHGSRVLtive. For instance, when, after having settled into her married life, her husband had to leave again the following year on the sixth day of the second month of 1799, Makuzu wrote three poems that were meant to show that she was upset. While putting away Iga’s clothes after his departure: ࡳࡼ㫵ࡡ❟ࡔ࡞ࡊ㊟࡞࡟ࡁࡌ࡙ࡊྦ࠿࡝ࡿࡁ࡟ゆࡂࡈ࡫ࡑ៟ࡀ24 Muradori no tachinishi ato ni nugisuteshi kimi ga nareginu toku sae zo uki 21

/LNHDÀRFNRIELUGVVFDWWHULQJ are the traces from the garments you threw off It is so sad to untie the clothing you had worn.

Nakayama 1936, p. 143. Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 468. 23 Presumably Makuzu compiled the diary before her father passed away in 1800, since she does not mention his death, but only his illness. Furthermore, she mentions at the end that the events occurred in the last two or three years (Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 482). 24 Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 476. 22


105

[Another poem written in the third month:] ࡵࢀ࡛ࡵ࡞⾿࠹ࡔࡢ࡫ࡊයࡡ࠾ࡲࢅᚰ࠿ᒱࡡⰴဋࡀ࡟ࡼࡊ25 Morotomo ni sode uchihaeshi sono kami o Shinobugaoka no hana sakinurashi

Together our sleeves had reached out for each other While remembering those times WKHÀRZHUVRI6KLQREXJDRND could not bloom.

[Then again later:] ኇ❟࡙ࢎጏ࿣ࡩࡀࡋࡵ᫋ࡡ㔕࡞ࡥ࡛ࡽ࠵ࡈࡾࡷ౦ࡊ࠾ࡾࡼࢆ26 The pheasant, too, Koe tatete that calls out for his mate, tsuma yobu kiji mo is certainly lonely haru no no ni when looking out alone hitori asaru ya LQWKH¿HOGVRIVSULQJ wabishikaruran

To these love poems Makuzu added later on that, being so lonely by myself is not because I am truly in love with my husband (tsuma ka furu ࡗࡱᜂࡨࡾ).27 Rather, he took the oldest son with him to Edo. The second-born son, whose mother was a mistress, was adopted into another family. Only the eight-year-old boy [Naosaku] stays with me. But he does not understand yet how delightful it is when nature comes into bloom. This is why I grieve over not having a friend for diversion.28

Embarrassed as before, Makuzu apparently sees the need to excuse to her kin her expression of love for her husband. If Makuzu enjoyed writing love poems, which she was now free to do since she was married, why apologize for the poetic convention that KHU UHDGHUV VXUHO\ VKDUHG ZLWK KHU" %HFDXVH 0DNX]X UHÀHFWV RQO\ LQ this particular diary but nowhere else about affection for her husband, LWLVGLI¿FXOWWRGHGXFHKHUFRQMXJDODWWDFKPHQW:KHQZHFRQVLGHUWKH role of physical intimacy in Makuzu’s view of the human condition, ZHPD\¿QGDQRWKHUUHDVRQ,QHitori kangae she declares how the act of having sexual intercourse initiates one’s love. She admits that after having been intimate with someone whom she otherwise despised, she 25 Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 476. Shinobugaoka is employed as a pivot word and stands for shinobu ࡊࡡࡩ (remember, recollect, as well as to conceal). 26 Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 476. 27 Suzuki Yoneko’s transcription indicates that Makuzu gave koi ᜂ (love) here the particular reading of ka ࠾. Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 476. 28 Michinoku nikki, in TMS, pp. 476-77.

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Figure 3-4. Makuzu’s writing sample for stepson Naosaku. Courtesy of Tadano Hama.

experienced feelings for that person.29 It is perhaps the embarrassment over her desire that is responsible for her ambiguous testimonies, and with the fading of her passion her need to express in poetry her feelings for her husband may have vanished as well. What remains a lasting passion, however, is Makuzu’s longing for the cultural life she used to enjoy back in Edo. During their marriage, Iga’s duty allowed him to come back to Sendai a mere sixteen times, leaving Makuzu mostly alone.30 But she mentions that during the time the couple spent together, she enjoyed listening to his voice when he performed sarugaku, and developed an interest in Chinese poetry (kanshi), while in return she taught Iga how to compose Japanesestyle poetry (waka ࿰ḯ).31 In his absence, her companions were books 29 “There is a certain man whom I found detestable, thinking ‘even you, you scareFURZRIWKHPRXQWDLQ¿HOG«¶:K\LVLWWKDW,FDQQRWIRUJHWKLPHYHQWKRXJKOHDUQLQJ he loved me, I was disgusted to the point of repulsion? Is this not because he aroused my feelings at their very root?” (HK, p. 292; MN 56:2, p. 181). Makuzu probably refers WRKHU¿UVWVSRXVH,QWKHIROORZLQJWKHTXRWDWLRQVIURPHitori kangae are from the translation in MN, unless indicated otherwise. 30 Kado 1998, pp. 166-67; Seki 1980, p. 122. 31 Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 468. For examples of Iga’s poetry, see Nakayama 1936, p. 81. For an example of Makuzu’s kanshi, see Suzuki, in TMS, p. 548.


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brought back by Iga, or sent by family, friends, and teachers.32 In the early winter of her second year in Sendai (1798), an “uncle” in Edo sent to Makuzu Kamo Mabuchi’s Kotoba momokusa ࡆ࡛ࡣࡵࡵࡂࡈ (Myriad Words), which she studied eagerly during those never-ending cold and inhospitable months. She conveys how grateful she was for this precious gift.33 At times, Iga’s brothers would come to visit, entertaining her with strange and wondrous tales about the Tohoku region. Having much free time and no one to share it with, Makuzu began to record these tales. In addition to Michinoku nikki, she soon wrote essays, using the skills that she had acquired in Edo.

THE POET MAKUZU Makuzu embraced a variety of genres, such as travelogues, essays, and VWRULHVEXWVKHQHYHUZURWH¿FWLRQ+HUZRUNLVHLWKHUDERXWZKDWVKH H[SHULHQFHGRUZLWQHVVHGRUZKDWVKHOHDUQHG¿UVWKDQGDQGEHOLHYHGWR be true. Soon after Makuzu arrived in Tohoku, the new environment inspired her to write down impressions of the nearby places that she YLVLWHG3UREDEO\WKH¿UVWWUDYHORJXH0DNX]XZURWHZDVKHUSLHFH Shiogama mĿde ሲ❗ࡱ࠹࡚ (Pilgrimage to Shiogama), a short essay about her pilgrimage to the local shrine Ichinomiya in Shiogama, about the sites and the people she met.34 Her Matsushima no michi no ki ᮿ ᓞࡡࡲࡔࡡエ (Travel account from Matsushima) of 1802 captures the famous site of Matsushima with its islands that was praised as early as 32 Mishima Kageo mentioned that he lent Makuzu a copy of Ayanuno ᩝᕱ (Figured Cloth, 1758) by Yuya Shizuko, who was one of the three great woman poets of Mabuchi’s school (mentioned above) (Suzuki 1995, p. 44). Shizuko’s work was published by Murata Harumichi ᮟ⏛᫋㐠 (d. 1769), Harumi’s father (see also Marceau 2002). According to Makuzu, her husband, who lived most of the time in Edo, made sure to get the newest books and information to her. Thus she already had a copy of Motoori Norinaga’s Kojikiden ཿ஥エఎ, the detailed commentary on the account of the age of gods and early history contained in Kojiki ཿ஥エ (712) by around 1810, thirteen years DIWHUWKH¿UVWVHYHQWHHQYROXPHVDSSHDUHGDQGWZHOYH\HDUVEHIRUHWKHHQWLUHZRUNZDV published. 33 Michinoku nikkiLQ706S8QLGHQWL¿HGWH[W7KH³XQFOH´0DNX]XUHIHUVWR might be Murata Harumi. See below where Makuzu calls Harumi “uncle.” 34 Shiogama mĿde is included in Makuzugahara, in TMS, pp. 484-85. In HK, p. 291, Makuzu mentions that she was able to send her writing about her pilgrimage to Ichinomiya ୌ஄ᐋ to Harumi in Edo. However, Takizawa Bakin mentions in his Makuzu no ouna that she was sixteen when her father showed her sample to Harumi, which might be the result of a copy mistake, since Makuzu was then about 36 years old. Makuzu no ouna, p. 246.

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Figure 3-5. Matsushima.

in the Man’yĿshŗ (The Ten Thousand Leaves, eighth century).35 Makuzu also started jotting down little stories and anecdotes about strange events in Sendai that would be included in later works, such as Makuzugahara, Mukashibanashi, or ľshŗbanashi ዚᕗࡣ࡝ࡊ (Tales from ľshŗ, compiled around 1817).36 Suzuki Yoneko makes an apt comparison of Makuzu’s ľshŗbanashi to the Snow Country Tales by Suzuki Bokushi 㕝ᮄ∶஄ (1770–1842) in that Makuzu portrays Sendai for Edoites. We learn about whales, the production of charcoal, famous local sites and festivals, people who became legends, fox spirits, and the local dialect.37 Makuzu offered an early ethnographic work, written not by an insider as in the case of Bokushi, but by an outsider who could 35

Included in Makuzugahara, in TMS, pp. 445-56. ľshŗbanashi is undated, but Kado Reiko assumes that Makuzu compiled it around 1817 (Kado 1998, pp. 181-82). Makuzu sent it to Takizawa Bakin, who made a copy, together with another work called Isozutai, in 1832. For an analysis of ľshŗbanashi, see Suzuki Yoneko, “Tadano Makuzu ‘ľshŗ-banashi’: Ikai hakken no ikkatei,” Todai ronkyŗ 23:3 (1986), pp. 51-63. 37 See, for instance, the nagauta called Sumiyaku hito o omou nagauta ⅛ࡷࡂெࢅ ࠽ࡵࡨ㛏࠹ࡒZKLFKUHÀHFWVXSRQWKHZRUNHUVZKRSURGXFHFKDUFRDOLQMakuzugahara, in TMS, p. 494). Or see the legend of the nun KĿren-ni (KĿren to iu kudamono no yurai 㤮ⶀ࡛࠷ࡨࡂࡓࡵࡡࢎ⏜ᮮ [Origin of the Confectionary called KĿren], in Makuzugahara, in TMS, pp. 441-44). 36


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draw comparisons between two different ways of life and two different cultures.38 Makuzu observed her new life closely and took pains to write about it. She sent her writings to Edo, not only to her family, but also to her teachers. However, unlike Bokushi, Suzuki Yoneko adds, Makuzu served also as a two-way conduit by telling people in Sendai about life in Edo.39 In ľshŗbanashi, among the stories of her new home, are tales of the bizarre and strange.40 That Makuzu ventured out to collect stories of a curious nature can be explained by her active participation in current trends. Since the middle of the eighteenth century, the compilation of Kaidan ᛱㄧ (ghost stories, or “tales of the strange”) was at its peak. Makuzu’s contemporary, Ueda Akinari ୕⏛⚽ᠺ (1734–1809), and his tales of the supernatural, Ugetsu monogatari 㞭᭮∸ㄊ (Tales of Moonlight and Rain, 1776), are well known.41 This literary form of the fantastic was thriving, and many accounts were compiled and published for the sake of larger audiences.42 Makuzu’s later acquaintance, Takizawa Bakin, was involved in circles that exchanged bizarre and curious accounts.43 As a child of her time, Makuzu, too, engaged in this genre. Before Makuzu recorded ghost stories, however, she was inspired by her new surroundings and used them as material for her poetry. The different natural environment revealed to her that certain seasonal markers used in Edo could not be found in Sendai. Like any waka poet, Makuzu not only observed customs and people closely but also nature, which kept her ink stone wet. By leading her reader through the seasonal changes of the year, Makuzu refers to poems that she exchanged with her family in Edo, and gifts she received from them, along with 38 See Margarita Winkel on the earliest ethnographic writings that developed around Makuzu’s time. Margarita Winkel, “Academic Traditions, Urban Dynamics and Colonial Threat: The Rise of Ethnography in Early Modern Japan,” in Anthropology and Colonialism in Asia and Oceania, ed. Jan van Bremen and Akitoshi Shimizu (Richmond: Curzon, 1999), pp. 40-64. 39 Suzuki 1986, pp. 54-55. Also Suzuki, in TMS, pp. 566-67. 40 Mori ľgai (1862–1922) read and corrected Makuzu’s version of the legend regarding the courtesan Takao. Akutagawa RyŗQRVXNH¶V± XQ¿QLVKHGPDQXscript, Hito o koroshita kashira (Am I a Killer?), written shortly before his suicide, is based on Makuzu’s Kage no yamai'RSSHOJlQJHUV\QGURPH 7KHWUDQVODWLRQRI¿YH stories can be found in Bettina Gramlich-Oka, “Tales from the North,” in The Anthology of Edo Literature, ed. Sumie Jones and Howard Hibbett (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, forthcoming). 41 Noriko Reider, Tales of the Supernatural in Early Modern Japan: Kaidan, Akinari, Ugetsu Monogatari (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2002). 42 Famous is Tsuruya Nanboku’s 㭧ᒁ༞໪ 㻋1755–1829㻌㻃Kabuki play Yotsuya kaidan ᄿㆺᛱㄧ (Ghost Stories at Yotsuya, 1825). See Shirane 2002, pp. 844-84. 43 One such group was the Toenkai ඟᅧఌ (Rabbit Grove Society) of Bakin.

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little jottings she wrote down for them to show how different her life was in the north. Surprised, she relates that even in the third month of WKH \HDU WKHUH ZHUH QHLWKHU ÀRZHUV QRU WKH VFHQW RI SOXP WUHHV7KH weeping cherry (itozakura ⣊᱔, prunus pendula) was rare, and so were azaleas.44&RPSDUHGWR(GRWKH¿IWKPRQWKZDVQRWKRWDWDOODV might have been expected. In the ninth month, chrysanthemums started blooming, a rarity in Edo, but in Sendai it was the herald of autumn and therefore of winter soon to come.45 In her new environment she experienced snow, ice, and icicles that she would have liked to show Teruko, her thirteen-year-old sister.46 ཪ࡛ࡎࡊ㫵ࡡ㡚ࡈ࠻⤧࠻࡞ࡄࡽᐋᇖࡡ㔓࡞㞯ࡗࡵࡾ㡥47 Tomo to seshi tori no oto sae tae ni keri Miyagi no sato ni yuki tsumoru goro

The song of the birds, my companions, cannot be heard anymore, when in my Miyagi home snow piles up.

Makuzu captures in words how severe the cold in Sendai was for her. $OWKRXJKWKHEDQNHG¿UHuzumibi ᇔℾ) at her pillow burned all night, the bedroom was freezing. She could not allow her hands to leave the covers. The days were gray without a hint or messenger of spring. 0DNX]X¶V H[SHULHQFH RI D GLIIHUHQW FOLPDWH DPSOL¿HG WKH GLVWDQFH LQ space from her family in Edo. It is easy to concede that Makuzu’s longing for her family was more genuine than that she expressed for her husband. Here, writing poetry appears not merely to be a pastime but was used by Makuzu as an outlet for her thoughts and feelings. In particular Makuzu missed Teruko, whom she had raised like her own daughter. Her other remaining siblings, her brother Motosuke and sister Taeko, each sent her a poem attached with a pink (nadeshiko ᧑Ꮔ WKHÀRZHUWKDWEHFDPHWKHnom de plume for Teruko:

44

Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 468. Michinoku nikki, in TMS, pp. 472-73. 46 Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 466. 47 Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 467. 45


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஫᭮㞭ࡡ㜾ࡽ࡞ 㜾ࡽ࡞ࡊࢂ࠿ᐙࡡኬ࿰᧑Ꮔࢂࡿࡡࡲࡑずࡾ48 Samidare no furi ni furi ni shi waga shuku no yamato nadeshiko ware nomi zo miru

With the rain of early spring falling down, only I can see the pink [Teruko] in our house in Yamato. (Motosuke)

࡝ࡗ࠾ࡊ࡛ྦ࠿ずࡾࡼࢆ᧑Ꮔࡢ࠹ࡼࡷࡱࡊࡂࡵᛦ࡮ࡹࡾ࠾࡝ With nostalgia Natsukashi to you might be looking kimi ga miru ran at the pink, nadeshiko wa and Teruko, too urayamashiku mo may be jealous. (Taeko) omohoyuru kana

[Makuzu’s envoy:] ࡝ࡗ࠾ࡊ࡛ᛦࡨࡵᚨୌࡗ࡞࡙➽࡫࡟ⰴ࡞㟚ࡢ࠽ࡀࡗࢎ49 Natsukashi to omou mo kokoro hitotsu nite kotaenu hana ni tsuyu wa okitsutsu

While I think back and feel like being one with you again, there is dew RQWKHÀRZHU that does not respond.

The conventions of poetry are showcased in the exchanges among the siblings, but they may also express their genuine longing for one another. Makuzu’s training in wabun poetry continued to be very much in accord with the newest trends. We can assume that Makuzu sent the poems in Michinoku nikki to Edo. She also mentions her family’s responses and gifts, which prove their frequent correspondence. The preservation of the correspondence between Makuzu and Mishima Kageo, who had been her mother’s teacher, and between her and Murata Harumi’s leading student, Shimizu Hamaomi ΰỀ℀⮟ (1776–1824), show that some of the most prominent waka poets of her time continued to be her guides and direct links to Edo-based poetry salons.50 Makuzu, however, 48 ,WLVFOHDUWKDWWKH\UHIHUWR7HUXNRHVSHFLDOO\VLQFHWKHSLQNLVWKHÀRZHURIIDOODQG not early summer. The context suggests that the dialogue took place in 1799. However, Makuzu tells us later that after her father died in 1800, she came up with comparing the VLVWHUVWRWKHVHYHQÀRZHUVRIIDOOVHHEHORZ 7KLVLVRQHLQVWDQFHZKHUH0DNX]XLVQRW coherent in her account, probably because she made later revisions. 49 Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 479. 50 Seven of Mishima Kageo’s letters addressed to Makuzu are in the possession of the Tadano family (Nakayama 1936, p. 220). Two letters by Shimizu Hamaomi are included in Makuzu’s collection. See also Suzuki 1995, p. 43.

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Figure 3-6. Makuzu’s composition, sent to Shimizu Hamaomi in Edo, including his correction marks. Courtesy of Tadano Hama.

developed her own style, as Kado Reiko points out that in general it was rare that someone trained in classical Japanese would mix dialect and colloquial language in her writing. Moreover, Makuzu is explicit about the choice of her styles within the texts.51 That leads Kado to describe Makuzu’s prose style as one faithful to the nuances of everyday language; it thereby, Kado maintains, allowed her to express with immediacy her new experiences after leaving Edo, including contact with the local dialect of Sendai.52 Without further investigation of the contemporary trends in literary circles, an overall evaluation of Kado’s statement has to fall short.53 Nonetheless, a few examples should illustrate a brief analysis of Makuzu’s poems within their literary context.54 Makuzu’s approach to the function of language is not restricted to expressions of immediacy only in her prose, as noted by Kado, but also See prefaces to both MB, p. 3, and HK, p. 261. Kado 1998, p. 178. 53 Recently, Kado Reiko brought to my attention an undated, eleven-page-long essay called Jisanka ⮤ㆥḯ (lit. Poetry of Self-Praise), which discusses Makuzu’s view of composing poetry and other genres of literature, despite the title, which refers to the famous compilation of verses from the Muromachi period and which was a favorite of Makuzu’s grandparents (see chapter 1). But instead of being a general theoretical essay, in it Makuzu encourages the writing of poetry to be read by others. Perhaps it is an essay for her students. See Figure 6-3. 54 About the political implications in the poetry of Makuzu and her contemporaries, see chapter 6. 51 52


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Figure 3-7. Shimizu Hamaomi’s letter attached to Makuzu’s composition. Courtesy of Tadano Hama.

in her poems. Makuzu put even trivialities on paper: her surprise, for LQVWDQFHWKDWLQVHFWVVXFKDVPRVTXLWRHVDQGÀHDVFRXOGEHIRXQGLQ the harsh climate of Sendai. She tried everything to get rid of pests that would linger on until fall, but it was in vain. So she dedicated a couple of waka to this nuisance: ኚࡡእࡢ⺋ࡡ࠾ࡒࡀ࡞ᨯࡴࡼࡿ࡙ࡷࡌ࠷ࡊ࡝ࡈ࡟ࡆ࡛ࡑⱖࡊࡀ In summer nights Natsu no yo wa I am tormented by nomi no kataki ni the attack of my enemies, semerarete WKHÀHDV yasui shi nasanu preventing me from peaceful sleep. koto zo kurushiki ᡥࢅࡂࡢࡿ㊂ࢅࡂࡢࡿ࡙ࡌ࡬ࡵ࡝ࡂ⺋ࡡዦ࡛ᠻ࡝ࡽ࡞ࡄࡽ55 I am simply Te o kuware the poor prey ashi o kuwarete RIÀHDV subemo naku bitten nomi no yatsuko to on hands and feet. ware nari ni keri

3ULRUWR0DNX]X¶VWLPHÀHDVZHUHQRWDWKHPHWREHWUHDWHGLQWKHPDLQstream waka tradition. The classic anthologies do not include poems DERXWÀHDVDQGOLFH 55

Michinoku nikki, in TMS, p. 480.

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Figure 3-8. Grave of Murata Harumi. Honseiji Temple, KĿtĿ-ku, Tokyo.

0DNX]X¶V FKRLFH RI FRQWHQW UHÀHFWV KHUH D FRQWHPSRUDU\ SRHWLF movement that defended colloquialism (zokugen ಐゕ) and triviality in the ongoing controversy over waka aesthetics. Makuzu’s teacher Mishima Kageo was one of the leading poets in Edo who composed in a fresh and easy-to-relate-to manner, taking content and form for his waka from the present.56 Just a few years after Makuzu wrote the two poems above, the famous debate called Fude no saga ➱ࡡࡈ࠿ (The Nature of the Brush, 1802), allows us to see how this issue over “high” UH¿QHG DQG³ORZ´YXOJDU LQwaka poetics was explicitly addressed. 56 0LVKLPD .DJHR ZKRVH ¿UVW WHDFKHU LQ (GR ZDV .DGD QR$ULPDUR ZDV RQH RI the great poets in Edo. As mentioned previously, due to lack of sources he is often neglected, to Maruyama Sueo’s dismay. However, attendance lists from poetry gatherings during the late eighteenth century document his strong presence. Further, most of the anthologies of his day include his poetry. He was not only a poet but also a tea master, Biwa player, and serious student of Ancient Studies (kĿgaku ཿᏕ). See Maruyama Sueo, “Mishima Jikaku bannen no itsuji,” in Maruyama Sueo, Kinsei no geijutsu (Tokyo: Yagi Shoten, 1976); see also Suzuki 1995.


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The Kyoto poet Kagawa Kageki 㤮ᕖᬊᶖ (1768–1843) defends the use of present-day language, while Makuzu’s “uncle” Murata Harumi and KatĿ Chikage ຊ⸠༐ⶩ (1735–1808), who were both visitors in the KudĿ house, denigrate this use of colloquialisms as “extremely base.”57 Apparently this points to a complexity in opinions among our main actors, including Harumi and Makuzu, and not only to a regional difference.58 On the other hand, Makuzu’s teacher Kageo is known for his pursuit of expressing realism within traditional forms, but for tradition he would never go further back than to the anthology of the Shinkokinshŗ ᩺ཿ௑㞗 (early thirteenth century).59 Makuzu’s poetry, though, shows that in particular she was fond of the Man’yĿshŗ, privileging it clearly over the “newer” anthologies of the Kokinshŗ or Shinkokinshŗ. In fact the poems above both borrow from the Man’yĿshŗ.60 Her closeness to Kamo Mabuchi, who is known for his devotion to reviving and popularizing the study of the Man’yĿshŗ, is further evident in her composition of nagauta, because Mabuchi initiated the revival of this archaic form.61 In Makuzu’s collection MakuzugaharaDORQHZH¿QGWZHOYHnagauta in all.627RSRLQWRXWIXUWKHUWKHJUHDWFRPSOH[LW\DQGGLI¿FXOW\RIFRQ57 Kagawa Kageki states, “Waka is something that expresses things of the present day. In expressing things of the present day, one uses the language of the present day, and the language of the present day is none other than common speech (zokugen). Thus, waka is nothing but common speech….” Cited by Roger K. Thomas, “ ‘High’ versus ‘Low’: The Fude no Saga Controversy and Bakumatsu Poetics,” MN 49:4 (Winter 1994), pp. 468-69. On Makuzu calling Harumi “uncle,” see Nanakusa no tatoe, in TMS, p. 383. 58 :HHYHQ¿QGDQDFURVWLFE\0DNX]XUHPLQLVFHQWRIWKH.DQVDLSRHW2]DZD5RDQ ᑚἉ⸴ᗙ (1723–1801), teacher of Kagawa Kageki and advocate of the language of the present (I thank Lawrence Marceau for this insight). Roan has a similar acrostic in his posthumous collection RokujĿ eisĿ ඵᕻホⲙ, 1804. It seems that such playful waka, which can be traced back to the Heian court, saw a revival in the late Tokugawa period. 59 Suzuki 1995, p. 45. 60 Man’yĿshŗ, Book 18, poem 4132, “I am nothing but a servant poor, daily working at your door.” And the line yasuishi nasanu Ꮽᐧࡊ࡝ࡈ࡟ in the other poem is from Book 5, poem 802. See The Man’yĿshŗ: A New and Complete Translation, transl. Honda HeihachirĿ (Tokyo: Hokuseido, 1967). 61 About the revival of nagauta, see Marceau 2002. See also Inoue Minoru, Kamo Mabuchi no gyĿseki to monryŗ (Tokyo: Kasama ShobĿ, 1966). Mabuchi’s theory on chĿka is expressed in Kamo Mabuchi, Niimanabi, in KMZ, vol. 19, pp. 209-10. Mabuchi’s nagauta can be found in Nihon koten bungaku taikei (NKBT), vol. 93, or Shin Nihon koten bungaku taikei, vol. 68. See also Kokugakusha denki shŗsei, ed. ľkawa Shigeo and Minami Shigeki (Tokyo: Higashi Shuppan, 1997), pp. 328-30, which includes nagautaE\0DEXFKLDQG¿YHRWKHUSRHWVRQRFFDVLRQRI<X\D6KL]XNR¶VGHDWK See Nakayama 1936, p. 69, on Hitomaro’s love poems in the Man’yĿshŗ, no. 207-12. 62 Nakayama 1936, p. 145, who counted in addition 197 tanka (the short form which

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Figure 3-9. Grave of KatĿ Chikage. EkĿin Temple, Sumida-ku, Tokyo.

textualizing Makuzu’s poetic style, note that for instance Harumi, who was Mabuchi’s main disciple, had his own views on poetic theory and practice, but all of these poets shared a fondness for nagauta.63 In this FRQWH[W LW LV VLJQL¿FDQW WKDW 6KLPL]X +DPDRPL ZKR ZDV DQRWKHU RI 0DNX]X¶VWHDFKHUVFRPSLOHGWKH¿UVWDQWKRORJ\RInagauta in 1815.64 is conventionally called waka). 63 For the differences between Mabuchi and Harumi see the introductory discussion by Tanaka 2000, in particular, pp. 3-27. For the revival of nagauta (or chĿka), see Thomas 2003, pp. 151-64. 64 See Marceau 2002. Shimizu Hamaomi, Murata Harumi’s student, anthologized nagauta, called Suganone shŗ (Sedge Root Collections, 1815). See also Tanaka 2000, pp. 121-38, in which he discusses Murata Harumi’s poetic theory on nagauta. Motoori Norinaga apparently was not interested in this poetic form, while his adoptive son Motoori ľhira ᮇᑽኬᖲ (1756–1833) compiled a chĿka collection. See Thomas 2003, pp. 153-55.


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Figure 3-10. Grave of Shimizu Hamaomi. ZenshĿji Temple, TaitĿ-ku, Tokyo.

Obviously the trends among the leading poets in Edo need to be investigated more thoroughly.65 While form and content in Makuzu’s poetry can be linked to the trends of her time, it is possible that the various theories of waka poetics applied not necessarily exclusively but in the form of a dialogue among the poets, each one of them privileging one form or content over another. This was true in particular in the case of practitioners who, like Makuzu, experimented with a variety of themes, tropes, and ways of expression.

THE VICTIM MAKUZU Homesickness, loneliness, and her indirect but ongoing connection to the Edo literary world began to nurture a feeling of victimization in Makuzu. Already Michinoku nikki expressed this kind of self-presentation, which is not uncommon in the writings of women living in a 65 Roger K. Thomas refers to the Edo-ha poets in a recent article about the TempĿ poet ľkuma Kotomichi ኬ㝨ゕ㐠 (1798–1868) and his waka poetics. Roger K. Thomas, “A Voice of the TempĿ Era: The Poetics of ľkuma Kotomichi,” MN 59:3 (Autumn 2004), pp. 321-36.

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society that is male-dominated and male-centered. The “captivity” accentuated by actual distance was a new experience for Makuzu. Her father’s household in Edo had differed in many respects. There she was the oldest daughter, who went to serve for ten years in daimyo mansions and later managed the household during her mother’s illness and HYHQWXDO GHDWK SHUPLWWLQJ KHU HYHQ ZLWKLQ WKH ZRPDQO\ FRQ¿QHV RI the home more space and freedom than was permitted to the wife in a samurai household. We can assume that in Sendai she was more constrained than she used to be, even in daily movement. She was the new wife in an established household that only the previous year had lost its mistress to an untimely death. A rural, upper-rank samurai household consisting of three sons, a mother-in-law, and an absent husband HYLGHQWO\H[SHFWHGKHUWR¿OOWKHSODFHLQWKHZD\WKH\ZHUHXVHGWR66 When Makuzu passed sour judgment on Sendai, as compared to Edo, one hundred years behind in its customs, she probably referred also to her own lost free range of movement. She suggested using her education to teach, but was discouraged from doing so.67 In the house of the Tadano family she was to represent the family without being publicly present. The fact that she was not a samurai daughter and was, moreover, the second wife may have put some distance between her and the established Tadano family.68 Or, at least, this is the portrait Makuzu offers her reader Takizawa Bakin in 1819.69 In her mind, Makuzu never left the KudĿ house. This was certainly not surprising, since her marriage was meant to provide continuity in the relations between the families. The distance, however, prevented her from participating actively in the relations between the houses; instead her husband, who was in Edo most of the time, took this part DQGDSSDUHQWO\RIWHQYLVLWHGKHUKRPH,WPXVWKDYHEHHQGLI¿FXOWIRU Makuzu to live a life excluded from direct communication. Frequent correspondence with her siblings, in particular her brother Motosuke and her sister Taeko, are signs that they made an effort to overcome being physically apart. Her father, Heisuke, also participated in the correspondence despite his poor health, as two poems show: 66 For a description of a samurai family, see Yamakawa Kikue, Women of the Mito Domain, transl. Kate Wildman Nakai (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1992). 67 Towazugatari, in TMS, pp. 376-77. 68 0DNX]X¶V¿UVWJUDYHVLWHUHÀHFWVWKHGLVWDQFH7RWKHQRUWKRI,JD¶VJUDYHLVWKH WRPERIKLV¿UVWZLIHZKLOH0DNX]X¶VLVWRWKHVRXWK1DND\DPD(LNRTadano Makuzu haka kaisĿ iten tenmatsu hĿkokusho, Copy from Nakayama Eiko Collection (Sendai, 1933), p. 1. 69 Towazugatari, in TMS, pp. 374-78.


119

ずࡢࡷࡊࡊெࡊ࡝ࡄࡿࡣࢂ࠿ᐙࡡ⣒ⴝࡡⰅࡵ࠾ࡆࡔ࠿࡮࡝ࡽ If the one person Mihayashi shi is not delighted, hito shinakereba the autumn colors waga shuku no of my dwelling momiji no iro mo will be disappointed, too. kakochi gao nari ᨶ㒋ࢅࡥ࡛ࡽࡢ࡝ࡿ࡙࠵ࡾெࢅ⩹ࡡࡠࡉࡴ࡞ᛦࡥࡆࡐࡷࡿ70 Away from home Furusato o by yourself, hitori hanarete think of aru hito o the old man oi no nezame ni when you wake up. omoi koso yare

Heisuke was concerned about his oldest daughter, who apparently one year after her departure had not yet grown accustomed to her new home. To read his verses is a rarity, since Heisuke was not as fond of poetry as were the women in his family; citing the poems may be Makuzu’s way of expressing her objections to her fate. This notion is substantiated by the way Makuzu describes her reaction. Moved by her father’s poems, Makuzu kept crying. She knew that she must not disappoint her father, yet she stubbornly argues: We say that where you live is your home. But this is not true. Although I came to live here, the whole time my longing for my home increases. Even when I manage to tell myself that I am here in a place far away, so I ought to agree to things to which I would otherwise object … I cannot stop feeling the pain.71 70 Michinoki nikki, p. 481. Altogether Makuzu lists three waka by Heisuke. The poems stem from 1798, Makuzu’s second fall in Sendai. On the last day of the sixth month, 1799, she received a poem by her father, saying:

ࡲࡐࡁࡌࡾ⯒ྻࡀ࡛࡮ࡌἑ㢴࡞ࡳ࠾ࡨࡷ⚽ࡡࡢࡋࡴ࡝ࡾ࡬ࡀ Misogi suru fune fuki to hosu kawakaze ni mukau ya aki no hajime naru beki

When the boat WKDWSXUL¿HV is blown by the wind of the river it is the beginning of the fall.

Makuzu’s envoy: ⾔ࡀ࠾ࡻࡨ⩴ࡊ࠵ࡼࡣᨶ㒋ࡡࡲࡐࡁ࡞ࢂࡿࡵ⾔࠾ࡱࡊࡵࡡࢅ Yukikayou tsubasa shiaraba furusato no misogi ni ware mo ikamashi mono o 71

If I had wings for my travel, I, too, ZRXOGJRWRWKHSXUL¿FDWLRQ at home.

Makuzugahara, in TMS, pp. 492-93.

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Makuzu maintained emphatically that her home was with the KudĿ family and wished herself back in her life in Edo. Sendai and the house of the Tadano family would never become her home. While her reaction UHPLQGVXVRIKHUDFFRXQWRIKHU¿UVWPDUULDJHWKLVWLPHDSSDUHQWO\ she was not able to turn around. Over time in Makuzu’s writings the feeling of exile has more explicit manifestation. When Makuzu received from her sister Taeko the nagauta by Murata Harumi, called ľshĿkun ⋜᫓ྦ, it had a great impact on her. The poem retells the famous story of one of the four beauties of China, who had to leave her country for a political marriage. Harumi envisions her as being held captive and so prevented from enjoying the VFHQWRIWKHÀRZHUVRIVSULQJDQGWKHFRORUVRIWKHOHDYHVWXUQLQJUHGLQ the fall. After copying the poem into her diary, Makuzu announces that VKHLGHQWL¿HGZLWKWKHKHURLQHRIWKHSRHPQDPHO\DVDYLFWLP72 With this underlying attitude of suffering a destiny that was supposed to support her family, she witnessed from afar the events in Edo. The KudĿ family fortunes did nothing but decline. Heisuke’s health was already unsteady when Makuzu had left in 1797, but apparently within one year his illness advanced to the point that he had to retire from his duties and his son Motosuke took his place.73 Before long, at the end of 1800, her father succumbed to his illness and died at the DJH RI VL[W\VHYHQHG@WRKDYHDVLJQL¿FDQWLPSDFWRQQDWLRQDOODQJXDJHFXOWXUH and political discourse in the Meiji period,” it is worthwhile also to scrutinize other, non-academic intellectual endeavors outside of the binary of Kangaku and Kokugaku,

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It is not that there were no educated women in the Tokugawa period. To the contrary, upper-class women and wealthy elite commoners were educated beyond basic literacy. Indeed, in Makuzu’s time, we witness a larger population, including women, who were not strictly trained in Kangaku fashion, but who received their instruction in circles that focused on Japanese poetry (wabun ࿰ᩝ), which certainly widened and emancipated the formerly “male” path for the diffusion of knowledge to both men and women, but since men often would have already received basic instructions in Kangaku, it was more frequently women who received such instruction.10 Women’s education, however, was meant as an investment toward better social status, and not toward intellectual independence.11 Women were educated to prepare them for domestic and social responsibilities after marriage. In fact, Confucian scholars, such as Kaibara Ekiken ㇽ ཋ─㌲ (1630–1714), mention that the education of daughters should not be neglected.12 Basic texts for girls (Ŀraimono ᙸᮮ∸), for instance, Onna daigaku ዥኬᏕ (Greater Learning for Women), which were designated to educate women, make it obvious that women were deemed to be in need of an education that differed from men’s.13 Makuzu, too, wrote educational pieces, which bolsters Martha Tocco’s argument that an “increasing visibility of women in the public role of teachers shows

ODUJHO\GH¿QHGE\ODQJXDJH.XUR]XPLS 10 Certainly there were Tokugawa women who were educated in Chinese language and literature, for example, Arakida Reijo Ⲡᮄ⏛㮿ዥ (1732–1806) or Ema SaikĿ Ờ 㤷⣵㤮 (1787–1861). In addition to SaikĿ, six other women published their personal anthologies of Chinese poetry. For a list, see Mari Nagase, “Pursuing ‘Women’s Words’: The Poetry of Ema SaikĿ,” in Conference Proceedings: “Across Time and Genre: Reading and Writing Japanese Women’s Texts” (Edmonton: University of Alberta, 2002), pp. 100-02. Or see Yu Chang, “Cultivating the Universal Self: Two Women Kanshi Writers in the Late Edo Period,” pp. 167-71. I have not yet seen a discussion of whether these women were also thoroughly trained in the Chinese classics and their interpretation. Women who were Kangaku teachers in the later half of the nineteenth century are mentioned by Mehl 2003, p. 82. 11 See, for instance, Matsudaira Sadanobu, who does not deny female intelligence, yet who regarded intelligent women as a source of trouble. See Shŗshinroku ಞᚨ㘋, cited in Umehara TĿru, Kinsei no gakkĿ to kyĿiku (Kyoto: DĿhĿsha, 1988), p. 252; and see P. F. Kornicki, “Unsuitable Books for Women?,” MN 60:2 (2005), p. 156. 12 Tocco 2003, p. 195. 13 In Tokko 2003, Kaibara Ekiken received a necessary re-evaluation. He has been too long falsely accused of penning Onna daigaku.

CRITIQUE OF THE MASCULINE WAY

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that teaching had become a suitable occupation for women as a gender group.”14 Makuzu’s participation in academics, however, was a different issue. As will become evident from the following analysis, gakumon, or academics, was a male domain. For this reason, Makuzu’s gender, and not so much her status, distinguishes her intellectually from her father and his social network. She displays an astonishing knowledge of other countries, history, and economic conditions, as Bakin remarks. Bakin’s principal critique of Makuzu’s thesis, however, is related to an implied discrimination against women rooted in the opacity of the intellectual discourse itself. For this reason, we need to unveil the gender discourse deeply embedded in the academic discourse of Tokugawa Japan as well as in our modern interpretations of that discourse. The relationship between man and woman was overlooked by scholarship in general.15 Bakin unintentionally discusses the concealed gender discourse within academia. He claims: This old woman Makuzu from Michinoku [Sendai] has the habit of pondering constantly all kinds of things. She wrote all these new ideas down in a book called Hitori kangae, a task that eased her idle time during sleepless nights. Although there is a tradition of court women who ZURWHZLWKPXFKWDOHQWWKH\ZURWH¿FWLRQZKLFKLVXQOLNHZKDWWKLVROG woman discussed with much care, namely how to rule the country and even how to cultivate yourself. She has the body of a woman, but her mind is manly! Nevertheless she was anxious and sent the manuscript in the second month of this year to me, who enjoys certain renown, with WKH UHTXHVW WR FRUUHFW KHU IDXOW\ SDUWV 'HVSLWH WKDW DW ¿UVW , ZDV GLV-

14

Tocco 2003, p. 194. For Makuzu’s primers for poetry, see TMS, pp. 393-403. Further, not only poetry but also geography etc. were subjects that found widespread interest as we can see from the number of academic texts for women. Tocco 2003, p. 199. 15 There is a brief consideration about the relationship between man and woman, for instance the locus classicus found in Mencius, Bk. 3, 1, 4, 8: “Between father and son, there should be affection, between sovereign and minister, righteousness, between husband and wife, attention to their separate functions; between old and young, a proper RUGHUDQGEHWZHHQIULHQGV¿GHOLW\´The Works of Mencius, transl. James Legge [New York: Dover Publications, 1970], pp. 251-52). See also in the Doctrine of the Mean, 20, 8: “The duties are those between sovereign and minister, between father and son, between husband and wife, between elder brother and younger, and those belonging to the intercourse of friends” (Confucius: Confucian Analects, the Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean, transl. James Legge [New York: Dover Publications, 1971], p. 406-07).

