The Three Jewels: A Study and Translation of Minamoto Tamenori's Sanboe

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Author: Edward Kamens

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The Three Jewels

Michigan Monograph Number

Series

in Japanese

2

Center for Japanese Studies T h e University o f M i c h i g a n

Studies

T H E THREE JEWELS A S T U D Y A N D T R A N S L A T I O N OF M I N A M O T O T A M E N O R I ' S SANBÖE

Edward Kamens

Ann Arbor Center for Japanese Studies The Unversity of Michigan 1988

© 1988 by Center for Japanese Studies The University of Michigan 108 Lane Hall Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1290

A l l rights reserved

Cover design by Sue-Ellen Feinberg

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Kamens, Edward, 1952 The three jewels. (Michigan monograph series in Japanese studies; no. 2) Includes bibliography and index. 1. Minamoto, Tamenori, d. 1011. Sanbö ekotoba. 2. Buddhism. I. Minamoto, Tamenori, d. 1101. Sanbö ekotoba. English. 1988. II. Title. III. Series. BQ4000.M563K36 1988 294.3'92 87-30940 I S B N 0-939512-34-3

Printed in the United States of America

Contents

Abbreviations

ix

Preface

xi

Part 1 Introduction Chapter 1: A Short History of Sanböe

3

Chapter 2: A Reading of Sanböe

41

Part 2 Translation General Preface

91

The First Volume: The Buddha

101

Preface to the First Volume 1.1 The Perfection of Charity: King Sibi 1.2 The Perfection of Discipline: King Srutasoma 1.3 The Perfection of Forbearance: The Ascetic K§änti 1.4 The Perfection of Effort: Prince Mahätyägavat 1.5 The Perfection of Meditation: The Ascetic Sankhäcärya 1.6 The Perfection of Wisdom: Prime Minister Govinda 1.7 The Elder Jalavähana 1.8 The Lion Who Held Firmly to His Vows 1.9 The Deer King 1.10 The Himalaya Boy 1.11 Prince Mahäsattva 1.12 Prince Sudäna ν

101 107 110 114 118 123 126 128 132 135 139 144 149

vi

Contents

1.13 Syäma Verse The Second Volume: The Teachings Preface to the Second Volume 2.1 Shötoku Taishi 2.2 EnoUbasoku 2.3 Gyöki Bosatsu 2.4 The "Lump" Nun of Higo Province 2.5 Kinunui Tomo Miyatsuko Gitö 2.6 An Old Fisherman of Harima Province 2.7 The Monk Gikaku 2.8 Ono no Ason Niwamaro of Echizen Province 2.9 The Go-Playing Monk of Yamashiro Province 2.10 The Sütra-Box Patron of Yamashiro Province 2.11 Takahashi no Muraji Azumahito 2.12 A Woman of Yamato Province 2.13 Okisome no Omi Taime 2.14 Nara no Iwashima 2.15 A Monk of Nara 2.16 A Monk of Mount Yoshino 2.17 A Miner of Mimasaka Province 2.18 Eikö of Daianji Verse The Third Volume: The Clergy Preface to the Third Volume The First Month 3.1 New Year Rites 3.2 The Feast 3.3 The Rites of Penance at Hie 3.4 The Bath 3.5 The Convocation The Second Month 3.6 Second Month Rites 3.7 The Änanda Rite of Penance at Saiin 3.8 The N i r v a n a Service at Yamashinadera 3.9 Stone Stüpas The Third Month 3.10 The Service of the Propagation of the Teachings at Shiga

158 164 165 165 174 191 197 203 206 208 210 212 215 216 218 220 221 224 228 230 232 234 240 241 241 249 251 254 260 265 269 272 276 279 282

Contents

3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15

The Saishö Service at Yakushiji The L o t u s Service at Takao The K e g o n Service at Hokkeji The Kangakue of Sakamoto on Hie The Service of Ten Thousand Lights at Yakushiji The Fourth Month 3.16 The Relics Service at Hie 3.17 The Great Prajnä Service at Daianji 3.18 The Anointment of the Buddha 3.19 The Ordination at Hie The Fifth Month 3.20 The Bodhisattva Ordination at Hatsuse 3.21 The Rice Donation The Sixth Month 3.22 The Service of One Thousand Flowers at Tödaiji The Seventh Month 3.23 The Mafijusrl Service 3.24 The Rite for the Dead The Eighth Month 3.25 The Continuous Nenbutsu on Hie 3.26 The Liberation of Animals at Yahata The Ninth Month 3.27 The Anointment Initiation at Hie The Tenth Month 3.28 The V i m a l a k l r t i Service at Yamashinadera The Eleventh Month 3.29 The Service of Eight Lectures at Kumano 3.30 The Service in the Month of Frost The Twelfth Month 3.31 The Buddhas' Names Verse

vii

286 288 291 295 299 302 307 312 315 320 326 328 333 337 342 345 349 353 357 360 366 371

List of Names, Titles, Terms, and Passages

373

Select Bibliography

413

Index

427

Abbreviations

Works in this list do not appear in the bibliography.

B D Mochizuki, Shinkö. Bukkyö d a i j i t e n . 10 vols. Rev. ed. Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kankö Kyökai, 1958-63. B G D Nakamura, Hajime et al., eds. Bukkyögo d a i j i t e n . 3 vols. Tokyo: Tokyo Shoseki, 1975. B S K D Ono, Genmyö, ed. Bussho kaisetsu d a i j i t e n . 12 vols. Tokyo: Daitö Shuppansha, 1933-36. D N B Z Bussho Kankökai, ed. D a i N i h o n vols. Tokyo: Bussho Kankökai, 1912-19.

bukkyö

zensho.

150

F Y C L Tao shih. Fa-yüan c h u - l i n . Τ #2122 in Τ 53:269-1030. GR

Hanawa, Hokiichi, ed. Gunsho ruijü. 19 vols. Tokyo: Keizai Zasshisha, 1898-1902.

K G D Nihon Daijiten Kankökai, ed. K o k u g o d a i j i t e n . 20 vols. Tokyo: Shögakukan,1972-76. K J J Takeuchi, Rizö, Yamada Hideo and Hirano Kunio, eds. K o d a i j i n m e i j i t e n . 7 vols. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Köbunkan, 1958-77. K M J Akanuma, Chizen. I n d o bukkyö koyü meishi j i t e n . Kyoto: Hözökan, 1967. KSTK Kuroita, Katsumi, ed. Shintei zöho vols. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1958-68.

kokushi

1931. Reprint.

taikei.

60

N K B T N i h o n koten bungaku t a i k e i . 100 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1958-68. ix

Abbreviations

χ

ΝΚΒΖ

N i h o n koten bungaku zenshü. Tokyo: Shögakukan, 1970-76.

NST N i h o n shisö t a i k e i . 56 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970-. Ρ J Cowell, Ε. B., ed. T h e J a t a k a , o r Stories of the B u d d h a ' s F o r m e r Births. T r a n s l a t e d f r o m the P a l i b y V a r i o u s H a n d s . 6 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1895-1907. Ryakuchü Yamada, Yoshio, ed. Sanböe ryakuchü. 1951. Reprint. Kyoto: Höbunkan Shuppan, 1971. Shüsei Koizumi, Hiroshi, and Takahashi Nobuyuki, eds. Sanböe shüsei. Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1980.

Shohon taishö

STD Fujiwara, Yüsetsu, ed. Shötoku T a i s h i den. 2 vols. 1942. Reprint. Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 1977. Τ

Takakusu, Junjirö, and Watanabe Kaigyoku, eds. Taishö shinshü daizökyö. 85 vols. Tokyo: Taishö Issaikyö Kankökai, 1924-32.

ZGR

Hanawa, Hokiichi et al., eds. Zoku gunsho ruijü. Zoku Gunsho Ruijü Kanseikai, 1929-33.

34 vols. Tokyo:

ZZGR

Kokusho Kankökai, ed. Zoku zoku gunsho ruijü. 16 vols. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankökai, 1906-9.

Preface

Sanböe is a title frequently cited in studies of premodern Japanese literature, as is the alternate form Sanböekotoba. But most students and scholars in the field know little about the work itself. This was one of the reasons for my own interest in Sanböe when I began the study that has led to the present book. Sanböe is a literary work concerning Buddhism, and so it is of interest to those who study literature or Buddhism or both. It was meant to be illustrated, and may have been, so a study of Sanböe also raises questions that are of interest to art historians. I have tried to write about Sanböe and translate it in a way that will be useful for specialists in these fields and comprehensible to nonspecialists too. I have described the particular circumstances in which its author, Minamoto Tamenori, wrote it for its first intended reader, Sonshi Naishinnö, and I have attempted to bring her experience of reading it back to life for the contemporary reader. I believe that these special circumstances shaped the writing and the reading of the work in important ways, and it is to the consideration of these that I have devoted most of my attention. Readers should take note of the following technical aspects of the book: 1. The texts of Sanböe that I used are Koizumi and Takahashi s Shohon taishö Sanböe shüsei (1980) and Yamada's Sanböe ryakuchü (1951; reprinted 1971). Descriptions of these and full bibliographic information will be found in the first chapter of the introduction, along with some comments on the shortcomings of other editions. 2. Romanization systems used are the standard (modified) Hepburn for Japanese and Wade-Giles for Chinese. Readers will alreadly have noticed that I write "Sanböe" not Sampöe or Samböe; they will find Monmu, not Mommu, and genpö, not gempö. No attempt has been made to reproduce archaic pronunciation in the reproduction of text passages. Sanskrit names and titles of works are reproduced according to Franklin Edgerton's B u d d h i s t H y b r i d S a n s k r i t G r a m m a r a n d D i c t i o n a r y (1953) or Ogiwara and TsujTs K a n ' y a k u taishö b o n w a d a i j i t e n (revised, 1979) (see also the next paragraph). A l l Japanese personal names are 5

xi

xii

Preface

given in the Japanese order, i.e., family name preceding personal name. The particle no, sometimes inserted between surname and personal name, has generally been omitted except where it appears in a text of Sanböe. I have used the very familiar Japanese forms of some names of Buddhist deities (Kannon, Amida) and texts ( D a i c h i d o r o n , the K e g o n Sütra) but have used an English translation for the very familiar L o t u s Sütra. All other titles and names are in the original languages (where known), except where translation into English is useful for emphasizing the relation of the title of a work to the topic of the passage in which it appears (e.g., The Sütra o n R e w a r d s ) . In all such cases, the title of the work in its original language is given in an accompanying note. 3. Some special conditions govern the representation of titles of works in the Chinese Buddhist canon. Works that appear in volumes 132 of Taishö shinshü daizökyö (1924-32) are cited by their Japanese titles, except as noted above. The titles of treatises, commentaries, and the like by Chinese authors appear in Chinese, as do the names of those authors. The forms of all these titles follow the listing in Ono Genmyö's Bussho kaisetsu d a i j i t e n (1933-36) or in Demieville et al., R e p e r t o i r e d u c a n o n b o u d d h i q u e s i n o - j a p o n a i s : f a s c i c u l e annexe d u Höbö g i r i n (1931; revised, 1978). This book is based in part on my doctoral dissertation, which was submitted and approved at Yale University in 1982. The dissertation has not been made available through University Microfilms International, pending publication of this revised edition, which supercedes it. My dissertation research in Japan was supported by grants from the Japan Foundation and the Social Science Research Council. A grant from the Northeast Asian Council of the Association for Asian Studies also assisted me in the later stages of revision. Stanley Weinstein and Edwin McClellan are only two of the many individuals at Yale whose guidance has shaped my work. Kunisaki Fumimaro welcomed me to Waseda University in 1980, and Nakai Katsumi helped me in the search for materials and kindly introduced me to other scholars who took an interest in my project, including Yamanaka Yutaka and Takahashi Mitsugu. Robert Leutner s and Dominic Kinsley's careful readings of the dissertation manuscript led to many improvements. Lucie Weinstein and Carolyn Wheelwright have both been very helpful with responses to my questions about Japanese Buddhist art. I am also deeply grateful for the encouragement and criticism so kindly given by the late Robert Brower. The support of my family and of many friends and colleagues has been invaluable; among them, I want paricularly to thank James Dobbins and Suzanne Gay; my parents, Margot and Leslie Kamens; and my wife, Mary Ellen Miller. J

Part 1 Introduction

Chapter 1 A Short History of Sanböe

In the winter of 984, Minamoto Tamenori, Provisional Governor of the province of Mikawa and a modestly accomplished author of poetry and prose, completed a work entitled Sanböe ("Illustrations of the Three Jewels"). It was an illustrated collection of Buddhist tales in three volumes, compiled for and presented to an imperial princess, Sonshi Naishinnö, who had recently taken vows as a nun, and it was written to serve as her guide to Buddhism. Tamenori offered her an array of exemplary tales that showed how merit generated through good deeds and practices would yield rewards both in this life and in the next. He included stories from the lives of Buddhas, based on scriptural sources; tales of Japanese Buddhists and the miracles produced through their devotions, adapted from other Japanese sources, chiefly N i h o n ryöiki; and accounts of the origins, organization, and benefits of various Buddhist rites, for which he drew upon court and monastic documents, scripture, and, in one or two cases, personal observation. He added a general preface and three other prefaces to bind the tales together in three volumes or fascicles ( m a k i ) . Tamenori's stated purpose was to provide Sonshi with information conducive to her spiritual advancement, but he also believed that by providing such guidance and by rejoicing in her accomplishments he would simultaneously augment his own store of merit and increase the likelihood of his own salvation. He claimed that this particular kind of literature, which literally chastised evil and encouraged good and which was based on the irrefutable teachings of the Buddha, was superior to the fanciful romances ( m o n o g a t a r i ) favored by women of Sonshi's day and of Sonshi's class. But to convey his message most effectively, Tamenori adapted the form of the illustrated m o n o g a t a r i for his own purposes, and thus devised a special book designed to fulfill his special goals and particularly suited to the needs and capacities of his intended reader. 1

3

4

A Short History of Sanböe

In his "General Preface" Tamenori justified the plan of his book by quoting a verse attributed to the revered Nägärjuna suggesting a scriptural analogue to the illustrated m o n o g a t a r i : Whether you look at what is shown in the pictures, Hear what is said in the words of others Or follow the scriptures and other writings Be sure to understand and remember! 2

"With this in mind," Tamenori wrote, "I have had illustrations of several exemplary stories made, and I submit them to you together with these words from the scripture and from other works." Accordingly, he prepared for Sonshi a book that was unlike any of its acknowledged sources and unlike any of its known models in the genre of Buddhist tale collections. It was, instead, an emaki, a text combined with pictures, like many of the books read at court and in the private quarters of aristocratic women in mid-Heian Japan. It may have been planned to take the same general shape as does Genji m o n o g a t a r i emaki, the best known surviving work of this type, which has blocks of narrative text broken at intervals by an illustration of some highlight or essential element of that passage. The resulting book not only would have been a beautiful object and a pleasure to read and look at but also would have been an embodiment of the Buddhist practice of höben, the teaching of the complex through expedient, simplifying means. Tamenori's innovative choice of the emaki format for Sanböe, a serious didactic and devotional work, made its content all the more accessible and palatable for Sonshi; yet, in its author's view, its content and purpose made it a far better book than those whose form it imitated. In another passage of the "General Preface," certainly the most frequently quoted in the whole work, Tamenori condemns m o n o g a t a r i and criticizes their readers for allowing themselves to be taken in by so much of what he considered to be hokum. He approaches the subject by imagining how Sonshi will spend her time now that she has left her old way of life for that of a nun. Concerned about the temptations to which she may yield in her idleness, he warns her against too much enjoyment of games of go and k o t o practice before moving in for the real attack : 3

4

5

Then there are the so-called m o n o g a t a r i , which have such an effect upon ladies' hearts. They flourish in numbers greater than the grasses of Öaraki Forest, more countless than the sands on the Arisomi beaches. They attribute speech to trees and plants, mountains and rivers, birds and beasts, fish and insects that cannot speak; they invest unfeeling objects with

5


human feelings and ramble on and on with meaningless phrases like so much flotsam in the sea, with no two words together that have any more solid basis than does swamp grass growing by a river bank. The Sorceress of I g a , The T o s a L o r d , The F a s h i o n a b l e C a p t a i n , The N a g a i C h a m b e r l a i n , and all the rest depict relations between men and women just as if they were so many flowers or butterflies, but do not let your heart get caught up even briefly in these tangled roots of evil, these forests of words. 6

The attitude Tamenori reveals here is typical of the distrust of fiction that was a tenet of the intellectuals of his age, and a wholly accepted inheritance from their Chinese literary forebears. This distrust is also the subject of a barbed exchange between Hikaru Genji and his ward, Tamakazura—a m o n o g a t a r i enthusiast—in a famous section of the "Fireflies" (Hotaru) chapter of Genji m o n o g a t a r i . There, Genji first presents objections that are very similar to Tamenori's, but then expresses more positive views that have often been taken to be those of the author herself. At a time when the m o n o g a t a r i was flourishing (although perhaps not as wildly as Tamenori suggests), its readers-—both women and men, no doubt—may indeed have engaged in such debates with one another and with themselves as they tried to reconcile the pleasures and rewards of this genre with their established notions of what literature should be. As Tamenori conceived it, however, Sanböe could never be attacked for spuriousness or frivolity. He could borrow the structure of the illustrated m o n o g a t a r i for it, but the veracity of its contents would be unquestionable, primarily because its sources, particularly the scriptures, were also works of accepted veracity. Furthermore, the spiritual goals of his work were unimpeachable and certainly more high-minded (in his view) than those that merely sought to titillate. The illustrations as well as the text of Sanböe might entertain as well as, or better than, the m o n o g a t a r i , but they would also edify and perhaps even "save" the reader. So far as is known, no one in either China or Japan had tried to do what Tamenori did when he combined Buddhist tales with illustrations in the emaki format, though of course there were many examples in other modes and genres of art and literature in which words and pictures had been used together to communicate the ideas and images of Buddhism. There were, indeed, illustrated versions of sütras (for example, the K a k o genzai ingakyö, or "Eingakyö," probably a mid-eighth century work, depicting the life of Säkyamuni), and the preparation of copies of certain sütras with elaborate illustrations and calligraphy was a 7

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favored form of devotional offering in Heian society. But the Japanese work most like Sanböe, which also comprises one of its major sources— the above-mentioned N i h o n ryöiki—was not illustrated, even though much of its content was equally well suited to rendering in visual form and despite the fact that illustrations would have promoted the didactic goals of its author (which were, of course, closely akin to Tamenori's). So, although not entirely without precedent, the idea of the form of Sanböe was very likely Tamenori's invention, or perhaps that of someone in Sonshi's household, or even the princess's own notion. It seems unlikely that anyone would have argued against the suggestion that illustrations would add a great deal to what Tamenori had to say in the book. His reference to the verse by Nägärjuna may even imply that the illustrations were the more important component of the work, while the text itself was somewhat secondary. At some point in the intervening centuries the Sanböe illustrations were lost. No means of reconstructing them readily presents itself, for there are no contemporary descriptions of the illustrations, and there is only slight evidence that they ever existed. At the end of seven tales in one of the major copies of Sanböe are the words e a r i ("There is an illustration"). In addition, one fragment of a copy of the first tale in the second volume (the biography of Prince Shötoku) contains what appears to be a description of two or three illustrated scenes. This does not necessarily mean that only these tales were illustrated. Tamenori (if it were he who made these notations; it may very well have been a later copyist) may simply have omitted the indication in the other tales. E m a k i texts and pictures were frequently produced by separate hands, and this was most probably the case with Sanböe. Tamenori was and is known as a writer and not a painter, although he was mistakenly thought of as such in later centuries. Perhaps Tamenori fulfilled his part of the task of creating Sanböe, but the anonymous graphic artist failed to do so. Women like Sonshi often "read" emaki by looking at the pictures while a companion read the text out loud. For this purpose, or for that of copying, the Sanböe text and illustrations, even if they were originally presented together as a single work in three large scrolls, may eventually have been separated. It is also possible that the illustrations were planned for presentation in some format separate from the text itself. In either case, if damaged or worn, the illustrations would have been far more difficult and expensive to reproduce than the text. The possibility that they may have been the more treasured part of the work and were perhaps unique or groundbreaking in their interaction with the text makes their loss even more regrettable. But Sanböe is not the only early emaki for which only either illustrations or text survive, and in this case Tamenori's holograph has not survived either. We know Sanböe's 10

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content largely through its survival in three later copies, each of which is very different, in various ways, from the others. More than a millennium has passed since Tamenori wrote this book, and during much of that time Sanböe was virtually ignored. Its rediscovery by Japanese scholars did not occur until the early part of this century, but today it is studied by numbers of scholars interested in its literary form and content, its relationship to other works, its religious and historical data, and its linguistic and orthographic aspects. And if the Sanböe illustrations are ever found and can be shown to be the original illustrations completed around the end of the tenth century, they would be by far the earliest examples of the genre and of immense value in the study of emaki and of Japanese Buddhist art in general. Unfortunately, it now seems unlikely that the illustrations will ever come to light, and we can only speculate about them and their function with the text. Even the text we read today looks different from the one prepared for Sonshi's eyes; yet, something like the experience of reading it as she did is still possible for us.

Sonshi The woman for whom Tamenori wrote Sanböe was about nineteen years old in the year that the book was completed and, presumably, presented to her. Sonshi was the daughter, wife, and sister of successive emperors. Two years before Sanböe, in the fourth month of Tengen 5 (982), she took the initial vows of a Buddhist nun. Then, in the fifth month of Kanna 1 (985), just a few months after Sanböe was finished, news reached the court that Sonshi had died. Though few of the details are known, there is much in this brief life that explains how Sanböe came to be written and why Tamenori wrote it as he did. Sonshi was the second daughter of Emperor Reizei, who lived from 950 to 1011 but reigned only from 967 to 969. She was the first child borne him by Fujiwara Kaishi, whose father, Koretada (or Koremasa, 924-972), was a scion of the Ichijö branch of that powerful family. In 968, following Reizei's ascent to the throne, the two-year-old Sonshi was named Priestess ( S a i i n ) of the Kamo Shrine. It was customary for new priestesses, usually immediate relatives of the emperor regnant, to be installed shortly after the beginning of each new reign. In the eighth month of Anna 2 (969), Reizei abdicated and was succeeded by his brother, who took the throne as Emperor En'yü (959-991; reigned 969984), but Sonshi continued to serve as Kamo priestess until 975, when her mother Kaishi died. 12

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In 980, Sonshi, then about fifteen years old, was received in the imperial palace as one of En'yü's wives. Such marriages between close relatives (in this case, of a fraternal uncle and niece) were by no means unusual, either in the imperial family or in the aristocratic clans. En'yü already had several wives whose family ties made them politically more important than Sonshi. These included Senshi, daughter of Fujiwara Kaneie, then the Minister of the Right, and Junshi, daughter of Kaneie's cousin and rival, Fujiwara Yoritada, the Regent. But Sonshi was, after all, an emperor's daughter, and so a place was found for her at court, too. On the twentieth day of the tenth month of Tengen 3 she was installed in the Reikeiden, one of the consorts' residence halls in the inner palace. On the twenty-second day of the following month, a fire destroyed most of the palace. The court was forced into temporary quarters, and Sonshi withdrew to her private residence. Palace fires were all too frequent, but this one seems to have been particularly destructive, and the timing could not have been worse as far as Sonshi was concerned. The fact that it occurred so soon after her arrival at court as En'yü's wife seems to have bound the two events together and, according to E i g a m o n o g a t a r i and Ökagami, she was known thereafter as Hi no miya—"the Fire Princess." Though she eventually returned to court, taking up residence in the Shökyöden, the pall cast by the fire upon Sonshi's marriage seems never to have lifted, and, if we believe the Ökagami narrator, "she only waited upon the emperor once or twice." When her maternal uncle Mitsuaki died, on the second day of the fourth month of Tengen 5 (982), she withdrew once more to her own home. On the ninth, the court learned that she had had her head shaven. She had become a nun. "Some said that it was the work of an evil spirit in possession of her," reported the courtier Fujiwara Sanesuke in his diary, Shöyüki. "But others said that this was an intention nurtured for many years, kept secret from the court, so that no one knew the truth. This morning, Lord Yoshichika [another of Sonshi's maternal uncles] came to the palace and informed the emperor. It was said that not much was cut, just the locks that fell across her brow." Although this news seems to have taken the court by surprise, there were several plausible explanations for what Sonshi had done, and there are several similarities between this incident and many that are documented in the history and literature of Heian Japan. Aristocratic lay men and women of that society took vows as monks or nuns in various situations and for various reasons. Their motives were sometimes purely religious, but other objectives were often of great importance. The act itself is generally termed shukke, literally "leaving the home," i.e., one's worldly modus v i v e n d i , for the life of religious devotion, ostensibly in a monastery or convent. Other terms for various stages of this process 14

15

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include r a k u s h o k u , an initial, partial vows-taking (like Sonshi's) by royals or aristocrats, at which time the hair was partly cut or shaved, and j u k a i the undertaking of a more complete set of precepts. The act of shukke was understood as a symbolic renunciation of secular ties, but the extent to which such renunciations were actually realized varied greatly. The shukke of emperors and political figures, often occurring simultaneously with or following closely after abdication or resignation, was sometimes little more than a strategy that allowed them to shed their official responsibilities while retaining power and prestige, qualities that were often heightened by their newly sanctified aura. Emperor Goshirakawa and Taira Kiyomori are two historical figures who used this tactic to great advantage. Other motives for the shukke of both men and women were bereavement over the death of a parent; the hope of salutary effects when the initiates were seriously ill; escape from a dangerous or frustrating love affair; and, particularly for persons of advanced years, the desire to prepare effectively for death through devotion to meritorious practices, among which the act of shukke itself ranked high. Many of the possible motives, conditions, and consequences of shukke in Heian society are depicted in Genji m o n o g a t a r i . Among the male characters who are monks there are, for example, Akashi no nyüdö, a retired governor who is admired for his piety but is nonetheless successful in realizing an ambitious marriage for his daughter, and the Eighth Prince, a politically useless member of the royal family whose untimely withdrawal from the world and overwhelmingly cynical view of it have particularly disastrous effects on his daughters. There are women like Fujitsubo, who takes vows after her husband the emperor's death but also to atone for her guilty affair with Genji, and the Third Princess, Genji's attractive and naive young wife, who becomes a nun immediately after giving birth to a child by another man. (Her marriage resembles that of Sonshi and En'yü: the Third Princess is also the daughter of Genji's brother, Emperor Suzaku.) Genji himself, and Murasaki, the woman he raises from childhood to serve as his ideal wife, both nurture the desire to take vows throughout much of their lives. Genji is lured to this panacea whenever the political and romantic ways of the world seem to go against him, or when he is bereaved by the loss of someone he has loved. Murasaki's desire to become a nun increases in fervency as a mysterious illness strengthens its grip on her and her presentiments of death grow more intense, but because of Genji's inability to match her resolution, her intention remains unfulfilled at death. Like the acts of renunciation described in both historical chronicles and in fiction, Sonshi's shukke can probably be explained as the result of a combination of factors. Her long-nurtured "intention" may have been f

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conceived at the time of the death of her mother and her retirement as Kamo priestess, but not only because of this bereavement. Other incumbents of that ritual office are known to have become Buddhist nuns, almost as a matter of course, after their Kamo tenure. They did so in the belief that compensatory Buddhist devotion was called for after the periods they spent as shrine officiants, during which time their participation in Buddhist observances was proscribed. Senshi Naishinnö (9641035), a daughter of Emperor Murakami, succeeded Sonshi as S a i i n in 975 and remained in that post through the next five reigns, until 1031 — for a total of fifty-seven years. Almost immediately upon retiring from her Kamo duties, she became a nun. While still serving at Kamo, she composed a series of verses on Buddhist scriptural themes, entitled H o s s h i n wakashü ["A Collection of Poems of Religious Awakening"], one objective of which was to counteract the ill effects of her inability to participate directly in Buddhist rituals. A fictional Kamo priestess, Princess Asagao, in Genji m o n o g a t a r i , also becomes a nun after she leaves her post. Sonshi may well have viewed her own circumstances in a similar light and may have decided very early in life that, sooner or later, she should take vows. Then came her marriage, forestalling her intentions but perhaps adding further to her determination. Her coincidental association with the fire and the greater importance of En'yü's other wives may have been reasons why she "only waited upon him once or twice"; at any rate, their union yielded no children, whose presence would have made Sonshi's position at court somewhat more secure. Perhaps, for some reason, she was incapable of bearing them. It has been suggested, though not very convincingly, that she was somehow deformed ; what seems more likely, however, is that she was ill—too i l l , perhaps, to attract or receive the emperor's affection, or too ill to conceive a child even if there had been the opportunity to do so. Illness may be the meaning of the "possession" (jake) that was rumored, according to Sanesuke, to have been responsible for Sonshi's initial tonsure. Possession was a very common diagnosis for all manner of physical ailments, as well as the cause to which all kinds of untoward events and precipitous acts were attributed. Jake may also be a euphemism for madness, which was usually thought to be caused by possession. Indeed, it is generally believed that Reizei, Sonshi's father, suffered from mental illness, and her brother Kazan was also notorious for his wayward behavior, so there may have been a general suspicion that this branch of the imperial family suffered from some kind of hereditary mental debility. In the eyes of Sanesuke and other courtiers, Sonshi's deed may have seemed so premature, so abrupt and thorough a denial of the promise of her birth and her marriage that it 19

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A Short History of Sanboe

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could only have been the act of one who was not entirely in the possession of her own senses. It may have seemed to them to be the act of one who was suffering temporary insanity, caused perhaps by grief over the death of her uncle Mitsuaki, which was certainly more than a personal loss for Sonshi. His death must have deprived her of one of the very few men who were still in a position to look after her interests at court. But perhaps only those closest to Sonshi knew the truth and understood. If, at the time that she first took vows and had a few locks cut from her brow, she was in fact seriously ill (in some way that would have been called j a k e ) , and consequently knew even then that she might not live much longer, she probably also knew that there was really only one thing for her to do. It was now time to set aside any lingering reasons for delaying the realization of her "intention" to devote herself singularly to Buddhist practices that would increase her store of merit and prepare her as well as possible for the life to come. And that was how she must have spent those three years of life that, as it turned out, were all that were left her. According to Sanesuke, Sonshi died on the morning of the second day of the fifth month of Kanna 1 (985). ( N i h o n k i r y a k u gives the first day of the month as the day of her death. ) The "forty-ninth day" memorial service was held at Hosshöji, a temple closely associated with the Fujiwara family, on the seventeenth day of the sixth month. Sonshi's father Reizei, her husband En'yü (who had abdicated at age twenty-five in the eighth month of the previous year) and the new emperor, Sonshi's brother Kazan, were all present. A prayer of intercession ( g a n m o n ) was composed for the occasion by Yoshishige Yasutane (?—1002), a pious and scholarly scribe known today for a number of literary achievements. In his prayer, Yasutane tried to make sense of Sonshi's brief life. He observed, to begin with, that even the Buddha Säkyamuni was mortal, that even celestial beings can grow old; and among all sentient beings, he asked, are there any that must not face death? When Sonshi came to court as En'yü's wife, he continued, her beauty rivaled that of fabled Chinese sirens ("the enchantress of Mount Lo Fu"; "the goddess of the Lo River"), but she found no joy in her life there. "It wasn't that the flowers of the palace were not beautiful, but for a long time her greatest wish was for enlightenment. It wasn't that the moon over her pavilion at court did not shine bright, but she had always had her heart set on perfect wisdom. She did not glory in the emperor's affection but sought only to escape from worldly woe. Day and night she chanted the 'Devadatta' chapter and thought constantly of Lord Amida." In Yasutane's view, then, it was no "evil spirit" but her "longnurtured intention" that prompted Sonshi to bring her career at court to its abrupt end. For some time, according to him—since her initial 22

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tonsure, or perhaps even earlier—she had devoted herself to worship of that chapter of the L o t u s Sütra that tells how a child of eight, the Nägä girl, daughter of the Dragon King, instantaneously became a Buddha, overcoming all the special obstacles that women face, and Sonshi had meditated upon the Buddha who promised rebirth in the Pure Land for all sentient beings. Accordingly, Yasutane reported, "on the nineteenth of last month" (does he mean the third month, the month prior to her demise?) "she called upon the late Enryakuji Abbot Ryögen to serve as her preceptor" and, at last, "entered the Way of Buddha." This passage in the g a n m o n presents a puzzle. Ryögen, an extremely influential Tendai abbot who had close ties to the imperial family and the Fujiwara clan, died in the first month of Kanna 1—some four months before Sonshi. Yasutane may have meant that Sonshi took her full vows from Ryögen, as "preceptor" ( k a i s h i ) , in the third month of the previous year, or on some date unrecorded elsewhere. Perhaps, however, Sonshi "called upon him" posthumously, or, perhaps, the date was miscopied in the g a n m o n text that is preserved in Honchö m o n z u i . At any rate, the passage seems to indicate that at some time not long before her death Sonshi's induction into Buddhist orders was made complete, under the guidance and with the sanction of the most eminent clergyman in the land. Nonetheless, Yasutane acknowledged, there may still have been those who did not understand why she acted as she did. "In the past and in the present," he explained, "there have been women who renounced the lives they led. There have been those who were widowed in old age and those who were besieged by illness or were parentless." But Sonshi, he observed, was the daughter, wife, and sister of emperors: "Her place in the world denied her nothing; her beauty had not faded, nor had youth left her. Why, then, did she leave this world so soon? Looking back, it seems she must have been a divine manifestation: perhaps Mafijugho§a, come to this world but briefly, dwelling here in the guise of a lady of the court, or maybe Kannon, taking mortal shape to point the way to salvation for all." As Yasutane suggested, there was ample precedent for certain women, in certain circumstances, to do as the late Sonshi had done. But she was not a widow, nor an orphan in the true sense, nor elderly, as were most of the women who entered religious orders. Sonshi's decision to do so, and her death not long thereafter, were to be explained, he suggested, not in worldly terms but in religious ones. Her very existence had been of other than human origin, and its meaning was to be sought not in her secular accomplishments but in her exemplary spiritual life. Such memorials often proclaimed that the departed was in fact a Buddha or Bodhisattva incarnate, but Yasutane used this device to


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suggest the very reasons why Sonshi had lived and died as she did. Her spirituality was inherent, the brevity of her presence on earth predestined by her other-worldly origins, and her whole life an embodiment of the Buddhist principle of innate impermanence. Still, it was as a mortal woman, and as a woman of high birth and rank, that she had lived. So, as Yasutane reported, her memorial service was one befitting such a personage: "For this forty-ninth day of remembrance, images of Amida Buddha and of the Bodhisattvas Kannon and Mahästhämapräpta were cast in silver, and copies of the eight fascicles of the L o t u s Sütra and its Opening' and *Closing' sütras, and of the A m i d a Sütra, the Sütra o n t h e T r a n s f o r m a t i o n of Women i n t o B u d d h a s , and the H e a r t Sütra were made in gold letters. Upon completion, these were presented as offerings at Hosshöji." Yasutane also described Sonshi's last moments in a manner reminiscent of the death scenes he wrote in the biographies of forty-two religious individuals in N i h o n öjögokurakuki ("Accounts of Japanese who were Reborn in the Pure Land"—a work that he probably was completing at about the same time as this memorial ): "In her last moments, Her Highness faced the West and supported herself on an armrest. Her heart never wavered, even for an instant, as she concentrated upon her desire to attain rebirth in the Pure Land. Therefore, the day on which she breathed her last must also have been the day on which she first claimed her seat upon the Lotus. Without doubt, she passed through no intermediate stage of purgatory but went directly to the Western Paradise." A l l the documents reviewed here in the effort to reconstruct some of the details of Sonshi's life and death, including this g a n m o n , were written under the constrictions of formal conventions and social obligations. A l l , for example, contain descriptions of the princess's beauty that must be, to some extent, exaggerated. Still, they convincingly suggest that there was something extraordinary about her. Beyond what these documents tell us, there is really very little that can be said about her. But the book that Tamenori wrote for her does tell us something about the ideas and practices to which she may have devoted herself in those last few months and days of her short life. 25

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Tamenori Minamoto Tamenori was in the middle of his career as a scholarbureaucrat when he wrote Sanböe. Both before and after Sanböe, he produced a few other literary works that have survived, some of which, like Sanböe, also deal with Buddhist topics from a lay perspective. 21


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Emperor Ichijö (980-1011; reigned 986-1011) is said to have admired Tamenori's Chinese poems, and Tamenori is always listed among the outstanding literati of his generation. Yet none of his surviving shi or w a k a (poems in Chinese and Japanese, respectively) have sufficient merit to distinguish them from those of his peers. Still, Tamenori, rather than other available scribes, was called upon to write Sanböe, probably because his literary accomplishments, particularly those in the religious sphere, had brought him to the attention of Sonshi's household, to which he was bound by blood ties. Though scarcely extraordinary, Tamenori was thus singled out to execute a task, the survival of which has helped to rescue his name from what would otherwise be total obscurity. The exact year of Tamenori's birth is not recorded, but since it is said that he was seventy when he died in 1011, the date of 941 is often given. The Minamoto surname indicates that his was one of those families descended from princes of the blood lowered from imperial to common rank. In Tamenori's case the line went back four generations to a son of Emperor Kökö, Prince Korehito, who was created Minamoto no Ason in 896. (Kökö was the brother of Emperor Uda, Sonshi's greatgreat-grandfather, so Sonshi and Tamenori were actually distant cousins. A similar relationship existed between Tamenori and En'yü.) Little is known about Tamenori's father, Tadamoto, beyond the fact that he attained the Junior Lower Fifth Rank and served as Governor of Chikuzen. When Tamenori's name first appears among those of men attending and contributing to poetry contests, beginning in the 960s, he is identified as a monjöshö, a student of literary studies in the Imperial University. There, his chief mentor is said to have been Minamoto Shitagö (911-983), an important scholar and author (he was a descendant of a different Minamoto line—from a son of Emperor Saga— and so was not an immediate relative of Tamenori's). Shitagö was, for example, the compiler of the earliest known Japanese dictionary, Wamyö ruijushö, which may have been completed as early as 934, when Shitagö was only twenty-three, at the behest of an imperial princess, Kinshi Naishinnö. A number of Shitagö's Chinese and Japanese poems (many composed at contests) and his essays in Chinese appear in various collections, particularly Honchö m o n z u i . Because of the breadth of his literary activity, Shitagö is also often mentioned as a possible author of works of unknown provenance, such as U t s u h o m o n o g a t a r i . None of his works are as specifically Buddhist in content as is Tamenori's Sanböe, but in the general field of Chinese and Japanese b e l l e s - l e t t r e s he was certainly Tamenori's chief guide and exemplar. His bureaucratic career was as mediocre as his protege's: he never rose above the Junior Upper 28

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Fifth Rank, which he achieved rather late, at age fifty, and he died while holding the same rank, some twenty-one years later, in the rather insignificant post of Governor of Noto. The conventional theme of frustration over failure to be rewarded for public service—a literary inheritance from China—is frequently evoked in Shitagö's poetry and is one of the hallmarks of the poetry and prose produced by his contemporaries and followers, including such men as Tamenori and Yasutane. Another poet, Tachibana Masamichi, was recognized, according to Gödanshö, as Shitagö's most accomplished disciple in his own time, but Gödanshö also reports that it was to Tamenori that Shitagö entrusted his own collected poems shortly before his death. Whether true or not, this story would seem to be evidence of the closeness of the relationship between the two men, nurtured by shared literary interests. What Tamenori studied as a monjöshö, under Shitagö's supervision, was the Chinese histories, the Confucian classics, and Chinese verse, as well as the art of writing in imitation of these models. The method of study was rote memorization and composition on set themes, in specific styles and standard formats. Thus, graduates of the monjöshö course were prepared to serve in the various government bureaus and provincial administrations, where they were required to write edicts, chronicles, and memorials in literary Chinese. Their university training also prepared them to take a place at the poetry contests and other gatherings sponsored by their higher-ranking relatives and patrons. A l l of Tamenori's works display his thorough absorption of this kind of training. His "original" works, such as the prefaces in Sanböe, are marbled, in the typical manner, with allusions to secular Chinese and Japanese works, as well as to a vast number of Buddhist texts, and many of these allusions are to works that must have seemed obscure even in his own day. His contributions to poetry contests are notable for little other than their typical reliance on stock phrases, rendered fresh only in that they are newly combined and juxtaposed. It was, of course, such manipulation of known and borrowed materials, rather than creativity, per se, that was valued in these literary exercises. It is also such skillful manipulation of materials from other sources that comprises most of Sanböe and yet makes of it a work with its own distinctive shape and character. The study of Buddhist texts was a late addition to the monjöshö curriculum and was considered a minor field. Some familiarity with the ideas and terminology of Buddhism was as necessary for a gentleman as was the ability to be conversant in the language of flowers, music, and other accomplishments, but it was not usually an element of formal poetic composition. Nonetheless, Tamenori and some of his peers in the 960s seem to have become particularly knowledgeable about Buddhist 31

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literature, perhaps largely through their own efforts. Some of them wanted to apply the literary skills that their formal secular studies had given them to the creation of devotional works as well. This was the motive for the formation, in 964, of the Kangakue ("Society for the Advancement of Learning"), an association of which Tamenori was almost certainly a member, in its initial stages. Yasutane is also generally acknowledged as one of the central figures—or t h e central figure—of the Kangakue. Other founding members were university students and monks from the Enryakuji monastery, the headquarters of the Tendai school. The group met twice a year in one or another subtemple of Enryakuji on the slopes of Mount Hiei, northeast of the capital city. At each convocation, the participants passed a twenty-fourhour period reading sütras, meditating on Amida Buddha, and composing devotional verses on scriptural phrases and topics. Tamenori includes in the third volume of Sanböe a detailed description of the organization and intent of the Kangakue, giving the impression of an insider's view. He says that the participants conceived of their activity in this association as atonement for their waste of energy in worldly pursuits (i.e., their secular studies and writings). Tamenori quotes their chanting of a line by the Chinese poet Po Chü-i that, although taken out of context and somewhat altered in its meaning, nevertheless embodies the wish that the verses written in the Kangakue setting might generate sufficient merit to ameliorate the negative value of their author's more mundane exertions. Inherent in this wish is a certain skepticism about the lasting value of worldly literary endeavors, which is itself a stock theme like that of the frustrated bureaucrat—and that is what these students felt they were destined to become. Through the Kangakue they expressed a desire to make something else of their literary skills and of their lives. The Kangakue also represents the beginnings of very personal involvement by sincere lay Buddhists in Amidist piety and worship outside the confines of formal monastic ritual, and so marks an important development in the early history of the Pure Land movement in Japanese Buddhism. Tamenori's early activities in the sphere of religious literature were not limited to the Kangakue setting. In fact, he seems to have viewed much of his Buddhist-oriented writing as an effort to produce religious merit, just as the Kangakue poems were meant to do. He seems also to have been drawn to other manifestations of the Pure Land movement, and from an early date displayed an interest in charismatic religious figures that would lead him to include the biographies of several such men and women in Sanböe. Such a figure in Tamenori's own time was the preacher Köya (or Küya). This so-called "Saint of the Marketplace" (Ichi no hijiri) was an unconventional Tendai monk who proselytized by 34

