Their Future In Our Hands, World Vision Africa



Acknowledgements “Their future in our hands” is a product of tireless efforts of a number of people across the World Vision Partnership committed to the promotion of peace, conflict prevention and child protection. Their diligent work has brought to light the plight of displaced children in Africa’s Great Lakes Region hoping to trigger into action the means required to improve the well being of these children.

The author is deeply indebted to the review team that unreservedly brought into this work their expertise, insight and knowledge. The review team was composed of:

• Amboka Wameyo——Regional Advocacy Advisor, WV Africa • Ruth Kahurananga——Senior Policy Advisor, Child Rights, WV United Nations Office • Steven Williams——Peace and Conflict Policy Advisor, WV UK • Geoffrey Kalebbo Denye——Communications Team Leader, WV East Africa • William Ngabo——Humanitarian Emergency Affairs Manager, WV Rwanda • Zakayo Kalebo——Kigoma Refugee Programs Manager, WV Tanzania • Adrienne Elwell——Peacebuilding Technical Specialist, WV US • Masudi Katembela——Team Leader, WV Beni, EDR Congo

All the support provided at various levels is acknowledged. Gratitude goes to Maereg Tafere, Pierre Machiels, Kofi Hagan, Robby Muhumuza, Getachew Wolde Michael, Jim Carrie, Nigel Marsh, James Odong, Alice Simbananiye and Marc Nzikobari.

Appreciation also goes to research assistants in the various countries who participated in gathering data for this publication as well as displaced communities including children, representatives of various NGOs and government officials for sharing information and their perspectives.

Report Author:

Valarie Vat Kamatsiko, Regional Coordinator, Research and Documentation, WV East Africa Regional Peace Network (AmaNet)

Cover Photograph :

Night Commuters in Gulu, Northern Uganda by Margaret Alerotek

Copyright © 2006 World Vision Africa.



Foreword This study looks at specific locations in Africa’s Great Lakes Region——Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda,Tanzania and Uganda——and asks the simple question: How are the conflicts affecting children? Specific attention has been paid to children who are refugees, and those displaced within their own countries. Worryingly, the author reports that internally displaced children live a much worse off life than those who cross national borders. Despite increasing attention being paid to the situation of our most vulnerable citizens, the abuse against them remains high, it is poorly understood and action to restore their rights woefully underresourced. This report looks at the things all children should have, but often do not have in the Great Lakes region. These are apparently simple things, like shelter, education and food. It also looks at the threats to children’s well being that are taking place in abundance; child labour and forced conscription into armed groups, sexual abuse and psychological problems. Governments have ‘delegated’ their responsibility for children’s welfare to humanitarian organisations, sometimes with negative consequences for peace processes. Fortunately, there are some signs of hope. The report considers some projects where children’s lives and happiness have been markedly improved. There is a foundation on which to build. Each time a report like this gives us a glimpse of the suffering and isolation of Africa’s children, we realise that it is going to take a lot more than statistics and words to bring change. Without a commitment to action we are left with nothing but information that historians will use to judge our society——and judge us most severely. The primary responsibility for children lies with their families, their societies and governments. Nations in the Great Lakes region need to create effective policies to protect internally displaced people. The declarations and resolutions that guarantee children’s rights must be honoured.Tracing children’s families must be a priority, and aid interventions should be properly coordinated and adapted to situations of conflict so that peaceful outcomes are more likely. This report is rich in recommendations based on real studies conducted in very inhospitable locations, and is commended to all who work for the good of the children and families in Africa’s Great Lakes region. May the children and those who care for them soon see a better day.

Wilfred Mlay Vice President, World Vision Africa Nairobi, December 2006



Table of contents Page Acronyms......................................................................................................................................................................4 Executive summary.....................................................................................................................................................5 1.0 Introduction....................................................................................................................................................8 1.1 A brief about the study.........................................................................................................................8 1.2 Displacements outside and within national borders......................................................................9 2.0

An uncertain future: The situation of displaced children......................................................................9 2.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................................9 2.2 Health and medical services...............................................................................................................9 2.3 Food and nutrition...............................................................................................................................10 2.4 Education................................................................................................................................................10 2.5 Retention of girls in school................................................................................................................11 2.6 Child labour...........................................................................................................................................12 2.7 Shelter.....................................................................................................................................................14 2.8 Trauma and psychosocial problems..................................................................................................14 2.9 Evocation of spirits to get a better life............................................................................................14 2.10 Problems unique to fostered children...........................................................................................15 2.11 Lack of sanitary materials.................................................................................................................15 2.12 Drug and alcohol abuse and gambling...........................................................................................16 2.13 Conscription into armed groups....................................................................................................16 2.14 Key lessons learnt..............................................................................................................................16

3.0

A widespread act of violence: Child sexual abuse and exploitation in displaced communities...............................................................................................................................17 3.1 Introduction...........................................................................................................................................17 3.2 Forms of sexual abuse and exploitation suffered by displaced children..................................17 3.3 Characteristics of displaced children mostly affected by sexual abuse....................................21 3.4 Perpetrators of child sexual abuse and exploitation....................................................................22 3.5 Factors perpetuating child sexual abuse amongst displaced communities..............................26 3.6 Consequences of child sexual abuse................................................................................................28 3.7 Key lessons learnt.................................................................................................................................33

4.0

Efforts to support and protect displaced children: Implications for peace and conflict..............34 4.1 Introduction...........................................................................................................................................34 4.2 Efforts to support and protect displaced children........................................................................34 4.2.1 Kiyange IDP’s site——Burundi......................................................................................................34 4.2.2 IDP’s camps in Eringeti and Oicha areas——DR Congo.........................................................35 4.2.3 Gihembe refugee camp, Byumba——Rwanda............................................................................35 4.2.4 Lugufu I and II refugee camps——Tanzania................................................................................36 4.2.5 Coope and Pagak IDP’s camps, Gulu——Uganda......................................................................36 4.3 Implications for peace and conflict...................................................................................................37 4.3.1 Project activities that connect people..........................................................................................37 4.3.2 Project activities that divide people..............................................................................................39 4.3.3 Key lessons learnt.............................................................................................................................41

5.0 Recommendations......................................................................................................................................42 6.0 Conclusion....................................................................................................................................................45 Appendix I: Methodology........................................................................................................................................46 Appendix II: References...........................................................................................................................................47



Acronyms ACRWC

African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child

AmaNet

The World Vision East Africa Regional Peace Network

AIDS

Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

CSA

Child Sexual Abuse

CRS

Catholic Relief Services

DR Congo

Democratic Republic of Congo

DNH

Do No Harm

FGD

Focus Group Discussion

FNL

Forces for National Liberation

HIV

Human Immunodeficiency Virus

IDP

Internally Displaced People

IGA

Income Generating Activities

INGO

International Non-Governmental Organisation

JRS

Jesuit Refugee Services

LCP

Local Capacities for Peace

LRA

Lords Resistance Army

MDGs

Millennium Development Goals

MSF

Medecin Sans Frontière

NGO

Non-Governmental Organisation

NRC

Norwegian Refugee Council

OHCHR

Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights

RET

Refugee Education Trust

SAC

Separated and Abandoned Children

SGBV

Sexual Gender Based Violence

STD/I

Sexually Transmitted Disease/Infection

TEP

Teacher Emergency Packages

UN CRC

United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child

UNHCR

United Nations High Commission for Refugees

UNICEF

United Nations Children’s Education Fund

UN OCHA

United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

WFCL

Worst Forms of Child Labour

WFP

World Food Programme

WV

World Vision



Executive summary Introduction Africa’s Great Lakes Region has suffered recurring armed conflicts, ripping communities apart, uprooting children and their families and throwing them into strange places both within and outside their national borders. The displacement crisis in the region is a formidable humanitarian challenge. This study examines the hopeless, but reversible, horrible circumstances in which displaced children live in Kiyange IDP’s Site (Burundi), IDP’s camps in Oicha and Eringeti areas (DR Congo), Coope and Pagak IDP’s camps (Uganda), Gihembe Refugee Camp (Rwanda) and Lugufu 1 and Lugufu 11 refugee camps (Tanzania). Emphasis, in the course of this study, was placed on understanding key issues surrounding various aspects of life of displaced children, such as health, education, food and nutrition. Issues such as child labour, conscription into armed groups, psychosocial problems and the nature and prevalence of child sexual abuse are also addressed. In addition to examining whether efforts to address the needs of displaced children contribute towards preventing conflict, the study also highlights examples of positive initiatives undertaken in various camps. Lessons and recommendations have been drawn from the findings. They call for urgent action on the part of national governments, regional bodies, the international community and civil society in order to address the plight of displaced children through approaches that are conflict-sensitive, promote peace and protect children.

• While the situation of internally displaced and that of refugee children is similar in many ways, internally displaced children are by comparison worse off. On Child Sexual Abuse (CSA) • While both boys and girls are victims of CSA, more girls compared to boys are sexually abused and exploited. The high vulnerability of girls to sexual abuse and exploitation has roots in the socio-cultural relations between male and female. • Perpetrators of CSA are people that children trust and with whom they closely and frequently interact. • The most common consequences of CSA are embarrassment, shame and trauma. • Victims of CSA are likely to suffer repeated abuse due to conditions of displacement. As a result, the conditions sustain a vicious cycle of CSA. On efforts to support and protect displaced children • Whereas the responsibility for the protection of IDP clearly rests with national governments and local authorities, they have ‘delegated’ it to international and local NGOs and other civil society groups.

On the general situation of displaced children

• In their pursuit to provide assistance to displaced communities, NGO intervention processes and actions contribute towards strengthening people’s capacities to disengage from violence and other negative conflicts. While this is true, they have also been found to fuel tensions already existing in displaced communities.

• Despite efforts by governments, UN agencies and NGOs, there are threatening levels of vulnerability among displaced children and their families.

• Most assistance focuses on meeting displaced children’s basic needs, such as, material, food, education and health needs——leaving their psychosocial needs largely unmet.

Summary of key lessons learnt

• Displacement continues to pose great and new challenges that make it extremely difficult to meet the basic needs of displaced children.

 Summary of recommendations To the Governments of Burundi, DR Congo, Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania 1. Formulate and implement national IDP policies to enhance the protection and assistance of IDP through systematic, comprehensive and coordinated approaches. 2. Support the implementation of the November 2004 Dar-es-Salaam Declaration: Member States of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR) should adopt the draft pact on security, stability and development; support the establishment and full operationalisation of the regional framework for the protection, assistance and search for durable solutions for displaced populations; and support the implementation of the Regional Programme of Action for Peace and Security. 3. Take concrete measures to ensure implementation of UN SC Resolution 1653 on the Great Lakes Region with particular emphasis on operative paragraphs 4 and 15 which deal with children affected by armed conflict, IDP, refugees and returnees.

return and resettlement of displaced children, their families and communities. 8. Enhance schoolteachers’ child protection and behaviour protocols: For teachers working with displaced children, there is a need to ensure observance of child protection and behaviour protocols; and where they do not exist they should be developed. Involve children in school ‘policing’ by raising their awareness about their rights, the code of conduct for teachers and reporting procedures. To NGOs and Organisations

other

Civil

Society

9. Refocus programmes to address CSA and reinforce protection from and improve management of consequences of CSA and exploitation: Introduce or enhance CSA and SGBV prevention and response interventions in camps by supporting affected children’s access to a continuum of necessary services, such as, community services, psychosocial support, behavioural change interventions, legal and medical assistance.

4. Establish a mechanism to monitor and report on the plight of displaced children as recommended by the AU’s Ouagadougou Declaration of June 2006 and submit annual reports on the protection and assistance situation of victims of forced displacement.

10. Develop and implement conflictsensitive interventions: Take systematic steps to understand the relationship between programming and conflict or how aid and conflict interact to inform programming decisions. Donor and UN agencies should include conflict-sensitive programming as a requirement for implementing partners.

5. Ensure children’s rights to basic health and education as provided for in both the UN CRC and the ACRWC: Governments should ensure that health care and basic education are provided free of charge to displaced children as it is their responsibility and in line with the legal instruments cited.

11. Promote conflict-sensitive communitybased identification and monitoring systems: Invest in conflict-sensitive and meaningful community participation in decisionmaking, assessing needs, setting criteria and selecting beneficiaries to ensure more community owned, transparent and fair processes.

6. Prioritise the tracing, reuniting and reintegration of separated and abandoned children into their own or host (foster) families in collaboration with UN agencies.

12. Nurture a culture of peace and sociopolitical cohesion among displaced children and communities: More peacebuilding and conflict prevention initiatives, targeting children and the general displaced community, should be designed and implemented. A range of initiatives targeting young people and aimed at constructing and reconstructing a culture of peace among them and their various communities should be promoted.

7. Facilitate conflict resolution, peace and reconciliation efforts in places of origin: Local and national peace, reconciliation and healing initiatives should be supported; and democracy and good governance promoted as strategies for sustainable peace to facilitate the



IDP Camp in Beni Area, DR Congo. Photo by Horeb Bulambo

13. Develop and implement policies, guidelines and programmes for child protection to strengthen child protection in government and NGO programmes. 14. Empower children and engage them in meaningful participation to protect their rights and the rights of others amidst abusers in their homes, immediate communities and schools. The aim should be to progress towards initiatives where children can take on a greater role in decision-making, implementing and monitoring programmes that concern them. To UN Agencies 15. Enhance coordination and synergy between various assistance efforts in order to efficiently and effectively address the needs of the displaced in a holistic manner. To Donors 16. Increase funding for humanitarian assistance as urged by UN SC Resolution 1653 (12) on the Great Lakes Region and Resolution 1612 (operative paragraph 17) on Children Affected by Armed Conflicts: Donor agencies should increase funding to improve the living conditions of displaced children and their families while national governments should increase their commitment and political will by allocating adequate budgets to address the plight of internally displaced people.