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pleased about this gifted woman, every time I read [Hitori kangae] over again I was surprised anew and my mind was stimulated. However, there are many parts that I cannot tolerate, because they are not corresponding [to the teachings] of the sages. Although I was not sure what to do about them at this point, I could not just return [the manuscript] knowingly [as it was].16

With this preface to DokkĿron, Bakin discloses his surprise at what Makuzu has to say in her treatise, that her goal is to give advice on political matters and self-cultivation. Both issues conventionally occupy the mind of the scholar. Therefore, Makuzu, Bakin argues, is not only a talented woman but she enjoys an extraordinary or, in his words, “masculine” or “manly” mindset (onokodamashii ࢅࡡࡆࡓࡱࡊࡥ).17 :H¿QGKHUHWKHLPSOLFDWLRQWKDW%DNLQDVVXPHVKLVSHUVSHFWLYHLVXQderstood and shared by his reader. On the surface, Bakin criticizes Makuzu’s intellectual approach, her ignorance of the Confucian Way, not because such thoughts come from a woman but because, to his regret, her writing is in the antiConfucian tradition of Kokugaku and Rangaku (nativist and Western Studies).18%DNLQ¿QGVWKHZHDNQHVVRI0DNX]X¶VWUHDWLVHKHUH(YHQ if she has new things to say that are astonishing and thought-provoking, given that they are not “according to the teachings of the sages,” which is in his opinion the point of reference for any discussion, he sees the need to redirect her notions back to the Confucian Way.19 Although in DokkĿron Bakin seems not to be committed to any particular Confucian tradition, and his arguments and his positive evaluation of Norinaga’s work give testimony to his intellectual eclecticism, he is a representative of the conventional educational, or academic, tradition.20 16

First paragraph of DK, p. 310. Emphases are mine. See also, “To begin with, this old woman Makuzu has the spirit of a man” (Somosomo kono Makuzu no tĿji wa, onokodamashii aru mono ࡐࡵࠍࡆࡡ┷⴩ࡡภ⮤ࡢ࠽ ࡡࡆࡓࡱࡊࡥ࠵ࡾࡵࡡ), Makuzu no ouna, p. 253. And see again “Even if women are often mentioned in such works as the Biographies of Notable Women (Lienü zhuan), I know that they are not authentic. Yet you, though a woman, truly possess the spirit of a man” (ouna ni shite, onokodamashii ࢅ࠹࡝࡞ࡊ࡙, ࢅࡡࡆࡓࡱࡊࡥ), Bakin’s Letter, p. 103. Emphases are mine. In the following I render onokodamashii as “masculine” and “manly” to emphasize the attribution of gender. 18 See for instance the comment by Bakin in HK, p. 282. Or see DK, p. 315. 19 See last paragraph of DK, p. 370. 20 For Bakin’s comments on Norinaga, see Makuzu no ouna, p. 255. Bakin became the disciple of Kameda HĿsai ஞ⏛㭁ᩢ (1752–1826) in 1789, himself a student of Inoue Kinga ஬୕㔘ᓓ (1732–84). Kinga was a student of Ogyŗ Sorai’s disciple Ino17


179

Therefore when he points out more than once that it is extremely rare WR ¿QG VXFK DQ H[FHSWLRQDO ZRPDQ DQG WKDW 0DNX]X ³WKLQNV OLNH D man,” we see that gender played an important role in academia. Bakin’s “academic eyes” and Makuzu’s eyes were the divide between these two thinkers not only because of their academic versus non-academic, Confucian versus anti-Confucian views, but also because of their opposite genders. In fact the two are connected. Gender and the occupation of the scholar, namely the comprehension of things, are ostensibly two unrelated issues.21 However Bakin frequently links them in DokkĿron; for instance, “this is not anything a woman can know, so Makuzu should then refrain from discussing it.”22 Moreover, to Makuzu both issues were of direct concern, as she discussed them continually in Hitori kangae. In her case, being a woman and not being a scholar trained in Confucian texts were related; both constituted barriers that Makuzu strove to overcome. There was a masculine academic paradigm that is ignored or buried in Bakin’s text. In fact academics were deeply steeped in shared analytical conventions of textual exegesis and methodology of interpretation.23 The Tokugawa thinkers with whom we are familiar today were all part of this academic tradition; they all shared the same framework, medium, and points of reference that Kurozumi Makoto incorporates into the term Kangaku (Chinese learning).24 In the late Tokugawa peue Randai ஬୕⹊ྋ (1705–61). However, his broadly used citations from Confucius, Mencius, ItĿ Jinsai, and Laozi indicate his eclecticism. Biographers and scholars of Bakin have been concerned mainly with his views on literature or with the literary asSHFWVRIKLVZULWLQJVVXFKDVKLVLGHDVRQSRSXODU¿FWLRQKLVWRULFDO¿FWLRQHWF%DNLQ¶V philosophical ideas have not been discussed so far. A thorough investigation of Bakin, the thinker, therefore is needed. In English, Leon Zolbrod mentions Bakin’s education only in passing (Zolbrod 1967, pp. 72-73). 21 See, for instance, the last paragraph of DK, p. 370. 22 DK, p. 340. 23 For instance, Maruyama Masao has argued that the nativists in their structural approach are close to the Ancient Learning School (kogaku ཿᏕ), in particular to Ogyŗ Sorai. For a discussion, see Peter Nosco, “Nature, Invention, and National Learning: The Kokka hachiron Controversy, 1742–46,” HJAS 41 (1981), p. 79. See, for instance, how intellectuals from opposing “schools” engaged in dialogues, such as nativist Kamo Mabuchi responds to Dazai Shundai, ItĿ Jinsai to Kada no Azumamaro, Motoori Norinaga to Ichikawa Tazumaro, Kagawa Kageki to Kamo Mabuchi, and so forth. I refer here to debate not as direct dialogue, but as a thesis and its later refutation. 24 Kurozumi 2000, p. 213. Therefore it is often argued that Western books that came LQWR-DSDQODFNHGPHWDSK\VLFDOFRQFHSWVWRH[SODLQVFLHQWL¿FPRGHOVZKLFKHQDEOHG Japanese scholars to interpret these within their own theoretical, mostly Confucian, lan-

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riod, knowledge, especially medical knowledge, was conventionally acquired through the study of Song Confucian interpretations. This was enforced with the Kansei reforms of the 1790s, and was indicated by the newly opened domain schools throughout the country.25 Even if there were schools that had other ideological orientations, the majority of the schools integrated these interpretive texts into their curriculum. For instance, Motoori Norinaga, one of the “four masters” of nativism, who was trained in Chinese Studies and Chinese medicine, and thus Song Confucian ideology, would acknowledge: “Since olden times, scholarship typically means Chinese studies.”26 Further, Murata Harumi, Makuzu’s “uncle,” mentions in his short treatise, Wagaku taigai ࿰ Ꮥኬᴣ (An Outline of Japanese Learning, 1792), too, that today the “way of scholarship” (gakumon no michi Ꮥၡࡡ㐠) is Confucian studies.27 It would take one or more generations of scholars who were not thoroughly trained in Kangaku to succeed in making their scholarship at least respected, even though not mainstream.28 Makuzu was writing at the turning point in academia when more schools of Kokugaku, Shingaku ᚨᏕ (Heart Learning), and Western studies began emerging. But it was not only her ignorance of language and the classics that set her apart; Makuzu’s gender went against the conventions as well. Therefore when we embark upon an analysis of a non-academic thinker, it is necessary to be conscious of possible frictions with the tradition. Makuzu’s thoughts were based on the perception and obserguage. See Albert Craig, “Science and Confucianism in Tokugawa Japan,” in Changing Japanese Attitudes toward Modernization, ed. Marius Jansen (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965). 25 For an investigation of the Kansei reforms, Song Confucianism, and domain schools, see Ooms 1975. See also Backus, 1974. 26 “Mukashi yori, tada gakumon to nomi ieba, kangaku no koto nari” ࡳ࠾ࡊࡻࡽࠉ ࡒࡓᏕၡ࡛ࡡࡲ࠷࡫ࡣࠉ₆Ꮥࡡࡆ࡛࡝ࡾ From Motoori Norinaga, Uiyamabumi ᏫẒᒜ㊻ (First Steps into the Mountains), in MNZ, comp. ľno Susumu and ľkubo Tadashi, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Chikuma ShobĿ, 1968), p. 7. Cited by Seki Tamiko, “Gakumon to josei,” in Nihon josei no rekishi, ed. SĿgĿjoseishi kenkyŗkai (Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1993), p. 137. Bakin respects Norinaga for being thoroughly educated in Kangaku (DK, p. 360). 27 Murata Harumi, Wagaku taigai, in Kinsei shintĿ ron, comp. Taira Shigemichi and Abe Akio, NST 39 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1972), p. 448. See, for a brief discussion of the text, Winkel 2004. 28 The self-styled student of Norinaga, Hirata Atsutane ᖲ⏛⠔⬅ (1776–1843), for instance, was not well respected among scholars. Bakin thinks of him as a scholar not to be taken too seriously because of his lack of education (DK, p. 360; also p. 359).


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vation of her time and society. Because of her father, who was convinced that Makuzu “would not suffer any disadvantage at all if [she] were kept from reading Chinese works,” she herself claimed that she was able to “think and write about such things [as those discussed in Hitori kangae] because [she] did not fall into Chinese ways of thinking.”29 For this reason Makuzu did not approach her arguments and notions from and within the framework that was common in scholarship as displayed so painstakingly by Bakin. In order to interpret Makuzu’s thought within the existing intellectual discourse we have to be aware of this crucial incompatibility. Nonetheless, Makuzu was still, just as any other thinker, part of Tokugawa society and was not removed from its constraints and the power relations built upon its ideologies. When Makuzu based her noWLRQVRQREVHUYDWLRQVRIVRFLHW\VKHZDVUHVSRQGLQJWRWKHUDPL¿FDtions of ideologies in social practices. These doctrines often collided with changes in the socioeconomic structure of society, in particular by the late eighteenth century, but still a set of broadly shared assumptions about the relationship between humans and their environment coexisted and were interrelated in sociopolitical life. While Makuzu perceived some of these contradictions, she missed others or embraced WKHP7KXVZH¿QGLQKHUWKRXJKWVVRPH²LQSDUWLFXODU6RQJ&RQIXcian—remnants that she sought so ardently to abolish. Even if she was not trained to use the same tools of reference available to her father and other scholars, she still observed her environment through indoctrinated glasses, albeit with female eyes. For this reason, it is helpful to compare Makuzu’s original thoughts with those of leading intellectuals to establish a point of reference. Since she works from within the ruling discourse, she offers us a perspective on an otherwise buried cultural diffusion.

DEFINING GENDER Makuzu knew that her gender was an obstacle in her effort to be politically active. Her way of dealing with it was to demarcate the concept RI³ZRPDQ´7KDW0DNX]XZDVDEOHWRUHGH¿QHJHQGHULQKHUSDUWLFXlar way can be explained by the fact that ambiguous and variable notions of gender circulated during the Tokugawa period. As shown in 29

HK, p. 269; MN 56:1, p. 27.

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recent studies, gender did not correspond to physiological sex, either in PHGLFDORULQWHOOHFWXDOGLVFRXUVH6WDUWOLQJO\ZH¿QG0DNX]XJLYLQJ DQXQDPELJXRXVGH¿QLWLRQRIJHQGHUZRPHQDQGVHUYDQWVDUHGLI¿FXOWWRKDQGOH@ he meant that women are people with Yin-character (inshitsu 㝔㈹). People with a Yin-character are easily impudent (nare ≫ࡿ), and they like to be jealous. If you let them get close to you, they lose humility and respect. If you distance yourself from them, they get resentful. That is ZK\WKHVDJHVDLGWKH\DUHGLI¿FXOWWRQXUWXUHyashinaigatashi 㣬ࡥ࠿ࡒ ࡊ). The sage does not take pleasure in women and song (seishoku ኇⰅ). Only amorous sorts invite girls to their proximity for love … Servants, too, are part of the Yin-sort (inrui 㝔㢦). But not only lower class people (gesen ୖ㈦) are lowly people. People who are condescending toward the sages, who are envious that someone wins over them, who do not practice virtue and are arrogant… . People who act like this, including scholars, are all lowly people. That is why the sage said it is GLI¿FXOWWRQXUWXUHWKHP108

Bakin’s view from the perspective of male authority demonstrates how the inferiority of women and lowly people is inherent in their nature, which again ignores the premise of one gender-less, universal human QDWXUHDVDVVHUWHGE\6RQJ&RQIXFLDQLVP*HQGHUH[HPSOL¿HGLQWKH concept of yin, underlies his argument. Makuzu recognized that scholarship discriminated against and excluded women from discussion. For a woman to become part of academia, she needed to be regarded as exceptional, or as in the case of Makuzu, “manly;” in other words she needed to transgress her gendered role in society.109 Yet Makuzu certainly did not want to be con108 DK, p. 357. See, for a related discussion, Lisa Raphals and her analysis of the citation in the Analects in regard to the characters 㞬㣬 (Ch. nan yang), which is interpreted HLWKHUDV³GLI¿FXOWWRPDQDJHRUEHKDYHWR´RUDV³GLI¿FXOWWRQXUWXUH´7KHODWWHUFDUULHV WKHLPSOLFDWLRQWKDWZRPHQDUHGLI¿FXOWWRLQVWUXFWEHFDXVHRIWKHLULQFDSDFLW\,QRXU VSHFL¿FFDVHLWLVVWULNLQJKRZ0DNX]XLQGHHGXVHVIRUWKHRULJLQDOWHUPatsukainikui GLI¿FXOWWRKDQGOH ZKLOH%DNLQXVHVyashinaigatashi GLI¿FXOWWRQXUWXUH WKXVGLUHFWO\ implying both interpretations from their gendered perspectives (Lisa Raphals, “Gendered Virtue Reconsidered: Notes from the Warring States and Han,” in The Sage and the Second Sex: Confucianism, Ethics, and Gender, ed. Chenyang Li [Peru, Illinois: Open Court Publishing Company, 2000], pp. 223-48). 109 For instance, Ema SaikĿ, painter and kanshi poet, “recognized her activity as masculine. This dilemma occasionally caused SaikĿ to renounce traditional ‘femininity’ in her poetry” (Mari Nagase 2002, p. 102). It would be interesting to compare their writings from the perspective of whether they joined in the same kind of rhetoric as men, or if they described the contradictions between their gender role in society and ideology. See Fister 1991, Nagase 2002, and Yu Chang 2002 for a preliminary exami-

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sidered as a man. Being aware of her gender and the discrimination against her sex in regard to scholarship at large and to Confucianism in particular, Makuzu attacked these scholars. She showed that women were inferior due to their physicality, but women could be knowledgeDEOHDQGWKHUHIRUHVKRXOGEHSDUWRILQWHOOHFWXDOGLVFRXUVH6KHIRUWL¿HG her argument with her own enlightenment, which gave her the right to speak out and to know the conditions of society. By de-genderizing intellectual discourse, which was a male prerogative, she opened a debate on gender. But her argument was weakened by her own premise of biological essentialism, which divided humankind into two categories: women and men. The friction between herself and her environment—people called her “odd”—formed the foundation that explained the exception in her case, but what about other women? She found an explanation for the social practice of discrimination against women in physiological essentialism, though by the same token, if this essentialism is rigorously pursued, there should have been no open space for any exception including Makuzu herself. In the dominant male-centered world, society and the ideological GLVFRXUVHRIJHQGHUZHUHÀH[LEOHDQGDOZD\VFKDQJLQJZLWKLQWKHSDrameters of discrimination. While Makuzu rejected some of its stipulations, she embraced others. In so doing, she brings us closer to the intellectual and ideological contradictions of her time. After all, in daily life even the scholar could not ignore the other sex, as Bakin maintains, “Even so, a household cannot be without a woman, and so we have a dilemma.”110

nation. Further, when we consider the female Shingaku disciples and teachers we see how they did not live their own lives according to their teachings of how to become a Shingaku woman. See Robertson 1991, pp. 99-106. 110 DK, p. 357.

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THE RHYTHM AS GUIDE My humble wish is for a world in which people take their cue from the rhythm of heaven and earth. ။ࡒࡡࡴ⩹ࡵࢂ࠾࡫ࡵࡎ࡟ࡵࡡࡢ㐛ࡁࡾ᭮᪝࡛እ᫠ࡡᩐ Tada tanome oi mo wakae mo senu mono wa sugiru tsukihi to yoru hiru no kazu

The only reliable things, the only things not affected by age or youth, are the months and days that pass and the number of nights and days. (Tadano Makuzu, Hitori kangae)1

,Q0DNX]X¶VKDQGVWKHEUXVKEHFDPHDWRROZLWKZKLFKWRUHÀHFWRQ OLIHLWVHOI+HUXQLTXHFRVPRORJ\KDVEHFRPHNQRZQLQWKH¿HOGRILQtellectual history as that of a woman who wrote in isolation and as one WKDW KDG QR UDPL¿FDWLRQV LQ VRFLHW\ 0DNX]X¶V LQVWUXFWLRQV WKHUHIRUH are theoretical only. Her ideas did not initiate any economic or political reforms, nor did they open a debate; Makuzu did not open a school or travel the country to promulgate her insights, at least as far as we know.2 The following discussion is based on the one-sided exchange between Makuzu and Bakin, since Makuzu did not reply to his critique. Likewise, when I draw on connotations of Song Confucianism, Ancient School Confucianism, nativism, and Western studies in order WR FODULI\ 0DNX]X¶V QRWLRQV WKHVH FRQQRWDWLRQV GR QRW UHÀHFW DFWXDO practices in society, but rather reveal the mind of an intellectual pondering her contemporary political culture.

1

HK, p. 294-95; MN 56:2, p. 183. According to Nakayama Eiko, Makuzu had some disciples to whom she taught poetry (Nakayama 1988, p. 24). Makuzu, too, mentions in Towazugatari, in TMS, p. 376: “I always liked being a teacher, because when I come close to these children, nothing bothers me and I am peaceful and content. I do not even get tired in repeating the same things over and over again. This is why becoming a teacher was so soothing. In particular after it was decided for me to live here, I hoped to take this opportunity to JDWKHU\RXQJJLUOVWR¿QGVRPHMR\LQP\OLIHE\VFKRROLQJWKHP´ 2

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Figure 6-1. First page of Hitori kangae (copy made in 1926). Courtesy of Tadano Hama.

THE R HYTHM BETWEEN HEAVEN AND EARTH Makuzu well represents the range and diversity of the late Tokugawa intellectual landscape. In her work, she offers a cosmology that is not FOHDUO\GH¿QHGEXWLVWKHUHFRQ¿JXUDWLRQRIDSRRORILGHQWL¿DEOHQRtions from which she draws. Her epistemological endeavor to explain the world around her unquestionably proposes different solutions from those offered by academics, in particular by Confucians, who represented the leading Tokugawa intellectual discourse. I have already shown in the previous chapter Makuzu’s discontent with Confucianism with regard to women and scholarship. Therefore her rejection of the Confucian Way as a path that should help society does not come as a surprise. Instead Makuzu proposes a notion that is based on her experience and not on theoretical discussions found in books alone.

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Makuzu means to abolish metaphysics from the realm of human beings. Her father’s activities, which she explains were those of an intellectual who always investigated his environment, demonstrated to her that seeking the truth of the certainties between heaven and earth could not be based on a superstructure. Just as her father used to say that curiosity is a human trait, Makuzu continues to follow her father and his approach to knowledge, namely by means of the investigation of things, the quest for sincerity (makoto ㄌ).3 Makuzu shares this objective with many other scholars; what differs is her approach and her conclusion.4 Ideology or religion, in other words ideas that describe what cannot be investigated with eyes and ears, are consequently false. To Makuzu, Buddhism and Confucianism cannot be guides for one’s life since they do not explain the true world. For that reason, Makuzu, here echoing nativist thinkers’ works, rejects Confucianism in particular not only as a guide for people to follow but also as a tool for ruling. Makuzu’s position in Hitori kangae is straightforward: People may think that the way of the sages (hijiri no michi ⪯ࡡ㐠), having been used for public affairs since ancient times, is indeed a true way (makoto wa michi rashiku ㄌࡢ㐠ࡼࡊࡂ). In fact, however, it is simply a system made by human beings and borrowed from China. It is a fancy implement, for use in the world at large, like a cart on the KLJKZD\:KHQWKHUHDUHGLI¿FXOWPDWWHUVRISXEOLFFRQFHUQWKHRQO\ way to move them ahead is to put them on the cart and push…. As an implement it is clumsy, and people can get hurt.5 3

Letter called Mukashibanashi, in TMS, p. 373. Makoto is commonly rendered as “sincerity” (see Doctrine of the Mean, 25 [Legge 1971, p. 418]). In this case, it expresses how Makuzu sees her natural environment as the leading principle. In one case, in the translation of Hitori kangae we rendered hito no makoto as “human nature” (see HK, p. 304; MN 56:2, p. 191). 5 HK, p. 268; MN 56:1, p. 26. Makuzu refers here to the Analects, Bk. 8, 7, 1: “[The RI¿FHU¶V@EXUGHQLVKHDY\DQGKLVFRXUVHLVORQJ´/HJJHS 7KLVLVEHWWHU indicated in her letter Nanakusa no tatoe, where she says: “Among the many things that remind me of [Motosuke] is the Chinese proverb “The burden is heavy and the way is far,” which is sincerely my safeguard: ၄ெࡡࡗࡄࡊ㔔Ⲭࡢㇿࡥ࡝࠿ࡼ㐮ࡄࡀ㐠ࢅࡒ࡜ࡼࡉࡽࡗࡾ 4

Karabito no tsukeshi omoni wa oi nagara harukeki michi o tadorazaritsuru

While the Chinese carry a heavy burden, they didn’t pursue the way this far.

ࡻࡲࡗࡕ࡞⾔ࡂࡼࢆெ࡞၄ᅗࡡ㔔Ⲭㇿࡢࡎࡊࡆ࡛ࡡᝊࡊࡈ Yomitsuji ni It is sad that the person yukuran hito ni who will go to the other world karakuni no has to carry omoni owaseshi the heavy burden koto no kanashisa of China.

(Nanakusa no tatoe, in TMS, pp. 504-05).

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Since Confucianism is a human device from China it is inappropriate as a guide for Japan. Certainly, the Chinese origin of the Way is nothing new, and even Makuzu’s postulation that the Way was an invention was not unheard of in the late Tokugawa period either. This well-known argument was not only used by critics of Confucianism, for instance nativists like Kamo Mabuchi and Motoori Norinaga, but also was used as an argument among Confucians, such as representatives of Ancient learning (Kogaku), for example Ogyŗ Sorai, who attacked Song Confucian metaphysics. Makuzu obviously positions herself as belonging to the group of critics that rejects Confucianism categorically. Makuzu explains, using her personal experience, that the Confucian Way is not only invented, but actually harmful to society. Her own family’s situation provided an example of the dire consequences of Confucian teachings. She recalls in Hitori kangae how her family ended in ruin, despite her father and brother having upheld Confucian teachings.6 As a result, Makuzu understands explicit ideologies such as Confucianism and Buddhism as views that lead neither to peace in society nor to happiness for the individual. Makuzu’s suggestion is to neglect any kind of “way” since it is necessarily an invention, and instead to follow what is within our daily experience. Makuzu’s insight led her to follow what she says is at the core of the world: the “rhythm between heaven and earth” (tenchi no hyĿshi ኮᆀࡡᢷᏄ): We who are born between heaven and earth will surely live out our entire lives in peace if we take the number of days and nights and the rhythm of heaven and earth as a fundamental principle (moto ᮇ), alZD\VFKRRVLQJWRGRZKDW¿WVWKHSULQFLSOHDQGDYRLGLQJWKDWZKLFKGRHV not. Both the teachings of Buddha and the way of the sages are systems created by human beings; they did not arise of their own accord (onozukara naru mono narazu ࠽ࡡࡍ࠾ࡼ࡝ࡾࡵࡡ࡝ࡼࡍ).7

Makuzu again calls attention to the human “creation” of “ways,” such as Confucianism and Buddhism, which consequently cannot be the source of sincerity (makoto).8 Instead, Makuzu announces that the only certainty in this world is the rhythm that is manifested in the recurrence of day and night, a natural order. The legacy of her father’s scholarly approach, namely the investigation of the unchangeable that lies 6

HK, p. 268. HK, p. 269; MN 56:1, p. 27. Emphases are mine. 8 HK, p. 268. 7

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between heaven and earth, is manifest in Makuzu’s view.9 However, while we can only surmise that Heisuke’s approach to the world lacked the original superstructure of Song Confucian content, Makuzu’s approach certainly is supposed to be devoid of metaphysics. Makuzu’s notion of the rhythm between heaven and earth is not a direct appropriation of the thoughts of anti-Confucian thinkers, such as 0DEXFKLDQG1RULQDJD0DNX]XXVHVKHURZQGH¿QLWLRQWRH[SODLQKHU view, which can be explained by the fact that she sees the world with a different pair of eyes than do her male contemporaries. The phrase the “rhythm between heaven and earth” is original to Makuzu, and has provoked much conjecture among modern scholars. Seki Tamiko’s interpretation is that Makuzu acknowledges only the “natural order and rhythm” (shizen no kisoku sei to rizumu ⮤↓ࡡぜ์ᛮ࡛ࣛࢫ࣑); ľguchi YŗjirĿ understands hyĿshi as “timing;” and Kado Reiko reads hyĿshi as “pulse” (myaku ⬞) or “tempo,” depending on the context.10 In order to come to terms with Makuzu’s notion of the “rhythm,” we notice that for Makuzu the rhythm underlies a principle (moto ᮇ). Indeed, in Makuzu’s worldview, there is no “way” of moral norms, which would necessarily be a construct and therefore changeable, but an authority, the rhythm, which arose on its own.11 The rhythm is Makuzu’s way of grasping the phenomenological natural environment. Makuzu argues to her audience, the upper class and the educated, that religions and metaphysical cosmologies cannot be guides for understanding the world; instead one must scrutinize the world itself. By essentializing this environment into the rhythm, however, Makuzu comes close to a normative “nature,” which Bakin idenWL¿HVIRUWKDWUHDVRQDVD&RQIXFLDQQRWLRQ:KHUHDVLQWKH7RNXJDZD period the notion of “nature” is often left vague, Song Confucianism interprets the notion of “nature” (shizen ⮤↓ or onozukara ࠽ࡡࡍ࠾ ࡼ)12 as the normative standard of a natural law of the Way.13 This view, 9 Nanakusa no tatoe, in TMS, p. 385. Makuzu explains that physicians, such as her father, believe that the heart has to be in accord with heaven and earth (tenchi ni tĿru, previously rendered into “penetrate heaven and earth.”) See also chapter 3. 10 Seki 1980, p. 132; ľguchi 1995, p. 237; Kado 1998, p. 189 and p. 191. 11 For more on morality see chapter 7. 12 As is stated in the Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong), 22, “Able to assist the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth, he may with Heaven and Earth form a ternion” (Legge 1971, pp. 415-16). 13 See Maruyama, who declares that for Zhu Xi and his followers of the Song Confucian tradition, “the Way was a transcendent element related to the Will of Heaven (tenmei) and part of nature or the natural order” (Maruyama Masao, Studies in the Intellectual History of Tokugawa Japan, transl. Mikiso Hane [Tokyo: University of Tokyo

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however, as Ogyŗ Sorai rightly claims, is actually not even Confucian in origin but can be traced back to notions expressed by Laozi and Zhuangzi and is therefore categorized as Daoist.14 Because of Makuzu’s apparent nearness to the Song Confucian notion of “nature,” in Bakin’s opinion, Makuzu’s revelation of the “rhythm” is not a new thought, but merely a different label for the regularity of the seasons and the course of nature. Bakin cites calendar-making and music as examples of how people take this rhythm as their fundamental source for conducting their lives. Natural phenomena, even Heaven, all depend on this rhythm: In Confucian books Heavenly principle (tenri ኮ⌦), chance ( jiun ᫤ 㐘), epidemics ( jiki ᫤Ẵ), and weather (kikĿ Ẵು), all depend on the number of days and nights and the rhythm of heaven and earth. This is not a new theory.15

Nevertheless, as Bakin goes on to explain, some people, in their attempt to learn about their fate by relying on fortune-tellers and other superstitious beliefs, lose their purpose and waste their time. Instead of such reliance, one must acknowledge this rhythm as something that cannot be rationalized or known.16 Although there is this seeming agreement between Bakin’s and Makuzu’s notions of an enigmatic rhythm or “nature,” they are certainly poles apart in the consequences they draw from this concept of the rhythm. Bakin’s indisputable respect for the rhythm indicates that he advocates that people should not seek to understand nature but should concentrate on the Way instead.17 Bakin sees the Way of the sages as the only reliable source for human morality due to nature’s mystery, to which Makuzu objects when she states: Press, 1974], pp. 19-61). 14 Ogyŗ Sorai, Benmei I: 6, 2. Cited by Ogyŗ Sorai’s Discourse on Government (Seidan), transl. Olof G. Lidin (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999), p. 147, n. 260. 15 DK, p. 353. Bakin continues, “Thus a woman who does not read many books and comes up with this ‘unexpected’ (futo ࡨ࡛) thought should not be praised. Being selfcontent and proud is like the white pig of Liaodong.” 16 DK, p. 353. 17 Bakin’s notion is a sign that he also read anti-Song Confucian works and is not unconditionally bound to Song Confucian teachings, but rather has an eclectic approach to it. In Song Confucianism the study of nature would bring one closer to the Way, hence the popularity of evidential learning (kaozheng; kĿshĿ ⩻チ). In the works of ItĿ Jinsai and Ogyŗ6RUDLKRZHYHUZH¿QGDGHSDUWXUHIURPWKLVYLHZ,QSDUWLFXODU6RUDL argues that nature cannot be understood; only the sages are able to understand nature and thus they created the Way. For men, therefore, there is only following the Way. See Winkel 2004 for a discussion of evidential research in the late Tokugawa period, in particular chapter 1.

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When we sincerely appreciate the teachings of the sages and believe them to be true, we bind our hearts with our own hands many times over without even knowing it.18

In Makuzu’s mind, a “way” implied the creation of norms and rules. This explains why she would never refer to the rhythm as a “way.” On the other hand, “nature,” in the manner she understood it, was elevated to an eternal presence, approximating in itself an ultimate authority. A construct to the modern reader, to Makuzu it expressed “naturalness” (onozukara) as opposed to creation; it emphasized society’s need to conform to this rhythm and not to engage in metaphysical speculation, which would only lead to being estranged from “sincerity.”

THE R HYTHM’S GENEALOGY Makuzu’s worldview is peculiar, but the genealogy of her idiosyncratic phrase “the rhythm between heaven and earth” lies in the works she read. The Japanese compound hyĿshi itself is usually closely connected to music and poetry.19 Makuzu certainly did not arrive at her notion by reading Confucian texts. She had her father’s instructions, but also, via her study of poetry, became acquainted with the thoughts of nativist scholars. By the time Makuzu wrote Hitori kangae, some major works of Kamo Mabuchi and Motoori Norinaga had been published and debates about their content were circulating.20 It is in particular Mabuchi who deserves our close attention. In his widely read text, Niimanabi ࡞ࡥࡱ࡝ࡦ (New Learning, written in 1765), a blueprint of his nativist ideas, Mabuchi uses the term shirabe 18

HK, p. 268; MN 56:1, p. 26. The compound hyĿshi appears to be a Japanese term used primarily in music and cannot be found in Classical Chinese. See, for instance, Hayashi Shihei’s father, Hayashi RyŗĿ ᯐ➗⩕, who uses the term within the context of poetry (in Hayashi RyŗĿ, Sendai kango, part 2, in Hayashi Shihei zenshŗ, ed. Yamamoto Yutaka, vol. 3 [Tokyo: Seikatsusha, 1946], p. 1067). 20 Kagawa Kageki’s refutation of Mabuchi’s Niimanabi was written in 1811 and published in 1815. This belated response, more than forty years after Mabuchi’s death, was due to the late publication of Niimanabi in 1800 (Roger K. Thomas, Plebeian Travelers on the Way of Shikishima: Waka Theory and Practice during the Late Tokugawa Period>3K'GLVVHUWDWLRQ,QGLDQD8QLYHUVLW\@S 7KH¿UVWERRNRI1RULQDga’s legendary Kojikiden was published in 1790. Unlike Bakin (DK, p. 360, and also p. 359), Makuzu does not mention Hirata Atsutane, one main protagonist in the nativist ¿HOGLQHitori kangae or in any other work. I will concentrate my discussion, therefore, on Mabuchi and Norinaga. 19

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Figure 6-2. Kamo Mabuchi. Courtesy of Shimizu Shoin.

ㄢ that can be rendered into English as “rhythm.”21 Shirabe, too, has a meaning akin to hyĿshi in the context found in poetry: Ancient poems gave priority to the rhythm (shirabe) since they were recited vocally.22 The rhythm, generally speaking, could be expressed at the readers’ preference, quietly, brightly, clearly, or melancholically. In any case, however, a lofty and straightforward spirit could be felt in all poems. Moreover, there was elegance in the loftiness and valor of straightforwardness. Since heaven and earth, father and mother of all beings, made the four seasons, and as the beings that are born out of [heaven and earth] are diverse, so, too, is the rhythm (shirabe) of poems. Further, just as spring blends with summer and fall with winter, there are poems with various rhythms mixed together. Nevertheless, each poem has an exquisite rhythm all its own.23 21 Thomas 1991, p. 39, renders the term shirabe as “tone.” I prefer ľkubĿ’s rendering of the term shirabe as “rhythm” instead of “tone,” in particular when seen in the FRQWH[WRIWKH¿UVWOLQHVRINiimanabi (New Learning), which I discuss later on (ľkubo Tadashi, “The Thoughts of Mabuchi and Norinaga” Acta Asiatica 25 [1973], p. 75). 22 Mabuchi refers here to the time before the adoption of the Chinese script. 23 Kamo Mabuchi, Niimanabi ࡞ࡥࡱ࡝ࡦ (New Learning), in KMZ, ed. Inoue Mi-

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7KHIDPRXV¿UVWOLQHLVRIWHQFLWHGDVKDYLQJLQLWLDWHGWKHGLVFXVVLRQ among poets about the rhythm as an important poetic concept. From the paragraph it is evident that for Mabuchi the “rhythm” (shirabe) of the ancient poems is their form. Or, as ľkubo Tadashi explains, “The ‘rhythm’ of waka is nothing but the discovery of the eternal and permanent life of heaven, earth, and nature.”24 In fact, the “rhythm” expressed in the form of waka poetry of the Man’yĿshŗ is not a formalistic norm or human-made theory but the manifestation of heaven and earth. This ideal form of poetry is a manifestation of an ideal society, a historical outlook I will discuss below.25 After Mabuchi initiated the importance of its treatment, the stakes for the notion of shirabe were high in contemporary poetic debates, even though, as Roger Thomas argues, the concrete meaning of its concept remained very much “elusive.”26 Murata Harumi, who was part of Makuzu’s close poetic network, emphasized shirabe, too, as an important feature of poetry. Harumi discussed shirabe in detail in his poetic treatise, Utagatari ḯ࠿ࡒࡽ (Talk about Poetry, before 1800),27 where he uses the term eleven times in only eleven lines, without saying much more than his teacher Mabuchi had stated: namely that the rhythm is the underlying principle (moto ࡵ࡛) of the poem and needs to be observed carefully.28 noru, vol. 19 (Tokyo: Gunsho Ruijŗ Kanseikai, 1980), p. 200. The above translation essentially follows ľkubo 1973, p. 75. (Various manuscripts have differing writings for the word Niimanabi; I follow here the KMZ.) 24 ľkubo 1973, p. 75. 25 About Kamo Mabuchi in Western languages, see Heinrich Dumoulin, Kamo Mabuchi: Ein Beitrag zur japanischen Religions- und Geistesgeschichte, Monumenta Nipponica Monographs, Nr. 8 (Tokyo: Sophia University, 1943); Nosco 1990; McNally 2005. 26 Thomas 2003, in particular, p. 157. Shimizu Hamaomi complains in a letter that shirabe is in every poet’s mouth without carrying any meaning. Letter cited in Maruyama Sueo, KokugakushijĿ no hitobito, comp. Maruyama Sueo ikĿ kankĿkai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa KĿbunkan, 1979), pp. 523-24. 27 Harumi sent the text to Motoori Norinaga’s adoptive son Motoori ľhira. There is an ongoing debate between these two poets representing the Edo group (Mabuchi) versus the Suzunoya group (Norinaga). 28 Cited by Ibi 1998, p. 429. In the text Harumi certainly distinguishes himself from Mabuchi in regard to which models are to be used. While Mabuchi emphasizes the Man’yĿshŗ, Harumi prefers the Kokinshŗ. Harumi is well known for having different ideas about poetry and its practice, despite being a disciple of Mabuchi. Often called a poet who combines native and Chinese poetry, he does not fall squarely into the nativist tradition. In regard to nagauta, as we have seen, however, he follows his teacher, and in the context of shirabe we see that due to its vague meaning a congruence of opinion is easily accomplished.

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Figure 6-3. Jisanka by Tadano Makuzu. Courtesy of Tadano Hama.