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demonstrating the nenbutsu (the invocation of the name of Amida Buddha, probably in a danced and sung version) and proclaiming its merits in public places in both the capital and the countryside. Köya had a wide, popular following, but his activities also captured the interest of the aristocracy, and he was invited to preach in their households as well. Perhaps it was thus that Tamenori came into contact with him. Shortly after Köya's death, in 972, Tamenori wrote a memorial biography (Köya r u i ) extolling the late preacher's character and chronicling the deeds that had made him legendary. Köya r u i forms the basis of Yasutane's biography of Köya in his N i h o n öjögokurakuki and remains the most important source of information about him. Faith in Amida and his Pure Land, and worship thereof, are of course present in the Buddhism described in Sanböe, but always within the larger context of Tendai teaching and practice. This was the context in which Köya promoted them as well. Still, in a sense, Köya's career did embody one of the cardinal ideas of the important Pure Land innovators who came after him. This was the belief that Buddhist faith and practice could, should, and indeed had to be made readily accessible to people of every social stratum and mental capacity, in terms they could understand and in a form that they could easily accept and take part in. For the Pure Land patriarchs, this approach was strengthened by the conviction that the coming of an apocalyptic age (called mappö) that would see the decline and end of true Buddhism made such simple approaches to religion the only ones that could still have meaning and effect. The simplification and accessibility thus dictated were crucial elements of Köya's appeal, just as they were in the success of the Pure Land reformers: the nenbutsu they taught supplanted more difficult modes of worship, and its benefits were assured to all sincere practitioners. A work like Sanböe can also be thought of as a product of a similar attitude, although Sanböe is less an explicit expression of mappö concerns than it is an example of that genre of works composed by and for laymen that attempt to bring aspects of sophisticated religious traditions into their purview by presenting them in modes that are neither too technical nor overly abstract. When Tamenori sought to share with Sonshi such knowledge of Buddhism as he possessed, he did so by presenting it in a form and language that was familiar to her. He reduced its complexities by portraying it as a religion in which she might participate on a personal level, and about which she might best learn simply by reading the book he had designed both for her pleasure and for her edification. Tamenori was able to do so not only because of what he had learned about Buddhism but also because he had sufficiently developed his secular literary skills. In 972, the same year that he wrote Köya r u i , 36

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Tamenori was invited to an utaawase (a contest for the writing of Japanese verse) at the residence of Imperial Princess Kishi, who was soon to be named Ise Priestess. Shitagö was the moderator, and the participants were called upon to write w a k a in praise of the late spring flowers in Kishi's garden. Tamenori's contribution was an acrostic, with a pun on the word kusagusa ("plants" and "array"): Nobegoto ni h a n a ο shi oreba Kusagusa no ka u t s u r u sode zo t s u y u k e k a r i k e r u In every field I've plucked a flower, and now my sleeves, imbued with their array of scents, are soaked with dew. When the poems of the day were recorded, together with Shitagö's critique, it was Tamenori who wrote the preface, which set the scene, commended the hostess, and saluted the assemblage and their offerings. The preface is pedestrian prose, just as the poem is pedestrian verse, but both are acceptable exercises in the use of conventional wordplay and conventional poetic figures. U t a a w a s e (and shiawase) participants sought to demonstrate their facility in composing poems according to shared, accepted rules and values. What mattered was the way that each poem addressed the others and contributed to the total effect, reflecting a sensitivity to the particular social and natural setting while acknowledging, by drawing upon, the corpus of poetic tradition. Innovative, overtly personal expressions in verse had little place in these gatherings, and such expressions were rarely encountered. Thus, the conventions were hallowed, the poetic vocabulary was narrowed, and the aesthetic code they represented became increasingly inflexible. Tamenori seems almost to have made a special study of this kind of verbal gamesmanship. Two years prior to Kishi's utaawase, Tamenori compiled what appears to be a kind of handbook that might well have been useful for spur-of-the-moment composition of verse or prose for either public or private occasions. It is called K u c h i z u s a m i ("Impromptus") and consists simply of brief items (many of them names) arranged in nineteen categories: "Celestial Objects, Seasons, Reign Dates, Geography, Provinces, Rural Places, Urban Places, Habitations, Buddhist Scriptures, Social Relationships, Official Court Titles, Y i n - y a n g Divination, Medicine, Food and Drink, Literature, Music, Theatricals, Birds and Beasts, Miscellaneous." (Some of these categories, and the listing concept itself, bear a close resemblance to some of the "list" sections of Sei Shönagon's M a k u r a no söshi, but Tamenori offers none of his own editorial comments, as Shönagon does.) 37


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K u c h i z u s a m i was written on commission, or on request, as was Sanböe—in this case, for Matsuo no kimi (later Tadanobu), the sevenyear-old son of Fujiwara Tamemitsu. In 1007, toward the end of his life, Tamenori compiled another such primer entitled Sezoku genbun ("Familiar Quotations") for the benefit of the nineteen-year-old Fujiwara Yorimichi (990-1074, one of Michinaga's many sons, later prime minister and regent). Sezoku genbun originally consisted of three volumes; only one of these survives, and it contains some 220 passages taken verbatim from Chinese classics and Buddhist scriptures. It has the appearance of a commonplace book—which, like the lists in K u c h i z u s a m i , might have been quite useful as a ready reference (especially if memorized) when an appropriate allusion was needed at a poetry contest or in an elegant conversation. While Sanböe presented Sonshi with a guide to her religion, K u c h i z u s a m i and Sezoku genbun were designed to function as guides to the secular world, primers designed for young men learning to take their place in aristocratic society. A l l three consist wholly or in part of materials taken from other sources. While only Sanböe has, additionally, an original, unifying framework, all three may be grouped as simple manuals, gleanings from a wider store of knowledge culled by a teacher for particular students with particular needs. Perhaps the production of such books was Tamenori's scholarly forte, and perhaps he was recognized in his own day as one who could skillfully distill his own broad knowledge in manageable and attractive packages. The pedantic tone he occasionally employed in the "original" parts of Sanböe may also stem from this attitude of expertise v i s - a - v i s his audience. The breadth and depth of Tamenori's knowledge of the language of poetry, and his pedantry as well, are revealed in an odd story that appears both in Gödanshö and Kokonchomonjü. It seems that Tamenori was never seen at a poetry gathering without a great pouch stuffed full of scraps of paper covered with jotted drafts from previous contests. At one s h i a w a s e , the moderator, Öe Mochitoki, introduced a poem of his own composition that concluded with these lines: 38

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The crane, returning to Mount Sung, dances on high in the rays of the sun; the dragon, having drunk the waters of the Wei, climbs skyward, leaving not a cloud behind. Yasutane's nephew, Yoshishige Tamemasa, protested: the words "the dragon climbs skyward" were taboo because the two characters for "dragon" and "ascend" could be taken to mean "the emperor died." Mochitoki only smiled, refusing to withdraw the poem or change the

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line. Tamenori, meanwhile, was overcome with admiration for Mochitoki's poem. (He may have been impressed by the allusions to the ancient story of Prince Chin of Chou, who acquired the special powers of a sage and flew around Mount Sung on the back of a crane, and to the legend of the black dragon that drank from the Wei River and was transformed into a huge mountain.) Whatever the cause, so intense were his emotions that Tamenori felt compelled to plunge his head into his poetry bag, and he kept it there until his tears dried up. Some of the other poets were similarly moved, it seems, while others could only laugh at Tamenori's eccentricity. The story may be apocryphal, but it supports the image of Tamenori as a man who was eager to preserve all sorts of scraps of knowledge, who was thus armed with information of all kinds, and who took it all quite seriously. His skills as record-keeper and compiler must also have been called upon and developed in the series of official posts he held, beginning, after he left the university, with those of chamberlain (kurödo) and secretary in the Ministry of Ceremonials ( S h i k i b u no jö). His duties probably involved researching and writing records of court functions, Official appointments, and the activities of imperial family members, as well as record-keeping for the university. Tamenori's familiarity with official records must have been quite useful when he wrote Sanböe, particularly its third volume, which includes detailed accounts of the origins of court-sponsored and other Buddhist rituals. Like most scholar-bureaucrats, Tamenori was also assigned to several tours of duty in the provinces. In 984, when he completed Sanböe, he signed himself "Provisional Governor of Mikawa." The duties of this office (gon no k a m i ) , like many others provided for in the legal codes, were vague, and although titularly second in command, "Provisional Governors" may not have had to spend much time in their designated outposts. Some governors did delegate considerable responsibility to the "Provisionals," while for others the title was probably no more than an honorary adjunct to their official rank ranging, depending on the importance of the province, from Senior Upper Seventh to Junior Upper Fifth. Mikawa was only a moderately important province in economic terms, but its relative proximity to the capital made appointments there fairly prestigious. Tamenori was Provisional Governor of Mikawa until at least 986. Eventually, he served as governor in Iga, Tötömi, and Mino provinces as well. His term in Tötömi ended in 995, and on his return to the capital he was elevated to the Junior Upper Fifth Rank, presumably in recognition of a good record of service. At about this time, however, he is said to have been implicated in a plot to murder another official, Tachibana Koreyori. Though exonerated, Tamenori was passed over for official


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appointments for a number of years thereafter. Honchö m o n z u i includes a petition attributed to Tamenori in which he pleads for an appointment as governor of either Kaga or M i n o . He praises himself as an able administrator, claiming credit for a large increase in the number of fields on the tax rolls and for having rescued many citizens from poverty in the provinces where he has served, and he proclaims his loyalty to the emperor. Records do show that he got the post in Mino, though perhaps not as a result of this plea. The date given for the petition in Honchö m o n z u i is Chöwa 3 (1014), which postdates Tamenori's death, so the document may be spurious. At any rate, Tamenori's disgrace cannot have been too great. He remained a frequent guest at poetry parties hosted by the great and powerful, such as that held at the residence of Michinaga, then Minister of the Left, in 1003 (where he was identified as "the former Governor of Mino"). Tamenori's, then, was a career spent in the lower echelons of the aristocracy, brightened occasionally by recognition from his superiors in the form of special requests for his literary and scholarly services, of which Sanböe was one result. And again, in the third month of 986—not quite a year after Sonshi's death—when the retired Emperor En'yü took Buddhist vows, Tamenori was asked to write a record of the event entitled Dajöhöö g o j u k a i no k i or En'yüin j u k a i no k i . It was written as an eyewitness account (in Chinese, of course) beginning with the departure of En'yü's party from the capital, on the nineteenth, through the journey to and from Tödaiji, where the initiation ceremony took place on the twenty-third, under the direction of the eminent Shingon monk Kanchö (?—998, another of the emperor's distant cousins). At the conclusion of the ceremonies, Tamenori wrote: 41

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The ecclesiastic officials and members of the nobility withdrew from [the emperor's] presence. He asked that an accurate record of these events be made. I, Minamoto Tamenori, his humble servant, had the honor of accompanying him as a senior member of the entourage. My obligations to him have been and are overwhelming. I wrote this in obedience to his imperial command. My tears are mixed with the ink upon these pages. And though I have completed the task, I truly fear that those who read what I have written will not esteem i t . 44

Tamenori's tears also mixed with the ink he used to write the last lines of his "General Preface" to Sanböe, where he again expressed his gratitude for having been asked to perform such a service for Sonshi. The figure is a conventional one, a rhetorical flourish, like the seemingly


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modest protestation that accompanies it, and yet it probably reflects a genuine sentiment. Tamenori was no doubt very glad to receive these assignments, to have the opportunity to serve with his brush. We do not know what rewards he may have received from his royal kinsmen other than increased recognition as an efficient and reliable scribe. In Sanböe, he writes only of the religious merit he hoped to earn by contributing to Sonshi's progress, but there may have been some more tangible benefits as well. Recognition of Tamenori's literary efforts came, eventually, in the inclusion of some of his works in various anthologies. In addition to those quoted in Honchö m o n z u i and Gödanshö, there are nine shi by Tamenori in Honchö reisö, a compendium of the works of the literati of Ichijö's court, and others may be found in Ruijü kudaishö, W a k a n röeishü, and Shinsen röeishü. W a k a by Tamenori appear in Shüishü, Gengenshü, and Shoku shikashü. There was, in addition, a collection of his poetic works (Tamenorishü, or Ikeishü), but this has been lost, as has a work attributed to Tamenori with the title Honchö shirin—perhaps a dictionary or another collection of aphorisms. And in Chöya g u n s a i (a miscellany compiled by Miyoshi Tameyasu in 1116), there is a letter said to have been written by the Tendai monk Genshin (942-1017) to accompany a set of Japanese devotional writings that he had selected for conveyance to China. The set included Genshin's own Öjöyöshü (his influential treatise on the practice and benefits of Pure Land piety), hymns in praise of Kannon by Yasutane and Ryögen, and some poems on themes from the L o t u s Sütra (Hokkekyöfu) by Tamenori—but these last are otherwise unknown. There is no evidence that Tamenori's name actually became known to Chinese readers by this or any other means. And, as we have seen, his fame in his own land was only of a very limited sort. The brief passage in Ökagami devoted to the life of Sonshi does mention that Sanböe was written for her, but its author goes unnamed. Typical as he was of the literati of his generation—though perhaps distinguished somewhat by the relative extent of his knowledge of Buddhist lore—Tamenori was not, after all, a very remarkable man, nor one to whom we would pay much attention were it not for Sanböe. Then again, as we have also seen, it was not for fame that he wrote it. 45

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Texts and Title No manuscript of Sanböe in Tamenori's own hand, or even of his own time, has survived. A fourteenth-century work, E i g a k u yöki, which is a miscellany of history and lore of Enryakuji, refers to "a handwritten draft [söan] of Minamoto Tamenori's Sanböe" as the source for an


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episode in the life of Saichö (who does appear in several tales in the third volume), but no such episode is in any of the known Sanböe copies, and no such "draft" is to be found today at Enryakuji or elsewhere. Nor is much known about the circulation of Sanböe after it was presented (as we assume) to Sonshi. We may suppose, at the very least, that Tamenori shared what he had written with some of his literary colleagues; it does appear that the text somehow found its way into Yasutane's hands. Yasutane had probably written most of his N i h o n öjögokurakuki before 985, but between the fourth month of 986 and the ninth month of 987 he added two more biographies. These were of Prince Shötoku and of Gyöki—the subjects of the first two sections of the second volume of Sanböe—and Yasutane honored them by placing their biographies at the very beginning of his book. He explained, in a note, that he was directed to do so by Prince Kaneakira, his patron, who had seen these two "Bodhisattvas" in a dream. (Perhaps the prince, too, had read what Tamenori had written about them in Sanböe.) Yasutane's versions of the lives of Prince Shötoku and of Gyöki are very similar to Tamenori's, but we should probably stop short of calling them copies; at the very least, it would certainly seem that both men used the same sources, and perhaps Yasutane did so after consulting Tamenori about his references and seeing how he had used them in Sanböe. It is tempting to suppose that what Yasutane saw was Tamenori's mysterious söan, and to imagine that he took it with him when he became a monk in the fourth month of 986 and retired to live out his days in the Yokawa sector of Enryakuji, for this might explain how the author of the E i g a k u yöki came to know of it. We have also seen that Yasutane, like Tamenori, was one of the regular scribes relied upon by Sonshi's household, for it was he to whom the task of writing her g a n m o n was entrusted. Perhaps it was through this connection—at a reading of the text for Sonshi before her death, or in its aftermath—that he became familiar with its contents. But it is just as likely that what Yasutane saw was a copy, perhaps one of several that might have been made if Sanböe was shared, in some way, among the households of other royal ladies. They, in turn, may have had their own attendants copy it again (like the women of Genji's household did during the rainy season, when there was little else to do but seek diversion in the reading and copying of m o n o g a t a r i ) . The copying of Sanböe, of course, may have been the work of men like Yasutane himself or other scholars—perhaps other members of the Kangakue old guard—who would have had a similar natural interest in Tamenori's work. These men, as well as women readers, may have regarded it not so much as a m o n o g a t a r i - like text but as a devotional one, the copying of which itself might be a meritorious act. If we 47

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suppose that copies of Sanböe were in fact made by and for both men and women, we may have an explanation, as plausible as any other, for the fact that the three major copies that do survive are all written in different orthographies. The two oldest are in forms that employ, to some extent, the phonetic syllabaries; they are readable, even orally, as essentially Japanese texts. They thus resemble the form that would have been the most appropriate for reading by or to women, at least in the Heian period. The other copy, however, is written almost entirely in Chinese characters, in the style that is called h e n t a i k a n b u n , and so looks more like what a man of the time would have been likely to read or write. ( H e n t a i k a n b u n is a form of Sino-Japanese written entirely in k a n j i , but with syntactic adjustments that conform more to the character of Japanese than to classical Chinese.) The oldest of these copies—actually a scattered assortment of fragments—is known as the Tödaiji-gire. The longest fragment, containing most of the second volume plus the preface and first tale of the third volume, is dated 1120 and is thought to have been copied by Minamoto Toshiyori (1055?—1129). It is owned by the Sekido family of Nagoya. In addition, some eighty-two fragments, including parts of all three volumes of Sanböe, have been identified as parts of the Tödaijigire. The origin of the name "Tödaiji-gire" is unclear. It is unlikely that it ever belonged to Tödaiji; rather, the nomenclature may have been derived from the frequent mention of that monastery in the text of Sanböe itself. The Tödaiji-gire is written in the orthographic form called sögana, generally a combination of Chinese ideographs (kanji) with either or both types of Japanese phonetic characters ( k a t a k a n a or h i r a g a n a ) ; in the case of the Tödaiji-gire, the text is almost all in h i r a g a n a , with a sprinkling of k a n j i , usually for personal and place names, but not in any consistent pattern. Several facsimile and printed editions of the Sekido fragment have been published, as have reproductions of many of the other fragments. Most of these fragments are also in private collections; many are of no more than two or three lines in length, but occasionally it has been possible to show that fragments in separate collections are in fact contiguous. The next oldest copy is virtually complete. It originally belonged to the Kanchiin subtemple of Töji, in Kyoto, and hence is known as the Töji Kanchiin copy. It is dated 1273 and is registered as a National Treasure (kokuhö) by the Agency of Cultural Affairs, which currently houses it in its own library in Tokyo. The Töji Kanchiin copy is written in a combination of k a t a k a n a and k a n j i called k a n a m a j i r i . The orthography of the first volume, however, closely resembles the style known as senmyötai (typified in the Shoku N i h o n g i ) in which the ideographs for nouns and verbal and adjectival stems are written in large 51


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k a n j i , followed by small k a n j i (i.e., man'yögana in the case of Shoku N i h o n g i ) that provide the phonetic Japanese readings for inflected suffixes and particles. In the Töji Kanchiin copy of Sanböe, these phonetic elements are in k a t a k a n a . In the first volume, when more than three or four k a n a follow a k a n j i , the line of k a n a begins under the right side of the k a n j i and continues under the left side, and all the k a n a are much smaller than the k a n j i . In the remaining two volumes, the k a n j i and k a n a are written in single, continuous columns, and all characters are of approximately the same size. This variation may suggest that there was more than one copyist, or that the Töji Kanchiin copy was based on more than one source. A photographic reproduction of the Töji Kanchiin copy was published in 1939 by the Koten Hozonkai. A printed version appeared in volume 90 of D a i N i h o n bukkyö zensho (in 1922); however, this version contains numerous typographical errors and should not be used. For example, it transposes senmyötai and k a t a k a n a into h i r a g a n a in a misleading manner. An edition prepared in 1932 by Takase Shögon and Anzai Kakushö has been criticized on similar grounds. The edition prepared by Yoshida Köichi and Miyata Hiroyuki for the Koten bunko series in 1965 is somewhat more reliable. In 1982, Eguchi Toshio published yet another version, based on the Koten Hozonkai reproduction, with annotation (including emendations based on the two other copies) and a paraphrase in modern Japanese. The copy of Sanböe in h e n t a i k a n b u n format is called the Maedake copy, indicating its identification with that scholarly daimyö family. It is to be found in the Sonkeikaku Library, the repository of rare books and manuscripts collected by the Maeda since the Edo period, in Tokyo. The copyist was the bibliophile Maeda Tsunanori (or Shöun, 1643 1724), whose collection forms the core of the Sonkeikaku holdings. He signed and dated his copy of Sanböe in 1715 and indicated that he had made it from another copy that belonged to the Shakain, a subtemple of the Daigoji monastery in Kyoto. That copy was dated 1230 and was signed by a monk named Eigen. Its second and third volumes were still in the library of Shakain in 1896, according to a catalog the monastery published that year, but neither could be found when Yamada Yoshio went there to see them in 1910, and they have never been relocated. Like the Töji Kanchiin copy, the Maeda ke copy is virtually complete. O k u r i g a n a ( k a n a following the k a n j i , indicating the Japanese reading of inflected words) are employed occasionally in it, and k a e r i t e n and kutöten (punctuation marks that help transform the Chinese syntax into Japanese and indicate the ends of syntactic units) are provided in most of the text of the first volume and in part of the second. The Sonkeikaku published a photographic reprint of the entire Maeda ke copy in 1935. 52

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Nothing in the dating or lineage of the surviving copies of Sanböe provides sufficient evidence for identifying any of them as a true copy of the original, and the fact that the book was written by a man for a woman only compounds the puzzle. It seems plausible, however, that Tamenori wrote his first version of the text (the putative söan?) in h e n t a i k a n b u n and then rewrote it, or had someone rewrite it, in sögana. His original version in Chinese could then have served as the basis for the Shakain/Maeda ke line of copies, while the sögana version would have served as the source of the Tödaiji-gire and Töji Kanchiin lines. The language of the sögana copies is close enough to that of a k a k i k u d a s h i (a "break-down" of the literary Chinese into readable Japanese) to suggest that some such process may indeed have been followed. There is, of course, no reason to think that Tamenori was incapable of writing in Japanese. But in Sanböe, his style was governed by that of the sources from which he drew so extensively for the body of his work. The great majority of these sources, as well as most of the works from which he made direct quotations, were in Chinese. The result, even if written in Japanese from the start, would inevitably look and sound like k a k i k u d a s h i . Scholars like Tamenori probably read Chinese texts by inserting k a e r i t e n and kutöten themselves, or by following the marks of previous readers. It would not have taken too much work to write out what such edited texts gave the reader to produce something that looked and sounded like Japanese, in a style that would be quite suitable for reading out loud in Sonshi's chambers while the accompanying illustrations were studied and admired. So it seems quite probable that the three scrolls of Sanböe that Tamenori presented to Sonshi in 984 looked more like the Tödaiji-gire and Töji Kanchiin copies than the Maeda-ke copy, although something more akin to the Maeda ke copy may have actually been the earliest draft. There are, surely, other ways besides those given here to account for the fact that the three copies of Sanböe differ so widely from one another. There are more differences, in fact, besides those of orthography. For example, only the Töji Kanchiin copy has tables of contents, and for the second and third volumes only. What is perhaps of greater significance is the issue of reliability, although few of the discrepancies among the copies seriously affect comprehension of the text. In general, scholars have focused on the Töji Kanchiin copy—the more complete of the older two—and have used the Maeda-ke and the Tödaiji-gire copies to fill in gaps where the Töji Kanchiin copy is damaged or illegible and to correct obvious errors. A l l three copies have miscopyings and holes, but these can usually be rectified through reference to the other copies or to quotations from Sanböe in later works,


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which have been thoroughly cataloged. The pioneering edition of this kind was Yamada Yoshio's Sanböe ryakuchü, published in 1951. Working with the Töji Kanchiin copy as his base text, Yamada replaced k a t a k a n a with h i r a g a n a and had k a n j i , as found in the Maeda-ke copy, printed next to selected k a n a phrases to facilitate reading and to clarify meaning. In extensive notes, Yamada indicated some of the important differences in the content and orthography of the three major copies, with most extensive reference to the Maeda-ke copy. His notes also explain technical terms, trace obscure or unusual usages, and comment on the text in various ways. Most of Yamada's commentary is useful, as is his index of names, terms, and vocabulary. The essays he included in the volume present a summary of Sanböe reception and research up to that time, with particular attention to the histories of the copies. In 1981, Koizumi Hiroshi and Takahashi Nobuyuki produced Shohon taishö Sanböe shüsei, an authoritative edition in which all three copies, including all known fragments and other miscellaneous versions and quotations, are reproduced along with detailed notation of all variations and discrepancies, an extensive bibliography, and essays on the textual history of Sanböe, its role in later works, and other aspects. Along with Yamada's, their work provides the basis for the study of Sanböe today; both were used for the preparation of this translation. The question of the proper form of the name of the work is one that must be addressed with both internal and external evidence. In the "General Preface," immediately after the Nägärjuna quotation and Tamenori's interpretation of it, comes a passage that names the book from within. Figure 1 presents the passage as it appears in the Töji Kanchiin and Maeda-ke copies and in Yamada's Sanböe ryakuchü. (There is no Tödaiji-gire-type copy of the "General Preface.") M y translation reads, "Its title is [ I l l u s t r a t i o n s of] t h e T h r e e Jewels, because what it would say is that you should form a bond with the Three Refuges. Its volumes are three because these correspond to the Three Periods." The brackets account for the fact that the title in the Töji Kanchiin copy is "Sanbö," while the Maeda-ke copy reads "Sanböe." Koizumi and Takahashi suggest that the "e" character ("picture") may have been omitted in error in the Töji Kanchiin copy. But in all three versions above it is clear that these are sentences constructed in parallel, in typical Japanese k a n b u n style. The omission of the character e actually enhances the balance, and the fact that "Three Jewels" (sanbö) and "Three Refuges" ( s a n k i ) are synonymous (for both terms refer to the Buddha, his teachings, and his clergy and are formulaic synonyms for Buddhism as a whole) is only further justification. Furthermore, "sanbö" is in symbolic (rather than syntactic) 60

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(2)

(!)

i.3) TN

of #

ü a

P-i

iL

5

it 7

f έ

h

7 f

A

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J\ A

et 0)

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li

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(i

1;

( 0

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if

9 t U

Figure 1. Passage (1) reproduces the orthography of the Töji Kanchiin bon, passage (2), the Maeda ke bon, and passage (3), Yamada Yoshio's Sanböe ryakuchü. (Sono n a 0 Sanbö t o i u koto w a tsutaeiwamu mono n i sanki no en 0 musubashimemu to n a r i . Sono kazu 0 m i m a k i ni w a k a t e r u wa sanji no h i m a ni atetaru n a r i . )


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balance with "sanji," "the Three Periods." Still, the context here is a discussion of the nature of the book, and Tamenori has already said that it will include illustrations, so the reader expects to see "Sanböe" here. In the Ökagami passage about Sonshi, the name of the work that is said to have been written for her is, indeed, "Sanböe" This is the earliest known citation of the title in any other work. Ökagami was written sometime between 1040 and 1140, and the earliest known complete copy dates from the latter half of the thirteenth century. Such works as Shüchüshö (ca. 1185-1187), N i h o n kösöden yömonshö (1249), R e k i d a i köki (fourteenth century), and Sanetaka köki (in an entry from the year 1498) also refer to "Sanböe" In the Köyasan copy of N i h o n ryöiki, dated 1214, the text of most of those tales that were used as sources for tales in Sanböe is abbreviated, and the reader is referred to "Sanböe" (which suggests a presumption that some form of Sanböe would be known and available to readers). On the basis of such evidence, Yamada, together with Koizumi and Takahashi, concluded that Sanböe is certainly the correct form for the title of the book. Within the copies of the book itself, however, there are some inconsistencies. The only title that survives in the Sekido fragment is "Sanböe" and all the sectional titles in the Maeda-ke copy read likewise. In the Töji Kanchiin copy we find "Sanböe" in the title for the "General Preface" and in that of the preface to the first volume, the table of contents of the second and its preface, the table of contents of the third and at its end. The titles written at the very beginning of the portions devoted to each volume, however, are all "Sanböekotoba." Though no good explanation has been given for this anomaly, it is nonetheless the likely source for the frequent reference to the work by this alternate name. Its invention probably has something to do with the separation of pictures from text, for it means, most literally, "Three Jewels, pictures and words." One interpretation is "the words that went with the illustrations of the Three Jewels" (sanbö no e no k o t o b a ) but another is "pictures and words about the Three Jewels" (sanbö no e t o k o t o b a ) . And this is not the only variation on the title. In an entry of Sanetaka köki, written one month prior to that previously cited, we find "Sanbö m o n o g a t a r i , by Minamoto Tamenori" quoted as a source ; a 1487 copy of T a i s h i d e n gyokurinshö (a commentary on the traditional biographies of Prince Shötoku) refers to "Sanböekotoba," while an Edo-period copy of the same work cites "Sanböe m o n o g a t a r i , " as does a similar work, T a i s h i d e n kingyokushö. In Fusö r y a k k i , " I k e i k i " (or T a m e n o r i no k i , i.e., "Tamenori's chronicle") is cited, and elsewhere in Shüchüshö there is a quotation from " I k e i s h i " ( T a m e n o r i no k o t o b a , "Tamenori's text"). While all of these titles certainly refer to Sanböe, none of these forms is thought to be any more correct than is Sanböekotoba. The latter form 62

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survives in much of the modern scholarship on the work, on the genre of tale collections (setsuwa b u n g a k u ) , and in general studies of the literature of the Heian period. Following the example of Yamada and of Koizumi and Takahashi, however, I have used "Sanböe" throughout.

Sanböe after Sonshi Even if the illustrations were lost or destroyed soon after they were made, and even if they were indeed the more important part of the work, the text of Sanböe has managed to retain a life of its own, largely through its use by later readers and writers such as those discussed above. In many such cases, close comparisons of later quotations, allusions, and adaptations with the copies of Sanböe itself can suggest which type of copy they refer to, but as yet there is insufficient evidence of this kind to establish the primacy of one or the other of the copies. Still, an examination of subsequent reference to Sanböe helps place it in larger contexts—of Japanese literature as a whole, of particular genres, and of the complex history of the development of Buddhism within Japanese culture. This aspect of Sanböe has been particularly well documented by Japanese scholars, for one of the key areas of inquiry in setsuwa b u n g a k u studies has been the interrelationship of works within the genre and the question of how these works develop and alter the material that they share. Koizumi and Takahashi's edition treats this aspect of Sanböe in notes, charts, and appendices, to which readers of Japanese are referred. The notes in my translation also deal with some of these matters. What follows is a summary of what has been learned about the use of Sanböe in the centuries since its composition. Yasutane's N i h o n öjögokurakuki was only the first of many works in the genre of setsuwa collections to borrow elements from Sanböe. When the Enryakuji monk Chingen wrote D a i N i h o n k o k u hokke g e n k i (also known as Honchö hokke g e n k i ) , a collection of tales about miracles resulting from devotion to the L o t u s S u t r a , between 1040 and 1044, he also used Sanböe (as well as N i h o n ryöiki and N i h o n öjögokurakuki) as a source. Höbutsushü, another devotional collection compiled by Taira Yasuyori in the 1180s, and Shishü hyakuinnenshü, a similar anthology assembled by the monk Jushin in the 1250s, also draw extensively on Sanböe. Fusö r y a k k i is a collection at once sacred and secular; its accounts of the deeds of Prince Shötoku and En no gyöja and of the founding of Yakushiji, Hasedera, and Tödaiji are all very similar to Tamenori's accounts, and, as noted above, they are so identified. The biographies of Prince Shötoku and E n no gyöja in M i z u k a g a m i (usually attributed to Nakayama Tadachika [1131-1195] or Minamoto Masayori 69

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[1129-1192], but perhaps the work of a later author) are also very similar to Tamenori's, but the Fusö r y a k k i recensions, rather than Sanböe itself, may have been its models. K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü is probably the best known and most thoroughly studied of the setsuwa collections. Its anonymous author(s) made no explicit acknowledgments of their source, but volumes 11 through 14 and 21 of K o n j a k u contain a total of thirty tales that are based wholly or in part on tales in the second and third volumes of Sanböe. Ökagami and E i g a m o n o g a t a r i (ca. 1107) are both works of historical narrative related by content to the setsuwa collections, and both contain obvious borrowings from Sanböe s third volume. The two passages in Ökagami that describe the "Three Great Services" (the Y u i m a e at Köfukuji, the Saishöe at Yakushiji, and the Gosaie) are based on Sanböe 3.1, 3.11, and 3.28. The "Utagai" chapter of E i g a m o n o g a t a r i tells of Michinaga's attendance at and patronage of a series of thirteen Buddhist ceremonies (two in the first month of 1016 and one in each of the succeeding months); the descriptions of the origins and conduct of these rites are clearly based on Tamenori's. Works quoting directly from Sanböe are quite diverse in nature, and they span several hundred years of literary history. The source of the quotation, of course, is not always fully acknowledged, and when it is, the form of acknowledgment varies to a considerable degree. In S h i c h i d a i j i j u n r e i s h i k i , Öe Chikamichi's record of visits to the great temples of Nara (ca. 1140), a brief passage about Bodhisena's attendance at the Tödaiji dedication ceremony is quoted (from Sanböe 3.22), with a proper citation { " T a m e n o r i sen Sanböe") And in Tödaiji yöroku, a collection of various materials concerning that monastery's early history compiled in 1106 by the monk Kangon, a description of the founding ceremony includes a passage that corresponds to part of Sanböe 3.22; it begins with the words " a r u n i k k i i w a k u " which may refer either to Chikamichi's "diary" or to Sanböe. Poetic commentaries are another type of work that cite Sanböe, usually for vocabulary usage or historical background. In W a k a dömöshö, by Fujiwara Norikane (ca. 1145-1154), an explication of the pillow-word sasanami quotes at length from Sanböe 3.10, but without acknowledgment. The passages from Fujiwara Kenshö's Shüchüshö mentioned above, with their variant forms of citation, are about devotions of the second month and the founding of Yakushiji and are taken from Sanböe 3.6 and 3.11. Some medieval writers on Buddhist subjects also found Sanböe useful. The author of N i h o n kösöden yömonshö (1249), a monk named Shüshö, observed in a note to his biography of Kükai that the Sanböe version of the origins of the Takaodera H o k k e e (3.12) was somewhat 73

14

,

75

76

11

18

79

80

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1

different from his own. A much more significant example appears in the writings of Shinran (1173-1262), the founder of the Jödo Shinshü school of Buddhism. In 1257, Shinran made a copy of a version of the preface to the second volume of Sanböe and the biography of Prince Shötoku that follows it, combining the two sections as if they were one. This was copied again by Shinran's disciple Jakunin in 1283 and again, in 1307, by Kakunyo. This text came to be known as Jögü T a i s h i g y o k i and was regarded as an independent work of Shinran's own composition. At about the same time that he copied the Sanböe sections, Shinran also wrote a series of one hundred and fifteen verses in praise of the prince. The title was " D a i N i h o n k o k u sokusan'ö Shötoku T a i s h i hösan" but the set has come to be known as the I p p y a k u j u s h i s h u T a i s h i w a s a n ("One Hundred and Fourteen Verses in Praise of Prince Shötoku"), one verse having been dropped or lost at an early stage. These verses eventually became quite popular among Shinran's followers and among adherents of cults that centered on the worship of the prince. Similarities between many of these verses and portions of the Jögü T a i s h i g y o k i text were noted by scholars in the early part of this century, and when it was recognized that the G y o k i was not Shinran's but Tamenori's work, it also became apparent that Shinran must have been familiar with some form of the Sanböe text or a part thereof. Sanböe was used in at least one other rather interesting way. Sometime before 1317, an anonymous writer assembled some legends about Bodhidharma and other patriarchs of the Zen school and called his work S h i n Sanböekotoba (i.e., "The New 'Sanböe'"). Aside from the fact that this short text consists of stories about eminent monks, as do many of the tales in Sanböe volumes two and three, there is almost no similarity between the two works; nor is there any evidence that the latter work was really meant to include illustrations. Still, the author consciously named his work after Tamenori's, so he must have been familiar with it to some degree. Significant references to Sanböe dwindle over the next centuries. However, when Kariya Ekisai incorporated the commentaries of earlier scholars in his own work on N i h o n ryöiki (carried out over the period from 1801 to 1816), he included observations about the corresponding portions of Sanböe. Ekisai's work was an important precursor to modern Sanböe and setsuwa scholarship, with its emphasis on comparative textual study, but his approach also meant that Sanböe would invariably be considered an imitative, secondary work, always in the shadow of N i h o n ryöiki. Even in the modern period, Sanböe has been studied and written about far less than has N i h o n ryöiki or K o n j a k u monogatarishü, its monumental successor in the setsuwa genre. In one of his essays in Sanböe ryakuchü, Yamada admitted that he was 82

83

84

85


33

unaware of the existence of Sanböe until Nakagawa Chüjun published an article in the January 1909 number of the journal Gakutö in which he reintroduced the "forgotten" work by describing the Maeda-ke copy. Yamada's own article, "Bungaku shiryö to shite no Sanböekotoba" ["Sanböekotoba as a Literary Source"], which first appeared in December 1914 (in O n g a k u ) , effectively rekindled interest in the work ; it was soon followed by such studies as Hashikawa Tadashi's on the Prince Shötoku biography (2.1), on Tamenori's representation of Saichö, and on the possibility of a relationship between aspects of the K e g o n ' e (as described in 3.13) and the modern doll festival ( h i n a m a t s u r i ) . To appreciate the range of modern research and commentary on Sanböe, the reader should consult the bibliography in Shohon taishö Sanböe shüsei. There has been much important work of a highly technical nature on the language and orthography of the Sanböe copies, and Kasuga Kazuo's publications in this area (especially on the Tödaiji-gire) are particularly noteworthy. The most useful studies of Sanböe's structure and sources are Izumoji Osamu's "Sanböe no hensan ishiki" (March 1975) and Mori Masato's "Sanböe no seiritsu to Höon j u r i n " (March 1977); the reader will see frequent reference to these in my own analysis. Just as other works in its genre overshadow Sanböe, other contemporary works in other genres have certainly surpassed Sanböe in importance. Genshin's Öjöyöshü had a far greater impact; yet we can detect certain similarities in the religious goals and even in the method of the authors of both works, for Öjöyöshü, too, is in a sense a pastiche of reworked materials from other sources, assembled to teach its readers the proper form of a religious practice (the n e n b u t s u ) and the ensuing rewards. Murasaki Shikibu's diary and her Genji m o n o g a t a r i , Sei Shönagon's M a k u r a no söshi and other ladies' diaries and journals may be greater works of art and may reveal more of Heian court life and courtly sensibilities, but Sanböe may be placed beside them as literary documentation of the religious concerns of another denizen of that special world. Over one thousand years have passed since Tamenori wrote it for Sonshi, but for these reasons, and also as a work of literature per se—a work in which language is consciously and skillfully used to convey certain images and ideas in an effort to expand and reshape the reader's perceptions—Sanböe continues to invite our interest and to deserve close study. 86

87

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Notes

The title "Sanböekotoba" is also seen, but "Sanböe" for reasons that shall be discussed below, is preferred. I n its original context, in Ryüju Bosatsui Sendakaö seppö yöge (Τ 32:747a), Nägärjuna's verse is an exhortation to his disciple, a king, to study the descriptions of hell available through various media and to take them seriously lest, through ignorance, he find himself experiencing its horrors in person. Tamenori alters this to a recommendation that Sanböe, which consists of pictures and a text (to be read out loud), drawn in large part from "scripture and other [secular] writings," should be taken seriously and its lessons should be pondered and embraced by the reader. For general introductions to emaki, see Miyeko Murase, E m a k i : N a r r a t i v e P i c t u r e S c r o l l s (New York: The Asia Society, 1983); Okudaira Hideo, N a r r a t i v e P i c t u r e S c r o l l s , Arts of Japan 5 (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Shibundö, 1973); and Ienaga Saburö, P a i n t i n g i n the Yamato Style, The Heibonsha Survey of Japanese Art 10 (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1973). For studies and reproductions of the G e n j i m o n o g a t a r i emaki, see Genji m o n o g a t a r i emaki (Tokyo: Ködansha, 1971); the simultaneously published English version, with a translation of the text by Ivan Morris, entitled The T a l e of G e n j i S c r o l l s ; and Akiyama Terukazu, ed., N i h o n emakimono zenshü 2: G e n j i m o n o g a t a r i emaki (Tokyo: Ködansha, 1971). The notion that m o n o g a t a r i were primarily a form of diversion seems to have been a widely accepted one. In her list of "things that help to ease boredom" ( t s u r e z u r e nagusamu mono) in M a k u r a no söshi ("The Pillow Book"), Sei Shönagon included "go, s u g o r o k u [another board game], m o n o g a t a r i , the amusing things a child of three of four may say." See section 140 in the Iwanami text, N K B T 19:195. None of the works that Tamenori names has survived. The first two titles (Iga no taome, Tosa no o t o d o ) do not appear elsewhere, but in Kenchü m i k k a n , a commentary on the K o k i n wakashü by Fujiwara Kenshö (1130? ?), edited by Fujiwara Teika in 1221, it is said that Genshin mentioned the latter two ( I m a m e k i no chüjö, N a g a i no j i j u ) in K a n n y o öjögi, a lost work. For Kenchü m i k k a n , see M i k a n kokubun kochüshaku t a i k e i 4:426. See also Mitani Kuniaki, "San'itsu monogatari," in Heianchö bungaku j i t e n , pp. 251-52. Very similar doubts about poetic endeavors are voiced, and in very similar language, by Minamoto Shitagö and Sone Yoshitada in prefaces to poems they exchanged in about 960. See Kansaku Köichi and Shimada Ryöji, ed., Sone Y o s h i t a d a shü zenshaku (Tokyo: Kasama 2

3

4

5

6

7


35

Shoin, 1975), pp. 347-48, 475-76; N K B T 8 0 : 9 1 , 114-15. N K B T 15:430-33; Edward G. Seidensticker, tr., The T a l e of Genji (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976), vol. 1, pp. 436-38. It should be noted that the illustrations in the K a k o genzai ingakyö scroll run parallel to and above the text, while the illustrations in most illustrated sütras alternate with the text and fill the entire surface of the scroll in the portions devoted to them. In most cases, the latter are frontispieces to chapters of the sütras; they are not intertextual illustrations. For the K a k o genzai i n g a k y o , see Ienaga, P a i n t i n g i n t h e Yamato S t y l e , plate 15. For frontispieces from fourteenth-century sütra copies, see John M. Rosenfield and Elizabeth ten Grotenhuis, J o u r n e y of t h e T h r e e Jewels (New York: The Asia Society, 1979), pp. 61-71. The discovery of the fragment containing this note was announced by Yasuda Naomichi at a conference of the Zenkoku Daigaku Kokugokokubungaku Gakkai in the spring of 1977 {Shüsei, p. 394; see also 117, 541). Since there is no e a r i notation before this note, and since such descriptions appear in no other tale and in no other copy, it is hard to judge the significance of this note. The passage seems to describe three scenes: the young prince with a light emanating from his forehead; the prince in battle with the foes of Buddhism, and the defeat of the enemy leader Yuge Moriya; and the prince lecturing on scripture in the presence of the emperor. A l l , of course, are episodes in the biography itself, and they also resemble scenes depicted in various versions of Shötoku T a i s h i eden, including the earliest, a set of door panels from Höryüji. See Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, ed., Shötoku T a i s h i eden (Tokyo: Tokyo Bijutsu, 1969), pp. 227-35, p a s s i m . See also Yasuda, "Sanböe no e to etoki" in Issatsu no köza: e t o k i ( N i h o n no k o t e n b u n g a k u 3 ) , pp. 147-55. The error has been traced to Arai Hakuseki's Gakö b e n r a n (1672) and was retained in Hori Naonori's Fusö m e i g a d e n (1854) and in Kurokawa Harumura's Köko gafu (see Kurokawa Mamichi, ed., K u r o k a w a M a y o r i zenshü 1, pp. 204-5; Shüsei, pp. 373, 537-38.) K S T K 11:109. K S T K 11:126. William H. McCullough, "Japanese Marriage Institutions in the Heian Period," H a r v a r d J o u r n a l of A s i a t i c Studies 27 (1967):136. K S T K 11:142. N K B T 75:82; William H . McCullough and Helen Craig McCullough, tr., A T a l e of F l o w e r i n g F o r t u n e s (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980), vol. 1, p. 119; N K B T 21:134; Helen Craig McCullough, tr., Ökagami, t h e G r e a t M i r r o r (Princeton and Tokyo: Princeton University Press, 1980), p. 141. 8