Conclusion Health, education, shelter, nutritional and emotional needs of displaced children remain largely unmet and their access to basic services is limited. The precarious camp environments have increased the children’s vulnerability to a multitude of abuses and exploitation. As a result, children’s physical, cognitive and emotional development has been grossly retarded with little hope for restoration, if immediate action is not taken. While the existing policies and standards regarding refugee children have facilitated positive progress in their protection and support, those for the protection and support of IDP, including children, are either nonexistent or remain largely inadequate or unimplemented. National governments have continued to perform poorly in their mandate to protect and support IDP. The longer the international community takes to arrive at fundamental decisions aimed at improving the plight of IDP, the more the conditions in which internally displaced children live will deteriorate. Displaced children and their communities ultimately want to return home.



1.0 Introduction 1.1 A brief about the study This study puts under the spotlight the gruesome situation of displaced children in Africa’s Great Lakes Region, specifically in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo), Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. In particular, the study assesses the general situation as well as the nature and prevalence of sexual abuse suffered by children——displaced both within and outside their national borders. It also examines whether efforts by key stakeholders to address needs of displaced children contribute towards preventing conflict. By way of conclusion, the study proposes concrete recommendations for conflict prevention, peacebuilding and child protection. The study was done in Kiyange IDP’s Site (Burundi), IDP’s camps in Oicha and Eringeti areas (DR Congo), Coope and Pagak IDP’s camps (Uganda), Gihembe Refugee Camp (Rwanda) and Lugufu 1 and Lugufu 11 refugee camps (Tanzania). Document reviews, focus group discussions (FGDs) with displaced children and community members, in depth interviews with key informants and case studies were carried out in the process of researching for this report. In addition, a structured questionnaire solicited information on the nature and prevalence of Child Sexual Abuse (CSA) from 304 displaced children (121 boys and 183 girls)——see Appendix 1 for details on methodology.

______________________________

Machel Graca,1996. Miles G. Stephenson P., January 2001. Machel Graca,1996. 4 S/RES/1653 (2006). 1 2 3

Children in Coope IDP camp, Gulu Uganda. Photo by Peter Esaku

1.2 Displacements outside and within national borders Armed conflicts are perhaps the number one cause of displacement affecting millions of people across the world. Masses of civilians flee conflict afflicted areas and seek safety within or outside their national borders. It is estimated that 80 per cent of the millions of people uprooted from their homes are children and women.1 UNICEF puts the number of displaced children alone at about 20 million. According t o U N H C R , children who have fled their countries with or without their families and communities make up 50 per cent of all refugees.2 The Great Lakes Region of Africa has for years been entangled in armed conflicts resulting in successive waves of massive population movements. The struggle to gain political power in Burundi, DR Congo, Rwanda and Uganda has been a driving force for most conflicts. Interested parties have often manipulated ageold ethnic and tribal feelings; thus precipitating and reinforcing inter-ethnic tensions and attacks. As a result, instability and insecurity have bred fear and violence——causing civilians to flee for their lives. All in all, children have been severely affected. For instance, due to displacements, more than 100,000 children in the Great Lakes Region of Africa were reported to have been found unaccompanied, both inside and outside their countries of origin.3 The UN Security Council Resolution 1653 on the Great Lakes Region of Africa4 adopted on 27 January 2006——that calls for the protection of children affected by armed conflict——was long overdue. Displacement breeds risky and precarious environments that present key child protection concerns. Various issues that affect displaced children are addressed in the next section.



2.0 AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE: the situation of displaced children

“We are forgotten. We have no school fees. And because of this, most of us stopped going to school. Those of us still pushing on do not have enough things needed for school. Some of us are orphans. Life is so stressful and difficult. We do not have enough food; we are hungry all the time. Some of us stay with guardians or even parents who are not able to support us. We live a very miserable life. We do not see our future.” Internally displaced children (boys12–17 years old) living in Kiyange IDP Site, Burundi.

2.1 Introduction In line with the picture painted above, displaced children in Africa’s Great Lakes Region ‘live a very miserable life.’ Even with assistance mostly from NGOs, their lives are characterised by abject poverty——predominantly demonstrated by their desperate need of food, clothes, shelter, health, education and protection. There is a discrepancy between international normative standards as set by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child——which specifically addresses the right to health, education, shelter, food, nutrition, water and sanitation——and the reality on the ground as far as the lives of displaced children are concerned. Displaced children live one day at a time. Their parents or guardians can barely meet their needs. As community members in Beni——Eastern DR Congo5 reported, it is not easy to integrate into a new place when one has lost all they owned. Because of conflicts, families flee their homes with a few belongings. They live in displaced people’s camps, most of them with absolutely no sources of income or other means of livelihood. For instance, IDP in northern Uganda live on an estimated income of a quarter of a US dollar per day.6 Displacement has driven them deeper into poverty. People who were once able to meet most of their needs now look up desperately to others for support. In appalling circumstances such as these, displaced children in Burundi, the DR Congo, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda are inevitably confronted with a wide range of problems. This section assesses the general situation of displaced children in relation to the impact of displacement on them, their families and _______________________________________

UN OCHA, May 2006. FGD with community members Lugufu II Refugee Camp——Tanzania. 11 WFP/Gulu District/2005. 12 FGD with community members Lugufu II Refugee Camp——Tanzania. 9

10

communities. In addition, key lessons learnt are highlighted. 2.2 Health and medical services Measles, diarrhoea, acute respiratory infections, malaria and malnutrition, cause on the average, 70 per cent of all reported deaths among displaced children.7 For instance, 47 per cent of displaced Burundians live in high-risk hygiene conditions (UNICEF).8 41 per cent of all deaths in camps in northern Uganda are amongst children under the age of five, who die mostly of preventable diseases.9 Living in camps——in environments characterised by poor sanitation, over congestion and poor shelter——has exposed children to all kinds of diseases and infections. Malaria and diarrhoea are rampant due to poor hygienic conditions, stagnant water, bushes in the surroundings and lack of mosquito nets. Shortage of clean water has left families no other option but to use stagnant or pond water that is usually infested with worms. Because of the unfavourable environment, children always suffer from respiratory tract infections that are easily transmitted to others. Infections, such as, fungus and bilharzias were reported in Lugufu camps in Tanzania.10 In addition to these factors, community members also linked children’s poor health to poor feeding which often results in malnourishment. Amidst all this, displaced people have limited access to basic health care services. There is a shortage of qualified health staff, those available are poorly paid and operate in inadequate working conditions and non-functional health facilities. All these pose challenges to delivery of services. In Gulu, for instance, 43 per cent of health facilities are non functional.11 Functional dispensaries or health centres were reported to be inadequately equipped; and were therefore unable to effectively meet the medical needs of the sick. In explaining this situation, a woman said:“Children are sometimes given half a dose instead of a full dose … so they can’t get relief.”12 The situation is worse for internally displaced children who in most cases have no access to medical aid. Yet their parents are too poor to afford medical fees charged at local health centres or hospitals.

10 A nursing assistant at a private clinic in Pagak explained that parents seek medical treatment for their children only when they are in a very critical condition. The children are only brought to the clinic when the fever is too high and are suffering convulsions. Even then parents can only afford half a dose. A girl from Kiyange complained: “Cards [for free medical care] are not accepted at the health centre, they are only accepted at the hospital. Even then, it covers only half of the fees. Sometimes, we are held at the hospital because we do not have the money to pay.”4 With such grave challenges to provision of and access to quality health services for displaced children, the Millennium Development Goal to reduce the mortality rate among children under the age of five by two thirds by 2015 remains a dream. 2.3

Food and nutrition

Lack of enough food and poor diet were identified as factors affecting children in all camps reported on in this study. Malnutrition is rampant. In DR Congo for example, the Global IDP Database reports a 14.7 per cent rate of acute malnutrition among internally displaced children in North Kivu (2000).5 By 2002, the number of stunted children in northern Uganda had risen to 50 per cent.16 Children, especially in refugee camps, feed mainly on beans and maize flour all the year round. This food is provided by the World Food Programme (WFP), through various NGOs. In refugee camps, food is apportioned according to family size. Some of the inadequacy in food provision was reported

to be due to the fact that some children have no food ration cards. As one of them narrated: “We are orphans. We are four children in our family. Two have cards while the other two do not. We have reported to UNHCR but we’ve been told to wait.”17 At times, this problem is a result of foster parents who, on repatriation, leave the foster children behind without ration cards. IDP are in a worse off situation. Food assistance coverage in IDP’s camps is limited. In Beni, it was reported that parents could afford to feed children only once a day, mostly in the evenings.8 Even then, they could only afford cassava leaves and ‘mambou’, a type of yam, which they said is less nutritious. Children complained of hunger all the time. They explained they lack food because their parents are jobless and have no fields to cultivate. 2.4

Education

Access to basic education is another major challenge that displaced children face. According to the UN, the majority of internally displaced children in the DR Congo have since 1998 been either deprived of proper schooling or have had no schooling at all.9 Similarly, internally displaced children and adolescents in Burundi have limited or no access to education.20 Affidavits of indigence that allow displaced and other vulnerable children in Burundi to attend school without paying school fees are discriminatorily granted and are not easily accessible.21 Ironically, 250,000 children in northern Uganda receive no education in spite of the government’s policy of Universal Primary Education (UPE).22

Guruguru

. Guruguru

320

3

107:1

______________________________________________________ 

In depth interview with nursing assistant, Pagak IDP’s Camp, Gulu——Uganda.

FGD with girls aged 13–17 years old, Kiyange IDP’s Site——Burundi. 5 Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict, June 2003. 16 Civil Society Input into the 2003/04 PEAP Revision Process, April 2004. 17 FGD with girls aged 14–16 years old, Lugufu I Refugee Camp——Tanzania. 4

FGD with community members, Mbimbi IDP’s Camp——Eastern DR Congo. Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict, June 2003. Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict, May 2002. 21 UN OCHA, 2005. 22 UN OCHA, May 2006. 8 9 20

 number of teachers. A case study on the impact of conflict and displacement on education systems and structures is presented in Case Study 1. Boys

2.5

Retention of girls in school

While access to education and retention are a challenge for both displaced girls and boys, there are unique forces working against the enrolment and retention of especially girls in school. The figures shown in Table 1 and 2 from Gihembe Refugee Camp in Rwanda illustrate the problem.

Due to poverty, parents are unable to meet basic school fees and other costs of education. In Lugufu camps, secondary school going children complained of lack of money to contribute to the teachers’ top up allowances. They are expected to contribute Tanzanian Shillings 500 every month.23 Some are too poor to afford it. Even when they are able to sneak into school and attend classes, they are not allowed to sit for examinations. Children sometimes have to fend for themselves in situations where parents have failed to meet the costs of their education. As a result, a great number of children have been compelled to engage in activities which are clearly part of the worst forms of child labour (see Section 2.6 for details). Other factors——such as, poor feeding; lack of uniform or soap to wash the uniform; lack of enough classroom space and seats; and a negative attitude of both parents and children towards education——are responsible for poor school attendance and low retention levels. In Gihembe for example, boys complained that they lacked uniform since each child was given a pair of school uniform once in three years.24 In schools serving displaced children in Gulu, it is common for schools to provide seats for pupils in primary five to seven while children in lower classes sit on the floor.25 In some schools serving Lugufu refugee camps, children sit on tins. This kind of environment is not favourable for studying. A mother complained: “My children go to Lumumba Primary School and they study outside. It doesn’t matter whether it is hot or not. One of my children often suffers nose bleeding because of studying outside in the hot sun.”26 Besides these factors, the classrooms are congested and schools are served with a limited

Figures in Table  show an almost equal number of boys and girls attending each class in primary school by end of September 2005. However, the secondary school data, as presented in Table 2 is contrary to this. There is a smaller percentage of girls attending each secondary school class compared to that of boys. From a total of 800 children attending secondary school by September 2005, 66.7 per cent were boys while 33.3 per cent were girls. The number of girls is just half of that of boys, yet there are more girls attending primary school. Because of the deeper levels of poverty that displaced families currently find themselves in, some negative traditional and cultural attitudes and practices held before displacement about girls’ education grow from bad to worse. Common among these are practices that encourage early marriages, child sexual abuse including sexual harassment and exploitation by teachers,27 discriminatory ‘policies’ against girls at school and cultures that value boys’ education above that of girls. Compared to boys, girls were also said to spend more time doing house chores than studying.

Class

Boys

Girls

Total

_____________________________________________

1 US $ = 1,280 Tanzanian shillings, July 2006. FGD with 12 boys aged 15-17 in Gihembe Refugee 25 Camp——Rwanda. In depth interview with a teacher, Pagak IDP’s Camp, Gulu——Uganda. 26 FGD with community members, Lugufu II Refugee Camp, Tanzania. 27 Also, sexual harassment of girls by teachers was noted as a big concern in DRC in “Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Congo, U.N. Doc. CRC/C/15/Add.153 (2001). 23 24 25

12 Case Study 2 below illustrates some of these concerns. Case Study 2 Factors Responsible for High School Drop Out Rates Among Girls in Lugufu Refugee Camps, Tanzania In Lugufu Refugee Camps, girls——compared to boys——face a lot of challenges that force them to drop out of school. These include unequal treatment between girls and boys at school. For instance, “when a girl gets pregnant, she will be sent away from school while the boy responsible for the pregnancy will be left to continue studying,” said community members during a FGD at Lugufu II. “Teachers are responsible for some pregnancies,” added girls during a FGD at Lugufu I. Some girls are encouraged to drop out of school and get into arranged marriages either by their parents or guardians due to poverty. A boy, who is the Chairperson of ‘Learn From Me’, a programme implemented by World Vision in Lugufu II recounted that “I have personally witnessed cases where parents have said that they have to enjoy dowry from their daughters before they die. So they force the girls to get married to businessmen against their will. The girls are pulled out of school. In one case, a girl was forced to marry a neighbour. Her family did this to earn some money to meet their needs including school fees for the girl’s brother.”