7KH GLVFXVVLRQ GLG QRW UHPDLQ FRQ¿QHG WR (GR EXW UHDFKHG RYHU to the older center of poetry, Kyoto. The poet Kagawa Kageki expressed a “theory of rhythm” (shirabe no setsu ㄢࡡㄕ) in his refutation of Mabuchi, Niimanabi iken ᩺Ꮥ␏ず (Objections to New Learning, 1814).29 While Kageki disagrees with Mabuchi on other points, discussed later, he concurs with Mabuchi on the importance and meaning of shirabe, as a semi-metaphysical concept: the term “rhythm” (shirabe) is the poetic expression of heaven and earth, i.e. the “rhythm” of poems functions as the medium of the Way’s eternal order.30 While the leaders of the debate on Mabuchi’s characterization of the “rhythm” as a manifestation of heaven and earth focus on poetry, this semi-metaphysical concept appears to have been appropriated by Makuzu in a way that goes beyond its semantic meaning. Even though 29

See Tanaka 2000, pp. 121-24. “Shirabe was a quasi-metaphysical concept describing the quality in a poem when it springs from pure, sincere feelings: Poetry which arises from such sincerity of feeling is an expression of the pulse (shirabe) of the universe, and like the sound which things emit when struck by winds sweeping from the sky, the objects of such poetry cannot fail to obtain their resonance (shirabe),” Kagawa Kageki, Niimanabi iken, in Nihon kagaku taikei, ed. Nobutsuna Sasaki, vol. 8 (Tokyo: Kazama ShobĿ, 1958), p. 216. Translation by Thomas 1991, pp. 39-40. See also Inoue Minoru, “KokuikĿ Kaisetsu,” in KMZ, vol. 19, p. 21; and see also Shirane 2002, pp. 954-55. 30

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in one section of Hitori kangae Makuzu uses kokoro no hyĿshi ᚨࡡᢷ Ꮔ, rendered as the “rhythms of the heart,” synonymously with shirabe (ࡊࡼ࡬), Mabuchi’s term of choice, Makuzu’s use of her own termiQRORJ\VXJJHVWVWKHPRGL¿FDWLRQRIKLVWKRXJKWVE\KHUEUXVK31 One explanation for Makuzu’s avoidance is Mabuchi’s use of a notion expressed in the Daodejing for his concept of the Way.32 As Mabuchi declares in his famed section of KokuikĿ ᅗណ⩻ (Ideas on the Meaning of the Realm, 1764):33 $VD:D\H[LVWVHYHU\ZKHUHLQZLOGKLOOVDVZHOODVLQEDUUHQ¿HOGVDV soon as people settle, so here a Way of the gods (kamiyo no michi ♼௥ ࡡ㐠) unfolded of itself (onozukara ࠽ࡡࡍ࠾ࡼ).34 What Laozi has said about being in harmony with heaven and earth (ametsuchi no mani-mani ኮᆀࡡࡱ࡞ࡱ࡞) is in accordance to the Way of the world (ame ga shita no michi ኮ࠿ୖࡡ㐠).35

31 “The rhythms of the heart (kokoro no hyĿshi ᚨࡡᢷᏄ) differ according to the trends of the times. This can be seen in different styles of writing. Because ancient texts were written in a world in which minds were at peace, their rhythms (hyĿshi ᢷᏄ) are tranquil. How can such peaceful rhythms (shirabeࡊࡼ࡬) suit the present world …?” (HK, p. 294; MN 56:2, p. 182). 32 The Dao follows its own course and it is for the people to seek the state of nature, to make themselves one with natural spontaneity. Daodejing, ch. 25 states, “Man models himself after Earth. Earth models itself after Heaven. Heaven models itself after the Way. The Way models itself after Nature.” For Mabuchi, see in particular KaikĿ ḯណ⩻ (Ideas on the Meaning of Poetry, 1764, published in 1800), in KMZ, vol. 19, p. 40: “In antiquity, people’s hearts were straightforward and sincere; because their hearts were straightforward, their actions (nasu waza) were few; because there were few affairs (koto), their words were not numerous.” Translation by Mark Teeuwen, “Poetry, Sake, and Acrimony: Arakida Hisaoyu and the Kokugaku Movement,” MN 52:3 (Fall 1997), p. 305, note 25. See also KokuikĿ in Dumoulin 1943, p. 289. As mentioned earlier, Mabuchi wrote his KokuikĿ as a refutation of Dazai Shundai ኯᐍ᫋ྋ (1680–1747). 33 This closeness of Mabuchi to Daoism is a widely accepted view. In accordance ZLWKRWKHUELRJUDSKHUVRI0DEXFKL3HWHU1RVFRWUDFHVWKLVLQÀXHQFHEDFNWR0DEXFKL¶V teacher Watanabe MĿan ῳ㎮ⵒᗙ (1687–1775), who was a poet of kanshi (Chinese verse) but also an authority on Daoism. This does not come as a surprise, since he was a student of Dazai Shundai, who himself was involved in the study of Daoism (Nosco 1990, p. 104). What has been neglected, however, is a thorough discussion of what kind of Daoist texts or other traditions were actually appropriated by these scholars. In Mabuchi’s case, in particular, a more thorough discussion is desirable. 34 KokuikĿ, in KMZ, vol. 19, p. 10. Translation by Harry D. Harootunian in Readings in Tokugawa Thought, Center for East Asian Studies, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), p. 132. See also Dumoulin 1943, p. 276. (The part “as soon as people settle” is not included in the KMZ.) 35 KokuikĿ, in KMZ, vol. 19, p. 14. Translation is mine. Dumoulin remarks that Mabuchi uses the term ame ga shita with the meaning of “world” and not the narrow meaning of Japan (Dumoulin 1943, p. 274, n. 26). Harootunian translates this phrase as “the Way of the land” (Harootunian 1998, p. 137).

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Figure 6-4 Motoori Norinaga. Matsuzaka Municipal Library. Courtesy of Shimizu Shoin.

Mabuchi claims that the Way is not caused by an external invention but exists on its own and follows its own course, which is a cardinal notion of Daoism.36 Nature itself becomes the Way, a postulation that comes close to what Makuzu declares about the rhythm, yet Makuzu shuns reiterating Mabuchi’s terminology, because, as mentioned earlier, a “way” always implies to her a human invention. Instead Makuzu goes beyond Mabuchi’s use of the term “rhythm” as the “form” to describe the Way or essentially Daoist “nature.” While we can distinguish between the Way and its verbal channel or “rhythm” in the writings by Mabuchi and Kageki, Makuzu in her own work makes no such distinction. Makuzu’s usage denotes a deeper essence, perhaps indicated by her choice of the term hyĿshi instead of shirabe. By not distinguishing between the “rhythm” and the Way and with36 Ametsuchi no manimani naru is one of the key concepts in Mabuchi’s thought, translated by Dumoulin as “in harmony with Heaven and Earth” (see Dumoulin 1943, p. 288). ľkubo renders it as “the mind as endowed by heaven and earth” (see ľkubo 1973, pp. 75, 77, 81, 83).

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holding the use of the word “way” (michi), Makuzu essentializes the word “rhythm” in its place. The “rhythm between heaven and earth” is DVDUHVXOW¿OOHGZLWKPHDQLQJHYLGHQWWR0DNX]XLQWKHUHJXODULW\RI the days and nights, when she insists, “Whatever cataclysmic changes may occur, the one matter in which there is not the slightest shift is the number of days and nights.”37 Makuzu avoided appropriating Mabuchi’s notion of the Way because she had read Norinaga. In his Naobi no mitama ├ẕ㟃 (The Way of the Gods) Norinaga refutes categorically such a notion of the Way as expressed by his teacher Mabuchi, referring directly to the citation above:38 What is the Way? It is not the Way that arises spontaneously in nature (ametsuchi no onozukara naru ኮᆀࡡ࠽ࡡࡍ࠾ࡼ࡝ࡾ). Be well aware of this, and do not confuse the Way with the Daoist views of Lao-zi, Zhuang-zi, and others of China. Neither is the Way man-made. It came about by the awesome spirit of the God Takami Musubi. Everything was formed by the spirit of this great God.39

,WLVZHOONQRZQWKDW1RULQDJDGHVSLWHEHLQJ0DEXFKL¶VRI¿FLDOGLVFLple, had different opinions. Norinaga criticized Mabuchi for his notion of onozukara as a self-generated nature with neither beginning nor end, which is in endless movement, like the revolution of sun and moon as GHVFULEHGE\WKHWHDFKLQJVRI'DRLVP1RULQDJDUHMHFWHGWKHDUWL¿FLDOity inherent in the Daoist notion of “nature” and replaced it with a difIHUHQWQRWLRQZLWKRXWDUWL¿FHQDPHO\WKH:D\RIWKH*RGV Although Norinaga’s critique certainly enforced Makuzu’s apparent mistrust of Chinese Ways, for similar reasons Makuzu also did not agree with Norinaga that metaphysical sincerity is displayed in the Way of the Gods. Makuzu could not consent to Norinaga’s argument that the Way, despite its resemblance to “nature,” is based on mysterious and profound principles—the divine creation of a Japanese god. When she 37

HK, p. 295; MN 56:2, p. 183. About the text, see Sey Nishimura, “The Way of the Gods: Motoori Norinaga’s Naobi no Mitama,” MN 46:1 (1991), pp. 22-26. Naobi no mitama appeared separately from the Kojikiden¿UVWLQDVWKHWKLUGGUDIWDQGWKHQDVWKH¿QDOVHFWLRQLQ%RRN 1 of the Kojikiden published in 1790, a text Makuzu read (HK, p. 266). 39 Motoori Norinaga, Naobi no Mitama, in MNZ, vol. 9 (1968), p. 57. Translation by Nishimura 1991, p. 35. See for a similar statement Kuzubana, where Norinaga states: “There is a Way that was not invented by men and that has existed naturally ever since the divine age. It is a Way created by gods and, strictly speaking, is not a natural Way, but, when compared with what humans create, it does resemble nature.” Motoori Norinaga, Kuzubana (Arrowroot), in MNZ, vol. 8 (1972), p. 158. Translation by Nosco 1990, pp. 188-89. 38

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insisted that the rhythm exists on its own between heaven and earth in opposition to the teachings of Buddha and the Way of the sages that did not arise of their own accord,40 apparently she was not aware of WKH QRUPDWLYH FRQFHSW RI WKH UK\WKP DQ DUWL¿FH DV 1RULQDJD ZRXOG argue.41,QVWHDGVKHDI¿UPVWKHVDPHFRQFHSWLRQDV0DEXFKLZLWKKLV statement on the Way as “unfolding itself” (onozukara),42 and thus embraces the Chinese tradition rather than so-called nativist beliefs.43 Makuzu evidently drew on the works of Mabuchi and Norinaga, but her disagreements with them are such that she cannot simply be labeled an adherent of one or the other. She diverges in ways that give evidence of her strong emphasis on experience rather than on textual study, which she may not have been able to pursue given that the texts were written in a language unknown to her. The only access she had to these texts was in fact through the modern versions prepared by scholars such as Mabuchi and Norinaga. On the other hand, her approach was similar to that of her father, since she advised that in order to live DSHDFHIXOOLIHZHVKRXOG³DOZD\VFKRRVHWRGRZKDW¿WVWKHSULQFLSOH and avoid that which does not” (au koto o erite mochii, awanu koto ni wa kakawaranu ྙ࠹ࡆ࡛ࢅࢄࡽ࡙⏕ࡥࠉ࠵ࡢ࡟ࡆ࡛࡞ࡢ࠾ࢎࡢࡼ࡟).44 This selective approach is crucial, since it contributes to the relativism as well as to the contradictions inherent in her thought. 40 See HK, p. 277 and p. 269 respectively. See also Kagawa Kageki in Niimanabi iken, “the rhythm of ancient poetry is produced naturally (onozukara)” (Shirane 2002, p. 955). 41 See, for instance, when Makuzu says, “People who do not consider [the rhythm] important do not know the truth (makoto)” (HK, p. 269; MN 56:1, p. 27). 42 “The Way of the gods (kamiyo no michi ♼௥ࡡ㐠) unfolded of itself” (Kamo Mabuchi, KokuikĿ, in KMZ, vol. 19, p. 10). Some scholars interpret onozukara as shizen and translate the term as “nature.” See e.g. ľkubo, who cites Kamo Mabuchi as saying in KokuikĿ, “tenchi shizen” ኮᆀ⮤↓ (heaven, earth, and nature) (ľkubo 1973, p. 70). Or see for a different interpretation Peter Nosco, who refers to Mabuchi’s “natural Way of heaven and earth,” though without giving the Japanese (Nosco 1990, p. 12). In the original, however, it says, “tenchi to tomo ni okonawaruru onozukara no koto koso” (KokuikĿLQ.0=S :KLOHLWLVGLI¿FXOWWRGLVWLQJXLVKEHWZHHQshizen and onozukara, in Song Confucian terms tenchi shizen, i.e. the natural principle of heaven and earth, expresses an inherent essence of things, which is normative, while its critics claim that “becoming by itself” or “arising naturally” is supposed to be void of essence (Maruyama Masao 1972, pp. 30-32). Still others call it “naturalness.” 43 The profoundly differing and irreconcilable views between them give a clear exDPSOHRIZK\QDWLYLVPPXVWEHVHHQLQDPXFKPRUHGLYHUVL¿HGOLJKW6HHIRUUHFHQW discussions, McNally 2005 and Burns 2003. 44 HK, p. 269; MN 56:1, p. 27. Also see Makuzu’s letter called Nanakusa no tatoe, in TMS, p. 378, where she states that her father, too, in his study of other countries, ³ZRXOGVHOHFWZKDWZDVEHQH¿FLDOGLVUHJDUGWKDWZKLFKZDVKDUPIXO´yoki o eri, ashiki o sutete).

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Makuzu’s view has to be understood within her overall approach to rationalizing and conceptualizing. In the end, by essentializing the “rhythm between heaven and earth,” Makuzu does to the physical environment what she did to gender by basing it on physiological sex. Makuzu postulates a view that is based on physicality alone and essentializes it into the leading principle that one ought to follow. It is KHU VHDUFK IRU VLQFHULW\ WKH QRQPHWDSK\VLFDO DQG QRQDUWL¿FLDO WKDW leads her to this step. Yet by doing so she contradicts herself and ends up, after all, adhering to the notion of a constructed “nature,” a concept that was so deeply embedded in Tokugawa intellectual discourse that few thinkers could escape it.

THE DIMENSION OF TIME Makuzu’s notions are supposed to be practical guidelines applicable to the present time. In fact, Makuzu recognized time as a crucial element of social conditions. Our idiom “time is money” is useful in understanding how late Tokugawa society required a restructuring of time due to greater commercialization.45 Makuzu’s discussion is concretely within this contemporary trend. Makuzu stresses throughout Hitori kangae the importance of time in daily life and how it changes social relations. She refers to time as a phenomenon that can be experienced in a very ordinary and unpretentious way: in the act of breathing. From their youth, [people] should keep the number of days and nights in mind and make it the rhythm inside their hearts. They become confused because they fail to think of time, which carries them along as they breathe in and out, as part of themselves. They should realize that no matter where they hide themselves, time passes as they breathe, and the world itself changes.46

Even as time represents a never-ending principle, it also is the abstract idea for progression. To Makuzu an awareness of the passage of time should be internalized in order to become synchronized with the change wrought by time in the world. Makuzu rejects the Confucian Way as leading away from the rhythm, since it ignores the dimension of time. In her advice to those who remove themselves from society and the world by following a Way, Makuzu means to illustrate how 45 46

See Kuriyama Shigehisa, “The Enigma of ‘Time is Money’,” Japan Review 14 (2002). HK, p. 306; MN 56:2, p. 193.

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easy it is to stay in tune with the rhythm, which will lead to happiness and success.47 As an example, Makuzu enviously mentions foreigners who have their watches at hand to keep track of and always be aware of their time.48 In her view, timepieces are a symbol of people who acknowledge the existence of the rhythm and are thus succeeding in this world. In her approach to time, Makuzu’s disagreement with Mabuchi’s overall notions is further emphasized. When Makuzu states that “the rhythms of the heart” (kokoro no hyĿshi ᚨࡡᢷᏄ) differ according to the trends of the times, she concludes that this is not only applicable for the “rhythm” of poems, as argued by Mabuchi, but in fact for people’s lives and actions.49,WLVPRVWVLJQL¿FDQWWKDWWKLVUK\WKPFKDQJHVDQG transforms itself. In Makuzu’s terms each time period has its own particular rhythm.50 Mabuchi’s stress on the ancient rhythm that ought to EHREVHUYHGLQRUGHUWR¿QGWKHLGHDO:D\RUDSULPRUGLDOXWRSLDSRLQWV to a different path. Mabuchi’s political emphasis on the past indicates that he did not consider the Ancient Way (inishie no michi) as simply a Way that prevailed in the past. He thought of it as an ideal, universal, timeless Way that emerged out of the past to be followed in the present, hence his acceptance of Daoism. Mabuchi’s eternal but presently eclipsed Way could be found through the “rhythm” (shirabe) of ancient poetry. By asserting this universalistic stance, Mabuchi transcended history and thus time, whereas to Makuzu the present is more important than the past, given that the world changes as we breathe.51 Makuzu did not agree with the conception of time being out of step, but saw congruence between time and environment. As environment changes, time changes. Makuzu’s historical viewpoint is frequently evident in her observations of the here and now. This notion was not only shared by Kagawa Kageki,52 who applied it in his poetry, but can be found within the large corpus of criticism of Song Confucianism, in 47

HK, pp. 268-69. HK, p. 306. 49 HK, p. 294. 50 This relativist notion is not particular to Makuzu; Yamagata BantĿ ᒜ∞⽉᱀ (1748–1821), Kaiho SeiryĿ ᾇಕ㟯㝘 (1755–1817), and other contemporaries express similar thoughts. Indeed this notion appears to be a phenomenon of the late Tokugawa period, as I will discuss below in regard to historical consciousness. 51 Muraoka Tsunetsugu, Studies in Shinto Thought, transl. Delmer M. Brown and James T. Araki (Tokyo: Ministry of Education, 1964), p. 126. 52 “The rhythm cannot go outside the style of the current age, though, so in reality it is not the style of the Man’yĿshŗ or the Kokinshŗ but, rather, the style of the current age” (cited in Shirane 2002, pp. 954-55). 48

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particular with regard to the issue of history-writing.53 With the deconstruction of Song Confucian historiography, according to Maruyama Masao, we can identify a friction within the historical consciousness of Japanese scholars, where some sought to restore antiquity with the ideal society, antiquarianism, and others were engaged with the concepts of progress and historical relativism.54 Mabuchi’s ideal of the past being LQ³KDUPRQ\ZLWK+HDYHQDQG(DUWK´H[HPSOL¿HVWKHDQWLTXDULDQYLHZ that one-ness of nature and humankind existed at the beginning of time and that it should be the foundation for good government.55 Makuzu, by contrast, while also regarding the ancient world as a time of peace, never expresses the need to recover this ideal state. On the contrary, the attempt to return to the past as suggested by Mabuchi would go against the rhythm. This notion of time is related to the importance of ikioi (momentum or tide of the time) in Makuzu’s overall framework. Her narrative Mukashibanashi illustrates the notion that change is part of historical time, just as history is a dynamic process that is ever-changing. To Makuzu, individual and social or political time are the same; her father’s ikioi changed and the same happens to trends in society at large. It is this relativism that forms Makuzu’s perception when she declares that the SHDFHIXOUK\WKPVRIDQWLTXLW\DUHLOO¿WWLQJVLQFHHDFKWLPHSHULRGKDV a particular rhythm that arises “of its own accord.” The rhythm itself is active in an endless process; it embodies a dynamic, which creates a particular time and space on its own. When Makuzu claims the importance of the rhythm, which with the regularity of the seasons should be endless and unchanging, and when she points to the importance of each time and age, she embraces a paradox. Although the thought is not further developed in Hitori kangae, her argument implies that the 53 In Song Confucianism, since history is about the relationship between Heaven and man linked via the heavenly principle (tenri ኮ⌦), a static view of history prevailed that emphasized continuity and cyclical repetition. Maruyama Masao summarizes Song Confucian history-writing as a didactic interpretation of history, a mirror of warning for the ruler (Maruyama 1972, p. 32). Or in the pejorative words of Norinaga: “Confucian scholars brandish their tiny intellects and arbitrarily judge the successes and failures of preceding ages,” in Tamakushige, transl. John S. Brownlee, “The Jeweled Comb-Box: Motoori Norinaga’s Tamakushige,” MN 43:1 (1988), p. 56. 54 Maruyama 1972, p. 32. See further Muraoka and his stance on antiquarianism as idealism (Muraoka 1964, p. 95; see also Kate Wildman Nakai, “Tokugawa Confucian Historiography: The Hayashi, Early Mito School, and Arai Hakuseki,” in Confucianism and Tokugawa Culture, ed. Peter Nosco [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984], in particular pp. 64-65). 55 KokuikĿ, in KMZ, p. 15.

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rhythm and human time are not congruent. Makuzu uses the idea of ikioi to explain change within static or human time within the rhythm. Again we are led to the Daoist notion of change within stillness that can be found widely in Tokugawa thought, and of course in poetry, such as in Matsuo BashĿ’s ᮿᑹⰰⶸ (1644–94) linked verses (haiku ಢྀ) or late-eighteenth-century waka poetry.56 Bakin, too, in his response to Hitori kangae, argues that there is change within the eternal and thereby conveys his historical consciousness. He admits that the “rhythm” in music changed over time, but the “rhythm of heaven and earth” (tenchi no hyĿshi) is the same throughout. Yet he argues—and this is in sharp contrast to Makuzu’s claims—that trends or conditions of the current time can easily oppose this rhythm and therefore should not be considered as directions for leading one’s life: I discussed earlier what [Makuzu] calls “rhythm of heaven and earth.” However, the rhythm of heaven and earth cannot be compared to the hand playing a shamisen strong and fast. In ancient times, the rhythm was long and slow. Later, determined by how one uses one’s talent and one manages desire (yoku ៛), rich and poor alike work busily. Therefore the rhythm, too, appears to be busy and fast, but actually there is no difference between the “rhythm of heaven and earth” in China and Japan or the rhythm of now and then. … For the young (up to their mid-twenties) the passing of the days seems ORQJDQGIRUWKHROGHULQWKHLUIRUWLHVDQG¿IWLHV WKHÀHHWLQJRIWKHGD\V seems very fast, yet, the days do not go by faster or slower. … When you take the calendar, which is an adoption from China, then in both countries one year has 360 days, and the seasons are the same. This should be enough to show that I am right about the pulse (ninki ெ Ẵ) of the Chinese and Japanese being the same.57

For Bakin, time and the change of time are ultimately irrelevant; what is important is the universal moral order of the Way. Makuzu’s view, on the other hand, takes the rhythm as the ultimate guide. Makuzu demonstrates a relativist view with regard to differing time periods, but she also refers to history as progressive when she claims that people in earlier times were rather simple compared to those of her day.58 We have relativism on the one hand, which can be 56

Shirane 2002, p. 204. DK, pp. 360-61. 58 See, for instance, “When people were still backward (oroka narishi ម࠾࡝ࡽࡊ), there may have been some point to making use of the teachings of another country. But LQWKLV¿QHDJHZKHQHYHQWKRVHRIORZVWDWLRQKDYHWKHDVSLUDWLRQWROHDUQZK\VKRXOG 57

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found in Norinaga’s work,59 and historical progress and evolution on the other. Both concepts can be combined within her postulation of the rhythm. Makuzu’s notions are part of Heisuke’s legacy, as when she cites him saying: 3HRSOHZLOODOZD\V¿QGVROXWLRQV7KHZRUOGLVQRWJRLQJWRGLPLQLVKDQG the world is not going to end. When something stops here, something will arise there, when something stops there, something will arise here. As long as there are people between Heaven and Earth, even if wise people become extinct, others will be brought forth. It is foolish to lament the way the world is.60

2QWKHRWKHUKDQG0DNX]XDOVRPDLQWDLQVWKDWWKHQRZLVDQDI¿UPDtion of the present as something that constantly moves onward, adapting to circumstances. Makuzu’s understanding of Mabuchi’s concept of an eternal Way that transcends time, and her own understanding of the continuation of “natural” time, which can be measured with mechanical devices, leads her to the notion of an interaction between the two ideas of change and eternity of time.61 Again, Makuzu chooses what VHHPVWR¿WEHVWDQGWKHUHE\SRVLWLRQVKHUQRWLRQVEHWZHHQ1RULQDJD¶V historical relativism and Mabuchi’s view that transcends history, conforming to Daoist philosophy. THE DIMENSION OF SPACE Analogous to Makuzu’s perception of time is her view of the dimension of space. Relativism implies that location, too, plays a decisive role. Place has been much discussed among scholars, and Makuzu, too, contributes eagerly with her knowledge about foreign countries. Throughout Hitori kangae ZH ¿QG SDVVDJHV WKDW LOOXVWUDWH 0DNX]X¶V emphasis on space as a geographical boundary or territory in relation to the rhythm, for instance when she proclaims: we rely on the works of another country?” (HK, p. 280; MN 56:1, p. 36). Makuzu also mentions in a letter to Bakin how backward Sendai is compared to Edo (see Towazugatari, in TMS, p. 377). 59 Motoori Norinaga, Uiyamabumi, in MNZ, vol. 1, p. 17. Translation by Sey Nishimura, “First Steps into the Mountains: Motoori Norinaga’s Uiyamabumi,” MN 42:4 (1987), for instance, p. 476. “This also applies to the differences in historical SHULRGV7KHZRUGVEHKDYLRUDQGPLQGRIWKHDQFLHQWSHRSOHDUHE\GH¿QLWLRQWKRVHRI remote antiquity….” 60 MB, p. 64. 61 HK, p. 306.

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Figure 6-5. Kamo Mabuchi’s chashaku (tea scoop). In the possession of the Tadano Family. Courtesy of Tadano Hama.

Since ancient times, those regarded as great scholars have favored Chinese laws and have tried to remake our country in their pattern. In so doing they have all fallen into the same rut. Holding Chinese learning alone to be true learning, they have lost their way and have failed to understand the pulse peculiar to the people of our own country (wagakuni buri no ninki hashiru koto o shirazu ᠻᅗࡩࡽࡡெẴ㉦ࡾࡆ࡛ࢅ୘▩).62

While Makuzu may again simply be referring to the Chinese Way versus the rhythm, there also is cultural particularity in her terminology: a distinct “pulse of our country” or Japanese rhythm.63 Japan (and presumably China, too) should follow its own “pulse,” instead of clinging to the foreign norms of another country. People should follow their rhythm, according to both their time and their place. It becomes evident that when employing wagakuni no ninki ࢂ࠿ᅗࡡெẴ, Makuzu refers to the Japanese version of what she called the rhythm. She states that one easily becomes estranged from “the pulse of the country” and “out of phase with the rhythm.” Therefore, it is not only the rhythm, but also the current trend of one’s time and place, from which one has to take his or her cue. We observe two different but interrelated notions: “the pulse of the country” is within the rhythm. There is not only change within the static, but also the particular within the universal. 62

HK, pp. 268-69; MN 56:1, p. 27. See also: “We become estranged from the pulse of our country (wagakuni no ninki ࢂ࠿ᅗࡡெẴ), and totally out of phase with the rhythm of heaven and earth (tenchi no hyĿshi ኮᆀࡡᢷᏄ)” (HK, p. 268; MN 56:1, p. 26). 63

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0DNX]X LGHQWL¿HV FXOWXUDO GLIIHUHQFHV EHWZHHQ FRXQWULHV FOHDUO\ depending on their geographical location. This is apparent when she draws on her knowledge of Russia: When a country is big and has few people, it provides a good environment to think clearly. When a country is small and has many people, they [the people] become intoxicated by others, and there is no room for long-range thinking. … This has become the way of doing things in our shallow country.64

By comparing Japan with Russia, Makuzu stipulates that a big country with a small population has more intellectual prospects than does a small country with a large population. The geopolitical difference, TXDQWLW\ RI SRSXODWLRQ FRPSDUHG WR TXDQWLW\ RI VSDFH LV VLJQL¿FDQW 0DNX]XDFFXVHVKHUIHOORZFRXQWU\SHRSOHRIEHLQJVXSHU¿FLDOGXHWR the lack of space. In contrast, Norinaga, for instance, argues that the pure geographical size of a country, his example being China, has no bearing: what counts is quality, not size.65 The difference between Norinaga and Makuzu is merely a matter of rhetoric. Both argue against sinophiles: Norinaga criticizes “barbarian” China as inferior, whereas Makuzu criticizes her own “shallow” country-people as inferior for clinging to foreign ideas. What underlies Makuzu’s argument is her notion that there are fundamental differences between countries, a thought that Norinaga may share. We have seen that everyone ought to submit to the “rhythm of heaven and earth,” but by the same token, people live according to their geographical locality. Place, then, evidently shapes the “pulse of the country.” Since in China the land is vast, the pulse (ninki ெẴ) is on its own accord calm (yuruyaka ࡹࡾࡷ࠾). Because in our imperial country we 64

HK, p. 274; MN 56:1, p. 31. “The Jeweled Comb-Box” (Tamakushige ⋚ࡂࡊࡅ, 1786–89): “[People who think in the foreign style] doubt that the true Way extending over Heaven and Earth (ametsuchi no aida ni yuki wataritaru makoto no michi ኮᆀࡡ㛣࡞ࡹࡀࢂࡒࡽࡒࡾ ࡱࡆ࡛ࡡ㐠) could be transmitted solely in such a tiny country. … As regards foreign lands, the big countries have been powerful since ancient times because they have large populations, and the small countries have been weak because they have few people. … Yet true worthiness and baseness, beauty and evil, have nothing to do with size. … Among the barbarian countries (moromoro no kara ㅎᠹ), China is known as a good country. Yet, when compared to our Imperial Land (kĿkoku ⓒᅗ), the agricultural land there is limited and the people few, so the mere spaciousness of a country is of no importance. …Thus we should realize that excellence is not reckoned by the spaciousness or narrowness of land” (Tamakushige, in MNZ, vol. 8, pp. 312-13; translation by Brownlee 1988, p. 49). See also the debate between Norinaga and Ueda Akinari ୕⏛ ⚽ᠺ (1734–1809) about the size of Japan, where Norinaga argues in the same manner (discussed in Wakabayashi 1986, pp. 38-39). 65

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do things in a busy way (koto shigeki ஥ࡊࡅࡀ), the pace is fast (kankyŗ hayashi ⥾᛬ࡢࡷࡊ).66

Makuzu evaluates the pace of Japan as fast compared to that of China. Again, it is hearsay and observation and not rational analysis that lead her to this conclusion. Where Makuzu differs from Norinaga is that for her traceable evidence is crucial, while for Norinaga what matters is the unseen. Apparently, Makuzu’s observation was a stereotype shared by many others. This is why Bakin laments in his response: While everybody claims that [China has a slower pace than Japan], it is VWLOOYHU\ZURQJ(YHQZLWKLQRXUFRXQWU\ZH¿QGDGLIIHUHQWSDFHninki no kankyŗ ெẴࡡ⥾᛬) between the Kansai and the KantĿ regions. In China, too, owing to different customs ( fŗdo 㢴ᅰ) in all four corners [of the kingdom] there are differences in pace. … Yet, it is wrong to think that because China is a vast country the pace there is slow. Because China is a country of the arts (bunka ᩝ⳱), its wisdom is fast and its deeds are slow. And because Japan is a country of the military (buyŗ Ṃຩ), its wisdom is slow and its deeds are fast.67

Bakin admits that there are indeed differences in pace due to locality. However, in his mind there are many more reasons besides geography for the multiplicity of cultures and these have to be taken into account DVZHOO(YHQZLWKLQRQHFRXQWU\RQHFDQ¿QGVHYHUDOSDFHV&HUWDLQO\ Bakin’s aim is to convince Makuzu that while there might be some obvious distinctiveness between China and Japan, Chinese wisdom (i.e. the Way of the sages) nonetheless is universal and therefore true for everyone. Makuzu means to say just the opposite. It would be wrong to accuse her of being unaware of cultural differences within Japan. She herself describes her culture shock when she moved to Sendai, a place that, according to her, operated in its own way.68 However, in order to enforce 66 Cited by Bakin in DK, p. 360. We have to rely solely on Bakin’s DokkĿron since this section is not included in the manuscript of Hitori kangae as we have it today. 67 DK, pp. 360-61. See also where Bakin declares that, “the rhythm, too, appears to be busy and fast, but actually there is no difference of the ‘rhythm of heaven and earth’ in China and Japan or the rhythm of now and then” or “I am right about the pulse of the Chinese and Japanese being the same” (DK, p. 360 and p. 361 respectively). 68 See Towazugatari, in TMS, p. 377. Therefore, Makuzu certainly agrees when Bakin says, “For people, who are born where there are many things, a faster pace arises automatically. For example, seen through the eyes of an Edoite, the children from the countryside are extremely slow in using their brain (shintai chiben 㐅㏝ᬓᘒ). The countryside is so much more spacious, thus a faster pace in Edo is nothing unusual” (DK, p. 361).

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her position that Chinese teachings and its culture are not appropriate for Japan, she needs to simplify the notion of difference: The pace of life in Japan is faster than in other countries.… Because WH[WVUHFRUGRQO\WKHLUYLUWXHVDQGRYHUORRNWKHLUGH¿FLHQFLHVWKHVDJHV appear in a favorable light. But given the number of days and nights, to WU\WR¿WRQH¶VEHKDYLRUWRWKHSUHVFULSWLRQVRISURSULHW\LQWKH&KLQHVH fashion will be of no use to our country. Taking to heart that imitating &KLQDLVWKHURRWRIPLVPDWFKHGUK\WKPZHPXVW¿QGVRPHZD\WR¿W the one rhythm (hitotsu no hyĿshiୌࢴࡡᢷᏄ).69

The “pulse” in Japan is faster than that in China due to its geographical distinctiveness, therefore one ought to follow Japan’s particular rhythm, the “one rhythm” (hitotsu no hyĿshi)—Japan’s very own rhythm, which therefore cannot be universally observed. When Makuzu criticizes her countrymen for ignoring their own and instead following the Chinese rhythm, she expresses a common position. Again, Bakin takes his cue to respond extensively to this matter, which may have bothered him for some time: [Makuzu] is wrong when she says, “The people who study Chinese teachings and copy their rhythm (hyĿshi) do not match the pulse (ninki) of the Imperial country.” Confucius was born in the country of Lu 㨻, but missed the pulse of that country. … To match or not to match the UK\WKPLVQRWWKHIDXOWRIWKHVDJHV7KH\GRQRW¿WWKHWLPHVZKHQWKH people’s pulse of the time is not in accord with the rhythm. … When a wise scholar misses the pulse of the greater part of society, it is not that the scholar is off the rhythm. It is because the world is off the rhythm.70

From this abbreviated elaboration we gather that for Bakin, stressing again more the temporal plane, the universal rhythm is what should be venerated via the observance of the Way, while trends and current conditions—the pulse—need to be corrected and adjusted accordingly. The Way does not depend on any national or cultural diversity; it is universal. Makuzu, in contrast, argues for particularism. Given her notion of historical time and her notion of the pulse, we come to understand how Makuzu envisions particularism within universalism; the particular is part of the whole. Therefore, when Makuzu advocates taking into account the “pulse of the country,” we can detect the double essence of the eternally unchanging nature and the concept of the progress or independence of the present. The universal rhythm is 69 70

HK, p. 296; MN 56:2, pp. 183-84. DK, p. 361.

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not static but changing; her main concern is with the here and now due WRKHUIRUHPRVWZLVK³WREHQH¿WSHRSOH´71

THE R HYTHM AND JAPAN-CENTEREDNESS From Makuzu’s notion of the importance of time and place it is only a small step toward evaluating Japan’s position among other countries. Japan’s place in the world was under discussion among intellectuals throughout the Tokugawa period.72 The core of the debate among contemporary scholars is based on a reconsideration of the subordinate position of Japan as periphery versus China as center. This Chinese world order is expressed in the term, ka-i ⳱ኻ (Chin. Hua-yi): “Barbarism (i) increases the farther one moves away from the settled and civilized center (ka).”73 Within this discourse, the ethics of Confucianism constitute civilization. China regarded itself and was regarded as the homeland of civilization and the sages.74 However, as has been argued in detail by others, Japan was rather reluctant to accept this order because of its own self-perception as a divine country. Moreover, after the fall of the Ming dynasty in 1644, many educated Japanese regarded the Qing emperors, who were Manchu rulers, as barbarians. One effect of this was that intellectuals such as the scholar of Ancient learning, 71 HK, p. 262; MN 56:1, p. 22. See chapter 8 for a discussion of Makuzu’s desire to EHQH¿WKHUIHOORZSHRSOH 72 See, e.g., Fukui Hiroyuki, “Motoori Norinaga no nashonarizumu/ patikyurarizumu,” Edo no shisĿ 7 (1997); Tessa Morris-Suzuki, Re-Inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1998); Shimizu Noriyoshi, “Ka-i shisĿ to 19-seiki,” Edo no shisĿ 7 (1997); Arano Yasunori, “Kinsei no taigaikan,” in Iwanami kĿza Nihon tsŗshi, ed. Asao Naohiro, vol. 13 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1994); Marius B. Jansen, China in the Tokugawa World (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992); Wakabayashi 1986; Nakai 1984; Ronald P. Toby, State and Diplomacy in Early Modern Japan: Asia in the Development of the Tokugawa Bakufu (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984); Harry D. Harootunian, “The Functions of China in Tokugawa Thought,” in The Chinese and the Japanese, ed. Akira Iriye (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), pp. 9-36. 73 Morris-Suzuki 1998, p. 15. According to Ronald Toby, it was during the Ming dynasty that this Sinocentric international order became dominant in East Asia (Toby 1984, p. 170). 74 Kate Wildman Nakai, Shogunal Politics: Arai Hakuseki and the Premises of Tokugawa Rule (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988), p. 322. Nakai goes on to show the contradiction in Hakuseki’s strategy of transforming the shogun into a king: while using the vocabulary of king, Hakuseki subordinated Japan to the Chinese emperor, and at the same time he insisted on the universal validity of the Chinese Confucian premises of kingship, namely a king who was an autonomous national ruler.

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ItĿ Jinsai ௿⸠ொᩢ (1627–1705), argued for the shift of the center of civilization toward the periphery, namely Japan. Bakin’s conception is a good illustration of a Confucian’s strong reluctance to subordinate Japan to China. His Confucian universalist worldview allows him to combine the countries, if only metaphorically. Japan-centeredness is redundant in the sense that the “horizontal-geographic plane” of the ka-i order is extinguished and only the “verticalsocial hierarchy,” to be civilized or not, remains essential.75 With his SURIHVVHGHQWKXVLDVPIRUWKH:D\RIWKHVDJHV%DNLQWKHUHIRUH¿QGV nativists offensive who scorn Confucius and Confucianism by ignoring history: What Norinaga says is not without rationale, but to take Confucianism as an easy task is one-sided and small-minded. Who does not look up to our country that is superior to all other countries?76

Bakin adheres to the ka-i order from the not uncommon Japanese Confucian stance that Japan is superior to all other countries. He reasons that Japan’s borrowing of the Chinese script does not represent subordination but was a way to preserve the teachings of the gods. Indeed, since “Japan is the country of the warrior, and China the one of letters,” with the introduction of the Way of the sages, China and Japan come together as one whole. Both elements—military power, which is essential to keep the realm in order and protected from foreign intrusion, and the cultural sophistication that distinguishes the civilized from the EDUEDULDQ²LQIDFW¿QGWKHLUDSRJHHLQ-DSDQ77 75 Wakabayashi 1986, p. 18. “The Middle Kingdom Civilization was conceptualized in two dimensions: the vertical social hierarchy, … and the horizontal-geographic plane, where inhabitants of a central realm were thought to be morally and culturally VXSHULRUWRDOLHQVEH\RQGLWVSDOH2QHGH¿QLQJFKDUDFWHULVWLFRIWKH0LGGOH.LQJGRP on both the vertical-hierarchical axis and the horizontal-geographic plane, was to possess ‘rites, rituals, and the rules of proper behavior’….” One might further add that the simple geographical idea of China being the center of the world was held for a long time. 76 DK, p. 315. 77 DK, p. 315. The passage continues, “The civil and the military are like two wheels RIDFDUW7KHFLYLOZLWKRXWWKHPLOLWDU\LVOLNHDIUXLWOHVVÀRZHU´WUDQVODWLRQE\=ROEURG 1967, p. 77). Matsudaira Sadanobu used the same metaphor. Hakuseki, some decades earlier, in his attempt to abolish the Sinocentric world order emphasized the importance of martial artifacts, which were still alive in Japan, though lost in China (Nakai 1988, p. 7VXNDPRWR0DQDEXDUJXHVWKDWWKHLQWHOOHFWXDOVLQ-DSDQE\GH¿QLQJFLYLOL]DWLRQ as letters and morals, were enabled to include their country within this order (cited by Arano 1994, p. 223). Tsukamoto Manabu, “Edojidai ni okeru ‘i’-kan’nen ni tsuite,” in Nihon rekishi 371 (Tokyo: Nihon edită sukŗru, 1986).