9

10

11

1 2

1 3

14

1 5

1 6

36


Fujiwara Sanesuke, Shöyüki; see Tokyo Daigaku Shiryö Hensanjo, ed., D a i N i h o n k o k i r o k u (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1959), vol. 10.1, pp. 28-29. Ibid., pp. 29-30. There are several editions. One is in Waka Shi Kenkyükai, ed., Shikashü t a i s e i , chüko 2 (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1975), pp. 95-97. T h i s theory, which suggests similarities between Sonshi and the "Lump Nun"—the heroine of Sanböe 2.4—was put forward by Fukushima Köichi in an article, "Sanböe chükan to N i h o n ryöiki" in S h i o t a Ryöhei Sensei k o k i k i n e n ronbunshü N i h o n bungaku ronkö (Tokyo: Öfusha, 1970), pp. 32-64. However, the evidence is rather weak. See Imai Gen'ei, K a z a n ' i n no shögai Kokubungaku kenkyü sösho 8, rev. ed. (Tokyo: Öfusha, 1971), p. 13 passim. Shöyüki: D a i N i h o n k o k i r o k u 10.1, p. 96. K S T K 11:154. 18

19

20

21

9

22

2 3

94

For the text of the ganmon, see Kakimura Shigematsu, ed., Honchö monzui chüshaku 2 (1922; reprinted Tokyo: Fusanbö, 1968), pp. 985-94. or

The "opening and closing sütras of the L o t u s " {kaiketsukyö) are the Muryögikyö (Τ 9:384-89) and the Kanfugengyö (Τ 9:389-94) (see also 2.18, n. 10). The "Sütra on the T r a n s f o r m a t i o n of Women i n t o Buddhas" ("Tennyo jöbutsukyö" i.e., Tennyo shingyö, Τ 14:915-21) is designed to help women overcome the obstacles (goshö, h a c h i n a n ) that, according to other scriptures, make it inherently impossible for them to obtain Buddhahood or other good forms of rebirth. Since Yasutane expresses his belief, at the conclusion of the ganmon, that Sonshi has already gone to dwell in Amida's Pure Land, it appears that he also must have believed that she had overcome those obstacles, or that they did not apply to her. The idea of these obstacles was certainly abhorrent, and women did not always find it easy to overlook; it is a theme of concern, for example, in Senshi's H o s s h i n wakashü (poems 2, 16, 36; see n. 19, above). * See NST 7:10-41. For a translation, see Peter Michael Wetzler, "Yoshishige no Yasutane: Lineage, Learning, Office and Amida's Pure Land" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1977), pp. 193266. 3

97

The biographical information that follows derives from a number of sources, including the biography in Tokugawa Mitsukuni et al., D a i N i h o n shi (Tokyo: 18517—1906), kan 217, retsuden, bungaku 5 [unpaginated]. This biography also appears in the introductory pages of Ryakuchü. Other sources are Okada Mareo, "Minamoto Tamenori den kö," K o k u g o t o kokubungaku 19.11 (January 1942):25-37 and Okada


37

Mareo, "Minamoto Shitagö oyobi dö Tamenori nenpu," R i t s u m e i k a n d a i g a k u ronsö 8 (January 1 9 4 3 ) : 3 9 1 2 ; 68 (May 1948):l-24. Sonpi b u n m y a k u , K S T K 60a:370. One such occasion was a competition between senior, established poets and younger, up-and-coming talents, in 963 (the " Z e n s h u s a i t a k u s h i a w a s e " ) ; see Kawasaki Tsuneyuki, "Gaisetsu," in J i n b u t s u N i h o n no r e k i s h i 3: öchö no b u n k a (Tokyo: Shögakukan, 1976), p. 18. Kawaguchi Hisao, Heianchö N i h o n k a n b u n g a k u no kenkyü, 3d ed. (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1982), p. 336. See, for example, Shitagö's "Song of the Tailless Ox," in Kakimura, ed., Honchö m o n z u i chüshaku 1, pp. 123-26; translated by Burton Watson in his Japanese L i t e r a t u r e i n Chinese (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1968), vol. 1, pp. 65-66. Gödanshö Kenkyükai, ed., K o h o n k e i gödanshö chükai (Tokyo: Musashino Shoin, 1978), p. 42; N K B T 74:280. O n the university, its organization, and its curriculum, see Momo Hiroyuki, Jödai gakusei no kenkyü (Tokyo: Meguro Shoten, 1947) and his "Gakumon to kyöiku" in Zusetsu N i h o n b u n k a s h i t a i k e i 5: H e i a n j i d a i 2 (Tokyo: Shögakukan, 1966), p. 174. Tamenori's name appears in a list of participants compiled by Fujiwara Arikuni, another early member, included in his Kangakue memoir in Honchö reisö (GR 6:639). Tamenori is listed as "the Governor of Mino," which is probably the post he held when Arikuni wrote the memoir. See Itö Shintetsu, H e i a n jödokyö shinköshi no kenkyü (Kyoto: Heirakuji Shoten, 1974), pp. 270-81. ZGR 8:743-46. See also Hori Ichirö, Köya, Jinbutshu sösho 106 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Köbunkan, 1963), p. 22 p a s s i m . N K B T 74:108-19. Tamenori's poem is number 114. ZGR 32a:61-85. There is also a facsimile of the 1807 woodblockprinted version of a copy dated 1263, published by Kojisho Sökan Kankökai, 1975, with commentary by Kawase Kazuma. ZGR 30b:51-86. K o h o n k e i gödanshö chükai, pp. 112-13, 155; N K B T 73:154, 298; N K B T 84:125. Kakimura, Honchö m o n z u i chüshaku 1, pp. 920-26. T h e author of Tamenori's biography in D a i N i h o n shi did not question the document's authenticity (see n. 27 above). Hagitani Boku, ed., Heianchö u t a a w a s e t a i s e i 3 (Kyoto: Dömeisha, 1958), pp. 682-96. GR 15; Shakkebu, vol. 427, pp. 67-75. Chöyagunsai, K S T K 2 9 a : 46263. 28

29

30

31

32

3 3

34

35

36

3 1

38

39

4 0

41

42

43

44

45

38


46

See n. 16, above. Eigakuyöki, GR 15; Shakkebu, vol. 439, p. 533b. NST 7:19. Shüsei, pp. 483-86; Inoue Mitsusada, "Bunken kaidai," NST 7:716-17. See n. 8, above. See Shüsei, pp. 391-98 for a description of all fragments and their location and publication data. Shüsei, p. 379; Mizuta Norihisa, "Töji Kanchiin bon Sanböekotoba no kisai keishiki no seiritsu," K o k u g o k o k u b u n 21.7 (August 1952):33-41. Sanböekotoba, Koten hozonkai fukuseisho, 7th series (1939), with an introduction by Yamada Yoshio. D N B Z 90. Note that the numbering of volumes differs in some printings of D N B Z . Takase Shögon and Anzai Kakushö, ed., Sanböekotoba (Tokyo: Morie Shoten, 1932). Yoshida Köichi and Miyata Hiroyuki, ed., Sanböekotoba (Tokyo: Koten Bunko, 1965), no. 215. Eguchi Toshio, Sanböekotoba, 2 vols., Koten bunko 64, 65 (Tokyo: Gendai Shichösha, 1982). (This "Koten bunko" is not to be confused with the more familiar series, as cited in n. 56.) Ryakuchü, p. 407. Sanböe, jö-chü-ge, Sonkeikaku sökan (1935), with an introduction bv Ikeda Kikan. Yamada Yoshio, ed., Sanböe ryakuchü (1951; reprinted Kyoto: Höbunkan Shuppan, 1971). Cited throughout as Ryakuchü. K o i z u m i Hiroshi and Takahashi Nobuyuki, Shohon taishö Sanböe shüsei (Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1980). Cited throughout as Shüsei. McCullough, tr., Ökagami, t h e G r e a t M i r r o r , p. ix. F o r Shüchüshö, see Kyüsojin Hitaku, ed., N i h o n k a g a k u t a i k e i , bekkan 2, p. 52. For N i h o n kösöden yömonshö, see K S T K 31:15-16. Döin Kinkata (1291-1360), the author of R e k i d a i köki, uses Tamenori's figure of "one thousand nine-hundred and thirty-three years . . . since the Buddha Säkyamuni left this world," from the "General Preface." See S h i n t e i zöho shiseki shüran 2, p. 122a. Sanetaka köki is the diary of Sanjönishi Sanetaka (1455-1537), courtier, poet, and scholar. See Takahashi Rikuzö, ed., Sanetaka köki (Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijü Kanseikai, 1963), vol. 3b, p. 548. See also Shüsei, p. 371. Shüsei, p. 372. Takahashi, ed., Sanetaka köki 3b, p. 544. Höryüji, ed., Höryüjizö s o n ' e i b o n T a i s h i d e n gyokurinshö (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Köbunkan, 1978), vol. 1, p. 158; vol. 3, p. 67. T a i s h i d e n 41 48

49

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51

52

53

5 4

55

56

57

58

59

0

61

63

64

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kingyokushö, by Söjin, survives in copies dated 1584. It is not available in print. See Shüsei, pp. 371-72. F o r Fusö r y a k k i , see K S T K 12:65, 86-87. For Shüchüshö, see Kyüsoün, ed., N i h o n k a g a k u t a i k e i , bekkan 2, p. 105. In addition to its use in the Töji Kanchiin copy and in T a i s h i d e n gyokurinshö, a listing for "Sanböekotoba: three volumes" has been found in an undated catalog of poetic commentaries in the Higashiyama Gobunko. See Shüsei, p. 372. See also Yasuda Naomichi, "Kobunken ni in'yö sareta Sanböekotoba (1)" in A o y a m a g o b u n 10 (March 1980):15-42. Reprinted in K o k u b u n g a k u n e n j i b e t s u ronbunshü, chüko 3.1 (Tokyo: Gakujutsu Bunken Fukyükai, 1981), pp. 207-21. My notes use the original pagination. H o k k e g e n k i tales 1.10, 3.96, 3.98, 3.105, 2.106, and 3.108 are based on Sanböe 2.16, 2.9, 2.4, 2.10, 2.11, and 2.17, respectively. A l l of these are based on N i h o n ryöiki (tales 3.6, 1.19, 3.19, 2.6, 2.15, and 3.13). Chingen's biography of Prince Shötoku (1.1) closely resembles both Tamenori's and Yasutane's versions, as do his accounts of the lives of Gyöki, Saichö and Ennin (1.2-1.4); see Shüsei, pp. 486-94; NST 7:72021. Koizumi has identified forty-six passages of varying length in the various Höbutsushü texts that can be traced to Sanböe. He also has found nine tales in Shishü hyakuinnenshü that use material from Sanböe. Shüsei, pp. 510-24. K S T K 12:54-55, 65, 70-71, 86-87, 99. Shüsei, pp. 507-10. For a text of M i z u k a g a m i , see K S T K 21a:l107. F o r a detailed analysis, see Shüsei, pp. 504-7. Shüsei, pp. 501-4. See Shüsei, pp. 494-501 for details. F o r S h i c h i d a i j i j u n r e i s h i k i , see Fujita Tsuneo, ed., Kökan b i j u t s u shiryö. j i i n hen 1 (Tokyo: Chüö Köron Bijutsu Shuppan, 1972), p. 40. Tsutsui Eishun, ed., Tödaiji yöroku (1944; reprinted Tokyo: Kokusho Kankökai, 1971), p. 45. See also Shüsei, pp. 509-10. Muromatsu Iwao et al., ed., K o k u b u n chüshaku zensho (Tokyo: Kokugakuin Daigaku Shuppanbu, 1907-1910), p. 32. See nn. 63 and 67, above. See n. 63, above. Yasuda has cited a passage in a somewhat earlier work, Ruihishö, by the Shingon monk Kanshin who died ca. 1152-1153: a copy dated 1220 has a note about Indra's yearly evaluation of human behavior that quotes from Sanböe 3.1 (Yasuda, "Kobunken ni in'yö sareta Sanböekotoba (1)," p. 18). Kakunyo's copy survives and is housed in the library of Honganji. It is printed in Shinshü Shögyö Zensho Hensanjo, ed., Shinshü shögyö 67

1 0

71

1 2

13

74

15

76

77

79

80

82


40

zensho 4 (1941; reprinted Kyoto: Öyagi Köbundö, 1974), pp. 5-21; see also Shüsei, pp. 96-97 and 118-22. There is also a translation in German: see Hermann Bohner, Shötoku t a i s h i . Deutsche Gesellschaft für Natur und Völkerkunde Ostasiens. Mitteilungen Supplementband 15 (Tokyo, 1940), pp. 414-35. See also Hashikawa Tadashi, Jögü t a i s h i g y o k i no kenkyü (Kyoto: Teishiya Shoten Shuppanbu, 1921) and "Jögü t a i s h i g y o k i to Sanböekotoba" in S h i n r a n t o sökoku 2.1 (January 1920):24-27. See Shüsei, pp. 525-59. For an annotated edition of the verses, see Shinran Shönin Zenshü Kankökai, ed., T e i h o n S h i n r a n Shönin zenshü 2 (Kyoto: Hözökan, 1969-1970), pp. 251-74. The early studies of the verses are Washio Kyödö, "Jögü T a i s h i g y o k i to Ippyakujüshishu oyobi Shichijüshichi T a i s h i w a s a n " in Rokuhö gakuhö 217 (December 1919):19-28 and Taya Raishun, "Ippyakujüshi T a i s h i w a s a n kö" in O t a n i gakuhö 13.2 (April 1932):183-231. Shüsei, p. 535. For the text and a commentary on S h i n sanböekotoba, see Koizumi Hiroshi, " S h i n sanböekotoba (honkoku) to kenkyü" in Hokkaido Setsuwa Bungaku Kenkyükai, ed., Chüsei setsuwa no sekai (Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1979), pp. 3-28. Yasuda, "Kobunken ni in'yö sareta Sanböekotoba ( 1 ) " p. 17; see also the notes by Izumi Michi in N K B T 70:19-20. 8

85

Of*

See Ryakuchü, p. 44. Nakagawa's article, "Minamoto Tamenori no Sanboe" is reprinted in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyü Shiryö Kankökai, ed., Setsuwa b u n g a k u , Nihon bungaku kenkyü shiryö sösho (Tokyo: Yüseidö, 1972), pp. 67-70. Reprinted in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyü Shiryö Kankökai, ed., Setsuwa b u n g a k u , pp. 71-75. T h e studies on Prince Shötoku are included in Hashikawa's Jögü t a i s h i g y o k i no kenkyü; the Saichö and K e g o n ' e articles are in his N i h o n bukkyö b u n k a s h i no kenkyü (Kyoto: Chügai Shuppan, 1924), pp. 103-29. Izumoji Osamu, "Sanböe no hensan ishiki" in B u n g a k u 43.3 (March 1975): 24166; Mori Masato, "Sanböe no seiritsu to Höon j u r i n " in A i c h i K e n r i t s u D a i g a k u B u n g a k u b u ronshü 26 (March 1977):15-28. 87

88

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Chapter 2 A Reading of Sanböe

Imagine, if you will, that you are Sonshi. It is a bleak afternoon in winter, and you have been finding it hard to keep warm in your black and grey nun's robes. It has not been easy to concentrate on your prayers. But one of your attendants has just come in to say that Tamenori has called and left a three-scroll book. It must be the one you have been expecting him to bring. Now the scrolls are set before you, and you reach for the one that is marked "The First Volume," undo its bindings, and start to unroll it. It is, indeed, Sanböe. The reading begins.

The General Preface Tamenori begins with quotations, the first in a book replete with quotations, allusions, things borrowed from other sources, sometimes acknowledged, sometimes not. The first two such borrowings—one, a Chinese poem, the other, Japanese—are given to remind the reader of the insubstantiality of life, a fundamental Buddhist concept, the essential insight that allows men and women to shed their attachments to life and impels them to search for permanent release. Tamenori first introduces the idea through poetry rather than through scriptural quotation, and the poems also introduce an imagery of impermanence—rootless, floating weeds, a drifting boat lost in a mist, fragile bubbles (a conventional imagery, to be sure)—that will be sustained throughout the "General Preface" through the repetition of similar natural metaphors. By evoking the language of poetry at the outset, Tamenori effectively tunes his narrative voice to a secular key. Though much of what follows will be derived from scripture and will deal with specifically nonsecular

41

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A Reading of Sanboe

concerns, there will be no permanent transposition from this key: Tamenori will continue to address his reader in the language of this world as he teaches the right way to prepare for the next. The next quotation, given in proof of the sentiments expressed in the Chinese and Japanese verses just quoted, is, appropriately enough, taken from the L o t u s Sütra, the central scripture in the Tendai tradition and the scripture that formed the basis of Tamenori's perspective on his subject, and the Buddhist text from which he quotes more than any other. Here, however, Tamenori does not identify the source as the L o t u s as such; rather, he says, these are words that we find "in the teachings of the truly enlightened, universally compassionate Buddha." This is an appropriate way to introduce the first of many instances in which Tamenori, with considerable reverence and to considerable effect, employs the words of the sütras, and of other respected, authoritative texts in Sanböe.

Quotation, Allusion, and Citation Although it is an original creation, the "General Preface," like the prefaces to each volume of Sanböe, is largely a tissue of quotations and allusions. Tamenori freely acknowledged this by naming many of his sources, however, and in return his own text gained authority; the respected words of others, identified as such, gave Sanböe strength and attested to the veracity of its content. Tamenori's citations of his sources are generally of two kinds. When a direct quotation or paraphrase is offered in the midst of a preface or tale it is usually preceded by the phrase "[title] n i i w a k u " ("As it says in [title]"). Some of these tags say only "The sütra [or 'a sütra'} says. . ." and omit the proper name of the work. In many such cases, though not all, "the sütra" means "the L o t u s Sütra." The other form of citation is found at or near the end of almost every tale. These citations name a primary text or texts as the source for the content—and in some cases, most of the words—of that tale. The form of most of these citations is "[title] n i m i e t a r i " ("This appears in [title]"). Close comparison, where it is possible, confirms that most of these citations do identify the works that Tamenori used as his models. Where multiple titles are cited, each is usually represented in some part of Tamenori's version. So these acknowledgments are not merely lists of texts in which related material is to be found; in most cases, they do tell us what we need to know about the way that Tamenori put this book together.

A Reading of Sanböe

43

However, some citations of primary sources are offered even where Tamenori may have used a text other than that cited, or where he may have written his own version independently, without close reliance on the original or any other recension. It has been shown that in many instances, where Tamenori cited a work of scripture as his source, or paraphrased one without identification, his model text may not, in fact, have been the original scripture but, rather, the version of it that appears in Fa-yüan c h u - l i n , a Buddhist encyclopedia compiled by Tao-shih in 668. Tamenori's most extensive use of this work would appear to be in the tales of the first volume, which are discussed below. Various passages in the prefaces, the sources of which are not indicated by Tamenori, can also be found in Fa-yüan c h u - l i n ; it is thought that he used it as his source or model in these instances as well. Even in these instances, nonetheless, where he did cite a title as a source he cited the title of the original work; he never mentioned Fa-yüan c h u - l i n . His reasons were the same here as everywhere else that he cites a title: especially when the cited text was a Buddhist scripture, but even when it was not, such citation underscored and strengthened the authority of this text (Sanböe). It did so by placing it in a lineage extending through time from those other texts to Sanböe and on beyond it, toward other texts that would, in turn, cite Sanböe as a reliable and respected authority. There are, in addition, a great number of quotations and paraphrases from scripture and from secular works that are not set off by anything explicitly identifying them as derived materials. (The sources of most of these passages have been identified by modern scholars and are indicated in the notes to the translation.) The assumption behind these unspecified allusions may have been that the reader would recognize them as such and might even recall their original context; the intended function may then have been akin to the allusions that played such an important role in the kinds of poetry familiar to both Tamenori and Sonshi. Such allusive writing may also have been employed in Sanböe in a conscious effort to involve the reader more deeply in the reading of the text. Reliance on allusion is certainly typical of the stylistic conventions of the time, especially those that governed the writing of Chinese prose in Japan. The effect in Sanböe may have been to make this text, which had to deal with material and ideas that must have been unfamiliar to its first reader, at least stylistically closer to something she was used to reading. There is one other possible reason for the lack of identification of the source of some quotations and allusions. Tamenori may also have been working, at times, from secondary or tertiary materials in which the original source identifications were also omitted, and he may not have had the means or the time to check for further information. 1

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A Reading of Sanboe

Whether quoting from originals, from Fa-yüan c h u - l i n , or elsewhere, Tamenori is generally a careful and faithful adaptor of his sources. Sometimes, however, he reduces the amount of detail, changes a term or an expression here or there, or gives only a very loose paraphrase. More apparent discrepancies may arise from variations between the texts he used and those that are now standard. But at other points it seems that Tamenori has consciously edited his version, eliminating possibly puzzling terms or discursive digressions, generally simplifying and clarifying the narrative line to maintain momentum and clarity. (Instances of this are cited in the notes.) The motive for such editing is easy to perceive: anything that would help Sonshi to understand and absorb the information in Sanböe, and make the experience of reading it more rewarding, was entirely justified.

Sanbö, Sanji, a n d Sonshi This tissue of quotations that is the "General Preface" initiates the process of edification by speaking to Sonshi about Sonshi. Elsewhere, Tamenori addresses her directly; here, perhaps in deference, he refers obliquely to her actions and her attitudes. He does so with sympathy and admiration and with flattering hyperbole that is reminiscent of Yasutane's; but, more importantly for the purpose of what is to come, he affirms her present circumstances and motives by showing that they are consonant with compelling Buddhist concerns. The urgency of her need to prepare for the next life is not discussed here as something stemming from any aspect of her personal condition, such as illness; rather, as Tamenori describes it, such urgency is dictated by grave conditions that pertain to all. That Sonshi has correctly perceived the need, and has decided to act upon it, is, in his view, all the more praiseworthy. Furthermore, the fact that she has done so has created not only the need for the book that he is writing but also an opportunity for him to gather merit as well through its composition. "One thousand nine hundred and thirty-three years have passed since the Buddha Säkyamuni left this world," Tamenori observes. "We may now be in the Period of the Imitated Teaching [zöhö], but surely only a few years of this interim period remain to us." Tamenori was writing this in the year 984 (a date that appears, in fact, at the end of the "General Preface"), and the figure that Tamenori uses here is one that is based on the dating of the death of the Buddha to the year 949 B . C . E . This was, indeed, one of the dates used most frequently in calculations of the beginnings and endings of the predestined "three periods" (sanji), and, on the same basis, it was often predicted that the final period of

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A Reading of Sanboe

decline would begin in the year 1052 C.E.—only sixty-eight years beyond Tamenori's and Sonshi's "present." Tamenori thus reminds Sonshi that she and he are living in the second of the three periods through which Buddhism was to pass, and that the conditions of this period and the imminence of the next—the cataclysmic "Period of the Declining Teaching" (mappö)—have made most individual religious acts impotent and empty. The only alternative is to rely on "the Three Jewels" and, if possible, to become part of them by taking vows and joining the community of monks and nuns. Sonshi, of course, has done just that, for perhaps a variety of reasons—some of which may have been known to Tamenori only slightly better than they can be known to us. Here, however, he describes her deed as one inspired by an innate spiritual predisposition (as Yasutane also was to do in the g a n m o n ) . Sonshi's renunciation is ennobled, after the fact, by Tamenori's view of it as the realization of long-nurtured intent, with firm grounding in legitimate religious tenets, ample precedent—even in women of Sonshi's station, according to scripture— and as a reasonable response to the perception of this world's impermanence evoked in the preface's opening lines. The interpretation Tamenori offers may have been de r i g u e u r but may nonetheless have been well taken, for it deftly placed Sonshi's deed on a higher plane than that of private, willful impulse. To the extent that renunciation can appear positive—a fulfillment rather than a resignation—Tamenori makes it appear to be so. And when Tamenori observes that there is "nothing among all acts of devotion to compare with the merit derived from one day and one night as a sworn monk or nun" (a point he would reiterate in several ways), he may be reminding Sonshi that even if her time as a nun is short it will have been well spent. Sonshi has done the best thing that she can, and she can make the most of it by reading this book (Sanböe) and following its injunctions. It is on these grounds that Tamenori makes bold to warn Sonshi against the temptations of g o , k o t o and m o n o g a t a r i . Her time is precious, and her need to maintain a clear perception of truth and to focus on her future—whatever it may be—preclude such entertainments. It is unfair to take Tamenori's complaints about fiction as an absolute and categorical condemnation, as some commentators have done, though it is certain that m o n o g a t a r i suited neither his tastes nor his standards. But he dismisses them here, along with other trivial pursuits, mostly for Sonshi's sake; this book, Sanböe, was better than other entertainment and very fit to serve as a means through which the knowledge she needed could be obtained, and the spiritual progress she sought, enhanced. To achieve those ends Tamenori claimed to have planned his book with Nägärjuna's verse as his guide and with structure and content that 2

3

4

46


correspond more than simply symbolically to the "Three Jewels" and Buddhism's "Three Periods." His identification of sanbö (which, as we have seen, is underscored as a motif by mention in this passage of its synonym, s a n k i , as well) with s a n j i was specious, without doctrinal support or any deep meaning that could be developed successfully within the book itself. This was Tamenori's way of suggesting that there was a wholeness in these three wide-ranging volumes and that the fact that they were three was somehow more than an accident, but in his persistent attempt to make these identifications complete he overreached himself. The content of volume one, the volume of the Buddha (the first jewel) comes, he says, from the distant past, which he equates with the first "period"; the second volume describes the progress and results of the propagation of Buddhist teachings (the second jewel) "in more recent times," representing the second "period"; the third volume deals with the "rites performed by monks" (who stand for the third jewel) "today." He must stop short here, for he cannot say that the present is the last "period"; he has, for one thing, already shown that mappö may be close but has not yet dawned, and he certainly does not want to imply that "today's monks" are corrupt or that their understanding of the teachings is in any way invalid. Another element of the balancing of "threes" also breaks down midway into this passage. Tamenori distinguishes the sources of the first volume's tales—"a variety of scriptures" ( k u s a g u s a no kyö)—from those of the second—"an array of secular documents" (ieie no f u m i ) in balanced phrases—but he makes no attempt to complete the triad when he reaches the third volume, and its varied sources remain unidentified here. Instead, Tamenori manages a graceful escape from this overly wrought imposition of abstract symbol and interpretive concept on content and form, this overextended attempt at parallelism. Returning once more to the sanbö figure, he uses a scriptural paraphrase, again from the L o t u s Sütra, to praise the book that so fully elaborates upon it: " A l l of it concerns itself with the Buddha, his Teachings, and his Clergy, and therefore it is good at the beginning, good in the middle, and good at the end. The Three Jewels are to be found everywhere and in all things, and you must stand by them." Hereafter, the s a n j i concept recedes into the background, while other motifs and ideas take precedence, and the three volumes that follow portray them instead. Rather than presenting an account of Buddhism's progressive degeneration (a process described in the preface to the second volume, but for other reasons), the content of Sanböe draws a picture of Buddhism as something that is very much alive, something that has grown and developed and spread, something that remains full of meaning and efficacy and is hence admirable above all things.

A Reading of Sanboe

47

Were that not so, there would have been no reason, of course, for teaching Sonshi so much about it. Tamenori was pessimistic about the state of the world and the value of worldly pursuits, and in this he was in agreement with the standard pessimism of his time. This pessimism did not extend to Buddhism, however, for he believed that he, as well as Sonshi, would benefit from his service and his devotion to it.

Kudoku, Zuiki, a n d T a m e n o r i In the last section of the "General Preface," Tamenori steps forth to identify himself as Sonshi's servant and teacher and as aspirant to the same salvation that she seeks. He alludes to his relationship to her family and to his literary training, both of which have made it possible for him, now, to take up and carry out this task. It is a task that came to him when he was ready for it, for he had already fixed upon a good rebirth in the next life as his only meaningful goal. When he writes that "the feelings in my own heart got tangled in the very words," he shows that he has taken his task very seriously and that he knows that his injunctions apply as well to him as they do to Sonshi; when he says that "my tears fell like rain upon my brush tip," there is more here than melodrama. He reveals here a portion of his piety and his sincere concern for Sonshi's fate—which, as it may have seemed to Tamenori, might be submitted to judgment before much more time had passed. "This is my prayer," he concludes: he wants these efforts to produce merit for both Sonshi and himself, that he might follow her to his own reward in the same way that Säkyamuni's servant followed him. Tamenori's expectation is based on concepts that are developed in several ways in the tales that follow—and fittingly so, for they are fundamental tenets of Buddhist faith. Merit for good deeds ( k u d o k u ) , of course, adds directly to the accumulated promise of a good reward in a life or lives to come. Offerings of flowers, incense, and light—all of which are documented in Sanböe tales—are conventional ways of gaining such merit and are among the simplest ways of doing so. The incipient Buddhas of the first volume's tales who strive in various ways to do good, the devout Japanese Buddhists of the second, and the observant monks and nuns of the third all do what they do largely in order to accrue such merit. Sanböe is in large part concerned with the depiction of the rewards that they and those who follow them receive. If Sonshi emulates them, her expectations may be high. Tamenori himself expects to gain his reward, but only through a particular kind of good deed, one that is often favored by, and characteristic of, the selfsacrificing Bodhisattva of the Mahäyäna tradition: devoting himself to

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A Reading of Sanboe

the spiritual progress of others before realizing his own. This, then, is zuiki—literally, "derived joy"—and, technically, it is one of the means that more advanced beings (such as Bodhisattvas) use to promote the eventual salvation of others and, secondarily, to proceed toward their own. Tamenori saw that he could emulate this method and claim a reward for doing so through the very act of writing Sanböe, but he does not use the terms for this method and its merit ( z u i k i höben, z u i k i k u d o k u ) until he reaches his summation, in the last verse at the end of the last volume. Still, the spirit of z u i k i pervades the text as Tamenori strives at length to be a good teacher and good friend—like many that have gone before him, in Buddhist scripture and in history—and thus to win, through these efforts, an ultimate and everlasting reward.

Preface to the First Volume "The first volume tells about the deeds of the Buddhas of long ago," Tamenori wrote in the "General Preface," and that is indeed so. But first, in the preface to this volume, he explains that the thirteen Buddhas of the past, who are the protagonists in the tales to follow, were, in fact, the Buddha Säkyamuni in his previous lives. Tamenori will remind the reader of this in a formal element repeated at the end of each of the tales. In the preface, he goes on to explain that in these former incarnations, which spanned an unimaginably vast period of time, the Buddha-to be acted in specific ways that eventually produced, as a karmic reward, his birth as the historical Buddha. The various ways in which he "sacrificed" himself are particularly exemplary of this service, and sacrifice is an important motif in almost all of the thirteen tales included in the volume.

Inga: The P a t t e r n of Cause a n d Effect Even the physical attributes of the Buddha's person are said to be the results of his past virtues, according to scripture, and Tamenori proceeds to list these in some detail. At the conclusion of this description he says, " A l l of these marks were the result of his deeds in previous ages, the effect of his practice of the various perfections." Thus, Tamenori focuses specifically on the pattern of cause and effect (inga) as a key element in the formation of the Buddha. Similarly, in tale after tale throughout Sanböe he will remind his reader of this incontrovertible fact: good deeds will duly result in good rewards, and evil deeds will likewise be duly punished. The concept is a simple but a fundamental


49

one; it is the assumption behind the whole noti of k a r m a , the force that shapes each being's life according to its past actions, good or i l l , as long as that being remains within the cycle of life, death, and rebirth. But abstract philosophical and technical disquisitions on such concepts as k a r m a have little place in a work like Sanböe; instead, Tamenori chooses to illustrate the workings of this principle by dramatizing a repeating pattern of reward and retribution, primarily in the context of memorable stories. Throughout the work, in fact, the philosophical principles of Buddhism, where explicitly stated, are stated very simply and without much explanation; Tamenori relies instead on implicit illustration of abstract principles in the concrete contexts of his chosen tales. This by no means represents condescension toward his reader, but, rather, an accurate assessment of the best way for her to learn and understand, and the method of teaching and the content of the lesson are adjusted to that assessment. This approach, of course, is not original with Tamenori. It is, in fact, espoused by scripture and securely rooted in Buddhist doctrine: what one teaches and the way one teaches it must suit the one who needs to learn. If this means that only part of the lesson or only part of the truth can be taught, then so be it. (This is one aspect of the concept of höben, "expedient means.") Tamenori certainly could not teach Sonshi all of Buddhism, but he could amply represent the whole by illustrating some of its essential parts. That meant, however, that he had to make certain choices as to which parts to teach. Clearly, he decided that, if nothing else, she should learn a great deal about the law of cause and effect in human lives, as it is understood in Buddhism. In the materials available to him and the works that served as his models—especially N i h o n ryöiki—the same idea was dominant, and so it naturally presented itself as an area of emphasis. The tales included in Sanböe range considerably in terms of both subject and source, but they are, inevitably, unified in their concern with the cause and effect pattern. It is perhaps this element, more than any other, that makes of them a cohesive, meaningful whole.

The E t e r n a l B u d d h a This volume's tales deal with Säkyamuni's previous lives, while this preface directs the reader's attention to a conception of Säkyamuni as the great "effect" of a great many admirable "causes." But Tamenori also wants to explain that Buddhism did not end with the end of this great Buddha's life, that in fact he was but one great manifestation of a Buddha who is everywhere, in all time, and always accessible. (This view of the Buddha is that of the L o t u s Sütra, of the Tendai school, and of

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Mahäyäna Buddhism in general.) Certain "causes"—certain acts of piety—will produce the much desired effect of contact with this eternal Buddha and his unbounded benevolence. The right practices, rightly practiced, will make visualization of this Buddha possible, as Tamenori promises: "When there is an affinity [en—a special predisposition, brought about through the cultivation of right attitudes and pious practices], he will show you his form," and "in response to your prayers he will let you hear his voice." The worship of images of the Buddha and the relics of his person are also, he says, ways of getting close to him; offerings of just "a single flower" or a single moment of sincere prayer are also ways of making contact. Like so many other passages in the prefaces, this one again foreshadows the content of many of the tales to come, where it will be repeatedly shown that even the most modest offerings, even devotions conducted on the smallest scale will nonetheless produce the desired results as long as they are undertaken in sincerity.

A

Reverent

Gesture

At the end of the preface—as at the end of the prefaces to the two remaining volumes—Tamenori describes a physical gesture that he might indeed have acted out: "The palms of my hands are joined in reverence; now I will illustrate the wonders of the Buddha." In each volume the final phrase is altered slightly to lead effectively into what follows, and the use of the repeating figure is another way of suggesting a unity among the book's diverse parts. The gesture may have been directed to Sonshi, the reader, but more likely it is a gesture toward the book itself; it is an acknowledgment of the awe its author feels when he steps outside of the text for a moment and recalls the gravity of its content, its meaning, and its purpose.

The Tales of the First Volume Composition The line in the preface explaining that the Buddha's attributes "were the result of his deeds in previous ages, the effect of his practice of the various perfections," is also a key to the composition of the volume itself. Its thirteen tales divide into two closely related groups, the first six and then the remaining seven. The first group consists of versions of stories traditionally collected in scripture and elsewhere as illustrations of the Buddha's practice of


51

"the Six Perfections" (the six päramitäs; r o k u h a r a m i t s u in Japanese)— categories of ideal behavior that, if cultivated to the greatest extent possible, produce vast merit and assure the future Buddhahood of the practitioner. The latter seven tales are about similarly virtuous doings, and though they do not form a conventional group, they do come from the same general source as do the first six, namely, the jätakas, the corpus of stories about the Buddha's previous lives. That Tamenori should have used jätaka stories in Sanböe at all is, in itself, remarkable, for though known and recognized in Japanese Buddhism, these stories were never particularly prominent as subjects in either Japanese literature or art. Their role in Chinese Buddhism was similarly limited, and it is only in Southeast Asian Buddhism that they have continuously functioned as an important canonical genre. Tamenori's use of them, however, is in fact in keeping with the rather special way that they have been used throughout their history. At least as early as the second century B.C.E., Indian Buddhists began to use elements from indigenous folk tales and story-telling traditions—elements such as the working of miracles, transformations, and metamorphoses—in narratives that illustrated specifically Buddhist concepts, especially those related to the Buddhist interpretation of the belief in transmigration. Many examples of this kind of appropriation can be seen in the jätakas. The protagonists of these stories are kings, princes, wealthy merchants and their sons and daughters, ascetics, and various other noble or humble creatures, including animals, whose virtuous deeds collectively contribute to the accumulation of merit that eventually produced the Buddha himself. They adhere sedulously to their promises to do good or to devote themselves to a particular principle or goal, often with the intention of sharing the benefits or merit thus attained with others, but primarily in order to garner merit toward future Buddhahood. They often face great odds or are subjected to physical torment, but they invariably persevere or are miraculously saved from their travails. Their determination, their sacrifices, and their eventual success prove their inherent possession of the qualifications for Buddhahood, and so most jätakas contain some element (sometimes at the beginning, more often at the end) that reveals that the protagonist is, in fact, a former incarnation of Säkyamuni. Other characters are often identified as former incarnations of other members of Säkyamuni's family, and good characters who aid or support the hero or heroine are usually identified with his disciples, while adversaries and evil-doers are often identified with Säkyamuni's enemies or other opponents of Buddhism. The good or i l l these characters do is thus interpreted as the cause leading to their eventual fortunate or unfortunate rebirths, and the protagonists, of course, are rewarded with the greatest prize of all when 5

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they become, at length, the Buddha himself. Thus, the jätakas repeatedly demonstrate the operation of k a r m a , while simultaneously illustrating the tenets of Buddhist morality, and were therefore effective and appealing didactic tools. For the same reason, they were well suited to Tamenori's needs and goals in Sanböe. But in reproducing a selection of them in full, in the context of a work such as Sanböe, Tamenori was doing something that no known Japanese writer before him had done. Of the hundreds of known jätakas, relatively few are of significance in the Mahäyäna tradition that made its way from India through central Asia and China and eventually to Japan. These stories were of most interest in the earliest stages of the propagation of Buddhism in each region through which it passed. Jätaka subjects were prominent, for instance, in the earliest known examples of Buddhist art in India, in central Asia, and then in China. But in each place they were soon eclipsed by other subjects—the life of Säkyamuni himself, then other Buddhas and Bodhisattvas and other celestial deities. This development in iconography generally parallels the shifts in interest occurring as particular texts rose to and then fell from favor. Though the jätaka literature as such found no distinct niche in Mahäyäna, the small but select number of jätakas that were incorporated into a few sütras in its canon did find a place there because they served effectively as illustrations of ideas of particular significance in that tradition. Others may have been created, with known jätakas or other stories as their models, to serve a similar function. Some came to be used repeatedly in descriptions of the sixfold path of virtuous practice whereby Bodhisattvas qualify themselves for Buddhahood. Versions of particular jätakas that lent themselves to the illustration of these "Six Stages" ( r o k u d o ) , which are the same as the "Six Perfections"—charity, discipline, forbearance, effort, meditation, and wisdom—recur in many texts that deal with the Bodhisattva and his practices, which are, of course, major Mahäyäna preoccupations. The set of six jätakas illustrating the "Six Perfections" that Tamenori uses as the first six tales in Sanböe is one that is used in similar ways in well-known texts—specifically, a sütra entitled Rokudojikkyö and a treatise, D a i c h i d o r o n (a wide-ranging commentary on the Mahäprajnäpäramitä Sütra), traditionally attributed to Nägärjuna. Tamenori's selection and inclusion of these six can be explained largely through reference to those texts, which are also the works he cites as his chief sources. His first three tales are those that are used to illustrate the same three "perfections" in Rokudojikkyö: the Sibi, Srutasoma, and K§änti stories are in sections 2, 41, and 44 of the sütra. The story of Prince Mahätyägavat, used in Sanböe 1.4 to illustrate the perfection of effort, appears in Rokudojikkyö section 9, but there it 6

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illustrates the perfection of charity. And, in a single passage in the fourth fascicle of D a i c h i d o r o n , all six of Tamenori's jätakas appear in the same order and in correspondence to the same perfections. In addition, the same six appear in the same way in treatises of importance in the Tendai school. There is, for example, a close paraphrase of the D a i c h i d o r o n passage in Chih-i's S s u - c h i a o - i , where each story is introduced with a question—"How is the perfection of [charity, discipline, etc.] fulfilled?"—and each is concluded with a coda-like section that ends with the words "This is how the perfection of [charity, discipline, etc.] is fulfilled." An almost identical presentation appears in Chih-i's K u a n y i n hsüan-i, and another variation appears in Ti-kuan's T ' i e n - t ' a i ssuchiao-i} There can be little doubt that these presentations served as Tamenori's models, even for the sections that begin and end each of his first six tales. In Sanböe, Chih-i's questions become short disquisitions on the meaning of each of the Six Perfections, expanded through the inclusion of allusions to and paraphrases from a variety of other texts. The subject of these disquisitions—grammatically and otherwise—is "the Bodhisattva," and Tamenori uses the term here, as does Chih-i in the model passages, to mean "the incipient Säkyamuni Buddha." Even the verb used in Tamenori's codas to say that the perfections were "thus fulfilled" (i.e., the verb m i t s u ) is the same as Chih-i's. One addition of Tamenori's to the codas, the revelations of the heroes as "the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today," makes explicit what is implicit in S s u - c h i a o - i and the other model texts. This addition serves one other important function for Tamenori: it is the only structural feature of the first six tales that is also repeated in the remaining seven, and thus it helps to bind them all together. The content of all the tales, of course, is also similar: all narrate the heroes' adherence to their principles or their vows despite all challenges and obstacles, and all of the protagonists act in ways that justify their identification with the Buddha at each story's end. A l l thirteen can also be said to be examples of the jätakas that are best known in the Mahäyäna tradition (the number of which, as has been noted, is rather limited), but, perhaps surprisingly, there is no one place to which we can look—at least not in literature—for a good model or likely source for Tamenori's selection of the last seven or, for that matter, the entire grouping. That the literary evidence of precedents should be so sparse may also be surprising since some of these stories seem so "familiar" (insofar as a general East Asian tradition is concerned), but this may in turn suggest that the best indications of precedent lie elsewhere. The first known Chinese writers to include jätakas in a compendium of Buddhist materials were Pao-ch'ang and the other editors of 9