The above case study demonstrates only a fraction of the threats present in displaced communities that may inhibit the realisation of goal 3 of the MDGs, i.e., to eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education preferably by 2005, and at all levels by 2015.

work for which they are not remunerated while boys work outside the home to earn money or in exchange for food. In order for some children to cope, boys engage in robbery and banditry while girls engage in prostitution (see Section 3.1 for details).

2.6

Other forms of child labour that children engage in for long hours——with minimal or no pay——include carrying out petty businesses, street vending, working in the fields, working in restaurants and bars, fetching water, making charcoal and bricks, carrying heavy loads such as timber, and gold mining which was specific to Eastern DR Congo.

Child labour

Displaced children, in a desperate attempt to meet their own needs and those of their families are compelled to engage in child labour. Either by their own decision or because their parents force or request them to do so, both boys and girls undertake exploitative and hazardous work that endangers their health, physical, emotional, psychological and intellectual development. In some cases, girls are employed to do domestic

Girls aged between 10–14 years said they have to pound palm seeds to get money to

An IDP’s camp in Northern Uganda. Photo by Margaret Alerotek

13 buy clothes, body lotion, soap, as well as pay for medical treatment and school fees.28 In Gihembe, girls work as house-maids even with the encouragement from their parents.29 Girls working as domestic servants was widespread in Gulu town.30

Case Study 3 demonstrates the dilemma.

Child labour is exacerbated by poverty and the impact of conflict on communities. At times people who employ children subject them to sexual abuse. Other children engaged in child labour have limited or no opportunity to access basic education.

Such children perform work that often interferes with their education and is harmful to their health, physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development contrary to the rights recognised in Article 32 of the UN CRC.32

Displaced children, as indicated in case study 3 often engage in exploitative and worst forms of child labour as stipulated in the International Labour Organisation Convention of June 1999.31

Case Study 3 An Interface Between Poverty, Child Labour and Education Among Displaced Children in EDRC Children and adults told of experiences of child labour, mostly associated with the existence of extreme poverty. Small children fetch 20 litre jerrycans of water for restaurant owners in exchange for food. Boys carry heavy loads of timber; and work all day in the fields on hot, cold and wet days earning only a pittance. “We hardly go to school,” they said. “We have to support ourselves in school. However, it is very difficult to study well, when you have to look for school fees. Sometimes when we go to school, our clothes are dirty because we have no soap to wash them. We often have to stop studying for a while to go to look for money. We look for casual work in order to meet our school and personal needs, such as clothes. We do this by going to the forest to work for other people. We clear plots and carry baskets of cassava from gardens. We have to walk very long distances to find a garden to work in. We also go to the forest to cut trees for poles used in building houses. We receive food, such as, bananas and cassava for payment. Some times we earn $2 for our daily work. On market days, we help merchants sell their goods; after which we get something like 100 or 150 Congolese Francs. Another problem is that we do not eat well. We eat once a day. How can you learn well? This is why we have to go and look for work so that we too can have something to eat. People who support us sometimes insult us before giving us food. How can you eat in such a condition?” Internally Displaced Children (boys aged 11-17) from Eringeti Area in Beni——Eastern DR Congo

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FGD with girls aged 10-14 years in Mayimoya IDP’s Camp, Eastern DR Congo. FGD with displaced community members and with 16 girls aged 13–18 years in Gihembe Refugee Camp——Rwanda. 30 Interview with the Gender and Labour Officer, Gulu; FGD with displaced community members Coope IDP’s Camp——Gulu. 31 ILO Convention 182. 32 http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/k2crc.htm 28 29

14 2.7

Shelter

For accommodation, children and their families live in huts made of mud and wattle and roofed with plastic sheeting or grass.The huts have poor ventilation with roofs that leak whenever it rains. They are built on small plots of land very close to each other causing overcrowding. It is common for adults to share a room with children. There is hardly any privacy. A household in Coope IDP’s camp, for example, holds between 5 and 14 children.33 Congestion or lack of space was cited as an additional cause for ‘night commuting’ in Gulu——where children leave their homes in the evenings to spend nights in night commuting centres or on verandas of buildings in Gulu town. Displaced community members in all the five countries complained that congestion makes it difficult for parents to control and raise their children the way they would have loved. Limited blankets, mattresses and mats in homes lead to the sharing of sleeping space among family members. Children said that this was not only uncomfortable but was a source of sexual abuse within the home.34 Where there are beds, they are usually a preserve of the adults. “We do not have bed sheets, nor do we have real beds to sleep on. What we do is to cut and arrange polls

to make something like a bed. Then mosquitoes bite us in the night. It’s really hard for us. We are sleeping in very bad conditions.”35 There is generally poor lighting in the camps. And this has had serious implications on safety of persons and property. “Anything can happen to the family because it is dark. For instance, when a snake comes into the house you cannot see it. You only notice it is around after it has either bitten you, or is crawling on your body.”36 2.8

Trauma and psychosocial problems

Experiences of war and conflicts leave displaced children with psychosocial problems. For example one boy said: “I face a lot of disturbing experiences because I watched my father being beaten and killed during our journey to Tanzania. As a result, I often feel a deep sense of revenge.”37 Children who have been directly involved in armed conflict, as child soldiers, face deeper psychosocial problems. Other psychosocial problems are due to separation from parents and other family members and absence of the social networks they had back home. This has had a number of consequences. In Beni——Eastern DR Congo, community members said that because of trauma it is very difficult to raise children the way a parent may wish to.38 Children are often frustrated, easily agitated and hardly listen or take advice or instructions. This was also found to be true of some formerly abducted children in Pagak and Coope. They have difficulties concentrating in class. They often get agitated and are in the habit of threatening teachers. Boys, compared to girls, were found to have a lot more worries over their future because of the cultural expectation that they are the future bread earners for their families. Without going to school, they have no hope of living a better life in the years to come since they have nothing to do to earn a living. This has deepened their frustration. 2.9

Evocation of spirits to get a better life

In an attempt to get money for survival, some displaced boys and girls go to witchdoctors or An orphan in Nyabiondo, DR - Congo. Photo by Horeb Bulambo

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Interview with the Gender and Labour Officer, Gulu District——Uganda. FGD with girls aged 13–17 years and FGD with community members in Kiyange IDP’s Site—— Burundi. 35 FGD with displaced boys aged 11–17 years from Eringeti Area, Beni——EDRC. 36 FGD with community members in Lugufu II Refugee Camp——Tanzania. 37 FGD with boys in Lugufu II Refugee Camp——Tanzania. 38 FGD with community members at Paroisse Saint Espirit Oicha——EDRC. 33 34

15 sorcerers for charms that would enable them get rich. This was found to be a major problem in DR Congo. Other children go to places such as water falls to pray to the spirits for riches and a better life; girls——especially those involved in prostitution——were said to engage in ‘operation mbetenge’ where they visit witchdoctors to get powers that enable them attract men and as a result make more money from selling their bodies. Unfortunately, some children who have been accused of involvement in witchcraft have been evicted from their homes. A 2005 study by the Urban Security in Kinshasa,“Special Demographic Profile of Children in Distress,” revealed that half of the children living in shelters in Kinshasa left their homes because they were accused of involvement in witchcraft.39 2.10

Problems unique to fostered children

Various NGOs implement fostering programmes in which separated, unaccompanied, abandoned and other vulnerable children are attached to foster families. But just like some girls in Beni said: “it is difficult to find a good family to stay with that would fully accept you and make you feel part of them.”40 Some fostered children as well as other respondents reported cases of discrimination, sexual abuse, denial of food and child labour.41 It was also reported that some people foster children because of some projected ‘benefits’——ranging from the supplies expected from NGOs to sexual exploitation. A boy living in Lugufu told of such a case. “There is a girl called Rami [not her real name] who is taken care of by my cousin. My cousin forced her to drop out of school and stay at home doing housework. Whenever my cousin’s wife leaves the house for some errands, my cousin sleeps with her. He has turned her into a wife.” 42 In Beni, it was also reported that heads of host families defile and continue to sexually abuse older girls living with them.43 In some families, fostered children are expected to stand in as house helps. In one example, a boy told of his experience: “In the family where I am fostered, they leave all the house work to me. I take care of the younger children, the baby, _______________________________________

Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict, April 2006. FGD with girls aged 14–17 years, Mayimoya, Eringeti Area——Eastern DR Congo. In depth interviews with staff working with World Vision Tanzania and Save the Children (UK) in Beni. 42 FGD with boys in Lugufu II Refugee Camp——Tanzania. 43 FGD with displaced boys aged 11–17 years from Eringeti Area, Beni——Eastern DR Congo. 44 FGD with boys aged 14–16 years, Lugufu II Refugee Camp——Tanzania. 45 FGD with community members, Lugufu II Refugee Camp——Tanzania. 46 International Committee of the Red Cross, January 2004. 47 FGD with 16 girls aged 13-18 years from Gihembe Refugee camp——Rwanda. 48 FGD with girls aged 14-16 years, Lugufu I Refugee Camp——Tanzania. 39 40 41

cooking and others. I had to drop out of school to do this work so that I may be accepted.”44 In cases where the family reunification process has taken too long, it often creates difficulties for the children because foster families were said to ‘get tired’. Some children who are repatriated together with foster parents are abandoned on reaching home and are left to fend for themselves. There are also unaccompanied minors, who would love to be resettled in the host countries but this is sometimes impossible because they do not know where they came from. Neither do they know their parents or relatives nor do they own anything. Such children are receiving no help.44 NGOs, UN agencies, government ministries and departments still have challenges adhering to the Inter Agency Guiding Principles on Unaccompanied and Separated Children. These Principles outline comprehensive approaches to preserving family unity, tracing and reunification, care arrangements and promoting child rights.45 2.11

Lack of sanitary materials

Lack of sanitary materials for use during menstruation was widely reported by girls and community members as a major problem. Girls get limited assistance in this area, if any. Yet lack of sanitary materials has implications for their school attendance, cleanliness, health and participation in other activities at home and in the community. In Gihembe, girls said: “We do not have what to use and some times our clothes get spoilt. This makes us feel small and ashamed, especially when we are in class around boys.”47 Narrating how they cope with the challenge they said: “We use old clothes, but even these are difficult to get. At times we go to neighbours to ask if they could help with old clothes. Even the under wear is not easy to get. Most of us have one panty and this creates difficulties during menstrual periods. Those who have many have 2 to 3 panties at the maximum.”48 Inability to Listen to Girls’ Needs “Women and girls tell us what they want every year but we have never met their needs. For instance, with sanitary materials, they tell us that they want so many metres of material. But people who make decisions do not understand the use of material. They think of tampax and other advanced technology. There is therefore a delay in making decisions or at times no decision at all.” UNHCR staff, Lugufu——Tanzania

16 As it is stated above, girls use cloth and do not have the luxury of using tampons, pads and other hitech sanitary materials. One girl explained it this way: “I don’t know about pads, so I use a piece of my kitenge each month.”49 2.12

Drug and alcohol abuse, and gambling

Because of worries, frustration and redundancy, displaced children——mostly boys——find solace in abuse of drugs, alcohol, gambling and watching video shows to while away time and pre-occupy their minds. In Lugufu Camps, boys were said to abuse a local leaf / herb called ‘chamkwale,’ valium (a tranquiliser) and alcohol. In Kiyange IDP’s site, some boys confessed to having learnt how to smoke in attempt to deal with their worries, while in Beni, boys abuse marijuana and bangi. Boys in Gulu camps engage in excessive alcohol drinking and marijuana smoking. Community members were concerned about the consequences of these drugs on the boys. Drug and alcohol abuse do not only threaten the health of the abuser but also cause serious social problems. In most cases, when the boys are ‘high,’ on whatever substance, they engage in social ills, such as rape and other forms of sexual abuse, banditry and robbery. It was noted that boys spend a lot of time gambling——yet these could have engaged in productive activities. It also affects their school attendance. Given the tough economic and financial conditions prevailing in camps, children have resorted to thefts and robbery to sustain their gambling habits. 2.13

Conscription into armed groups

Some displaced children have been recruited or abducted into rebel ranks to perform tasks that range from serving as labourers to participating in actual fighting. While it is true that boys have been abducted and forcefully conscripted, others join armed groups because of poverty, redundancy, frustration and the desire to avenge the death of loved ones. This problem was said to affect boys mostly, although the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in northern Uganda has been notorious for abducting girls from IDP’s camps and surrounding areas. The abducted girls, among other things, serve as sex slaves. It was also noted that boys living in camps in Beni (Eastern DR Congo) and Gihembe (Rwanda) were targeted for _____________________________________________

FGD with girls aged 14-17 years, Beni——EDRC. FGD with 12 boys aged 15-17 in Gihembe Refugee Camp, Byumba——Rwanda. FGD with boys in Kiyange IDP’s Site——Burundi. 52 S/RES1612 (2005), Art. 1. 49 50 51

recruitment to beef up the fighting force. Boys in Gihembe attributed the conscription into fighting forces to lack of access to education.50 For Kiyange Site, boys complained of harassment by the police, wrongfully accusing them of being members of some rebel groups. “The police arrests us whenever there is suspicion of FNL [rebel group] in the camp. We are sometimes jailed for some days for interrogations.”51 It is important to note that the UN Security Council Resolution 1612 “strongly condemns the recruitment and use of child soldiers by parties to armed conflict in violation of international obligations applicable to them and all other violations and abuses committed against children in situations of armed conflict.”52 2.14

Key lessons learnt



• Despite efforts by governments, UN agencies and NGOs, there are threatening levels of vulnerability among displaced children and their families. In addition to increasing children’s vulnerability, displacement has profoundly impacted on their physical and emotional development. Efforts to improve living conditions have had minimal impact.