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Bakin understands Makuzu’s view as that of a nativist with a slant toward scholars of Western studies. Hence he argues that Rangakusha (scholars of Dutch studies), too, are mistaken, since they have only technical know-how (chijutsu ᬓ⾙) but not proper conduct (gyĿjĿ ⾔ ≟) and hence use the reasoning of barbarians.78 He concludes with the common argument: “If it were the case that the eight million gods disliked and despised the Confucian Way, they would have sent their divine wind (kamikaze ♼㢴).”79 Just as science without morality is wrong, Bakin argues, so is empty decor. He may even have agreed with the attack by the eccentric writer and scientist Hiraga Gennai ᖲ ㈙″හ (1728–79) on certain Japanese Confucian scholars, who, Gennai contended, forgot where they lived.80 In other words, he referred to Confucian scholars who, in their effort to appear civilized in the eyes of the Chinese, ignored their own culture by blindly adhering to Chinese custom. Bakin’s term for this type of scholar is “rotten Confucian” (kusare jusha ⭁൰⩽). He criticizes “rotten Confucians, who do not know about the rites and norms (kojitsu ᨶᐁ) of their own country, but instead praise China with too much empty talk.”81 This Japan-centeredness, though more balanced with respect to China and hence differently reasoned, is a feature of Hitori kangae as well. Makuzu does not separate Confucian scholars as Bakin does since she does not distinguish between the country of China and the Confucian Way. She shares the nativist tendency that Harry Harootunian exposes: “In the end the nativists transformed China to mean the Other; China, which had served metaphorically to convey the sense of civili78

DK, p. 328. DK, p. 319. The section continues: “But the [deities] did not: the Way was conveyed to us, enfolding more and more. Depending on the deeds of the kami (deities), that one does not have to be embarrassed in front of Chinese when writing in Chinese, means that the teachings of Confucius and the teachings of our kami are the same.” See also DK, p. 316: “To make use of and borrow the script from a neighbor for our country, and to borrow from there the teachings of the old and wise, and to rule here with these teachings, this is the honorable vigor (on-ikioi ᚒጸᚠ) of the court and is not even a bit embarrassing.” 80 “[Frog scholars] call Japan, the country of their birth, the land of the ‘Eastern Barbarians’ (tĿi ᮶ኻ DQGDUJXHWKDW$PDWHUDVXLVQRGLIIHUHQWIURPWKH¿UVWDQFHVWRURI Wu ࿇… The customs of China are different from those of Japan. The Chinese emperor (tenshi) is like a wanderer, who can be replaced if one does not approve of him…” (Hiraga Gennai, Fŗryŗ ShidĿken-den, in NKBT, ed. Nakamura Yukihiko, vol. 55 [Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1974], pp. 216-17; translation is similar to that of Harootunian 1980, p. 11). Maruyama Masao 1972, p. 40, also cites this famous quotation. 81 DK, p. 316. See also DK, p. 319: “Confucian scholars and Buddhist priests in our country do not know about the deeds of our gods even in their dreams, they revere very strongly only foreign countries (totsukuni አᅗ), which is not right (fugi ୘⩇).” 79

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zation as juxtaposed with the rudeness of nature, was transformed into its opposite.”82 Makuzu shared with several other intellectuals of her time a strong national consciousness and a belief that Japan was in fact culturally superior. Makuzu locates Japan within the world as the “divine country” due to its particular and unique pace.83 Indeed, she argues, even other countries call Japan the “divine country.” Her regret was that her fellow country-people did not know that. Thus, she utilizes admonitory rhetoric: It is because human feelings surge forth and circulate more quickly in Japan than in any foreign country that it has been revered by others and endowed with the name of the divine country (shinkoku ♼ᅗ). If we recognize this superiority of our own country (wagakuni), why should we cling to Chinese teachings?84

To Makuzu, studying the Confucian Way constitutes ignoring being “Japanese.” Makuzu contends that the lack of proper education leads to this unMXVWL¿HGLQIHULRUVHOISHUFHSWLRQ+HUELJJHVWUHJUHWLVWKDWGXHWRWKH lack of suitable literature, people study China’s rhythm. Therefore, she advises, people need to be taught about the “imperial line descended IURPWKH6XQ*RGGHVV´DQGDERXWWKHORUG³ZKRSDFL¿HGWKHZRUOGDQG established the national government.”85 People should be made aware that Japan has its own history and a secure political structure. Murata Harumi, too, makes a similar point in his Wagaku taigai, in which he reminds his audience to study the national histories, since otherwise how can a scholar help the nation?86 Makuzu’s complaint that there were no books that could be used as textbooks for Japan is insightful in

82 Harootunian 1980, p. 25. Mabuchi’s overall effort for a restoration of antiquity as an establishment of civilization is certainly a step toward this independence from the &KLQHVH³ÀRZHU\´ka ⳱ FXOWXUH0RUHVSHFL¿FDOO\0DEXFKLUHMHFWVWKHLGHDRIWKH ka-i order, for instance, when he harshly criticizes the use of the word “barbarian” to distinguish those on the periphery, since precisely these mean and lowly people from the periphery might eventually rise to become rulers (KokuikĿ, in KMZ, p. 9). Norinaga in his dealing with ka-i repeats this rhetoric when he ridicules the Chinese who would call their neighbors Barbarians, but would revere one of them as their new emperor (Naobi no Mitama, in MNZ, p. 57). Both indeed show the attempt to transfer the position of the peripheral Other to China, although the ka-i ideology is still intact. For this reason it is helpful to consider the coexistence of various ideas. 83 Makuzu’s perspective can also be gathered from the following passage: “Do we not reverently call the sacred imperial country (sumeramikuni ⓒᚒᅗ) the land of the kami ♼?” (HK, p. 268; MN 56:1, pp. 26-27). 84 HK, p. 268; MN 56:1, p. 27. 85 HK, p. 297; MN 56:2, p. 185. 86 Murata Harumi, Wagaku taigai, pp. 448-49.

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that she dismisses the writings of Mabuchi and Norinaga as not suitable for the task.87 Makuzu’s concern is that the people need to read about their own culture and history lest they appear ridiculous in the eyes of the world. In actuality, she argues, her fellow country-people’s ignorance already brings humiliation to the nation: How shameful to be looked down upon by people of other countries for the shallow outlook that leads us to trade copper that lasts for ten thousand generations for sugar that melts when you lick it.88

By arguing that Japan was ridiculed by other, namely Western, nations, Makuzu emphasizes that Japan needs to be seen in its broader perspective. This rhetoric was not exclusive to Makuzu. For instance, her contemporary Yamagata BantĿ ᒜ∞⽉᱀ (1748–1821) was in a similar way concerned with Japan’s national image. BantĿ, who was involved in the ¿QDQFLDOUHIRUPVRIWKH6HQGDLGRPDLQFRQWHQGHGWKDWGXHWR-DSDQ¶V ignorance of foreign trade, other countries would laugh at Japan and so “damage the national polity (kokutai ᅗమ).”89 Makuzu’s argument demonstrates that China, in the minds of some thinkers, had been replaced by a new world order, in which countries such as Oroshiya (Russia) and Oranda (Holland) were central. While Mabuchi and Norinaga refer mostly only to China versus Japan, we ¿QGLQ0DNX]XDGLYHUVL¿HGDWWLWXGH0DNX]X¶VQRWLRQRIWKH³SXOVHRI our country” leads to her concrete observations about Japan within the larger world: ,KHDUWKDWLQFRXQWULHVZKHUHWKH¿YHJUDLQVDUHVFDUFHDQGZULWLQJLV horizontal, lifespans are short because people eat meat. When they are no more than thirty, their hair turns white, and if they reach the age of ¿IW\WKH\DUHFRQVLGHUHGWRKDYHOLYHGDORQJOLIH,QWKHVDFUHGLPSHrial country of Japan (sumera mikuni ⓒᚒᅗ), perhaps because we usually eat grains, lifespans are long. … In countries where meat is eaten, people establish themselves in a trade between the ages of thirty and forty. But even at that stage they are able to strike out on their own, engage in rigorous deliberation, and think things through. Aren’t they to be envied for achieving what Japanese people cannot? If people thought 87 HK, p. 294; MN 54:1, p. 182. Makuzu points out that both, Mabuchi as well as Norinaga, are not keeping the rhythm in mind when writing. Norinaga is too slowpaced and Mabuchi too fast-paced. 88 HK, p. 275; MN 56:1, p. 32. 89 Yamagata BantĿ, Yume no shiro ከࢿ௥, in NKT, ed. Takimoto Seiichi, vol. 37 (Tokyo: Keimeisha, 1929), p. 297. Cited by Craig 1965, p. 148. About BantĿ, see more in chapter 8.

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this way in our country (wagakuni ᠻᅗ), how could we be inferior to the foreigners (gaikokujin አᅗெ)?90

Makuzu compares foreign ways, actually those of Russia, to Japan. She repeats here many of the characterizations she had learned from her father.91 The way she uses this knowledge, though, is to frame her strategy of characterizing Japan as inferior to Western countries in order to alarm her audience. Makuzu’s knowledge of other foreign countries is utilized to reposition Japan within the new structure, a structure envisioned also by other intellectuals from her father’s extended network. For instance, Sugita Gempaku’s work, “Words of a Crazy Doctor” (KyĿi no kotoba ≤༈஄ゕ, 1775), represents a similar view.92 In this short essay, Gempaku defends his medical Way, which is different from Chinese traditional medicine:93 [The rotten Confucian and simple doctors ( fuju yĿ’i ⭁൰ ᗜ༈)] hear a little about two or three Asian (tĿyĿ ᮶Ὂ) countries with China as the superior country. … Which country does not have disrespect or esteem for others, which country does not have rites and music? Confucius said: “The tribes of the East and North have princes.”94 To have princes and to revere them is to have rites. To have ranks (ikan ⾨෗) means to clarify the difference between esteem and disregard. The difference of systems is due to the climate of the land and the customs ( fŗzoku 㢴ಐ) of the time period. … One should follow what is good for one’s region ( fŗdo 㢴ᅰ). The Way is not the invention of the sages from China, but the Way of heaven and earth. There, where sun and moon shine and where rain and fog fall, there are countries, people and ways. So what is the 90

HK, p. 274; MN 56:1, pp. 30-31. This information Makuzu received directly from Heisuke, as we can read in his KudĿ BankĿ monjo, in Daikokuya KĿdayŗ shiryĿshŗ, vol. 2, p. 170. Here, however, we ¿QGVHOHFWLYHLQIRUPDWLRQEXWQRMXGJPHQWDOVWDWHPHQWV 92 Sugita Gempaku, KyĿi no kotoba, in YĿgaku, vol.1, ed. Numata 1976, pp. 227-43. This unpublished work can be seen as Gempaku’s response to the criticism he received after publication of Kaitai shinsho, published the year before. Gempaku refers to himself as “crazy doctor.” In a pretended dialogue with a friend, Gempaku praises the superiority of Western medicine. See SatĿ ShĿsuke, “YĿgaku no shisĿteki tokushitsu to hĿken hihanron, kaibĿron,” in YĿgaku, vol.1, ed. Numata (1976), p. 592. Bob Wakabayashi renders the work into “Words of a Fanatic Doctor” (Wakabayashi 1986, p. 41). 93 As mentioned earlier, Makuzu may, through her father, have personally known Gempaku, who was the leader involved in the translation project of the Dutch version of A. Kulmus’s “Anatomische Tabellen,” called in Japanese Kaitai shinsho. 94 See Analects, Bk. 3, 5, “The rude tribes of the east and north have their princes, and are not like the States of our great land, which are without them” (Legge 1971, p. 156). See Wakabayashi’s discussion on the two ways of interpreting this passage, where Gempaku follows here, like ItĿ Jinsai, Zhu Xi’s interpretation, which makes room for a switch of “civilized” versus “barbarian” (Wakabayashi 1986, chapter 2). 91

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Way? To get beyond evil and to advance goodness (aku o sari zen o susumuru nari ᝇࢅཡࡽၻࢅ㐅ࡳࡾ࡝ࡽ). By following this, the Way of the moral person ( jinrin ெ೒) becomes apparent. Everything else is custom ( fŗzoku 㢴ಐ). … But the rotten Confucians and simple doctors follow Chinese texts, and take China as the center (chŗdo ୯ᅰ). Since the earth is one big ball divided into many countries, the place where you are is always the center. Which country then could be the center? It can be China or a tiny country at the edge of the Eastern Sea.95

Gempaku deconstructs the Chinese world order through his empirical study of Western medicine and other Western subjects, which broadened his cultural awareness. This new cultural awareness, however, remains within the mode of Confucian universalism, as can be seen when we inspect more closely his ideas of the universal Way of heaven and earth.96 In so doing we recognize how Gempaku argues along the lines of the Way as discussed by Mabuchi.97:H¿QGWKDWDURXQGWKHWXUQRI the nineteenth century a national consciousness was evolving among intellectuals, even those who accepted the ka-i order. A progressive view of history also emerged, wherein some scholars adapted the ka-i theory, with the West as the current civilized center.98 Others, such as Gempaku, assumed a universalistic stance that replaced the Chinese model. Yet another order of ranking within the model itself took place: Japan replaced China as the center for both nativists and Confucians such as Bakin. Makuzu conceded to both: she emphasized cultural difference, but placed Japan in the center. What led Makuzu to take cultural difference further, namely to a distinct Japan-centeredness, was her belief in the rhythm. For Makuzu, since the rhythm is not static, either temporally or spatially, the pulse becomes the rhythm’s metronome, which one has to adjust to by observing one’s environment and society. Missing the pulse does not mean, as in Bakin’s opinion, that society has lost its Way; instead 95 Sugita Gempaku, KyĿi no kotoba, in YĿgaku, vol.1, ed. Numata 1976, pp. 229-30. Translation is mine. 96 Fukui 1997, p. 188. See also Wakabayashi 1986, p. 46. 97 ItĿ Jinsai’s son ItĿ TĿgai’s similar connotation that the Way is “natural” is of interest. It is not an invention by the Chinese sages; rather their Way is one Way among many. When people come together “naturally” the Five Relationships come about, which are the basics for a civilized society. ItĿ TĿgai, Kun’yĿjigi, vol. 2, in Nihon rinri ihen, ed. Inoue TetsujirĿ and Kanie Yoshimaru, vol. 5 (Tokyo: Ikuseisha, 1910), p. 339. Cited by Shimizu, but I was not able to trace this passage. On ItĿ TĿgai and Gempaku, see Shimizu 1997, pp. 132-33. 98 Shimizu 1997, p. 130.

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it means the individual is out of tune. Given her notion of historical time and her notion of the pulse, Japan is therefore crucial to Makuzu and she scrutinized it in detail. The reality around her—not moral or metaphysical norms, but the rhythm—is the focus as well as the guide. Sincerity (makoto) can be found in the rhythm, and following it will help society. In the essay Kirishitan kĿ (Thoughts on Christianity) Makuzu’s JaSDQFHQWHUHGQHVV¿QGVHYHQVWURQJHUH[SUHVVLRQZKLFKGLVPLVVHV%Dkin’s claim of her being simply infatuated by Western studies.99 When she warns, “evil teachings 㑟Ἢ from foreign countries had come to Japan secretively and have reached common people over time,” Makuzu refers to Christianity as a doctrine that is harmful to the nation. She blames the Christian doctrine for the fact that “the heart of Japan (nihongokoro ᪝ᮇᚨ) is disappearing.” As a countermeasure she suggests “This evil entered Japan with the Dutch. If we expel it back to the West, we cleanse Japan along with these evil people.”100 Makuzu laments again the ignorance of her fellow country-people; only this time the danger is not Confucianism or Buddhism, but Christianity, yet they all entail for Makuzu a “way” created by humans (hito no tsukuri ெࡡషࡽ or jinsaku ெష), which therefore is a threat to peace and has to be rejected.101 This short but complex essay has provoked a variety of reactions in recent scholarship.102 While one scholar reads this piece as an expression of Makuzu’s nationalism,103 another reasons that Makuzu, who in other places expresses praise for foreign countries, had been mentally and emotionally unstable while writing Kirishitan kĿ. The latter interpretation holds that Makuzu’s “madness” was caused by Bakin’s harsh critique.104 Other scholars who discuss Makuzu’s work ignore this essay altogether, probably because on a cursory reading it raises more questions about Makuzu’s thoughts than it answers. When read in context, the comparison of Kirishitan kĿ along with Hitori kangae to contemporary voices shows that Makuzu again demonstrated herself to be a critical observer of her time, when the challenge of frequent 99 The text is undated but presumably was written after Hitori kangae (Seki 1980, p. 163). 100 Kirishitan kĿ, in TMS, pp. 390-91. 101 Kirishitan kĿ, in TMS, p. 390, and HK, p. 268. 102 For a discussion, see Bettina Gramlich-Oka, “Kirishitan kĿ (Thoughts on Christianity) by Tadano Makuzu (1763–1825): A Late Tokugawa Woman’s Warnings,” Bulletin of Japanese-Portuguese Studies 8 (June 2004), pp. 65-92. 103 Shiba 1969, p. 181. 104 Seki 1980, pp. 162-63.

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advances by Western ships to Japanese shores required action and the call for activism.105 Makuzu’s relativistic view let her adapt foreign ideas in order to advance Japan, as we will see, but this is distinct from adopting a “way” that is man-made, as in Buddhism, Confucianism, or Christianity, and therefore has to be rejected.106 Makuzu drew a picture of the nation of Japan that did not exist in the minds of most scholars and, more importantly, of rulers. In order to give substance to her notion, Makuzu illustrated the human condition with examples from society of the here and now.

105 0DNX]XGLGQRWJLYHDVSHFL¿FUHDVRQIRUZULWLQJKirishitan kĿ, but there were various events in the Sendai domain that may have induced her to inform those unaware of the present crisis. We are left to surmise if it was perhaps the Brother’s Incident of 1821, in which Christian texts were given out, or, closer to Makuzu’s environs, was it perhaps the incident of 1823 when foreign whalers came to the shores of the Sendai domain? Or did Makuzu have in mind those Sendai castaways who had converted to Christianity and had decided to stay in Russia when Rezanov in 1804 returned Tsudayŗ DQG VRPH RI KLV PHQ" :H ¿QG DQ LQGLFDWLRQ WKDW WKH ODWWHU ZDV SRVVLEO\ RQH RI KHU more concrete concerns in her sullen remark, “when sea drifters from Sendai were in a Christian [country] they learned their ways” (Kirishitan kĿ, in TMS, p. 391). Another LQGLFDWLRQZH¿QGLQHitori kangae. The part in question is not transmitted in the only available manuscript but is cited by Takizawa Bakin. Under the header kokorozoe ᚨ๧ (advice), Makuzu apparently cautioned her readers to consider that Red-hair Barbarians rescue Japanese castaways to drag and leave them in Christian countries, referring here again to the Sendai castaways (DK, p. 356). 106 Kirishitan kĿ, in TMS, p. 390, and HK, p. 268.

CHAPTER SEVEN

THE HUMAN CONDITION AND SOCIETY Makuzu’s view of the human condition is just as idiosyncratic as is her position with regard to the cosmos. Once more, Makuzu’s ideas UHÀHFWDYDULHW\RIFXUUHQWLQWHOOHFWXDOFRQVLGHUDWLRQVDQGDJDLQVKH dismisses in her criticism many of the more prevalent views promulgated particularly in Confucianism or nativism. Her disapproval, howHYHULVVWHHUHGPRUHVSHFL¿FDOO\DJDLQVWWKHUXOHUVZKRDV0DNX]X alleges in her harsh critique, due to their education adhere blindly to the teachings of the Confucian Way and are thus unable to see the current human condition clearly. They fail to see that present society is in a state of war, still believing in the commonplace platitude that peace reigns on the archipelago. Instead, Makuzu declares, individuals who RQFHIRXJKWRQWKHEDWWOH¿HOGIRUYLFWRU\QRZ¿JKWLQWKHPDUNHWSODFH IRU¿QDQFLDOVXFFHVV7KLVLVFDXVHGE\FRPSHWLWLRQWKHRQHFRPPRQ feature of all living beings. Makuzu’s postulation, which she claims derives from observation, leads to a highly empirical view of human nature. Herman Ooms’s theoretical approach, which exposes the link between ontological and social discrimination, is helpful for understanding this view. He argues for the close interrelation between social and metaphysical discourse, which he presents with examples of social practice and theoretical claims on human nature during the Tokugawa period.1 Makuzu, in a way, takes the extreme position: she means to draw all philosophical conclusions from observing social practices. In order to comprehend and to comment on current conditions, she seeks to reason only from what is perceivable, abolishing metaphysics altogether. With this approach, which she hopes will prove that legislation should be enacted accordingly, Makuzu fails to understand that social practices are inherently related to philosophical interpretation. Therefore when she postulates that only “reality”—the rhythm and the pulse—is sincere, she cannot escape inconsistencies in her framework. Correspondingly, in regard to human nature as well, Makuzu must fall short based on her 1

Ooms 2002a, in particular p. 104.

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own premises; nevertheless her descriptions of society in themselves offer a stimulating contemporary commentary.

DECOUPLING THE INDIVIDUAL FROM HEAVEN Makuzu’s notion of the rhythm undermines so-called metaphysical principles that link humankind intrinsically to the universe. Instead, the dependence of the individual on the “rhythm between heaven and earth,” and thus the individual’s agency, is crucial. In order to explain the relation of the individual to his environment Makuzu relates a story she had learned from her father: Water and ether (ki Ẵ ¿OO WKH VSDFH EHWZHHQ KHDYHQ DQG HDUWK DQG there is no place without one or the other. … While people can get by without knowing that they live in ether, the advantage of knowing it is that they can escape imminent danger by manipulating the ether. … However, if people willfully exert their own ki (waga ki ᠻ࠿Ẵ) to oppose that of heaven and earth (tenchi no ki ኮᆀࡡẴ), they might injure themselves.2

Makuzu, by way of her father’s explanation, reviews for her readers the position of the individual versus heaven and earth. We see that the human being is not inherently connected to this “natural” authority. To the contrary, a person needs to recognize the ki and to act in accordance with it in order not to suffer harm. People live in an environment of “natural” laws that have to be observed. In addition, one can use these laws for one’s advantage, as in the case of the triumphant warrior, whose “force of his ki is so pervasive and strong that ordinary people can’t approach him.”3 In other words, human agency or manipulation is possible. Bakin severely criticizes Makuzu’s assumption. Her interpretation of ki diverges from the Song Confucian notion of ki Ẵ (commonly translated as “material substance” or “vital energy”), which is the medium between man and heaven and earth. Bakin puts in plain words his GLVDJUHHPHQWZLWKZKDWKHLGHQWL¿HVDV0DNX]X¶VLJQRUDQFH 2

HK, pp. 297-98; MN 56:2, p. 185. Bakin likes the story and intends to use it for publication (DK, p. 356). See also the illustration by Shiba KĿkan of two men having a FRQYHUVDWLRQZLWKD¿VKERZOLQWKHEDFNJURXQG³3HRSOHGRQRWUHDOL]HKRZVWURQJWKH DWPRVSKHUHLVDLULVIRUPHQZKDWZDWHULVWR¿VK´.HHQHS 3 HK, p. 298; MN 56:2, p. 186.

THE HUMAN CONDITION AND SOCIETY

243

[Makuzu] assumes that the ki of the person’s body ( jintai no ki ெమࡡ Ẵ) and the ki of heaven and earth are different, because she does not know the reason for ki to be ki. There are two kinds of ki between heaven and earth: orthopathic and heteropathic ki (seiki to jaki ḿẴ࡛㑟Ẵ).4 The [regular] change of the seasons is according to orthopathic ki. When it is cold in summer and warm in winter, it is the act of heteropathic ki. Since people receive by birth orthopathic ki from heaven and earth, one can compare the body to a microcosm.5

Bakin counters Makuzu’s proposition with the rationale of the traditional medical Way, where the connection between heaven and earth and the human body is rooted in metaphysics. Since Makuzu was born into a family of physicians, it is not farfetched to assume that she was familiar with some theoretical concepts of the Chinese medical body. Because it was her father who told her about the relationship between water and ether, the difference in opinion on the concept of ki can hardly be explained as ignorance on Makuzu’s part, but rather as her critique. This is further supported by Makuzu’s quite different interpretation of the human body, in which physicality alone is decisive for the individual’s gender and feelings. Makuzu, by rejecting any variants of the Way, separates the person from heaven and earth as a self-contained body, with no heavenly ki rushing through its organs. This body GRHVQRWUHÀHFWWKHXQLYHUVHLQVWHDGLWPXVWDGMXVWWRLW6

HUMAN NATURE AND MORALITY 0DNX]XDGKHUHVWRWKHLGHDRIDGH¿QLWHIXQGDPHQWDOSULQFLSOHRIKXman nature that was not an invention of humans but arose of itself, and so the pulse of time and place guides the individual to lead a successful and happy life. Since the rhythm is devoid of metaphysics due to its “naturalness,” it is also free of morality, and thus morality—the linkage between heaven and earth as is commonly understood in Song Confucianism—cannot be assumed to be an innate human trait either.7 4

For English terminology, see Terazawa 2001, p. 45. DK, p. 356. 6 This notion is not uncommon, but can be observed within medical discourse of the eighteenth century in, for instance, Yamawaki TĿyĿ’s theory on the body (Terazawa 2001, p. 72). 7 $JDLQ6RQJ&RQIXFLDQLVPUHSUHVHQWVKHUHQRWDQRI¿FLDOLGHRORJ\EXWLVWKHUHIerence point of which Makuzu makes use in her critique of “Confucian teachings.” ,WVPHWDSK\VLFVKDGVWURQJUDPL¿FDWLRQVLQSDUWLFXODULQPHGLFDOGLVFRXUVHDVSRLQWHG out earlier, with which Makuzu was most likely familiar due to her upbringing in a 5

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Makuzu’s view of human nature in its relationship to its environment can be seen in her choice of terminology: “kokoro no katachi” ᚨࡡ࠾ࡒ ࡔ.8 The use of the word katachi, shape or form, demonstrates her belief that the human being can only be understood in his or her physicality.9 :HKDYHVHHQLQKHUGH¿QLWLRQRIPDQDQGZRPDQRQHH[DPSOHRIKRZ the human being is grounded by body and feelings in the world. When Makuzu speaks about human nature, it is not the metaphysical nature of humans, but “physical” nature. Perhaps for Makuzu human nature comes into being only through the existence of being in the world. Being human and human nature are inseparable, a notion that is shared to some extent by nativist thinkers such as Motoori Norinaga, whereas LQWKH6RQJ&RQIXFLDQYLHZKXPDQQDWXUHLVDUHÀHFWLRQRI+HDYHQ¶V original nature.10 But Makuzu’s essentialization of the body is unique, as we have seen in the case of her gender divide and as we will encounter in her division of humanity into good and bad individuals. For Makuzu, physicality cannot produce or entail a moral Way. In her treatise to the rulers and their advisors, Makuzu embarks on a clari¿FDWLRQ EDVHG RQ KHU H[DPLQDWLRQ RI VRFLHW\ VWDWLQJ WKDW WKRVH who believe in the teachings of the sages are so rigidly bound to the notion of morality that they fail to adapt: Why is it, I had wondered, that those who seem to violate the way of the sages often succeed in this world, while those who try to be righteous do not? I came to realize that it is because righteous people tend to lag behind the rhythm of heaven and earth, while those whose behavior is mixed keep in time with the rhythm. The reason why some people do not succeed, no matter how much they try, is because they do not follow the rhythm of heaven and earth.11 physician’s household that also functioned as a school. 8 In rendering the term kokoro no katachi into English, the translators of Hitori Kangae used “feelings,” “shape of human feelings,” and the “heart” to express the complexity (HK, p. 290; MN 56:2, p. 179). 9 Kada no Azumamaro, too, uses the term katachi (Nosco 1990, p. 85). In his view, katachi is the human form of the spirit (tamashii RIWKHJRGVZKLFK¿QGVQRUHÀHFWLRQ in Makuzu’s notion. 10 See, for instance, Norinaga’s twisting of the Confucian concept: “When the NeoConfucianists after the Sung dynasty denied human desire as sheer lust, they forgot that human desire was also an ordination of heaven” (Naobi no mitama, in MNZ, vol. 9, p. 60; translation by Weymeyer 1997, p. 233). Mentioned also by Yoshikawa 1983, p. 282. 11 HK, pp. 265-66; MN 56:1, p. 24. Or see, “As the way of the sages usually works well when people are upright in spirit (hito no kokoro ni shimari ga areba ெࡡᚨࡡ ࡊࡱࡽ࠿࠵ࡿࡣ), good people let themselves be guided and fettered by its teachings. But when people who don’t care a bit about Confucian teachings do just as they please, those whose hearts are fettered are inevitably put in the weaker position and will always


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People who acknowledge the existence of this rhythm and are willing to live their lives according to it, Makuzu rationalizes, succeed in this world, which is, from her observation, everyone’s fundamental desire. Morality is a different matter and not a prerequisite. Makuzu’s negation of a heavenly nature within humans, as Bakin charged, implies one crucial consequence: just as the rhythm lacks morality, human beings, too, are without innate morality. This notion can be accounted for either by her lack of knowledge of Confucian teachings, as Bakin surmises, or by her conscious critique of the values these teachings endorse. The way Makuzu takes up, for instance, fundamental Confucian virtues and challenges them in a blatantly casual way gives substantiation to the latter: Chinese scholars developed the terms benevolence ( jin ொ), righteousness (gi ⩇), propriety (rei ♡), and wisdom (chi ᬓ) in accordance with the shape of the human heart (hito no kokoro no katachi ெࡡᚨࡡ࠾ࡒ ࡔ). (This sentence is just a preamble. In my discussion I will show that it is worthless to discuss righteousness in terms of whether it is interior or exterior.) Benevolence is equivalent to the efforts of people (such as , ZKRVHOÀHVVO\WU\WRGRJRRGIRUWKHVDNHRIRWKHUV3URSULHW\WRR is something that exists naturally within one’s feelings; even birds and animals have a bit of it. Wisdom probably means knowing things well. The feeling (kokoro no katachi ᚨࡡ࠾ࡒࡔ) that corresponds to the term “righteousness” is what is vulgarly called “temper” (kanshaku ࠾ࢆࡊࡶ ࡂ), something that swells and surges through one’s breast.12

By simplifying and reducing the content of these Confucian virtues upon which current social conduct, at least ideally, is based, Makuzu offends Bakin’s sensibility. Bakin, in response to her admission that she has not read the Chinese texts, wonders how she dares to discuss the Classics based not on study but merely on her alleged enlightenment.13 The light manner in which Makuzu presents her discussion has a VSHFL¿FLQWHQWLRQ0DNX]X¶VDUJXPHQWLVEDVHGRQWKHFRQYLFWLRQWKDW since there is no heavenly nature within humans, the belief in the innate goodness of human nature becomes redundant. She draws upon the virtue of “righteousness” (gi) to exemplify her notion: Is it not that people who are inclined toward goodness (zenji ni harite ၻ஥࡞ࡢࡽ࡙) believe that righteousness comes from within? Those insuffer losses” (HK, p. 268; MN 56:1, p. 26). 12 HK, p. 292; MN 56:2, pp. 180-81. 13 DK, p. 345. “[Makuzu] says she was not allowed to read Chinese. Yet while she has never seen Chinese she discusses the Classics. Does she think she can understand them without studying only because her mind rose above the earth?”

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clined toward evil (ashiki kata ni haritaru kata ࠵ࡊࡀ࠾ࡒ࡞ࡢࡽࡒࡾ ࠾ࡒ RQWKHRWKHUKDQGZKRDUHLQIDFWVHO¿VKEXWVWULYHWRGRJRRG believe that righteousness is something acquired externally.14

Makuzu evidently alludes to the famous debate between Mencius and the philosopher Gaozi as to whether or not the fundamental virtues are innate or acquired.15 The idealized view of human nature, Makuzu argues, leads good people to assume that virtue is innate, and bad people to hope for the prospect of its cultivation. However, these two views, Makuzu proclaims, are based on the wrong premise. Suppositions both of innateness or of cultivation are built upon a belief in the morality of heaven and earth, and thus in the innate morality of people. Makuzu cannot consent to this Song Confucian metaphysical rationale, a critique that is also voiced by anti-Song Confucian scholars such as Ogyŗ Sorai and Dazai Shundai ኯᐍ᫋ྋ (1680–1747). Certainly, despite her concurrence with Sorai and Shundai on this point, Makuzu draws conclusions quite different from their advice that people, lacking innate virtue, should for this reason follow the Way of the ancient Kings.16

GOOD AND EVIL Ontological models that Makuzu recognizes as such have to be disregarded and proven wrong. Her use of haru ࡢࡾ, rendered as “to incline” in the citation above, or more literarily “to attach,” to describe moral conduct indicates that goodness or evil are “attached” to a person, and are hence external. Makuzu concludes therefore that the four virtues are not necessarily inherent or a preserve of the human heart. In fact, WKHVHWHUPVDUHFRQVWUXFWHGDQGPLJKWUHÀHFWRQO\WKHLQQHUFRQVWLWXtion of a good person. She argues that the assumption of a universal human morality is based on the ideals of a good person who invented the concept.17 However, what can be observed in the course of life, she 14

HK, p. 292; MN 56:2, p. 181. See Mencius, Bk. 6, 1, Legge 1970, in particular, pp. 394-403. Makuzu is explicit when she states, “Let me explain: people can be led astray because a single mind contains both good and evil. The discussion in Mencius concerning whether righteousness is interior or exterior falls into confusion precisely over this point” (HK, p. 292; MN 56:2, p. 181). See also my discussion of Bakin’s views in chapter 5. 16 For Ogyŗ Sorai, see the discussion by Gerhard Leinss (Leinss 1995). For Dazai Shundai, see Tetsuo Najita, “Political Economism in the Thought of Dazai Shundai (1680–1747),” JAS 31 (1972), pp. 821-39. See also Ooms 2002a. 17 HK, p. 292; MN 56:2, p. 181. Bakin takes her words more literally in his response: “This is ridiculous. We say that SĿketsu ⵤ㡽 invented the writing system, but it was 15


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asserts, are good and bad individuals. Makuzu rationalizes the fact, obvious to her, that people simply differ: Townspeople may gamble when they are young, but those who come to manage and own large amounts of property have found a way to achieve great things. A certain person who by nature was well-intentioned, for H[DPSOHZDVOXUHGLQWRPLVFKLHI7KHPRPHQWKLVVSLULWVXGGHQO\ÀRDWed above the earth, he realized the true nature of the world, gave up his bad habits, and began to devote himself to his trade. Bad people who ¿QG WKHLU VSLULWV ÀRDWLQJ XSZDUG RQ WKH RWKHU KDQG XQGRXEWHGO\ EHcome increasingly clever in pursuing evil.18

Again, as in her discussion of gender, Makuzu essentializes humanity into two categories. People are born either good or bad, and apparently are unable to change their nature. Idealistic principles such as inherent YLUWXHDUHDPLVFRQFHSWLRQ0DNX]X¿QGVFRQ¿UPDWLRQLQsatori (enlightenment), which is evidence not of one’s moral worth but of one’s FRPSUHKHQVLRQRIWKHUK\WKP6LQFHPRUDOLW\LVDKXPDQDUWL¿FHEHLQJ virtuous is not a necessity and bad individuals can experience good fortune and even enlightenment.19 More importantly, Makuzu argues, good or bad intentions are in the end irrelevant because they do not determine outcomes. She demonstrates her point with the virtue gi ⩇ (righteousness):20 When this feeling [that corresponds to the term gi] leads to something good it is called “righteousness;” when it leads to something evil it is called “violence” (bĿ ᬸ). While one of these terms indicates “good” and the other “evil,” within the human body (hito no tainai ெࡡమහ) [the feeling they represent] is one and the same.21

Apparently the inner thoughts of a person are almost unrelated to actions because actions might be intended one way but have opposite certainly not only one person” (DK, p. 345). 18 HK, p. 300; MN 56:2, p. 188. 19 “[Buddhist enlightenment and the gambler’s mental detachment for the sake of JUHHGDOO@UHVXOWLQDVWDWHLQZKLFKRQH¶VKHDUWÀRDWVHOHYDWHGDERYHWKHHDUWKThe only difference is whether this leads to good or evil” (see HK, p. 299; MN 56:2, p. 187). Or see “Those who were born with bad hearts (kokoro ashiki kokoro o mochite umareshi ᚨ࠵ࡊࡀᚨࢅࡵࡔ࡙⏍ࡱࡿࡊ) do not become good even if their hearts rise above the ground. We just have to realize that any body (jintai no ue ni ெమࡡ࠹࠻࡞) can experience enlightenment. Regardless whether by nature they are good or bad (zen’aku ni yorazu ၻᝇ࡞ࡻࡼࡍ WKRVH ZKRVH KHDUWV ÀRDW IUHH DUH SURIHVVLRQDOV´ +. SS 300-01; MN 56:2, p. 188). Emphases are mine. 20 Makuzu claims that only propriety can be observed, not only in humans but in all living beings, and hence is comparable to what Mencius calls the “beginning” (tan ❻) of a virtue. 21 HK, p. 292; MN 56:2, p. 181.

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results. Moreover, actions do not reveal for certain whether a person is good or not. While some actions might be motivated by malice but can VWLOOEHRIEHQH¿WWRRWKHUVVRPHJRRGDFWLRQVPD\EHLPSHUFHSWLEOH or even judged by others as evil. In fact, according to Makuzu, since the inside of a person cannot be known, or as she claims “hearts can neither be seen nor heard,” statements about another person’s virtue can only be assumptions, and thus it is wrong to presume that all human beings are good.22 Bakin is shocked by Makuzu’s postulation on the virtue gi that cannot be found “in a book.” As expected, his retort to her fallacy is supported with the classics, his safe ground.23 In Makuzu’s view, social judgment is only an interpretation, not a UHÀHFWLRQ RI KXPDQ DFWV 1RW RQO\ GR ZH QRW NQRZ ³KRZ WKLQJV DUH within the bodies of wicked people,” we only see the result and form our corresponding moral opinion.24 This, Makuzu points out, importantly entails that notions such as “good” and “evil” are not actually ¿[HG SULQFLSOHV EXW UDWKHU DUH VXEMHFW WR VRFLHW\¶V FXUUHQW SUHIHUHQFH and discrimination.25 Makuzu’s argument rests on a relativistic view of action similar to that of Norinaga when he states, “good and evil are not constant—they change according to time and circumstance. … Thus too the good and bad in man’s mind and in his acts may not be as opposed to each other as they seem: they differ according to the doctrines one follows.”26 Both thinkers observe their social world and integrate their interpretation into their views. However, even if Norinaga and Makuzu appear to share the same notion of how society’s verdicts on individual actions are not static but changeable, they disagree on the fundamental notion of human nature. Norinaga, similar to Mabuchi, who pronounces that the sincere heart (naoki kokoro ├ࡀᚨ) is straightforward and therefore good, speaks of 22

HK, p. 270; MN 56:1, p. 28. DK, p. 345. 24 HK, p. 292; MN 56:2, p. 181. 25 “The same is true for trees, grass, furniture and implements, and myriad other things: they all seem good or bad depending on people’s preferences” (MN 56:1, p. 27). This notion indirectly criticizes Mencius: “All palates enjoy the same tastes, all ears the same sounds, all eyes the same beauty. Should only minds not share the same things?” (Mencius, Bk. 6, 1, 8. Cited by Ooms 2002a, pp. 98-99). Bakin defends Mencius by saying: “It goes without saying, for eyes that do not like the color black, they will still see black as black. Even to a person who likes bitter taste, bitter is bitter. What differs is one’s preference. Color and taste are the same to everyone with mouth and eyes” (DK, pp. 319-20). 26 Motoori Norinaga, Tama no Ogushi, in Sources of Japanese Tradition, vol. 2, ed. Tsunoda Ryusaku et al. [1958] (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964), p. 28. 23


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the pure heart (magokoro ┷ᚨ) that was active in the past, but now has to be rediscovered: Since human beings were thus created by the spirit of Musubi no Kami (the deity who gives birth to all beings) so as to detest evil and do what is good, they know for themselves what they should do without being taught. … If one claims that people cannot know or do anything without being taught, then this means that they are inferior to birds and insects. $FWVRIKXPDQLW\ULJKWHRXVQHVVSURSULHW\GHIHUHQFH¿OLDOSLHW\EURWKerly respect, loyalty and faithfulness should be innate to human beings, and people should know these and behave accordingly, without being taught explicitly.27

:KLOHLQ0DEXFKL¶VWKRXJKWZHGRQRW¿QGWKHVXSHULRULW\RIWKHKXPDQ species among all living creatures that Norinaga emphasizes (probably to set himself apart from the Daoist notions in Mabuchi’s cosmology), they both appear to assume that people are born with a good nature,28 an idealistic view that is in stark contrast to Makuzu’s empiricism.29 1RW DPRQJ QDWLYLVWV EXW LQ WKH &RQIXFLDQ FDPS ZH ¿QG D VLPLODU view to that expressed by Makuzu. When we compare her thoughts to the anti-Song Confucian tradition as represented by Dazai Shundai, we see that he, like Makuzu, is not interested in the ontology of human nature. In Shundai’s view, human nature and moral conduct should not be of concern.30 Shundai appropriates the notion of his teacher, Ogyŗ Sorai, to argue against a universal human nature and rigorously to re27 Motoori Norinaga, Kojikiden, Book 7, in MNZ, vol. 9, p. 296 (cited by Yoshikawa 1983, p. 264). Or see Motoori Norinaga, Kuzubana, in MNZ, vol. 8, p. 481. “The heart with which man is at birth endowed by the spirit of Musubi no kami” (cited by Matsumoto Shigeru, Motoori Norinaga, 1730–1801 [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970], p. 102). 28 Norinaga’s view is expressed in Naobi no mitama, in MNZ, vol. 9 (cited by Yoshikawa 1983, p. 264). See for instance, “All creatures whatsoever living in this world down to birds and insects inherently/instinctively (onozukara) know how to act since they are ordained to act so by virtue of the divine spirit of Musubi no kami. Human beings are born into this world as especially gifted beings (shŗ ni suguretaru mono)” (translation by Weymeyer 1997, p. 232). Peter Nosco points out that nativism and Song Confucianism share a belief in the inherent, if dormant, goodness of the person (Nosco 1990, p. 36). 29 Makuzu’s approach is clearly demonstrated when she claims, “I simply speculate on people’s internal feelings on the basis of my own experience” (HK, p. 299; MN 56:2, p. 187). 30 “People are born with different traits, as [ItĿ] Jinsai said, but this variety is a fact RIOLIHDQGQRWDFRQ¿UPDWLRQRIPRUDOSULQFLSOH+XPDQQDWXUHLVOLNHWKHVSLULWRID child. Externally the active human spirit is observable as human emotion, jĿ or ninjĿ” (Dazai Shundai, SeigakumondĿ in Dai Nihon shisĿ zenshŗ, ed. Uemura Katsumi, vol. 7 (Tokyo: Dai Nihon ShisĿ Zenshŗ KankĿkai, 1931), vol. 7, pp. 251-52; also cited in Najita 1972, pp. 825-26).