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Ching-lü i-hsiangy the first great Chinese Buddhist encyclopedia, which was completed in 516. Its twenty-first section is composed almost entirely of jätaka recensions, including several about the past lives of Devadatta, Säkyamuni's violently rebellious cousin and disciple. F a y u a n c h u - l i n contains a great many jätaka passages and related materials, including excerpts from Chinese pilgrims' descriptions of Indian memorials to various jätaka heroes. (Some of these, from Hsliantsang's T a - t ' a n g h s i - y u - c h i , are also quoted by Tamenori in the conclusions to 1.11 and 1.12.) Some jätakas appear in brief form or are alluded to in T'ang p i e n - w e n ("marvel" or "transformation" texts) found at Tunhuang. In the opening section of a version of the p i e n - w e n entitled T'aitzu c h ' e n g - t a o c h i n g ( T a i s h i jödökyö), dated 934, for example, the stories of K§änti, Sibi, and Mahäsattva (Sanböe 1.3, 1.10, and 1.11) are briefly summarized. Fragments of other p i e n - w e n specifically devoted to the Mahäsattva and the Sudäna (Sanböe 1.12) jätakas have also been identified. (The protagonist of the Sudäna jätaka is perhaps better known as Visvantara.) P i e n - w e n were probably meant to be read aloud, and readings were probably highlighted and explicated with corresponding pictures in popular proselytizing performances. For this reason, these works are often cited as forerunners of Japanese Buddhist didactic works that also employed texts and pictures, and particularly of those like Sanböe that may have been designed for oral readings. Attempts to show direct correlations between p i e n - w e n and specific Japanese works of this kind have, however, been inconclusive. Likewise, it has not yet been shown that there was any direct line of transmission from the p i e n wen and their treatment of jätaka material to Sanböe or any other of the very few works in Japanese that include jätaka versions, though such a lineage does seem plausible. The earliest known Japanese references to jätaka are in Tödaiji fujumonkö, a manual of ritual texts compiled between 796 and 834, but these are only brief allusions to the stories of the "Himalaya Boy" and of Mahäsattva (1.10 and 1.11 in Sanböe). There is also a brief allusion to the Mahäsattva story in Kükai's Sangö s h i i k i . There are, however, no other significant references or recensions in Japanese works that predate Sanböe; nor, it may be observed, are there all that many in works coming after it. The search for models and precedents must, of course, be made with the awareness that literary works that might have served in this capacity may have been lost. There are, on the other hand, some important works of art that can supplement this search, and these may be of particular importance if Sanböe is viewed as part of a pictorial as well as a literary tradition. In fact, a survey of the jätaka subjects depicted in sculpture and painting all over Asia (found mostly in a few transitional 12

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epochs in Buddhism's history) reveals that the subjects Tamenori chose are also those that appear or predominate at every site where jätaka depictions do occur. Eight jätaka illustrations are to be found, for example, in friezes on a stone stüpa carved in the second century B.C.E. at Bharhut, in central India, and one of these depicts the Mfga jätaka, the story of a regal stag that is closely related to the jätaka source of Sanböe 1.9. The stories of Sudäna/Visvantara and Syäma (Sanböe 1.12 and 1.13) are two of the eight jätakas depicted in the carvings on the gateways to the Great Stüpa at Sänchi, which date from the first century C.E. The Syäma and Sudäna/Visvantara jätakas are also seen in examples of Gandhäran sculpture that also date to the first or second century C . E . The same jätakas are the subjects of carvings at AmarävatI (executed between 150 and 200 C.E.) and at Mathura, and there is a depiction of the Srutasoma jätaka (Sanböe 1.2) in Cave 2 at Aurangabad. And five of the Sanböe subjects—Sibi (1.1), K§änti (1.3), the Deer King (1.7), Sudäna/Visvantara, and Syäma—are represented in the great cave paintings at Ajantä, which were executed at various times between the second century B.C.E. and the sixth century C . E . Among the most famous examples of jätaka art outside India are the eighth-century carvings in the temples at Barabucjur, in Java; the Mj-ga jätaka is one of the nineteen depicted there that have been identified with certainty. Jätaka subjects were also of great importance in the art produced as Buddhism made its way east through Central Asia. In the cave paintings at Kizil, on the northern branch of the Silk Route in what is now part of the Soviet Union, the dominant jätaka subjects are, again, many of those appearing in Sanböe: in the early seventhcentury paintings in the "Cave of the Musicians," for instance, there are illustrations of the Srutasoma, K§änti, Mahätyägavat (Sanböe 1.4), "Himalaya Boy," Mahäsattva, Sudäna, and Syäma jätakas. Other caves at Kizil have additional paintings of the K$änti and Mahäsattva tales and also of the story of Sankhäcärya (Sanböe 1.5). Farther east into China, in the cave paintings at Tun-huang, jätakas again provided a source of subjects, and the majority of those illustrated are once again the ones that appear in Sanböe. The story of Sibi (1.1) is depicted in three caves, while the Jalavähana jätaka (1.7), that of the Lion (1.8), the Mfga jätaka, and the story of the "Himalaya Boy" are all subjects of paintings in one cave each. The last three Sanböe tales are the most frequently depicted at Tun-huang: there are Mahäsattva paintings in seven caves, Sudäna/Visvantara depictions are found in four, and Syäma depictions occur in five. There are also four jätaka friezes in the caves at Yün-kang, one of which depicts the story of Syäma. In the "Pin Yang" cave at Lung-men, the Sibi, Mahäsattva and Sudäna/Visvantara jätakas are depicted in carvings in "minor 18

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decorative areas." There are also Chinese steles of the fifth and sixth centuries, in Western collections, that illustrate the Mahäsattva, Sudäna/Visvantara, and Syäma stories. Jätaka scenes appeared in China in one other instance that was known in Japan through written description as well as direct importation. According to Tao-hsüan's C h i - s h e n - c h o u san-pao k a n - t ' u n g - l u (664), the A yü-wang ssu in Mou-hsien possessed a stüpa with jätaka illustrations that was reputedly one of a set of 84,000 cast at the behest of King Asoka, the great patron of Buddhism and unifier of India in the third century B . C . E . (after whom the temple was named). The monk Chien-chen (Ganjin) visited the temple in 743 before leaving China for Japan (see Sanböe 3.5), and his biographer Ömi Mifune (Genkai) also reported that the four sides of the stüpa Chien-chen saw there were decorated with jätaka scenes, two of which were the Sibi and Mahäsattva stories. In 955, Ch'ien Hung-shu, the prince of Wu-Yüeh, commissioned the casting of 84,000 similar stüpas (apparently half the size of Asoka's) with illustrations of the same jätakas Several of Ch'ien's stüpas survive in China, and at least four of them eventually found their way to Japan. The only other example of depiction of jätaka subjects in a Japanese artifact is far better known. It is the "Tamamushi no zushi," a miniature shrine dated to about 600 C.E. that is one of the great treasures of the Höryüji monastery. Two of the shrine's panels are painted with scenes from the "Himalaya Boy" and Mahäsattva jätakas, and the paintings emphasize the motif of sacrifice in both stories: the "Himalaya Boy" s fall out of a tree toward the arms of the demon and Prince Mahäsattva's fall into the pit of starving tigers are both depicted with figures of the young men plummeting in similar postures toward the beasts that wait to devour them. The choice and pairing of these two subjects, as well as the method of depiction, may indicate that the anonymous artist or artists—probably Japanese—had some knowledge of a continental artistic tradition that combined them in this way. It is important to point out, however, that the stories of these two selfsacrificing heroes were known in early Japanese Buddhism not as jätaka, as such, but rather because they figured in sütras that were particularly prominent in the earliest phase of the religion's propagation in Japan. The "Himalaya Boy"'s story occurs in D a i h a t s u nehangyö, and Mahäsattva's is featured in Konkömyö saishöökyö Both texts were the basis of rites that were among the first to be sanctioned and sponsored by the state, and though other sütras were to have greater significance for Japanese Buddhism, the rites based on these two (which are described by Tamenori in the third volume) continued to be observed long after their central role had come to an end. "Nehangyö" and 28

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"Saishöökyö" as he calls them, are also Tamenori's sources for his versions of the stories of these two great heroes, who are by no means the central figures of the sütras but the protagonists of episodes. Did familiarity with the "Tamamushi no zushi" painting play some role in his placement of the two tales portrayed there together, following one another in Sanböe, with the effect of echoing the motif of the "sacrificial fall" as it is echoed on the shrine? Could an artist, commissioned to paint the pictures that were to accompany Tamenori's text, have been aware of a tradition of such depiction, and could he have suggested this arrangement? We cannot know. There are no "e a r i " notations in the copies of these tales, and even if there were we could not be sure that they were ever illustrated, or in what manner—though they were surely meant to be. The coincidence of Tamenori's selection of these subjects and of almost all the subjects of the first volume with subjects known to have been painted, sculpted, or otherwise portrayed elsewhere (though chiefly on the continent) may suggest, at least, the possibility of some consciousness of a tradition of jätaka depiction on someone's part—if not Tamenori's, then perhaps his artist colleague's (if there was one). And even if the direct influence of artistic tradition cannot be proven, Tamenori and the Asian artists who depicted the same jätaka subjects did have this in common: they recognized that certain features of certain jätakas made them particularly apt for the illustration of certain features of Buddhism in memorable and affecting ways. The selections made by both Tamenori and these artists may have been determined in large part by the texts that came most readily to their hands, and by other factors as well, but in all cases the search for materials to adapt and include and the process of their reproduction were carried out in the same spirit and fulfilled the same desire: to teach about Buddhism in the most direct, appealing, and lasting ways possible. Some of Tamenori's acknowledgments of sources at the end of each tale can be read as indications of which texts came most readily to his hands. They also may show that in some cases he had to explore further for sources that could serve as the bases of complete, detailed presentations. Rokudojikkyö and D a i c h i d o r o n are cited either as the single source or as one of the two sources for nine of the tales. "Höongyö" (i.e., Daihöbenbutsuhöongyö, another collection of jätakas known in the Mahäyäna tradition ) is cited along with Rokudojikkyö as a source for the Mahätyägavat tale (1.4) and as the sole source of the tale of the "Lion Who Held Firmly to His Vows" (1.8). "Saishöökyö" the source of the Mahäsattva tale, is also the source cited for that of Jalavähana (1.7). And for the Sudäna and Syäma tales (1.12 and 1.13), Tamenori cites two sütras—Taishi Shudainakyö and "Bosatsu Senkyö" (i.e., Bussetsu 35

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Senjikyö), which are works devoted entirely to versions of these jätakas—along with Rokudojikkyö? Tamenori may have taken some elements of many of these tales from elsewhere, particularly from F a y u a n c h u - l i n (as notes to the tales show), but we can also assume with some certainty that Tamenori did consult versions of all the works he names at some point in the process of preparing his versions. There remains the possibility that some other models of jätaka renderings presented themselves to him, but none can be identified. The writing of these thirteen tales probably required some time and effort, but they are, by and large, well told. The Sankhäcärya (1.5) and Govinda (1.6) tales are perfunctory recitations that stay close to their sources, but the Sudäna and Syäma tales, though equally faithful, are sustained, dramatic narratives skillfully retold and are perhaps the best examples of the way that good stories are allowed to speak for themselves in Sanböe. 6

Jätaka

Motifs

These thirteen tales, like all jätakas, speak for themselves; there is not much subtlety here, and the moral lesson of each tale is made as clear as it can be. But where the story is a good one, with sympathetic, admirable characters in a gripping plot line, as in the last two tales, the method seems to justify itself. The morals and the motifs of these thirteen tales are representative of the jätaka literature as a whole— wherein, in turn, a very basic form of Buddhist ethics is shown at work in a mythic, ideal world of the past. In the jätaka world, the wise recognize what is good and what is not, and those who do wrong, whether knowingly or not, repent or are duly punished and duly forgiven. Only one of Tamenori's jätakas—that of Mahäsattva (1.11)—has a less than perfectly happy ending; in all the others all wounds are healed, all injustices redressed, and ignorance and suffering are replaced by enlightenment and prosperity. But Mahäsattva, like all the other heroes, eventually became the Buddha, too, so even his sad story has its happy ending. In this sense, perhaps unwittingly, Tamenori did devise a volume of tales that suggests the ideal conditions of Buddhism's first period—"the Period of the True Teaching" (shöbö), when the Buddha's teachings were perfectly understood and perfectly realized. This effect, however, is probably incidental. It comes about simply because Tamenori's jätaka sources represented such an ideal world, and not necessarily because he consciously sought to do so. He did not define s a n j i when he introduced the concept; he used it primarily to underscore the book's relationship to


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various "threes." But a well-schooled reader of his time, perhaps an older monk or nun who might have read with Sonshi, might very well have known enough to point out that the perfect operations of cause and effect and the moral balance of the tales in this first volume do, in fact, portray a shöbö world. In a similarly incidental manner, and also largely due to their derivation from jätakas, these first thirteen tales also introduce certain motifs that, when taken together, begin to create a composite picture of Buddhist values. These motifs recur throughout the tales in the volumes that follow. A desire to achieve this effect was probably not a factor in Tamenori's selection of the tales, but the effect, deliberate or not, is unmistakable. The concept of respect for all forms of life and the abhorrence of killing, for example, which is developed in various ways in the stories of Sibi (1.1), Sankhäcärya, Jalavähana, the Lion, the Deer King, Mahäsattva, and Syäma, reappears in both the second volume (in 2.13, the story of a virtuous woman who saves the life of a crab and is then saved by it) and the third (in 3.26, a description of the Höjöe, a ritual release of captured animals). Aspects of the ascetic life and its rewards are seen in Sankhäcärya's, the Himalaya Boy's, Sudäna's, and Syäma's stories; in retrospect, these become ideal examples for the devout Japanese men and women of volume two and the observant monks and nuns of volume three. The ultimate self-sacrifices offered in the name of principle, faith, and the welfare of others by such heroes as Sibi, Srutasoma, K§änti, Mahätyägavat, the Lion, the Deer King, the Himalaya Boy, and Sudäna have their parallel, too, in the absolute, unswerving devotion of the protagonists of the later tales. The Himalaya Boy, for example, offers his life in order to hear the prajnä (wisdom) doctrine of nonsubstantiality; in a sense he prefigures the fearless and determined monks who risked their lives on their way to Japan to propagate Buddhism and the Japanese monks who made the arduous journey to China and back in search of authoritative texts and transmissions. The charity practiced in the extreme by Sibi and Sudäna is a magnified version of the acts of generosity described and recommended in later tales, and the miracles that restore Sibi, K§änti, and Syäma foreshadow others that are also attributed to faithful reliance on Buddhism's powers. These recurrences appear in part because they are inherent features of the kind of material that Tamenori used, material to which he was naturally drawn in his search for good stories about cause and effect; that is also why these themes recur as they do even among the tales of this one volume. Nonetheless, they give the volume and Sanböe as a whole a kind of motivic unity, and they work together to suggest what Buddhism, albeit greatly simplified, should mean to Sonshi. 37

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The First Verse Like verse passages in sütras, which often serve as recapitulations of preceding prose sections, the verses at the end of each volume of Sanböe echo particular elements of the corresponding prefaces and groups of tales. In his first verse Tamenori metaphorically and hyperbolically alludes again to the superhuman dimensions of the Buddha's character and achievements. In the preface these were enumerated in detail; here they can be referred to generally as his "accomplishments in the six stages," "his fulfillment of ten thousand tasks," "his awesome deeds and sufferings." The content of the preceding tales is thus summarized and recast as a portion of a much larger story. Here, too, the identity of the Bodhisattva (the Buddha-to-be) with the Tathägata (the fully realized Buddha) is made explicit, as if in reiteration of the point of each tale's coda section. The verse also alters the narrative pace and, in closing the set of tales, reflects back upon it in assessment; the reader, too, is given time to pause and ponder.

Preface to the Second Volume The focus of this second volume, according to Tamenori's scheme, is on the second jewel: the Buddha's teachings. The tales do not in fact expound those teachings but cast them as the causes of certain marvelous effects: a procession of Japanese devotees to various aspects of Buddhism appears here, demonstrating some of the many ways in which the power of these teachings is made manifest. Tamenori does begin this preface, however, with a description of Säkyamuni's progressive revelation of his teachings in a sequence of "five periods"; in so doing he follows a periodizing classification found in the writings of Chih-i, the patriarch of the Tendai school. (Although he does not cite it as a source, the language Tamenori employs and the imagery he uses to describe the periods is in fact very close to that of a passage in Chih-i's M o - h o c h i h - k u a n > one of several treatises in which this analysis appears. ) Once the Buddha had completed his task and left the earthly sphere, Tamenori explains, these teachings nonetheless remained behind, "like valuable jewels left in our keeping by a departed friend." Sooner or later, therefore, all sentient beings may learn them and reap the benefits. 38

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B u d d h i s m Goes East Tamenori turns next to the description of another gradual process: it is that by which these Buddhist teachings found their way from their place of origin in India, through China, and, at last, to Japan, the setting of all the tales that follow (in contrast to the setting of the preceding tales, which is implicitly Indian). Buddhism, Tamenori reports, has declined in India to the point of invisibility; although it prospered intermittently in China, it was subjected to a series of violent suppressions that left it lifeless. "But behold," he exclaims, "the Buddha's teachings have spread to the east and have come to rest in our land, where they now flourish! Many sages have appeared here and left their marks, and our sovereigns have continuously fostered the spread of Buddhism." This, then, is Tamenori's view of Buddhism's "manifest destiny," its inexorable eastward course. In the third and the sixteenth tales of the third volume, Tamenori will allude to predictions made by Chinese Tendai patriarchs to a similar effect: whatever its travails in China might be (these sages foretold), Buddhism would inevitably find its safest haven and its fullest realization in Japan. A l l the tales of this volume, as well as those of the next, can be read as documentation of the truth of these predictions, for they show how Buddhism has taken root in Japan and how it thrives there, even though (in the Japanese view) it has virtually perished elsewhere. Other elements of the passage quoted above similarly anticipate the content of the tales that follow. The second volume will begin with an account of Buddhism's establishment in Japan under the aegis of the "sage"-Prince Shötoku, who served as regent for his aunt, Empress Suiko; it will then go on to describe the deeds of other acknowledged "sages." The miracles produced or witnessed by the pious men and women protagonists of the remaining tales are also "marks" of sagely insight and the results of their loyalty to the teachings. The third volume will also document many ways in which the nation's rulers "fostered Buddhism" through the founding of temples, the support of rites, and even through their personal devotions. And all this, Tamenori suggests, was predestined and made possible by "no slight affinity" (oboroge no en n i a r a z u ) : it is some great, inherent spiritual disposition in Japan, or at least in some Japanese, that has made it possible for Buddhism's blessings to be realized here. That this is so is in itself a miracle, for, as Tamenori shows through reference to several scriptural examples, access to the teachings is rare.

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Some devotees (the "Himalaya Boy," hero of 1.10, reappears here as one example) have gone to very great lengths to obtain it, while others—even a dog and a bird—have received its blessings only through strange accidents. "What then may humans who offer their faith expect?" asks Tamenori, and he gives the answer in the following stories of devotions and pieties (the causes) that produce various miraculous rewards (the effects), including magic powers, fabulous escapes from danger, and even the evasion of untimely death.

Immediate Rewards In the last section of the preface, Tamenori explicitly states—and bemoans the fact—that Buddhism did not reach China or Japan "until long after the demise of the Buddha and the advent of the Period of the Imitated Teaching." So, as in the "General Preface," he reminds the reader that he and she and their contemporaries are living in a zöhö world and must accept its limitations. Once again, however, Tamenori neglects to give details of what this means. According to most definitions, however, the salient feature of the second period is that, though those who live in it may uphold the Buddha's teachings, enlightenment is no longer possible. Is this reflected in the second volume's tales? In a sense, yes. The protagonists of the first volume are all intent seekers of enlightenment and the assurance of future Buddhahood even though these are rewards that they cannot expect to receive until they have passed through many more lives and won much more merit. But the goals and aspirations of the men and women who appear in the tales of the second volume are of a different sort. These people strive for and duly receive their rewards—magical power, victory over their enemies, escape from peril—in this life, in the here and now. Future enlightenment, it would appear, is not their primary concern, but, rather, the more immediate realization of the "effects" of their devotions. This can, perhaps, be thought of as an apt adjustment to a zöhö world. Once more, however, these apparent extensions of the s a n j i element of Tamenori's scheme are best judged as incidental consequences of his choice of materials. The miracles and other amazing manifestations of Buddhism's power that are described in the following tales as the direct results of various devotions are also the focus of the works that are their sources. The retelling of such incidents was a very direct and uncomplicated way to show what the religion could do for its practitioners, and so it was very attractive and very useful as a method for many didactic Buddhist writers—including Tamenori. As in the previous volume, Tamenori's acknowledgments of sources in the

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eighteen tales of the second volume are evidence of his place in a specific lineage—in this case, that öf Chinese and Japanese writers and compilers of miracle tales and hagiographies. His use of jätakas in volume one is, as observed, quite an anomaly in Japanese Buddhist literature, but his use here (and in the volume hereafter) of miracle tales and hagiographies emphatically places him in the setsuwa mainstream, showing him to be both heir and transmitter of a long and well-defined narrative tradition.

The Tales of the Second Volume Composition Tamenori cites N i h o n ryöiki as the source, or one of the sources, of every tale in this volume except the last. Through such extensive use of Ryöiki, Tamenori places himself within a tale-telling lineage extending back through Ryöiki to Ryöiki's own sources in both the oral traditions of pre- and early-Buddhist Japan and in Chinese Buddhist tale collections of an even earlier period. In compiling Ryöiki, Kyökai organized and reproduced a corpus of stories that had developed earlier around legendary religious figures and certain texts and practices. Dissemination of tales of this kind may have played a fairly important role in the gradual process of Buddhism's integration into the Japanese ethos. In some cases, these stories were frank imitations of Chinese works that had been devised to achieve a similar effect. The method of the Chinese creators and compilers of Buddhist tales, like the method of the Indian creators and compilers of the jätakas, consisted in great part of the adaptation of familiar, native story elements—feats of wizardry, magical metamorphoses, ghosts, and apparitions—to Buddhist contexts. The basic features of Buddhist thought could thus be introduced into the Chinese experience in a way that suggested a reconciliation of the inimical characteristics of both. Confronted with a similar need, Japanese Buddhist story tellers did very much the same thing; they adopted some of these miracle tales for their own uses (with which they were familiar through the importation of some of the collections, and perhaps by some oral transmissions as well) and simply substituted Japanese characters and Japanese settings for the Chinese names and places in the originals. Like their Chinese predecessors, they also introduced Buddhist elements into native tales and thus created new ones. Tales developed through both these methods can be found in Ryöiki, and when Tamenori included some of them in Sanböe, he showed that the method was still viable; while he did not develop the technique, he did show how it could 39

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be applied to a specific situation in which certain kinds of tales were needed to teach certain ideas.

The

Biographies

The first three tales of Tamenori's second volume form a subgroup that represents a Japanese development of another tradition in Buddhist literature begun in China—the compilation of biographies of saintly figures, primarily monks, and sometimes nuns and also lay men and women, which combine fact and legend with an emphasis on amazing deeds. Like the miracle-tale genre to which it is so closely related, this genre of religious biography was also adopted and imitated in Japan, and parts of Sanböe, such as the biographies at the beginning of volume two, can be considered important examples of it. These first three sections concern figures of prominence in the early stages of the establishment of Buddhism in Japan and thus begin the process of documenting the realization of Buddhism's "manifest destiny." These prominent persons are Prince Shötoku, traditionally considered the founding father of Japanese Buddhism (and the person to whom the longest single section of the whole book is devoted), Ε no ubasoku, a controversial ascetic whose amazing powers derive from esoteric practices, and Gyöki, a great early proselytizer who appears as the protagonist in more tales in Ryöiki than any other single figure. Their biographies, like the tales that follow, focus on the amazing deeds and miracles performed by these three men; if these deeds are the "effects," the "causes" are their innate spiritual superiority and their absolute loyalty to their faith, rather than any one particular practice. While most of the remaining tales relate the circumstances surrounding one amazing occurrence, usually seen as the result of one particular deed or practice, these biographies relate several episodes, in sequence, in the lives of these renowned men. As sources for these first three biographies Tamenori cites official chronicles ( N i h o n g i for the Prince Shötoku biography, Shoku n i h o n g i for the latter two), an early biography of Prince Shötoku (Shötoku T a i s h i d e n f r y a k u ] ) , and some other works that are now lost, in addition to Ryöiki. These three tales do in fact appear to be composites of elements from all these works. Passages in them that are based on Ryöiki are from multiple tales rather than from any single section of Kyökai's work; passages for which there is no parallel in any existing work must, it would seem, be based on passages in the lost ones. The fourth tale, on the other hand, is based solely on one section of Ryöiki and varies very little from it. It is about "the 'Lump Nun' of Higo 40

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Province," a woman of strange birth and strange constitution who proves herself more knowledgeable than some very eminent monks and becomes the center of a cult. Her story is more like the previous three tales than those that follow: it is a full-scale biography of a wise saint; it narrates her story from her mysterious birth through her amazing career. A l l four of these tales, defined as a subgroup in this sense, also anticipate the biographical sections that occupy large portions of many of the tales in the third volume as well.

The Ryöiki Tales Tales 2.4 through 2.17 are all straightforward adaptations of Ryöiki tales. No extraneous elements are added, and what is left out or changed from Kyökai's versions is, for the most part, irrelevant or unnecessary detail and some narrative asides. Tamenori stays very close to Ryöiki; such differences as can be observed between his versions and the earlier work may be attributable to variations among texts of N i h o n ryöiki itself, of which there are many. What kind of tales did Tamenori select from Ryöiki for inclusion in this part of Sanböe? It is, in fact, rather difficult to discern a meaningful pattern in his choices, though some commentators have tried to do so. There are one hundred and sixteen tales in Ryöiki s three volumes, all of which in some way illustrate its full title ( N i h o n k o k u genpö zen'aku ryöiki): "amazing stories of good and bad karmic retribution in Japan." Ryöiki shows that those who uphold certain teachings, offer personal devotion to particular texts or practices or support more eminent practitioners who do so, or act in other ways that propagate the faith are rewarded, invariably, in the here and now; those who ridicule, thwart, or attack these efforts are immediately or eventually vanquished. Kyökai proves this with numbers of tales, many of which closely resemble one another; Tamenori does the same but with far fewer stories. Almost every conceivable form of Buddhist piety—flamboyant public patronage and rigid asceticism, devotion to the L o t u s or the K e g o n sütras or to esoteric practices, and many more—and every type of Buddhist—royalty and commoners, monks and nuns, wealthy merchants and starving beggars—is depicted in Ryöiki, and Tamenori's selection is a fair representation of this diversity. Thirty of the Ryöiki tales feature a woman as protagonist, while female characters figure prominently in another ten; six of this total are nuns, and the rest are lay women. Tamenori's selection from Ryöiki includes just three tales (2.4, 2.12, and 2.13) with women as the featured characters, and in one other (2.11), the mother of the protagonist is quite important. The heroine of 2.4 is the 42

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only nun in this group. It therefore does not appear that Tamenori consciously chose tales from Ryöiki that might appeal directly to Sonshi because they depicted Buddhist women. He seems instead to have made a random selection of tales from throughout Ryöiki that are, at any rate, varied with regard to the kinds of "causes" (devotions to certain texts or practices) and "effects" (miscellaneous, but all impressive) they document; they thus constitute a composite picture of the early Japanese (primarily pre- and early-Heian) Buddhist experience.

Miracle-tale

Motifs

As in the previous volume, the tales of the second contain some recurring elements that emphasize certain aspects in the resulting portrait of Buddhism. Many of these elements are also found in the tales of other volumes, so once again there is an incidental effect suggesting unity. But these elements are recurrent in Tamenori's sources, are fundamental and pervasive ideas of Buddhism, and are thus inevitable foci for Buddhist literature. Here, Tamenori is concerned with the portrayal of the direct results of reliance on the Buddha's teachings, and the kinds of results he shows are indeed those that also fill many books of miracle tales—including, of course, Ryöiki. Most of the Prince Shötoku biography is devoted to accounts of remarkable episodes that occurred as he acquired his own knowledge of Buddhism and applied the wisdom and insight it gave him in various ways, but, i n t e r a l i a , the tale also documents Buddhism's capacity to overcome its foes, particularly in the form of those who remain loyal to indigenous traditions. When the young Buddhist institution is attacked, a plague ensues, and the instigators of the attack are chief among the sufferers; when reactionaries defy the state, which has embraced the faith at the prince's urging, the prince invokes the aid of the Four Guardian Kings, and the rebels die at the end of the battle. Similar confrontations are central in the next tale: the ascetic Ε no ubasoku is defied by a native deity and defamed by a jealous master of native magic, but his wizardry, acquired through devotion to an esoteric spell, enables him to control the k a m i and to escape from exile. Individual Buddhists under attack prevail in other tales as well. Gyöki, for example, neatly outwits some hooligans who try to trick him into the sin of eating fish; inside his mouth, the sashimi turns back into whole, live fish that he spits back out into their pond. Another form of attack comes from Chikö, an eminent monk who protests Gyöki's elevation to office. However, a visit to hell for a preview of his fate teaches Chikö humility, and he returns to this world a chastened man. The two


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monks who scorn the Lump Nun are not so fortunate: their punishment is instant death. The Lump Nun also shows that she knows more about K e g o n doctrine than two scholarly monks do, and so, like Gyöki's, her story illustrates a favorite Ryöiki and Sanböe theme: the humble but sincere monk or nun, though lacking formal training or official rank, is often wiser and better than those who are, in name, superior. Harassments of other sorts befall the protagonists of still other tales; again, these characters are humble men who prevail while their ostensible superiors suffer. In 2.8 a mendicant devoted to the " K a n n o n d a r a n i " an esoteric text, enlists its power in his confrontation with a cruel local magistrate: while the mendicant is bound to a tree, the magistrate is bound to his horse, upon which he is lifted into the sky and then dropped to earth. In 2.9 a monk who makes fun of a beggar's way of chanting the L o t u s is instantly and fittingly punished: his own mouth locks in the twisted shape he used to taunt the beggar, and it stays that way. The travails of other characters come not from Buddhism's foes but from their own bad k a r m a ; stories that focus on such revelations are, again, quite numerous in Ryöiki and are common in the Buddhist miracle-tale genre. In 2.5 a man discovers that his deafness is caused by sins in previous lives, but L o t u s Sütra recitations "open" his ears. In 2.6 a fisherman is punished for sins in this life: his innards catch on fire in retribution for the many fish he has killed, but, once again, worship of the L o t u s quenches the flames. The wonders wrought through devotion to specific texts are, as has been noted, favored focal points in Ryöiki and in several Sanböe tales already described. Again, in 2.7, the monk Gikaku finds that constant recitation of the H e a r t Sütra gives him superhuman vision. Repeated recitations of the L o t u s make a box shrink to fit it in 2.10. And in 2.11 devotion to the H e a r t Sutra's d a r a n i helps a beggar pressed into service as a lecturer make a great coup. He discovers in a dream that the lecture patron's mother has been punished for her sins with rebirth as an ox in her own son's herd. She is brought to the memorial service, and when he reveals her identity, she achieves final release. A subtheme in this tale is the son's desire to honor his mother's memory and improve her state beyond this life—an aspect of Buddhist filial piety that will play a role in later tales (such as 2.18 and 3.24). The power of unnamed sütras is responsible for a woman's miraculous rescue from a falling house in 2.12. In 2.13, however, it is a pious virgin's own deeds that save her: she rescues a frog from a snake in exchange for a promise of marriage and sells her clothes to free a crab; the crab, grown many times its former size, reappears just in time to kill the snake when it tries to claim her as its bride. This tale obviously

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shares the "saved animal's gratitude" motif of tale 1.7 (Jalavähana), which also appears in 3.26 (on the Höjöe). A merchant gains protection in yet another way in 2.14. Three underworld agents set out to claim his life for Yama, ruler of the dead, but the Four Celestial Kings protect him because he has yet to repay a loan from Daianji's "sütra fund." The merchant feeds the starving ghouls, who ask him to protect them from Yama's wrath with readings of the D i a m o n d Sütra. This tale also seems to suggest that this was the origin of an annual Daianji D i a m o n d rite, but this aspect of the story is not so important as in 2.18 (see below). In 2.15 it is the chanting of unnamned, miscellaneous sütras (perhaps the L o t u s ) that saves a monk from death by drowning, while the power of the L o t u s is once again in play in 2.16: fish, bought to feed a sickly monk, turn into scrolls of the L o t u s itself and then change back to fish again, all to protect an acolyte's ruse as well as his master's reputation. And in 2.17 it is Kannon, as portrayed in the L o t u s , who rescues a man trapped in a fallen mine: specifically, the miner's promise to offer copies of the L o t u s brings the Bodhisattva to his aid. These three tales may represent, as a group, a proof of the promise the L o t u s text makes to save its sincere adherents from all sorts of perils. While worship of the L o t u s is the force that brings rescue in the greatest number of these tales—as is the case in Ryöiki—it should also be noted that other sütras and, significantly, esoteric texts (including esoteric parts of Prajnä texts) are shown to be equally efficacious. Tamenori's ties to the Tendai school may account for the prominence he gives to L o t u s miracle tales, but that school's eclectic, all-embracing approach may also have encouraged his inclusion of other stories about other forces. Overall, in Sanböe, he shows little interest in the esoteric side of Buddhism, but he does not entirely overlook it. The preface to this volume began with the claim that "among all the teachings of S ä k y a m u n i . . . none are untrue," and elsewhere (in 3.24, for example) he proclaims the equality of all teachings. In his choice of tales he may show certain biases, but, as we see here, he does try to adhere to this ecumenical attitude.

The L a s t T a l e : "Eikö of D a i a n j i " The last tale in the volume is distinct from the others in several ways. Its source—a lost work called I w a b u c h i d e r a e n g i ("The Origins of Iwabuchidera")—is unique, but so is its content. Its description of the monastic lives of Eikö and Gonsö resembles elements of the first three biographical tales in this volume as well as many of the tales in the third, but its focus on the circumstances that lead to the initiation of an

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annually observed rite—a "Service of Eight Lectures" (Hakkö) at Iwabuchidera—is very much like that of most of the tales in the volume that follows. No miracle, as such, occurs; rather, the story focuses on Eikö's faithful support of his mother and Gonsö's efforts to continue that support after Eikö's death. Gonsö and Eikö's acolyte "cover up" Eikö's death, but this deception is perpetrated only in order to prolong Eikö's mother's life. The themes of respect for life and for parents, as well as the idea that adherence to a vow (in this case, the vow to be truthful) is vital but should be flexible in certain circumstances (as in 2.16), are all present here, but somehow this tale seems out of place in volume two. Still, it effectively transposes the cause and effect pattern from one form—that which dominates the Ryöiki based tales, with their repeated revelations of the immediate effects of pious practices on or for the practitioners—to another—that which characterizes the remaining thirty-one tales in the next volume. There, too, pious activities and deeds lead to some miracles, but these are also the factors that make possible another kind of outcome—the founding of monasteries, convents, and other institutions or specific rites observed in temples as annual events. The eighteenth tale is also a good, long story—somewhat more entertaining, and perhaps better retold, than many of those that precede it—so it effectively anchors the end of the volume and, at the same time, provides a meaningful transition to the next.

The Second Verse In summation, Tamenori versifies about Prince Shötoku's (a.k.a. Umayado's) "sagacious rule," under which, as his tale showed, Buddhism's foes were vanquished and the "Way of the Law" was established throughout the land. Thus, for four centuries since the prince's time, Japanese have "learned about causation and realized the effects/and have been saved from suffering and rewarded with joy!"—just as the tales of this volume have repeatedly shown. The verse recapitulates the time arch of the volume, from the prince's day up to the present, and prepares the reader to proceed to the next and final volume with its accounts of "the rites performed by monks today."

Preface to the Third Volume M o n k s ( a n d N u n s ) of Sue no yo Tamenori begins this preface with an analysis of one more group of "three": the three types of monks, as described traditionally in scripture.


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His main point in doing so is to explain that the monks of "today"— those who conduct the rites featured in the tales that follow—are all "common" monks of the third category ( b o n b u no sö). The Bodhisattva monks ("Maitreya, Mafijusri, and the like") left this world when Säkyamuni died; Srävaka monks (Säriputra and Käsyapa are examples) eventually disappeared, too. But the "common monks" of today are still of immeasurable value. "In this final age [sue no yo]," Tamenori observes, were it not for these b o n b u no sö, there would be no one to "propagate the Buddha's Teachings, and upon whom could sentient beings then rely?" Tamenori's use of the term sue no yo (a synonym for mappö, as is the alternate reading masse) here is as imprecise as in most of its appearances in secular literature, where it refers generally to a degenerate fin-de-siecle kind of era. Tamenori cannot mean that the present is mappö, for this would contradict his statements in earlier prefaces. Furthermore, the monks and nuns whose activities fill the tales to come are certainly not shown to be incapable of fulfilling the requirements of Buddhist clerical life, as they should be by most definitions of mappö. On the contrary, they personify Buddhist virtues: they perform many acts similar in spirit and intent to those of the jätaka heroes of volume one and the pious men and women of volume two, and there is no lessening of their expectations of the merit accruing from these activities. These may be mere b o n b u no sö of sue no y o , but their deeds and doings, as Tamenori presents them, are nonetheless exemplary and full of potency, whatever the limitations of the present world may be.

"Revere

Them

All"

Tamenori goes on to say that " A l l of the Three Jewels"—including these b o n b u no so—"are one and the same, and you should revere and serve them equally. You cannot revere the Buddha and his Teachings and, at the same time, slight his monks and nuns." This implies more than a symbolic unity in the content of Sanböe as a reflection of doctrine; it is also practical advice. Though Sonshi may emulate the examples given her in all these tales, it may be very difficult for her, in her circumstances, to act as these exemplary men and women did. But one of the most feasible modes for her expression of devotion would be the provision of support—especially financial—for worthy monks and nuns, as a gesture of respect for them and for the teachings they espouse and the practices they observe. In several tales in the third volume, Tamenori will urge her to seek out and help such "good companions"; he also will indicate those of their rites that are particularly accessible, since

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some—in particular, those held within the all-male sanctuaries on M t . Hie—are closed to her. In this preface, however, he also urges Sonshi not to consider any one teaching, rite, or practice—or anyone devoted to any of them— superior to any other. Using conventional imagery from several sources, Tamenori describes the variety of monks' activities in a passage that refers generally, though obliquely, to the whole range of schools and traditions, to every type of service to which a Japanese monk or nun might be devoted. " A l l of them have passed through the many portals of the Buddha's teachings to go their separate ways," he says, "but all will converge upon the same shared goal of Buddhahood." Here, in its most explicit form, is Tamenori's affirmation of Tendai-style ecumenicalism, and a major theme in this third volume will be the idea that the good Buddhist reveres, supports, and accepts the guidance of all monks (and nuns), no matter what type of teachings they adhere to, no matter what their official qualifications are, no matter if (as one might expect from b o n b u no sö) they sometimes show that they themselves are less than perfect. He says, "I even revere those monks who violate the precepts" (like those of whom he told in several second volume tales—and he will tell about some more), and the same goes for the initiate (the not-yetfully ordained monk or nun, like Sonshi herself); again, he supports this view with scriptural examples and metaphors. Even he (or she) who simply looks like a monk (or nun, as Sonshi must) can visualize all Buddhas and claim a parent-child affinity with the Tathägatha; this is true of the high as well as the low, the fervent and the casual, the "deep" and the "shallow." No lay man or woman should judge or differentiate among them, "for all are vessels of the Law," and physical attacks upon these members of the clergy are among the worst of sins and invite the worst kinds of punishment. The second volume has already presented tales that show these principles to be true, and the third volume will do so, too.

The R i t u a l

Year

"The reverent rites they observe throughout the year, and the teachings whereby they guide us toward our future goal, all must be counted as the contributions of this community." Thus, having established the sanctity of monks and nuns and the proper spirit of respect for all of them, Tamenori prepares to turn to descriptions of what they do, and why. As suggested here, he will do so within the frame of a calendar of one year. Like the semisecular Heian nenjü gyöji (annual ritual) screens and courtly almanacs, this volume will list, in

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6

order, the major Buddhist events of the year. It will do so, however, with special attention to the historical origins and scriptural bases of these rites—the "causes" behind these impressive "effects"—also treating the rites themselves as the powerful "causes" of the most desirable of "effects": valuable merit for the participant or patron. And so, with one last reverent folding of his hands, Tamenori begins this survey of the ritual year.