• Displacement continues to pose great and new challenges that make it extremely difficult to meet displaced children’s basic needs, especially in the Great Lakes Region of Africa, where systems, structures, communities and families in host communities are faced with an ever present resource crisis.



• While the situation of the internally displaced and that of refugee children is similar in many ways, internally displaced children are worse off. There is insufficient involvement of national governments and local authorities, limited resources and uncoordinated approaches where any to address their needs.

While this report does not seek in anyway to de-emphasise the magnitude of other issues affecting displaced children as mentioned above, the next section treats, in greater detail, the issue of Child Sexual Abuse (CSA) in displaced communities. This is an abuse against children that communities, families and individuals remain silent about. Cases largely go unreported and un-addressed. A deeper understanding of CSA in displaced communities will help inform the design of context appropriate responses.

17

3.0 A WIDESPREAD ACT OF VIOLENCE: child sexual abuse in displaced communities 3.1 Introduction Whereas child sexual abuse and exploitation occur all the time in every single society at all levels, conflicts and displacement routinely increase the prevalence of such incidences. The definition of child sexual abuse (CSA) varies from culture to nation and to field of study both in criteria and specificity. In the same light, sexual exploitation of children could be “any abuse of a position of vulnerability, differential power, or trust for sexual purposes.”53 For purposes of this study, a range of actions involving a child——below 18 years——and an adult or a much older child were considered as CSA. These included: suggestive or improper sexual comments; asking, inducing or forcing a child to remove or strip off his/her clothes by someone of opposite sex with a sexual intention; asking, inducing or forcing a child to engage in kissing; touching breasts, buttocks and sexual parts of a child’s body; forcing or threatening with harm to make a child give or receive oral sex or have virginal or anal sex; object/finger penetrating in a child’s vigina or anus; compelling a child to engage in sex in order to receive something; early marriage or forced marriage; asking, inducing or forcing a child to watch or hear people having sex; and asking, inducing or forcing a child to watch someone being sexually assaulted.54 This section details the forms of CSA and exploitation that children experience, the characteristics of displaced children mostly affected, the perpetrators of abuse, factors perpetuating CSA amongst displaced communities and the consequences of abuse. This section concludes with key lessons learnt. 3.2 Forms of sexual abuse and exploitation suffered by displaced children A structured questionnaire on the nature and prevalence of CSA was administered to 304 (121 boys and 183 girls) randomly selected displaced children aged between 10 and 18 years.55 CSA was found to be prevalent in all the camps under study. More than a half of all the children had experienced one or more of the forms of abuse ___________________________________________

UNHCR, May 2003. Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children and The International Rescue Committee, New York, February, 2003 & Susan Fox and Zinhle Nkosi, 2003. 55 See details on methodology in Appendix 1. 56 Defined in the Laws of Uganda (2000), Section 129 CAP 120 as “…sexual intercourse with a girl under the age of 18 years…”. 57 Gulu District Sub Working Group on SGBV, January 2005. 58 FGD with girls aged 15-17 years from Coope IDP’s Camp, Gulu——Uganda. 53 54

highlighted above. 38 out of 61 children had been sexually abused in Kiyange; 53 out of 61 in Oicha/ Eringeti camps; 30 out of 60 in Gihembe; 42 out of 61 in Lugufu; and 38 out of 61 in Coope and Pagak. The percentages varied from one country to another as captured in Graph 1.

87 per cent of children living in camps in Oicha and Eringeti areas in DRC reported to have experienced some form of sexual abuse. In Lugufu 1 and 11, in Tanzania, 69 per cent of the children had experienced CSA. While 62 per cent of the children had experienced CSA both in Kiyange IDP’s site in Burundi and Coope and Pagak IDP’s camps in Uganda. Gihembe Refugee camp in Rwanda had the lowest percentage of 50 per cent. The forms of CSA experienced include rape, attempted rape and threat to be raped. For example, 95 out of 469 cases of sexual gender based violence reported to Gulu Central Police Station in 2004 were defilement56 cases.57 Girls in Gulu camps were reported to live under duress and threat from army men. “We are forced into relationships with army men because they threaten us. For instance, army men find us at the borehole and they say: ‘I will shoot you if you don’t accept me.’’58 Case Study 4 Living Under Terror and Threat Kiyange – Burundi Ampa [not her real name] 14 years old, lives in Kiyange IDP’s Site in Burundi. She lives a life of fear because of turning down a sexual proposal. “I met a boy in the bus who offered to pay my fare. He also bought me a bottle of beer. After a week, we met again and walked home together. My father was at the hospital and the boy asked if he could sleep with me since he had paid my bus fare and bought me a beer. I refused and he got angry and went away. The boy has since threatened to rape me. I am traumatised. I live in fear all the time. He always comes to our house but I cannot tell my father what the boy wants. My father is often ill and I do not have a mother. So most times I am at home alone. I avoid going outside at night because one of the camp leaders, some students and two neighbours want to force me into marriage. They have insulted me several times saying that I am not intelligent because I have refused their proposition.”

8

Early and forced marriage; child prostitution59 and other forms of sexual exploitation; use of words with sexual connotations; and touching sexual parts of the body are other forms of CSA identified to be prevalent in displaced communities. Male teachers demanding for sex from girls, was reported to be prevalent in all camps. In Beni, community members reported cases where girls get married at as young as 13 years.60 Although not extensive, some level of commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC)61 was reported to be taking place, especially in the Beni area. For example, community members in Oicha Beni said that “some women own houses and rooms where they call men to come and ‘use’ the girls in exchange of money. The money is paid to the women. The women in return give the girls very little money.”62 It is worth noting that the UN Optional Protocol to the CRC on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography prohibits child prostitution and sexual exploitation.63 Girls and boys are both victims of this abuse and exploitation. For example, a boy from Kiyange in Burundi narrated that both females and males ask them to play with their sexual organs especially, when they are drunk. The boys said they make money that way.64 Old women, even older girls, request boys to sleep with them. Some grown-ups have sex when children are looking. The children, as a result, are tempted to do the same. The boys said they do not like

this happening since these ‘things’ are beyond their age and make them very uncomfortable.65 Community members from Beni said that in addition to employing them to work, women ‘use’ boys for sex. They go with the boys to work in the fields for long periods. While there, they are expected to satisfy the women’s sexual needs.66 Table  shows the percentages and the forms of CSA they have suffered. The most common forms of CSA experienced by displaced children are: • touching breasts, buttocks and sexual parts of their bodies. The highest percentage (57%) was reported in Gihembe, while the lowest (26%) was reported in Coope and Pagak; • inducing or forcing a child to watch or hear people having sex. The highest percentage (49%) was reported in Oicha and Eringeti areas, while the lowest (24%) was reported in Kiyange; • inducing or forcing a child to engage in kissing which was reported highest in Gihembe(47%) and the lowest (13%) was reported in Coope and Pagak; and • compelling a child to engage in sex in order to receive something. The highest of these cases were reported in Gihembe (43%) and the lowest in Lugufu camps (10%). Furthermore, analysis was done to understand whether girls and boys experienced the same or different forms of abuse or whether CSA was more prevalent among boys than girls or vice versa.

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Child prostitution means the use of a child in sexual activities for remuneration or any other form of consideration (Article 2 (b) Optional Protocol to the CRC on sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, January 2002). 60 FGD with community members in Oicha Beni——Eastern DR Congo. 61 Defined by ILO as “sexual abuse by the adult and remuneration in cash or kind to the child or a third person or persons. The child is treated as a sexual object and as a commercial object.” 62 FGD with community members, Oicha Beni——Eastern DR Congo. 63 Optional Protocol to the CRC, January 2002. 64 FGD with internally displaced boys in Kiyange——Burundi. 65 FGD with internally displaced boys in Kiyange——Burundi. 66 FGD Community, Mbimbi, Beni——Eastern DR Congo. 59

19 Graph 2: CSA experienced by sex Graph 2 (a) shows that more girls than boys reported to have been induced or forced to engage in kissing in all the camps except Kiyange and Oicha and Eringeti. In Gihembe, it was 47 per cent of the girls compared to 15 per cent of the boys; in Lugufu, it was 26 per cent girls compared to 22 per cent boys; and in Coope and Pagak, it was 15 per cent girls compared to 11 per cent boys. However, in Kiyange, more boys (55%) than girls (30%) reported to have been induced to engage in kissing. In Oicha and Eringeti, it was 10 per cent boys and 9 per cent girls.

Data in Graph 2 (b) indicates that in Oicha and Eringeti, Gihembe and Lugufu, more girls than boys reported to have been touched on sensitive parts of their bodies. However, in Coope and Pagak, more boys (39%) compared to girls (15%) reported that their sexual parts had been touched.

In all the camps, except Lugufu, more girls reported to have been forced or threatened to have sex. In Gihembe and Coope/Pagak, no boys reported to have been forced or threatened to have sex. In Lugufu, even though more boys reported to have experienced this form of abuse, the difference between boys and girls who reported this abuse was only 1 per cent (See Graph 2 (c) for details).

Ituri IDP in Beni Area Photo by Horeb Bulambo

20

An abandoned school in Nyabiondo Eastern DR Congo where ten pupils were killed by activists of ethinic conflict Photo by Horeb Bulambo

Graph 2 (d) shows more girls than boys in Oicha/ Eringeti (43% girls, 0% boys), Gihembe (29% girls, 8% boys) and Coope/Pagak (45% girls, 22% boys) reporting to have been compelled to engage in sex in exchange of meeting their basic needs. In Kiyange and Lugufu, more boys compared to girls reported to have experienced this form of abuse——36 per cent boys compared to 33 per cent girls in Kiyange and 13 per cent boys compared to 5 per cent girls in Lugufu.

Graph 2(e) shows that more boys than girls, in all camps except Gihembe, reported to have been induced or forced to watch or hear people having sex. In Gihembe, no boys reported to have been forced or induced to watch or hear people having sex, while 6 per cent of the girls said they had.

Although both boys and girls are victims of CSA, more girls compared to boys are induced or forced to engage in kissing; are touched on breasts, buttocks and sexual parts; are forced or threatened to have sex; and are compelled to engage in sex in order to have their basic needs met. This clearly indicates the high vulnerability

of girls to sexual abuse and exploitation——a challenge that has roots in the socio-cultural relations between boys/men and girls/women. Girls, like women, are placed in a subordinate position——giving boys and men power and control over girls.

21 Below are two case studies, from Lugufu, depicting the experiences of girls and boys. Case Study 5

Case Study 6

The Experiences of Girls with CSA and Exploitation – Lugufu Refugee Camps

The Experiences of boys with CSA and Exploitation – Lugufu Refugee Camps

Lack of basic necessities makes girls vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation. Just like one girl confessed: “As a girl I am supposed to be smart with nice clothes and shoes. But in my situation, this is difficult. I get a lot of temptations from men who want to provide me with these things. As a result I may get pregnant and drop out of school.” Another one said: “When our parents can’t meet our needs, such as clothes, we are compelled to get them from those who can give them to us. And these are men. They always demand for sex in exchange.”

“I was taking a walk and I met a Congolese woman who works with one of the aid organisations. She told me that I look so bad and promised to help me buy some clothes, shoes and other things that I needed. I thought she was very kind. I thanked her. Then she invited me to her house where I would receive 5000 Tz. Shillings. I was excited. Later on in her house, she called me to one of the rooms. She had undressed and was only in a petticoat. She asked me to have sex with her. I could not say no,” a 16 year old boy narrated his experience.

Schools have not been safe places for girls. They reported sexual abuse and exploitation from colleagues, students and their teachers. The youngest girl in the group (14 years) narrated her experience. “One day, my teacher came with a pen and an exercise book and gave them to me. I told him I already had a book and pen and did not need them. He told me that I could have them because he wanted me.”

Such is the sexual abuse and exploitation suffered by many boys in Lugufu. They reported that they mostly suffered in the hands of women, who want to satisfy their sexual desires.

Teachers invite girls to their homes on the pretext that they should come and check their grades. The teachers give them low grades. When they get into teachers’ houses, they are asked for sex in order for their grades to be changed to better ones. “Teachers demand sex in order to give us better grades. If we refuse, we are then made to repeat the class. Many teachers, those that teach French, Mathematics and other subjects, do this.”

A boy of 15 who suffered a similar experience had this to say: “There is a woman in our village where I am being fostered. Whenever I returned from school or playing football, she would tell me I am a good boy; and that she loves such good hardworking children. One day, when people were not at home she called me to help repair a wooden bed in her house. I went and helped her. After I had finished, she grabbed me and asked me to have sex with her. I resisted. She was a very old woman. She insisted and overpowered me. I had to do it. I later learnt that she had been doing this to many children of my age in Lugufu. She was caught one day doing the same thing to another boy.”

FGD with girls Lugufu I and II

FGD with boys Lugufu II

3.3 Characteristics of displaced children mostly affected by sexual abuse Displaced children and community members identified characteristics of displaced children mostly affected by sexual abuse. It was reported that sexual abuse could happen to any child; even though girls are more affected than boys. In addition to this, older girls are affected more than younger ones. The mostly affected have been grouped into six broader categories, namely: teenage girls especially those in secondary school; orphans and other vulnerable children; girls performing their traditional roles outside their homes; children once victims of sexual abuse; children who work; and children associated with bad behaviour. Presented below are the categories and characteristics as per the respondents.