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ject inner morality. One’s innermost moral content is discarded as irrelevant.31 Only the external act is important. Shundai concludes that for XWLOLWDULDQUHDVRQVPHQPXWXDOO\DJUHHWROLYHDFFRUGLQJWR¿[HGHWKLFDO ideas, namely the Way of the ancient kings. He shares with Makuzu a disregard for investigating things that cannot be known, while he obviously diverges from her in his advice as to how to accommodate human traits and feelings.

HUMAN COMPETITION Although Makuzu rejects theoretical speculations about human nature, she postulates them herself. For instance, she comes to the conclusion that people are involved in an endless struggle for survival. She detects competition and strife to be universal and present at all times. In her WLPHRISHDFHWKHVWUXJJOHIRUVXSHULRULW\ZDVH[HPSOL¿HGLQWKH¿JKW over money; in strife over position and rank in the social hierarchy; in parents in raising their children; in gambling; and in love. Since she witnessed these acts of competition among all living beings, and not only among humans, and therefore considered them empirically perceivable, she may not have recognized her own contradiction. As a consequence, after differentiating between the sexes and between good and evil as fundamental to humankind, Makuzu returns to arguing for the sameness of humans.32 Her empiricism leads her to the conclusion that regardless of gender, class, or virtue, humans, like all living beings, have one common trait, namely what she calls a “heart of strife” (kokoro no ransei ᚨࡡ஗ୠ):33 I am convinced that the instinct (kokoro no yuku katachi ᚨࡡࡹࡂ࠾ ࡒࡔ RIDOOFUHDWXUHVZKROLYHEHWZHHQKHDYHQDQGHDUWKLVWR¿JKWIRU superiority (shĿretsu o arasoi ົ຋ࢅண). Down to the beasts, birds, and insects, there is no creature who does not compete. People train their children by praising them as better behaved than others, or by warning them that they will be laughed at for falling behind someone else. Do we not say such things because people are at bottom (kokoro no tomari ᚨࡡ࡛ࡱࡽ) competitive (shĿretsu ົ຋)? Do we not always say that one 31

Dumoulin 1943, pp. 109-10. HK, p. 295. 33 HK, p. 270; MN 56:1, p. 28. In the English translation of HK, we rendered kokoro as “world” due to the context. For the purpose of discussion, however, I choose the literal rendering. 32


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thing is better or worse than another?34

Makuzu’s basic observation is that the heart is shaped by the drive to succeed, to emerge a winner in the competitive struggle for supremacy. This commonality is not a preserve of humans, but extends to all living beings. By positing that all humans are competitive, she claims that to ¿JKWDQGVWULYHLVXQDYRLGDEOH0DNX]XPD\KDYHDSSURSULDWHGWKLVQRtion from Heisuke, who argues in Akaezo fŗsetsu kĿ that it is “human QDWXUHWRGHVLUHSUR¿W´ri o konomu wa ninjĿ nite ฺࢅይࡳࡢெ᝗࡞ ࡙).35 It was also, however, a common view shared by intellectuals such as Shundai, who similarly states, “[Human nature] is aggressive, passionate, and highly competitive in character.”36 For Makuzu, this human trait accounts for the defective relationship between the sexes. In the case of love, the struggle for superiority explains why couples appear to be in a combative relationship. She holds that relationships between men and women (danjo no aikakarai ⏠ዥ ࡡ࠵࠷࠾࠾ࡼ࠷) are shaped by this “instinct.” It is their determination WR UHVLVW GHIHDW DW WKH KDQGV RI WKH RWKHU WKDW UHVXOWV LQ WKLV FRQÀLFW $QDORJRXVWRWKHVHSDUDWLRQRIJHQGHUWKHRULJLQRIWKLVVSHFL¿FGULYH is, Makuzu declares, “rooted in their private parts” (injo o ne toshite 㝔 ᡜࡡ᰷࡛ࡊ࡙).37 In Makuzu’s opinion, the futon is the ring where lovers compete over who wins over whom. To see the sex act as a battle EHWZHHQWKHVH[HVLVDQROGWURSHDVVRFLDWHGZLWK&KLQHVHSRSXODU¿Ftion of the Ming dynasty. But perhaps Makuzu’s view of love as the inevitable result of sexual intercourse can be traced back to her own experience, when she discloses that she could not forget the man with whom she was intimate despite her disgust “to the point of repulsion.”38 Again, Makuzu grounds human nature in the body. 34

HK, pp. 269-70; MN 56:1, p. 28. Akaezo fŗsetsu kĿ, SHS, p. 285. 36 Dazai Shundai, SeigakumondĿ, in Dai Nihon shisĿ zenshŗ, ed. Uemura Katsumi, vol. 7, p. 252 (cited in Najita 1972, p. 825). 37 HK, pp. 266-67. 38 +.S$ERXW&KLQHVH¿FWLRQVHH)XUWKS:HDUHOHIWWRFRQMHFture who this man might have been, either one of her husbands or someone else. In general, Makuzu makes a clear distinction between marriage and romance (koiji ᜂ㊨). Makuzu does not romanticize love as many intellectuals do, in particular Norinaga, but she discusses more prosaically its origin (physical) and its consequences (combat). For Norinaga on love see SekijĿ shishuku-gen, p. 31. Or Genji monogatari tama no ogushi ″Ắ∸ㄊ⋚ࡡᑚᷰ, in MNZ, vol. 4, p. 225: “This is because there is nothing more deep-rooted in the human mind than love.” For a Confucian vision see the Book of Rites: “Once involved in and disturbed by (love), the wise and foolish alike frequently behave illogically in spite of themselves ... ruining their bodies and their reputations.” Or see ItĿ Jinsai: “The original ideas of Confucius and Mencius consisted of morality 35

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In Makuzu’s view of the world, the competition inherent in all living beings is to blame for the deplorable conditions of current society. Just as sex is the form of the battle between men and women, money is the weapon in the battle among the classes. In the preface of Hitori kangae Makuzu deplores her time of “crazed behavior” (monokuruwashiki furumai ࡵࡡࡂࡾࡢࡊࡀࡨࡾࡱࡥ).39 She repeatedly laments that the “transgression of norms” (hĿ o koeru Ἢࢅ㉲࠻ࡾ) is common, while morality in human conduct is lost. Characteristics that have become outmoded in today’s world include true uprightness (gokushĿjiki ᴗḿ├), compassion ( jihigokoro ិᝊᚨ), sympathy (nasake ᝗), duty (giri ⩇⌦), and a sense of shame (haji ᜕). 7KHVH ¿YH FKDUDFWHULVWLFV DUH WUXO\ SUHFLRXV EXW QRZDGD\V WKH\ KDYH gone out of fashion, leaving only remnants behind. That is because in WKH LQFUHDVLQJO\ ¿HUFH EDWWOHV RYHU PRQH\ WKH\ DUH DQ LPSHGLPHQW WR the impetuous urges of those who, having acquired the taste for money, are intent on squeezing it even from their masters or their parents. The transgression of norms is one indication of a disorderly era, I have heard, and that is the way things are today.40

Since morality is an acquired form of conduct, upright behavior is absent in current society because it is not cultivated, but instead is outmoded and not valued. Makuzu lays out for her readers how, in their WLPHSHRSOHZKRDUHFRPSHWLWLYHDQGVHO¿VKE\³QDWXUH´KDYHIRXQGLQ money a new means for competition, which has swamped society and social relations.41 From Makuzu’s point of view, it makes sense to differentiate between different periods that witness all kinds of transgression. Makuzu historicizes human behavior, just as she historicizes the pulse of the time. As she claims: In the past, the world was in turmoil because people disputed over land put into practice—of Benevolence in the sense of an active Love (ai) of others. Love was ultimately the actualization of the Way of Heaven” (cited by Muraoka 1964, p. 100). The relation between husband and wife is quite different, as Makuzu points out, probably indicating that in the case of a married couple, the hierarchy should already be decided, and no negotiation or “battle” should be necessary (HK, p. 267; MN 56:1, p. 25). “For a husband and wife who are one this may not be an issue. In case of romance, though, a man may be thrown by a woman.” This is also the reason why Makuzu’s discussion of sex is not about conjugal sex for the purpose of procreation, as advocated, for instance, in her time by Hirata Atsutane, or by medical advice found in handbooks, but simply about sex as a manifestation of the human nature of competition. For Atsutane, see Walthall 1998. For medical handbooks, see Terazawa 2001 and Furth 1999. 39 HK, p. 260; MN 56:1, p. 21. 40 HK, p. 305; MN 56:2, p. 192. 41 HK, p. 294; MN 56:2, p. 182.


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and fought over provinces. Today is an age when people’s hearts are in WXUPRLOEHFDXVHWKH\DUHFDXJKWXSLQWKH¿JKWRYHUJROGDQGVLOYHU«42

Because war and peace are changes embedded in the rhythm, people’s adaptation to the prevailing rhythm is almost unavoidable; as Makuzu claims, “Having been born into this disordered world, dominated by strife over money, people are naturally (onozukara LQÀXHQFHG E\ LWV spirit.”43 Makuzu observes that established social relations have changed accordingly. The consequences are scorn among the lower classes for WKHQREOHDQGZHDOWK\ZKROLYHRIIWKHLU¿HIVZKLOHWKHORZHUFODVVHV live in hardship, dependent on trade.44 Not the lord, but salary has become the new master.45 Makuzu’s polemic embellishment of current conditions points her projected readers—members of the upper class—to the critical fact that loyalty is obsolete and the loss of trust among the lower people toward their lords extends to the domestic as well as public domain. Hired help in the house as well as porters on the roads see their wage as their only master.46 Former relations of trust had fallen to the commercial assault of the times. Makuzu illustrates this with an account of conditions on the highway: As for porters working on the highways, they take advantage of the fact that travelers have to rely on them to haul their baggage. They treat travelers with contempt and extort high fees, having the upper hand in WHUPVRIWLPH+RZHYHUGLVWDVWHIXOWUDYHOHUVPD\¿QGWKLVEHKDYLRUEHing prisoners of time, they lose out to the porters.47

Makuzu urges her readers to realize that the changed economic situation expressed by “time is money” has subverted the structure of human relations.48 When people are hired on a short-term basis, the PDVWHUVFDQQRWWUXVWWKHPDWDOO7KH\PLJKWWDNHÀLJKWDWDQ\PRPHQW The ideal of personal relations is increasingly in tension with the com42

HK, pp. 270-71; MN 56:1, p. 28. HK, p. 272; MN 56:1, p. 29. 44 HK, pp. 270-71; MN 56:1, p. 28. Or see HK, p. 288; MN 56:2, p. 177. 45 HK, p. 299; MN 56:2, pp. 186-87. 46 HK, p. 298; MN 56:2, p. 186. 47 HK, p. 299; MN 56:2, p. 187. 48 For one interpretation of this subversion, see Douglas Howland, “Samurai status, class, and bureaucracy,” JAS 60:2 (May 2001), p. 371. “Growing subversion of the samurai as a ruling class can be attributed to two fundamental processes: on the one hand, the rationalization of society due to bureaucratic forms of rule and, on the other hand, the economic changes that encouraged merchant entrepreneurs in particular to forge ahead in the commerce productive of class power.” 43

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mercialization of services.49 Makuzu, to enforce her argument, refers to a popular saying that expressed current conditions, “people say it LVEHWWHUWRKDYHDJULOOHGULFHEDOOWKDQWKHORUG¶VFRQ¿GHQFH´50 People who live according to the Way of the sages, Makuzu warns, lose out to bad characters who are less constrained and who, by giving their competitive hearts full authority, have the upper hand in the contest of life. Bakin, who agrees that current conditions are lamentable indeed, unquestionably disagrees with the underlying argument. The philosophical divide between Makuzu and Bakin on this issue is so deep that Bakin incessantly reiterates where he thinks her thought is erroneous. He claims that competition and greed are not general human characteristics, but belong only to the mean. Bakin’s position comes from his presumption, discussed earlier, that desire is not innate to human nature and can hence be cultivated.51 His reference is again to the ideal of a two-part society divided into the superior being and the mean, in which cultivation ultimately can bring forth the goodness in each human being. Bakin quotes from the Classics in which Confucius said, “The mind of the superior man is conversant with righteousness (gi ⩇); the mind of the mean is conversant with gain (ri ฺ).”52 Competitive feelings are pertinent only to the mean since they are motivated by greed (yoku ៛): they are not heavenly nature (tensei ኮᛮ) but human feeling (ninjĿ ெ᝗). On the other hand, competition among superior men is full of honor (sharei ᑏ♡), as Bakin explains by citing from the Doctrine of the Mean, “When the archer misses the center of the target, he turns round and seeks for the cause of his failure in himself.”53 When competition develops out of greed, however, it is the beginning of chaos.54 While Makuzu would agree that some people are able to cultivate themselves to become upright, she would nevertheless argue that even they are competitive at heart.

49 See J. F. Morris and his reading of the diary by the formerly mentioned Sendai retainer Tamamushi JŗzĿ (1744–1802) who hired all of his seven retainers on a yearly or half-yearly basis. J. F. Morris, “Sendai hanshi Tamamushi JŗzĿ no hĿkĿnin,” Jinbun shakai kagaku ronsĿ 13 (2004), pp. 43-85. 50 HK, p. 304; MN 56:2, p. 191. Oboshimeshi yori yakimeshi yoshi ᛦࡊࡴࡊࡻࡽ↕ ࡀࡴࡊྚ, a saying based on the double meaning of meshiULFHDQGFRQ¿GHQFH 51 See the discussion in chapter 5. 52 Analects, Bk. 4, 16 (Legge 1971, p. 170). 53 Doctrine of the Mean, 14, 5 (Legge 1971, p. 396). 54 DK, pp. 320-21.


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HUMAN AGENCY AND IKIOI Makuzu employs philosophical enunciations mainly to explain her proposals for reform. With her conviction that all people are aggressively RXWIRUWKHLURZQSUR¿W0DNX]XLQIRUPVWKHUXOHUVWKDWWKHSHDFHIXO times are in fact not peaceful at all. The conditions in the country show that reform is needed, but, as Makuzu warns in her remonstration, in this world of strife taking the wrong measures can only cause harm. )RUWKHUXOHUVWRDFFRPSOLVKUHIRUPV0DNX]XLQVWUXFWVWKH\¿UVWKDYH to be aware of what is central to current society. 7KHLQFOLQDWLRQWR¿JKWIRUPRQH\WKDWHDUOLHUDURVHLQWKHKHDUWVRISHRple of the lower classes has sprung forth and is growing rapidly. People of the upper classes ought to be deeply concerned, but they do not seem to be at all aware of the situation. Unable to bear seeing this, I have written about these things here.55

Makuzu elaborates on current socioeconomic conditions in which money has become the most desirable object. Money, in Makuzu’s outline, epitomizes the ikioi (tide or momentum) of the time. 7KHXSSHUFODVVIDLOVWRH[DPLQHFXUUHQWFRQGLWLRQV¿UVWEHFDXVH the Confucian Way causes the rulers to be remote from society, and second, as Makuzu states, the rulers’ neglect is manifested in their purVXLWRIWKHLURZQVHO¿VKLQWHUHVWV566LQFHWKHUHDUHQRZDUVWR¿JKWDQG peace prevails throughout the country, the warriors are now engaged in a different kind of competition.57 Makuzu refers to the contest among lords to obtain the prestige of higher court ranks, which requires large amounts of money, a struggle that she had witnessed up close in her service at the Date and Ii mansions.58 As mentioned previously, Date Shigemura had launched an elaborate scheme for advancing his rank, and Makuzu’s move to the Ii mansion was probably linked to that scheme. While Makuzu distinguishes between the upper and lower ranks, everyone is immersed in strife due to their common human trait of competition. However, since the ruling class has a secure income based 55

HK, p. 273; MN 56:1, p. 30. About samurai being out for higher rank or prestige, see HK, p. 274; MN 56:1, p. 31. Or HK, p. 286-87; MN 56:2, pp. 176-77. 57 HK, p. 286; MN 56:2, p. 176. An opinion with which Bakin can only agree: “Concern of the lords is to advance their court rank (mi-kurai ᚒన) and to promote their own interests (on-toku ᚒᚠ)” (DK, p. 336). 58 See Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, “In Name Only: Imperial Sovereignty in Early Modern Japan,” JJS 17:1 (Winter 1991), pp. 38-45. 56

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RQVWLSHQGVRU¿HIVWKH\WDNHQRQRWLFHRIWKHSXOVHRIWKHWLPHWKH ikioi of money. The rupture between the rulers and the ruled has grave consequences, Makuzu argues, in a time when the current pulse is the money-dominated economy. All the classes are part of this monetary ¿JKWEXWXQGHUXQHYHQFRQGLWLRQV0HPEHUVRIWKHUXOLQJFODVVEURXJKW up to be superior men who despise money, do not care to concern themselves with money affairs. The lords, concerned only with advancing their careers within the government and ascending in rank, neglect the ¿QDQFLDOFRVW59 As a consequence, they spend money not directly but through middlemen, who arrange their affairs. While Makuzu puts much blame on “those fellows who are on the lookout for the chance to make money out of this situation,” those also are the ones who recognize the tide of the time, namely the workings of money, and use it for their own ends.60 Accordingly, Makuzu presses for recognition of the ikioi of money and, most importantly, to take appropriate action. In her exposition she uses merchants, the lowest legal class, who know best how to manipulate the ikioi of money since it is their trade.61 Or in Makuzu’s allegory of the warrior in her father’s account, the merchant knows how to use money as a “weapon.” To her consternation, the warrior in her society, RQWKHRWKHUKDQGLVDIHHEOHLQHI¿FLHQWORUGZKRLVFRQWUROOHGE\WKH people around him. From her experience in the inner quarters, Makuzu speaks her mind about the lord’s true condition:62 The ruler of a domain is expected to be a great general, but in this tranquil age, order can be maintained even when the governor is a child. Those attending him are accustomed to tranquility, and they think that valorous service consists simply of taking good care of him. Accustomed from the time the lord is a child to putting on his belt and even the sash for his underwear, they make no effort to change once he becomes an adult and hover by his side. This would not be the case had he a stalwart father who ordered the attendants not to help his son put RQKLVXQGHUZHDUDIWHUKHUHDFKHGWKHDJHRI¿IWHHQ:HDULQJGHOLFDWH underclothes put on him by someone else, what would a great general do VKRXOGDWUXO\¿HUFHEDWWOHHUXSW"(YHQWKRXJKWKH\SHUVRQDOO\DUHQRW SK\VLFDOO\¿WWRHQJDJHLQYDORURXVH[SORLWVVXFKORUGVUXOHWKHGRPDLQV :K\GRWKH\WKLQNWKDWWKHEUDYHU\RIGLVWDQWDQFHVWRUVLVVXI¿FLHQWWR qualify them as glorious victors and that they should thereby be able to 59

HK, p. 301; MN 56:2, p. 189. HK, p. 287; MN 56:2, p. 177. 61 Makuzu does not refer to other base groups, such as hinin 㟸ெ (non-humans), eta ✟ኣ (outcasts), etc. 62 HK, p. 268; MN 56:1, p. 26. 60


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advance in court rank while simply sitting on their heels?63

The upper-class life of idleness, comfort, and petty competition has led to the incapacity to cope with the realities of life and the current times. 7KHORWRIWKHORUGLVVHOILQÀLFWHG3RVLWLRQHGDWWKHSLQQDFOHRIVRFLety and therefore the target of everyone below, the lord, Makuzu notes with regret, is doomed to suffer defeat in a competition of which he is not even aware. Merchants become moneylenders for lords, peasants try not to pay their taxes, and even the lord’s retainers take their share without considering whether the domain might go bankrupt in the process.64 The upper class, ironically, after being “robbed” by the merchants, now has to turn to the merchants for help. This dreadful condition occurs not only on an individual but also on a domanial level: Caught in the midst of this disordered world, warriors remained unaware of this for years, until eventually these shysters have succeeded in draining off from them as much gold and silver as they could. Nowadays, having become dependent on townspeople to be their moneylenders, certain domanial lords let them take control of their sources of income. They live their days relying on the power of the townspeople. Isn’t it as though the townspeople with their army of money have taken them captive?65

Money has become a new weapon that warriors do not know how to handle, which leads to the rueful reality that merchants control domains based on moneylending.66 Makuzu most likely refers here to her own GRPDLQRI6HQGDLZKLFKZDVLQJUHDW¿QDQFLDOWURXEOHXQWLOWKHRI¿FLDOV¶@ZLVK,KHDUWRHQULFK the country by engaging in trade” (HK, p. 277; MN 56:1, p. 33). 13 See for instance, Akaezo fŗsetsu kĿ, SHS p. 285. 8

THE RHYTHM APPLIED WILL BENEFIT ALL

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making use of the Russian presence in the north for Japan’s own advanWDJH³%HQH¿WWRWKHFRXQWU\´ZRXOGEHDFKLHYHGE\YDULRXVPHDQV Heisuke’s proposal must be seen as a direct response to the agriculWXUDO FDWDFO\VP RI WKH WLPH :KHQ KH VXJJHVWHG ¿QGLQJ UHOLHI LQ WKH opening of new land for agriculture and the utilization of natural resources, he continued and complemented policies proposed by others. For instance, Heisuke’s teacher Aoki Kon’yĿ introduced the cultivation of a crop that would grow under even the worst conditions, namely the sweet potato, as one of his agro-economical propositions. Heisuke’s suggestion to open commerce with Russia in order to restructure the monopoly of the Nagasaki trade with its negative balance, too, must be seen as part of his familiarity with Arai Hakuseki’s work. Heisuke, however, extended it with updated sources, for instance the information he obtained from his friend, the Nagasaki interpreter Yoshio KĿgyŗ.14 The notion of kokueki as a national policy is likewise a crosscurrent throughout Hitori kangae. Makuzu employs this concept in frequent references to her knowledge of Ezo and Russia in order to strengthen her argument that Japan’s foreign trade must be reformed and internationalized. She reserves one detailed treatment for the long-standing debate on the extensive export of metals: Japan’s mountains produce gold, silver, copper, iron, and other metals. (Because there was such a plenitude of these things, year by year we let WKHPEHVKLSSHGWRRWKHUFRXQWULHVDQGQRZWKHVXSSO\LVLQVXI¿FLHQW I would like to see us exchange salt for sugar in trade with other countries.15

The unilateral foreign trade with the Dutch and the Chinese in Nagasaki was controlled by the shogunate, but the way it was handled was harmful for the country’s wealth. Makuzu deals here with the recurring FRQFHUQDERXWFXUUHQF\RXWÀRZDQGGHSHQGHQFHRQIRUHLJQVXJDUDV for instance, Arai Hakuseki had done a century earlier.16 In order to stop foreign trade in both directions, Hakuseki, for instance, suggested starting domestic sugar production in Shikoku, as well as keeping pre14 Some of Arai Hakuseki’s correspondence was compiled by the KudĿ family. Hakuseki shukan Ⓣ▴ᡥ⠾ (Letters by Hakuseki), compiled by KudĿ KyĿkei ᕝ⸠㠚 ༽ (Makuzu’s brother Motosuke), 1799. 15 HK, p. 281; MN 56:1, p. 37. 16 Hakuseki gave primacy to the importance of precious metals. He compared money to the bones of a body. “Gold and silver were the ‘bones of the earth,’ and ‘once removed, they will not grow again’.” This leads Kate Nakai to call Hakuseki’s notions “a philosophy of metallism” (Nakai 1988, p. 97).

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FLRXVPHWDOVIURPÀRZLQJRXWRIWKHFRXQWU\0DNX]XKRZHYHUDUJXHV quite another way. Makuzu is convinced that Japan needs to be involved in international trade, which reminds us of Heisuke’s proposal. While Hakuseki advised VWULFWO\ UHGXFLQJ IRUHLJQ WUDGH SHU VH DQG DLPLQJ IRU VHOIVXI¿FLHQF\ Makuzu opts for bilateral trade and emphasizes that Japan’s commodities need to be re-evaluated within world trade. The case of salt provides Makuzu with an apt example for putting forth her insights: It is a mistake for the Japanese to despise salt because we have more than we need. While salt and sugar are complementary treasures, salt is the more valuable product. This is the rule everywhere in the world, because salt is an indispensable article of daily use, while sugar is a luxury LWHPXVHGLQWHDFDNHV,ISHRSOHUXQRXWRIVDOWLWLVGLI¿FXOWWRHDWHYHQ a single meal. Therefore, in countries without salt, people pay attention to it and it is sold at great value, while in Japan we use it just measuring it out roughly. This is something that people in other countries envy. We ought to develop it as a national product.17

Makuzu’s advice to use salt as a “national product” (kokusan ᅗ⏐)18— despite its low value due to its abundance in Japan, it is a sought-after commodity in other countries—demonstrates her knowledge of conWHPSRUDU\SROLFLHVDVZHOODVKHUGHOLEHUDWLRQVDERXW¿QGLQJDVROXtion for the current trade inequity.19 Since Heisuke was involved in the 17 HK, p. 297; MN 56:2, p. 185. Or see for a similar treatment, “The following Japanese products are known in other countries: gold, silver, copper, iron, crystal, rice, salt, paper, sea-slug, dried sea-slug, and tobacco. There must also be numerous medicines. :KLOHVDOWDQGVXJDUDUHFRPSDUDEOHSURGXFWVVDOWVWDQGV¿UVW6DOWLVLQGLVSHQVDEOH for everyday life. Sugar is used as a medicine and also in teacakes.) Since in other countries the sea is far away, salt is scarce. When we sell salt we measure it by the eye while sugar is weighed precisely. It is wrong to disdain salt just because its abundance in Japan has resulted in a surplus for everyday use and reduced its price” (HK, p. 280; MN 56:1, p. 36). 18 The term kokusan, too, is closely related to kokueki thought. See for a recent discussion where kokusan plays a dominant role in the reorganization of the benevolent rule (jinsei ொᨳ) in the Yonezawa domain in the mid-eighteenth century by Koseki YŗichirĿ, “Yonezawa han Meiwa/An’ei kaikaku ni okeru ‘jinsei’-ron no saihenkado,” Rekishi 103 (2004/9), pp. 81-100. 19 Since the early Tokugawa period, not only was salt one of the specialty products (sembai ᑍ኉) of the Sendai domain, it received much attention from other intellectuals as well. See, for instance, Kaiho SeiryĿ, who extensively considered the value of salt as a commodity for a domain (Keiko dan, part 2, translated by Kinski 2000, pp. 102-10). In relation, the interdomanial alliance between salt producers—across ten domains in the Setouchi region which produced 80% of the country’s output—put kokueki thought into practice across domain borders. See, for a discussion, Ochiai KĿ, “19 seiki zenhan, Setouchi enden ni okeru yasumihama shisĿ no tokushitsu,” Nihon keizai shisĿshi kenkyŗ 4 (2004), pp. 19-36.


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investigation of pharmaceutical plants that could serve as export commodities of the domain, Makuzu was well informed about the idea of the exploitation of domestic resources that, for instance, Dazai Shundai treated extensively in Keizairoku ⤊ῥ㘋 (On Political Economy, 1729).20 However, Makuzu expresses her distress about the regional strife that stalls trade: People in the Kyoto-Osaka area do not think about the cost to the KantĿ >(GRDQGHQYLURQV@'RQ¶WZHDOO¿JKWHDFKRWKHUIRUWKHSURVSHULW\RIWKH domain in which we live?21

$VPHQWLRQHGHDUOLHUVHO¿VKQHVVLIXQUHVWUDLQHGOHDGVWRVWULIHDPRQJ LQGLYLGXDOVRUE\H[WHQVLRQD¿JKWRYHULQWHUHVWVEHWZHHQGRPDLQV22 Makuzu, who sees Japan as one nation, is distraught by the domestic rivalries that neglect the larger issue at hand, namely the national economy within world trade.

TO ORDER THE COUNTRY AND SAVE ITS PEOPLE (KEISEI SAIMIN) In addition to the kokueki ideology, Makuzu addresses throughout her treatise the public role of the government in trade, which is a prerequisite for socioeconomic success. Besides the questions of how to deal ZLWKFXUUHQF\WKHLQFUHDVHLQFRPPHUFHWKHÀXFWXDWLRQRISULFHVDQG the growing complexity of the division of labor, intellectuals—among them Makuzu—could not ignore the political ethics of rulers.23 Good government was no longer envisioned as resulting from the ruler’s moral cultivation; instead political economy became the focus as a method RI JRYHUQPHQW 2QH RI WKH ¿UVW LQWHOOHFWXDOV WR GHPDQG JRYHUQPHQW involvement in commerce is Dazai Shundai, who claimed To govern the whole nation under heaven is keizai. It is the virtue of ruling society and relieving the sufferings of the people. Kei is wise 20 Dazai Shundai, Keizairoku, in Dai Nihon shisĿ zenshŗ, ed. Uemura Katsumi, vol. 7 (Tokyo: Dai Nihon ShisĿ Zenshŗ KankĿkai, 1931), pp. 213-83. 21 HK, p. 304; MN 56:2, p. 191. 22 0DNX]XVHHVDVDQRWKHUH[DPSOHRILQWHUGRPDQLDOFRQÀLFWWKHIRUPHUSROLWLFDO warfare between the supporters of the houses of Tokugawa and Toyotomi, which at her time continued as economic warfare: “It is said that Osaka is the place that controls the source of gold and silver and oversees their circulation. No doubt the old habit of warring with KantĿ remains in the hearts of Osaka people: driven by base passion, they HQMR\PDNLQJWKHLURZQUHJLRQÀRXULVKDQGHQULFKLQJWKHPVHOYHVE\H[SORLWLQJSHRSOH from the KantĿ region. Is this not dreadful!” (HK, p. 280; MN 56:1, p. 36). 23 For a treatment of the general discussion, see Morris-Suzuki 1989, pp. 7-11.

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statesmanship…. Sai means the virtue of salvation…. It is also the virtue of bringing relief…. Moreover, it may be interpreted as meaning “accomplishment” or “bringing to fruition.” Therefore the term [keizai ⤊ῥ] has many meanings, but the essential point of those meanings is simply this: in short, to manage affairs and to bring these affairs to a successful conclusion.24

Kokueki and keizai appear to have evolved in the eighteenth century as concepts of political economy. But as Luke Roberts points out, scholars might have been “learning from ideas that were becoming prevalent in the world around [them].”25 In fact, kokueki ideology might have given keizai (to order and save people) the foundation for separating morality from commerce.26 In his function as advisor to the rulers, the scholarintellectual makes an effort to accommodate economic reality, or rationalizes, more as an after-product, the legitimacy of the policies. By the time Makuzu was writing at the beginning of the nineteenth century, such concepts were widely disseminated. For this reason, it is not surprising that Makuzu, too, discusses the importance of the involvement of the government in economic affairs in order to bring relief to the populace. In his proposal, Heisuke jusWL¿HV D QHZ IRUP RI SROLWLFDO HFRQRP\ XQGHU DQ HWKLFDO FRQFHSW WKDW stipulated the duty of the government to rule and to order its people with benevolence.27,QWKLVZD\+HLVXNHPRGL¿HVWKHRU\WRHQFRPSDVV existing reality, a path that Makuzu takes as well. When she describes her assessment of market mechanisms, she presents her vision of how to ameliorate the economic misery of the country as a whole. Her goal is an active rule that ensures a safe and secure livelihood for the entire society.28 24 Dazai Shundai, Keizairoku, pp. 227-28. Translation by Morris-Suzuki 1989, pp. 13-14. See also Najita 1972, p. 831. Emphases are mine. 25 Roberts 1998, p. 199. 26 While I am still searching for the origin of the terminology, Dazai Shundai uses it and so do other intellectuals of the early eighteenth century. Nevertheless, the concept that the duty of the ruler is to govern with benevolence is ancient. See, for instance, The Great Learning, Text of Confucius, 4 and 5, Legge 1971, pp. 357-59. See, for a discussion of keisei saimin, Najita 1987 and Michael Kinski, “Talks about Teachings of the Past: Translation of the First Part of Kaiho SeiryĿ’s Keikodan with a Short Introduction,” Japonica Humboldtiana 1 (1997), pp. 115-98, who both, however, do not mention the terminology’s origin. See also Morris-Suzuki 1989. 27 Heisuke does not use the terminology “order the country and save its people” (keisei saimin), yet it is implied, as will become clear from the following. Instead of keizai other terms were used as well, as, for instance, Murata Harumi in his text Wagaku taigai, uses the word keisei chikoku ⤊ୠ෪ᅗ (statecraft to bring relief to one’s country) (Murata Harumi, Wagaku taigai, p. 448; cited by Winkel 2004, p. 37). 28 See also Aizawa Seishisai: “ordering the realm and ruling the people,” cited by


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The practical solution, Makuzu argues, would be the upper class’s active engagement in economic management. Makuzu’s proposal indicates that she attributes to rulers a morality that others lack, even if, as discussed before, she also does not stint in her critique of their VHOILQWHUHVW DQG JUHHG 0DNX]X UHDI¿UPV WKH WUDGLWLRQDO DVVXPSWLRQ that morality is commensurate with status. The members of the upper class are designated as superior men, to indicate that they are morally above the mean. These two overlapping visions of society, divided by virtue on the one hand and by class on the other, which are brought together mostly unquestioned by the upper ranks, can be found not only in Makuzu’s rhetoric. Around Makuzu’s time, Honda Toshiaki argued that the upper class should take control of trade. Donald Keene explains that Toshiaki thought “samurai should assume the functions of the merchants, believing that the innate probity and righteousness of the warrior-class would protect it against falling into the evil ways of tradesmen.”29 Instead of a radical rationalization of social relations, Makuzu has the idealistic notion that upright lords should supervise and direct their people not only legally but also economically. The political order must address the prevailing conditions but within its own framework: rulers must intervene from above, non-competitively; otherwise they might exacerbate the struggle to accumulate cash wealth. The notion of morality links Makuzu’s work intellectually to that of her father. Heisuke’s proposal that, in order to eradicate the private interest of individuals in Ezo, the government needs to control trade with Russia, rests on the moral premise that serving the public interest ought WR EH WKH SULQFLSOH IRU DFKLHYLQJ EHQH¿WV IRU WKH FRXQWU\30 Makuzu, likewise, uses her knowledge of Russia to offer moral instruction in Hitori kangae6KHVKRZVWKDWLQ5XVVLDJRYHUQPHQWRI¿FLDOVDUHQRW Wakabayashi 1986, p. 119. 29 Keene 1969, p. 124. There are, of course, other (merchant) voices who argue that the way of the merchant is virtuous, too, as Najita has shown in his study of the merFKDQWDFDGHP\RI2VDNDEXW0DNX]XLGHQWL¿HVKHUVHOIFOHDUO\ZLWKWKHZDUULRUVVHH Najita 1987). 30 For instance, Heisuke advises the government to rule Ezo with buiku ᧑⫩ (tend with benevolence), as the Russians do in their colonies (Akaezo fŗsetsu kĿ, SHS, p. 289). Heisuke does not explain the term buiku, but Honda Toshiaki does: “the cultivation of a national spirit (kokujĿ ᅗ᝗) to complement the martial strength of the country is called ‘paternalism’ (buiku ᧑⫩).” In Honda Toshiaki, Keisei hisaku ⤊ୠ⛆➿㻃(A Secret Plan of Government, 1798), in NST, ed. Tsukatani Akihiro et al., vol. 44 [Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970], p. 22). As a matter of fact, the slow but steady integration of Ezo in the nineteenth century into the Tokugawa realm was based theoretically on the concept of buiku. See Walker 2001, pp. 229-35.

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only active in trade, but are so because of their moral uprightness. By analogy then, since the upper classes are morally superior to the lower ranks in Japan, once the warriors start taking control of the country’s commerce, peace and prosperity will be achieved. In order to show that the warriors’ indifference to economic matters is wrong, she recounts the situation in Russia, which she learned from her father: 6LQFH WKRVH ZKR PDQDJH PHUFDQWLOH DIIDLUV DUH DW WKH VDPH WLPH RI¿cials, they want to ensure the welfare of their countrymen and do not FRYHWWKHSUR¿WVRIRWKHUVDQGVHHNWRHQULFKWKHPVHOYHV7KHIDWKHURI the Russian called Adam [Laxman], who sent shipwrecked Japanese all the way back to Ezo, is said to have held a position comparable to that of Japan’s junior councilors (wakarĿjŗ ⱕ⩹୯), and he was also the head of a cabinetry shop and a seller of glass.31 Livestock wholesalers are appointed senior councilors and sake wholesalers are chosen for other SRVWV2I¿FLDOVDUHWKXVWKHKHDGVRIWKLVZKROHVDOHURUWKDWDQGVLQFH they engage in trade as gentlemen (kunshi), prices are appropriate, and the country is not racked by strife. It is their wish, I hear, to enrich the country (kuni o tomasen ᅗࢅᐣࡱࡎࢆ) by engaging in trade.32

With the purpose of convincing the ruling class that commerce is not amoral or below their ethical code, Makuzu stresses the appeal of bringing prosperity to the nation. Makuzu makes ample use of her knowledge of Russia in Hitori kangae. Her selective accounts of Russia display her concern with geopolitical boundaries, but more so with domestic issues. Makuzu uses Russia, as did Heisuke, as a model of an ideal Other, but since almost forty years had passed and Russia as a term was not a novelty anymore, there ZDVQRQHHGWR¿OOWKHWHUPZLWKFRQWHQWDV+HLVXNHKDGGRQH7KHVKLIW in the discourse about Russia from an informative to an informed level is evident, but this is of only secondary importance. More to the point is that father and daughter use Russia in a similar way. Knowledge about “Russia” serves both as a rhetorical tool in their campaign to propose what is best for their own country. Makuzu uses Russia as the Other to which Japan can be compared, either in harsh critique or in praise, depending on her agenda. Sometimes she lashes out to show that RusVLD LV JRYHUQHG PRUH HI¿FLHQWO\ 2Q RWKHU RFFDVLRQV VKH HPSKDVL]HV how fortunate Japan is compared to destitute Russia, reminding us of Norinaga’s rhetoric about China, discussed previously, when Makuzu 31 Adam Laxman’s father was actually a Finnish-born professor of natural science at the St. Petersburg Academy (see Lensen 1959, p. 97). 32 HK, pp. 276-77; MN 56:1, p. 33. For Heisuke’s description, see KudĿ BankĿ monjo, in Daikokuya KĿdayŗ shiryĿshŗ, vol. 2, p. 170.