The Tales of the Third Volume Composition The "Table of Contents" for this volume (found only in the Töji Kanchiin copy) provides a useful preview of what lies ahead. It is preceded by these words: "In this volume are described the rites performed at various places in each month, from the First Month through the Twelfth." A list of section titles under headings with the number of each month follows. The "various places" named in the titles are mostly monasteries and convents in and around Heian kyö or in or near the old capital, Nara, but a few rites described are those observed at the imperial court. Most of these monasteries are at places that would have been well within the reach of someone like Sonshi should she have wished to see these rites or sites after reading about them; if that were not feasible, they are all places that would have been within the reach of her imagination, and all sites of which she would have been likely to have heard. The list also reveals that the allotment of tales per month is uneven, though perhaps not random. Nineteen sections are devoted to descriptions of rites observed in the first four months (five for Shögatsu, the first month, four for the second, six for the third, and four for the fourth). Thereafter, only one or two rites for each of the remaining eight months are covered. Does this mean that there was more ritual activity in the early months of the year? Nenjü gyöji lists may give a similar impression but would also lead us to expect an increase in ritual activity at year's end, too. This lopsided distribution may suggest that Tamenori's energy or other resources flagged here, or that, for some reason, he was pressed for time; Sonshi, or someone in her retinue, may have called for the completed manuscript before Tamenori had a chance to do all that he meant to do. Still, the thirty-one tales included here, in a volume that is about as long as the other two combined, do represent a fair selection of the many rites that were observed by Japanese Buddhists c i r c a 984. How did 47


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Tamenori make the selection? We can only speculate since no known nenjü gyöji or almanac offers a similar list or covers this material in quite this way. Sources for parts of many of the tales can be identified, but no one of them could possibly have served as Tamenori's general model. The extent of and even the imbalance in Tamenori's selection may reflect similar patterns in his sources. He may have had more material about rituals for some months than for others, or he may have gone looking for certain kinds of material, writing only about those rites for which such information was available. The line that closes the above-mentioned "Table of Contents" and the actual content of the tales all point in this direction. "Descriptions of the beginnings and endings [hajime owari] of these rites are what are recorded here," comments the "Table of Contents" compiler (either Tamenori or a later editor), as if to inform the reader of what he or she should and should not expect. Indeed, the tales that follow are not so much concerned with the procedural details of rites; far more space is devoted to narration of their historical inception (who started them, when, where, and why), their scriptural bases (in particular the merits that accrue), and subsequent developments. Thus, " h a j i m e o w a r i " may here mean "origins and consequences," and Tamenori's sources would seem to be those that helped him address these aspects. He uses state and monastic documents to retell the stories of the founding and early histories of the institutions where these rites are observed or to describe the circumstances surrounding their first observance there; he draws, as well, from official or literary biographies of those individuals (several important monks, as well as emperors, empresses, and ministers) who founded these institutions or introduced specific rites; and he quotes or paraphrases sütras or other canonical works that served as the major ritual texts or that illustrated the benefits of the rites in some detail. Almost every tale offers such information about each rite, to greater and lesser degrees, but the order in which the tales do so varies considerably; this, too, may result from adherence to the order in which Tamenori found the relevant information in his sources. Only two tales differ radically both in the type of material included and the sources thereof: these two, 3.14, on the Kangakue, and 3.27, on the esoteric initiation (kanjö) practiced at Enryakuji, go into more detail about ritual procedure. The accounts of these rituals seem to be based on Tamenori's first-hand knowledge (3.14) and on a personal interview (3.27). For this reason, and for some others, these two tales call special attention to themselves. Though it is frequently mentioned in contemporary documents, there is no comparably complete account of the Kangakue, so the Sanböe tale about it is itself a unique historical document. In some

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ways, Tamenori's account conforms to the pattern of the other third volume tales, but its components are unusual. Throughout Sanböe Tamenori is sparing in his use of the first person, and there is no "Γ in the text of this tale, either. But "we" is used here, and it seems to include Tamenori, for he describes aspects of the society's creation and its meetings that might be known only to a member. The founding members' manifesto serves here to account for the originating "cause" of the rite, and the sütra verses and lines by Po Chü i (including the famous "kyögen k i g o " line) chanted by the members in procession take the place of ritual text quotations as evidence of a doctrinal base. No descriptions of benefits received are given—perhaps because the rite, the most recently instituted of all those in the volume, is still too new—but the expected future benefits are clear: participation in the Kangakue and the offering of verses written in this setting will contribute to a collective store of merit that will help save all its members. The kanjö section is unique in other ways. Like several other tales, it does begin with biography: in this case, a portion of the life of Saichö (Dengyö Daishi), founder of Enryakuji and the first man to perform a sanctioned esoteric initiation in Japan. But, having explained how Saichö acquired the kanjö "teaching" in China and brought it home, and how official provisions were later made for its performance in facilities on Mt. Hie, Tamenori says, " A l l the teachings of the Tathägata are equal, but none leads faster to the attainment of Buddhahood than this one. In order to explain it to you in detail, I asked a monk of Hie to describe it." Thus, Tamenori reiterates his ecumenical attitude. At the same time, he acknowledges the special character of esoteric ritual, which is said to produce instant enlightenment, here and now (in contrast to most of the rituals he describes, the long-range effects of which are not realized until some future rebirth of the practitioner). Esoteric ritual is also, by definition, secret, its details known only to the initiated. Even if the kanjö procedures were recorded in manuals, those manuals probably would not have been available to an outsider like Tamenori—unless he himself undertook the rite, and, perhaps, not even then. So, he says, he obtained his information by special interview— maybe surreptitiously—and he presents a full list of the offices of the rite as well as an explanation of its significance, presumably acquired through this unusual means. It is the only such interview mentioned in Sanböe. "The pouring of water upon the head and the throwing of a flower from the hand may seem simple," he observes as he sums up the kanjö, "but this is a teaching full of mystery, and it is, indeed, a way to become a Buddha." Tamenori seems to anticipate some skepticism about esoteric ritual and perhaps reveals his own. It would seem that such

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practices were beyond his ken, somehow alien to his experience of Buddhism, and perhaps alien to Sonshi's, too; still, he felt that a description of the Hie kanjö had its place here. With the exception of the two or three Ryöiki tales in volume two in which protagonists are devoted to esoteric spells, this is, however, the only tale in the book that is so focused on the esoteric side of Buddhism, the only tale in the third volume to deal specifically with an esoteric rite. Even here, Tamenori chose to describe the Hie kanjö—a rite of the eclectic Tendai school— rather than the version of the same ritual performed in the quintessentially esoteric Shingon school. Similarly, his brief biography of Kükai (Köbö Daishi), the Japanese Shingon founder, is relegated to a small part of the account of a Tendai ritual (the H o k k e e) observed at Jingoji (also known as Takaosanji), where Kükai happened to live for some time (see 3.12). In 3.16 and 3.30 he also includes biographies of the Tendai patriarchs Ennin and Enchin, but he does not deal with their important contributions to the esoteric side of the Tendai school. The only Shingon monastery besides Jingoji mentioned even incidentally in volume three is Töji, but the rite in question (the M o n j u e ; see 3.23) is not an esoteric rite. How is this bias to be explained? Tamenori's and Sonshi's ties were, as has been shown, to Enryakuji, to the Tendai. Five third volume tales are devoted to rites performed on M t . Hie, so more are set there than at any other site, and many other tales are concerned with rites performed at institutions that were literally or figuratively in M t . Hie's shadow. Enryakuji libraries may, indeed, have served as Tamenori's resource for scriptural and other research. But this would still not explain his slighting treatment of the esoteric tradition, which was a strong, almost dominant element in the Buddhism of his time and, in particular, within the Tendai church of his day. Again, the answer probably lies in Tamenori's sources—in this case, in the absence of them. Information on esoteric ritual was, ipso f a c t o , secret, hence unavailable or inaccessible to him; he had to respect such secrecy and violated it only with his kanjö interview. As a result, esoteric Buddhism had to play a minor role in the picture of the religion that he made for Sonshi. Still, at the end of the kanjö tale he tells Sonshi how she, too, may obtain this "teaching" if she wishes. Though she may not participate in a Hie kanjö—since the mountain is off-limits to women—she is free to go to Töji or to Hosshöji (her family temple) where the kanjö is also performed. Implicitly he thus offers her a choice between the Tömitsu (Shingon) and the T a i m i t s u (Tendai) esoteric transmissions. The distinction, however, may not have been very meaningful or important to her, or to him, and the exoteric-esoteric distinction was perhaps

76


equally insignificant. A l l these "teachings" may, after all, have been "equal" in Tamenori's eyes, not merely rhetorically or symbolically but in practice and in fact. By putting these and all the other tales together as he did, Tamenori also implied that the merit to be derived from all the practices he described might lead to varied kinds of rewards—from the promise of good harvest and protection for the state, to pleasant physical and mental attributes and financial prosperity for the individual in this life or the next, to visualizations of Buddhas and eternal Buddhahood itself—but that all merit-generating activities are equally commendable. Where Tamenori specifically suggests that one type of practice is superior to another, or that one form of recompense is better than others, he does so largely because his sources, which are texts devoted to the propagation of specific modes of worship, do so. But Tamenori's equalizing principle subsumes and overrides these passages. What emerges in the end is not a recommendation that Sonshi pursue any single practice, but that she should at least be aware of the merits of all and should consider devoting herself, if possible, to several. Tamenori also makes it clear, through many examples and some direct admonitions, that the chosen practices, no matter what they are, should be performed with a clear mind, a sincere heart, and a humble attitude. It makes no difference, then, what Sonshi makes up her mind to do, but she must act, and act properly, if her practices are to achieve their desired effects.

Origin

T a l e Motifs

The eighteenth tale of the second volume—which, it was observed, has many characteristics in common with the tales of the third—might well have been titled not " D a i a n j i no Eikö" ("Eikö of Daianji") but " I w a b u c h i d e r a Hakköe no e n g i " ("The Origins of the Service of Eight Lectures at Iwabuchidera"). A similar label would be apt for many of the tales of this third volume, too. " E n g i " entered Japanese as a Chinese translation of two Buddhist technical terms. One, p r a t l t y a - s a m u t p a d a , means "dependent (or interdependent) origination," the process by which all existences arise out of a conjunction of conditions and causes; the other, nidäna can be a synonym for pratltya-samutpäda but can also denote those canonical works that explain how and why certain sütras and books of discipline and other canonical works came into being. But, eventually, the word " e n g i " came to be used generically in Japan in the titles of literary works that describe the origins of religious institutions, Buddhist and non-Buddhist—temples, shrines, even the 9

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revered images they house—usually by narrating the amazing feats of those monks who founded or created them, invariably with supernatural a i d . Many of the tales in the third volume of Sanböe are based in part on a specific engi about the sites of the rites described or about the first observance of those rites. In other tales, the biography of the institutional founder or the first patron of the ritual takes focal precedence and fulfills the engi role of explaining origination. In still other tales, it is a passage from the sütra that is read, expounded, or worshiped in the rite that fills this role; many of these quoted passages also contain the descriptions of rewards that make up an integral part of each tale. The engi or e n g i - l i k e elements in almost every tale are one means of developing the cause-and-effect pattern to which all Sanböe tales conform. Another means, of course, is the explicit indication of the reward resulting from practice or patronage of these rituals. While the engi elements are the more interesting as story content—turning as they do on portents, miracles, and the deeds of great men and women—the descriptions of rewards were, perhaps, of more direct relevance to Sonshi. Like advertisements for miracle drugs, the tales promise fabulous results, and she may have been thirsting terribly for knowledge of such cures. Tale 3.28, for example, offered several compelling suggestions to her. She would learn, first of all, that it was her Fujiwara forebears that founded Köfukuji ("Yamashinadera") and that the Yuimae ( V i m a l a k l r t i Service) was performed with the expectation that it would cure or prevent their illnesses. Sonshi would then be offered a paraphrase of a portion of the V i m a l a k l r t i n i r d e s a itself, in which she would be shown that physical illness is merely a metaphor for the spiritual illness that Vimalaklrti sought to cure in all sentient beings, that is, ignorance of the very idea that all things in this world are nonsubstantial. She might use this information in several ways: she could go to Köfukuji and observe its Yuimae or contribute something for its performance, or she could read the text itself or have someone lecture to her about it. Either way, Sonshi might seek to cure her own illness, whether metaphoric or real. Many other tales might inspire her through similar means. Several of them (3.11, for example) would tell of Fujiwara or imperial patronage of monasteries, convents, or particular rites, and in these tales she might recognize the names of her ancestral kin. Several, like 3.7 and 3.13, which tell how women first claimed their place as nuns in the Buddhist community despite initial opposition on the grounds that their admission would shorten the shöbö era, would specifically address the issue of women's role in the church. These would offer specific examples of rites and supportive activities that she, as a woman, might emulate. 49

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Other tales might describe formal rites less accessible to or less practical for her while suggesting activities she could imitate with the expectation of comparable rewards. She might not, for instance, be able to attend or sponsor a Mandöe (an offering of ten thousand votive lights, as described in 3.15) or a Senke e (a presentation of a thousand flowers, as in 3.22), but she might make her own offerings of candles, flowers, or incense (as in 3.6) and hope, with good reason, for future recompense similar to that promised the practitioners in the story. The description of the building of the tiniest and crudest of stüpas (3.9) and the parable (in 3.15) about the poor laywoman whose single votive light burned longer than the thousands offered by a king would remind her, too, that the scale of her offering was irrelevant and that its merit would not be diminished by her status or her sex; only her sincerity would matter. Sonshi might not read every tale with an eye for its relevance to herself, but she would learn something useful from every one. Some pairs of tales, for instance, would teach her about the public and private forms of penance (3.2 and 3.3), or the differences and the similarities in the two types of ordination received by monks (3.19) and lay men and women (3.20). She would see how the legitimate transmissions and lineages so graphically described in the third volume's preface were stressed in history. She would understand why Ganjin (Chien-chen) journeyed from his native China to establish a school of monastic discipline in Japan (3.5) and why Saichö, Kükai, Ennin, and Enchin all went to China to study and to obtain ordinations and texts, and how they then, with new authority, introduced the new teachings and practices they had learned to their own country (3.3, 3.12, 3.16, 3.30). She would also read about the life of the revered Chinese Tendai patriarch Chih-i and would know why his memory was honored in an annual rite at Enryakuji (3.30). The Chinese precedents for some particular rites (3.30, 3.31) would also be stressed. Still other tales would remind her of principles suggested in the tales of the previous volumes. She would learn about the many forms and benefits of charity, whether directed to monks (3.1, 3.4, 3.21, 3.29, 3.24, 3.31) or to common beggars (3.23). The virtues of strict adherence to clerical precepts would be reemphasized (3.5), as would the notion that every monk, regardless of rank and training, deserves respect (3.10, 3.29), the idea that Buddhism can be reconciled with native spirits (3.8), and the principle of reverence for all forms of life (3.26). Still, what might be the most memorable aspect of many of these tales was not these concepts and principles but the dramatic stories that illustrated them, such as that of the nun Utpalavarnä's initial travails and subsequent career (3.7 and 3.13), the narrative of the strange events that preceded the construction of the Hase temple (3.20), the account of the

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miracles that attended the dedication of the Great Buddha at Tödaiji (3.22), or the saga of Maudgalyäyana's search for his mother in the underworld (3.24). In 3.13 Tamenori describes a rather curious rite practiced by the nuns of Hokkeji. Hokkeji was a convent founded by an empress-consort, Kömyö, a daughter and granddaughter of Fujiwara ministers—like Sonshi's mother—and an exemplary, generous, and pious royal woman. As one part of the Hokkeji K e g o n service, Kömyö had the nuns make images of the youth Sudhäna and of the fifty-odd "worthy teachers" ( z e n j i s h i k i , a translation of the Sanskrit kalyänamitra) he encountered in his search for insight, as described in one of the most familiar parts of the K e g o n Sütra Quoting the L o t u s , Tamenori explains what a z e n j i s h i k i is: "These teachers teach us, guide us, and inspire the wish for enlightenment within us"; quoting from Shinjikangyö, he also observes that "it is easier to attain the full fruition of enlightenment than to find a truly worthy teacher," adding from Butsuhongyökyö (indirectly, through Fa-yüan c h u - l i n ) , that "if you touch good incense, the scent perfumes your hand. If you have contact with a worthy teacher, his teachings will pervade your mind." In the middle of the tale Tamenori summarizes the Sütra o n t h e Life of t h e N u n Utpalavarnä, which justifies once again the presence of nuns in the Buddhist institution. Then, at the end of the tale, instead of describing the benefits of the K e g o n e, he simply draws these parallels: "The merit generated by the empress's introduction of this service is equal to that generated by Utpalavarnä's encouraging words to the nuns of long ago. A meeting with a worthy teacher is a repetition of the experience of Sudhäna in former times." The relevance of these observations for Sonshi is clear: he reminds her of her mission as a nun, and her right to be one, while he encourages her in her own search for "worthy teachers." These teachers are, of course, to be found among the "worthy monks and nuns of today" who carry out the rites he has described. In 3.21 he again exhorts her: "You, too, should find yourself a monk who lives in quietude, who is neither too familiar nor too aloof, with whom to associate." But how practical were these suggestions? What if Sonshi were too ill to move? Who, then, would be her worthy teacher? Would Ryögen really come down from Hie to help her? 50

51

,

The Third Verse Tamenori's answer is in the last verse. He returns here to the idea of z u i k i , describing the reward that he expects to earn for teaching Sonshi:

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When I rejoice in your planting of good roots, My own merit is increased. Whether I myself worship, Or witness worship from afar and rejoice therein, If my heart is as one with the worshiper, I will be rewarded in just the same way as he. We will both be imbued with the same scent of incense; We will both be illuminated by the light of the same candle. For "he" we may as well read "she." In the next lines Tamenori makes it clear that he is referring to Sonshi and then summarizes what he has taught her here: I have recorded all manner of public and private rites and ceremonies of Buddhism in China and Japan. For learning about all these admirable things without stepping beyond her door, Nothing can be better than this volume. So, through these tales and through the writing of all of Sanböe Tamenori has sought to fulfill the role of a "worthy teacher"; he has tried to teach her enough about her religion to make her feel that she can participate in it and obtain its blessings even if her physical capacities are diminished, even if her time is short. He has, indeed, created a work that fulfills the idea of Nägärjuna's verse: Sanböe has given Sonshi much to see and hear, much to learn and remember, and—if needed—the inspiration to act. And now, citing the words of Buddhas in his penultimate lines of verse, he shows why he expects a share in the resulting rewards. Maitreya, he says, explained the "expedient of rejoicing in the works of others" ( z u i k i höben); Samantabhadra guaranteed the merit in rejoicing ( z u i k i k u d o k u ) . Tamenori thus is assured that he will profit spiritually from Sonshi's progress. In final summary, Tamenori reiterates his praise of the z e n j i s h i k i who appeared in this volume: "The endeavors of monks are myriad, and all are admirable/How very admirable indeed!"— but the whole verse has shown that Sonshi's real z e n j i s h i k i is none other than himself. He has only occasionally used an insistent, lecturing form of direct address (as at the end of 3.29, with its imperative " k i m i k i k i t o r e [Listen well!]"); for the most part, his attitude has been that of a concerned older friend. And a good teacher is, after all, a good friend (zen'yü or zen'nu, another translation of kalyänamitra ), that is, one who guides another to the right path, as he has done. 52

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*

Now the reading has come to an end. The last of the scrolls can be bound up once again and taken away. The reading of Sanböe has filled many hours, perhaps many days; perhaps there have been many readings, stretching over months, and winter has at last given way to spring. And now, having read it, you (Sonshi) have a new sense of what it means to be a Buddhist—and a woman in Buddhism—in these times and in this sphere in which you have lived. You know now—perhaps better than many men and women like yourself—what it means to say, "I place my faith in the Three Jewels." The book has proven a good companion and a useful guide, just as its author wished it to be. But perhaps, in your concern for what tomorrow may bring and how you will face it, you do not give much thought to the future disposition of this book. You do not realize that the copy you have read will someday—perhaps soon—be lost. You cannot know that this text will nonetheless survive, and that its pleasures and its lessons will be imparted to many generations of men and women to come, for as much as a thousand years and more. Their experience of reading it will be very different from yours but will surely have its own rewards. But there is no time to dwell upon such things; you must return to your prayers. And so you do.

Notes 1

T 53:269-1030. Tamenori's use of Fa-yüan c h u - l i n was first discussed in detail in an article by Mori Masato, "Sanböe to Höon j u r i n " (cited above). Mori's findings are expanded and corrected in the appendix chapter on Sanböe's sources and structure in Shüsei, pp. 416 444-49 ,37. Some further corrections appear in my notes to the translation. This periodization, which gives each period a length of one thousand years, is probably derived from the description of the three periods in Daihikyö and other texts. See A j i a bukkyöshi, N i h o n hen 2 ( H e i a n bukkyö), pp. 202-4. One of the interesting things about the calculation used here is that it does not agree with the dating in a controversial fragment of the preface to the third volume of N i h o n ryöiki. This passage, in what is known as the " M a e d a - k e i t s u b u n , " has been used in some attempts to propose an exact date for the composition of Ryöiki and to assess the influence of the concept of mappö on its author. It contains the year 789 as an internal composition date, like the last line of Tamenori's "General Preface." That year is said, in turn, to 2

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mark the "seventeen hundred and twenty-second year" since the death of the Buddha. The calculation places the surcease in 944 B.C.E., which is five years later than the date more frequently used. This may reflect a miscalculation by the author of the fragment, who may or may not have been Kyökai, or it may be a copyist's error. Tamenori may not have known of the passage, or, if he did, he may have chosen to correct it. For further discussion of the passage, see Kyoko Motomachi Nakamura, M i r a c u l o u s Stories f r o m the Japanese B u d d h i s t T r a d i t i o n : The N i h o n Ryöiki of the M o n k Kyökai (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973), pp. 9-14. Translations of the names of the three periods are taken from Stanley Weinstein, "The Concept of Reformation in Japanese Buddhism," in Öta Saburö, ed., Studies i n Japanese C u l t u r e (Tokyo: Japan P . E . N . Club, 1973), pp. 75-86, especially p. 79. A useful article on the origins of the three periods concept is Yamada Ryüjö, "Mappö shisö ni tsuite," in I n d o g a k u Bukkyögaku kenkyü 4.2 (March 1956):54-62. See, for example, Uesaka Nobuo, "Minamoto Tamenori Sanböekotoba no monogatari kan" in K o d a i m o n o g a t a r i no kenkyü (Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1971), pp. 55-70. There are 547 jätakas in the standard Pali collections. See John Garret Jones, Tales a n d Teachings of the B u d d h a : The Jätaka Stories i n R e l a t i o n t o the P a l i C a n o n (London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1979). For comprehensive studies of the genre and its role in various Buddhist traditions, see Hikata Ryüshö, Jätaka g a i k a n (Tokyo: Suzuki Gakujutsu Zaidan, 1961), and Hikata, Honjökyörui no shisöshiteki kenkyü, 2 vols. (Tokyo: Töyö Bunko, 1954). For translations, see Ε. B. Cowell, ed., The Jätaka, o r Stories of the Buddha's F o r m e r L i v e s , T r a n s l a t e d by V a r i o u s H a n d s , 6 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1895-1907). Six of the jätakas used by Tamenori—1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.9, 1.11, and 1.12—correspond to those numbered 499, 537, 313, 12, 546, and 540 by Cowell. In making comparisons, however, the reader is reminded that Tamenori's versions are based on works that do not descend directly from the Pali tradition. It should be noted here that some of the jätakas most prominent in Mahäyäna texts do not have counterparts in the Pali collections. As indicated in the preceding note, for instance, seven of the thirteen jätakas contained in Sanböe are not known in Pali. T 3:1-52. The sütra contains some ninety-one jätakas and jätakalike stories grouped according to the particular "perfection" they illustrate. For an outline that shows the relation of the included jätakas to those in other collections, see Hikata, Honjökyörui no shisöshiteki kenkyü, 1, p. 96; 2, pp. 35-39. T25:57-75b. 3

4

5

6

1

8

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9

T 25:87c 89b. The stories corresponding to the first two perfections (and to Sanböe 1.1 and 1.2) are told in detail, followed by summaries of the remaining four. For a French translation, see Etienne Lamotte, L e t r a i t e de la g r a n d e v e r t u de sagesse de Nägärjuna 1 (Louvain: Bureaux de Museon, 1944-76), pp. 255-77. T46:744c 46b. T 34:885b; 46:777b. See Τ 53:113-17. 13 The text of this pien-wen (Stein 548v) is in Wang Chung-min, ed., T u n - h u a n g pien-wen c h i 1 (Peking: Jen-min wen-hsüeh ch'u-panshe, 1957), pp. 285-96. Α Japanese translation by Iriya Yoshitaka appears in Iriya, ed., Bukkyö bungaku shü, Chügoku koten bungaku taikei 60 (Tokyo: Heibonsha 1975), pp. 3-15. See Kanaoka Shökö, Tonkö shutsudo bungaku bunken b u n r u i m o k u r o k u t s u i kaisetsu (Tokyo: Töyö Bunko, 1971), pp. 6-17 and Kanaoka, Tonkö no bungaku (Tokyo: Daizö Shuppan, 1971), p. 108. See, for example, Kawaguchi Hisao, "Tonkö henbun no seikaku to waga kuni shödö bungaku: Setsuwa to sekkyöshi no keifu," in K a n a z a w a d a i g a k u höbungakubu ronshü bungaku hen 8 (January 1960):1-20. Kawaguchi is right, however, in treating Sanböe as an early example of shödö bungaku, literature read out loud for proselytizing purposes. See Kawaguchi, Heianchö N i h o n kanbungaku shi no kenkyü, 3 vols. (1959-61; revised, Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1982), pp. 445-50. The relevant passages may be found in Nakada Norio, Tödaiji fujumonkö no kokugogakuteki kenkyü (Tokyo: Kazama Shobö, 1969), pp. 31,65, 77. N K B T 71:122. Benjamin Rowland, The A r t a n d A r c h i t e c t u r e of I n d i a : B u d d h i s t , H i n d u , J a i n (Baltimore: Penguin Books [The Pelican History of Art], 1953; revised, 1967), p. 53 and plate 15a. S i r John Marshall, The B u d d h i s t A r t of Gandhära (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960), p. 11 (and figure 6), pp. 13-14 (figure 10a). S y ä m a is the subject of a "narrow frieze of phyllite from the Dharmarajika at Taxila," now in the Taxila Museum; the Visvantara carving is in the British Museum (Marshall, The B u d d h i s t A r t of Gandhära, pp. 106-7 [and plates 81-82], p. 99 [plate 130]). Alfred Foucher, L ' a r t G r e c o - B o u d d i q u e du Gandhära, 2 vols. (Paris: E. Leroux, 1905-1918), pp. 280-81, figures 142-43; James Fergusson, Tree a n d Serpent W o r s h i p (1868; reprinted Delhi: Oriental Publishers, 1971), plates L X V , L X X I X ; Douglas Barrett, The S c u l p t u r e of Amarävatl i n the B r i t i s h Museum (London: The Trustees of the British Museum, 1954), p. 71 (plate XXVII); and Barrett, A G u i d e t o the 10

1 1

12

14

15

}

16

1 7

18

19

20

21


84

B u d d h i s t Caves of A u r a n g a b a d (Bombay: Bhulabhai Memorial Institute, 1956), pp. 11-12. S i b i , Deer King, Sudäna, Visvantara and Syäma paintings are in cave 17. Cave 2 had a K§änti illustration, but it has been defaced; a portion of text incised on the wall has survived. Additional depictions of Sudäna/Visvantara are in caves 16 and 18, and another Syäma painting is in cave 10. See Ghulam Yazdani, Ajantä: The C o l o u r a n d M o n o c h r o m e R e p r o d u c t i o n s of t h e Ajantä Frescoes Based o n P h o t o g r a p h y w i t h a n E x p l a n a t o r y Text, 4 vols, text with 4 vols, plates (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933-1955): 1:4-7, plate V; 4:103-6, plate Lb, L X I X c , L X X A - b ; 4:43-52, plates X I X - X X V I ; 3:29-31, plates XXVIIb X X I X a b and 4:79-80, plates X L I X b ; 2:58-61. See also A . Ghosh, ed., Ajantä M u r a l s (New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 1967), p. 17, plates LVII, L X I X - L X X I , and figures 15 and 19. Rowland, The A r t a n d A r c h i t e c t u r e of I n d i a , pp. 262, 266, plate 180; Hikata, Honjökyörui no shisöshiteki kenkyü, 2, pp. 1-3. Hikata, Jätaka g a i k a n , pp. 63-72; Herbert Härtel et al., A l o n g t h e A n c i e n t S i l k Routes: C e n t r a l A s i a n A r t f r o m t h e West B e r l i n State Museums (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1982), pp. 84 (plate 21), 100-1 (plate 34), 104 (plate 36). See Takada Osamu, "Bukkyö setsuwa to Tonkö no hekiga: Toku ni zenki no honne setsuwazu" in Chügoku sekkutsu: Tonkö bakukökutsu 2 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1981), pp. 229-31. Takada identifies eleven jätaka subjects among the paintings of the Tun-huang caves decorated in the "early period" (i.e., Northern Dynasties through Sui); seven of these are Sanböe subjects or variants thereof. Here is a list of the depicted Sanböe subjects, with cave numbers: 22

23

24

25

Sibi: 254,175, 302 Mahätyägavat (variant): 302 Jalavähana: 417 The Lion: 846 Myga jätaka (Deer King variant): 257 "Himalaya Boy": 285, 302 Mahäsattva: 254, 299, 301, 302,417, 419, 428 Sudäna/Visvantara: 422, 427, 428, 492 Syäma: 299, 301, 302, 438, 461 26

Mizuno Seiichi, Unkö sekkutsu 6 (Kyoto: Kyoto Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyüjo, 1951-1956), p. 126-28, plates 19-26. Eduard Chavannes, M i s s i o n a r c h e o l o g i q u e dans le c h i n s e p t e n t r i o n a l 2 (Paris: E . Leroux, 1909-1915), pp. 555-56 and plate X X X V I , figure 220 (no. 1737-38). See also Patricia Dina Eichenbaum, "The Development of a Narrative Cycle Based on the Life of the Buddha 27


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in India, Central Asia and the Far East: Literary and Pictorial Evidence" (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1979), p. 235. T h e stele illustrating the Mahäsattva and Syäma stories, dated 455, is in the Peking Museum; that which illustrates the Sudäna/ Visvantara story is dated 531 and is in the University of Pennsylvania Museum. See Matsubara Saburö, Zoku chügoku bukkyö chökokushi kenkyü (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Köbunkan, 1966), p. 231, plates 16a b; Osvald Siren, Chinese S c u l p t u r e f r o m the F i f t h t o the F o u r t e e n t h C e n t u r y , 4 vols. (London: E . Benn, 1925), 1, p. 62; 3, plate 234. T 52:404c. T h e biography is entitled Tö daiwajö töseiden. See Kuranaka Susumu, Tö Daiwajö töseiden no kenkyü (Tokyo: Öfusha, 1976), p. 588; Andö Kösei, G a n j i n Daiwajö den no kenkyü (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1960), pp. 162-66; Alexander C. Soper, "Japanese Evidence for the History of the Architecture and Iconography of Chinese Buddhism," M o n u m e n t a S e r i c a 4 (1939-1940):638-79, especially 641-42. As evidence that jätaka subjects were rare in Chinese Buddhist art, Soper observes that Chienchen is said to have called the depictions on the reliquary "unusual" (hijö) (Soper, p. 648). Soper, "Japanese Evidence," p. 465; Ono Genmyö, "Goetsu Sen Köshukuzö kintotö shikö" in Bukkyö no b i j u t s u o y o b i g e i j u t s u ( O n o Genmyö Bukkyö g e i j u t s u chosakushü 2 ) , pp. 614-40; Sasaki Közö, "Sen Köshuku hachimanshisentö ni kansuru ichini no mondai" in Yamato b u n k a kenkyü 33 (January 1961):16-20. According to a document entitled Hökyöingyöki, by Döki, dated 965, now in the possession of the Közanji monastery, the Ch'ien Hungshu stüpa at Kontaiji in Söraku-gun, Kyoto Prefecture was brought from China by the monk Nichien in the Tenryaku era (947-957), quite soon after Ch'ien began the project. Two other stüpas of the set are at Seiganji in Imazu, Fukuoka-shi and at Kawachi Amano Kongöji, near Osaka; another, found at Nachi in Wakayama Prefecture, is in the collection of the Tokyo National Museum; and the fourth is in the private collection of the Hosokawa family (BD 3:2959c 60c and plate 931). Mizuno Seiichi, Asuka B u d d h i s t A r t : Höryüji (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1974), pp. 40-52; Uehara Kazu, [ZöhoJ Tamamushi no zushi no kenkyü (Tokyo: Nihon Gakujutsu Shinkökai, 1968), pp. 31-36. T 12:449b 51b; Τ 16:450c 53a. 35 T 3:124-66. 36 T 3:418-24, 438-43. 37 I n his article on Tamenori's editorial concepts, Izumoji tried to explain the selection and composition of the first volume tales in terms of these recurring motifs, but his argument overlooks the fact that the 28

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motifs identified are inherent characteristics of almost all jätakas (Izumoji, "Sanböe no hensan ishiki," pp. 243-49). T 46:2c, 90c. F o r studies and descriptions of the Chinese Buddhist tale collections, see Donald Edward Gjertson, "The Early Chinese Buddhist Miracle Tale: A Preliminary Survey" in J o u r n a l of the A m e r i c a n O r i e n t a l Society 101.3 (July September 1981): 287301; Kageyama Tadaharu, "Chügoku Bukkyö setsuwashü josetsu: Nihon Bukkyö setsuwashü to no kanren ni oite" in M e i j i D a i g a k u I z u m i Kösha Kenkyüshitsu kiyö 18 (April 1961):139-64. The direct relationship between some of these collections and the content of Ryöiki has been documented elsewhere. It has been shown, for example, that M i n g - p a o c h i , compiled in the mid-seventh century by T'ang L i n , is the source of nine Ryöiki tales (Nakamura, M i r a c u l o u s Stories, p. 38, n. 162). T h e best examples of this tradition in China, of course, are the various Kao-seng c h u a n , which begin with Hui-chiao's work of that title, dated 519; see Τ 50:322-423. It has been observed that some aspects of these collections of biography are, in turn, developments of aspects found in the early Chinese dynastic histories. See also Arthur F. Wright, "Biography and Hagiography: Hui-chiao's L i v e s of E m i n e n t M o n k s " in S i l v e r J u b i l e e Volume of the Z i n b u n k a g a k u Kenkyüsho (English volume), pp. 383-432. H e appears in seven (Nakamura, M i r a c u l o u s Stories, p. 69). F o r comparative studies, see Fukushima Köichi, "Sanböe chükan to N i h o n ryöiki" in S h i o t a Ryöhei k o k i k i n e n ronbunshü N i h o n bungaku ronkö (Tokyo: Öfusha, 1970), pp. 32-64 and Köyashi Takamitsu, "Ryöiki to Sanböe ο megutte" in Kokugo to k o k u b u n g a k u 50.10 (October 1973):65-75. Differences in the details of Sanböe 2.6 and 2.8 and the Ryöiki versions are examined in Terakawa Machio, "Ryöiki gekan rokuen to Sanböe oyobi K o n j a k u " in Döshisha kokubun 11 (February 1976):24-35 and Inada Koji, '"Jitsu ni reitoku araba ima iriki shimese'" in Ochanomizu J o s h i d a i g a k u kokubun (October 1973):6-18. See Nakamura, M i r a c u l o u s Stories, p. 76. See, for example, Izumoji, "Sanböe no hensan ishiki," pp. 249-56. Nakamura, M i r a c u l o u s Stories, p. 69. T h e earliest nenjü gyöji text is probably the Nenjü gyöji goshöjimon, which was painted on a screen in the Seiryöden, the main ceremonial hall of the Inner Palace, under the direction of Fujiwara Mototsune in 885. See Köda Toshio, ed., Nenjü gyöji goshöjimon chükai (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1976). The major almanacs of the tenth and eleventh centuries include Fujiwara Morosuke's Kujö nenjü gyöji and Sanesuke's O n o n o m i y a nenjü gyöji (GR 5:152-252). They list such court observances as the Gosaie (3.2) and Butsumyöe (3.31), but they are not 3 8

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concerned with rites at temples and institutions elsewhere. For a general study, see Yamanaka Yutaka, Heianchö no nenjü gyöji (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobö 1972). See Shüsei, p. 218. T a y a Raishun, Bukkyögaku j i t e n (Kyoto: Hözökan, 1955), p. 43. T h e earliest Japanese e n g i were written at the behest of the Sögösho, the ecclesiastical bureaucracy, in 747 and concern the early histories of Höryüji, Daianji, and Gangöji ( D N B Z 117:1-25; 118:115,130, 138-46). See also Nakano Takeshi, "Ryöiki izen no engi ni tsuite" in M a b u c h i K a z u o hakase t a i k a n k i n e n setsuwa b u n g a k u ronshü (Tokyo: Taishükan Shoten, 1981), pp. 1-20. The most famous e n g i presented in emaki format is, of course, the S h i g i s a n e n g i , which dates from the twelfth century; several other illustrated e n g i from the Kamakura period and later also survive. O n the term z e n j i s h i k i , see Taya Raishun, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , p. 296 and Mochizuki Shinkö, Bukkyö d a i j i t e n , 7 vols. (1933; revised, 10 vols., Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kankö Kyökai, 1958-1963), vol. 1, p. 480c. For a discussion of the Sudhäna story and its role in art, see Jan Fontein, The P i l g r i m a g e of Sudhäna: A Study of t h e Gandavyüha I l l u s t r a t i o n s i n C h i n a a n d J a p a n (The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1967); for an analysis of this section of the K e g o n sütra, see Kawada Kumatarö and Nakamura Hajime, ed., K e g o n shisö (Kyoto: Hözökan, 1960), pp. 5, 54-62. The rite mentioned here is the one believed to have played a role in the origins of the doll festival, as noted in the preceding chapter. T 9:90c; 3:305a; 53:668c. See n. 50, above. 47

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Part 2 Translation

General Preface (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

Long ago it was written:

Contemplate the body: it is but rootless grass lying on the riverbank; And as for this life: it is but a small boat drifting at the channel's edge.

And elsewhere:

To what shall I compare this life? To white waves of foam trailing behind a boat putting out at break of day. 2

Thus, in both China and Japan, people who understood the essence of things expressed the same thought. Indeed, in the teachings of the truly enlightened, universally compassionate Buddha we find these words: "This world is absolutely insubstantial, like the bubbles on the water, the shadow of the mist. You must reject this world as soon as possible and free yourselves from it." The Buddha is the father of all sentient beings; with what fatherly wisdom did he offer this guidance to his children! There are many people in this land who have heard this teaching, but they assume that summer insects are safe as long as the dew is on the grass, and then mourn them when they go up in smoke—what foolishness! That "Rude Courier" will rush them headlong toward the way of 3

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darkness, and the "Harassing Demon" will say, "You were born as a human being and you had your chance, but you failed to practice the Way! It is as if you had gone into a mine full of treasure and come out empty-handed! And it is your own fault; you have no one to blame but yourself." Your shame and contrition will be of no avail when you face his pitiless attack! One thousand nine hundred and thirty-three years have passed since the Buddha Säkyamuni left this world. We may now be in the Period of the Imitated Teaching, but surely only a few years of this interim period remain to us. Those who have the misfortune to be born as human beings at this time have less chance of receiving the Buddha's teaching than a thread dangled from heaven has of going through the eye of a needle in the middle of the sea. Even if they manage to free themselves from this life, they will never have any assurance of what will become of them hereafter. At this time there is nothing to do but contemplate the Buddha, hear his Teachings, and revere his Clergy. Have you not heard of the elder of Räjagyha who gathered treasures and rejoiced in the flourishing of his household, only to die and become a snake whose lot it was to guard his former mansion and storehouse? And do you not know of the lady of Srävasti who constantly gazed into her mirror in order to admire her own beauty, only to become an insect at the end of her life and dwell in what was formerly her own skull? While they lived they never thought they would become a snake or an insect, but they took inordinate pride in wealth and beauty, and so they brought their fate upon themselves. So, a flourishing household is a likely site for sinning; you must abandon it and seek out the Buddha's Country. Have no second thoughts for your worldly beauty; forget it and pray that you may attain the Buddha's Body. Follow his traces in the sütras that survive today to discover the Buddha's Way. The k a l p a s pile up, the ages pass one after another, and though you strive, the goal is difficult to reach. If each day you give yourself over to your true desire, even if only for a moment, you will surely attain it. You may build one hundred thousand million trillion jeweled stüpas, or copy eighty-four thousand holy scriptures, or donate countless wonderful treasures to the poor, or even cut up your body and give it away, but the Buddha never said that these acts were superior to all others. There is, however, nothing among all acts of devotion to compare with the merit derived from one day and one night as a sworn monk or nun. A l l the inhabitants of the Buddha's world rejoice in this act, while the forces of evil tremble with fear. This is the boat that will carry you across the endless seas of life and death, the provision for your journey to the mountain of Nirvana. Look, for example, at the Brahman who was always drunk; he wore the garb of a monk but briefly, but this enabled 5

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him to hear the Teaching. Think of Utpalavarnä, who wore nun's clothing as a joke but was thereby able to meet the Buddha of that age. Even these cases of drunken bumbling and playful masquerade produced good seeds that were certain to yield good effects; so if you have a clever mind and sincere intentions, you are all the more capable of generating unlimited merit! How admirable! The second daughter of my liege, the Retired Emperor Reizei, whose beauty puts the spring flowers to shame and silences even the cool wind in the pines, was chosen to live in the Ninefold Palace, but now she despises and seeks release from this world with its Five Pollutions. Srimälä, the daughter of King Prasenajit, needed no one to inspire her faith. Candraprabhä was the wife of King Udäyi, and she voluntarily shaved her head, without anyone having suggested that she do so. They were born into noble families and achieved high station, but since their sacred destiny was to be reborn upon the lotus, they made haste to plant the seeds of the Law; since they nurtured lofty intentions of becoming as perfect as the full moon, they strove constantly toward the light that shines on those who take the Buddha's vows. When we compare the present age to the ancient past, the time may seem different, but the act is essentially the same. Jeweled blinds and brocade curtains may have graced your former abodes, but now you shall tend to the dew on the flower and the perfumed incense. Even so, the spring days linger, with nightingales warbling softly in the grove, and the autumn nights seem endless, as the light from your candle and its shadow on the wall grow d i m . Go may seem like a pleasing way to pass the time, but there is no profit to be had in challenging others to games of skill. The k o t o may also serve as your companion for the night, but you should not let yourself become too attached to its sound. Then there are the so-called m o n o g a t a r i , which have such an effect upon ladies' hearts. They flourish in numbers greater than the grasses of Öaraki Forest, more countless than the sands on the Arisomi beaches. They attribute speech to trees and plants, mountains and rivers, birds and beasts, fish and insects that cannot speak; they invest unfeeling objects with human feelings and ramble on and on with meaningless phrases like so much flotsam in the sea, with no two words together that have any more solid basis than does swamp grass growing by a river bank. The Sorceress of I g a , The T o s a L o r d , The F a s h i o n a b l e C a p t a i n , The N a g a i C h a m b e r l a i n , and all the rest depict relations between men and women just as if they were so many flowers or butterflies, but do not let your heart get caught up even briefly in these tangled roots of evil, these forests of words. You may well ask, then, where you should look for the inspiration that will make your aspirations lofty and put your heart and mind at 14

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rest. In the verses that [Sätavähana] it says:

Bodhisattva Nägärjuna taught King

Whether you look at what is shown in the pictures Hear what is said in the words of others Or follow the scriptures and other writings Be sure to understand and remember! 23

With this in mind, I have had illustrations of several exemplary stories made, and I submit them to you together with these words from the scripture and from other works. Its title is [ I l l u s t r a t i o n s of] The T h r e e Jewels because what it would say is that you should form a bond with the Three Refuges. Its volumes are three because these correspond to the Three Periods. The first volume tells about the deeds of the Buddhas of long ago and is drawn from a variety of scriptures. The middle volume discusses the propagation of Buddhism in this land in more recent times, and I have selected these accounts from an array of secular documents. The last volume describes the rites performed by monks today, from the first month of the New Year through the twelfth month. Each volume is prefaced with an explanation of its purport, and each volume is concluded with a verse in praise of the virtuous teachings contained therein. A l l of it concerns itself with the Buddha, his Teachings, and his Clergy, and therefore it is good at the beginning, good in the middle, and good at the end. The Three Jewels are to be found everywhere and in all things, and you must stand by them. I, Minamoto Tamenori, Provisional Governor of Mikawa, with my burdens of obligation heavier than a mountain and my sincere intentions deeper than the sea, am your humble servant. As a young man I studied literature, and I managed to pass the examinations. But now that I am old I devote myself entirely to the study of religion, and my only desire is for the attainment of the Nine Lotus Stages. When you look at Buddhism and other teachings, you learn that the human heart can be a slave to obligations and duties, whereas the seeds of Enlightenment arise from karmic affinities. And so I have labored assiduously to gather these leaves from the vast forest of merit, and as I prepared for you this picture of the solid roots of the tree of Enlightenment, the feelings in my own heart got tangled in the very words, and my tears fell like rain upon my brush t i p . This is my prayer: may my endeavors guide us both through this world and to the next, just as it was when the son of King Suddhodana became the Buddha, and his faithful servant Kaup<Jinya was converted and saved before all others. 24

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This was written in the winter of the second year of the Eikan era [A.D. 984].