Displaced child living in an IDP’s Camp in Beni Area DR Congo Photo by Horeb Bulambo

22 Table 4:

Categories and characteristics of displaced children mostly prone to sexual abuse

It was widely suggested by community members that children associated with bad behaviour, in one way or the other, attracted sexual abuse and exploitation. Children’s ‘bad behaviour’ should not be taken as a ticket for adults or older children to take advantage and abuse them. The perpetrator is at fault to have abused his or her power, influence and the vulnerable position of the child.67 3.4 Perpetrators of child sexual abuse and exploitation According to UNHCR, a perpetrator of child sexual abuse is “someone the child trusts, including parents, sibling, extended family member, friend or stranger, teacher, elder, leader or any other caregiver, anyone in a position of power, authority and control over a child.”68 The study set out to identify perpetrators of sexual abuse _________________________________________ 67 68 69

Susan Fox and Zinhle Nkosi, 2003. UNHCR, May 2003. FGD with boys in Lugufu II Refugee Camp——Tanzania.

and exploitation in the camps under study. It was found out that because of poverty and too much need, both men and women who have money take advantage of the situation to sexually abuse and exploit children. Cited for this are business men and women including video show owners and musicians (Lugufu and Beni) commonly known as ‘sugar daddies’ and ‘sugar mummies’; police men; medical workers; teachers; aid workers——including refugees employed by NGOs. For example, boys in Lugufu identified NGO staff to be among those who sexually abuse refugee girls. “Tanzanian nationals, especially young men who work with NGOs use the money they earn to influence young refugee girls. They take them to staff compounds.”69 Another category is that of people who have control or power over the children.These include

23 teachers (because of their superior position in schools), parents and foster parents. Also among these are women, men and children who are older. For instance, girls in Gihembe reported that “married men sexually abuse young girls. They come to us pretending that their wives are very old and that they need a change.”70

In addition, people especially men with social problems such as drug abusers, drunkards, gang members and street mongers were identified to sexually abuse children. Community members and children said that men——under the influence of alcohol and drugs——become more “brave”, aggressive and sexually violent.

In all the camps under study, soldiers or members of security forces were identified as a group that sexually abuses children. According to UN OCHA, some soldiers who guard IDP’s sites in Burundi are responsible for pregnancies amongst displaced girls. Similarly, a report by the Gulu District Working Group on SGBV indicates that the presence of soldiers in Gulu has exposed girls to sexual abuse and exploitation. Armed fighters were also reported to sexually abuse children in Burundi, Uganda (LRA rebels) and EDRC (armed bandits).

In Gulu, there were strong beliefs that those who sexually abuse children are ‘AIDS victims who do not want to die alone but spread it around.’ The following pie charts capture responses from children to the question: ‘Who did these things to you?’ The pie charts show how many times each category of perpetrators was mentioned by children in the different countries.

Using music and dance to mobilise communities and share peace messages, Pader Northern Uganda Photo by Simon Mugenyi

_________________________________________ 70

FGD with 16 girls aged 13–18 in Gihembe Refugee Camp——Rwanda.

24 In Kiyange, 64 per cent of the sexually abused children reported that they were abused by neighbours/community members, 5 per cent by camp leaders, 5 per cent by military personnel and 2 per cent by family members. Also, 2 per cent of the sexually abused children mentioned that they were abused by employees of humanitarian organisations and 5 per cent by those who were unknown to them.

The majority of the abused children (46%) in Oicha/Eringeti camps said they were abused by neighbours/community members. Perpetrators unknown to the children were reported by 13 per cent of the children. Military personnel were mentioned by 4 per cent of the children, family members by 3 per cent, medical workers by 3 per cent and teachers by 3 per cent. Others mentioned were employees of humanitarian organisations, police officers and prison guards.

In Gihembe, teachers were mentioned by 23 per cent of the abused children, military personnel by 23 per cent and neighbours/community members by 23 per cent. 7 per cent of the children said that they were abused by family members, 4 per cent by camp leaders and 3 per cent by police officers.

25 While 48 per cent of children in Lugufu were abused by neighbours/community members, 7 per cent were abused by military personnel and another 7 per cent by those who were unknown to them. 5 per cent of the children reported that they were abused by teachers, 26 per cent by family members, 2 per cent by humanitarian workers and 2 per cent by medical workers. In Coope and Pagak, 35 per cent of the children reported that they were abused by neighbours/community members. 11 per cent mentioned rebels and another 11 per cent reported that they were abused by military personnel.

Also identified as perpetrators

were family members, reported by 9 per cent of the children, teachers by 5 per cent and civil defence forces by 5 per cent. Data indicates that it is people known to children, people with whom they closely interact on a daily basis and trust that sexually abuse them. According to the children, the majority of perpetrators were their neighbours or

Promoting peace through debate, Pader Northern Uganda. Photo by Simon Mugenyi

community members, close family members and relatives, and teachers. Soldiers or other armed people, humanitarian and medical workers were not on top of the children’s lists of abusers.

26 3.5 Factors perpetuating child sexual abuse amongst displaced communities Many reports highlight loss of security, lack of alternatives to cope with changes in socioeconomic status, psychosocial trauma, ethnic tensions, the breakdown of family and community structures, negative cultural, traditional and religious beliefs and practices, overcrowding in camps and predominantly male camp leadership with gender biased decisions as some of the factors behind sexual and gender based violence affecting displaced communities.74 Contributory factors identified by children and other displaced community members in this study do not necessarily differ from these. They identified poverty, lack of security, protection, law and order, alcohol and drug abuse, and negative elements in cultures and traditions as key factors responsible for the forms and prevalence of child sexual abuse and exploitation affecting their communities. 3.5.1 Poverty “The major causes of child sexual abuse in DRC are conflict and poverty. When war happens people flee. When the rebels or soldiers come, they indiscriminately rape all the women and defile girls who stay behind. Children are not catered for and they end up adopting survival mechanisms that make them vulnerable to sexual abuse.”75 This state of affairs is common in all the displaced people’s camps visited. Like in other studies on child sexual abuse and exploitation in developing countries in Africa, poverty is an overriding causal factor of abuse.76 Displaced children and other members of their communities while explaining reasons responsible for the rampant incidences of CSA and exploitation, frequently cited poverty as a key factor as depicted in the words they used, such as: “to be in need,” “need for money,” “desire to have nice things when you can’t get them,” “need for good living,” “need for things like lotion and soap,” “parents are too poor” and “harsh economic conditions.” This need drives girls and boys to vulnerability; and they end up in the hands of abusers and exploiters. Families themselves are vulnerable to ‘well-to-do’ adults who often offer money and other gifts in order to have sexual access to children.

When parents and guardians fail to meet family needs, they place children in circumstances that expose them to abuse and exploitation. They send them to work in order to earn money; and by so doing, expose them to sexual abuse and exploitation. Parents and guardians also expect children to get food and other necessities without giving them money, thus driving them into prostitution. Children end up having sex with those who have money in order to meet the needs of their families. Girls have been encouraged or forced into marriage by their parents or guardians with an expectation to receive bride price or dowry from the prospective husbands. Displaced communities and children in Kiyange (Burundi), Lugufu (Tanzania), Gulu (Uganda) and Beni (Eastern DR Congo) associated conditions that expose children to sexual behaviour such as “congested shelter,” “overcrowding” and “small rooms and houses shared by many family members” to their poverty situation.77 However, these conditions could also be associated with the design and physical structure of the camps. In Lugufu, for example, community members said “children hear what the parents are doing and they want to try it out.” Displacement facilitates a cycle of poverty and thus presents unique challenges to efforts aimed at achieving the commitments stipulated under goal 1 of the MDGs——to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger by 2015. Specifically, the target is to reduce by half the proportion of people living on less than a dollar a day and to reduce by 50 per cent the proportion of people who suffer from hunger.78 3.5.2 Lack of security, protection, law and order Sexual abuse and exploitation are largely prevalent in settings where there is a general lack of respect for human rights. Refugees and internally displaced people, who rarely enjoy the protection of their governments, are among those most vulnerable to such abuses.79 Communities in all the camps indicated that war and conflicts had created large numbers of vulnerable children living in insecure environments without protection. A good number of children living in refugee or IDP’s camps are either orphaned, abandoned or separated from their parents. They lack the protection that the parents would

________________________________________________

INFO Project, December 2005; UNHCR, May 2003. Interview with the Coordinator of Centre de reeducation pour l’enfance delinquante et defavorisee (CREDD)——Eastern DR Congo. The Government of The Gambia, December 2003. 77 FGD with community, Oicha – EDRC; FGD with community members, Lugufu II——Tanzania; FGD with boys in Kiyange IDP’s Site——Burundi, FGDs with boys, Gulu——Uganda. 78 http://www.undp.org/mdg/tracking_targetlist.shtml 79 UNHCR, May 2003. 74 75 76

27 have provided. The situation is made worse by the breakdown of social structures and safety nets that they enjoyed before displacement. Perpetrators take advantage of such children’s vulnerability to sexually abuse and exploit them.

abuse. Even when girls move in groups or with women, as a protection strategy, they are still not completely secure against attacks.

It was also mentioned that children have limited ability to defend themselves or reason with adults who want to sexually manipulate them. This makes children susceptible to abuse and exploitation. For instance, explaining the causes of CSA, girls mentioned that “children are not yet mature to defend themselves. Men like small children who won’t ask many questions.”80 It was explained that compared to women, girls make less demands and are easier to deal with. Men therefore prefer to engage in less demanding ‘relationships.’

Alcohol and drug abuse were reported to facilitate or encourage child sexual abuse. Communities in all camps linked drug and alcohol abuse to loss of self-control, increased courage and boldness and increased likelihood for one to be violent. They said that these factors facilitate child sexual abuse in their communities.

Perpetrators sexually abuse and exploit children with impunity——a situation that ‘encourages’ the same perpetrator or others to abuse them repeatedly without fear of being prosecuted. In Burundi, for example, one of the factors responsible for child sexual abuse was said to be lack of child protection policies for use by the local administration and leaders. In addition to this, boys highlighted “lack of follow-up of cases of those who have been abused.” For Gulu, in particular, insecurity was identified as a key factor responsible for child sexual abuse. Displaced communities, in fear of abduction, flee their huts in IDP’s camps at night finding themselves in risky environments. A 15 year old explained, ‘because we fear that we will be abducted from our homes at night we leave our homes and go to spend the night in the bushes. Usually, we keep close to older people for protection. They sometimes take advantage of this to have sex with the girls.”82 Children also leave their homes in IDP’s camps and commute to sleep in Gulu Town because of insecurity and sometimes overcrowding. They take refuge and sleep in night commuting centres or on verandas of buildings unsupervised or unprotected by adults. Such children have often been sexually abused and exploited. Limited availability of food, firewood and water in the camps necessitates women and girls to walk long distances out of the camps deep into isolated and insecure places. Respondents highlighted this as a factor that makes girls vulnerable to sexual ____________________________________________

FGD with boys 12 – 17 in Kiyange IDP’s Site - Burundi. Interview with 15 year old boy, Coope IDP’s Camp, Gulu——Uganda. 83 FGD with 12 girls aged 15–17 in Gihembe Refugee Camp——Rwanda. 81 82

3.5.3 Alcohol and drug abuse

It was also pointed out that parents who engage in excessive alcohol consumption are on the whole irresponsible. They often lose control and have sex even when their children are watching or listening. In addition, such parents were reported to have no control over their children, let alone have the capacity to protect them. This makes their children more vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation. 3.5.4 Harmful traditional practices, beliefs and myths In all the camps, community members and children acknowledged that the culture of early marriage or forced marriage perpetuated by parents and community members was common. Coupled with this, is the practice of payment of bride price. Because of the appalling economic and financial situation of displaced people, parents encourage or force their children to get married so as to get income or gifts in form of bride price. Also mentioned frequently were myths around HIV/AIDS and young girls that perpetuate child sexual abuse. In Gihembe, girls talked of a common belief that “having sex with a young girl, especially a virgin cures HIV/AIDS.”83 “Men do not want older women for fear of AIDS,” said a girl of 15 years from Gulu. In Gulu specifically, both displaced children and community members expressed a strong voice that young girls were targeted because adult men think that they are not infected with AIDS. In Beni, it was reported that girls sometimes fell victim of sexual abuse because of the conditions given by witch doctors to men who want to get rich. “They tell them to go and have sex with young girls, preferably virgins in order for the spirits to bless them with riches,” said displaced community members in Oicha.

28 3.5.5 Lack of parental guidance and harsh treatment from parents It was widely reported that children in camps lack parental guidance. This has influenced how the children behave, what they do, where they go and whom they associate with. Reasons given for this were frustration of parents and the environment in which they lived. “I think the children are not well supervised due to congestion,” said a 17 year old boy from Coope——Gulu. “Parents have lost authority over their children,” he added. Because of lack of guidance and control, children end up in places and groups that expose them to risks of being sexually abused. Parents are frustrated because they have no income generating work. They therefore feel they have ‘failed’ in their role to provide for their families. Many resort to alcohol consumption. Children reported that their parents, especially the drunkards, have no time for them. Parents do not even bother to find out the problems that affect them. Other parents vent their frustration on the children. Compared to boys, girls find alternative ways to cope with the situation of ‘unfriendly’ parents. Like one boy said: “Parents and guardians are very harsh and quarrelsome, especially with the girls. The girls opt to go their own way. So they get married early.”84 3.5.6 Design and structure of the camps Because of congestion and the small size camp huts, children are forced to listen in, and——in some cases——to watch as adults including their Table 5: Consequences of child sexual abuse

84

FGD with girls aged 13–17 years, Kiyange IDP’s Site——Burundi.

own parents and guardians have sex. Because some adults are drunk, they openly engage in sex while their children are watching. Such acts have led children to engage in sex at an early age. Curiosity has driven children to want to try out. The camp setting is in essence a convergence of all kinds of people from various backgrounds and with different moral values, life styles and beliefs. Because of this, community values have been eroded to an all time low. Congestion in camps has also facilitated the development of peer groups that sometimes expose children to behaviour susceptible to sexual abuse and exploitation. In addition, due to inadequate lighting, the camps are mostly in darkness. This has created environments conducive for CSA. In Kiyange IDP’s site, poor lighting was said to facilitate sexual abuse in and around the camp.85 3.5.7 Other factors Other factors responsible for child sexual abuse in the camps include lack of education or awareness about sexual abuse, ignorance of child rights, sexual desire during puberty, lust and provocative dressing. Frequent discos and pornographic video shows——to which many teenagers frequent to ‘kill’ or pass time—— expose them to sexual exploitation and abuse. 3.6 Consequences of child sexual abuse Displaced children and community members identified the consequences of child sexual abuse experienced in their communities. These are presented in Table 5 below.