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maintains, “owing to Japan’s favorable climate in all four seasons, the ¿YHJUDLQVJURZZHOODQGEHFDXVHWKHVHDLVQHDUE\WKHUHLVSOHQW\RI VDOWDQGDYDULHW\RI¿VK6LQFHWKHUHLVQRVKRUWDJHRIIRRGSHRSOHWHQG to spend their lives enjoying singing and dancing.”33 Her readership must concede that they are so much better off than those poor Russians ZKROLYHLQDSODFHZKHUH³7KHUHLVQRZD\WRDSSUHFLDWHWKHÀRZHULQJ trees and grasses, which in any case bloom at most one hundred days out of the year. … In these circumstances gambling is permitted because people have no other amusements.”34

THE IKIOI OF MONEY In order to bring wealth to the country, Makuzu assures the rulers, they ¿UVWPXVWRYHUFRPHWKHLUDYHUVLRQWRPRQH\7RKHUIUXVWUDWLRQLJQRrance about money, a perpetual illness of the warrior class, presents a serious obstacle.35 Makuzu expresses sympathy for those who do not understand the importance of money. Nonetheless, she reprimands those who dismiss it as beneath their dignity.36 She laments the fact that respectable people have no business sense and do not know anything about money; they have never even seen or touched it. Their children DUHWDXJKWWRGHVSLVHWKHKDQGOLQJRISHUVRQDO¿QDQFHV$VDUHVXOWWKH\ are at the giving end of their materialistic society without even realizing it.37 Makuzu’s concern reminds us of the careless ways the KudĿ family dealt with money.38 Her father was an excellent example, although he himself pointed out Murata Harumi’s “special gift” (kakubetsu ᰹ื) for squandering wealth.39 Once, Makuzu remembered, in the early 1770s, merchants from Sendai approached Heisuke to ask for his as33 HK, p. 284; MN 56:2, p. 174. Or see, for instance, “[In Japan] the seasons change VPRRWKO\IURPVSULQJWRVXPPHUWRDXWXPQWRZLQWHUWKH¿YHFHUHDOVULSHQLQDEXQGDQFHDQGEHFDXVH-DSDQLVVXUURXQGHGE\WKHRFHDQWKHUHDUHPDQ\¿VKRIYDULRXV kinds. Because there is plenty to eat, people have a cheerful outlook” (HK, p. 297; MN 56:2, pp. 184-85). 34 HK, p. 270; MN 56:1, p. 28. 35 We see Makuzu’s irritation even in Mukashibanashi, when she recounts her grandfather KudĿ JĿan’s habit, out of embarrassment probably owing to his samurai heritage, of giving away money rather than loaning it. See chapter 1. 36 HK, pp. 270-71; MN 56:1, pp. 28-30. 37 MB, p. 12. 38 +HLVXNH¶V¿QDQFLDOFDUHOHVVQHVVLVGHPRQVWUDWHGLQ0DNX]X¶VDFFRXQWWKDWKHWROG DQ\RQHZKRFRXOGOLIWWKHWUHDVXUHFKHVW¿OOHGZLWKFXUUHQF\sen’ryĿbako) next to his seat to feel free to take it home (cited by ľtomo 1943, p. 20). 39 MB, p. 113.

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sistance in a currency matter. When they came to his house two years later to show their gratitude in the form of a generous reward, Heisuke was rather uncomfortable. Sensing his reserve, the townspeople left the money on the mat. Right after, Heisuke again felt at ease, shouting, “Let’s spend the money in the theater district.” Even if Heisuke was sometimes embarrassed to accept money, as in the case of the Sendai merchants, he surely knew how to spend it, like the majority of the ruling class.40 Makuzu’s mother, since she grew up overly protected and sheltered, had never managed money. The situation was the same with Makuzu and her siblings.41 For this reason, Makuzu admits in her letter to Bakin, she still did not handle money herself.42 On the one hand, in the letter Makuzu means to stress her family’s samurai stock and thus the reluctance to deal with money directly, while, on the other hand, in Hitori kangae she demonstrates her point that one can still have a thorough knowledge of monetary affairs without imitating the merchant’s habit. In fact, she herself was competent enough to claim “Since the nobles who never touch it know nothing about where money comes from or where it goes, I will provide a brief overview.”43 Makuzu did not mean that warriors should become merchants, but that they ought to manage and supervise monetary transactions from above. But as long as the upper classes were directed to reject the unGHUVWDQGLQJRI¿QDQFLDODIIDLUVZKLFKVKHEODPHGRQWKHLU&RQIXFLDQ education and its doctrine of despising money, others would run the country.44 Based on her own bitter experience, Makuzu opines in Hitori kangae that it is important for the ruling class to pay attention to money and its workings: Money stays with people who respect and appreciate it. … Even among WKHZDUULRUVWKRVHZKRGRQRWFDUHDERXWZKDWWKH\ZHDURUHDWEXW¿QG pleasure solely in seeing their money increase, will accumulate money. As for townspeople who make their way in the world regarding money as their master and enslaving themselves to it, money never ceases to ÀRZLQWRWKHLUKDQGV45

Even though Makuzu speaks derisively of the townspeople, they, as well as some members of the upper class, understand the workings of 40

MB, pp. 74-75. MB, p. 12. 42 Towazugatari, in TMS, pp. 374-75. 43 HK, p. 286; MN 56:2, p. 176. 44 See, under the heading, “Calculating Large Numbers,” HK, p. 306; MN 56:2, p. 193. 45 HK, p. 271; MN 56:1, p. 29. 41


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the money economy, the money’s ikioi (momentum). They are able to JDLQSUR¿WZKLOHRWKHUVIDFHORVV Makuzu’s pejorative language regarding the lower ranks of society is meant to get her audience to side with her, while it enables her to clarify what she means by ignorance of economic conditions among the ruling class in the present time. Makuzu describes in detail some of the monetary forces at work. In her accounts of current socioeconomic conditions, she discusses the connection between “The Flow of Money” (kane no yukue 㔘ࡡࡹࡂ࡫) and “Fluctuation in the Price of Goods” (mono no nedan no tadayou koto ∸ࡡ├ṹࡡࡒ࢏ࡻࡨ஥),46 which can be witnessed in particular after calamities: :KHQWKHJUHDW(GR¿UHEURNHRXWLQWKHVSULQJRI,ZDVWHQ\HDUV ROG,¿UVWKHDUGDERXWSULFHVZKHQWKH\DOOGRXEOHGLQLWVDIWHUPDWK« $IWHUKDYLQJVXIIHUHGWKH¿UHKRZSDLQIXOSHRSOHPXVW¿QGLWWRKDYH prices go up as well. … I have never ceased to wonder why prices should JRXSDIWHUD¿UH(YHQZKHQ,JUHZROGHU,IRXQGLWH[FHHGLQJO\VWUDQJH that prices should be as unstable as an unmoored boat, and I have lamented this situation from the bottom of my heart.47

The increase in prices is especially high after natural disasters, as Makuzu recalls from her own experience, and she blames this on the merchants.48 She does so in order to strengthen her argument that the upper classes need to consider economic issues. The townspeople know WKHG\QDPLFVRIWKHÀXFWXDWLRQVWKH\NQRZWKHFLUFXODWLRQRIPRQH\ and so they know how to intervene, because they know the rhythm.49 Makuzu’s attack against the merchants drew strong disapproval from %DNLQ6KHFRQWHQGHGWKDWPHUFKDQWVSUR¿WHGIURPWKHÀXFWXDWLRQVRI the markets and that the lords were increasingly dependent on them for exchange transactions and loans on future rice stipends. Bakin could not ignore this cliché without rebutting it in detail, in particular when Makuzu maintains, “things happen the way they do because the greedy and cruel townspeople do just as they please, ignoring the misery of others and taking pleasure only in their own gain.”50 He argued back in DokkĿron that while many, Makuzu included, thought it an evil act by WKHPHUFKDQWVDQGDUWLVDQVWRREWDLQPRUHSUR¿WRQHVKRXOGQRWIRUJHW 46

HK, p. 286; MN 56:2, p. 176, and HK, p. 288; MN 56:2, p. 177 respectively. HK, p. 289; MN 56:2, p. 178. 48 For instance, Makuzu’s rhetorical question “Isn’t it because the townspeople are free to raise prices as they please that the warriors are pressed in this way?” (HK, p. 277; MN 56:1, p. 34). 49 See also MB, p. 92. 50 HK, pp. 289-90; MN 56:2, pp. 178-79. 47

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that the merchants depend on consumer behavior.51 Moreover, Bakin counters, townspeople do not see the warriors as their enemy, since they are in the “shade” (kage ⶩ) of the warriors and are reliant on them.52 Indeed, townspeople succeed and fail due to the warriors. If the market price of rice sinks, the stipend of the warrior has less exchange YDOXHDQGWKH\DVZHOODVWKHWRZQVSHRSOHVXIIHU¿QDQFLDOORVVHV%Dkin defends them, saying that when the warrior has seven parts, the merchant and peasant together have three. This distribution is their sole economic power, which is not enough to feed a family.53 Makuzu, however, argues that whereas it is not easy for the lower classes to rely on their own abilities to raise their earnings, the samurai class is yet more vulnerable due to reliance on their stipends: Instead it is left up to the townspeople, so prices rise and goods decline LQTXDOLW\6LQFHWKHLQFRPHIURPZDUULRUV¶KROGLQJVLV¿[HGWKH\DUH open to attack and seizure by townspeople. Warriors don’t even have the PHDQVWRUHWXUQ¿UHLQWKLVEDWWOH7KLVLVWUXO\VWXSLG54

Bakin, who lived among merchants and who was familiar with current economic conditions and displayed his knowledge exhaustively, was certainly not the audience Makuzu had in mind.55 Makuzu means to reform the upper class and to make its members aware of their benightedness. Therefore, she argues that merchants are able through open FRPSHWLWLRQ WR EHQH¿W IURP WKH PRQH\ HFRQRP\ :DUULRUV RZLQJ WR WKHLUVWLSHQGVGRQRWKDYHWKHVDPHHFRQRPLFÀH[LELOLW\WKH\DUHIRVsils of an outdated, land-based economy. Bakin holds a more balanced stance than Makuzu’s in her polemic assault, but then again, DokkĿron is not meant to propose economic reforms as is Hitori kangae. Even so, not only their objectives, but also their economic thought is divergent. Bakin appears to be a supporter of the antiquated economy promoted by thinkers such as Kumazawa %DQ]DQ %DNLQ EODPHV WKH PLVHUDEOH ¿VFDO FRQGLWLRQV RQ WKH QDWXUDO momentum (shizen no ikioi ⮤↓ࡡເࡥ) of a money-based economy, a term he may have borrowed from the merchant astronomer Nishikawa 51

DK, p. 341. DK, p. 341-42. 53 DK, p. 347. 54 HK, pp. 280-81; MN 56:1, p. 36. 55 %DNLQNQRZVERWKVWDWXVJURXSV¿UVWKDQGDQGGLYLGHVWKHPQRWE\VWDWXVEXWE\ their profession: “I was born into a warrior house but later went into hiding in the city so I know well the feelings of the bureaucrats (shikan ௘ᏻ) as those of the merchants (shĿnin ၛெ)” (DK, p. 341). 52


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Joken けᕖዯず (1648–1724).56 Bakin argues that in earlier times, when there was only a little currency, rice had a high valuation so everybody would pray for a good harvest. Today, given that money is the only object of worth, warriors and peasants complain about a good harvest, since too much rice decreases its price on the market. However, in their shortsightedness they forget that a bad yield will leave everyone hungry.57 Bakin’s suggestion is to contravene this ikioi of money by attacking its root, in other words, to stop spending money.58 This notion of frugality, based on the idea that once there is less demand for currency, the monetary economy will revert by itself to a land-based economy, LVFORVHWRZKDW%DQ]DQHQYLVLRQHG)RU%DNLQSHRSOH¶V¿JKWRYHUODQG RUWKHLURZQSUR¿WLVPRWLYDWHGE\JUHHG7KHUHIRUHLIYLUWXH²EHQHYROHQFHDQGULJKWHRXVQHVV²UHLJQVHYHU\RQHZRXOGKDYHDVKDUHLQSUR¿W the warrior by means of taxes, the peasant by means of his productivity, the merchant by means of money transactions. They all need to survive and this way their livelihood would be secured. Bakin looks back nostalgically to the time before money became the medium of exchange, a time, however, that he had certainly never experienced either.59 This antiquarian or utopian ideal of a rural economy is in stark contrast to what Makuzu proposes. Both she and Bakin see that the prices of commodities follow a natural behavior (ikioi).60 But while Bakin argues for implementing morality and hence frugality, Makuzu acknowledges that money’s increasing importance cannot be altered or circumvented. Makuzu, akin to Bakin, establishes that money is its own master.61 But while Bakin is convinced that it could be abolished, Makuzu regards money as the epitome of the pulse of the time. People who understand WKHPHFKDQLFVRIWKHÀRZDQGFLUFXODWLRQRIPRQH\²LWVUK\WKP²FDQ use their knowledge for their own advancement, but working against 56 DK, p. 337. Nishikawa Joken’s use of shizen no ikioi is to argue that wealth is not static, similar to what Bakin maintains in the following. For Joken, see Najita 1987, pp. 49-51. See also Dazai Shundai, who also utilized this concept of the natural momentum (Najita 1972, p. 836). 57 DK, p. 337. 58 DK, p. 339. 59 DK, p. 324. 60 DK, p. 337. 61 See for instance, when Bakin claims: “Money has no permanent (sadamareru ᏽ ࡿࡾ) master. It is borrowed or lent, taken or given; it is like a spring, when water does QRWÀRZLQIURPWKHVHDLWEHFRPHVDVWRQHGHVHUW«7KDWLVZK\WKHWRZQVSHRSOH become wealthy depending on the warrior house, and weak depending on the warrior house. This is what I mean when I said that money has no permanent master” (DK, p. 323).

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WKHUK\WKPOHDGVWRKDUP%\REVHUYLQJWKHPRQH\ÀRZZKLFKJRHV back to Makuzu’s notion of the rhythm, one succeeds in the struggle for superiority. When money is kept as a treasure it loses its value; only in its circulation is money valuable. Hoarding of money might be GHVLUDEOHEXWDVVKHH[SODLQVPRQH\QHHGVWRÀRZ³7KHZD\PRQH\ circulates is like a waterfall. It falls rapidly down to the bottom, only WREHJDWKHUHGWRJHWKHUDQGÀRZEDFNXSDJDLQ´62 Merchants know this and are proactive, but the ruling class still needs to learn this.

THE LORD WHO K NOWS ARITHMETIC Since Makuzu’s goal is to call for more active control of the government over trade, her suggestion appears to imply that the lord should be a mercantilist ruler, particularly when she suggests, “The rise and fall of commodity prices, being an important public matter, should be handled by the government.”63 What is called for, just as in Russia, is intervention from the ruler: Having come to the realization that instability in prices is caused by strife over money, I will leave aside the weighty issue of bakufu (Ŀyake ප) policy. One who is lord of a province or several districts should at least try to regulate the price of goods in his own domain. If he were to H[HUWKLVDXWKRULW\DVORUGVKRXOGDJUHDW¿UHEUHDNRXWDVDVSHFLDODFW of grace he could order prices lowered a notch.64

This section represents Makuzu’s rhetorical technique well. Makuzu is apprehensive about directly discussing shogunal policies and instead gives advice to the lords of the domains, for whom she had worked in 62 HK, p. 287; MN 56:2, p. 177. In ChĿnin bukuro, 1719, Nishikawa Joken calls it the “way of nature,” cited by Kuriyama Shigehisa, “Fukushin: Some Observations on Economic Development and the Imagination of the Body in Japanese Medicine of the Edo Period,” paper given at the International Symposium “Two Faces of the Early Modern World: The Netherlands and Japan in the 17th and 18th Century” (Netherlands, 1999), p. 54. Kuriyama shows the “equation of the anatomical and social bodies ZDV WKH SDUDOOHO EHWZHHQ WKH ÀRZ RI YLWDOLW\ DQG WKH ÀRZ RI PRQH\´ S :KLOH Makuzu linked the circulation of money to the rhythm, other intellectuals compared the circulation of currency with the physical body. Makuzu’s contemporary, Yamagata BantĿIRUH[DPSOHFRPSDUHVWKLVÀRZZLWKEORRGWKDWQHHGVWRFLUFXODWHWREHDOLYH and healthy. From this viewpoint the accumulation of money is repressive. See BantĿ in Yume no shiro (cited by Nakamasa Masaki, “Jŗhasseiki matsu no ‘shizenshi’ teki ninshiki,” in Edo no shisĿ 7 [1997], p. 212). Or see Dazai Shundai, who likens the sage to a physician and the political system to the patient (Najita 1972, pp. 835-36). 63 HK, p. 280; MN 56:1, p. 36. 64 HK, p. 289; MN 56:2, p. 178.


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the inner quarters. Yet her advice is certainly geared to the shogunate, since market regulations in the hands only of the central ruler would, according to her contentions, lead to peace and order throughout the entire realm. Her appeal is for the authorities to intervene, to rule. In order to do so, the rulers need to be equipped with the necessary skills. First, they need to learn what every merchant knows, namely, their numbers: I wish [noble people] would calculate matters more rigorously. Mental arithmetic is something that can be done by people who have plenty of time.65

The soroban calculations of the merchants cannot remain their exclusive intellectual property. They have to be understood by the rulers, too, so that the mysteries of trade and money circulation can be grasped. Makuzu does not hesitate to suggest that the upper class has abundant spare time to devote to mastering the necessary skills. The second piece of advice Makuzu gives is to apply numbers to time. Makuzu again makes use of her knowledge of foreign countries: The reason foreigners carry watches in their hands is so they will not forget the ticking of time. This is how people should behave. There are no other people as bad at counting as our country’s people. Is it not because of this that even though knowledgeable people might think themselves smart, their thoughts are not well organized?66

Time should be observed not only to comprehend the universe and the pulse of the time, as discussed earlier, but should also be used in daily activities. Knowing numbers and using them for measuring time will KHOSSHRSOHWREHPRUHV\VWHPDWLFDQGWKXVPRUHHI¿FLHQWLQSURGXFLQJ SUR¿W67 Aware that glorifying other countries for practices that are superior to the way things are handled in Japan may not be well received by her DXGLHQFH 0DNX]X FRQ¿UPV WKDW LQ -DSDQ WRR RQH FDQ DFWXDOO\ ¿QG practitioners of the art of calculation.68 Makuzu reports: 65

HK, p. 304; MN 56:2, p. 192. HK, p. 306; MN 56:2, p. 193. 67 Many scholars have discussed the issue of time. For instance, as Najita explains, Nishikawa Joken proposed in his treatise for merchants that knowledge of time is a privilege of the ruling class but should be comprehended and applied by all the classes. Makuzu, writing one hundred years later and for a different audience, observes in contrast that the lower ranks already know time, while the rulers do not. Both use the same rhetorical stratagem to enforce their agenda, namely that knowledge leads to (economic) power. 68 Bakin, for instance, criticizes Makuzu for referring enviously to foreign ways. 66

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I have heard that in Osaka there are some thirty people who devote themselves to calculating the imports and exports of the various domains. … Their business involves investigating goods shipped into or out of the SRUWWKH\VHFUHWO\¿QGRXWZKDWVXUSOXVHVLQH[SRUWVRULPSRUWVWKHUH DUHIRUDVSHFL¿F\HDUDQGWKHUHE\DVFHUWDLQLQJHDFKGRPDLQ¶VSUR¿WDQG loss. In this way, they know everything there is to know about a domain. For that reason, the calculations performed in Osaka are rigorous. This is the way things should be done in every domain.69

Makuzu’s use of both examples, drawn from foreign countries and from Osaka—but not from Edo, the seat of the shogunate—emphasizes her position. The notion that trade can be assessed shows that there is indeed a method for predicting the ikioi of economic exchanges; it is not dependent on the secrets of the diviner.70 Her call to the warriors to use numbers and to do calculations is reminiscent of Kaiho SeiryĿ’s account of an occasion where the inability to use arithmetic OHGWRKLJK¿QDQFLDOORVVHVWRWKH6HQGDLGRPDLQ'XHWRWKHODFNRI this skill—SeiryĿ stated dryly that Sendai “is a place knowing little of arithmetic”71—the Osaka merchant Masuya ༓ᒁ, Yamagata BantĿ’s VWRUHKDGUHDSHGDSUR¿WIURP0DNX]X¶VGRPDLQRIDERXWryĿ per year since the early 1790s.72 Using arithmetic, concrete measures could now be implemented. In practical terms, one ought to focus on time in one’s life and work, in other words one ought to rationalize to enhance production.73 For instance, when one applies numbers to the streets, there are various ways, 0DNX]XUHFRPPHQGVRIEHLQJPRUHHI¿FLHQW What if we were to hire servants on the road by the hour, turn palanquin “Even without a pocket-watch, in Edo and in most of the larger cities the temple bells announce the time, so that hardly anyone forgets and thinks of the morning as noon and the noon as evening. To put dexterity into worthless instruments that are only toys, is a regrettable way of foreign countries and should not be envied” (DK, p. 367). 69 HK, pp. 306-07; MN 56:2, p. 193. It is not clear to whom she refers, but under 7DQXPD¶VUHLJQWKHUHZHUHVRPHRI¿FLDOVLQ2VDNDZKRRYHUVDZWKHDFWLYLWLHVRIWKH ULFHPDUNHWLQRUGHUWRUHJXODWHWKHÀRZRIJRRGVIURP2VDNDWR(GR7KHRI¿FHZDV abolished with Tanuma’s fall (see Tsuji 1991, p. 463). 70 Nishikawa Joken had earlier theorized this (Najita 1987, p. 56). See also Kuriyama, who discusses numbers with regard to dissection, and the contrast of the unNQRZDEOHLPPHQVLW\RIWKHXQLYHUVHWRWKH¿QLWHPHDVXUDEOHERG\+HDUJXHVWKDWIRU physicians of the late Tokugawa period, anatomy was a cosmic inquiry for discovering the numbers of the body (not its form or function). He compares this to the astronomer who discovered great numbers to understand the heavenly regularities, the secrets of the diviner (Kuriyama 1999, p. 57). 71 Kaiho SeiryĿ, Keikodan, Part II, translation by Kinski 2000, p. 84. 72 Kaiho SeiryĿ, Keikodan, Part II, translation by Kinski 2000, p. 78. 73 HK, p. 306; MN 56:2, p. 193.


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bearers into our hirelings, have a boss supervise the others, specify how much they would be paid if they got to the next post town by a certain time, and pay the bearers a bonus when they arrive early, or subtract a portion from their wages when they arrive late?74

Payment should be based on time to ensure productivity and to regain the upper hand in the service structure, which would simultaneously DFKLHYHKLJKHUHI¿FLHQF\0DNX]XGRHVQRWVXJJHVWJRLQJEDFNWRDQ idealized former time, when relations between the classes and ranks were thought to be sincere and personal and based on heredity instead RIGHULYLQJIURPFRQVLGHUDWLRQVRISUR¿WDQGORVV

KOKUEKI BY MEANS OF K NOWLEDGE After Makuzu outlined how the rhythm should be applied to ameliorate the miserable conditions in society, she also offered a vision of who was most capable of instituting and overseeing those reforms. Even if she intends that the rulers should know arithmetic in order to understand the money-driven economy, they still would need advice for new directives. Since scholars were commonly the advisors to the rulHUV0DNX]XWRRVDZWKHLUUROHDVFUXFLDOIRUDFKLHYLQJDEHQH¿FLDO outcome for all parts of society. Throughout her treatise, however, the low esteem she had for contemporary scholarship is evident.75 While Makuzu appears to excuse the lords to some extent for their ignorance, maybe again—as in the case of the shogunate—out of propriety, she vehemently criticizes their advisors. She summarizes her view in a letter to Bakin: 7KXVODWHO\,¿QGWKHZD\WKDWPHQRINQRZOHGJHchi aru hito ᬓ᭯ெ) serve as a whole as troubling. I have come to understand why they wish GHHSLQVLGHWRÀHHWKHVFHQH76

Scholars, or “men of knowledge,” instead of taking their responsibility seriously, avoid giving counsel to their lords because they are at a loss. Makuzu wrote after the Kansei Reforms, and although she pays tribute to the progression from the era of the “ignorant” Tanuma to her times, when even lower people aspire to knowledge, she does not assess her 74

HK, p. 301; MN 56:2, pp. 188-89. Or: “Would that there were ways to give travelers control over time to enable them to put porters to work” (HK, p. 300; MN 56:2, p. 188). 75 See, for instance, HK, p. 269, or p. 280. 76 Towazugatari, in TMS, p. 377.

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intellectual environment positively.77 To the contrary, apparently she disagrees with recent developments on many fronts. 0DNX]X ¿QGV WKDW JUHDWHU VXSSRUW IRU HGXFDWLRQ OHDGV WR WKH GLVsemination of the wrong teachings, namely Confucianism.78 The rise of scholarship that is steeped in gakumon (academics) of the Chinese Classics is not what society calls for, in Makuzu’s view.79 She refers to the common metaphor of frogs in a well: Scholars in general disregard the number of days and nights and do not cling to the rhythm of heaven and earth. … As for half-baked scholars, their thinking is full of errors; the more they gather together, the more they argue without producing wisdom. This is the general situation among scholars. In what way do they differ from frogs?80

The tenor is clear: these scholars miss the rhythm of their time and place. Instead, she hopes for “an enlightened scholar” to “appear to straighten out and renew things down to the last minute matter.”81 The theme that the mind should be liberated instead of holding onto Confucian teachings recurs throughout Makuzu’s treatise.82 She thinks all scholars should aspire to enlightenment:83 Scholars should not be the only ones to rely solely on books. They should discipline their minds so that they may know the rhythm by which they PD\ÀRDW>DERYHWKHHDUWK@:KHQWKH\GLVFLSOLQHWKHPVHOYHVHYHQWKH spirits of lowly people leave the earth. Scholars, awaken yourselves to such things!

Liberation takes place only when the pulse of the time is observed. Thus the lower strata of society, such as actors and gamblers, are experts (tĿrimono ࡛࡮ࡽࡵࡡ) who are better equipped to nurture innovative ideas due to their lack of an education that incarcerates the mind.84 77

See, for instance, MB, p. 127. Or HK, p. 280; MN 56:1, p. 36. HK, p. 268; MN 56:1, p. 26. 79 See, for instance, “Holding Chinese learning alone to be true learning, [scholars] have lost their way and have failed to understand the pulse peculiar to the people of our own country. They look down on those who do not read Chinese works as dunces, but in trying to push things ahead by forcibly imposing Chinese learning, they fail to match the rhythm of heaven and earth, and ultimately they are pushed down by such dunces” (HK, p. 269; MN 56:1, p. 27). 80 HK, p. 295; MN 56:2, p. 183. The proverb derives from Baen 㤷ᥴ (14 B.C.E.– 49); cited also by Bakin, DK, p. 361. 81 HK, p. 301; MN 56:2, p. 189. 82 HK, pp. 299-300; MN 56:2, pp. 187-88. 83 ³,WZRXOGEHQH¿WWKHFRXQWU\ZHUHWKHUHVFKRODUVZKRVHVSLULWVDUHOLEHUDWHG´+. p. 291; MN 56:2, p. 180). 84 HK, p. 299; MN 56:2, p. 187. See also, “Envying foreign ways is not as strange as it seems. Even in our country, there are some things that are oriented towards expand78


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Makuzu envisioned a public forum in which all ranks would be allowed to participate and to exchange ideas. Scholars, she argues, should come together instead of wasting time on unnecessary décor and ritual, since “even small insects glow like a torch” “when they gather in great numbers.”85 As Makuzu elaborates, Since the practice of conducting elaborate ceremonies at the [Confucian] halls is already established, wouldn’t it be good to invite to them knowledgeable persons who lament the expense to the country? There they can pursue rigorous thinking in accord with the rhythm of heaven and earth. Would that people would gather in this way in all the domanLDOZRUVKLSKDOOVDQGOHDYLQJDVLGHVHO¿VKLQFOLQDWLRQVWKLQNWRJHWKHULQ accord with the number of days and nights and the rhythm of heaven and HDUWKDERXWZKDWZLOOEHRIEHQH¿WWRWKHFRXQWU\RI-DSDQ86

In Makuzu’s view, the Confucian halls (seidĿ ⪯ᇸ), which were one of the consequences of the Kansei reforms, are a great waste of effort DQGPRQH\XQOHVVWKH\FRXOGEHXVHGWREHQH¿WWKHFRXQWU\E\JDWKHUing people from all ranks of society for debates.87 Even better, people should submit their ideas to the lord in order to ensure an exchange of new approaches and solutions.88 The tasks of the rulers, who formerly were the curators of knowledge, can be performed by the ruled. Those who have insight ought to become active; otherwise, Makuzu worries, great ideas might vanish with time.89 Heisuke is proof that there are some outstanding people in the lower ranks. Makuzu portrays her father as a man who had the capacity to ing upon excellent inventions rather than discarding them. The kabuki theater is such a thing…. The head of the IkkĿ sect thoroughly understood the course of gold and silver and found ways to make these return of their own accord. Taking these two examples as our guide, if our countrymen would put their minds to developing superior ways of doing things, why should they not succeed?” (HK, p. 277; MN 56:1, p. 33). 85 HK, p. 293; MN, 56:2, p. 182. 86 HK, p. 293; MN, 56:2, pp. 181-82. 87 For these halls, which were usually adjacent to bakufu or domain schools, see Ooms 1975, in particular p. 138. 88 See Luke Roberts, who mentions the installation of suggestion boxes in various parts of Japan, starting with the Edo castle (Roberts 1998). Makuzu seems not to have been aware of this practice. 89 See, for instance, “Even though people come to certain realizations, explaining them to those who are not of the same mind would only result in useless argument, so in many cases they keep their ideas within them, where they decay into nothing. Each person should present his or her ideas to the authorities. If inspired people who think WKLQJVWKURXJKDUHEURXJKWWRJHWKHUVRWKDWWKHFROOHFWHGZLVGRPRIPLOOLRQVEHQH¿WV WKHFRXQWU\WKHVSLULWVRIWKHORZHURUGHUVZKREDWWOHRYHUPRQH\ZLOODOVREHSDFL¿HG and brought under control. If public authorities implement rigorous measures, the lower orders of society will follow in droves” (HK, p. 294; MN 56:2, p. 182; or see HK, p. 282).

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advise, but whose legacy is about to be forgotten. Makuzu emphasizes in particular Heisuke’s approach of selection depending on time and place, and advocates this type of scholarship as essential in order to implement desperately needed economic reforms.90 Most important is her father’s appeal that the country be seen as a whole. In order to do so, one needs to apply contemporary knowledge, such as that about Japan’s place in the world, as her father did.91 Her father, who would often lament “that our people don’t know our country in its entirety, and that they are wise in small matters but stupid about big ones,”92 inspired Makuzu’s sharp critique of conservative academics in Hitori kangae. Even if Makuzu appears to advocate some social equality for advisors, she maintains that lowly people —the mean—cannot be taken as PRGHOV0DNX]XDUJXHVWKDWNQRZOHGJHFDQRQO\EHRIEHQH¿WWRRWKHUV ZKHQLWLVEDVHGRQXSULJKWQHVVDVLQWKHFDVHRIWKHRI¿FLDOVLQ5XVsia. Makuzu shows, with the examples of actors whose inventions are a result of their “desire to make money,” and the successful entrepreneur Kawamura Zuiken ᕖᮟ㝮㌲ (1617–99), who came up with many useful devices but in the end “sought his own prosperity,” that base people lack morality.93 Morality, encapsulated in her appeal “Make uprightness (shĿjiki ḿ├) the foundation,”94 has to be the ethical principle JXLGLQJ SUR¿W95 Her father, a man of great wisdom, was the type of scholar who, by observing time and place, found new knowledge that EHQH¿WHGRWKHUV0DNX]X¶VWH[WVKRZVKHUGHHSGLVDSSRLQWPHQWWKDWKLV approach to knowledge was and still is ignored.96 90 Makuzu depicts Heisuke’s intellectual ability (sai ᡧ) as two trees, put side by side. Heisuke’s superior mind is likened to the tree that has at the bottom of its trunk no thick roots or branches that would prevent its growing high and tall. The other tree, the mind of an ordinary person (bonjin ฉெ), because of its many roots in the ground and low branches, does not have the strength to grow high. The mind of an ordinary person is from the beginning prevented from expanding because too many things from the past keep him grounded, while, in contrast, the superior mind, by constantly accumulating new things by selection, can grow high and wide (MB, p. 63). Makuzu refers here to her father versus her uncle Kuwabara Jun. 91 MB, p. 110. 92 HK, p. 280; MN, 56:1, p. 36. 93 HK, pp. 277-78; MN 56:1, p. 34. See also HK, p. 280; MN 56:1, p. 36. 94 HK, p. 306; MN 56:2, p. 192. Makuzu refers here to what can be found in medieval and early modern Shinto writings (see Mark Teeuwen, Watarai ShintĿ: An Intellectual History of the Outer Shrine in Ise [Leiden: CNWS, 1996], particularly pp. 99-101). 95 :HDOVR¿QG0DNX]X¶VEHOLHILQXSULJKWQHVVLQKirishitan kĿ, “Japan is an upright country” (shĿjiki koku ḿ├ᅗ) (Kirishitan kĿ, in TMS, p. 390). 96 Confucian teachings, in addition to other defects, with their emphasis on rites and ceremonies lack this sincerity. The reason there is “nothing that serves as the core of the scholar’s heart” is the Confucian concept of propriety (rei ♡) (HK, p. 296; MN


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MAKUZU’S VISION Makuzu had a clear grasp of the two coexisting yet opposing economic systems of her time. One that stemmed from an agricultural economy aimed at a static, ideal condition in which the upper class lived on a ¿[HGLQFRPHIURPWKHODQGWKDWZDVSORZHGE\WKHSHDVDQWVZKRLQ turn received their share. The other system was based on a competitive market economy, which had its own rules of hierarchical order based on material wealth and not on social status. These were opposing systems, neither of which could produce an outcome from which the entire VRFLHW\EHQH¿WHG%\WKHWLPHWKDW0DNX]XZDVZULWLQJKHUWUHDWLVH the agricultural economy had its remnants only in the stipends of the samurai, whereas the money economy had become a practical reality of everyday life. Makuzu exposes the reliance of the upper ranks on this DQDFKURQLVWLFHFRQRPLFV\VWHPZKHQVKHFRPSDUHVWKH¿JKWRYHUODQG EHLQJWUDQVIRUPHGLQWRD¿JKWRYHUPRQH\97 Or she likens the lord, who is not accustomed to this new economic mode, to the Ezo ⼆ኻ (Ainu), who don’t have the intellectual wherewithal to know their numbers and are therefore paying more tribute than agreed upon.98 Makuzu and Bakin are both fully aware of the fact that the two economic systems were colliding, but each of them proposes a different solution.99 Makuzu does not share the nostalgic notion of “revering grain and despising money” that sees the cause of the current desolate conditions in the separation of the samurai from the land. Instead, she argues that the submission to a money economy by all parts of society ZRXOGSURFXUHEHQH¿WVIRUDOO0DNX]X¶VFRQFRUGZLWKRWKHULQWHOOHFWXDOVWKDWUHIRUPVVKRXOGQRWEHIRUWKHSUR¿WRIDIHZLVEDVHGRQWKH ideology of kokueki and keisei saimin. To Makuzu, mercantilism offers the best solution. It would accommodate the entire society by controlling the lower ranks, who were immersed in strife over money. Makuzu

S 6HHDOVR³7RWU\WR¿WRQH¶VEHKDYLRUWRWKHSUHVFULSWLRQVRISURSULHW\LQ WKH&KLQHVHIDVKLRQZLOOEHRIQRXVHWRRXUFRXQWU\«>7KHVHVFKRODUV@GH¿QHIRUPDO obsequies and false modesty to be propriety” (HK, p. 296; MN 56:2, p. 184). 97 HK, p. 270; MN 56:1, p. 28. 98 HK, p. 274; MN 56:1, p. 31. 99 It is important to emphasize that different proposals are not born out of different times alone. It is not a linear progression from the thoughts of Kumazawa Banzan to Arai Hakuseki to Ogyŗ Sorai and Dazai Shundai, and then Kaiho SeiryĿ. For example, Aizawa Seishisai advocated in his Shinron, as late as 1825, an economy based on agriFXOWXUDOVHOIVXI¿FLHQF\:DNDED\DVKLS

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produces in her treatise a vision of the nation, “Japan,” an idea that necessitated change in the political order. Makuzu envisions for her country a leadership that is built upon knowledge, human agency, and morality. As a model for this type of authority, Makuzu presents Russian statecraft. Members of Heisuke’s network had observed earlier that Western sovereignty provides a model that could be utilized for domestic, political means. For instance, Heisuke’s friend Maeno RyĿtaku refers to the Dutch, or Honda Toshiaki to Rome, while Heisuke describes the importance of a strong government as it can be witnessed in the supremacy of Russia. Even when their examples differ, importantly, the political and social function of religion as understood by foreign powers is the thrust of their discussions.100 Heisuke explains with admiration how the Russian czar was venerated like a god (butsujin శ♼) and thus his people called him “Peter the Great” (r. 1682–1725).101 It was in the name of the czar that Russians conquered country after country. His people would call him the “Father of the Country,” and in her succession speech, his widow Catherine I (r. 1725–27), Heisuke quotes, would tell her people, “The father of the people might have died, but the mother is still alive.”102 The Russian czar as a lord and father offered Heisuke a model for a strong paternalist government that would bring prosperity to the country just as to the Russians, who had become successful world traders.103 Makuzu, too, refers to the potential of the unity of political and spiritual leadership. She argues likewise, “the czar is like the head of the IkkĿ sect.… I hear that the Russian people wish to offer gifts to the czar.”104 She uses the comparison with the power of the IkkĿ sect ୌྡྷ 100 Maeno RyĿtaku, Kanrei higen ⟮⽹⛆ゕ (Secret Comments on Narrow-mindedness, 1777), in YĿgaku, ed. Numata 1976, vol. 1, pp. 147-48. RyĿtaku pointed to the DGYDQWDJH RI XQLW\ RI JRYHUQPHQW DQG UHOLJLRQ DQG SUDLVHG WKH VXFFHVV RI VWDWH RI¿cials in Europe invested with spiritual authority in ruling the country. See also Honda Toshiaki, who refers to Rome: “the benevolent and merciful system of the Emperor of Rome should naturally be introduced,” or that the “true method of government” could be learned from the Westerners (Honda Toshiaki, Seiiki monogatari けᇡ∸ㄊ [Tales of the West, 1798], translated by Keene 1969, pp. 212-13). 101 Akaezo fŗsetsu kĿ, SHS, p. 292. 102 Akaezo fŗsetsu kĿ, SHS, p. 293. 103 Being respected by the populace as a lord and father, the “father of the country” EULQJVWRJHWKHULQRQHDQGWKHVDPHSHUVRQWZRRIWHQFRQÀLFWLQJYLUWXHVQDPHO\OR\DOW\ DQG¿OLDOSLHW\ZKLFKVKRXOGLQWKHRU\SUHYHQWPRUDOWHQVLRQVWKDWDUHRIWHQWKHFDXVHRI VWULIHLQWKHFDVHRI&KLQDRU-DSDQ7KDWWKLVUROHFRXOGDOVREH¿OOHGEHDZRPDQPXVW have pleased Makuzu, who demands that women ought to be allowed to be ambitious, just like men (HK, p. 273; MN 56:1, p. 30). 104 HK, p. 276; MN 56:1, p. 32.