Notes

This Chinese verse appears in the same form in W a k a n röeishü, in a section with other poems on the topic of "Impermanence" (see N K B T 73:254), where it is attributed to Lo wei, which may be a mistranscription for Yen-wei. The image of the drifting boat is from the "Lieh Y u k'ou" chapter of C h u a n g - t z u . (See Burton Watson, tr., C o m p l e t e W o r k s of C h u a n g - t z u , p. 354.) Izumi Shikibu composed a sequence of fortythree verses beginning with each syllable of the poem as it is read in Japanese. (See Shimizu Fumio, ed., I z u m i S h i k i b u shü (sei, z o k u ) : Köteibon, pp. 32-35.) There is also an allusion to this verse in M a k u r a no söshi { N K B T 19:104). This verse appears in slightly different form in Man'yöshü 3 (no. 351), where it is attributed to the monk Mansei { N K B T 4:179). In W a k a n röeishü { N K B T 73:255, 284) and in Shüishü (no. 1327; see Yamagishi Tokuhei, ed., Hachidaishü zenchü 1, p. 616) it appears in exactly the same form as it does here. Tamenori's literary mentor Shitagö wrote a sequence of ten verses that begin with the first eleven syllables of Mansei's poem { Z o k u k o k k a t a i k a n 1, p. 280). F u k u r o söshi, a poetic miscellany compiled by Fujiwara Kiyosuke in about 1156, contains a story (in section 82) about Genshin and this poem: it is said that he rejected secular poetry as "wild words and fanciful phrases" {kyögen k i g o ) , but one morning at Yokawa he heard some boaters rowing through the mist, singing these lines by Mansei. Genshin realized that such poetry could be an aid to the cultivation of advanced meditative states, and thereafter he read and studied poetry, including the verses in the L o t u s Sütra, and composed ten verses on the "ten delights of the Pure Land." (No such verses appear among his extant works. See Ozawa Masao et al., ed., F u k u r o söshi chüshaku 1, pp. 333-36.) In Höjöki, Chömei said he recalled this verse when he saw boats in the morning mists at Uji { N K B T 30:38). This is a verbatim quotation from the sixth chapter of the L o t u s Sütra {T9:47b). The images of summer insects and summer grasses burning are common in poetry, but usually as symbols of burning passion; see, for example, poem 544 in K o k i n wakashü { N K B T 8:211) and S h i k a wakashü poem 79 (Yamagishi, ed., Hachidaishü zenchü 2, p. 244; see also N K B T 80:69). Tamenori has recast this imagery in a Buddhist context to mean: 2

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"He who thinks he is safe in life is deluded, for he will soon perish (like the dew, the insects, and the grass) and must be prepared for retribution." "Rude Courier" ( a r a k i t s u k a i ) appears to have been devised for balance here with "Harassing Demon" ( g o k u s o t s u ) . The former refers to the couriers of Yama, ruler of the land of the dead (i.e., "the way of darkness," k u r a k i m i c h i ) . Gokusotsu is a translation of Sanskrit b a n d h a n a pälaka, torturers of those who are condemned to suffer in hell for their crimes (BD 2:1146b c). Gokusotsu are often described and depicted with heads of beasts and semihuman bodies, as in J i g o k u zöshi. (See Shinshü N i h o n emakimono zenshü 7:44). The words of the demon paraphrase a passage in Shöbönenjokyö (Τ 17:189c). If the year A . D . 984 is the starting point for Tamenori's calculation, this places the Buddha's demise in the year 958 B.C.E. The "Period of the Imitated Teaching" (zöhö) is the second of the "Three Periods" (see below). It was widely believed that this period was to end in the year A . D . 1052. This and the preceding sentence are quoted in notes following the biography of Emperor En'yü in R e k i d a i köki. (See Shintei zöhö shiseki shüran 2, p. 122a.) The figure of the thread and needle is borrowed from a passage quoted from Daiibarikyö in F Y C L ( T 53:455b). T h i s story from Senjü hyakuengyö (Τ 4:228a) is quoted in F Y C L (T 53:868b). Räjagfha (Öshajö) was one of the great Indian cities at the time of Säkyamuni. (Elsewhere, drawing on another source, Tamenori uses another transliteration, Raetsuki; see 3.4.) T h i s story is quoted from Gengukyö (Τ 4:378b) in F Y C L (T 53:443a), but Tamenori's version differs slightly. Gengukyö does not say that the woman, a wealthy merchant's wife, became an insect, but various other punishments for her pride are described. The F Y C L version does not mention the skull. Srävasti, another Indian city, is here transliterated Shaekoku. I n the Töji Kanchiin bon, "The Buddha's Country" is bukkoku, "The Buddha's Body" is busshin, and "The Buddha's Way" is read hotoke n i nam m i c h i . In the place of these terms, the Maeda-ke bon has buppö ("The Buddha's Law"), shöshin ("a saint's body," probably a mistranscription), and jöbutsudö. Bukkoku means a Buddha's Pure Land, a place where a Buddha or Buddhas dwell, or a nation that has embraced Buddhism ( K G D 17:429a). Busshin is probably used here in a nontechnical sense, meaning "a body that has the characteristics of a Buddha." The last phrase in the group, in both versions, literally means "the way to become a Buddha." A k a l p a (kö) is an extremely long period of time. In Zöichi agongyö it says that if a fortress measuring one y o j a n a (another infinite 5

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measure) in each direction were filled with mustard seeds and one seed was then removed every hundred years, all the seeds would be gone before one k a l p a had passed. Similarly, if a boulder one y o j a n a square is brushed with a white feather once every hundred years, the boulder will be worn away and will disappear before a k a l p a has passed (BGD 1:392b; BD2:1018-21c). "The merit . . . as a sworn monk or nun" is shukke no kudoku. This passage is loosely adapted from F Y C L ( T 53:447c 48a), which quotes a number of assessments of the vast merit of shukke from various sütras, including Shukke kudokukyö (Τ 16:814a). K u d o k u translates Sanskrit guna, merit accrued through good deeds, the accumulation of which produces favorable karmic rewards (BD l:689c 90a). The example of "cutting up your body" suggests the stories of King Sibi and the hermit K§änti, i.e., Sanböe tales 1.1 and 1.3. T h i s passage is loosely adapted from a quotation from Monjushirimongyö (Τ 14:505b c) in F Y C L (T 53:447b). "The forces of evil" ( m a g u n ) is literally "Mära's army." Mära is an extremely malevolent spirit, the personification of evil. His "army" symbolizes ignorance and other obstacles to enlightenment or anti-Buddhist forces of all kinds. In the F Y C L passage cited above it says that Mära is frightened by the act of shukke itself. The term "Nirvana" (nehan) does not occur in the cited passages, nor does the mountain image, although the metaphor of the boat does occur. The original passage consists of repeated variations in the pattern "he who lives a secular life (jüke) experiences [various negative aspects of worldly existence]; he who lives a life under vows (shukke) experiences [various ideal aspects of enlightened existence]." These stories appear in D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:161b) and are quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:448a 49a). (See also Etienne Lamotte, tr., L e t r a i t e de la g r a n d e v e r t u de sagesse 2, pp. 844-46.) The Brahman took vows in a drunken stupor and then, when sober, regretted having done so. The Buddha said he had admitted him to the order because, though drunk, he had expressed the wish to be admitted, though he had never expressed such a wish in many kalpas of previous existence. Utpalavarnä's name appears here in the translated form Rengeshiki; D a i c h i d o r o n , using the form U h a t s u r a k e , tells how the nun, who has become an a r h a t (a fully enlightened being with exceptional powers), exhorts other women, despite their protests, to follow her example by taking vows. The story is repeated in Sanböe 3.13. "The second daughter" is, of course, Sonshi Naishinnö. Her marriage is indicated by the expression "chosen to live in the Ninefold Palace," i.e., the imperial enclosure. The "Five Pollutions" are marks of a degenerate age, during which (1) life spans are shortened; (2) kalpas 12

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are shortened; (3) ignorance and evil desires proliferate; (4) heretical views prevail; and (5) human life is extremely corrupt (BD 2:1259b 61a). Srimälä (Shöman), the daughter of King Prasenajit (Hashinokuö), is the protagonist of the Shömangyö, i.e., Shöman s h i s h i k u ichijö daihöben hökökyö (Τ 353). As an example of a devoted laywoman of royal birth, she is an appropriate model for Sonshi. Candraprabhä (Usö) and King Udäyi (Udasen'ö) are the subjects of a story in Zappözökyö (Τ 4:495a 96b) summarized in F Y C L (T 53:449a). U d a g i is given as an alternate reading for Udasen in the Töji Kanchiin bon. T h e "jeweled blinds and brocade curtains" are poetic emblems of a royal lady's chamber which, in Sonshi's case, have now been replaced by emblems of a nun's way of life. These lines about long spring days and autumn nights allude to a poem by Po Chü i describing the life of an abandoned courtesan: 16

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The autumn nights are long, And through the long, sleepless night it seems that dawn will never come; The candle, still sputtering into flame, casts its shadow on the wall, And the rain, falling desolately in the darkness, spatters the windowpane. The spring days are endless, And through the long bright hours of solitude, it seems the day will never end. Though warblers chatter in the garden, frustration spoils their song for me. Though pairs of swallows nest in the eaves, this aging heart feels no more envy. The warblers fly, the swallows leave— But how long will my sorrows last?

See Uchida Sennosuke, ed., H a k u s h i monjü, pp. 87-91. The lines about autumn appear in the "autumn evening" section of Wakan röeishü ( N K B T 73:106), and there are many allusions to them in Heian literature; for example, in the "Maboroshi" chapter of G e n j i m o n o g a t a r i , Genji quotes these lines as he mourns Murasaki in the midst of a long autumn rainstorm ( N K B T 17:209; Edward G. Seidensticker, tr., The T a l e of G e n j i 2, p. 729).

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T h e phrases Öaraki no m o r i no kusa and A r i s o m i no hama no masago employ place-names and imagery associated in poetry with the idea of "that which is numberless (or uncountable)," and, by extension, the infinite or eternal. M o r i , in this phrase, is sometimes written with the character for a shrine or tomb (i.e., y a s h i r o ) ; that is how it appears in the Maeda-ke bon, while it is written in k a t a k a n a in the Töji Kanchiin bon (Shüsei, p. 5). A locus classicus for the phrase may be in Man'yöshü 11 (poem 2839, N K B T 6:253). A r i s o m i is probably an elided form of arisoumi—a place where rocks are dashed by churning waves—but it is also associated with certain place-names for beaches (see Takeshita Kazuma, ed., Bungaku iseki j i t e n , s h i k a hen, pp. 26-27). A n early occurrence is in Man'yöshü 12 (poem 3163, N K B T 6:319). H a m a no masago ("sands of the beach") is itself a recurring phrase, as in Man'yöshü 4 (poem 596, N K B T 5:275) and in K i no Tsurayuki's k a n a preface to the K o k i n wakashü ( N K B T 8:103). "Swamp grass" ( s a w a no makomo)—perhaps "water oat" or wild rice ( z i z a n i a l a t i f o l i a ) — i s a symbol of instability because its roots grow under water. T h e titles in Japanese are Iga no taome, Tosa no o t o d o , Imameki no chüjö, and N a g a i no jijü. None of these works survive. The first two titles do not appear elsewhere, but in one of Fujiwara Kenshö's commentaries, collected and edited by Teika in 1221 as Kenchü m i k k a n (or K o k i n hichüshö), it is said that Genshin mentioned the latter two in a work called K a n n y o öjögi, now lost. (For Kenchü m i k k a n , see M i k a n K o k u b u n Kochüshaku t a i k e i 4:426.) Nägärjuna (ca. A . D . 150-250) is here honored with the epithet Bosatsu, indicating the reverence in which he was held. The name of the king, Sendakaö, is in the form that appears in Gunavarman's translation of the verses (T 32:747a); Sätavähana is a reconstruction. He is said to have fostered Buddhism under Nägärjuna's guidance. (See Hirakawa Akira, I n d o bukkyöshi 2:34-37; Shizutani Masao and Suguro Shinjö, A j i a bukkyöshi, I n d o hen 3 (Daijö bukkyö), pp. 211-14. See the introduction for a discussion of this passage and its relation to the title and structure of Sanböe. T h e "Three Periods" (sanji) are the "Period of the True Teaching" (shöbö), the "Period of the Imitated Teaching" (zöhö) and the "Period of the Declining Teaching" (mappö); see the introduction for further explication. T h e phrase "good at the beginning, good in the middle, and good at the end" is borrowed from the Preface to the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:3c), where it means that the whole sütra is good, but here it is used in reference to the three parts of Sanböe. 21

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Literature (fumi no m i c h i in the Töji Kanchiin bon), literally "the Way of Literature," is contrasted with "the study of religion" ( n o r i no k a d o , literally "the gate to the Law"). "I managed to pass the examinations" is literally "I have broken off my branch of the k a t s u r a tree," a literary Chinese expression meaning "a modest beginning in public service." (On its origins, see Hosoda Michio, Chügoku koji t a t o e j i t e n , p. 74.) In poetic usage, the expression is a circumlocution for "obtaining a post in the civil service." According to Kanmuryöjukyö and other texts, there are nine levels of existence in Amida's paradise, in three major groups, each divided into three subgroups, representing gradations determined by the specific devotional activities performed in worldly life. Each reborn being is seated on a different type of lotus-pedestal (T 12:344c; BD l:707a 8a). Tamenori means, "I yearn for rebirth in the Pure Land." Confucianism is, of course, the "other teaching" that emphasizes the proper recognition of social obligations. There may be a reference here to a poem in W a k a n röeishü ( N K B T 73:244), originally from the H o u H a n shu, which refers to the stories of four men who, according to S h i h c h i , sacrificed themselves in situations demanding loyalty to their superiors or to principles. Tamenori's intent, in these parallel phrases, is to acknowledge both his social obligations to Sonshi and her family (based, as it were, on Confucian principles) and his hope of forging a spiritual bond that will unite and reward both patron and author. He also suggests that he is destined to perform this task for her. T h e phrase "forest of merit" ( k u d o k u no h a y a s h i ) occurs in a poem by Po Chü i quoted in W a k a n röeishü ( N K B T 73:200) and in the processional chant of the lay participants in the Kangakue (see Sanböe 3.14). The "tree of enlightenment" (bodai no k i ) perhaps suggests the tree under which Säkyamuni achieved that state, but it also extends the floral imagery. "The son of King Suddhodana" (Jöbon'ö) was Säkyamuni. Kaurnjinya (Kyöchinnyo) was a servant in Säkyamuni's household who followed him on his quest for enlightenment. He became discouraged and scornful when his master undertook extreme ascetic practices, and abandoned him. Eventually, however, he returned and was the first among the five original disciples to follow Säkyamuni in attaining enlightenment, and he became an a r h a t (KMJ 43a). 28

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The First Volume The Buddha

P R E F A C E T O T H E FIRST V O L U M E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

Our Great Teacher Säkyamuni was in this world as an unenlightened mortal for three incalculable aeons during which he devoted himself to the cause of saving all sentient beings, and throughout the great chiliocosm he never refused to sacrifice himself utterly for their sakes. Then he was born in the palace of a king and, while still in his youth, rejected the Five Cravings and left his father's house, and when he sat under the Tree of Enlightenment, he subdued the Four Forces of E v i l and became a Buddha. Internally, he mastered the Three Modes of Training, the Four Modes of Expression, the Five Modes of Vision, and the Six Supernatural Faculties, and externally he displayed the Thirtytwo Marks and the Eighty Signs. The crown of his head was like the vast canopy of heaven, and his face was as perfectly round as the full moon. The curls on his head resembled twisted cords of dark blue thread, and the downy hairs between his eyebrows were like strands of polished white jewels. His eyebrows were like two crescent moons, his teeth like a mass of white snow, his eyes like blue lotus blossoms, his lips like red berries. His skin was the color of burnished gold and shone brilliantly, without blemish. On the sole of each of his feet was the mark of a wheel with one thousand spokes, and when he walked he did not touch the ground. A l l of these marks were the result of his deeds in previous ages, the effect of his practice of the various perfections. Even the heavenly eye of Brahma could not see the top of his head; even the supernatural hearing of Maudgalyäyana could not detect all the nuances of his voice. In a sütra it is said, "If all those who slander the Mahäyäna 1

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sütras, or steal the property of monks, or commit any of the Five Transgressions, or violate any of the Four Great Prohibitions will contemplate one of these marks or signs of the Buddha for one day and one night with great concentration, all their sins will be erased, and eventually they shall not fail to see the Buddha." Also, the Six Supernatural Faculties endowed him with a wondrous capacity for subduing other creatures. He turned fire into a lake and so was able to pass Srigupta's house without accident, and he walked on the water just as if it were solid ground, avoiding the hazard of Käsyapa's boat. Also, he had a very compassionate heart and saved all living things from their sufferings. A heretic put insects that he himself had killed in the Tathägata's footsteps, but they immediately came back to life. When the dove that Säriputra had rescued came under the protection of the Bhagavat, it was freed from all its fears. He is the one relied upon by all the beings of all the three worlds, the one revered by all the four kinds of creatures. Though he takes various forms, you may not be able to see him; though he speaks, you may not be able to hear him. But when there is an affinity, he will show you his form, as does the moon in the sky when its reflection floats upon the water. In response to your prayers he will let you hear his voice, like thunder in the heavens that echoes your thoughts. His body fills the whole vault of heaven, but for expedience he appears to be sixteen feet tall. His life span is endless and incalculable, but he made it seem as if it came to an end when he reached the age of eighty. If you smashed the earth and counted every one of its particles, you still would have no concept of the age of the Buddha. If you scooped up all the waters of the great seas until they were dry, you still could not measure the depth of his wisdom. From the time he entered Nirvana to this day, many wondrous things have taken place. He left his shadow inside a cave guarded constantly by a poisonous dragon. He left his footprint upon a stone, and though an evil king tried to rub it out, he could not do so. Thus, you must know that though the Buddha chose to hide himself from the sight of mankind for a brief time, he did not disappear for eternity. The Buddha lives always in our hearts. You must never think that he is far away. Moreover, you should pay homage to his images, made ever since he rose into Träyastriipsa heaven, and you should worship his relics, left behind ever since he made his way toward the grove of Säla trees. Even when your thoughts are in disarray, offer up a single flower; even when you are only pretending to pray, clasp your ten fingers together. Even if your sincerity lasts for but a moment, even if you intone his name but once, he will certainly fulfill your desire for 6

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the extinction of your sins, just as he would have done when he himself was in this world. In all the heavens and all the realms of earth below, there is nothing like the Buddha; nor in all the worlds in the Ten Directions is there anyone comparable to h i m . The palms of my hands are joined in reverence; now I will illustrate the wonders of the Buddha. 16

Notes

An unenlightened mortal" ( b o n b u ) here describes the condition of the Buddha in his existences prior to birth as Säkyamuni, which are said to have occurred in "three incalculable aeons" ( s a n daiasögi). He passed through forty progressive stages in the first aeon, seven in the second, and three in the third (BGD 1:454c). This process is recounted in detail in the fourth fascicle of D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:84ff). "The great chiliocosm" is sanzen daisensekai. The world in which humans live was thought to have a great mountain at the center, surrounded by four continents, in turn encircled by seven mountain ranges and eight oceans. This is called "one small world" (isshö s e k a i ) , and it includes the several heavens and the sun and moon. Such worlds exist in infinite multiples (literally, "three thousand 'great thousand'"—a number produced by several multiplications of a thousand) in the universe or "great chiliocosm" (see William McGovern, A M a n u a l of B u d d h i s t P h i l o s o p h y 1 (Cosmology), pp. 48ff). "The Five Cravings" (go y o k u ) are the desire to see forms, hear sounds, smell smells, taste tastes, and to touch and be touched, all produced by the five corresponding sensory organs. Freedom from these desires is a fundamental aspect of enlightenment (BD 2:1385c 86b). "The Tree of Enlightenment" here is döju; the tree under which Säkyamuni attained enlightenment is usually called b o d a i j u . "The Four Forces of Evil," shi m a , are literally "four demons," personifications of four fundamental causes of suffering in the unenlightened person: (1) desire for the fulfillment of bodily cravings, (2) the various sufferings that arise from the function of the "five aggregates" (the five skandhas, which make up the person: matter, sensation, volition, actions, and consciousness), (3) death, and (4) attachment to the belief in the existence of the sixth desire heaven, which destroys the will to do good in this world (BD 3:1997a c). This sentence is balanced by the phrases u c h i n i sonae ("attained within") and soto n i a k i r a k a n a r i ("are evident on the outside"); the attainments listed with these two phrases are the internal and external 2

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aspects of Buddhahood. "The Three Modes of Training" ( s a n g a k u ) are discipline, concentration, and wisdom ( k a i , jö, e ) , i.e., the three general areas into which the activities of one striving for Buddhahood are classified (and three of the "six perfections") (BD 2:1472c 73c). The "Four Modes of Expression" (shi ben) attained by Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are: (1) unlimited powers of expression in expounding doctrine and (2) in explaining the inner meaning of the doctrine, (3) absolute command of all manner of language, and (4) personal rejoicing in the doctrine, which produces an unlimited capacity to share it with others (BD 3:2020a c). The "Five Modes of Vision" (go g e n ) , cultivated at various stages in the progress toward Buddhahood, are: (1) conventional vision with the human eye; (2) the vision of celestials, which allows one to see the future rebirths of any given sentient being and to see events occurring at great distances; (3) the vision of the s r a v a k a and p r a t y e k a b u d d h a , i.e., the capacity to see that all things are nonsubstantial; (4) the vision of the Bodhisattva, which illuminates all manner of doctrines for the sake of all sentient beings; and (5) the vision of a Buddha, constituted by the possession of the four other modes simultaneously (BD 2:1170a-c). The "Six Supernatural Faculties" ( r o k u tsü) are special powers possessed by enlightened beings, such as a r h a t s . One list includes: (1) clairvoyance, (2) the ability to hear all sounds in the world, (3) the ability to know what another person is thinking, (4) the ability to know one's past lives as well as those of others, (5) the ability to manifest one's body whenever, wherever, and in whatever form one chooses, and (6) the ability to extinguish one's illusions and end the cycle of rebirth (BD 5:5060a 61b). The use of many of these modes and faculties by various kinds of beings is illustrated in the tales that follow. Various sütras have lists of the "thirty-two marks and eighty signs" (sanjünisö, hachijisshugö) that distinguish a Buddha; Tamenori proceeds to describe some of the most remarkable and well-known marks and signs, perhaps abbreviating and adapting lists in F Y C L ( T 53:347c-48c, 381b, etc.). 4

The idea that the marks and signs are the results of the Buddha's experiences in former lives is stated in almost the same words in F Y C L ( T 53:458b), which quotes Bussetsu taishisetsugokyö. The "perfections" ( h a r a m i t s u ) are the virtues specifically illustrated in tales 1.1-1.6; the other tales in this volume illustrate these same virtues in various combinations. This sentence closely paraphrases F Y C L ( T 53:469b), which in turn quotes M o - h o c h i h - k u a n ( T 46:66b). Many Buddhist stories tell of Indra's and Brahma's "heavenly eye" ( t e n g e n ) , i.e., the organ through which they exercise the first of the "six supernatural faculties" (clairvoyance); Maudgalyäyana ( M o k u r e n ) , one of Säkyamuni's disciples, is 5

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the quintessential possessor of the second (universal hearing). (See n. 3 above.) The sütra quoted has not been identified. The "Five Transgressions" (gogyaku no t s u m i ) are (1) patricide, (2) matricide, (3) killing an a r h a t , (4) causing a schism in the community of monks, and (5) inflicting bodily injury on the Buddha (BGD 1:357a). The "Four Great Prohibitions" (shijü no toga) are the four worst possible violations of the rules of behavior for monks: (1) sexual intercourse, (2) theft, (3) murder, and (4) pretending to be enlightened. These prohibitions are also called s h i h a r a i or shijüzai (BGD 1:522c; BD 2:1976b 77c). The first part of this sentence is a paraphrase of a story in F Y C L ( T 53:615c) quoted from Jüjuritsu (Τ 23:464b 65a), but F Y C L has S h i r i g u t a instead of Shömitsu for "Srigupta." After hearing Säkyamuni preach, Srigupta, a wealthy merchant and heretic, tried to test the Buddha in such a way as to discredit him. He invited the Buddha to his house but set a pit full of flames in his path and put poison in the food and drink to be served. Säkyamuni transformed the burning pit into a pond full of lotuses, and neither he nor his disciples were affected by the poison. Duly impressed, Srigupta became a disciple. The phrase referring to "Käsyapa's boat" has not been explained or traced. F Y C L ( T 53:549b) quotes Funbetsu k u d o k u r o n ( T 25:35c) for this tale. An evil monk put the dead insects in the Buddha's tracks and accused him of stepping on them (in violation of the vow against the taking of life), but as a result of contact with his feet they were miraculously revived. F Y C L ( T 53:812c) quotes D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:138c 39a). Säriputra ( S h i n s h i ) is one of the disciples who figures frequently as interlocutor in various sütras. According to this story, he and the Buddha were strolling in the Jetavana garden when they saw a dove being chased by a hawk. (Note the similarity to tale 1.1.) When the Buddha's shadow covered the dove, it became calm; after he passed, it trembled again with fear. The Buddha explained that Säriputra's own shadow had no such effect because he was not yet completely free of illusions (see also Lamotte, 2, pp. 647-49). Tathägata ( N y o r a i , "the one who has come thus [to enlightenment]") and B h a g a v a t (Seson, "the one who is honored by the world") are standard epithets for the Buddha, used here to create balanced phrases with a slight variation in nomenclature—a typical pattern. T h e "three worlds" (sangai)—the desire world, the world of matter, and the world of nonmatter—are all inhabited by various mortal beings. A l l living things are classified as the "four kinds of creatures": (1) those born from wombs (humans and other mammals), (2) those hatched from eggs (birds and reptiles), (3) those born from larvae, and 6

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(4) those born in supernatural circumstances (i.e., celestial beings and denizens of hell) (BD 2:1842b c). T h e idea is that the Buddha's physical existence was an expedient means for enlightening sentient beings, while his essential existence is universal and eternal. Kanmuryöjukyö (Τ 12:244c) explains that Amida took human form—sometimes large enough to fill the heavens, at other times at the height of sixteen feet—but only for the sake of expedience. In the second chapter of the L o t u s Sütra, Säkyamuni reveals that he appeared as a mortal in this world for eighty years for expedience, but that in fact his Buddhahood is without beginning or end. A verse in the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:43c) may be the source, but the figures are probably Tamenori's device. The "scooping out" of the sea suggests the story of Prince Mahätyägavat (1.4). T h e dragon-king Gopäla, who keeps the Buddha's shadow inside his cave, is mentioned, for example, in T a - t ' a n g hsi-yü-chi (Τ 51:879a; see also Thomas Watters, On Y u a n Chwang's T r a v e l s i n I n d i a 1:184). 14 The king's name was Sasänka; his attempt to erase the footprint is also mentioned in T a - t ' a n g hsi-yü-chi (Τ 51:911c; see also Watters, 2, pp. 92-93). Träyastriipsa heaven (Tönten) is the second of the desire heavens; a translated form of the name, Sanjüsanten, also occurs. A total of thirty-three deities—Indra and the deities of eight heavens in each of the four directions—were said to dwell there (BGD 1:472a; 2:448c). Zöichi agongyö says that when Säkyamuni left this world and rose into Träyastriipsa heaven, King Udayana of Kausämbi was so filled with yearning for him that he set up an image in the likeness of the departed sage (T 2:706a). This is said to have been the first man-made image of the Buddha (BD 1:223c). "The grove of Säla trees" ( S h a r a r i n ) was the site of Säkyamuni's death. The grove is also known as the "White Crane Grove" and by several other names. T h i s sentence is a verbatim quotation from M o - h o c h i h - k u a n ( T 46:6b). 11

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1.1 T H E P E R F E C T I O N OF C H A R I T Y : K I N G SIBI (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

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The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Charity. He reflected: "If I do not teach myself to be willing to give what I have, I will forever be reborn to miserable poverty. I want to cultivate the power to save others and thus attain Buddahood, so I will give anything I have to anyone who asks for it. Giving away my domains, my palaces, my wife and children is even easier than throwing away so much wood and grass. Giving away my head, eyes, hands, and feet is even easier than throwing away so many stones and clods of earth. Why, then, should I lament the loss of any other treasures?" Long ago there lived a king named Sibi. He had a deeply compassionate heart and treated all other beings as if they were his own children. Indra decided to test Sibi's compassion and gave orders to his lieutenant, Visvakarman : "Change yourself into a dove, and then hide yourself in the folds of the king's robes. I will change myself into a hawk and chase you. This will be the king's test." They transformed themselves, and the dove went and hid inside the king's robe; the hawk came after it and then landed in a nearby tree. "Give me back that dove," it begged. The king replied, "I have made a vow to save all sentient beings, so I cannot give it back to you." "Am I not a living thing as well?" protested the hawk. "Is it not cruel to deprive me of my daily sustenance?" The king wanted to save the dove's life, but he also wanted to keep the hawk from starving, so he took up his sword and cut off some flesh from his own thigh. The hawk said, "I'll take as much as the dove weighs." Each time the king measured the weight of the dove on a scale, it grew still heavier, while his own flesh grew lighter. When he added the flesh of his other thigh, it all weighed even less. He added the flesh from his arms and back and finally all the flesh on his body, but it all weighed too little. The hawk said, "You have used up all your flesh, but the dove still weighs more. What have you got left to add? Hurry up and give me back that dove!" Despite his insistence, the king replied, "I simply will not give it to you," and when he tried to put what was left of his body on the scale, its sinews fell apart. He had lost all strength and collapsed in a heap. But he pressed himself further, saying to himself, "This suffering is nothing 2

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compared to the immeasurable sufferings in hell. Even if I were enlightened at this very moment but faltered in this trial, all those who are in hell would never be enlightened, and what could I do about their suffering then? It was my own idea to make this vow to save all sentient beings. I cannot let such a trifling thing as this cause me pain; I must not weaken or collapse. Someone must come and help me get up!" Once more he managed to raise himself. He took hold of the ropes of the scale, and with great effort he managed to get up on it. His mind was clear and he felt no rancor. At that moment the earth moved in six ways and flowers fell like rain from the sky; waves rose high on the sea and blossoms burst forth on withered trees. A Celestial appeared and praised the king, saying, "For the sake of a tiny bird you did not shrink from the sacrifice of your own body. You are indeed a Bodhisattva, and you will surely become a Buddha very soon." Then the hawk told the dove, "Our error has caused injury to the body of this Bodhisattva. Let us use our heavenly powers to heal him quickly." The hawk became Indra again and said to the king, "Do you regret this experience that has caused you so much pain and suffering?" "No, I feel only the greatest happiness," replied the king. "I have no regret at all." Then Indra said, "Without proof of what has happened, who will ever believe that it is true?", whereupon the king made a vow, saying, "I was prepared to sacrifice my life in search of the Way of the Buddha. If you do not want to make a lie of what is in my heart, or let what has happened here be in vain, then I ask you, please, restore my body at once to its former state." And so Indra poured heavenly medicine on him, and suddenly his flesh reappeared, all his wounds were healed, and he was just as he had been before. Everyone who witnessed this rejoiced and revered him. After this, Sibi's generosity was even greater than before. He cared nothing for his own life: that is why it is said that he exemplified the Perfection of Charity. King Sibi of old is the Tathägatha Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in Rokudojikkyö and C h i d o r o n . There is an illustration. 5

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"The Perfection of Charity" ( d a n h a r a m i t s u , from Sanskrit dänapäramitä) is the cultivation of unlimited generosity. The transliteration

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d a n n a h a r a m i t s u also occurs, but the transliteration seen here is the same as that used in D a i c h i d o r o n . The Sibi jätaka (which follows) and the Sudäna jätaka (1.12) are both emblematic of this "perfection." This passage follows lines at the opening of the twelfth chapter of the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:34b), but it also foreshadows the stories of Sudäna (1.12) and K§änti (1.3). A similar allusion to the sacrifices of Sudäna, Mahäsattva (1.11), and Sibi in F Y C L ( T 53:877c) may also be Tamenori's model here, but the parallel phrases "so much wood and grass" and "so many stones and clods of earth" appear to be his own devices (Shüsei, pp. 443-44). The story of Sibi (Shibiö) in D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:87c 88c) is the primary basis for Tamenori's version (see also Lamotte, 1, pp. 256-60). A few details not found in D a i c h i d o r o n are taken from the Rokudojikkyö version ( T 3:lb c), where the king's name is Sarvadatta ( S a p a d a ) . The story does not appear in full anywhere in F Y C L , though it is alluded to frequently (e.g., Τ 53:498b). Other versions may be found in the Mahäbhärata, Jätakamäla, etc. (see KMJ:62a; Hikata, Honjökyörui, 1, p. 61 c, 2, p. 18b; BD 2:1980a 82a; J.A.B, van Buitenen, ed. and tr., The Mahäbhärata 2, pp. 470-73; J.S. Speyer, tr., The Gätakamälä, pp. 1819). Indra (or Sakra; T a i s h a k u ) frequently appears in jätaka to test and bear witness to future Buddhas. Visvakarman ( B i s h u k a t s u m a ) , who lives in Träyastriipsa with Indra, frequently appears as his assistant (BD 5:4308b 9a). The movements of the earth, along with the other phenomena described, are signs that reveal the presence, realization, birth, or death of a Buddha. (They recur, in the same context, in 1.8 and 1.11.) The six types of movement are (1) side to side, (2) up and down, (3) a "boiling up" out of the earch, (4) sudden crashing noises, (5) groaning sounds, and (6) wailing sounds (BGD 2:1453d). I n jätaka, Celestials ( t e n n i n ) appear to rejoice in or acknowledge a Buddha's accomplishments, often bringing celestial instruments, flowers, or perfumes with them. D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:88c) has a tennyo, a female Celestial, appearing here. The message delivered is a prophecy of future Buddhahood, the giving of which is also a recurring feature in jätaka. This sentence is taken from Rokudojikkyö (Τ 3:lb c); D a i c h i d o r o n has "As soon as he had spoken, his body was restored to its former state." This suggests that Tamenori consulted both texts in the preparation of his own version, as he indicates below (Shüsei, p. 450; Izumoji, "Sanböe no hensan ishiki," p. 242). This identification is made explicit at the beginning of the D a i c h i d o r o n version. See n. 3 and n. 7. 2

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1.2 T H E P E R F E C T I O N OF DISCIPLINE: K I N G S R U T A S O M A 1

(Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Tödaiji-gire )

The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Discipline. He reflected: "If I do not uphold the precepts, I will repeatedly fall into the Evil Realms; if I cannot obtain a good rebirth, how then can I practice the Venerable Way?" So he placed little value on his own life and great value on the observance of the precepts, treasuring them like the pearl in his topknot, relying upon them as upon a boat that floats over the sea. Long ago there lived a king named Srutasoma. He upheld the precept that forbids the telling of lies. One day this king was on his way to a park, accompanied by many women. When his carriage was about to pass through the palace gate, a Brahman appeared and said to the king, "I am poor, I am suffering. I beg you, give me something." The king said, "I will give you something when I return," and went on his way. But while the king was taking his pleasure in the park, Kalmä§apada swooped down from the sky and took him away. It was just like a hawk capturing a bird. He flew into the mountains, and King Srutasoma was set down among ninety-nine other kings already captured by Kalmä§apada, who was going to behead them all. King Srutasoma's tears fell like rain. Kalmä§apada said, "Why are you crying like a baby?" "I am not sorry to lose my life," replied the king, "but I am sorrowful because I have just become a liar. From my birth to this day I have never told a lie. But today, when I left the palace, a beggar came up to me, and I told him I would give him something when I returned. I had no idea that I would lose my life in this unexpected manner and so commit the crime of telling a lie. It is in grief over this that I am crying." Kalmä§apada said, "If you are sincere about this, I will let you have seven days' respite." The king rejoiced and went home. He summoned the Brahman and gave him treasure. He abdicated in favor of the crown prince and turned the kingdom over to him. He gathered the people together and gave them treasure, too, and then he prepared to leave the kingdom. A l l the nobles strove as one, and all the people of the kingdom wept as one. With one voice they pleaded: "Please, remain in this kingdom and continue to rule it as generously as before. We will build a house with a roof of iron, and you will live there under the protection of your most excellent warriors. Then, even if Kalmä§apada comes out of the sky, you need fear nothing." 2

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The king said to them, "I cannot do so. Rather than violate the precepts and make my life meaningless, I will stand by my vow and willingly part with my life. The Vow of Truth is the first of the precepts. Truth is a bridge by which we mount to Heaven; lies lead to Hell. So, even if I must give up my life to protect the Truth, I shall have no regrets." And so saying, he left them and went back. Kalmä$apada had seen this from afar, and he rejoiced and praised him, saying, "Indeed, you do not tell lies. There is nothing men value more than their own lives. I have already released you once, and you went away. Now you have come back. You have not broken your promise; you are indeed a superior man." The king said, "To do what is true: this makes me human. To do what is false: this makes me not human." In this manner he praised all of the Ten Good Ways. Kalmä§apada listened to him and said, "I have heard your words, and already my heart is transformed; I am enlightened, and my spirit is purified. I will let you live, and I will release the ninety-nine kings to you as well. Let them all return to their own countries." Then all the kings rejoiced, and they returned to their countries and lived out the rest of their lives ruling their realms. He lived his whole life to the point of death without telling a lie; that is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Discipline. King Srutasoma of old is the Tathägatha Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in D a i c h i d o r o n . There is an illustration. 8

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One fragment has been identified. See Shüsei, p. 17. "The Perfection of Discipline" is j i k a i h a r a m i t s u (Sanskrit s l l a päramita), usually illustrated, as here, as devotion to a particular precept (as the translation j i k a i suggests). Tamenori uses the expression "The Venerable Way" (tötoki m i c h i ) to balance akudö, a technical term for the three lowest and least desirable levels of the six realms of life into which beings who have not escaped from the cycle of rebirth are likely to be reincarnated, i.e., as (1) creatures in hell, (2) hungry ghosts, and (3) animals; the three slightly better realms are (4) quasi-celestial beings, (5) humans, and (6) celestial beings (BGD 2:1457d 58a). In contrast, "The Venerable Way" refers to a mode of life exemplified by Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. 2

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The pearl in the topknot is a mark of a king. In the L o t u s Sütra, a king's circumspection in parting with this jewel, his most precious sign of office, is compared to the circumspection of the Tathägata, who gives his most precious teaching (i.e., the L o t u s ) only when the time and circumstances are right ( T 9:38c). A passage in F Y C L ( T 53:889c), which contains the similes of the jewel and the boat, may be Tamenori's source; the context there is also "upholding the precepts" (Shüsei, p. 445). But these are generally recurring figures; the boat figure was also used, for instance, in the "General Preface." For Srutasoma, Tamenori has Shudama, while D a i c h i d o r o n , the primary source, has the full transliteration Shudashuma ( T 25:88c 89b; see also Lamotte, 1, pp. 260-63). In other versions of this story the king's name is translated Fumyö ("Far-reaching Brilliance") (e.g., in Rokudojikkyö, Τ 3:22b, which has some other major differences with the D a i c h i d o r o n version). Jätaka 537 in Ρ J is the prototype of the many versions of this story, incorporated into various works, including Gengukyö (see K M J 673a; Hikata, Honjökyörui, 2, p. 36; BD 3:2485b86b). Kalmäsapada (Rokusokuö) means literally the "deer-footed" or "cloven-footed" king. A winged, quasi-celestial being, he swoops out of the sky to plague those on earth (KMJ 271a-b). The D a i c h i d o r o n description of the attack ("It was like a goldenwinged bird plucking a dragon out of the sea") has been replaced with a figure that recalls the preceding story of the hawk and the dove. The latter half of the king's statement follows a verse in the D a i c h i d o r o n version, with a few alterations: 5

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The truth is foremost of all vows; The truth is a stairway to heaven. The truth makes great men; lies lead to hell. Now I shall protect the truth, And shall freely sacrifice my life, But there shall be no regret in my heart. 9

This statement is also adapted from D a i c h i d o r o n , which says "he praised the truth and condemned falsehood in various ways." Tamenori substitutes "he praised all of the Ten Good Ways" (jüzen no m i c h i ) . These are fundamental aspects of behavior dictated by Buddhist precepts: (1) abstention from killing, (2) abstention from stealing, (3) abstention from sexual intercourse, (4) abstention from lying, (5) abstention from the devious act of giving two people different versions of the same story, (6) abstention from rough speech, (7) abstention from frivolous speech, (8) abstention from covetousness, (9) abstention from

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anger, and (10) abstention from the holding of wrong views (BD 3:2282b 83c). There is no such explicit identification in D a i c h i d o r o n , but all the tales in the group from which this tale is drawn are understood as stories of Säkyamuni's former lives. Other versions also identify Kalmä§apada as a previous incarnation of Angulimäla, an evil king of Säkyamuni's time. 10

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1.3 T H E P E R F E C T I O N OF F O R B E A R A N C E : T H E A S C E T I C K§ÄNTI 1

(Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Tödaiji-gire )

The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Forbearance. He reflected: "If I do not cultivate forbearance, my experiences will make me angry and resentful, and I shall not attain a beautiful and gentle form. So I shall endure that which is hard to endure, and though I am chastised with words of scorn, I shall think of them as tiny murmurs in a valley; though I am beaten and slashed with poles and swords, I shall remember that this body is a mere bubble upon water." There once was an ascetic named K§änti. He lived in the forest on the outskirts of a great city. At that time there was a king in that country named King K a l i . He went out to take his pleasure in the forest, accompanied by many women. When the king dozed off, a number of the women went into the forest to look for flowers. In the distance they spotted the ascetic and gathered before him. The ascetic expounded the Law, explaining why this world is to be despised and rejected. When the king awoke, he looked around for the women but could not see them. "Who has made off with them?" he roared, pulling out his great sword and setting off to find them. Then he saw them in the distance, gathered around the ascetic, and he went up to them and furiously inquired, "Who are y o u ? " "I am an ascetic." "And what do you do?" asked the king. "I practice the Way of Forbearance." The king thought, "That must mean that he can maintain his forbearance even when he sees this furious countenance of mine!" and then he asked, "Have you already attained the World of Matter and the World of Nonmatter?" The ascetic replied, "No, I have not attained them." The king grew angrier still and said, maliciously, "You are still not free from worldly desires, so how can you trust yourself when you look at my women?" But the ascetic merely answered, "I only practice the Way of Forbearance." "Is that so?" cried the king. "Stick out your arm!" The ascetic stuck out his arm, and the king cut it off with his huge sword. "Who are you?" asked the king. 2

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"I am one who can endure this easily," answered the ascetic. The king then made him stick out his other arm and cut it off, too. "Can you endure that so easily?" he asked. "I can," answered the ascetic. Then his two legs, his two ears, and his nose were cut off, and each time he was asked the same thing and responded in the same way as before. It was not until the king noticed that the greater part of the ascetic's body lay scattered on the ground that his rage subsided. But the ascetic asked, "Why do you not cut me up some more? Though you chop me and mash me like a mustard seed, though I become like so much dust, I shall not be angry or resentful for a single moment." Then he made this vow: "Today, oh king, the anger in your heart made you cut my body into seven parts, and I have sustained seven wounds. If I become a Buddha in the future, I pray that I may convert you through the power of my compassionate heart, show you how to cultivate the Seven Enlightened States, and free you from the Seven Illusions." His body was cut to pieces, but he felt no resentment; that is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Forbearance. The ascetic K§änti is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in D a i r o n ? There is an illustration. 7

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One fragment, of seven lines, has been identified. See Shüsei, p. 19. 2

"The Perfection of Forbearance" ( n i n n i k u h a r a m i t s u ) is the cultivation of the capacity to withstand hardships, suffering, or torture without becoming angry or vengeful, particularly for the sake of a moral principle or, more generally, the cultivation of patience and determined application. N i n n i k u is a translation of Sanskrit ksänti. It has been shown (Shüsei, pp. 445-46) that the Buddha's "reflections" combine elements from D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:164b), F Y C L ( T 53:893c), and the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:50c 51a). The first two passages appear in general discussions of the practice of forbearance, but the latter, from the twentieth chapter of the L o t u s , concerns the Bodhisattva Sadäparibhüta (Jöfugyö bosatsu), who was abused as a fool by members of the Buddhist community, to all of whom he responded with the words, "You shall become a Buddha." "When he spoke these words, some in the multitude beat him with sticks and staves, with tiles and stones" (Leon Hurvitz, tr., S c r i p t u r e of the L o t u s Blossom of the F i n e D h a r m a , pp. 3


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280-81). This paragon of forbearance is held up as an example to those who may suffer for their adherence to the L o t u s . The figure "murmurs in a valley" does not occur in the abovementioned texts; it may be Tamenori's own insertion. N i n n i k u sennin combines the translation of K§änti with the word for a person who dwells alone in the mountains or some other isolated place, cultivating wisdom and striving for spiritual progress through austere practices and communion with nature. In D a i c h i d o r o n , sennin is used as a translation for r s i . The Sanskrit name for this character in several other versions of the same story in various sütras (including Rokudojikkyö, Τ 3:25a-c) is K§äntipäla. In another version ( P i n d o l a bhäradväja-jätaka, which Akanuma says is the prototype) he is an elder whose adversary, King Udena, vents his wrath by dumping a basket of red ants on the old man's head. In T a - t ' a n g hsi-yü-chi, Hsüan-tsang describes a stüpa located at the site of the ascetic's dismemberment (T 51:882b). Although Tamenori quotes similar passages from T a - t ' a n g hsi-yü-chi in subsequent tales (1.11 and 1.12), he does not do so here. It has been shown that Tamenori's version of this tale follows that in F Y C L more closely than it does that in D a i c h i d o r o n (Mori, "Sanböe no seiritsu to Höon j u r i n , " pp. 22-24). The F Y C L version ( T 53:896a) is a quotation from Shinbasharon (i.e., A b i d a t s u m a d a i b i b a s h a r o n , Τ 27:914c-15b). In general, Tamenori rearranges and simplifies the F Y C L version into a recension uniquely his own. 5 See K M J 262b-63b for other forms of the name of the evil King Kali (Kariö). "The World of Matter and the World of Nonmatter" is s h i k i k a i m u s h i k i k a i . F Y C L has hisöhihisöjojö, a type of meditation in which there is neither perception nor nonperception. S h i k i k a i m u s h i k i k a i usually refers to two worlds in which normal mortals are likely to be reborn. Though beings in the "World of Matter" retain their bodily existence, they are free of fleshly desire, so all things in that world are pure, and there are no sexual distinctions (BGD 1:575a). In the "World of Nonmatter," beings have no bodily existence or distinctive physical qualities, such as purity, whatsoever; they retain only their spiritual essence and dwell in a permanent state of deep meditation. The most advanced level of this meditative state is hisöhihisöjojö (BGD 2:1326c-d). The substitution does not lessen the likelihood that such terminology would probably have been rather abstruse for Sonshi. The next few lines, however, reveal the intent: the king means to ask the ascetic whether or not he is free from worldly cravings, because he suspects that the ascetic has designs on his concubines. "The Seven Enlightened States" ( s h i c h i s h u no m i c h i ) refers to seven components of the enlightened condition: (1) discretion in 4