29 Children who experienced CSA were asked whether they had suffered any consequences as a result. Most of them had been affected in one

way or another. The frequencies of their responses are captured in the pie charts below and presented per the different camps.

Pie Chart 2: Percentage of times an effect of CSA was mentioned by victims Pie Chart 2: Percentage of times an effect of CSA was mentioned by victims, presented presented per camp per camp

Percentage times an effect was mentioned in Kiyange——Burundi

2%

27%

27%

Physical injury Nightmares Ashamed / embarrassed Stigmatised Other

11% 33%

Percentage times an effect was mentioned in Oicha/Eringeti——Eastern DR Congo Pregnant

4%

17%

3%

12%

Out of school Nightmares Ashamed/embarrassed

15%

Rejected STD/STI

1%

Physical injury

47%

1%

Other

Percentage times an effect was mentioned in Gihembe——Rwanda

11%

Pregnant

6%

Out of school

44%

Nightmares

18%

Ashamed/embarrassed Rejected

3%

18%

Other

30 Percentage times an effect was mentioned in Lugufu——Tanzania

3%

6%

Out of school

2% 2%

Nightmares

14%

Ashamed/embarrassed Rejected

48% 21%

Stigmatised Physical injury

4%

Marriage Other

Percentage times an effect was mentioned in Coope/Pagak——Uganda

2%

21%

4%

Pregnant

14%

Out of school Nightmares Ashamed/embarrassed

7%

Rejected STD/STI

7%

Stigmatised

5%

4%

In all the camps, the majority of the children who had experienced CSA reported to have been embarrassed and ashamed. 33 per cent of the children in Kiyange, 47 per cent in Oicha/ Eringeti, 18 per cent in Gihembe, 48 per cent in Lugufu and 36 per cent in Coope/Pagak reported to have been embarrassed and ashamed. 27 per cent in Kiyange, 12 per cent in Oicha/Eringeti, 18 per cent in Gihembe, 14 per cent in Coope/ Pagak and 2 per cent in Lugufu reported to be experiencing nightmares. All these consequences mentioned above have serious psychosocial effects that often result into isolation, depression, loss of self-esteem and confidence. Other consequences of CSA on the children were stigmatisation, physical injury, pregnancy and dropping out of school. Some children mentioned that they had been rejected,

36%

Physical injury Other

while others reported to have married early. Others said they had suffered from STD/STI. However, there were a good number of children who had suffered abuse but mentioned that they had suffered no consequences as indicated by the high number of percentages of answers that fell in the “other” category. They may have been unwilling to admit to consequences or the consequences were not obvious. Responses falling under the “other” category reveal that self hatred and loss of self-esteem were some of the consequences suffered by sexually abused children.



Children watching a netball match during the WV peace tournament in Pader Northern Uganda. Photo by Simon Mugenyi

32 Figure 1: Relationship between displacement and child sexual abuse and exploitation

Figure 1 above shows the relationship between displacement, its resultant factors and CSA. War and conflict often lead to displacement of communities. Displacements have resulted in deeper poverty——manifested in sudden lowering in standards of living, loss of means of livelihood, inability to meet children’s basic needs and worst forms of child labour. Displaced communities are also characterised by conditions such as lack of security and protection, lack of law and order, poor social safety mechanisms and increased alcohol and drug abuse. These factors create circumstances conducive for CSA. Practices such as parents encouraging their children to engage in prostitution, children having sex with adults in exchange of basic needs and money, early marriage and rape are common. As a result, affected children become pregnant, drop out of school, and suffer psychosocial problems. Because of the consequences of CSA, the children are most likely to fall victim to repeated CSA, leading them into deeper poverty and other unfavourable social conditions.

Children watching a netball match during the WV peace tournament in Pader Northern Uganda. Photo by Simon Mugenyi

33 3.7 Key lessons learnt



• While both boys and girls are victims of CSA, more girls than boys are sexually abused and exploited. The girls most likely to fall victim of sexual abuse are teenagers, orphans and those suffering other vulnerabilities——such as extreme poverty and separation from parents; girls performing their traditional roles outside their homes; girls who have been victims of sexual abuse; girls associated with bad behaviour; and girls who work for a living. The high vulnerability of girls to sexual abuse and exploitation has roots in the socio-cultural relations between male and female. Girls, like women, are placed in a subordinate position and are less valued— —giving boys and men power and control over them. • It is people with whom children closely and frequently interact; and people who have won the trust of children that sexually abuse them. The majority of perpetrators were neighbours or community members,

close family members and relatives as well as teachers. This was contrary to commonly held belief that soldiers, other armed people and strangers frequently abuse children more than other groups.

• The most common consequences of CSA on the victims were embarrassment, shame and experiencing nightmares. Such consequences have severe psychosocial effects that may in turn lead to isolation, depression, self-hate, loss of self-esteem and confidence. These consequences are invisible to the physical eye. They are difficult to diagnose and may be neglected, given little or inadequate attention in response interventions.



• Victims of CSA are likely to suffer repeated abuse due to the consequences they suffer amidst displacement conditions characterised by deeper poverty levels, lack of security and protection, lack of law and order and poor social safety mechanisms. As a result, a cycle of repeated CSA is reinforced.

Children listening to students participating in peace debate competition in Pader Northern Uganda Photo by Simon Mugenyi

4

4.0 EFFORTS TO SUPPORT AND PROTECT DISPLACED CHILDREN: IMPLICATIONS FOR PEACE AND CONFLICT 4.1 Introduction “Ideally, camps for refugees or the internally displaced should be places of safety, offering protection and assistance. However, displaced populations are complex societies that often reproduce former divisions and power struggles. At the same time, their traditional systems of social protection come under strain or break down completely; and there are often high levels of violence, alcohol and substance abuse, family quarrels and sexual assault.” Graca Machel, 1996

When people are displaced they bring along with them the tensions and conflicts they had or experienced in their home communities. As explained: “Conflicts do not generate from the camps. They come along with the IDP from Ituri. People are involved in these conflicts without knowing the root causes. This determines the behaviours towards one another, even in the camps.”86 For instance, a UNHCR staff working with Congolese refugees in Lugufu indicated that tribalism especially among mixed marriages was very common. “… Anyone who looks like Banyamulenge is not liked here.” These conflicts in turn affect children and the way they relate to each other or with adults in their communities. There is increasing consciousness on how humanitarian and development assistance occasionally feeds such conflict and tensions rather than alleviate them.87 The way aid is given can reinforce and exacerbate the conflicts existing in target communities and their surroundings. It can also serve to minimise tensions, strengthen people’s capacities to disengage from hostilities and find peaceful options for solving problems.88 This section presents existing efforts to support and protect displaced children, their implications for peace and/or conflict and key lessons learnt. 4.2 Efforts to support and protect displaced children As highlighted below, there is a large number of NGOs, CBOs and other civil society groups that complement government and international ________________________________________

Interview with Executive Director——PPSSP, Beni. Africa Peace Forum et al, January 2004. 88 Mary B. Anderson, 1999. 86 87

agency efforts in supporting and protecting displaced children. This section also underscores some interventions that nurture peace-promoting attitudes and behaviours, thus refraining children from engaging in conflict-promoting actions. 4.2.1 Kiyange IDP’s site——Burundi The Government of Burundi has in place a Ministry of National Solidarity for Human Rights and Gender which houses the Department of Repatriation, Reinstallation and Rehabilitation of Refugees and IDP, a National Commission for the Rehabilitation of Vulnerable Populations (Commission Nationale de Rehabilitation des Sinistres - CNRS) and a national strategy for displaced people focusing on reinstatement (return) and post war social economic rehabilitation and reintegration. UN OCHA spearheaded discussions that led to the production of a document on the UN Guidelines on IDP that has also been translated in Kirundi (the national language in Burundi). In a joint project with UNHCR and WFP, the CNRS implements the policy and programmes targeting IDP in collaboration with NGOs. A senior government official in the Department of Repatriation, Reinstallation and Rehabilitation of Refugees and IDP conceded that although displaced children have special needs the strategy does not have special activities for them. The strategy treats them like any other displaced persons.

35 Displaced children in Kiyange site benefit, directly or indirectly, from services provided by NGOs such as Medecin Sans Frontière (MSF), Catholic Relief Services (CRS), Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), World Relief, Human Rights Watch and Jesuit Refugee Services (JRS). These services range from education (both formal and non-formal), health, psychosocial support, micro-enterprise development (MED) / income generating activities (IGAs), civic education and awareness raising on HIV/AIDS, sexual abuse and gender based violence. For instance, JRS offers a one-year intensive programme for children who did not attend primary school in preparation for integration into public schools. Highlighted in Case Study 8, is the Teacher Emergency Packages programme of NRC. 42.2 IDP’s camps in Eringeti and Oicha areas——DR Congo Under the coordination of UN OCHA, both local and international NGOs are intervening to improve the situation of internally displaced children in the DRC. For instance, a local NGO——Programme de Soins de Santé Primaire (PPSSP)——focuses on provision of primary health care to displaced communities. Their programme focuses on public health education, water and sanitation, distribution of mosquito nets, trauma counselling and enhancing the capacity of local health centres/hospitals. Education for peace and reconciliation is part of the trauma-counselling component. Children are also brought together through games that help them keep busy and joyful, thus promoting the right of the child to play as provided for under Article 31 of the UN CRC. In the process of playing the games, they forget their current misery and the bad memories of the past. Games have also provided children the opportunity to learn social skills, such as cooperation and teamwork. Since April 2003, World Vision has implemented a child protection project targeting separated and abandoned children (SAC). The project set up child-protection committees and women committees to advocate for the protection and support of SAC. Committees follow-up and monitor the situation of SAC and their foster families to effectively engage in breeding animals, keeping poultry as well as growing vegetables.The project also facilitated free medical treatment and distributed clothes, shoes, toys and balls to SAC. The project had a component that focused on building the capacity of local leaders and child protection committee members in child rights.

It also facilitated the identification, documentation, tracing and reuniting of SAC with their family members. This project officially ended in 2006. However,World Vision staff will continue working with the committees——providing training on children’s rights as well as campaigning for the protection of children. Solidarite Feminine Pour La Paix et Le Development Integral (SOFEPADI) focuses on promoting women and children’s rights, democracy, peace education, HIV/AIDS and STI prevention and socio-economic empowerment. Other NGOs, such as, Cooperatione e Sviluppo (CESVI), MSF, Merlin, Oxfam, Samaritan Purse, Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), Save the Children (UK), and Faith Based Organisations are providing a range of services including distribution of food and non food items, education, water and sanitation, child protection, vaccination and medical treatment to internally displaced people including children. Centre Resolution Conflict (CRC) implements activities that include peace education for communities, conflict prevention and management, supporting reconciliation processes, trauma counselling and promotion of human rights. 4.2.3 Gihembe Refugee Camp, Byumba— —Rwanda In partnership with UNHCR and the Ministry of Local Administration (MINALOC), NGOs provide assistance and protection services to the refugee community in Gihembe Camp. These include German Technical Services (GTZ), American Refugee Committee (ARC) and JRS. ARC provides health care, supplies potable water, ensures hygiene and sanitation and builds and maintains the camp infrastructure. ARC also provides displaced children with recreational facilities, such as the soccer field, which has been used constructively to build bridges across ethnic and religious divides. In addition,ARC implements income generating activities as well as projects on gender-based violence. JRS runs a programme that concentrates on providing nursery, primary and secondary education to children. The organisation also provides food and non-food items to vulnerable groups, such as, orphans, unaccompanied children, the disabled, the aged and those living with HIV/ AIDS. They also implement activities that focus on awareness raising about HIV/AIDS, training

36 in vocational skills such as masonry, carpentry, tailoring, art and cooking, numeracy and literacy skills as well as sports and culture. 4.2.4 Lugufu I and II Refugee Camps—— Tanzania With support from UNHCR, UNICEF and WFP, NGOs such as World Vision Tanzania, Refugee EducationTrust (RET), Care International,Tanzania Red Cross Society (TRCS) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) provide assistance and protection services to refugee children in Lugufu. The Ministry of Home Affairs, which houses the Refugee Department, oversees the camps on behalf of Government. Among these, TRCS provides both curative and preventive health as well as water and sanitation services. WV Tanzania is in charge of camp and care management of Lugufu camps. It implements education, community service, community-based rehabilitation and youth programmes. Other WV run programmes include SGBV, self-reliance and development, gender and development and peace building programmes. The WV psychosocial intervention provides counselling services and reintegration of ex-child soldiers into meaningful activities such as education.Almost 95 per cent of the ex-child soldiers are in school. The following are case studies that provide information on a sample of programmes run by WV Tanzania. Case Study 9 Peace Education in Refugee Schools, WV

Case Study 10 ‘Child Voice Out’ and Sexual Gender Based Violence Programme of World Vision Tanzania Since 2004, WV has implemented the Sexual Gender Based Violence (SGBV) programme to prevent and reduce the occurrence of SGBV in Lugufu camps. Linked to this is the ‘Child Voice Out’ programme that empowers children and provides them with a forum to break the silence on issues they would never have raised. Children ‘voice’ out about rape and other forms of sexual abuse as well as other issues of concern to them. Children meet in groups divided according to gender and age. Child committees, selected by the children, exist in all the villages in the camps to assist in coordinating meetings, organising campaigns and reporting cases. The ‘Child Voice Out’ programme enhances the Child Protection Programme, also implemented in the camps. The SGBV programme activities focus on building capacity of various stakeholders in case management, raising awareness and campaigns against SGBV. The programme handles traumatic conditions related to incidences that survivors face. It also provides material support to victims, follows up cases referred to police or primary courts and visits survivors to monitor how they are recovering. A protocol has been designed in collaboration with other NGOs and stakeholders to guide implementation. The survivor’s kit includes counselling, legal assistance and medical support. WV staff indicated that about 90 per cent of all rape victims in Lugufu camps were minors. There are Sexual Exploitation Committees that look at all kinds of sexual exploitation incidents conducted by humanitarian workers against refugees. Suggestion boxes are posted in various locations for refugees to share their concerns. UNHCR proactively coordinates this initiative.