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ᏺ (True Pure Land) at the end of the sixteenth century to emphasize the willingness of the people to revere the czar and to give him voluntary offerings, not forced taxes.105 0DNX]X¶VDQG+HLVXNH¶VUHIHUHQFHVWRWKH5XVVLDQF]DUDUHVLJQL¿cant. To identify the head of the state as the head of the church implies that in Japan, too, the rulers could be elevated to that role, which would unite its people, who would in return voluntarily support their UXOHU 0DNX]X ¿QGV LQ UHOLJLRXV LQVWLWXWLRQV WKHPVHOYHV RQH UHDVRQ that Tokugawa Japan was far from being such a strong state. In Russia “although there are various institutions resembling Buddhist temples where corpses are buried, as there is only one religion, there is no strife.”106 How different the situation was in Makuzu’s time. From her own experience she knew that instead of unity, there were disputes among the various sects, and the government had no interest in solving their problems. In her view this separation of political and religious spheres caused many of society’s current problems.107 This certainly 105 Makuzu’s comparison goes even further, not only politically, but also economically: “The head of the IkkĿ sect thoroughly understood the course of gold and silver and found ways to make these return of their own accord.” In Makuzu’s view, when the ruler controls the money economy, and not only currency as the shogunate typically GLGWKHUK\WKPLVREVHUYHGDQGKXPDQQDWXUHFDQEHFKDQQHOHGWREHQH¿WHYHU\RQH (HK, p. 277; MN 56:1, p. 33; also footnotes 13 and 15). While Makuzu may imply a critique against the religious group, it is now Bakin’s turn to be openly sarcastic when he remarks that Shinran の㮥 (1173–1262), the founder of the sect, was indeed successful in extracting money from believers (DK, p. 331). Makuzu acknowledges that the JRYHUQPHQWKDVLQWHUYHQHGWRFKDQJHWKHÀXFWXDWLRQVRIFXUUHQF\EXWZLWKRXWVXFFHVV EHFDXVHWKHRI¿FLDOVGRQRWXQGHUVWDQGHFRQRPLFDIIDLUVDVIRULQVWDQFHLQWKHFDVHRI minting new currency: “Concerning the recent appearance of the four-mon copper coin and the nanryĿ silver coin, it is indeed deplorable that no one has noticed how every time new currency is issued, the price of everything goes up, raising the status of the townspeople and reducing the wealth of the warrior houses” (HK, p. 288; MN 56:2, pp. 177-78). Yamagata BantĿWRRFULWLFL]HVWKHVKRJXQDWH¶V¿VFDOSROLFLHVLQ1DMLWD 1987, pp. 265-66. About Tanuma’s reforms, see Ooms 1975, p. 88, and Hall 1955, pp. (YHQLIWKH¿IWHHQUHFRLQDJHVEHWZHHQDQGWKH0HLMLSHULRGVKRZWKDWWKH shogunate policies were not successful, Hall argues that Tanuma’s reforms were still better than most others. 106 HK, p. 276; MN 56:1, p. 32. Emphases are mine. There was actually no need to look abroad for this kind of political cult. In the sixteenth century, the organization of the IkkĿ sect had an impact on Oda Nobunaga, as Herman Ooms observed, in the way he fashioned and legitimized political authority via sacralization. Makuzu was probably not aware of this. Interestingly, Aizawa Seishisai, too, refers to the IkkĿ sect, but RQO\WRHPSKDVL]HKRZLWVGRFWULQHVXSSUHVVHV¿OLDOSLHW\DQGOR\DOW\DQGKHQFHLQWHUferes with the “nation’s laws.” In fact, one cannot help noting the similarity between the description of Christianity and the IkkĿ sect (Aizawa Seishisai, Shinron, in Mitogaku, ed. Imai UsaburĿ et al., in NST, vol. 53 [Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1973], p. 167). 107 Heisuke was involved in a dispute between two temples that the magistrates decided to settle among themselves (see MB, p. 66). Another incident to which Makuzu

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does not indicate that Makuzu envisioned a Buddhist sect emerging as a state religion with its leader ruling the country; rather, what is needed is spiritual control by a charismatic leader. Even if others do not draw the same connection between a Japanese religious leader and the Russian czar, the notion of idealizing absolutist power in a spiritual leader has often been shared. Shortly after Makuzu’s time, and forty years after Heisuke wrote his proposal, Aizawa Seishisai ఌἉḿᚷᩢ (1782–1863) argued the same issue in his Shinron ᩺ㄵ (New Theses, 1825), namely, that in order to create a strong nation, spiritual unity and integration among the subjects is essential to the nation (kokutai ᅗమ).108 While Seishisai proposes the restoration of imperial power, even if only for ritual and spiritual assistance, Heisuke does not mention who should be the leader—shogun or emperor—nor does Makuzu indicate her choice. What is striking is that father and daughter, albeit cautiously, envisioned a different kind of leader for Japan, who would adapt, in Makuzu’s view, to the rhythm between heaven and earth and the pulse of the nation.109

refers is the exile of her husband’s friend, head priest of Shiogama Fujitsuka Shikibu, mentioned earlier (see Shiogama mĿde, in TMS, p. 485). 108 See Wakabayashi 1986, p. 13. 109 This notion, too, has been repeatedly shared by various intellectuals, besides Seishisai, for instance Maeno RyĿtaku and Honda Toshiaki. For RyĿtaku, see Kanrei higen, in YĿgaku, vol. 1, ed. Numata 1976, pp. 147-48; for Toshiaki, see Seiiki monogatari, translated by Keene 1969, pp. 212-13.

EPILOGUE Makuzu’s knowledge and vision can best be described as eclectic. They derive from many sources, and should not be categorized as belonging solely to one intellectual camp. Her father’s network introduced Makuzu to liberal intellectualism at a time before the categorization into distinct intellectual schools, such as nativism or Rangaku, began to emerge. Only within the setting of Makuzu’s time and, in particular, within her father’s circle could a treatise such as Hitori kangae have developed. She entered the public realm to speak of politics as her father had done. That she did so is a sign of what Harry Harootunian describes as a rupture between politics and culture that led to the creation of a political sphere open to society at large.1 The interlacing of private and public spheres in the KudĿ household was crucial to Makuzu’s intellectual development. Even if Makuzu only indirectly participated, such a culturally rich environment of men was something to which few women had access. Makuzu’s faith in human agency despite her gender is demonstrated by her decision to make her treatise known. She owes her individual and independent way of thinking primarily to her father, who presented KHU ZLWK D PRGHO IRU EHFRPLQJ DFWLYH 0DNX]X¶V GH¿QLWLRQ RI satori is evidence of her belief that the capacity to go above oneself—either one’s gender or status—could be found within oneself. Therefore, Makuzu was able, at least on paper, to overcome gender barriers and to free herself from male-dominated intellectual discourse. She saw the ambiguity in her society with respect to gender; since she, as an educated woman whose family was left without a male heir, was affected negatively by it, she sought to challenge it. Just as other intellectuals of ORZVWDWXVDWWHPSWHGWRUHGH¿QHWKHVWDWXVV\VWHP0DNX]XUHGH¿QHG gender. She was able to write down thoughts that were not just memories of the past, but were plans for political reform. Makuzu expressed ideas about society and her position within it after she rose above her own life story, which had depended on men. Makuzu, therefore, is exceptional, even if she probably was not, as Nakayama Eiko argues, the foremost female scholar of the long Tokugawa period.2 This treatise, 1 2

Harootunian 1989, p. 180. Nakayama 1961, p. 155.

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by means of which Makuzu deliberately made herself into a political ¿JXUHHQVXUHGWKDWVKHKDVQRWHQWHUHGKLVWRU\RQO\DVRQHRIWKHPDQ\ female poets of her time, but also as a thinker. Today, Makuzu’s house in Sendai is gone. The Tadano family moved WRWKHLUIRUPHU¿HIRI1DNDQLLGDVRRQDIWHUWKHIDOORIWKHVKRJXQDWHLQ 1868, where the family still lives today on the grounds of a former retainer. In 1933 Nakayama initiated moving Makuzu’s grave in Sendai to another site, which should represent more appropriately her place in history.3 For the inauguration at the temple ShĿonji ᮿ㡚ᑈ, about one hundred people came together, and the reburial was memorialized in a short pamphlet that lists the names of its sponsors. In connection with this, the Miyagi prefecture library had an exhibition of Makuzu’s treasured items that had been discovered in her former grave.4 Nagai Michiko’s historical novel about Makuzu, published in 1992, introduced to a general audience Makuzu’s youth in her father’s house and in service. Kado Reiko’s forthcoming biography of Makuzu will take up the poetry and prose of her years in Sendai and thus make Makuzu even more prominent. In cyberspace some of Makuzu’s stories are accessible to a large readership, where fans of the genre of Kaidan (mysterious and strange stories) introduce sections of ľshŗbanashi and Mukashibanashi, rendered into modern Japanese.5 Autobiographies, as well as biographies, are stories in the end. Truth LQDXWRELRJUDSK\LVUHODWLYHEXWHYHQDVRFDOOHG¿FWLRQDOL]HGOLIHLVD complex life, and a thorough reading bearing in mind its invented character is still rewarding. It informs us about the thoughts, feelings, and fears that Makuzu harbored throughout the years. Makuzu, not unlike KHUIDWKHUPDGHRQO\DÀHHWLQJDSSHDUDQFHLQKLVWRU\ZLWKKHUSRHWU\ and prose. Still, that appearance allows us the rare opportunity to reach some conclusions about a woman’s perceptions of Tokugawa society and its contemporary representations of ideologies and practices, perceptions that her contemporary Bakin evaluated as her “thinking like a man.” A Tokugawa history that leaves out voices such as Makuzu’s has fortunately become unthinkable. 3 Figure 4-4. Makuzu’s posthumous name on the stone reads TĿkĿin Renshitsu HattĿ Daishi ᱀ක㝌⪻ᐄⓆ⇘ኬ጗. See Shiwahikojinja, Shiogamajinja, Special issue of JinjakikĿ 31 (2003), p. 25. 4 Nakayama 1933, p. 2. Makuzu’s grave is mentioned on the Sendai city web page: http://www.city.sendai.jp/wakabayashi/soumu/charm/terajinja/sintera.html#syouonji (accessed February 2006). 5 Altogether ten stories from Mukashibanashi and ľshŗbanashi can be found at http://home.att.ne.jp/red/sronin/koten.htm (accessed January 2006).

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289

୏⛸࡞໚࡫ࡾࡗࡹࢅࡥ࡛ᮇࡡࡢࡁࡡཿᯖ࡞࠾ࡂࡾ࠵ࡀ࠾࡝ This autumn, the dew Nanakusa ni fragrant with nioeru tsuyu o WKHVHYHQÀRZHUV hitomoto no can be traced only on the hagi no furue ni lone, old twig of the bush clover. kakuru aki kana Elegy by Hagi-ni on Makuzu’s death.6

6

Cited by Suzuki, in TMS, p. 553.

LIST OF WORKS CITED WORKS BY MAKUZU Hitori kangae ≺⩻ (Solitary Thoughts, 1818–19). In TMS. Pp. 260-307. Hitori kangae tsuika ≺⩻㏛ຊ (Appendix to Solitary Thoughts, 1819). In TMS. Pp. 308-09. Hitori kangae yohen ≺⩻㣶⥽ (Additions to Solitary Thoughts, 1819). In TMS. Pp. 371-88. Isozutai ࠷ࡐࡘࡒࡥ (From the Seashore, 1818). In TMS. Pp. 244-57. —— ☶ࡘࡒࡥ. In Edo jidai joryŗ bungaku zenshŗ Ờᡖ᫤௥ዥὮᩝᏕධ㞗. Furuya Chishin ཿㆺ▩᩺, ed. Vol. 3. [1918]. Tokyo: Nihon Tosho Sentă, 1979. Jisanka ⮤ㆥḯ (lit. Poetry of Self-Praise). Unpublished manuscript held by the Tadano Family. Kirishitan kĿ ࢞ࣛࢨࢰࣤ⩻ (Thoughts on Christianity). (Listed as Ikoku yori…) In TMS. Pp. 390-91. KĿren to iu kudamono no yurai 㤮ⶀ࡛࠷ࡨࡂࡓࡵࡡࢎ⏜ᮮ (The Origin of the confectionary called KĿren, 1798). In Makuzugahara, in TMS. Pp. 441-44). Letter called Mukashibanashi ᪿࡣ࡝ࡊ (Tales from the Past, 1819). In TMS. Pp. 37174. Letter to her father (Chichigimi no yamai atsushi ushi tamau goro…∏ྦࡡ⑋࠵ࡗࡊ࠹ ࡊ⤝ࡨ㡥… [Letter written when my Father was ill].) In Makuzugahara, in TMS. Pp. 488-90. Makuzugahara ┷⴩࠿ࡢࡼ (Playing Field of Makuzu, comp. 1816). In TMS, 418519. Matsushima no michi no ki ᮿᓞࡡࡲࡔࡡエ (Travel Account from Matsushima, 1802). In Makuzugahara, in TMS. Pp. 445-56. Michinoku nikki ࡲࡔࡡࡂ᪝エ (Diary of Michinoku, comp. 1797). In Makuzugahara, in TMS. Pp. 466-83. Mi o nageku uta ㌗ࢅ࡝ࡅࡂ࠹ࡒ (Song of Lament). In Makuzugahara. In TMS. Pp. 491-92. Mukashibanashi ࡳ࠾ࡊࡣ࡝ࡊ (Tales from the Past, 1811–12). In Sendai sĿsho ௜ྋཽ ᭡ (Sendai series). Sendai SĿsho KankĿkai, ed. Vol. 9. [1925]. Sendai: HĿbundĿ, 1972. —— ࡳ࠾ࡊࡣ࡝ࡊ. In Nihon shomin seikatsu shiryĿ shŗsei ᪝ᮇᗚẰ⏍Ὡྍᩩ㞗ᠺ. Tanigawa Ken’ichi ㆺᕖ೸ୌ, ed. Vol. 8. Tokyo: San’ichi ShobĿ, 1969. —— ࡳ࠾ࡊࡣ࡝ࡊ. In TMS. Pp. 5-192. Mukashibanashi: Tenmei zengo no Edo no omoide ࡳ࠾ࡊࡣ࡝ࡊ㸯ኮ᪺᭿ᚃࡡỜᡖࡡ ᛦ࠷ฝ. Nakayama Eiko, ed. TĿyĿ Bunko 433. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1984. Nanakusa no tatoe ୏⛸ࡡࡒ࡛࠻ (Seven Flowers). In TMS. Pp. 378-85. —— ୏⛸ࡡࡒ࡛࠻. In Makuzugahara, in TMS. Pp. 500-07. ľshŗbanashi ዚᕗࡣ࡝ࡊ (Tales from ľshŗ, compiled in 1818). In TMS. Pp. 193-242. ——. In Edo jidai joryŗ bungaku zenshŗ. Furuya Chishin, ed. [1918]. Vol. 3. Tokyo: Nihon Tosho Sentă, 1979. Shiogama mĿde ሲ㔡ࡱ࠹࡚ (Pilgrimage to Shiogama, 1799). In Makuzugahara, in

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TMS. Pp. 484-85. Sumiyaku hito o omou nagauta ⅛ࡷࡂெࢅ࠽ࡵࡨ㛏࠹ࡒ. In Makuzugahara. In TMS. P. 494. Tadano Makuzu shŗ. ྅㔕┷⴩㞗. Suzuki Yoneko 㕝ᮄࡻࡠᏄ, ed. SĿsho Edo bunko ཽ᭡Ờᡖᩝᗔ. Vol. 30. Tokyo: Kokusho KankĿkai, 1994. Taenu kazura ࡒ࠻࡟⴩ (Everlasting Judas Tree). In Makuzugahara, in TMS. Pp. 50709. Towazugatari ࡛ࡢࡍ࠿ࡒࡽ (A Tale No One Asked For, 1819). In TMS. Pp. 374-78. Untitled Letter (sĿsoko ࡎ࠹ࡐࡆ) from the beginning of the sixth month of 1819. In TMS. Pp. 385-86.

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INDEX academics (gakumon), 15, 40, 41, 210; and enlightenment, 204n100, 205; and gender, 173, 174-81, 205, 207-08; vs. knowledge, 279-82 acrostics, 115n58 actors, 55-56, 186-87, 280, 282 adoption, 84n70, 100, 102n17, 152n39; of Heisuke, 25, 30 agency, 132-38, 284; and gender, 148, 287; vs. ikioi, 131-32, 255-58; and ki, 242-43; of Makuzu, 134-36, 150-51 agriculture, 37, 265; vs. money economy, 263, 274-75, 283 Aizawa Seishisai, 72, 283n99, 285n106, 286 Akaezo fŗsetsu kĿ (Thoughts on Rumors about Kamchatka; KudĿ Heisuke), 53, 72-81, 82, 251, 263-64, 269 Akaezo fŗsetsu no koto (Rumors about Akaezo [Kamchatka]; KudĿ Heisuke), 78 Akai TĿkurĿ, 61n133 Akiko, Princess (Date Akiko), 71, 91 Akimoto, Lord, 61n131 Akutagawa Ryŗnosuke, 109n40 Algemeene Geographie of beschrijving des geheelen Aardrijks (Huebner), 74 Amaterasu ľmikami, 173, 234n80, 235 Analects (Confucius), 34, 196, 206-07, 211n5, 237n94 Anatomische Tabellen (Ontleedkundige Tafelen; Anatomical Tables; Kulmus), 35n40, 36n41, 183, 184, 185, 237n93 anatomy, 70; and dissection, 35-36, 173, 184, 278n70; and gender, 184, 185, 186 Ancient learning (KĿgaku), 114n, 168, 179n23, 209, 212, 224; and Chinese world order, 232-33 AndĿ Yukiko, 128n100, 130n111 Aoki Kon’yĿ, 36, 37, 59n127, 265 Aoyama ShunzĿ, 73n25 Arai Hakuseki, 19, 20, 42n66, 70, 232n74, 233n77; on reform, 265, 283n99

Arakida Reijo, 176n10 arithmetic, 276-79, 283 artisans, 263, 273 autobiography, 19-20, 64, 96, 288; and biography, 17-18 Ayabe Keisai, 28 Baen, 280n80 Bakin. See Takizawa Bakin BandĿ MitsugorĿ, 56 BankĿdĿ (Heisuke’s medical school), 5253, 64, 85 BanshokĿ (Aoki Kon’yĿ), 37n45 Beard, Mary, 13n38 Beauvoir, Simone de, 22n21 Beerens, Anna, 10, 57n119 Benyovszky, Moritz Aladar von, 78 Beschreibung von Russland (Bruder), 74 Biographies of Notable Women (Lienü zhuan), 149n27, 178n17 the body, 251, 278n70; and currency, 276n62; and feelings, 105-06, 134n129, 188, 198-200, 243, 244; and gender, 184, 186-93, 197-200, 208, 244; in Makuzu’s cosmology, 193; vs. mind, 198-200; and wisdom, 195-96 Book of Filial Piety for Women, 196n76 Book of Rites (Liji), 189n54 Brother’s Incident (1821), 240n105 Bruder, Johan, 74 Buddhism, 24, 199, 211, 212, 222, 240; deities of, 141, 149, 150, 151, 201; enlightenment in, 200-201, 203n98, 204; and government, 285, 286; and Japanese gods, 234n81; Zen, 201, 203n98 calligraphy, 51, 67; ryŗmoto school of, 46n75, 67n2 castaways, 53, 55, 73, 88, 240n105 Catherine I (Russia), 284 censorship, 141-42, 156, 166 China: calendar from, 226; as center, 232-40; and Confucianism, 211, 212, 232-34; culture of, 25n3, 56, 234,

306

INDEX

235n82, 236; government of, 260; vs. Japan, 25n3, 56, 228-31, 234, 235, 236; Manchu rulers of, 232; medicine of, 185, 193; and new world order, 236-37; Qing dynasty, 232; trade with, 265 Chinese classics, 175, 213n12, 248; and gender, 196, 205-6; and Heisuke’s education, 34, 35; on human nature, 191, 245-46, 254; Makuzu on, 70, 162, 280; and Makuzu’s education, 69-70. See also Analects; Mencius Chinese language (kanbun): and gender, 6n14, 18n5, 175, 176n10; and Heisuke, 34; and Makuzu, 69-70, 164n; rhythm in, 215n19; written, 233, 234n79 Chinese learning (Kangaku), 280n79, 283n96; and cultural particularism, 228, 229-30; and gender, 175, 176, 195; Makuzu’s lack of, 178-81; vs. nativist learning, 175n9, 180, 212, 222, 233. See also Confucianism Chinese poetry (kanshi), 6-7, 46, 51n96, 69, 98, 106, 219n33 Chinese world order (ka-i), 232-40, 235n82 chĿka (nagauta) poetry, 68, 115, 116, 120, 217n28 Christianity, 240, 285n106; Makuzu on, 163, 165, 239, 282n95 classes: four ideal, 263; lower, 256n61, 263, 273; mixing of, 59, 66, 170. See also daimyo; merchants; peasants; samurai; social status colloquialism (zokugen), 114-17 commercialization, 170, 223, 241, 285n105; vs. agricultural economy, 263, 274-275, 283; and competition, 252-54, 253, 267, 274, 283; and Confucianism, 272; and daimyo, 25558; and government, 267-71, 276, 277, 279; and ikioi, 255-58, 271-76, 278; and rhythm, 263, 273, 275-76; and social dysfunction, 262-63; and social relations, 252-54, 262, 270, 279 competition: and commercialization, 252-54, 267, 274, 283; and daimyo, 256-57; and government, 15, 260-61, 269; and human nature, 250-54, 25861; and morality, 252-54; and social

status, 250, 252-54, 255, 258 Confessions of Lady NijĿ (Towazugatari), 19 Confucianism: and academics, 173, 174; and Bakin’s critique, 164, 17880, 181, 207, 208, 233; and China, 211, 212, 232-34; Eclectic School of, 70n12; and education, 196-97, 280; enlightenment in, 203n98, 204; and foreign countries, 237-38; and gender, 5, 7n18, 162, 179, 188, 192, 196-97, 205-8; Hayashi school of, 24; on heart, 189, 190; and Heisuke, 32, 36, 49, 212, 213; and historiography, 225; on human nature, 191, 207, 244, 245-46, 249, 254, 260; and Japan, 234, 234n81, 235; on ki, 242-43; and knowledge, 180, 204; Makuzu on, 8, 15, 70, 162, 164-65, 170, 181, 241; vs. Makuzu’s cosmology, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213; and medicine, 180, 243n7; metaphysics of, 212, 213, 243n7; and money, 272; morality of, 167, 204, 234, 243-44, 245, 246; vs. nativism, 175n9, 180, 212, 222, 233; on nature, 213-14; opponents of, 212, 213, 225n53, 233, 249-50; and reforms, 180, 281; and rhythm, 231; rites in, 281, 282n96; and society, 175, 258; Sorai School of, 70n12; on superior vs. inferior men, 32, 254, 263; on time, 223, 224-25; universalism of, 207, 233, 238. See also Chinese classics; Chinese learning; the Way Confucius, 179n20, 196, 205-08, 231, 237, 252n38, 254. See also Analects Cruydt-Boeck (Dodonaeus), 60, 62-63 cuisine: foreign, 236; of Heisuke, 51, 52, 64 culture: Chinese vs. Japanese, 25n3, 56, 234, 235n82, 236; Dutch, 32, 51, 60, 74n28, 76, 239, 284; of Edo, 11, 12, 49-50; foreign, 32, 60, 132n123, 284-85, 286; and geography, 229-30; intellectual, 66, 171; and Japan as center, 238-39; of money, 262; of play, 11, 50, 61; and politics, 57, 66, 169, 262, 287; popular, 170; and rhythm, 227-32; and social networks, 49-65; urban, 49-50

INDEX

Daikokuya KĿdayŗ, 53, 55, 88 daimyo: and arithmetic, 276-79, 283; and competition, 256-57; and Heisuke, 64; Makuzu’s service to, 67, 71-72, 88, 91, 93, 118, 169-70, 255; and money, 255-58 Daodejing, 194n69, 219 Daoism, 214, 219n33, 220, 221, 249; and time, 224, 226, 227 Date Chikamune, 98n6, 128n95 Date family, 1, 42, 43, 97, 255 Date Masamune, 97, 100n11 Date Munemura, 38, 43, 46n75, 55 Date Narimura, 85, 98n6, 128n95 Date Shigemura, 55, 66, 71, 98n6, 255; and Heisuke, 38, 39, 79, 86 Date Yoshimura, 29, 31, 37 Dazai Shundai, 179n23, 219n33, 246, 263, 275n56; on human nature, 24950, 251; on reform, 267-68, 276n62, 283n99 diaries, 13n37, 17-18, 19, 21. See also Michinoku nikki Discourse of the Tale of the Hollow Tree (Utsuho monogatari kĿ; Kuwabara Yayoko), 45n72 dissections, 35-36, 173, 184, 278n70 Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong), 177n15, 211n4, 213n12, 254 Dodonaeus, Rembert, 60, 62-63 Doi Toshinori, 54, 55-56, 76n34, 90 DokkĿron (Discourse on Solitary Thoughts; Takizawa Bakin), 8, 142, 158-59, 160, 162-67, 171; on gender, 177-78, 179, 194, 204-5; Hitori kangae quoted in, 172, 206n104, 230n66; on Makuzu’s enlightenment, 201; Makuzu’s reaction to, 163; on merchants, 273-74 Dutch culture, 32, 51, 60, 74n28, 76, 239, 284 Dutch language, 59 Dutch merchants, 60, 61n132, 74-75, 265 Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, 196n76 economy: agricultural, 37n45, 263, 265, 274-275, 283; and gender, 166, 177, 205; and government, 16, 267-271, 276, 277, 279, 283; Heisuke on, 3637, 41, 78, 86, 263, 264-65, 282; money, 170, 255-58, 262, 263, 274-75,

307

279, 285n105; policies on, 264n11; and prices, 273, 274, 275, 276; reform of, 8, 16, 55, 66, 168, 255, 257, 262-65, 274-75, 282, 283, 285n105; rhythm of, 263, 273, 275-76; of Sendai, 39, 257, 266n19, 271-72; and status, 24, 256, 283; and Tanuma, 8384, 89. See also trade Edo: culture of, 11, 12, 49-50; Dutch delegations to, 60, 61n132; and Makuzu, 1, 8, 19, 20, 32, 106, 117-18, 170; map of, 23; vs. Sendai, 10809, 110, 118, 120, 227n58; social networks in, 12, 49-65, 169, 177; time in, 218, 230n68, 278n68 Edo group (Edo-ha), 117n65, 217n27 education: Confucian, 34, 35, 69-70, 180, 196-97, 235, 241, 280; and gender, 170, 175; of Heisuke, 34-38; local, 11, 180; of Makuzu, 11, 67-72, 93, 169, 170, 175; of Makuzu’s mother, 46-47; spread of, 11-12; and status, 174-76; and Tanuma, 40; of women, 5, 4647, 67-72, 175, 176-77, 195, 196-97, 205-6 Elizabeth I (England), 195n70 Ema SaikĿ, 69, 176n10, 207n109 emperor, 130, 286; Chinese, 234n80, 235n82 EndĿ Sansei, 35 enlightenment (satori): and academics, 204n100, 205; Bakin on, 201, 2035; Buddhist, 200-201, 203n98, 204; Confucian, 203n98, 204; and gender, 200-205, 208; of Makuzu, 201, 245; 0DNX]X¶VGH¿QLWLRQRI and morality, 202-04, 247; and reform, 262, 280; and status, 202-4 evidential learning (kaozheng; kĿshĿ), 214n17 Ezo Affair (Ezochi ikken), 75n, 82n61, 83n67, 264n11 Ezo (Hokkaido), 88, 265; colonization of, 33, 73, 78, 79, 264; expeditions to, 82, 89; Heisuke’s report on, 53, 72-81, 82, 251, 263-64, 269; maps of, 75n, 76n35, 78n42 Ezo shŗi (Aoyama ShunzĿ), 73n25 Ezo shŗi (Honda Toshiaki), 73n25 family, 25n3, 67, 147-49. See also¿OLDO

308

INDEX

piety; lineage; particular families famine, 80, 82 feelings. See kokoro Feith, Arend Willem, 76 ¿OLDOSLHW\QQ 285n106; and Heisuke’s legacy, 13637; and Hitori kangae, 147-51, 166, 167, 168, 173; of Makuzu, 5, 7, 14, 152 ¿YHSKDVHVQ Five Relationships, 177n15, 238n97 foreign countries: and arithmetic, 278; culture of, 32, 51, 60, 74n28, 76, 132n123, 239, 284-285, 286; curios from, 51, 60-63; diet in, 236; gender in, 162, 184, 195n70, 284; interest in, 59-63; knowledge of, 73; languages of, 57, 59; Makuzu on, 3, 8, 15, 16, 177, 236-37, 280n84; in new world order, 15, 236-37, 238; and rhythm, 227-32; and technology, 234; threat from, 15, 73, 239-40, 240n105; and time, 224, 227, 277, 278n68; trade with, 37, 60, 61n132, 74-75, 77, 78, 264-67, 269; and the Way, 237-38, 239. See also China; Russia; Western learning Fude no saga (The Nature of the Brush), 114 FudĿ (Buddhist deity), 141, 150-51 Fujitsuka Motoyoshi, 100n11 Fujitsuka Shikibu Tomoaki, 99-100, 286n107 Fujitsuka Tomochika, 99n11 Fujiwara family, 32, 33 Fujiwara Mototoshi, 47n76 Fujiwara no KintĿ, 47n76 Furth, Charlotte, 192, 193 gambling, 51n95, 247, 271, 280; and competition, 250, 259-60; and enlightenment, 202, 203, 204 games: acrostics, 115n58; incense, 135; shĿgi (chess), 32 GamĿ Kumpei, 100n11 Gaozi, 190n59, 246 gardening, 51, 52 geisha, 55 gender, 3-8, 17-20, 173-208; and academics, 11, 154-55, 173, 174-81, 205, 207-8; and agency, 148, 287;

Bakin on, 145, 146, 152-153, 15960, 177-178, 179, 186-88, 192-94, 196, 204-205, 207, 208; biological, 182-93, 197-200, 208, 223, 243, 244, 247; boundaries of, 166-67; and competition, 251; and Confucianism, 5, 7n18, 162, 179, 188, 192, 196-197, GH¿QLWLRQVRI 187, 193; and economics, 166, 177, 205; and education, 5, 46-47, 67-72, 170, 175, 176-177, 196-197, 205206; and enlightenment, 200-205, 208; and family structure, 147-48; and feelings, 186-92, 194; and genre, 17-18; and intellectual discourse, 34, 8, 15, 166-67, 177, 182, 196, 208, 287; and intelligence, 206-7; and language, 6n14, 18n5, 175, 176n10; and literature, 5-6, 18n5, 22n21, 154-55; and maleness, 182, 191, 207; and medicine, 173, 182, 184, 185, 187, 193; and politics, 155, 162, 166, 173, 198; and social position, 19-20, 93, 176, 192-200, 206; and Western learning, 132n123, 185, 284; and wisdom, 195-96 geography, 74, 177n14, 233n75; and maps, 75n, 76n35, 78n42, 131n116; and rhythm, 227-32 ghost stories (kaidan), 35n39, 55n111, 108-09, 288 Ginzburg, Carlo, 170 gods, Japanese (kami), 173, 221, 233, 234nn79, 80, 81, 235, 249 good wife/wise mother (ryĿsai kenbo), 5 government: and arithmetic, 276-79; Bakin on, 259-60; and competition, 15, 260-61, 269; corruption in, 40, 84; and economy, 16, 267-71, 276, 277, 279, 283; and human nature, 258-61; and ikioi, 130; and morality, 260, 26768, 284; and natural disasters, 89n88; and religion, 284-86; of Russia, 26970, 282; vs. society, 241, 262; and Tanuma, 40, 83-84; and time, 225; and trade, 262, 264-65, 267-71, 276, 278n69 Hagi-ni. See KudĿ Taeko haiku poetry, 226 Hall, John W., 77, 84n70

INDEX

Harootunian, Harry, 11, 12, 50, 168, 234, 287 Haruko Iwasaki, 84n69 Harumi. See Murata Harumi Hashimoto Hachiya, 102n17 Hattori Rissai (ZenzĿ), 39n59, 69, 70n12 Hayashi RyŗĿ, 215n19 Hayashi school, 24 Hayashi Shihei, 55n110, 61n132, 66, 76, 78n42, 86; Kaikoku heidan of, 87-88, 141-42; and Shikibu, 99, 100 heart. See kokoro Heian period (794-1185): acrostics in, 115n58; autobiography in, 17-18; classics of, 68; diaries in, 17-18, 19; women’s literature in, 5n13, 42 Heilbrun, Carolyn, 127 Higuchi Shiba, 39n58, 62, 76 Hime kagami (Nakamura Tekisai), 195n72 Hiraga Gennai, 61n133, 62n136, 63n, 234 Hirata Atsutane, 9n28, 180n28, 215n20, 252n38 Hirose TansĿ, 70n12 history: and human nature, 252-53; ikioi in, 130; Japanese, 235-36; Makuzu’s knowledge of, 177; Makuzu’s place in, 8-12; and time, 224-27, 231, 238, 239 Hitori kangae, DokkĿron. See DokkĿron Hitori kangae shĿroku (Excerpts from Solitary Thoughts), 171-72 Hitori kangae (Solitary Thoughts; Makuzu), 3-4, 6-11, 13-16, 168-286; and agency, 132, 242-43, 255-58, 284, 287; and Bakin, 8, 14, 138, 139-67, 171; circulation of, 156, 158, 169, 172; on Confucianism, 164-65; cosmology of, 170, 209-61; eclecticism of, 9, 287; on economic reform, 262-86; on enlightenment, 15, 173, 200-205, 208, 245, 247, 262, 280; DQG¿OLDOSLHW\ 173; on foreign countries, 3, 8, 16, 59, 177, 236-37; and gender, 166-67, 173-208; and Heisuke, 31, 33, 36, 66, 141, 168, 170, 173; on human nature, 241-61; and identity, 22, 139, 168, MXVWL¿FDWLRQIRU 21, 138, 166-67; on Makuzu’s life, 70, 71n20, 133, 134; and politics, 6-7, 13,

309

155; publication of, 139-42, 156-58, 162, 163, 171; on sexuality, 105-06, 134n129; and social conventions, 14751, 167; structure of, 171; survival of, 171-72; as women’s literature, 6-7 Hokkaido. See Ezo Holland, 236. See also Dutch culture Honda family, 24n1 Honda Masuko, 129 Honda Toshiaki, 72, 73n25, 76, 269, 284, 286n109 honsei (true nature), 199-200 honshin (original mind), 197n78, 203n98 Hotta Masaatsu, 24, 55, 96, 98n6, 124, 128n100 Huebner, Johann, 74 human nature (sei), 197n78, 211n4, 24161; and competition, 250-54, 258-61; Confucianism on, 190n59, 191, 207, 244, 245-46, 248n25, 249, 254, 260; and gender, 189-92, 207; good and evil in, 246-50; and government, 25861, 262, 285n105; and morality, 190, 243-46, 258; and rhythm, 241, 252-53; and sexuality, 189-92; superior vs. inferior, 32, 254, 263; and thought vs. action, 248-50; universal, 207, 231-32, 233, 238, 248n25, 250 humor, 50n89. See also culture: of play Ichikawa Tazumaro, 179n23 identity: and gender, 127, 168, 185, 195; and Heisuke, 64, 93, 132-38; and Hitori kangae, 22, 139, 168, 173, 185, 195, 201; and lineage, 33, 42, 64, 137; of Makuzu, 14-15, 22; and marriage, 132-33; and Mukashibanashi, 20, 127; and public sphere, 136-37; and status, 25, 32 Iga. See Tadano Iga Tsurayoshi Ii family, 71, 255 Ii Naotomi, 71n18, 86n78, 91 Ii Naoyuki, 86n78 ikioi (fate, momentum, tide of the time), 15, 130-32, 260, 280; vs. agency, 13132, 255-58; economic, 255-58, 27176, 278; and time, 225-26 IkkĿ (True Pure Land) sect, 281n84, 284-85 Imaizumi Mine, 24n1 InĿ Tadataka, 131n116

310

INDEX

Inoue Kinga, 178n20 Inoue Randai, 178n20 intellectual discourse: categorization of, 8-11; and gender, 3-4, 8, 15, 166-67, 177, 182, 196, 208, 287; Makuzu’s place in, 169, 170, 181, 210; and politics, 3-4, 10-11, 168-69, 173, 198 Ise monogatari (Tales of Ise), 47n77 Iseki Takako, 13n37, 45n72, 184n34 Isoda TĿsuke, 92 Isozutai (From the Seashore; Makuzu), 4n10, 108n36, 157, 172 Itakura SuĿ no kami Katsunori, 54n106 ItĿ Jinsai, 179nn20, 23, 214n17, 233, 237n94, 251n38; on human nature, 191n61, 249n30 ItĿ TĿgai, 29, 36n44, 238n97 Iwai KumesaburĿ, 56 Japan: as center, 238-39, 240; vs. China, 25n3, 56, 228-31, 234-36; history of, 235-36; literature of, 4, 6, 106, 176; Makuzu on, 15, 170, 232-40, 282; as nation (kokutai), 284, 286; rhythm of, 232-40; vs. Russia, 237, 270-71; suggestion boxes in, 281n88. See also nativist learning Japanese language, 112; and kana syllabary, 6n14, 18n5, 19 Jehlen, Myra, 136 Jingŗ, Empress (Okinagatarashi), 173 Jisanka (Excerpts from the Shinkokinshŗ), 47n77 “Jisanka” (Poetry of Self-Praise; Makuzu), 112n53, 218 joryŗ bungaku (literature by women writers), 5-6, 7, 42 Jŗtei kaitai shinsho (revised New Book of Anatomy; translation of Anatomische Tabellen), 183, 184n35 Kabuki theater, 56, 109n42, 186-87, 281n84 Kada no Arimaro, 47n78, 68, 114n Kada no Azumamaro, 68, 179n23, 244n9 Kada no Tamiko, 47n78, 68, 69 Kado Reiko, 13n38, 112, 213, 288 Kagawa Kageki, 115, 179n23, 215n20, 218, 220, 224 Kaibara Ekiken, 176, 188n53, 191n61 Kaiho SeiryĿ, 9, 224n50, 263, 266n19,

278, 283n99 Kaikoku heidan (Discussion on the Military Problems of a Maritime Nation; Hayashi Shihei), 87-88, 14142 Kaion-ni (nun), 4n9 Kaitai shinsho (New Book of Anatomy; Kulmus), 35, 36n41, 183, 185, 237nn92, 93 Kamchatka, 72n22, 76. See also Ezo; Russia Kameda HĿsai, 157, 178n20 Kamo Mabuchi, 37n44, 45n72, 47, 179n23, 249; and Daoism, 219n33, 220; on Japan, 235n82, 236; and Makuzu, 70, 107, 190n60; and poetry, 68n9, 115, 116, 126; and rhythm, 213, 215-20, 224, 236n87; social networks of, 57, 68n5; and time, 224, 225; on the Way, 212, 219, 220, 227, 238; works by, 57n122, 58, 107, 215-16, 219 Kamusasuka, Oroshiya shikĿ no koto (Personal thoughts on Akaezo and Oroshiya; KudĿ Heisuke), 77 Kanazu Hidemi, 185 Kangaku. See Chinese learning Kankenroku5HFRUGVRI,QVLJQL¿FDQW Opinions; KudĿ Heisuke), 39 Kannon (boddhisattva), 149-50, 201 KanĿ family, 61n133 Kansei reforms, 40, 83, 156n51, 180, 279, 281 KantĿ earthquake (1923), 172 Katayama ChŗdĿ, 171 Katayama Kenzan, 69 KatĿ Chikage, 47n78, 115, 116, 157 KatĿ Enao, 36n44 Katsu Kokichi, 20n12 Katsuragawa family, 24n1 Katsuragawa Hoshŗ, 52, 74n28, 88n81; and Heisuke, 51n93, 59, 61, 66 Kawamura Zuiken, 282 Kawazu Jŗbei, 89-90 Keene, Donald, 269 keisei saimin (order the country and save its people), 267-71, 283 Keizairoku (On Political Economy; Dazai Shundai), 267 ki (ether, vital energy), 186n43, 242-43 Kiji mo nakazu wa (SantĿ KyĿden), 84