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selecting the proper doctrines, (2) right effort, (3) joy in practicing the proper doctrines, (4) cheerfulness and physical relaxation, (5) rejection of attachment to objects, (6) concentration (meditation), and (7) tranquility (BGD 1:587b). Most texts list six fundamental illusions ( z u i m e n or z u i m i n ) : (1) craving, (2) anger, (3) pride, (4) ignorance, (5) possession of false views, and (6) doubt. Occasionally, two types of desire are distinguished, yielding "seven illusions" (BD 2:1379a; 3:2877c). F Y C L includes this identifying statement and also identifies King K a l i with the Buddha's disciple Kaun<Jinya, who was eventually enlightened, as promised in the present tale. B o t h the Maeda-ke and Töji Kanchiin copies have this shortened form for D a i c h i d o r o n . 8

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1.4 T H E P E R F E C T I O N OF E F F O R T : P R I N C E MAHÄTYÄGAVAT 1


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The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Effort. He reflected: "If I do not strive with great effort but allow myself to live in ease and comfort, I shall not free myself from the cycle of life and death, and it will be impossible to turn to the way toward enlightenment." He resolved to accomplish many things but never abandoned any of them. If you light a fire but stop blowing on it, there will be no fire; if you go swimming but do not keep your arms moving, you cannot move through the water. It is just the same in this striving; if you allow yourself a respite, it becomes impossible to attain the goal. Long ago there was a prince, the son of the king of Väränasi, and his name was Prince Mahätyägavat. Once, on an excursion outside the palace, he saw a farmer at work in a field. He was digging a hole in the ground with a spade, and crows had gathered to catch the insects. He also saw people spinning thread, weaving cloth, slaughtering cattle, shearing sheep, trapping birds, and catching fish. When he asked his attendants about what he had seen, they said, "They are doing this to make clothing and food." The prince felt sorry for them, and when he returned to the palace, he asked the king to open up his storehouses, and he took out many jewels and distributed them to the poor. The king's ministers expressed their outrage. But the prince said, "I have heard that there is a Magic Pearl in the ocean, and I would like to go and try to find it." The king was shocked. "This kingdom is your kingdom, and all its treasures are yours as well. What can be lacking that makes you want to search for this pearl in the ocean? There are poisonous dragons, giant fish, wild winds, high waves; out of ten million men who go there only one or two return. I cannot allow you to go!" The prince prostrated himself before the king. "If you will not let me go," he said, "I will not rise from this spot, and I will die here." Though both the king and queen tried to reason and plead with him, he refused to eat or to rise from the spot for the next seven days. The queen wept, and said, "It is impossible to change his mind. Rather than watch him die before our eyes like this, would it not be better to let him go and hope that by some chance he may come back again?" The king agreed, and, with tears in his eyes, he gave the prince permission to go. There was a certain old man in that country who was very well versed in the ways of the sea. He was eighty years old and blind in both eyes. The king himself went to him and said, "Go with the prince." The 3

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old man wept and said, "It is impossible for those who go into the sea to return, but I cannot refuse your command. I shall accompany him even to my death." The prince prepared a ship and set sail. Five hundred merchants had asked to accompany him. He bound their ships together with seven chains of iron. Every morning the prince beat a drum and called out, "If there is any one among you who wishes to go no further, turn back now!" and each day he unfastened one of the chains. The wind filled the sails, and they arrived at a mountain of treasure. The prince left his ship and told the merchants, "Take this treasure and go home in this ship," but he kept back one ship and some of the people. Then he and the old man walked off. When they had walked for seven days, they were in water up to their knees. After another seven days the water was up to their necks. For another seven days they floated and finally came to a beach. The old man said, "We have reached the Beach of Silver Sand. Look, there in the distance, in the southeast; you can see the Silver Mountain." "Let's go there!" said the prince. Once they had reached it, they saw the Beach of Golden Sand lying still further ahead. But the old man was exhausted, and he collapsed, saying, "I will die here. If you go on for seven days from here, you will come to the place where the Blue Lotus grows. If you go on for yet another seven days, you will find the Red Lotus. If you continue on from there, you will reach the Palace of the Dragon King." Having given these directions, the old man died. The prince wept for him and then went on alone as he had been directed. When he found the Lotuses, there were poisonous blue snakes entwined around the stems. They glared at him, but they did not attack. When he reached the king's palace, there were poisonous dragons guarding the moat and beautiful women guarding the gate. When they made the prince tell how and why he had come, the Dragon King was amazed and incredulous. But he realized that no mere mortal could possibly have come this far, and so he came forth to receive him and bade him sit down on a jeweled couch. "What can you be searching for that has brought you so far?" he asked, and the prince replied, "The people of Jambudvipa are poor, and consequently their sufferings are many. I have come here to ask you to give me the jewel that is in your left ear." The Dragon King said, "If you will stay here for seven days and accept my hospitality, I will give you what you ask." So the prince stayed for seven days and received the jewel. Then the dragon deity carried him through the sky and took him to the shores of his own country. 7

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But many dragons had converged upon the palace with complaints: "That jewel is the most prized treasure in the ocean, the most excellent of all your adornments! It must be returned!" So saying, one of the ocean spirits took human form and appeared before the prince and said, "I have heard that you have acquired a rare jewel. Show it to me." When the prince took it out and showed it to him, he stole it and went back into the sea. The prince cried out in grief, and made a vow: "If you do not give me back the jewel, I will empty the sea until it is dry!" The ocean spirit came out of the sea, laughing, and said, "How stupid you are! Perhaps you would like to try to make the sun set, or stop the winds from blowing. Where do you think you're going to put all the water you scoop out of the sea?" The prince replied, "Bonds of love are hard to break, but I still intend to break them. The cycle of life and death is hard to end, but I still intend to end it. Indeed, there may be a great deal of water in the sea, but it, too, is finite. Even if I cannot empty it completely in this age, I will continue scooping it through ages to come until it is all dry." Having made this vow, he took up a shell and began to scoop the sea water. A l l the Celestials, who saw that his vow was sincere, took pity on him and came to his aid. They poured the sea water beyond the Cakrävacja Mountains, carrying it in the sleeves of their heavenly robes. When the prince had scooped once or twice, eight tenths of the waters of the seas were gone. In a frenzy the Dragon King came forth, crying, "My house will soon be emptied!" and he returned the jewel. The prince went back to the palace, and on the fifteenth day of the month he lit incense, raised a banner, and placed the jewel on top of the banner post. With the censer in his hand he worshiped the jewel, and said, "For the sake of all sentient beings I endured many hardships to obtain this jewel. I pray, let many jewels fall from heaven like rain and fulfill all the wishes of the people." In response to his words a gentle breeze swept all the clouds from the sky, and a fine rain fell to the earth, laying the dust. Then jewels fell everywhere like rain and piled up kneehigh upon the ground. There was no place in Jambudvipa where this rain of jewels did not fall. He endured his trials, steeled his will to fulfill his vows, and emptied the sea; that is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Effort. Prince Mahätyägavat of old is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in Rokudojikkyö and Höongyö. 12

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"The Perfection of Effort" is shöjin h a r a m i t s u , a translation of ulrya-päramitä, sometimes transliterated b i r i y a h a r a m i t s u : dedicated practice of the other five perfections; fervent, active striving to do good and thereby make progress toward enlightenment. Devotion to various types of ascetic practices is often referred to as shöjin (BGD l:731c 32a; Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , pp. 265c 66a, 363b). "The way toward enlightenment" is bodaidö; it may mean the state of enlightenment itself. Varänasi ( H a r a n a - k o k u ) is the early name for the modern Benares (KMJ 76b 77b). The name "Mahätyägavat" ( D a i s e t a i s h i ) , actually an epithet meaning "the generous prince," does not appear in the texts Tamenori cites as his sources for this tale, i.e., Rokudojikkyö (Τ 3:4a 5a) and Höongyö (Daihöbenbutsu höongyö, Τ 3:142c 47a). The prince is called Fuse in the former and Zen'yü t a i s h i in the latter; the names mean "the generous one" and "the prince who is a good friend," respectively. The name D a i s e bosatsu is used in a very brief version of this story in D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:89b; see also Lamotte, 1, p. 265) and in a version in Gengukyö (Τ 4:404b 9b). Elsewhere in D a i c h i d o r o n , the story is retold using the name Fuse (T 25:151a 52a; Lamotte, 2, pp. 755-62). It has been maintained that the Höongyö version was Tamenori's model text (Shüsei, p. 451), but I think his recension bears a greater resemblance to the longer of the two D a i c h i d o r o n versions. "Mahätyägavat" is the equivalent of D a i s e given in Τ I n d e x 2:115, referring to Gengukyö. Other possible translations are Mahäjanaka (KMJ 364) and Mahädäna (Groner, Saichö, p. 118n). The "Magic Pearl" is n y o i s h u , a translation of Sanskrit m a n i , sometimes transliterated (e.g., m a n i höshu in Höongyö, Τ 3:142b; D a i c h i d o r o n has n y o i höshu, Τ 25:151b). Those who possess the jewel will have all their wishes granted. The jewel is said to have been found inside a divine fish, or to be a fragment of a jewel that was once Indra's, or a transformed relic of the Buddha ( B G J 422b c). The prince wants the jewel so that he can wish for treasures that will make his countrymen's lives still easier. Höongyö calls the old man k a i s h i and döshi, "master of the sea" and "master guide" ( T 3:144a). In D a i c h i d o r o n he has a name, D o s h a , a transliteration of Däsa (Τ 25:151b; Lamotte, 2, p. 759). 7 In D a i c h i d o r o n we are told that the merchants were fractious and that they argued with the prince about their course, but Däsa insisted that they should let the winds blow them in the right direction. The blue lotus is associated with compassion and the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara ( K a n n o n ) in esoteric symbolism (BD 3:2817a); the red lotus is associated with wisdom (BD 1:736c). Perhaps what is meant here is that the prince will attain these additional virtues in the process of reaching his ultimate goal of "perfection in effort." On the other hand, 3

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the lotuses may simply be emblems of the exotic regions through which the prince must pass before he reaches his destination. The Dragon King (Ryüö; Sanskrit Nägaräja) appears in Buddhist texts as both a malevolent and benevolent figure. His palace, which lies beneath or beyond the seas, is often idealized (see also 3.11). "Beautiful women" ( t a m a no o n n a ) may mean, literally, "women of jade." Jambudvipa ( E n b u d a i ) refers to the continent lying south of Mount Sumeru and is the area in which human beings of the present age dwell, close to the center of the universe (in other words, India itself) (BD l:317a b). T h e Cakravä(Ja Mountains ( T e c h i i no y a m a ) are iron ranges that encircle the four continents and the seas that surround them. T h i s identification was made at the end of the Höongyö version, along with identifications of the king as Säkyamuni's father Suddhodana, the queen as his mother Mäyä, and an adversary to the hero, an evil prince called Akuyü T a i s h i ("the prince who is a bad friend") as Devadatta (T 3:147a). The absence of this last-mentioned character is one of the main differences between the Höongyö and D a i c h i d o r o n versions, suggesting again that the latter may have been Tamenori's model. Devadatta was a disciple who turned against Säkyamuni, caused a schism in the community of monks, and plotted unsuccessfully to kill the Buddha. Jätaka villains are frequently identified as previous incarnations of Devadatta (see 1.8, for example). See n. 4. 9

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1.5 T H E P E R F E C T I O N OF M E D I T A T I O N : T H E A S C E T I C SANKHÄCÄRYA (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Meditation. He reflected: "The mind is like a drunken elephant; when it goes wild, it cannot be restrained. The mind is like a playful monkey; you can cage it, but it still escapes. If I do not control my thoughts, they will constantly throw my mind into disorder. It is hard to part with worldly illusions, but can I let them prevent me from attaining perfect insight? So he went to a quiet place, put his thoughts in order, calmed his heart, and was never disturbed. As a result, his meditations and his wisdom joined to help him achieve enlightenment. They acted like the two wings of a bird, the two wheels of a cart. If you have wisdom but you do not meditate, your mind will not come to rest. The radiance of enlightenment will not be able to shine but will merely flicker as a lamp flickers in the wind, and you will be like a sea tossed by waves. But if you add the quiescent mind of meditation to the radiant enlightenment attained through wisdom, your mind will be as luminous and serene as the light of a lamp when all the winds have ceased, like a lake free of ripples in which bright reflections can float peacefully. If you focus your whole mind on one thing, this result is guaranteed. There is nothing more virtuous and wonderful than meditation. Long ago there was an ascetic, and he was called Sankhäcärya. He lived alone in a quiet cell and remained in meditation for long periods, with his eyes closed and his breath in control, and for days he did not rise. Some birds, seeing that he was as stationary as a tree stump, made a nest and laid eggs in the hair on his head. When the ascetic came out of his meditation, he realized that there was a bird's nest on his head. He was afraid the eggs might fall and break, or that the mother bird might be frightened and refuse to come near. So great was his concern that he immediately reentered the state of meditation. He waited until the young birds had all hatched and flown away, and then once more he emerged from meditation. He maintained quiescence and did not move; that is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Meditation. The ascetic Sankhäcärya of old is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in C h i d o r o n . There is an illustration. 1

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Notes

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"The Perfection of Meditation" (zenjö h a r a m i t s u ) is devotion to the practice of meditation, the object of which is clarity in the mind. Intense concentration on one object or concept is a common form of such meditation. Zenjö is one of many transliterations and translations of Sanskrit dhyäna (BGD 2:855b). This description originates in the N i r v a n a Sütra (Τ 12:512a, 756a): a drunken elephant, the Buddha says, may go on a rampage and threaten injury and damage, but when controlled by a skillful driver, he becomes docile and harmless. Similarly, sentient beings, intoxicated by greed, anger, and ignorance, may commit evil acts, but this tendency is suppressed when a good teacher reveals the Buddhist doctrines to them. 3 This description appears in Daijö honjö shinjikangyö (Τ 3:327b): "The mind is like a monkey, scampering constantly among the branches of the tree of Five Desires, never resting long on any one." The elephant and monkey similes are combined in a passage in F Y C L on the merits of meditation (T 53:902a; Shüsei, p. 446). Here, "worldly illusions" (bonnö) are contrasted with "perfect insight" ( k a n n e n ) . Bonnö is the state of spiritual confusion and suffering that exists as long as the mind is controlled by worldly appetites; kannen is the state of mind produced through meditation, producing a focused, quiescent mind that fully grasps or "visualizes" the truth. Although the terminology is somewhat technical, Sonshi would probably have perceived the implied contrast between mental chaos and mental clarity. E is used for wisdom here, c h i for the same thing elsewhere in this tale; Tamenori seems to use both terms interchangeably. Ε translates Sanskrit prajnä, while c h i corresponds to jhäna. While there are some technical differences in these terms, both may be understood as types of wisdom (Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , pp. 38c-39a, 321b 22c). It is e, however, that joins k a i (discipline) and jö (concentration) in the formulaic "three modes of training." (See "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3.) What follows is an elaboration of the idea of the interrelated function of jö and e. "Enlightenment" here is b o d a i . Here, "wisdom" is c h i (see n. 5). The figures of the lamp and the rough and still waters may be based on the same passage in F Y C L that contains the simile of the monkey (see n. 3). Tamenori uses the transliteration Shöjari sennin. Sahkha means a mollusk or its shell; äcärya is a master teacher (Ogiwara Unrai, K a n ' y a k u taishö B o n ' w a d a i j i t e n , pp. 1306a, 184b). The source, 2

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acknowledged by Tamenori, is D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:188a; see also 89b and Lamotte, 2, p. 1046 and 1, p. 266). The protagonist is introduced there as " r a k e i s e n n i n . . . n a w a Shöjari t o su" Rakei describes tight ringlets of hair, curled tight like mollusk shells; R a translates s a h k h a . On the term s e n n i n , see 1.3, n. 4. D a i c h i d o r o n makes this explicit identification at the beginning of the story. See n. 8. 9

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1.6 T H E P E R F E C T I O N OF WISDOM: P R I M E M I N I S T E R GOVINDA (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

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The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Wisdom. He reflected: "If I do not strive toward the dawning of enlightenment, I shall remain forever in the dark realm of ignorance. I shall wander into the dense forest of wrong views and lose my way on the true path to enlightenment. So he sought the venerable Way and cultivated deep insight. With the Five Perfections heretofore described, you are still like a blind man unable to see the path before him; with the Sixth Perfection, you are like a sighted man for whom the path is clearly revealed. The Five Perfections already described serve as the arms and legs serve the body; the Sixth Perfection is like the head that holds the life force. Through the eye of the flower you are directed toward Nirvana; through the head of the flower you grasp the essence of the Dharma Body. This much is certain: if our heart can be freed from its illusions, we know that the realization of Buddhahood is nigh, just as we know, when we see the leaves beginning to swell and open in the trees, that spring will soon be here; or, when we see the sandy shores spreading before us, we know that the waves of the sea must be close at hand. So it is with the Bodhisattva: when the deep flowering of wisdom is attained, it is certain that his enlightenment cannot be far beyond. Long ago there was a prime minister named Govinda. His mind was illuminated; his insight was vast. When there was fighting among the kingdoms, he divided Jambudvlpa into seven equal parts. Furthermore, he saw directly into the minds of all the people of kingdoms and cities far and near, and he divided each kingdom and city into seven parts as well, and thus brought all the fighting among them to a stop. He understood perfectly that which was so difficult to understand; this is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Wisdom. Govinda of old is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in the D a i r o n ? There is an illustration. 2

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In the figure "forest of wrong views," "wrong views" is j a k e n : "misconceptions," "ignorance," or, in a more technical sense, nonrecognition of the principle of cause and effect (BGD 1:61 lb-c). The figure of the "forest" of such views is not an original device; it occurs, for example, in the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:8b). 3 There is a similar comparison of wisdom with vision in D a i c h i d o r o n (T 25:498a) quoted in F Y C L (T 53:833b). 4 This figure is also in the same D a i c h i d o r o n and F Y C L passages (see n. 3). 5 Yamada suggested that the use of the flower figure here derives from a reading of the characters h a n n y a as h a - n i - y a , suggesting a homonym for h a n a , "flower" (Ryakuchü, p. 44). "Dharma Body" is hosshin, here meaning "the essential truth of the Buddhist teachings" (BGD 2:1253d 54b). The poetic effect of this imagery may have been of greater interest than its doctrinal import. I n Tamenori's acknowledged source, D a i c h i d o r o n , Govinda ( K u h i n ) is identified as K u h i n d a b a r a m o n d a i j i n ( T 25:89b; see also Lamotte, 1, p. 266). The story is retold or alluded to in various sütras, including one devoted entirely to this jätaka, i.e., D a i k e n g o b a r a m o n engikyö (Τ 1:207-13; see also K M J 217b). 7 See 1.4, n. 11. 8 This identification is implicit in the D a i c h i d o r o n version. 9 The Töji Kanchiin bon has this abbreviated title; the Maeda ke bon has D a i c h i d o r o n . 6


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1.7 T H E E L D E R JALAVÄHANA (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

Long ago there was an elder named Jalavähana. Once, on an excursion with his two sons, he noticed that all the birds and animals were flying and dashing off together in one direction. Mystified, he followed them and came to a large pond. It was called [Yashö Pond]. Its water was almost gone, but there were many fish in it. Jalavähana pitied them; then a tree spirit addressed him, saying, "Your name is Jalavähana; bring water and keep the fish alive. Jalavähana was startled, but he asked, "How many fish are there?" and the tree spirit replied, "There are ten thousand." The pond was baking in the sun, and the death of the fish was at hand. Jalavähana rushed off to search for water in every direction, but there was none to be found. He climbed a big tree and broke off a leafy branch, and then he went and stood in the middle of the pond, making shade for the fish. He looked this way and that, trying to discover how the pond was draining, and he spotted a big river in the distance. Some fishermen had let out the water in order to trap the fish; they would very soon be beyond all rescue. Jalavähana ran back to the city, went to see the king, and reported what was happening. "Please, let me have twenty elephants that can carry water and save the fishes' lives!" he said. The king immediately gave him the elephants. Then Jalavähana and his two sons found some vintners, from whom they borrowed many leather pouches. Then they went to the river and filled the pouches with water, and the elephants carried the pouches to the pond. The water soon regained its previous level. As Jalavähana paced along the banks of the pond, the fish kept following him. He was puzzled, but then he realized that they must be starving and were following him in hope of getting some food. So he said to his sons, "One of you, take the elephants and hurry home. Gather up all the food we have, mine and your mother's and even the servants', and bring it here," and one of them set off. He soon returned with the food, and Jalavähana cast it all over the pond, and all the fish ate their fill. Jalavähana thought, "I have supplied food and saved the fish from starvation. Now I should introduce them to the flavor of the Law and give them guidance for the life hereafter," and so he stepped into the pond and expounded the Law for the benefit of the fish. He explained the Twelve Causes and Conditions as he had heard them described long 2

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ago by a monk, and he sang the praises of the Jewel-Haired Tathägata as described in the sütras he had heard. Then he went home. Not long thereafter, these ten thousand fish died at the same time and were all reborn together in Träyastriipsa heaven. They said to one another, "In our last incarnation we were all born as fish. Jalavähana gave us water and fed us and explained the Law and sang the praises of a Buddha, and as a result we have been reborn in this heaven where we will dwell forever. Let us all go and repay our debt to him." At this time, Jalavähana slept every night in a room high up in his mansion. The ten thousand Celestials appeared there and placed ten thousand jeweled bracelets on all four sides of the spot where he lay, so that in all there were some forty thousand jeweled bracelets. Flowers fell from heaven and piled up knee-high, and the Celestials played heavenly music; everyone in the house was awakened. While Jalavähana was still in awe and astonishment, the Celestials departed. High in the sky they gave off a bright light and dropped flowers all over the countryside. Then they went to the pond where they had once lived and dropped many flowers upon it, and then went back to heaven. When he heard about these events the next morning, the king was amazed, and he wanted to investigate further, so he sent for Jalavähana, questioned him, and dispatched an attendant to examine the pond. Thus it was discovered that the fish of the pond had been reborn in heaven and had demonstrated their gratitude in this way. A l l the people of the land were deeply impressed. Jalavähana of old is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in the Saishöökyö. 5

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Jalavähana means "he who causes water to flow" or "water bearer" (Ogiwara, B o n w a d a i j i t e n 5, p. 496b). The translated form Rusui has been omitted in the Töji Kanchiin but appears in the Maeda-ke bon. Tamenori cites Saishöökyö (i.e., Konkömyö saishöökyö, Τ 16:488c 50c); F Y C L quotes part of this version of the story (T 53:782c-83b). Tamenori may have followed the F Y C L abridgement, but he uses some names and terms that appear only in the fuller version (see notes following). In Konkömyö saishöökyö, Rusui is identified as "the son of an elder" (chöja, which may mean "a man of property," "an elderly man," or "a virtuous man"; see B G D 2:963a). This story does not occur in the jätaka collections or in other sütras based on them, other than in the various versions of Konkömyö saishöökyö. The story may form part of the background of the Höjöe described in 3.26 (Ryakuchü, p. 49).


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A photographic reproduction of an early Japanese copy of Konkömyö saishöökyö (Kasuga Masaji, ed., S a i d a i j i b o n Konkömyö saishöökyö koten no kokugogakuteki kenkyü) see pp. 8-9 and 178-86 for the chapter on Jalavähana) has been used for comparison with Tamenori's version in Shüsei. See also the translation of the shorter Konkömyökyö, which contains an almost identical version of the story (R.E. Emmerick, tr., The Sütra of the G o l d e n L i g h t , p. 79ff). The characters used for Yashö in the two texts differ, but those in the Maeda-ke bon are the same as those in Konkömyö saishöökyö and accurately translate A t a u l s a m b h a v a , "a pond in the fields" (Ogiwara, B o n w a d a i j i t e n 1, p. 18a). The pond is not named in the F Y C L version. The tree spirit may simply be a forest deity, or perhaps, as Yamada suggested, the "female Celestial of the Bodhi tree" ( B o d a i j u s h i n zennyoten) who is the Buddha's interlocutor in Konkömyö saishöökyö (Ryakuchü, p. 49). When she repeats the protagonist's name, she is saying, "You are called 'he who sets water flowing'—so do so!" The expression "introduce them to the flavor of the Law" ("ho no aji 0 h o d o k o s h i t e " in the Töji Kanchiin bon) does not appear in F Y C L ; Konkömyö saishöökyö reads "höjiki 0 h o d o k o s h i t e " (Τ 16:449c). Höjiki usually means food prepared according to monastic regulations (BGD 2:1232d); hömi (i.e., hö no aji) means the essence of the Law, "the subtle flavor of the essential Buddhist doctrine." What is suggested is a relationship between the sustenance just given the fish and the spiritual food about to be offered them. The "Twelve Causes and Conditions" (jüni i n n e n in F Y C L and Sanböe; jüni engi in Konkömyö saishöökyö) are factors that cause the unenlightened person to remain in the cycle of life and death; each factor gives rise to the next in a chain of causality. This constitutes a fundamental analysis of the cause of worldly suffering, suitable for preaching to fish in the hope that they may obtain a better rebirth. Neither F Y C L nor Konkömyö saishöökyö enumerate them. One standard list is: (1) ignorance, (2) predispositions, (3) consciousness, (4) selfhood, (5) the six senses, (6) contact, (7) feeling, (8) craving, (9) grasping, (10) arising, (11) birth, and (12) death (Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , pp. 235a 36a). In referring to the "Jewel-Haired Tathägata" (Hökei n y o r a i ) , Tamenori follows Konkömyö saishöökyö. This is Ratnasikhin-tathägata, a Buddha of the distant past who made a vow that if any sentient being in any of the ten directions were to hear his name at the moment of death, that being would be "reborn to the same lot as the thirty-three gods," i.e., in Träyastriipsa heaven (BGD 2:1144; Emmerick, pp. 80-81). F Y C L reads Höshö n y o r a i , i.e., Prabhütaratna-tathägata, another great 2

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Buddha of the past who figures prominently, for example, in the L o t u s Sütra. Since the fish are reborn in Träyastrirpsa as a result of hearing this name, Hökei n y o r a i would appear to be correct. Sanböe has the translated form Sanjüsanten, as does Konkömyö saishöökyö; F Y C L has the transliteration Tönten (see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 15). The "Celestials" here are called Tenshi (see 1.1, n. 6). These are, of course, the reborn fish. This identification is made by the Buddha himself at the end of the story in Konkömyö_ saishöökyö. He also says that the elder's two sons were Rähula and Änanda (the Buddha's son and his chief disciple) and that the elder's wife was the Buddha's wife Gopä (or Gopi) (T 16:450c). The F Y C L version does not have these identifications. See η. 1. 6

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1.8 T H E LION WHO H E L D F I R M L Y TO HIS VOWS 1


Long ago, there was a mountain in the land of Väräiiasi called the Mountain of Sages. Five hundred self-enlightened sages lived there. A lion lived on the mountain, and his name was "The Lion who held firmly to his vows." The hair on his body was the color of gold, and he had the strength of a thousand lions. When he lifted his voice and roared, birds flying in the sky were so frightened that they fell to the ground, and animals running on the ground lay huddled in fear. This lion used to watch for one of the self-enlightened sages who came to sit beneath the trees, and he gradually fell into a daily habit of listening to the sage as he chanted the sütras and expounded the Law. One day a hunter came by and saw this and thought, "If I could get his hide and present it to the king, he would surely grant me high office and riches in return. But this is the King of the Beasts, and he cannot be shot with a bow or trapped with a rope. This will require a special plan. As it happens, he has grown used to being close to this monk, so I will shave my head for this purpose, and I will hide a bow under priestly robes, and I will sit under that tree. Then, when he comes close, he won't know that I am going to shoot him!" He went home and told his wife, "I have never, ever heard of a beast with golden hair, but today I saw one. If I can manage to kill it and get the hide and present it to the king, our house will prosper and our descendants will thrive for many generations to come." So saying, he immediately shaved his beard and the hair on his head, put on a black robe, went back to the mountain, and sat beneath the tree. When the lion saw him he danced for joy and ran up close and licked the hunter's feet. The hunter drew the bow, which was concealed beneath his robe, and shot the lion with a poisoned arrow. The lion roared and snarled and was about to devour the man, but then he had a change of heart. He thought, "It would be very easy for me to eat this man, but he looks like a monk and he is wearing priestly garb. To injure a monk's body is the same as injuring the body of the Buddha." So he tried to calm himself and withstand the pain, but his suffering was too hard to bear, and he was about to open his jaws to bite the hunter when once more he regained control and rejected the idea. For, though the man harbored evil intentions within his heart, he still looked like a monk on the surface. "If I were to kill this man today," thought the lion, "I would violate the severe prohibitions established by the Buddhas of many ages. We 2

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1.8 The Lion

revere forbearance, while lack of forbearance is despised, for it gives rise to additional illusions that lead to interminable rebirths in the Evil realms, separation from good companions, failure to hear the True Dharma, and further delay in attaining enlightenment. Therefore, I must not heed these evil thoughts," and with this resolve, the lion intoned a verse, saying, 6

Though it may cost me my own life Let no evil thoughts turn me against the robes of the Law; Though it may cost me my own life, Let no evil thoughts turn me against a man of the Law.

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As soon as he had uttered these words, the lion died. At that very moment the earth shook six times, and the birds and beasts were startled into flight; though there were no clouds, blood rained from the sky, and no light shone from the sun in the heavens. The hunter threw off his robes and cut off the lion's hide with his sword. Clutching it gleefully, he rushed home. Soon he presented it to the king, who was filled with wonder and delight and asked, "How did you acquire this hide?" The hunter explained in detail, as above, how he had plotted and succeeded in killing the lion. Hearing this, the king was shocked, and he wept with grief. As his tears fell, he said, "Long ago I heard a wise man say that beasts with golden hair are invariably Bodhisattvas. As a result of your evil plotting, you have killed a Bodhisattva. If I were to reward you with high offices and riches, I would be no better than you are!" He immediately had the man arrested and executed. The king took the lion's hide and climbed up the mountain. He found the spot where the lion had died, gathered a pile of sandalwood, and placed the lifeless remains upon the funeral pyre. Then he burned the hide and collected the bones and worshipped them. The "Lion who held firmly to his vows" of old is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today; the king of that land is the Bodhisattva Maitreya of today. This story appears in Höongyö. 8

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S i x fragments have been identified. See Shüsei, pp. 39-41. In the details of the location ( H a r a n a - k o k u : see 1.4, n. 4; "Mountain of Sages" is Senshösen), Tamenori follows his cited source, Höongyö (Τ 3:162c-63b). The story of the lion appears in other works, including 2


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Gengukyö (Τ 4:438a c), which is quoted in F Y C L (T 53:558-59a), but in this case Tamenori seems to have consulted Höongyö for at least some of the details (see following notes). The word for "self-enlightened sages" used here is engaku, a translation of p r a t y e k a b u d d h a . The p r a t y e k a b u d d h a is an individual who has achieved enlightenment through his own efforts, as distinguished from the s r a v a k a (Japanese shömon), who hears the doctrine from others and is thereby enlightened, and the b o d h i s a t t v a , who postpones the enlightenment he has achieved in this world in order to help others (Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , pp. 42c-43a; B D l:292b 95b). In some Mahäyäna sütras, the p r a t y e k a b u d d h a is an object of great scorn since his enlightenment is "selfish," but there is no such pejorative nuance here. Höongyö has the transliterated form byakushibutsu (as do Gengukyö and F Y C L , but these versions do not specify how many "sages" there were). The name Kensei Shishi appears here as it does in Höongyö and F Y C L . Gengukyö has a transliterated Sanskrit name, S a k a r a b i , for which the reconstruction Samkalpa has been suggested ( T Index 2:59b; Hikata, Honjökyörui, 2, p. 71). This is an interpolation; there is no direct parallel in the model texts, but a statement to this effect is to be found in a quotation in F Y C L (T 53:428a) from Daihödö daijikkyö, and the same idea is repeated in the "Preface to the Third Volume." This speech closely follows the Höongyö version. On the "Evil Realms," see 1.2, n. 3. The lion is afraid that he will be reborn again as an animal, or worse. "Separation from good companions" (i.e., zen'yü) means the inability to come into contact with guides and comrades who can help one toward spiritual progress. This verse is found in the Höongyö version; in the Gengukyö and F Y C L versions the lion utters an esoteric spell, followed in the text by an interpretation of the spell that shows its purport—respect for monks— to be quite similar to that of the Höongyö verse. The Maeda-ke bon says "the earth shook in six ways," while the Töji Kanchiin bon says "the earth shook six times," which is quite literally what the Höongyö version has as well (see 1.1, n. 5). The other strange phenomena also signal the death of a Buddha-to-be and his rebirth as a Buddha. "Bodhisattva" here means an incipient Buddha. T h e identification of the lion with Säkyamuni appears at the end of the Höongyö version, but the king's identification with Maitreya ( M i r o k u bosatsu, a Buddha of the future) appears only in the Gengukyö and F Y C L versions, along with an identification of the hunter as Devadatta (see 1.4, n. 13). See n. 2. 3

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1.9 T H E D E E R K I N G (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

Long ago, there was a grove that stood in a vast meadow. Two Deer Kings lived there, and each was the leader of a large herd. When the king of the country came out on a hunt, all the deer ran away. Some fell into holes or collided with rocks and were injured or killed. In grief at the sight of this carnage, one of the Deer Kings decided to go and see the king. This Deer King was very large, and he had antlers of five colors. Everyone who saw him was amazed and impressed. The Deer King knelt and said to the king, "Whenever you go out to hunt, or when your courtiers go hunting, many deer are killed. Sometimes mothers are parted from their young, and that is especially tragic. A great many deer may be killed in a single day, and so many of them are simply left to rot! You cannot possibly need so many each day! If you will tell me how many your cooks require, I will deliver that many every day. Then the king will always have fresh meat, and we deer will survive a little longer." The king was impressed, and he said, "I can do easily with just one a day. I had no idea that so many of your herd were dying each time! What you have said is very reasonable; I will adopt your suggestion," and with these words of praise he abandoned the hunt and went home. The two Deer Kings took turns offering their subjects to the king on alternate days. With tears in their eyes, they would go to the deer chosen for the next day's sacrifice and give counsel, saying, " A l l living things must die. Who is spared this fate? Invoke the Buddha's name as you go. Do not go before them with a resentful heart." Then it happened that a pregnant deer in one of the herds was chosen, but she pleaded with her king, saying, "I will soon give birth to my child. I beg you, send another deer in my place and let me go another time. Once the expected child is born and raised, I will be willing to die." But the Deer King said angrily, "What makes you think that feelings should be a reason for excusing you from your turn?" Since he would not excuse her, the unhappy deer went to the other Deer King to complain. When he heard her story he exclaimed, "Ah, a mother's heart beset by grief—mourning a child that is not yet born!" In pity for her, he summoned the deer of his own herd who would be sent next and told him, "Go in her place today." But this deer complained, too. "Who does not covet even the shortest portion of his life?" he argued. "I know that it will be my turn 1

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tomorrow, and it cannot be avoided. But to lose the one night I still have left by dying today—it is too cruel!" The Deer King said, "Yes, you have good reason to refuse. Very well; I myself will go in your place and give my own life." With these words, he left them. The king was amazed and bewildered. "Why has the Deer King himself come today? Are all the deer in your herd already gone?" "In the other herd there is a pregnant deer, and it was her turn today. When I heard her mourn the fate of her unborn child, I could not bear it, and so I decided to die in her place," replied the Deer King. The king's sorrow was deep, and he wept and said, "I maintain my own existence by taking the lives of many others. You sacrifice your own existence to save the lives of other creatures. I am truly ashamed!" Then the king uttered a verse: 8

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I am truly an animal! I should be called "the beast in human form." You may be an animal, But you should be called "the man in beastly form." Men are men if they have the true character of men; Men are not made men by their appearance! From this day forth, I shall no longer eat animals! 10

Having made this vow, he gave an order to the nation: "Those who hunt will be treated as criminals." He also made the meadow where the deer lived into a park. This is the origin of what is known as the "Deer Park." It was there that the Buddha first propounded the Dharma. Also, the Deer King of old is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in Rokudojikkyö. 11

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Tamenori cites only Rokudojikkyö as his source (T 3:12b 13a), but I have found evidence that he referred to the version in D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:178b c) as well (see notes following). In D a i c h i d o r o n , this story is given as an illustration of the Buddha's freedom from attachment to mortal life and his practice of the "Perfection of Effort" (see also Lamotte, 2, pp. 972-75). There is only one Deer King in the Rokudojikkyö version, while two are clearly identified in D a i c h i d o r o n : the D a i c h i d o r o n version begins by identifying one Deer King with Säkyamuni, while the other is called "Devadatta."

1.9 The Deer King

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Neither king nor country is named in Rokudojikkyö, or by Tamenori, but D a i c h i d o r o n identifies them with transliterated forms of names that correspond to those in Päli jätaka 12 (PJ 1:36-42). I n specifying that only one of the two Deer Kings goes to plead for his herd, Tamenori appears to follow D a i c h i d o r o n , where it is clear that this is the deer identified with Säkyamuni. Rokudojikkyö says his hide was of five colors; D a i c h i d o r o n says his body had the colors of seven jewels. T h i s particular point is not made in the Deer King's speech in either Rokudojikkyö or D a i c h i d o r o n . The theme of compassion for the pregnant mother and her unborn child is the larger context in which this story is presented in the Päli jätaka collection. Nothing that quite corresponds with this speech appears in Rokudojikkyö or D a i c h i d o r o n . In D a i c h i d o r o n it is clear that the protesting female deer is from the herd of the less admirable, inflexible Deer King identified with Devadatta. Her speech follows D a i c h i d o r o n more closely than it does that in Rokudojikkyö, although part of her argument there—that two deaths will result, though only one is required—has been omitted. In the Päli jätaka version this question of the proper treatment of pregnant females is the central issue. The introduction tells of a nun of Devadatta's order who was expelled when she was found to be with child. Säkyamuni received her in his order, and she gave birth to a virtuous son who faithfully served Buddhism. The narrative then presents the story of the Deer Kings as a demonstration of a predetermined, repeating pattern of events, contrasting Devadatta's inflexible and heartless adherence to regulations with Säkyamuni's compassion and willingness to overlook them. This in itself is a repeating pattern in the jätaka genre. The attempt to find another deer from the sympathetic Deer King's herd to take the place of the pregnant doe does not occur in the Rokudojikkyö or D a i c h i d o r o n versions. The king's speech is not to be found in either of the model texts. T h i s is a condensed version of a gätha in D a i c h i d o r o n (overlooked by Yamada); see Τ 25:178c; Lamotte, 2, p. 974. 11 The statement that these events led to the creation and naming of the "Deer Park" ( R o k u o n , the site of the Buddha's first discourses) does not occur in either of the model texts. A similar story is presented as "The History of the Deer Park" in Mahäuastu (J. J. Jones, tr., The Mahäuastu, 1, pp., 305-11). There are, however, several other stories about how the "Deer Park" came to be so named; see, for example, the version in Shutsuyökyö (Τ 4:685b c), which bears some resemblance to 3

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the present tale. The story of the origins of the Deer Park given in T a f a n g hsi-yü-chi is basically the same as that given by Tamenori (T 51:906a-c). See η. 1. 13 See η. 1. 12

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1.10 The Himalaya Boy

1.10 T H E H I M A L A Y A BOY 1


Long ago there was someone who lived all alone in the Himalayas, and he was called "the Himalaya Boy." He drank elixirs and picked mushrooms and made his heart serene; thus did he cultivate the Way. Indra observed this and thought, "Fish give birth to many young, but few will grow into mature fish. The mango tree has many blossoms, but only a few of the flowers will turn into fruit. Men are the same. Many have the intention, but only a few become Buddhas. It is possible for every heart that seeks enlightenment to reach the Pure Land, but too many are too easily deterred; the fear of discomfort and the burden of diligence are too much for them, and so they are as easily swayed as is the moon's reflection when it is disturbed by waves; they are like soldiers clad in armor who nonetheless flee in terror when they face combat." So he resolved to go and put the heart of the youth to the test. At that time there was no Buddha in this world, and so, though the Himalaya Boy had sought far and wide for the Sütras of the Great Vehicle, he could not find them. Suddenly he heard a dim voice saying, 2

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He was startled and looked about, but he could see no one. Then he noticed a demon standing nearby. His appearance was fierce and frightening. The hair on his head blazed like fire, and his teeth were like sabres. There was fury in his eyes as his glance darted in every direction. The boy saw him but he was not afraid. Rather, he was in rapturous wonder at the words he had heard spoken, just like a calf that has been parted from its mother for some years and then hears her lowing again in the distance. "Who is it that spoke those words? Surely there must be more to the verse!" he said, and he looked everywhere, but since there was no one else there, he wondered if it could have been this demon who had spoken. But he thought, "That is impossible!" He thought that the demon's form must be its punishment for past crimes. When he heard the verse, he knew that the words were those of the Buddha's teaching. He did not think it possible for such words to come out of the mouth of such a demon, but since there was no one else to be seen, he asked, "Can it be you who spoke these words?" 7


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"Do not speak to me!" responded the demon. "I have gone for many days without eating, so I am weak and starving and can remember nothing. Besides, whatever I have said may have been a lie, for I was not even aware of what I was saying." But the boy said, "I have heard but half the verse, and I feel like I have seen but half the moon or found but half a jewel. It must have been you that spoke. I pray you, let me hear the rest of the verse." "If you had any insight at all," said the demon, "it would make no difference to you whether you heard the rest or not. I am near the point of starvation, and I have not the strength to say one word. This is too much. Ask me no more!" But the boy persisted. "If you have something to eat, will you then be able to speak?" "In that case, yes." "Then what will you eat?" the youth asked eagerly. "You had better not ask. If I tell you, you will certainly be very frightened. Even if I tell you, it is not something that you would be able to provide." The boy was insistent. "Nevertheless, tell me what it is. At least I can try to find it," he said, and so the demon told him, "I eat only the warm flesh of human beings and drink only their warm blood. I have been flying through the sky in search of nourishment, but I have found that, though the world is full of people, they have many ways of protecting themselves, and I cannot simply devour them as I would like." The boy thought, "I shall die today in order to hear the entire verse," and he said, "Here is your food; you need not look elsewhere. I am not yet dead, so my flesh is still warm. I am not yet grown cold, so my blood is still hot. So hurry, speak the rest of the verse, and then you may have this body of mine." The demon laughed and said, "Who can testify to the truth of what you say? I want a witness so that you can't hear the verse and then run away." "This body of mine will inevitably perish," argued the boy, "before I have accomplished a single act of merit. By giving up this filthy, impure body for the sake of the Law today, I know I will attain a pure and perfect body as a Buddha in the hereafter. It is like exchanging a clay pot for a jeweled vessel. Let Brahma, Indra, the Four Celestial Kings and all the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of the Ten Directions be my witnesses. I do not speak falsehoods." The demon relented. "If what you say is indeed the truth, I will speak the verse." The boy rejoiced, and he removed the deerskin robe he had been wearing and spread it out as a cushion for the propounder of the Law. He clasped his palms together and knelt on the ground and 8


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said, "Now, I beg you, let me hear the rest of the verse," and he concentrated and grew very reverent. The demon said, "The rest of the verse is as follows: When an entity has risen and fallen, That absolute extinction creates happiness."