Tanzania, Kigoma Refugee Programme Key to building a culture of peace in children’s lives is teaching of Peace Education in schools. WV

4.2.5 Coope and Pagak IDP’s Camps, Gulu——Uganda

Tanzania with support from UNHCR and UNICEF provides primary school education to refugee children. As part of the education for repatriation curriculum, a component on Peace Education was incorporated. A Peace Education Curriculum developed by UNICEF is being used. To enhance this, peace clubs have been formed in schools where children learn how to resolve conflicts, and promote peace amongst themselves and in their communities through songs and drama. In addition, the programme has introduced a ‘black book’ to record and monitor conflict related incidences that happen in schools. _________________________________________ 89

The Republic of Uganda, August 2004.

The national policy for internally displaced persons provides guiding principles to Government institutions and humanitarian and development agencies in planning and responding to the needs of IDP in Uganda.89 The Department of Disaster Preparedness and Refugees under the Office of the Prime Minister is the lead agency for the protection and assistance of IDP at national level. In Gulu, the District Disaster Management Committee (DDMC) coordinates and mobilises local departments and other stakeholders in planning responses to internal displacement.

37 NGOs operating in Gulu——in collaboration with WFP, UNICEF and other UN agencies—— are contributing to implementing the IDP policy. The number of NGOs operating in Gulu alone is estimated at between 200 and 400. Among these are Save the Children in Uganda, Concerned Parents Association (CPA), Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), World Vision Uganda, KURET90 and GUSCO. They offer humanitarian assistance such as food and non-food items, psychosocial support to children affected by conflict, reintegration of formerly abducted children, and services to increase access and improve the quality of education and health. Action for Children’s Education Network, Rural Focus Uganda and TEKONO have been working with street children and resettling them back into their homes. Case Study 11 Children for Peace Project Concerned Parents Association – Gulu Funded by DFID through Save the Children in Uganda, CPA implements the Children for Peace Project to increase the participation of children in peace building. The project focuses on promoting social interaction events such as football and dancing groups. Once the group is making good progress, it is encouraged to include formerly abducted children as a way of facilitating their reintegration into society. “There are about 15,000 formerly abducted children who have been resettled. These children are indoctrinated during abduction. They however have great potential if involved in peace building,” said the CPA Gulu District Coordinator. The groups are trained in group dynamics and peace building. They are provided with livelihood support through IGAs. The groups also participate in a radio programme that runs every Saturday. Each group has a radio to enable its members to tune in, listen and learn from what other groups are doing.

War Child Holland addresses the psychosocial needs of children in IDP’s camps using creative arts such as music, arts, drama and sports. These activities enhance the abilities of children to express themselves, improve learning skills and stimulate their normal development. The Children for Peace Project of CPA is highlighted in Case Study 11.

____________________________________________

KURET stands for Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia Together—— a project of WV, IRC and AED whose goal is to reduce and prevent the engagement of children in worst forms of child labour. 90

4.3 Implications for peace and confl ict Efforts were made to understand the impact of assistance——aimed at supporting and protecting displaced children——on inter-group relationships as an important element in creating enabling environments for child protection in displaced communities. The Do No Harm (DNH)9 approach, that facilitates analysis of different elements of assistance programmes and how they impact on already existing capacities for peace and tensions, informed this analysis.The implications for peace and conflict of programme/ project decisions and how implementation was or is done were identified. Specifically, this section looks at ‘project activities that connect people’ and ‘project activities that divide people.’ While in the DNH framework of analysis “connectors” and “dividers” are context related, in this study the terms are used to refer to ‘project activities that connect people’ and ‘project activities that divide people’ respectively. 4.3.1 Project activities that connect people Generally, children, community members and NGOs said that activities or the assistance provided to displaced communities contributes to peace since it contributes to addressing some key basic needs, such as, food, clothing, shelter, education and health. Although the assistance does not solve all their problems, it provides some relief. “We get a peace of mind when one has a house, even when it is covered by a plastic sheeting. When there is something to eat in the house, however small the house is, one gets some peace,” said an old man during a FGD with community members in Mbimbi Camp, Beni (EDRC). Below are examples of NGO activities identified by children, community members and NGOs that unite or connect people. • “Sports teams organised by JRS make us close to one another.” (FGD with girls aged 13–18 in Gihembe, Byumba——Rwanda) • “Organising football matches between IDP and local communities has increased interactions and understanding between them and improved relationships. We also organise cultural activities, such as, folklore dances with messages of peace.”

8 (SOFEPADI, Beni——Eastern DR Congo)

with community members, Oicha, Beni— —Eastern DR Congo)

• “We sensitise communities to welcome separated and abandoned children and facilitate children into foster families. The project advocates that children be treated without discrimination. It promotes coexistence and integration of children into families and communities.” (World Vision——Eastern DR Congo)

• “Family reunification has in some cases reduced conflicts and tensions between family members. In Ituri, for example where there were intermarriages between the Hema and the Lendu conflicting tribes, spouses had to separate during the periods when the conflict was tense. Reuniting a child——through mediation and reconciliation of the parents—— who had been separated from his or her parents because of the conflict has brought the parents to reconcile and by so doing uniting the larger extended family.” (Save the Children, UK——Beni)

• “Community members participate in the construction of school buildings. The community participates in recruitment of pupils and monitoring the project. The activities the community does together unite them.” (NRC——Rwanda) • “Sometimes this assistance brings the community together. For example, when all of us receive the same quantities at the same time.” (FGD with girls aged 10-14, Beni——Eastern DR Congo) • “When an unaccompanied child gets two pairs of shoes from an NGO and then gives away one pair to a child belonging to his or her foster family. Such actions, if encouraged promote a spirit of sharing and love.” (FGD community, Mbimbi Camp, Beni——Eastern DR Congo) • “People from tribes that were fighting each other in Ituri are now living in the same camps in the Beni area. The NGOs are giving support to all of us regardless of our tribes. This has contributed to uniting us and helping us to live together.” (FGD Figure 2:

“When constructing latrines and showers, members of the community participate regardless of their tribes. Everyone takes part in the construction. The camp community uses the latrines and showers, regardless of tribe. We also organise seminars on primary health care. Participants come from all tribes. They sit and participate together.We use the group work method and this builds teams and promotes cooperation among different tribes.” (PPSSP, Beni——Eastern DR Congo)

4.3.1.1 Categories of connecting factors Activities by NGOs identified to ‘connect’ people were those that provided people opportunities to work together, interact and relate across splinter lines.

Categories of NGO actions that connect displaced communities

The figure shows categories of activities that were identified to connect people – thus minimising tensions and conflicts and strengthening community or inter group relationships.

_____________________________________________ 92

•

Mary B. Anderson, 1999.

39 These included: games or sports; construction of school buildings, latrines and other infrastructure in the camps; and inclusive and collective decision-making. Others included activities aimed at integrating stigmatised and isolated groups of people in communities, reuniting of family members and fair distribution of food and nonfood items.



• “There are sometimes tensions within the family whenever we provide assistance, such as, clothes and free medical care to only separated children living with foster families that have needy children.” (World Vision, Eastern DR Congo)



• “There are no conflicts as such but at times there are misunderstandings between the IDP and the local population when NGOs assist only the displaced children and not the host families. This develops jealousy.” (PPSSP, Beni——Eastern DR Congo)



• “The assistance brings conflicts when the distribution is not well organised. For example, when some of the displaced receive and others do not.” (FGD with girls aged 10-14 years, Beni——Eastern DR Congo)



• “There are usually minor complaints when girls receive ‘vitenge’[cloth], buckets and other materials to encourage them to stay in school while boys do not.” (FGD with vulnerable girls, Lugufu I, Tanzania)



• “Those outside the group [children are organised in groups by NGOs] are not happy with those in groups. Children and parents of those not in groups disassociate with those in groups. Some don’t talk to each other. They think there is segregation in the way groups are formed.” (FGD with community members, Coope——Gulu, Uganda)



• “During the verification process, the number of children was reduced from 6 to 2.The amount of food given is for fewer people than the total number of people in the family.

4.3.2 Project activities that divide people Apart from NGO project activities that connect displaced communities, there are activities that feed inter-group tensions or weaken inter-group connections.92 Due to limited resources, NGOs cannot meet the enormous needs of displaced children and their communities. Tensions and divisions often arise due to issues surrounding the distribution of food and non-food items. This was prevalent in all displaced communities visited. Below are voices of both NGOs and displaced communities on the tensions often experienced.



• “The assistance causes tensions in the community because our needs are many and yet the resources are not enough to satisfy our needs.” ( FGD with girls aged 13–18 years, Gihembe——Rwanda) • “It has been a source of hate and conflict, especially when a member of your host family asks you for some thing that has been given to you [by an organisation] and you refuse.They sometimes send you away from the home.They want to take away the things we get. Most times we are obliged to share. They ask us to sell the unique things that we get so that the money can be used to buy things for everybody.” (FGD with boys, Beni——Eastern DR Congo)

Children matching for peace in Pader Northern Uganda Photo by Simon Mugenyi

40 Apart from this, people steal food during the food distribution process. The people who distribute the food also favour some people, especially

their relatives. The whole process is painful. We would rather not talk about it because it makes our tears begin to roll.” (FGD with community members, Pagak——Gulu)

Below is a case study on distribution of food and non-food items in Kiyange IDP’s site——Burundi.

Three key categories of dividing factors can be drawn from responses of displaced communities and the NGOs that provide various services to them. Unfair and non-transparent processes in selection of benefi ciaries: Conflicts arose due to favouritism and discrimination in the selection of beneficiaries. The feelings of ‘being left out yet I deserve’ caused unhappiness, envy and at the worst hatred and conflicts. Corrupt people (those in charge of selection and distribution) intensify tensions when they strike off deserving people from beneficiary lists to accumulate things for their families, relatives or even for sale. Segregating benefi ciaries along gender lines: NGOs usually target vulnerable groups,

such as, women and girls in provision of nonfood items and services. Complaints from men and boys, such as ‘why them,’ ‘what is so special about them,’ are common. Men and boys often feel discriminated against. These feelings are responsible for many cases of violence and tensions in communities and families. Assisting the displaced and not their host communities and families: Assistance from NGOs makes beneficiaries better off than their host families and communities. The feeling that ‘outsiders’ have access to better services than the hosts causes bad relationships between the host community or family and the beneficiaries. Figure 3 shows categories of dividing factors that feed inter-group tensions or weaken inter-group connections.

4 Figure 3:

Categories of dividing factors arising out of NGO activities in displaced communities

4.3.3 Key lessons learnt • Whereas responsibility for the protection of IDP rests largely with national governments and local authorities, they have ‘delegated’ this responsibility to international and local NGOs and other civil society groups. Without the interventions of NGOs and other civil society groups, internally displaced children and their communities would be suffering extreme severe deprivation with very limited assistance, if any. • In their pursuit to provide assistance to displaced communities, NGO intervention processes and actions that provide people opportunities to work together, interact and relate across splinter lines have contributed towards strengthening people’s capacities to disengage from violence and other negative conflicts, thus contributing

to creating enabling environments for child protection and promotion of their rights. At the same time, though unintentionally, they have increased tensions already existing in displaced communities therefore worsening unfavourable environments for child protection and promotion of child rights——through unfair processes in selection of beneficiaries, segregating beneficiaries along gender lines and assisting only the displaced or vulnerable and not their host communities or families. • Most assistance is focused on meeting displaced children’s basic needs——such as material, food, education and health needs——while their psychosocial needs remain largely unmet.

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5.0 RECOMMENDATIONS To the Governments of Burundi, DR Congo, Uganda, Rwanda, and Tanzania 1. Formulate and implement national IDP policies: There is an urgent need to formulate and implement national IDP policies to enhance the protection and assistance of IDP through systematic, comprehensive and coordinated approaches.





(a) The Government of Uganda should fully and rapidly implement the already existing National IDP policy and strengthen its enforceability by passing a law on internal displacements. (b) The Governments of Burundi and DR Congo should each formulate an IDP policy by domesticating the UN guiding principles on internal displacement that serve as an international standard to guide governments, international humanitarian and development agencies in providing assistance and protection to IDP. (c) Governments should allocate adequate budgets to facilitate implementation of these policies. (d) Governments should strengthen national and local coordination mechanisms and enhance the capacity and participation of its authorities, especially at district/regional level, to implement the IDP policies.