INDEX

KikkĿden (Kamo Mabuchi), 57n122, 58 Kimura MokurĿ, 171 Kimura YĿshun, 91 Kinski, Michael, 69n12 Kirishitan kĿ (Thoughts on Christianity; Makuzu), 163, 165, 239, 282n95 knowledge: Confucian, 180, 204; and government, 258, 284; and Heisuke, 41, 212-13; and kokueki, 277n67, 27982; and Makuzu, 15, 56, 70, 155, 170, 177, 178, 211; spread of, 11-12, 57, 169; of the West, 73 Ko, Dorothy, 196 Kobata ShirĿemon, 102n17 Kojiki (Records of Ancient Matters), 182, 184, 185 Kojikiden (Motoori Norinaga), 107n32, 157, 182, 184, 195n72, 201n91, 215n20 Kokinshŗ (Collection of Ancient and Modern Poems), 47n77, 68, 115, 217n28, 224n52 kokoro (shin; heart, mind, feelings): and the body, 105-06, 134n129, 188, 198200, 243, 244; and enlightenment, 200, 202, 203; and gender, 186-92, 194; “manly,” 177, 178, 179, 194, 195, 207; original (honshin), 197n78, 203n98; and rhythm, 219, 224; vs. sexuality, 188-90; shape of (kokoro no katachi), 244-45, 250, 260; and sincerity, 248. See also Shingaku (Heart Learning) kokuekiEHQH¿WIRUWKHFRXQWU\ 263-67, 268, 283; and knowledge, 277n67, 279-82 Kokugaku. See nativist learning KokuikĿ (Ideas on the Meaning of the Realm; Kamo Mabuchi), 219 Konjaku monogatari (Tales of Times Now Past), 187n50 KĿno Tsunekichi, 73n25 Korea, 78n42, 173n1 Kotoba momokusa (Myriad Words; Kamo Mabuchi), 107 KudĿ Ayako. See Makuzu KudĿ BankĿ monjo (KudĿ Heisuke), 87, 88, 237n91 KudĿ family, 19, 27-65; curse on, DQG¿UHV genealogy of, 44; home of, 11, 12, 51,

311

89-90, 92, 132; and Kuwabara family, 42-44, 127-32, 148; Kuwabara heir to, 127-28, 148; legacy of, 21, 22, 28, 154; Makuzu as heir of, 148, 154-55, 166, 167; Makuzu’s devotion to, 118, 120, 152; misfortunes of, 89-94, 120, 122, 124-25, 127-32, 212; and money, 271-72; reputation of, 121; scholarship in, 27, 33; social networks of, 169-70, 287; status of, 24, 27, 31-32, 51, 93 KudĿ Heisuke (father), 1, 9, 3341; adoption of, 25, 27, 30; and Confucianism, 32, 36, 49, 212, 213; cooking of, 51, 52, 64; and Date Shigemura, 38, 39, 79, 86; death of, 104n23, 120; and destruction of house, 89-90; on economy, 36-37, 41, 78, 86, 263, 264-265, 266-67, 268, 282; education of, 34-38; on government and religion, 284-86; hairstyle of, 48n85; and Hitori kangae, 31, 33, 36, 66, 141, 168, 170, 173, 211, 222, 225, 237, 242, 251; interests of, 51-52; and Katsuragawa Hoshŗ, 51n93, 59, 61, 66; on knowledge, 41, 212-13; and kokueki, 263-64; and Kuwabara family, 128, 132, 148; legacy of, 64, 66-95, 136-37, 147-48, 281-82; Makuzu as heir to, 14, 42, 64, 93-94, 132-38, 147, 154, 166, 168; Makuzu’s relationship with, 14, 15-16, 102, 118-19, 127, 133, 181; medical school of, 52-53, 64, 85; mind of, 60, 200, 202; and money, 89, 271-72; in Mukashibanashi, 18, 21, 33, 41, 61n132, 62-63, 66, 72, 93-94, 96, 128, 129; names of, 26n11, 39n55; and ľtsuki Gentaku, 39n58, 59, 61n132, 74, 85, 121, 141; physical characteristics of, 48; as physician, 24, 27, 35-38, 41, 52-53, 64, 84-86; poems by, 51n96, 119; and politics, 14, 54, 78, 87-88; relativism of, 225, 227, 282; reputation of, 52-53, 93-94; on Russia, 72-81, 88, 270; and Sendai, 38, 79, 84-86; social networks of, 4965, 66, 76, 177, 287; status of, 24, 27, 41, 48, 49, 50-51, 64, 94, 174; stipend of, 84n73, 133-34; and Tanuma, 72, 77-79, 94, 131; and Western learning, 36, 57-63; works by, 39, 52, 66, 77,

312

INDEX

78, 85, 87, 88, 129n100, 142, 237n91. See also Akaezo fŗsetsu kĿ KudĿ JĿan An’yo (adoptive grandfather), 25, 27-32, 36n44, 43, 48n85, 89, 271n35; and Heisuke, 34-38; house of, 51; mother of, 30-31, 32, 37, 38; as physician, 28-30, 50n92; status of, 31-32 KudĿ JĿan Shin (adoptive greatgrandfather), 28 KudĿ Motosuke (GenshirĿ; brother), 42, 48, 96n1, 120-26, 211n5, 212, 265n14; death of, 124-26, 136, 137, 148, 168, 201n91; Makuzu’s correspondence with, 110-11, 118; Makuzu’s elegy for, 125-26; and Makuzu’s marriage, 133, 148; memorials for, 128; and Murata Harumi, 128n100, 137n134 KudĿ Motoyasu (ChĿan; brother), 42, 55n112, 69, 90, 91 KudĿ Oen (adoptive grandmother), 30, 32, 38, 91 KudĿ Seikei (Shŗan; Kuwabara), 127-28, 148 KudĿ Shizuko (O-Yŗ, Yŗko; sister), 20n15, 42, 91, 93 KudĿ Taeko (Kachiko, Hagi-ni; sister), 4n9, 42, 67n2, 122, 136n131, 138, 159n60, 168; and Bakin, 143-44, 163, 165, 172; elegy by, 289; Makuzu’s correspondence with, 20n14, 110-11, 118, 120, 123, 161 KudĿ Teruko (sister), 20n14, 43, 91n98, 110, 111, 122, 136, 148 KudĿ Tsuneko (sister), 42, 93 Kulmus, Adam, 35n40, 183, 184, 185, 237n93 Kumazawa Banzan, 70, 263, 274, 283n99 Kuril Islands, 76n35, 78n46 Kuroda family, 30 Kurozawa IchirĿemon, 78n41 Kurozumi Makoto, 175n9, 179 Kutsuki Masatsuna, 74n29, 85n76 Kuwabara family, 42-47, 56, 121, 124; genealogy of, 44; and KudĿ family, 42-44, 127-32, 148; in Mukashibanashi, 19, 43 Kuwabara Takatomo Jun (uncle), 21, 84n73, 128, 131, 132, 282n90; wetnurse to (Shime), 45, 129-30 Kuwabara Takatomo Yukiakira

(grandfather), 43 Kuwabara Takatomo Yukinori (cousin), 124n86, 127, 128n95 Kuwabara Yayoko (grandmother), 37n44, 45-47, 57 Kuwabara Yukihiro (cousin), 128n95 Kyŗon sode goyomi (KudĿ Heisuke), 52n101, 85, 128n100 Laozi, 179n20, 189, 214, 219, 221. See also Daoism Laxman, Adam, 88, 270 lineage: and identity, 33, 42, 64, 137; maternal, 32, 33, 41-42, 45-47, 49; and status, 24-25, 33 literacy, 30, 176 literati (bunjin), 10, 56, 146n18 love, 250, 251n38, 252n38; poetry on, 103-5; and sexuality, 105-06, 134n129, 188 Maeno RyĿtaku, 35n40, 59, 74, 85n76, 100, 184n35; on government, 284, 286n109 Maita Gentan, 53-54, 76, 88, 89 Maki Morinaga, 186-87 Makuzu no ouna (The Woman Makuzu; Takizawa Bakin), 107n34, 142-44, 151, 153n, 171, 201; and Bakin’s regret, 165-66; vs. DokkĿron, 162; on end of relationship, 159, 163; and Toenkai (Rabbit Grove Society), 172n8 Makuzu (Tadano Makuzu, KudĿ Ayako): as activist, 132-38; autobiographical writings of, 17-23; and brother’s death, 125-27; categorization of, 4-9, 12; childhood of, 1, 8; childlessness of, 148-49; death of, 166; death wish of, 149; education of, 11, 67-72, 93, 169, 170, 175; enlightenment of, 200-01; exceptionalism of, 13, 198-200, 207-08, 287; family of, 20, 32-49; as father’s heir, 14, 42, 64, 93-94, 132-38, 147, 154, 166, 168; gravesite of, 118n68, 164, 288; health of, 49; historical novel about, 7, 288; legitimacy of, 138, 173; lineage of, 32-33, 41-42, 44, 45-47, 49; “manly mindset” (onokodamashii) of, 4, 6, 149n27, 177, 178, 179, 194, 195, 207,

INDEX

288; marriages of, 1, 79-80, 88, 92-93, 93, 133, 148; married life of, 97-107; mole of, 261; mother of, 20, 41-49, 70-71, 93, 272; names of, 1n1, 10, 22; “odd” nature of, 199, 201, 208; and poetry, 1n2, 2, 7, 14, 67, 68, 70, 97, 100n14, 103-105, 109-117, 137, 139, 152, 153, 168, 209; secretiveness of, 159; in Sendai, 96-138; as teacher, 4n9, 5, 69n10, 209n2; as victim, 11727 Makuzugahara (Makuzu’s Playing Field; Makuzu), 68n10, 96, 108, 115, 143, 150n29 Manchus, 232 Man’yĿshŗ (Ten Thousand Leaves), 108, 115, 217, 224n52 maps, 131n116; of north, 75n, 76n35, 78n42 marriage: agency in, 134-36; competition in, 252n38; of Makuzu, 1, 79-80, 88, 92-93, 133, 148; Makuzu’s attitude towards, 132-36; and mother, 42; vs. romance, 132n123, 251n38; and status, 66-67, 79-80, 88; and women’s education, 176 martial arts, 31-32, 98 Maruyama Masao, 179n23, 225 Maruyama Sueo, 114n Matsudaira Harusato, 50n89, 55, 56, 66 Matsudaira Ichi no Kami, 28 Matsudaira Sadanobu, 14, 20, 62n134, 97n3, 100n11, 122, 131n111, 233n77; and Ezo, 82-83 Matsudaira Takemoto, 38, 55 Matsue domain, 55 Matsumae domain, 72n23, 76, 88, 264n11 Matsumae han-i Maita Gentan monogatari no omomuki (The Story of Maita Gentan, physician to the Matsumae domain; Maita Gentan), 53n104, 54 Matsumae Hironaga, 72n22 Matsumoto Hidemochi, 82, 84 Matsuo BashĿ, 226 Matsuo Taseko, 12, 17n4, 195n70 Matsushima no michi no ki (Travel account from Matsushima; Makuzu), 107-8 Mayama Mokuzaemon (Tadano

313

Yoshiyasu), 102n17, 122n80 Mayama Seika, 159n59 mechanical devices: automata (karakuri), 202; watches, 224, 227, 277, 278n68 medicinal plants, 37, 86, 266-67 medicine: Chinese, 180, 185, 193, 243; ChŗjĿ school of, 122n82; and dissection, 35-36, 173, 184, 278n70; and gender, 173, 182, 184, 185, 187, 193; Heisuke’s training in, 35-36, 41; and scholars, 174; on sex, 252n38; Western, 76, 170, 184, 237-38. See also physicians 0HLZD¿UH Mencius, 177n15, 179n20, 189, 246, 247n20, 252n38; on human nature, 190n59, 248n25 mercantilism, 8-9, 262, 269, 276, 283, 285n105. See also government; trade merchants, 197n78, 253n48, 263, 271-77; Bakin on, 273-74; Dutch, 60, 61n132, 74-75, 265; and kokueki, 264; Makuzu on, 272-73; and money, 256-57, 272, 273, 276; and samurai, 269, 274 Mi o nageku uta (Song of Lament; poem; Makuzu), 68n10 Michinoku nikki (Diary from Michinoku; Makuzu), 96-97, 107, 117-18, 127; on Makuzu’s marriage, 133, 134; poetry in, 104, 111 Minamoto family, 32, 33 Minato Genzaemon, 76, 84n69, 264n11 mind. See kokoro Mishima Kageo, 46, 51n96, 52n101, 107n32; and Makuzu’s mother, 47, 111; as Makuzu’s teacher, 114, 115; social networks of, 56, 68n5 Miura Baien, 72 Miura ShĿji, 77n41 Miwada Masako, 11n33 Mizuno Tadatomo, 82, 84n70 money: and arithmetic, 276-79, 283; and the body, 276n62; economy of, 170, 255-58, 262, 263, 274-75, 279, 285n105; and Heisuke, 89, 271-72; ikioi of, 271-76; lending of, 256-57, 273; and merchants, 256-57, 272, 273, 276; rhythm of, 263, 273, 275-76; and samurai, 255-58, 271, 272, 275; and status, 24, 256, 283; and time, 223, 253; and trade, 265, 267. See also

314

INDEX

commercialization morality: and commercialization, 268, 270, 275; and competition, 252-54; Confucian, 167, 204, 234, 243-244, 245, 246; and enlightenment, 202-04, 247; and government, 15, 260, 267-68, 284; and human nature, 190, 243-46, 248, 258; innate vs. cultivated, 24550; and rhythm, 243, 244-45, 247; and status, 175, 263n6, 269, 282; and the Way, 214, 246; and women, 196-97, 205-6 Mori ľgai, 109n40 Morishima ChŗryĿ, 24n1, 51n93 Morris-Suzuki, Tessa, 10 Motoori Norinaga, 12, 70, 116n64, 178, 190n60, 220, 236, 260; on China, 235n82, 270; and Confucianism, 225n53, 233; on desire, 189n57, 244n10; on gender, 182, 184, 195; on geographic diversity, 229-30; on human nature, 244, 248-49; on love, 132n123, 251n38; and nativism, 179n23, 180; relativism of, 227, 248; and rhythm, 213, 215, 221-22; works by, 107n32, 157, 182, 184, 195n72, 201n91, 215n20, 221 Motoori ľhira, 116n64, 190n60, 217n27 Mukashibanashi (letter; Makuzu), 15455, 201 Mukashibanashi (Stories from the Past; Makuzu), 5, 18-22, 40, 62, 225, 271n35, 288; and death of Iga, 133; ghost stories in, 108; Heisuke in, 18, 21, 33, 41, 61n132, 62-63, 66, 72, 93-94, 96, 128, 129; on Kuwabara family, 19, 43; on Makuzu’s family, 20, 27, 127-32; on Makuzu’s life, 70, 71n20, 72, 96, 134; narrator in, 19, 20; preface to, 20, 43; style of, 19 Murasaki Shikibu, 173 Murata Harumi, 107nn33, 34, 115, 157, 190n60, 271; and Makuzu’s mother, 45n72; and Motosuke, 128n100, 137n134; and poetry, 68n9, 70, 111, 116, 120, 217; social networks of, 47n78, 57, 68n8, 217; works by, 120, 180, 217, 235, 268n27 Murata Harumichi, 107n32 music, 215, 226 Musui dokugen (Musui’s Story; Katsu Kokichi), 20n12

Nagai family, 19, 25-27, 63, 64 Nagai Kisuke (Kiji; uncle), 26n11, 27, 60n131, 131 Nagai Michiko, 288 Nagai NagasaburĿ (Heisuke), 26n11. See also KudĿ Heisuke Nagai ShirĿzaemon (ancestor), 25 Nagai ShirĿzaemon (ChĿan; uncle), 26n11, 27, 64 Nagai Taian (grandfather), 25-27, 28, 30, 34, 35, 50n92; and samurai status, 31, 32, 41 Nagakubo Sekisui, 61n133 Nagasaki, 76, 85n76, 264n11, 265. See also Dutch merchants nagauta (chĿka) poetry, 68, 115, 116, 120, 217n28 NaitĿ Jŗshin’in, 13n37 Nakagawa Jun’an, 35n40, 36n41 Nakai Riken, 130 Nakamura Noshio, 56, 187 Nakamura Tekisai, 195n72 Nakamura TomijŗrĿ, 56 Nakarai family, 28 Nakayama Eiko, 7, 13n38, 67n2, 100n14, 159n59, 209n2, 287, 288 Nanakusa no tatoe (Seven Flowers of Autumn; Makuzu), 120-21, 127, 13233, 166n76, 211n5 Naobi no mitama (The Way of the Gods; Motoori Norinaga), 221 nativist learning (Kokugaku), 68, 189, 192, 287; and Ancient Learning, 179n23; vs. Confucianism, 175n9, 180, 212, 233; on human nature, 244, 249; and Makuzu, 178, 209, 211, 234, 241; and rhythm, 215, 222 natural disasters, 80, 89, 172, 273 nature, 225, 231, 235; and individual, 242-43; in Makuzu’s poetry, 109-11; and rhythm, 213-15, 217, 223; vs. the Way, 214-15, 220, 238n97. See also onozukara Nihon Gaishi (Rai San’yĿ), 131 Nihon ryĿiki (Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition), 188n50 NihonshĿki, 195n72 Niimanabi iken (Objections to New Learning; Kagawa Kageki), 218 Niimanabi (New Learning; Kamo

INDEX

Mabuchi), 215-16 NijĿ, Lady, 19 Nishikawa Joken, 274-75, 276n62, 277n67, 278n70 NisshĿen sĿsho (collection), 171 Noh drama, 98-99, 99, 106 Norinaga. See Motoori Norinaga Nosco, Peter, 219n33, 249n28 Oda Nobunaga, 285n106 2I¿FLDO5HFRUGVRI)LOLDO3LHW\ (Kankoku kĿgiroku), 148 ľguchi YŗjirĿ, 71, 213 Ogyŗ Sorai, 12, 178n20, 179n23, 212, 246; on human nature, 191nn61, 62, 249-50; on nature, 214, 214n17; on reform, 263n5, 283n99 ľkubo Tadashi, 217 ľkuma Kotomichi, 117n Onna daigaku (Greater Learning for Women), 176, 195 onnagata (female impersonators), 186-87 onozukara (nature, naturalness), 219, 221, 222, 249n28, 253, 258 Ontleedkundige Tafelen. See Anatomische Tabellen ľoka Tadasuke, 36n44 Ooms, Herman, 241, 263n5, 285n106 Oranda fŗsetsugaki (Dutch News Reports), 74-75 Oritaku shiba no ki (Told Round a Brushwood Fire; Arai Hakuseki), 19, 42n66 ľshĿkun (Murata Harumi), 120 ľshŗbanashi (Stories from ľshŗ; Makuzu), 4n10, 108, 109, 172, 288 ľta Nanpo, 84n69 ľtsuki Gentaku, 9n28, 33, 50n89, 66, 75, 84n73; and Heisuke, 39n58, 59, 61n132, 74, 85, 121, 141 ľtsuki Nyoden, 33n36, 86n77 Ozawa Roan, 115n58 peasants, 50n91, 257, 263, 274, 275, 283 Perreault, Donna, 22n21 Peter the Great (Russia), 284 physicians: Heisuke, 24, 27, 35-38, 41, 52-53, 64, 84-86, 213n9; in KudĿ family, 28-30, 32, 50n92, 243; in Kuwabara family, 42, 43; lay (zoku-i), 24, 39, 41, 43n71, 48n85, 50, 85n74;

315

in Nagai family, 25-27; and samurai, 24, 50, 152; in social networks, 49-50, 59; status of, 24, 29, 38, 39n55, 50, 56, 152, 174; student, 53-54, 74, 85; titles of, 43n71; and women, 79 poetry: by Bakin, 146n18, 153; Chinese (kanshi), 6-7, 46, 51n96, 69, 98, 106, 219n33; colloquialism (zokugen) in, 114-17; conventions in, 103-05, 111; and Heisuke, 51, 64, 119; and Iga, 100; long-form (chĿka, nagauta), 68, 115, 116, 120, 217n28; love, 103-5; by Makuzu, 1n2, 2, 7, 14, 67, 68, 70, 97, 100n14, 103-105, 109-117, 137, 139, 152, 153, 168, 209; and Makuzu’s maternal lineage, 32, 45-47, 49, 51; nature in, 109-11; and politics, 10-11, 112n54; and rhythm, 215, 217, 224; and social networks, 56-57, 68n8, 111, 114n; theory of, 10-11, 114-17, 217; and time, 226; trends in, 111, 115-17; waka, 68n9, 106, 109-10, 113-15, 217, 226; and women, 57, 176. See also Kokinshŗ politics: and culture, 57, 66, 169, 262, 287; and fall of Tanuma, 83-84, 94; and gender, 3-4, 155, 162, 166, 173, 198; and Heisuke, 14, 54, 78, 87-88; and Hitori kangae, 6-7, 13, 155, 178, 181, 211, 224, 258; and KudĿ family, 94; of marriage, 132-33; and poetry, 10-11, 112n54; and reform, 168-69; of Sendai, 39 prose, Japanese (wabun), 4, 14, 106, 111, 112, 176 public sphere: and gender, 3, 136-37, 138, 155; Makuzu in, 132, 138, 170, 281; vs. private, 66, 287; and social networks, 12, 57, 66, 169 publishing, 142, 146n18, 174; Bakin on, 156-58, 167n79 Rai San’yĿ, 130, 131 Ramirez-Christensen, Esperanza, 21 Rangaku. See Western learning Rangaku kaitei (Ladder of Dutch Studies; ľtsuki Gentaku), 9n28 Rangaku koto hajime (The Origins of Rangaku; Sugita Gempaku), 57 reforms: advocates of, 40, 263n5, 265, 267-68, 276n62, 283n99; Bakin on,

316

INDEX

261, 283; and Confucianism, 180, 281; discourse on, 168-69, 281; economic, 8, 16, 55, 66, 168, 255, 257, 262-265, 274-275, 282, 283, 285n105; and enlightenment, 262, 280; Heisuke on, 39, 282; and human nature, 258; Kansei, 40, 83, 156n51, 180, 279, 281; and knowledge, 279-82; of laws, 15, 260, 262; Makuzu on, 3, 15-16, 262-86, 287; and rhythm, 262-86; in Sendai, 236, 257; social, 169, 258, 263, 282; and Tanuma, 40, 285n105; TempĿ, 13n37 relativism, 222, 240, 248; of Heisuke, 227, 282; of place, 227-32; and time, 224n50, 225, 226 religion, 284-86. See also Buddhism; Christianity Rezanov, Nikolai Petrovich, 240n105 rhythm (hyĿshi), 16, 209-40; of China vs. Japan, 228-31, 235; cosmology of, 15, 169, 209, 210-15, 242; and foreign countries, 227-32, 236; genealogy of Makuzu’s, 215-23; and human nature, 241, 252-53; of Japan, 232-40; and leadership, 285n105, 286; of money, 263, 273, 275-76; and morality, 243, 244-45, 247; and reform, 262-86; vs. shirabe, 215-17, 220-21, 224; and time, 223-27; vs. the Way, 218, 22122, 224, 231 righteousness (gi), 245-46, 247, 248, 254 Roberts, Luke, 264 Robertson, Jennifer, 187n47 Rome, 284 Rosenberg, Charles, 185n38 Roshia hongi (Basic description of Russia; Maeno RyĿtaku), 74n29 Russia: and castaways, 88, 240n105; czar of, 284-85, 286; expansionism of, 264; government of, 269-70, 282; Heisuke on, 72-81, 88, 270; vs. Japan, 237, 270-71; Makuzu on, 16, 229, 236, 270, 276, 284; marriage in, 132n123; trade with, 73, 77, 78, 264-65, 269 Saeki ShĿichi, 17n2 SaitĿ ChikudĿ, 51n95 Sakhalin Island, 76n35 Sakurabana (hanging scroll), 2, 10 salt, 265-66

samurai: and arithmetic, 276-79; education of, 174, 175; Heisuke’s status as, 41, 48, 64; Iga as, 98; KudĿ family as, 25, 31-32; Kuwabara family as, 43; and Makuzu, 8, 31, 71; and merchants, 269, 274; and money, 255-58, 271, 272, 275; Nagai family as, 25-27, 31, 32, 41; and physicians, 24, 50, 152; and reform, 263; in social networks, 54-56; status of, 25-27, 31-32, 41, 43, 152, 175; stipends of, 84n73, 133-34, 256, 274, 283; and trade, 269, 270; women of, 118 Sangoku tsŗran hoi (Addendum to Hayashi Shihei’s Survey of the Three Countries), 78n42 Sangoku tsŗran zusetsu (An Illustrated Survey of the Three Countries; Hayashi Shihei), 78n42 Sano Masakoto (Zenzaemon), 81 SantĿ KyĿden, 62, 81n59, 84, 142, 156n51 sarugaku (Noh drama), 98-99, 106 SatĿ ShĿsuke, 59n124, 77n41 Sawaguchi Kakuzaemon, 102n17 scholars (gakusha), 64, 169, 174-75, 179, 280, 281. See also academics (gakumon) science, 41, 57, 179n24, 234 Scott, Joan, 192 Screech, Timon, 59, 62n134 Segawa KikunojĿ II, 56, 187 SeikadĿ BunkĿ, 45n72, 171 Seki Tamiko, 13n38, 132n123, 171, 213 Sekiguchi HyĿdayŗ, 38 Sendai domain: arithmetic in, 278; and botany, 62n134; climate in, 110, 113; and cultural diversity, 230; economy of, 39, 257, 266n19, 271-272; vs. Edo, 108-09, 110, 118, 120, 227n58; famine in, 80; foreign threats to, 240n105; and Heisuke, 38, 79, 84-86; and Kuwabara family, 43; local dialect of, 108, 112; Makuzu in, 1, 4-5, 8, 14, 71, 96-138, 148, 168, 288; Makuzu on, 5, 19, 108-09, 170; map of, 95; merchants from, 271-72; products of, 266n19; reforms in, 236, 257; social networks in, 98-100 Seven Flowers of Autumn. See Nanakusa no tatoe

INDEX

sexuality: and competition, 251; vs. heart, 188-90; and human nature, 189-92; and love, 105-06, 134n129, 188; and women, 196 Shiba KĿkan, 9n28, 242n2 Shibukawa BangorĿ, 27n14 Shikibu. See Fujitsuka Shikibu Tomoaki Shimizu Hamaomi, 10, 22n20, 45n72, 68n8, 116, 117, 139, 217n26; Makuzu’s correspondence with, 11113 Shimizu Shikin, 7n19 Shingaku (Heart Learning), 180, 197, 203n98, 208n109 Shinkokinshŗ (New Collection of Ancient and Modern Poems), 47n77, 115 Shinran, 285n105 Shinron (New Theses; Aizawa Seishisai), 283n99, 286 Shinsen RĿeishŗ (poetry collection; Fujiwara Mototoshi), 47n76 Shinto, 99, 100n11. See also gods, Japanese Shiogama mĿde (Pilgrimage to Shiogama; Makuzu), 107 shogunate. See government sincerity (makoto), 211, 212, 215, 223, 239, 241, 249 Snow Country Tales (Suzuki Bokushi), 108, 141n5 social networks: class diversity in, 57, 59, 66, 170; in Edo, 12, 49-65, 146n18, 169, 177; of Heisuke, 49-65, 66, 76, 177, 287; of Iga, 98-100; of KudĿ family, 169-70, 287; and literary trends, 109; physicians in, 49-50, 59; and poetry, 47n78, 56-57, 68nn5, 8, 111, 114n, 217; and public sphere, 12, 57, 66, 169; samurai in, 54-56; in Sendai, 98-100 social status: and autobiography, 19-20; commoner, 24, 32, 50n92, 148, 152, 174, 176; and competition, 250, 25254, 255, 258; and education, 174-76, 206; and enlightenment, 202-4; and gender, 19-20, 93, 176, 192-200, 206; and genealogy, 24-25; of Heisuke, 24, 27, 41, 48, 49, 50-51, 64, 94, 174; and human nature, 191, 196; and intelligence, 206-7; of KudĿ family, 24, 27, 31-32, 51, 93, 94; and lineage,

317

24-25, 33; and Makuzu, 15, 16, 170, 287; and marriage, 66-67, 79-80, 88; and money, 24, 256, 283; and morality, 175, 263n6, 269, 282; of Nagai family, 31, 32, 41; of physicians, 24, 29, 38, 39n55, 50, 56, 152, 174; and reform, 263; samurai, 25-27, 31-32, 41, 43, 152, 175; of scholars, 174-75; and Shingaku, 197n78; in social networks, 57, 59, 66, 170 Sodegasaki, 31, 37 strange occurrences. See ghost stories Sugawara family, 32, 33 Sugawara no Michizane, 33 Sugita Gempaku, 9n28, 35n40, 57, 61n132, 62n136, 85n76; and Western learning, 60, 74n28, 237-38 Suzuki Bokushi, 108, 109, 141n5 Suzuki JĿhachi, 61n133 Suzuki Yoneko, 51n95, 171 Suzunoya group, 217n27 sweet potatoes, 37n45, 265 Tachibana Ryŗan, 48n81 Tadaki Naoko (student), 4n9 Tadano family, 97, 118, 120, 134, 288; homes of, 98, 99, 100, 102 Tadano Iga Tsurayoshi (husband), 10, 97-107; death of, 133, 136; Makuzu’s feelings for, 103-06, 134; Makuzu’s letters to, 101, 102; stipend of, 133-34 Tadano Makuzu. See Makuzu Tadano Makuzu shŗ (Collected Works of Tadano Makuzu), 7-8 Tadano Naosaku, 102, 105, 106 Tadano TaijĿ Zendayŗ, 102n17 Tadano Tosho Naoyuki, 102 Tadano Yoshiyasu, 102 Tadano Zusho, 160n60 Takano no HokuĿin, 39n59 Takayama HikokurĿ, 61n132, 100n11 Takeda Umeko (student), 4n9 Takizawa Bakin, 139-67, 209; and Confucianism, 164, 178-80, 181, 207, 208, 233; eclecticism of, 178, 214n17; education of, 175; and end of relationship, 158-60, 163-65; on enlightenment, 201, 203-5; family of, ¿UVWFRQWDFWZLWKRQ gender, 145, 146, 152-153, 159-160, 177-178, 179, 186-88, 192-94, 196,

318

INDEX

204-205, 207, 208; on geographical rhythm, 230, 231; and ghost stories, 109; on government, 259-60; on heart, 188-89; and Hitori kangae, 8, 14, 138, 171; on human nature, 191, 248n25, 254; on Japan, 234, 238; on ki, 242-43; Makuzu’s correspondence with, 25, 33, 64, 96, 141, 142-43, 14751, 152, 154-55, 199-200, 201, 279; on Makuzu’s “manly” mind, 4, 16, 149n27, 177, 178, 179, 194, 195, 207, 288; and money, 272, 273-74, 275; on PRUDOLW\QRQ¿FWLRQRI poems by, 146n18, 153; on publishing, 156-58, 167n79; on reforms, 261, 283; regrets of, 165-67; response to Makuzu of, 151-53; on rhythm, 213, 214; on Shinran, 285n105; social circles of, 109; and survival of Makuzu’s writings, 108n36, 165, 17172, 240n105; and time, 226; as urban recluse, 145, 146; on Western learning, 58, 239, 277n68. See also DokkĿron; Makuzu no ouna; Towazugatari Takizawa SĿhaku, 142n10 Tale of Genji (Murasaki Shikibu), 173 Tamai Yukiatsu, 171, 172 Tamamushi JŗzĿ, 39n56, 254n49 Tamate HachirĿemon, 46n75 Tanabata festival (Festival of the Weaver), 57n122, 58 Tanaka Nagamasu, 143 tanka (mijikauta) poetry, 68n9 Tanuma Okitomo, 80-81, 132 Tanuma Okitsugu, 14, 38, 40, 60, 86n78, 279; and economy, 89, 264n11, 278n69; fall of, 82-89; and Heisuke, 72, 77-79, 93, 130; reforms of, 285n105; and son’s murder, 80-81 tea ceremony, 32, 55, 70, 90; haunted, 50n89, 60n131 TempĿ reforms, 13n37 Terazawa, Yuki, 50, 185 Teshima Toan, 197, 203n98 theater, 64, 70; actors in, 55-56, 186-187, 280, 282; Kabuki, 56, 109n42, 186187, 281n84; Noh, 98-99, 106 Thomas, Roger, 217 Thoughts on Rumors about Kamchatka. See Akaezo fŗsetsu kĿ Thunberg, Carl Peter, 61n133

time: and arithmetic, 277, 278-79; Heisuke on, 282; and money, 223, 253; and progress, 223, 225, 226-27; and rhythm, 223-27 Tocco, Martha, 176 Toenkai (Rabbit Grove Society), 109n43, 172n8 Tokugawa Ieharu, 82 Tokugawa Ienari, 62n134, 82 Tokugawa Yoshimune, 62n134 Tonomura JĿsai, 172 Tosa nikki (Tosa Diary;), 18n5 Towazugatari (A Tale No One Asked For; letter; Makuzu), 21n19, 64, 118, 147, 152, 201, 209n2, 262n2. See also Confessions of Lady NijĿ (Towazugatari) Toyotomi Hideyoshi, 25n4 trade: and arithmetic, 277, 278; with China, 265; and competition, 253; foreign, 37, 60, 61n132, 74-75, 77, 78, 264-267, 269; and government, 262, 264-271, 276, 278n69; Heisuke on, 266-67; illegal, 82; and Japan’s image, 236; in medicinal plants, 37, 86, 26667; in metals, 265-66; monopolies in, 37, 264n11, 265; and morality, 268, 270; in Nagasaki, 264n11, 265; in national products (kokusan), 266-67; with Russia, 73, 77, 78, 264-65, 269; and samurai, 269, 270; in sugar vs. salt, 265-66 travelogues, 5n13, 107-08, 157 Tsuchiyama SĿjirĿ, 84, 264n11 Tsudayŗ (castaway), 240n105 Tsukamoto Manabu, 233n77 Tsurezuregusa (Leaves of Idleness), 259 Tsuruya Nanboku, 109n42 Tsutaya JŗzaburĿ, 141, 142, 152n39, 156n51 Ueda Akinari, 109, 229n65 Ugetsu monogatari (Tales of Moonlight and Rain; Ueda Akinari), 109 urban recluses (shiin), 146 Utagatari (Talk about Poetry; Murata Harumi), 217 Utsuho Monogatari (Tale of the Hollow Tree), 45

INDEX

Wabun no Kai (poetry gathering), 68n8 Wagaku taigai (An Outline of Japanese Learning; Murata Harumi), 180, 235, 268n27 waka poetry, 68n9, 106, 109-110, 113115, 217, 226 Wakan RĿeishŗ (poetry collection; Fujiwara no KintĿ), 47n76 Wakan sansai zue (Illustrated Encyclopedia), 185 Walthall, Anne, 12 Watanabe MĿan, 219n33 watches, 224, 227, 277, 278n68 the Way: Chinese origin of, 212; and commercialization, 254, 255; and foreign countries, 237-38, 239; and geographical diversity, 230; and human nature, 250, 260; and Japan, 234, 240; Mabuchi on, 212, 219, 220, 227, 238; Makuzu’s rejection of, 21115; masculine, 174-81; and morality, 214, 246; vs. nativism, 233; vs. nature, 214-15, 220, 238n97; vs. rhythm, 218, 221-22, 224, 231; and time, 223, 226, 227. See also Confucianism Western learning (Rangaku), 9, 57, 74n28, 179n24, 180, 287; Bakin on, 59, 239, 277n68; and gender, 132n123, 185, 284; and Heisuke, 36, 57-63; and Makuzu, 57, 70, 170, 178, 209, 234, 239; and medicine, 76, 170, 184, 237-38; and reform, 169 women: auto/biography of, 17-18, 149n27, 178n17; Bakin on, 145, 146, 152-53; Confucius on, 205-8; diaries of, 13n37, 21; education of, 5, 4647, 67-72, 175, 176-77, 195, 196-97, 205-6; and enlightenment, 204; in Makuzu’s family, 30-31, 41-42; and

319

onnagata, 187; and physicians, 79; and poetry, 57, 176; and private vs. public spheres, 3, 66, 136-137, 138, 155; roles of, 147-49, 154-55; as rulers, 284n103; sexuality of, 196; and status, 67, 93, 176, 192-200, 206; subordination of, 6, 127, 167, 192200, 194; as teachers, 176-77; virtues of, 196-97; as writers, 2-3, 5-6, 7, 42, 167n79. See also gender “Words of a Crazy Doctor” (KyĿi no kotoba; Sugita Gempaku), 237-38 Yamaga SokĿ, 20 Yamagata BantĿ, 224n50, 236, 257, 263, 276n62, 278, 285n105 Yamamoto Chŗemon, 67n2 Yamamoto Hokuzan, 157 Yamato monogatari (Tales of Yamato), 47n77 Yamawaki TĿyĿ, 35, 243n6 Yamazaki Bisei, 142n10 Yashiro Hirokata, 142n10, 172 Yasubei (clerk), 39n58 yin and yang (in/yĿ), 193-95, 207 Yoshio KĿgyŗ, 53n103, 59, 61, 74, 75, 85n76, 265 Yotsuya kaidan (Ghost Stories at Yotsuya), 109n42 Yuya Shizuko, 107n32, 115n61, 126 Zen Buddhism, 201, 203n98 Zenbei (servant), 89 Zhongyong (Doctrine of the Mean), 177n15, 211n4, 213n12, 254 Zhu Xi, 213n13, 237n94 Zhuangzi, 214, 221. See also Daoism; Laozi zuihitsu (miscellany), 19

BRILL’S JAPANESE STUDIES LIBRARY ISSN 0925-6512 1. Plutschow, H.E., Chaos and Cosmos. Ritual in Early and Medieval Japanese Literature. 1990. ISBN 90 04 08628 5 2. Leims, Th.F. Die Entstehung des Kabuki. Transkulturation Europa-Japan im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert. 1990. ISBN 90 04 08988 8 3. Seeley, Chr. A History of Writing in Japan. 1991. ISBN 90 04 09081 9 4. Vovin, A. A Reconstruction of Proto-Ainu. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09905 0 5. Yoda, Y. The Foundations of Japan’s Modernization. A Comparison with China’s Path Towards Modernization. Transl. by K.W. Radtke. 1996. ISBN 90 04 09999 9 6. Hardacre, H. and A.L. Kern (eds.), New Directions in the Study of Meiji Japan. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10735 5 7. Tucker, J.A. Ito Jinsai’s Gomo- Jigi and the Philosophical Definition of Early Modern Japan. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10992 7 8. Hardacre, H. (ed.) The Postwar Development of Japanese Studies in the United States. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10981 1 9. Hanashiro, R.S. Thomas William Kinder and the Japanese Imperial Mint, 1868-1875. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11345 2 10. Teitler, G. and K.W. Radtke (eds.) A Dutch spy in China. Reports on the First Phase of the Sino-Japanese War (1937 – 1939) 1999. ISBN 90 04 11487 4 11. Mortimer, M. Meeting the Sensei. The Role of the Master in Shirakaba Writers. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11655 9 12. Scholz-Cionca, S. Leiter, S.L. Japanese Theatre and the International Stage. 2000. ISBN 90 04 12011 4 13. Saltzman-Li, K. Creating Kabuki Plays. Context for Kezairoku, “Valuable Notes on Playwriting”. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12115 3 14. Ozaki, M. Individuum, Society, Humankind. The Triadic Logic of Species According to Hajime Tanabe. 2001. ISBN 90 04 12118 8 15. Bentley, J.R. A Descriptive Grammar of Early Old Japanese Prose. 2001. ISBN 90 04 123083 16. Higashibaba, I. Christianity in Early Modern Japan. Kirishitan Belief and Practice. 2001. ISBN 90 04 12290 7 17. Schmidt, P. Capital Punishment in Japan. 2001. ISBN 90 04 12421 7 18. Foljanty-Jost, G. Juvenile Delinquency in Japan. Reconsidering the “Crisis”. 2003. ISBN 90 04 13253 8 19. Tomida, H. Hiratsuka RaichÙ and Early Japanese Feminism. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13298 8 20. Ueda, M. Dew on the Grass. The Life and Poetry of Kobayashi Issa. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13723 8 21. Beckwith, C.I. Koguryo: The Language of Japan’s Continental Relatives. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13949 4

22. Parker, H.S.E. Progressive Traditions. An Illustrated Study of Plot Repetition in Traditional Japanese Theatre. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14534 6 24. Gramlich-Oka, B. Thinking Like a Man. Tadano Makuzu (1763-1825). 2006. ISBN-10: 90 04 15208 3, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15208 3

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