2. Support the implementation of the November 2004 Dar-es-Salaam Declaration: Member States of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR) should:



(a) Adopt the draft pact on security, stability and development. (b) Support the establishment and full operationalisation of the regional framework for the protection, assistance and search for durable solutions for displaced populations and communities that host them. (c) Support the implementation of the Regional Program of Action for Peace and Security.

3. Take concrete measures to ensure implementation of UN SC Resolution 1653 on the Great Lakes Region with particular emphasis on operative paragraphs 4 and 15 which deal with children affected by armed conflict, IDP, refugees and returnees. 4. Establish a mechanism to monitor and report on the plight of displaced children as recommended by the AU’s Ouagadougou Declaration in June 2006: Considering the unique challenges faced by children including significant sexual abuse and exploitation, governments should establish a mechanism to monitor the plight of displaced children and submit annual reports on the protection and assistance situation of victims of forced displacement. 5. Ensure children’s rights to basic health and education as provided for in both the UN CRC and the ACRWC: Governments should effectively meet their responsibility of ensuring that health care and basic education are provided free of charge to displaced children in line with these legal instruments. 6. Prioritise tracing, reuniting and reintegration of separated and abandoned children: Governments should prioritise support for tracing, reuniting and reintegrating separated and abandoned children into their own or host (foster) families. Such reintegration programmes should include activities aimed at educating children on their rights; incorporating training targeted towards members of the community, local animators and child protection committees who intervene in issues of injustice towards children in the community. 7. Facilitate conflict resolution, peace and reconciliation efforts in places of origin: Local and national peace, reconciliation and healing initiatives should be supported; and democracy and good governance promoted as strategies for sustainable peace to facilitate the return of displaced children, their families and communities. 8. Enhance schoolteachers’ child protection and behaviour protocols: For teachers working with displaced children, there is a need to ensure observance of child protection and behaviour protocols; and where they do not

43 exist they should be developed. Severe penalties and punishment for teachers who sexually abuse and exploit children put under their care and guidance should be put in place for observance. Involve children in school ‘policing’ by raising their awareness about their rights, the code of conduct for teachers and reporting procedures.

on the contexts in which they are undertaken, and, conversely, the impact of these contexts on the interventions. The analysis should inform programming decisions. Donor and UN agencies should include conflict sensitive programming as a requirement for implementing partners.

To NGOs and other Civil Society Organisations

11. Promote conflict sensitive communitybased identification and monitoring systems: Invest in conflict sensitive and meaningful community participation in decision-making, assessing needs, setting criteria and selecting beneficiaries and correcting beneficiary lists to ensure more community owned, transparent and fair processes. NGOs should also have supervision and monitoring mechanisms to reduce manipulation and ensure the processes stay on track. Constant and aggressive field monitoring, forums that enable people to voice their issues and concerns and responsive corrective measures are required.

9. Refocus programmes to address CSA and reinforce protection from and improve management of consequences of CSA and exploitation where such programmes already exist: Introduce or enhance CSA and SGBV prevention and response interventions in camps by supporting children’s access to a continuum of necessary services, such as, community services, psychosocial support, behavioural change interventions, legal and medical assistance. To achieve this requires:









(a) A coordinated referral network that facilitates channelling of cases to appropriate remedy. (b) A data management system to facilitate the capture and management of data on CSA and SGBV cases to, among other things, facilitate follow up and inform prevention and response activities. (c) Well-trained and skilled psychosocial and legal resource persons proportionate to displaced populations to effectively provide support to victims. (d) Increasing children’s access to safer livelihood options through improving families’ self-reliance and increasing access to necessary services. (e) Participation of women and girls in decision-making structures (including community and programme structures) to avoid gender-biased decisions. (f) Addressing social norms, cultures and practices that propel CSA and SGBV.

10. Develop and implement conflictsensitive interventions: Take systematic steps to understand the relationship between programming and conflict or how aid and conflict interact. Consider both the positive and the negative impacts of interventions—— in relation to conflict or peace dynamics——

12. Nurture a culture of peace and sociopolitical cohesion among displaced children and communities: More peacebuilding and conflict prevention initiatives, targeting children and the general displaced community, should be designed and implemented. A range of initiatives targeting young people and aimed at constructing and reconstructing a culture of peace among them and their various communities should be promoted. These could include: peace education, either taught as a separate school subject or integrated in other subjects, to promote peace knowledge, skills and attitudes; Peace education in informal settings; and initiatives that take various approaches to empower and equip children with peace knowledge, skills and attitudes. 13. Develop and implement policies, guidelines and programmes for child protection: Put in place and support implementation of policies, guidelines, procedures and programmes to strengthen child protection in government and NGO programmes.

(a) If governments, agencies or NGOs work through partners, the partners

44





have a responsibility to meet minimum standards of protection for the children in their programmes. Implementing partners should: be helped to understand the minimum standards; participate in drawing local standards; incorporate them into their organisation’s principles; and make pledges to adhere to them. (b) Governments, agencies and NGOs should put in place monitoring mechanisms to ensure that partner organisations are adhering to the policies, guidelines and standards. (c) Recruit child protection staff to enhance implementation and coordination.

14. Empower children and engage them in meaningful participation: Children should be empowered to protect their rights and the rights of others amidst abusers in their homes, immediate communities and schools. The aim should be to progress towards initiatives where children take on a greater role in decision-making, implementation and monitoring of programmes that concern them. To achieve this, specific attention should be placed on: increasing their access to information on rights and issues affecting them; equipping them with skills to identify abuse when it happens or is about to happen and take necessary action; acquainting them with reporting procedures and existing remedial services; and providing them space to participate and advocate for safer environments.

To UN Agencies 15. Enhance coordination and synergise with various assistance efforts: In order to efficiently and effectively manage and coordinate assistance as well as to address the needs of the displaced in a holistic manner, there is a need to enhance coordination and synergy between governments, UN agencies, INGOs, NGOs and community based efforts, especially in the case of assistance to IDP.

(a) Specifically, coordination is urgently required in: harmonising assessment approaches; setting humanitarian

strategic priorities, planning and strategy development; implementation; information sharing; application of agreed standards and guidelines, monitoring and evaluation; resource mobilisation; and capacity building for various stakeholders.

(b) UNICEF, UNHCR and OHCHR should increase their field presence in affected areas, especially those with IDP to among other things facilitate the coordination processes as well as the provision of relevant information to the UN Secretary General as stressed in operative paragraph 10 of the UN SC Resolution 1612 on Children Affected by Armed Conflict.

To Donors 16. Increase funding for humanitarian assistance as urged by UN SC Resolution 1653 (12) on the Great Lakes Region and Resolution 1612 (operative paragraph 17) on Children Affected by Armed Conflicts: Donor agencies should increase funding to improve the living conditions of displaced children and their families while national governments should increase their commitment and political will by allocating adequate budgets to address the plight of internally displaced people. Existing resources could be complemented through reductions in defence spending at national level. Special attention should be put on increasing families’ self-reliance through improved livelihoods, increasing access to basic services and creation of a protective environment through improved camp management. 17. Continue to provide financial and technical support for the implementation of the November 2004 Dar-es-Salaam Declaration: The UN, the African Union, the Group of Friends and other international community actors should continue to provide financial and technical support.

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7.0 CONCLUSION Displaced children’s health, nutritional, education and shelter needs remain largely unmet and their access to basic services is limited. The precarious camp environments have increased children’s vulnerability to a multitude of abuses and exploitation. As a result, children’s physical, cognitive and emotional development has been grossly retarded with little hope for restoration, if immediate action is not taken. While the existing policies and standards regarding refugee children have facilitated positive

progress in their protection and support, those for the protection and support of IDP, including children, are either nonexistent or remain largely inadequate or under-implemented. National governments have continued to perform poorly in their mandate to protect and support IDP. The longer the international community takes to arrive at fundamental decisions aimed at improving the plight of IDP, the more the conditions in which internally displaced children live will deteriorate. Displaced children and their communities ultimately want to return home.

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APPENDIx 1: METHODOLOGY Specific study objectives The study specifi cally assesses: • the situation of children displaced within or outside their national borders in Burundi, DR Congo, Rwanda,Tanzania and Uganda; • the nature and prevalence of sexual abuse suffered by displaced children in Burundi, DR Congo, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda; • whether efforts by key stakeholders to address displaced children’s needs contribute towards preventing conflict; and • proposes concrete recommendations for conflict prevention, peacebuilding and child protection. Sample of camps Data was collected from Kiyange IDP’s site near Buterere (Burundi), CECA 20, Anglican, Du Marche, Camp 1, Mingazi, Nzambe Malamu, Catholique IDP’s camps in Eringeti and Oicha areas (Eastern DR Congo), Coope and Pagak

Girls and boys participated in separate FGDs. Moderators of these groups were of the same sex as members of the groups. This made the children comfortable and facilitated open discussions on various subjects – some of which were very sensitive. Unlike FGDs with children, both men and women participated in the same group discussions. The structured questionnaire was administered to children individually and in privacy to increase confidentiality, create a environment conducive

IDP’s camps in Gulu (Uganda), Gihembe Refugee Camp in Byumba (Rwanda) and Lugufu 1 and Lugufu 11 refugee camps in Kigoma (Tanzania). An earlier study, onto which this one builds, collected data from: Bweyale Refugee Camp, Unyama and Awer IDP’s camps in Gulu (Uganda); Mtabila and Muyovosi refugee camps in Kigoma (Tanzania); and Lubumbashi and Kamakanga (DR Congo). Data collection methods and sample size Data collection methods were triangulated to increase the validity of findings.The methods included document review, structured interviews, focus group discussions (FGD), in depth interviews with key informants, case studies and observation. Various tools were designed, pre-tested and refined to facilitate discussions and interviews of the different categories of respondents. The structured questionnaire was specifically tailored to gather data on the forms and prevalence of child sexual abuse. It targeted a random sample of 304 children aged between 10 and 18. Of these children, 121 were boys and 183 were girls. Below is a table that details the sample size and methods.

for discussing sensitive issues and facilitate openness. Children were assured that whatever was revealed was not to be disclosed to any community members but would only be used for purposes of this study. Data analysis Qualitative data was analysed through a process of data reduction, data display, verification and conclusions were made. Quantitative data was analysed using ACCESS and EXCEL computer packages, where frequencies were established and conclusions drawn.

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appendix II : References 1.

African Union, Decision on the Ministerial Conference on Refugees, Returnees, and Internally Displaced Persons DOC. EX.CL/259 (IX).

2.

Africa Peace Forum et al., Conflict-sensitive Approaches to Development, Humanitarian Assistance and Peacebuilding, January 2004.

3.

Child Sexual Abuse, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Child_sexual_abuse.

4.

Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Commercial_sexual_exploitation_of_children

5.

Convention on the Rights of the Child adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 20 November 1989.

6.

CSO PEAP Revision Steering Committee, In Search of a New Development Path for Uganda: Civil Society Input into the 2003 / 04 PEAP Revision Process, April 2004.

7.

Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Congo, U.N. Doc. CRC/C/15/Add.153 (2001), http://www1. umn.edu/humanrts/crc/congo2001.html

8.

Gender-based Violence Tools Manual for Assessment & Program Design, Monitoring & Evaluation,The Reproductive Health for Refugees Consortium, c/o the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children and The International Rescue Committee, New York, February 2003, http://www.womenwarpeace.org/issues/violence/GBV_nairobi/M&E_toolsmanual.pdf

9.

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10.

INFO Project, Population Reports: Coping with Crises, Series J, Number 53, Family Planning Programs, Center for Communication Programs, The Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, USA, December 2005.

11.

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12.

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13.

Machel Graca, Impact of Armed Conflict on Children, Report of the Expert of the United Nations Secretary General, submitted pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 48/157,1996.

14.

Mary B. Anderson, Do No Harm, How Aid Can Support Peace——or War, 1999.

15.

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16.

Millennium Development Goals, http://www.undp.org/mdg/tracking_targetlist.shtml

17.

Optional Protocol to the CRC on sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography,Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution A/RES/54/263 of 25 May 2000 entered into force on 18 January 2002.

18.

Stolen Childhood, Burundi Focus on Education of Its Displaced Children, November 2005. http://www.stolenchildhood.net/entry/ burundi-focus-on-education-of-its-displaced-children.

19.

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20.

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21.

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22.

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23.

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24.

UNHCR, United Republic of Tanzania, UNHCR Global Appeal 2004.

25.

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26.

UNHCR, Sexual and Gender Based Violence Against Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced Persons: Guidelines for Prevention and Response, May 2003.

27.

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28.

UN OCHA, Study on Internally Displaced Populations in Burundi, 2005.

29.

UN OCHA, Uganda: Time to go home? May 2006, http://www.irinnews.org/print.asp?ReportID=52900

30.

UNSC Resolution 1612 (2005) Adopted by the Security Council at its 5235th Meeting, on 26 July 2005.

31.

UNSC Resolution 1653 (2006) Adopted by the Security Council at its 5359th Meeting, on 27 January 2006.

32.

Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict, Burundi, May 2002.

33.

Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict, Struggling to Survive: Children in Armed Conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo, April 2006.

34.

Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict, The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children in the Democratic Republic of Congo, June 2003.

35.

WFP/Gulu District, Consolidated Appeals Process, 2005 (http://72.14.221.104/search?q=cache:ULIfY1SJF-sJ:ochadms.unog.ch/quickplace/ cap/main…)

36.

Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, Learning in a War Zone: Education in Northern Uganda, February 2005.

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