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When he heard this, there was no limit to the boy's joy and awe. "I shall not forget it in all the worlds to come," he said, and he repeated the words many times so that they were engraved upon his heart. "How happy I am that I have been enlightened in this doctrine of the Void taught by the Buddha! How sad I am that only I have heard it and cannot convey it to others!" he thought, and so he wrote the verse on rocks and cliffs and on every one of the trees that stood by the road. "I hope that those who come here after me will see what I have written here," he said to himself, and then he climbed high up into a tree and threw himself down at the demon's feet. But even before the boy struck the ground, the demon reverted instantly to the form of Indra and caught the boy's body as it fell. He set the boy down on the ground and worshiped him, saying, "I have temporarily borrowed the Tathägata's verse, to see whether or not you have the heart of a Bodhisattva, but I have caused you to be distressed. I beg you, forgive me my sin, and grant me salvation in the future." Then Celestials appeared and sang the youth's praises: "Hail! Hail! This is truly a Bodhisattva!" By offering his life for half a verse, he transcended the sins of twelve kalpas of life and death. The "Himalaya boy" of old is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in the N i r v a n a Sütra. 10

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not quote the description as he does in 1.11 and 1.12. The story was probably familiar in Japan from an early time through the widespread liturgical use of the N i r v a n a Sütra and is one of the two stories illustrated on the Tamamushi no zushi. A s Yamada pointed out {Ryakuchü, p. 61), this part of Indra's internal monologue appears as a verse he utters in the D a i c h i d o r o n version of the story of Sibi (i.e., 1.1; see Τ 25:88a; Lamotte, 1, p. 257). However, Yamada failed to mention that similar lines also appear in the N i r v a n a Sütra (Τ 12:450a). He did observe that there is an allusion to this verse in Ökagami but placed it incorrectly in the chapter on Emperor Ichijö; it occurs in the biography of Emperor Go-Ichijö ( N K B T 21:60; see also Helen McCullough, tr., Ökagami, the G r e a t M i r r o r , p. 86). The Ökagami allusion is very probably based on the verse as it appears in Öjöyöshü (Τ 84:45c; also overlooked by Yamada). Hosaka Hiroji (Ökagami shinkö, 1, p. 177) mistakenly takes issue with the note on this passage in Ökagami u r a g a k i , which in fact reproduces the verse exactly as it appears in the N i r v a n a Sütra (see GR 16:232-33). A "heart that seeks enlightenment" is b o d a i s h i n ( b o d h i c i t t a ) , the determination to seek salvation, which is a Bodhisattva's initial resolve (Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , pp. 407c-8b). The term appears in the N i r v a n a Sütra a few lines before the verse discussed in the preceding note. The rest of Indra's internal monologue (including the figures of the moon's reflection and the frightened soldiers) is an adaptation of this passage. This is an adaptation of a line in the N i r v a n a Sütra: "He had not heard that the Tathägata was present in the world, nor the names of the Sütras of the Great Vehicle (daijökyöY (Τ 12:449b). Though the youth has been searching and striving, he has not yet found the key to enlightenment. 6 I n the Maeda-ke bon, "he heard a dim voice" becomes "it sounded like the wind" (Shüsei, p. 47). The Buddha, narrating this episode in the N i r v a n a Sütra, employs a number of similes to describe his reaction to hearing the first half of the verse, but the simile employed by Tamenori is not among them. From this point on, Tamenori's adaptation becomes rather free, and much of the verbiage in the original is abbreviated and reduced to the dialogue between the boy and the demon. Among other things thus eliminated is material dealing with the philosophical significance of the verse; its effect is thus rendered somewhat more mystical than in the original. Brahma (Bon'ö) dwells in a "meditation heaven" (which bears his name) and governs the world of mortal beings (BD 4:3426a 29b). He frequently appears with Indra to "give witness." The four Celestial 3

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Kings (Shidaiten'ö) are guardians of the four directions (and of Buddhism in general) (BD 2:1958a 59b). The "ten directions" are the four cardinal points plus southwest, southeast, northwest, northeast, and up and down (Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , p. 68c). This list of invoked witnesses is formulaic. The verse is actually a simple definition of n i r v a n a . T h e expression "doctrine of the Void" ( m u n a s h i k i o s h i e ) does not occur in the model text. It is a nontechnical summation of the verse. O n the left side of the panel illustrating this story on the T a m a m u s h i no zushi, the boy is shown writing the verse on rocky cliffs. T h e boy's fall through the air out of the tree toward Indra's arms is depicted in the center of the T a m a m u s h i no zushi panel. T h e N i r v a n a Sütra continues with a list of many other benefits of the boy's act. T h i s identification is clear from the beginning of the story in the N i r v a n a Sütra; it is narrated by the Buddha himself in the first person. See η. 1. 9

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1.11 P R I N C E MAHÄSATTVA 1


Long ago there was a king. He had three sons. The eldest son was called Mahäpala. The second son was called Mahädeva. The youngest was called Mahäsattva. One day the king went out to take his pleasure in a mountain grove. The princes accompanied him. They came to a large bamboo grove and saw a tiger that had given birth to seven cubs. She was on the verge of starvation, weakened and withered. It seemed that she was close to death. The eldest prince exclaimed, "How sad! Seven days have passed since this tiger gave birth. She has seven cubs. She has been searching constantly for food, and so she herself is starving and is about to devour her own children." Prince Sattva asked, "What does she usually eat?" "Tigers eat only the warm flesh of human beings," his brother told him. The second eldest brother said, "That is indeed very hard to find. Maybe someone will sacrifice himself in order to save her," but his elder brother observed, "Of all things, there is nothing harder to give up than one's own life." But the youngest brother said, "We protect and covet our own lives only because we are not enlightened. A wise man would sacrifice his own life in order to save that of another creature," while in his own heart he reflected: "This body of mine has been reborn in many ages since the distant past and has died many times in vain, and since there is no merit to be gained by simply letting it spoil and decay, why should I not use it to save this tiger here and now?" Speaking thus among themselves, the three princes were deeply moved, and they found themselves unable to take their eyes off the tiger. Finally they left, but with every step along the way Prince Sattva grew more pensive. "If I am going to sacrifice my life, this is the time to do it," he thought. "This body is putrid and impure. There is no reason to treasure and pamper it. It is as fragile as a bubble. It knows as much fear as if it faced an army of soldiers. It is a construct of sinews and bones, a mass of flesh and blood. A l l those who are enlightened thoroughly despise it. Let me give it up and fully attain the ultimate degree of concentration and wisdom, so that I may gain a state of pure, wondrous Buddhahood replete with very virtue." Though he had reached this decision, he was afraid that his two brothers would try to stop him, so he said to them, "You two, please go 2

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on ahead. I will come a little later." His brothers, suspecting nothing, continued on without him. Then Prince Sattva ran back into the forest and soon reached the tiger's lair. He tore off his clothes and hung them on the bamboo branches. "For the sake of all sentient beings in the Dharma world," he proclaimed, "I am seeking to attain the highest Way. I will now give up this human body that the ignorant love, in order to have the great compassion for which the sages strive." So saying, he approached the tiger and fell at her feet. Because of the power of compassion, the tiger would not eat him. He thought, "This tiger is so tired and weak, it is not even capable of devouring me," so he stood up and broke off a stalk of dead bamboo and slashed his throat with it so that the blood ran out, and again he went up and stood close by the tiger. At that moment the earth shook and rolled like waves upon the sea when stirred by the wind; the light of the sun disappeared from the sky, and there was darkness everywhere; flowers rained out of the sky and fell in torrents all over the forest. When the starving tiger saw the blood running from the prince's throat, she lapped it up, and then she devoured his flesh, leaving only his bones. The prince's brothers said to one another, "The earth moves and the light is gone from the sky! Flowers are falling, filling up the sky! This can only mean that our brother has taken pity on the tiger and has sacrificed his life for her." Alarmed, they ran back to the spot and saw their brother's clothes hanging on the bamboo. The blood he had spilt had soaked into the ground. There was a corpse of bones and dishevelled hair, full of perfume. When they saw this they were utterly griefstricken, and they threw themselves down upon the remains. Weeping, they cried, "Our brother was very handsome, and our mother and father doted on him. They will wonder why we all went out together but returned without him, and why he has sacrificed himself. What will we tell them?" and they wailed and wept. Finally, they went home, but because they were afraid they did not go to the king. They asked their brother's servants, "Where can he be? Go and find him!" At this time their mother, the queen, was in the palace, asleep in a high tower. She had three dreams. Her breasts burst open and blood ran out. One of her canine teeth fell out. One of three doves was captured by a hawk. When the earth shook, she awoke. Her breasts were indeed dripping with blood. She was wondering and worrying about this when one of her servants ran in and said, "Have you not heard? Everyone is looking high and low for the princes, but it seems they are nowhere to be found!" 4

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The queen was shocked and bewildered, and she went to the king and said, "Have you lost my sons?" The king himself was shocked, and he wept; he sent many more people to go and search in the forest. Then one of his ministers came forward and said, "The two elder princes are here, but Prince Sattva still has not been found." The king wept again and said, "What grief! When first my son was born to me, how happy and joyous I was! Now I have lost him, and how I suffer and lament!" Once again the minister came forward and informed them, "The prince has indeed sacrificed himself." The king and queen were overcome, and, still in tears, they went together to the spot and fell together upon the ground. They poured water over the remains, and after a while their voices returned to them. "If only we had died before our son, we would not then have known this misery!" they said, and their bodies shook with weeping. They beat their chests and rolled on the ground like fish cast up on the shore. They gathered up the bones and placed them in a stüpa. The Prince Sattva of old is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in the Saishöökyö. [This is a record of events in India.] In the R e c o r d of T r a v e l s t o the Western Regions it says: 9

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The earth and trees and plants there are still red. It is as if they have been painted with blood. When people step upon this place they are startled to find their body stinging as if pierced by rose thorns. [Believers as well as nonbelievers,] all, without exception, lament, and there are none who do not feel that pain. 12

Notes

One fragment has been identified. See Shüsei, p. 55. In Konkömyö saishöökyö (Τ 16:450c 53a), which Tamenori acknowledges as his source, the king's name is D a i s h a , apparently a translation of Mahäratha. In Gengukyö his name appears as a transliteration of Mahäratna (Τ 4:352c). The kingdom is not named in either case. In a sütra devoted entirely to a version of this tale (Bosatu töshin shigako kitö innengyö [On the origins of the stüpa commemorating the Bodhisattva's sacrifice to the starving tigers], Τ 3:424b 28a), all the characters have different names. Tamenori's version does appear to be based directly on the Konkömyö saishöökyö rather than on the version in F Y C L ( T 53:989c 91a), which is a quotation from Konkömyökyö. He 2

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gives the names of the three princes in the same transliterated forms that appear in Konkömyö saishöökyö (i.e., M a k a h a r a , M a k a d a i b a , M a k a s a t t a ) . Hereafter, Tamenori abbreviates the name of the hero to "Prince Sattva" ( S a t t a öji). Though the story is not found in the Päli jätaka collection, it is included in Jätakamala (see Speyer, tr., pp. 2-8; see also Hikata, Honjökyörui, 2, p. 34). There is also a very short version of the story in D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:179b c). Like the preceding story of the Himalaya boy, this story was widely known in Japan from an early time through the liturgical use of Konkömyö saishöökyö, and it is the subject of the other illustrated panel of the T a m a m u s h i no zushi. The special interacting effect of concentration and wisdom (jöe) was defined in the opening section of 1.5. This is depicted in one corner of the T a m a m u s h i no zushi panel. I n the Konkömyö saishöökyö these sentiments are expressed in a verse; Tamenori abbreviates and simplifies it (T 16:451c 52a). The T a m a m u s h i no zushi panel shows Mahäsattva plummeting from a precipice and then being devoured by the tiger; graphically, this parallels the Himalaya boy's fall out of the tree on the opposite panel. Again, nature bears witness to the death of an incipient Buddha. The Töji Kanchiin bon reads s o r a n i s h i r i n u , an idiom that means "we know intuitively." The Maeda ke bon reads sadamete s h i r i n u , "we know without doubt." The latter duplicates the passage in Konkömyö saishöökyö. The characters for s o r a and sadamete could easily have been interchanged. This identification is implicit in Konkömyö saishöökyö, where Säkyamuni narrates the story as an experience recalled from one of his own previous lives. See n. 2. T h i s line may mean "this appears in Indian records," in which case it may refer to the following quotation from T a - t ' a n g hsi-yü-chi. The line appears only in the Töji Kanchiin bon. Obviously, all the tales in the first volume are about "events in India," and all are based on texts that are ultimately of Indian origin. Yamada suggested that this is probably a copyist's marginal note that has strayed into the text (Ryakuchü, p. 69). Tamenori refers to Hsiian-tsang's account of his sixteen year tour of India (629-645) by the abbreviated title S a i i k k i (i.e., Hsi-yü-chi). The Chinese pilgrim describes a "great stone gate" marking the site, and a nearby stüpa, in a region called Siiphapura. Tamenori's translation is rather loose compared to the original (T 51:885c): 3

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About two hundred leagues southeast of the Sindhu River we passed through a stone gate. This is the place where long ago

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Prince Mahäsattva cast his body to the starving tigers. About one hundred forty or fifty paces to the south is a stüpa. Mahäsattva pitied the tigers in their weakened state. He came here and cut his throat with a piece of dried bamboo and fed them his own blood. Ah, how those beasts devoured it! Some of it fell upon the plants thereabouts. They still retain the marks of red color, stained by that blood. People who step on the spot feel as if they have been pricked by thorns and needles. Whether a believer or a nonbeliever, there is no one who is not saddened by this tale. To the north of the spot where he sacrificed himself is a stüpa, about two hundred feet high. It was built by King Asoka. Hsüan-tsang's visit to the site is depicted in the early Kamakura-period scroll based on his life and travel writings, Genjö Sanzö e; see Z o k u N i h o n emaki t a i s e i 7, pp. 156-59. For "believers as well as nonbelievers" in Tamenori's version, the Töji Kanchiin bon has k o k o r o a r u mono mo k o k o r o n a k i mono m o , an apparent mistranscription; the Maeda-ke bon is better, with s h i n j i n contrasted with m u s h i n j i n .

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1.12 P R I N C E SUDÄNA 1


Long ago there was a king of the land of Sibi, and he had only one son, whose name was Sudäna. His body was extraordinary, and it shone luminously. In his heart he had great sympathy for others. Poor people from near and far came to him to beg for alms. The king had entrusted all his treasures to him, and whatever the prince was asked for he gave away. The king had one albino elephant. It was as strong as sixty elephants. Whenever enemies invaded the country, this elephant always overcame them. One enemy king devised a plot. He disguised eight men as beggars, dressing them in deerskins and giving them staffs to carry, and he sent them to the prince to ask for the elephant. The prince thought, "This is one of the king's great treasures. To lose it would surely be a crime," but when they repeated their request he thought, "Were I to refuse their request, I would violate my fundamental vow," and so he put a golden saddle on the elephant and gave it to them. A l l eight of them climbed onto the elephant, and, rejoicing and laughing, they departed. The king's ministers were alarmed, and they went to the king and said, "The prince is exhausting the treasury with his charity, and all of the storehouses will soon be empty. Now he has taken the elephant and given it to our enemy, and the nation is on the verge of destruction. He must be severely censured." The king was terribly alarmed and very unhappy. The ministers insisted that the prince be banished and sent beyond the borders of the kingdom. "Let him be sent deep into the mountains and kept there for twelve years," they demanded. The king assented and sent couriers to carry out the order. They were told to say: "The treasured elephant was our protection against our enemies. By giving it to the enemy you have destroyed the kingdom. Such a deed cannot be forgiven. Leave the kingdom immediately and go to the Dancjaka Mountains." The prince responded, "The king entrusted all of his treasures to me and told me to use them as I thought best. The elephant, too, was one of these treasures, and I thought it was included among those entrusted to me, and so I gave it away without consulting him. But I would not dare to defy his command." The prince had a wife who was the daughter of a king. She was extraordinarily beautiful and extremely good-hearted. They had two small children, a boy and a girl. The prince woke his wife from her sleep and said, "Get up, quickly. Have you not heard? The king has banished me and has ordered me to go to the Dan<Jaka Mountains." 2

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His wife was bewildered. "What is the reason for this?" she asked. The prince replied, "It is because I gave the elephant away," and his wife wept and said, "I shall go too." The prince said, "Those mountains are very far away. The sky is always cloudy and dark and full of thunder, and the rain never stops. The place is full of tigers and wolves and other fierce beasts, and there are many poisonous creatures. The mountains are full of rocky cliffs. The paths are covered with thorny bushes. There is never a moment free from fear. There is no place to walk with ease. We have been brought up in palaces and have never known worldly suffering. Suddenly we will find ourselves in the wilderness, where we will have to live on nuts and fruits and sleep on a bed of grass. How will you be able to bear it? Please, stay here." But his wife said, "There may indeed be all those hardships, but what of the hardship of separation? I depend upon you as a child depends upon its parent. Even if it means going with you and dying together, I shall not violate my vows to you." And so the prince relented, and they went together to his mother, the queen. The prince said, "You must not have another thought for me. But you must go on serving the king faithfully. If the government adopts policies that are likely to cause suffering to the people, you must speak out clearly." The queen wept and said, " M y body is like a stone, my heart is no longer within me. You are my only child. Even if I could gaze upon you forever, I would never tire of it. Since I heard that you must go so far away, my spirit has faltered, and I have lost my senses. When I was pregnant with you, I was as happy as a tree when it bears its blossoms. Since I gave birth to you, I have doted on you as a tree dotes on the fruit it bears. I never thought that you would leave this kingdom and go so far away, abandoning me here," and she gazed into his face as they all wept without respite. Twenty thousand ladies-in-waiting and four thousand ministers also wept in grief over this parting. And when the prince left the palace, all the people wept as they watched him go. They filled the roads, and their wailing voices echoed throughout the kingdom. The prince had sent back those who had seen him off and had gone a great distance when a man came to him and asked him for a horse. He got off his own horse and gave it to the man. He continued on, and another man asked him for his cart. He made his wife get out of the cart and gave it to the man. Then many people came and asked them for their clothes. The prince and his wife and their children all removed their clothes and gave them all away.

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Since all their companions had gone away, the prince carried his son and his wife carried her daughter, and they continued on foot for a long time. It was a very great distance to the mountains from their kingdom. There were people who could have given them a place to rest along the way, but they were forbidden to do so by order of the king. After three weeks of hard travel they reached the Daiicjaka Mountains with unusual speed. At the foot of the mountains was a big river. He helped his wife, and they crossed it. In the mountains lived an ascetic. They looked for him, and when they found him, they asked where they might live in the mountains and told him that they wished to cultivate the Way. The ascetic was impressed, and he pitied them and suggested a place where they might live. The prince built three huts in a row by the edge of a cliff in the mountains. He took up residence in one of them. His wife lived in another, and he let his children play in the third. The boy was seven years old, and he followed his father everywhere he went. The daughter was six years old, and she followed her mother everywhere she went. They all drank spring water and ate the fruits of the trees. Thus did they live for days and months, with the water of the valley stream flowing gently, the mountain birds singing sadly. Sometimes they went to visit the ascetic and made vows to practice the Way with him. At that time, in a distant kingdom called Kuru, there lived a poor, feeble old man. His hair was white, his face was black, his eyes festered, his mouth twisted. He looked altogether like a demon. He had a young, nagging wife. "When I go to draw water," she complained, "everyone who sees me laughs spitefully. If you won't hire a servant, I will leave you." "I am a poor man. Who can I hire?" the old man replied. "I have heard that Prince Sudäna has been exiled deep in the mountains," said his wife. "I believe he has two children. If you go and ask him for them, he is sure to give them to you," and upon this suggestion the old man took up his walking stick and made his way to the place where the prince was living. The prince's wife had gone off to gather fruit. The two children were so frightened at the sight of the old man that they ran off and hid. The old man said, "I have just travelled a very long way. My whole body aches, and I am weak with hunger, too." The prince felt sorry for him and gave him hot water to drink and fruit to eat. "Word of your generosity brought me here," said the old man. "I have already used up all my treasures," responded the prince. "I am old and poor, and it is hard to get through even the few days that are left me," the old man pleaded. "Give me your two children so 4

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that they can help me in my dotage." He repeated this earnest entreaty three times. The prince wept because his love for his children was boundless, but the old man's account of his suffering only grew more poignant. "The belief that I would help you has brought you all this way!" said the prince. "I cannot refuse your request." The old man was delighted. The prince called out to his children, but they were hiding and would not answer. The prince went to look for them, and when he found them he said, "Do you acknowledge me as your father? Then you must go with this old man." But they hid in his arms and wailed and wept. "This old man is a demon," they cried. "To send us with him is to kill us. When mother comes back and looks for us, she will run wild like a mother cow who has lost her calves, and you, father—what of your own regret and sorrow? Please, wait until mother comes back." But the old man protested. "If their mother comes, she is sure to interfere. If you really intend to grant me my request, then do so quickly, and let us go." The prince forced himself to scold his children and took them by the hand to give them over, whereupon the earth shook and swayed. The children broke loose and hid among the folds of the prince's clothing, saying, "What sins could we have committed in the past that cause us now to meet with this trial! We were born from the seed of kings, and now we will be the servants of peasants!" and they both wept. But the prince scolded them again. "Parents and children must inevitably be parted forever," he said. "Nothing in this world is permanent. There is nothing one can depend upon. But when I become a Buddha, I myself shall lead you to salvation." With these chastening words, he once more tried to hand them over, but still they lamented that they would part forever from their mother without having seen her face once more, and they wept and cried, "Why is mother so late in coming home today, of all days? We are about to go away. If only she would come home soon so that we can see her!" and they collapsed in tears upon the ground and would not go. The old man said, "I am old and weak, and my legs are so lame that I can hardly walk. What shall I do if these children run away from me to their mother? You must tie them together and give them to me." The prince consented and held the two children by the arms while the old man came up and tied them together. The old man took hold of the rope and pulled, but they fought back and would not move. Then the old man beat them with a stalk of bamboo. Their blood ran out and stained the earth. The prince stood watching this in the yard, and his tears fell upon the ground. Once more the earth shook and swayed, and the creatures of the mountain wailed and whimpered. As the prince stood watching, his children disappeared into the distance. 6

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When their mother returned, she found their father alone. She asked three times about her children, but he would not answer. She questioned him relentlessly, and finally he told her, "A poor old man came and asked for them, so I gave them to him." She fell upon the ground and collapsed in a heap. She wept and wailed loudly. "Oh, where have my children gone, and with whom, and without me! Sleeping and waking, they were always at my left and right. If I was carrying fruit in my arms, they scampered up to ask for some; if there was dust on me, they fought for the privilege of brushing it off. They played and frolicked and rolled on the ground and made models of birds and animals, and the traces of their little games still lie here and there; the sight adds to my grief, and my heart is about to break. Please, just tell me which way they went. I will run after them and find them!" she cried, weeping wildly all the while. "Your vows to me include a promise never to defy my wishes, no matter what trials befall us," admonished the prince. "Now your cries of grief are twisting my heart and confusing me, in violation of your vow." But despite his scolding, she wept hysterically and would not get up. After a little while a man came and said, "I have heard that you have a wife of great beauty and intelligence. Give her to me." "Indeed, it is just as you say," the prince replied. "She has just come home. I will let you have her." His wife heard this and said, "If I am taken away, who will stay with you and look after you?" "Were I to refuse to give you up," replied the prince, "I would betray my vow to fulfill any request that is made of me," and so he took her and handed her over, whereupon the earth shook and swayed again. The man took hold of the prince's wife and had gone seven steps, but the prince felt no regret. The man came back and gave the prince back his wife. "I am Indra," he said. "When I saw you give your children away, I decided to test you by asking you for your wife. What do you wish for? It will be yours!" He reverted to the form of Indra. The prince's wife bowed to him and said, "I ask that you make the man who took my children away decide to sell them, and that they be sent to our native land. I ask that they be protected and that they may never know hunger or suffering. And I ask that the prince may soon be returned to our native land." The prince said, "I only wish that I may find the Way of the Buddha and may save sentient beings, and that I may continue to give things in charity to others," whereupon Indra intoned their praises— "Excellent, excellent!"—and disappeared. By this time the old man had reached home with the two children. But his wife said, "These children are not capable of doing the work of servants. Sell them and buy a slave-girl!" And so the old man went to the 8

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neighboring kingdom to sell the children, but he lost his way and happened to come to the palace where they had once lived. Everyone who saw them said, "These are the prince's children, the grandchildren of the king!" When the king heard about this, he sent for the old man and questioned him. "I asked for them, and the prince gave them to me," he reported. "I came here to sell them." The king was filled with sorrow and wanted to take the children on his knee, but they would not go to him. "Have they forgotton me?" he wondered. "We were once the grandchildren of a great king," they said, "but now we are the servants of peasants." The king wept and embraced them anyway, and he asked what the price for them was, but the old man was speechless. The children said, "The price for the boy must be small, and the price for the girl must be great." "And why is that?" asked the king. "The prince was the son of the king of the land," said the boy, "and yet he was exiled deep into the distant mountains and met with many hardships. So a boy must be worthless. His ladies-in-waiting were daughters of peasants, but they still serve in the palace of his father amidst many luxuries. So a girl must be worth more." When the king heard this, his sorrow was even greater, and he said, "These words are very wise indeed—and from an eight-year-old child!" He gave the old man some money and sent him away. Then he asked the young prince, "How fares my son?" "He lives by eating fruit and nuts and such," replied the boy. The king wept even more and sent a courier to the prince. When the courier found the prince, he conveyed the king's words: "'Since the prince left, the queen and I have pined and sorrowed for him. We do not eat, we cannot sleep, and as the months and years pass we grow more weak and feeble every day, and our very lives will soon be in danger. Come back quickly and let us see you!' This is the king's message," said the courier. The prince said, "The king's sentence for my crime was for twelve years. Only one year has passed. When all the years of the sentence have passed, I will be ready to go back." The courier returned and reported to the king. Then the king himself wrote a letter that said, "The prince is a man of great wisdom. When he went away, I thought highly of him; upon his return, I shall respect him all the more. As long as he is angry with me and will not come back, I will wait, but I will eat nothing until then." When the prince read the king's letter, he thought about how the queen must be pining for him, and so he left the hut and climbed into the

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carriage that had been sent for him. He cast a look back toward the mountains, and he wept. The people of the kingdom rejoiced, and they swept the road and burned incense and played music to welcome him back. The king of the enemy country put an ornamental saddle on the albino elephant he had begged from the prince and decorated it with many jewels. He filled golden bowls with silver millet and steel bowls with silver [and gold] millet, and he sent a courier at once to express his repentance, saying, "In ignorance I begged this of you, and my crime caused the prince to be judged a criminal. When I heard that he had been sent to the mountains, I could not bear my sorrow. Now I hear that he has returned to the palace, and there is no limit to my rejoicing. I am returning the albino elephant, and with it this offering of golden millet. I ask you to set my heart at rest by forgiving me my crime." The prince sent the elephant back again with expressions of the pleasure he had taken in the message. His own father, the king, rode out on an elephant to meet him, and when the queen saw her son, she was filled with joy, and they greeted each other affectionately. The king gave away all his treasures, keeping nothing back, and the prince's acts of charity exceeded all that had gone before. Thereafter, the houses of the people of the land all prospered, and there were no thieves, and no more prisons. A l l the other countries followed the example of the enemy king and put a stop to their fighting, and the whole world was at peace. Prince Sudäna of old is the Tathägata Säkyamuni of today. This story appears in T a i s h i Shuda[i]nakyö and Rokudojikkyö} In the R e c o r d of T r a v e l s t o t h e Western Regions it says: 10

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In the Da^daka Mountains there stands a stüpa. This is where the prince lived long ago. Nearby there is another stüpa. This is the spot where the prince handed over his children. When the Brahman took the children and beat them, their blood ran out and stained the earth. Even now it is said that all the trees and grasses there are red. 14

Notes

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Six fragments have been identified. See Shüsei, pp. 63-67. I n all the versions of this tale from which Tamenori seems to have drawn material—Taishi Shudainakyö, Rokudojikkyö, and FYCL—the name of the kingdom is written Shöba, a transliteration of Sibi (T 2

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3:419a, 7c; Τ 53:879b; Τ Index 2:75a, 92a). This form also appears in the Maeda-ke bon, whereas the Töji Kanchiin bon has S h a k u h a r a , and Höbutsushü, perhaps on this model, has Shöhara (Ryakuchü, p. 80). This transliteration of the name of the prince, S h u d a i n a , appears in all these versions. The Maeda-ke bon and Töji Kanchiin bon both read Shudana, though with inconsistent orthography (see Shüsei, p. 65; Ryakuchü, p. 80). The story of Sudäna is one of the most familiar in jätaka literature. In the Päli jätaka 547 his name is Vessantara (PJ 6:246ff); in Jätakamala, it is Visvantara (Speyer, tr., p. 93). D a i c h i d o r o n makes only brief mention of the tale but does so in association with the tales of Sibi (1.1) and Mahäsattva (1.11) (Τ 25:304c). Mori has suggested that the F Y C L recension of T a i s h i Shudainakyö may have been Tamenori's main reference ("Sanböe no seiritsu to Höon j u r i n , " p. 22), but it has been shown that the sütra itself must have also been in Tamenori's hands, since certain passages eliminated from the F Y C L version appear as details or dialogue in the Sanböe version. Furthermore, some details correspond only to the Rokudojikkyö version (Shüsei, p. 451; see also notes following). For a translation of T a i s h i Shudainakyö, see Eduard Chavannes, C i n q cents contes et apologues e x t r a i t s du T r i p i t a k a C h i n o i s 3, pp. 362-95. The Dan<Jaka ( D a n d o k u ) Mountains are a range in the Gandhara region (BD 4:3520c-21c). The ascetic (gyönin) is identified in T a i s h i Shudainakyö as "a devotee of the study of the Way" (gakudösha; Τ 3:421a); Rokudojikkyö has döshi ("sage" or "holy man") and names him Ashüda ( A c y u t a ) ( T 3:9a; see also K M J 4a). Although the name "Kuru" is written in slightly different ways in the reference texts, Tamenori duplicates the form found in T a i s h i Shudainakyö and Rokudojikkyö rather than that in F Y C L . These two texts identify the man in Kuru as "a poor old Brahman." The discussion between the prince, his children, and the old man corresponds roughly to T a i s h i Shudainakyö (Τ 3:422a-b); it does not occur in F Y C L . 7 Here, and in the two repetitions that follow, the shaking of the earth is a response to the prince's ultimate sacrifices, which prove that he is a Buddha-to-be. 8 The mother's collapse and her impassioned speech are based on passages in Rokudojikkyö (Τ 3:10a); no such speech occurs in the other versions. 9 I n all the versions to which Tamenori referred, it is clear from his first appearance that this "man" is Indra in disguise. Tamenori builds suspense by withholding this information. He also eliminates a long passage in which the prince explains to his wife that they have 3

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confronted these same troubles in their previous lives (compare T a i s h i Shudainakyö, Τ 3:422c). 10 The Maeda-ke bon is the most consistent here, including both silver and gold millet, as does T a i s h i Shudainakyö (Shüsei, p. 70; Τ 3:423c). 11 This part of the happy ending is based on Rokudojikkyö (Τ 3:12a); the other versions have nothing similar. Säkyamuni, narrating the story in Rokudojikkyö, makes this identification explicit at both the beginning and the end. See n. 2. A s in the previous tale, Tamenori's quotation from T a - t ' a n g hsiyü-chi is rather free (see Τ 51:881b; see also Watters, 1, p. 217). 12

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Some twenty leagues to the northeast of the city of Palu§a we reached Mount Dancjaloka. On top of the peak is a stüpa, erected by King Asoka. This was the site of Prince Sudäna's hermitage. Nearby is another stüpa. On this site the prince gave his children to the Brahman. When the Brahman beat the children, their blood ran out and stained the earth. Even today the plants retain their red color. On the mountain is a cave where the prince and his wife practiced austerities. The branches of the trees in the valley droop as if to form a curtain. Alongside is the spot where the prince's journey ended. Nearby is a stone cottage. There is where the ascetic used to live.

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1.13 SYÄMA 1


Long ago there was an elder who lived in the kingdom of Kapilavastu. Both he and his wife were very old, and both of them were blind in both eyes. They had only one child, and his name was Syäma. [In some texts his name is Zenshin.] In his heart he cherished the Ten Good Practices, and he looked after his two parents diligently. His father and mother wanted to go deep into the mountains to practice the Way of the Buddha. But they were reluctant to leave their only son at home, and besides, they knew of no one who could lead them into the mountains. So the months and years passed in vain, and their dreams remained unrealized. Syäma said to them, "Why should you concern yourselves about me, and why, on my account, should you hesitate to fulfill your greatest wish? Nothing in this world is permanent. There is no way to live forever. It is best to carry out your plans without delay. I will go with you and take care of you." His father and mother rejoiced, and they immediately put their household things in order and gave them all away to the poor. Then Syäma led his parents deep into the mountains. He built a hut of straw, spread layers of rush mats, collected water from springs, and gathered the fruits of the mountain trees. Every morning he went out to gather fruit, but he would not eat it by himself. Every night without fail he woke three times to find out if they were too cold or too warm. He looked after his parents by himself, and thus the months and years piled up, and all the birds and animals came to know his compassionate heart, and they sang about it. One day his parents asked him for water. He went down into the valley to fetch it, wearing a deerskin cloak, and when he bent down with his jug to scoop up the water among the deer who had also gathered to drink, he looked just as if he were one of them. Just then the king of that country had come into the mountains to hunt, and when he saw the deer, he shot at them, and by mistake his arrow struck Syäma in the chest. Syäma fell and cried out, "Who is it that with this one arrow has slain three people? An elephant is slain for its tusks. A rhinoceros is slain for its horn. But there is nothing to take from me, so why do you slay me?" When the king heard this voice, he realized with shock that this was a man, and he got off his horse and went up to him. "Who are you? You look just like a deer, and that is how I came to shoot you, by mistake!'' he said. 3

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"I live here in the mountains," answered Syäma, "looking after my aged parents." The king wept when he heard this, and all his attendants also wept. At that moment a great wind suddenly began to blow, breaking branches off the trees, and all the birds cried mournfully, and all the animals scurried and screeched; the sun went dark, and there was no light in the sky; thunder was heard, and the earth shook. The king grew frightened, and he said, "By mistake I have killed a filial son. This is a very heavy sin. How sad, to have come in search of a small morsel only to reap this heavy weight of sin. What can I do to keep you alive?" Still weeping, he tried to pull the arrow out with his own hands, but it was deeply lodged and would not come out. "Do not blame yourself, oh king," said Syäma. "This is the result of sins in my own past. I do not regret the loss of my own life, but I am very sorry for my father and mother. They are very old, and both of them are blind. After one day without me they are sure to die." This made the king even sadder, and he wept again and said, "If, in the end, you do not live, I shall not go home again. I shall remain here in the mountains forever and take care of your parents in your place. May all the deities, dragons, and divine creatures bear witness. I will not break this vow." When Syäma heard this, there was no limit to his joy and admiration. "If the king will indeed take care of my parents, I have no reason to be sorry to die." "But before you die," said the king, "tell me where your parents are." "If you follow this narrow path, you will soon come upon a small grass hut," Syäma told him. "You will find them there. Go calmly and step softly; do not startle them, please. Plan what you will say to them carefully, or they will be overwhelmed by the shock. But do not fail to convey these words: Men cannot live forever, and from this moment I shall be parted from you forever. I am worried about who will take care of you, and how you will manage to live out the rest of your days. Such worries are making it hard for my spirit to accept death peacefully. Yet, death is the way that we must all take in the end; no one can escape it. I absolutely forbid you to mourn for me; there is nothing to be gained in lamentation.' And tell them that I died giving them the assurance that they will meet their son again in the next life, and he will never neglect them or leave them again," and with these last words, he died. Hearing this, the king and all his attendants wept and raised their voices together in grief. Then they followed the path he had shown them, and soon they came to the hut. When the two blind parents heard the noise of the crowd, they asked, "Who is there?" 6

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The king replied, "I am the king of this land. I heard that you have come into the mountains to practice the Way. The truth is, I came here to bestow an offering on you." They were very surprised, and said, "We are deeply honored. Can we offer you a fresh mat of straw on which to be seated? Rest here a while, if you will." And so saying, they spread out the mat. The king asked them, "Do you find it easy or difficult, living here in the mountains?" They answered, "The nation has a great king; we have a filial son. Thanks to your virtue, the world is at peace and the times are prosperous. Thanks to our son's care, we eat fruit and drink spring water. We want nothing and never suffer. Let us offer you some of this mountain fruit. Our son has gone to fetch water. He should come back soon." The king could bear it no longer, and he began to weep and said, "When I see you waiting for your son, my pain is enough to tear me asunder. I came into the mountains to shoot deer, and by mistake I shot your son. The truth is, my utter remorse has brought me here. Now you must depend upon me alone. I will take care of you in his place." When the parents heard this, they threw themselves down on the ground and collapsed, like two great mountains crumbling into dust. The king went and helped them to their feet. Weeping, they cried, "Our son was very circumspect, and, as far as we know, he was faultless. What error could he have committed against the king to cause you to kill him today? When that great wind blew up suddenly, and the birds of the mountain cried so mournfully, we thought, 'We have been here for more than twenty years and have never known anything like this before.' That was when our son was at the stream. We wondered and worried that something might have happened, when in fact he was already lost! How much time has passed since then? Is he dead, or does he still live?" The king repeated every word their son had said and told them, "With these words your son died." Hearing this, they grew even more distraught and said, "Our only son is dead! Who can we rely on now? We are sure to perish soon ourselves. We beg you, oh king, take us to the place where our son died. Let our corpses lie with his!" The king was terribly distressed, and he took them by the hand and led them to the place where their son lay. The father embraced his son's feet, the mother embraced his head, and each took one hand and together they pulled on the arrow in his chest. The mother licked his wound with her tongue and said, "May the poison enter my mouth and kill me, and let my son live! I am old, and I am blind. Surely, I should die instead of him!" Weeping, they both raised their voices in grief: "Our son was filial. He served the Buddha, upheld the teachings, and revered

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the clergy. If heaven knows how virtuous he is, let the arrow in him come out by itself, and let the poison lose its effect, and give him back his departed spirit. Restore this life cut short! If his virtuous heart was not truly filial, or if our words have not proven it so, we too will end our lives here and become deer like him." At that moment, Indra's throne crumbled and all the palaces in heaven shook, for, with his heavenly eye, Indra had seen them from on high. He had heard the parents mourning their son and was moved by the true filiality the son had shown his parents, and so, in company with Brahma and a tumultuous assemblage of all the spirits of the heavens and earth, he made himself visible to the parents and said, "This was truly a filial son. I will bring him back to life," and he poured heavenly medicine into Syäma's mouth. Instantly, the arrow came out, and he came back to life. His parents were amazed, and they discovered that their sight had been restored as well. A l l the birds and animals came flying and scurrying, raising their voices in joyous cries. The wind ceased, the clouds dispersed, the sun shone brightly, and flowers bloomed. The king, too, was truly stunned and overjoyed, and he bowed to Indra and also to the father and mother and their son and said, "I shall gather all the treasure of my kingdom and give it all to you. I shall stay here forever and look after you both day and night." But Syäma said, "If you wish to make amends, you would do better to return quickly to your kingdom and look after your own people and encourage them to uphold the precepts. And you, king—do not go hunting ever again! Your life in this world will not be easy, and in the next life you will go to hell. Long ago you garnered perfect merit, and so you are now a king. But do not succumb to the willfulness of your heart and thereby commit sins through your headstrong actions!" The king was deeply repentant, and he said, "From now on I shall do as you instruct me." When the king's attendants saw how Indra descended and instantly saved the youth's life with his medicine, and how the parents were made to see again, they all were greatly amazed and filled with awe, and they thought seriously, for a long time, about their lives to come and resolved to live the rest of their present lives correctly. The king returned to his kingdom and issued a general proclamation, saying: "Everyone whose parents are blind should look after them according to Syäma's example. Anyone who molests or harms such persons will be treated as a heinous criminal." A l l the people in the land were inspired with faith, like Syäma, and the high as well as the low taught each other. They upheld the Five Precepts and cultivated the Ten Good Practices, and when they died, 7

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they were all reborn in heaven; none of them were reborn in the Three Evil Realms. The Buddha told Änanda that Syäma of old was his very self: ["The father and mother were King Suddhodana and the Lady Mäyä of today. I owe the fact that I have become a Buddha to them and to the power of filial piety. A l l men have fathers and mothers, and they must be filial to them. There is a righteous Way in this world, and all must study it." This story appears in Bosatsu Senkyö and Rokudojikkyö.] 10

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Ten fragments, some contiguous, have been identified. See Shüsei, pp. 77-83. Kapilavastu ( K a i r a k o k u ) was the city of Säkyamuni's birth. On the meaning of "elder" (chöja), see 1.7, η. 1. There are two translations of Bussetsu Senjikyö in the Chinese canon (T numbers 174 and 175); it has been assumed that Tamenori referred to the latter (T 3:438b-40a), but it has been shown that he also incorporated some unique details from the version in Rokudojikkyö (Τ 3:24b 25a) (see following notes). In the Päli jätaka version of this story (number 549) the elder is named Duküla, and his wife is named Pälikä (PJ 6:72; see also K M J 570b). In the Töji Kanchiin bon the name is written with two characters that give the phonetic reading Semu; the Maeda ke bon has the single character Sen (phonetically semu) used in the title and text of Senjikyö and in Rokudojikkyö. In some versions "Syäma" becomes Syamaka (e.g., in Mahävastu; see K M J 370b; H J S K 2:24). This interlinear note appears only in the Töji Kanchiin bon. Zenshin means "good-hearted one," which accurately describes the protagonist. It may be an attempt to transliterate Senji in some meaningful way. It is not a translation; Ogiwara suggests that Syäma probably means "black and beautiful" ( B o n w a d a i j i t e n 14, p. 1351a). "The Ten Good Practices" (jüzen): see 1.2, n. 9. Again, these signs warn of the death of a Buddha-to-be. The couple's speech up to this point corresponds to the Rokudojikkyö version. Senjikyö has no such passage. Note that Syäma is praised here for his respect for "the three jewels." To "become deer" must mean "to be slain like a deer, as was our son." 2

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Indra, like Brahma, possesses the "heavenly eye" ( t e n g e n ) , enabling him to see events throughout the universe. This speech does not occur in Senjikyö but is derived from Rokudojikkyö (Τ 3:25a). 10 The "Five Precepts" (go k a i ) , which apply to both monks and laymen, are injunctions about killing, stealing, fornicating, lying, and drinking alcoholic beverages (Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , p. 52a). On the "Ten Good Practices," see 1.2, n. 9; on the "Three Evil Realms" (san'akudö), see 1.2, n. 3. Änanda ( A ' n a n ) , one of Säkyamuni's closest disciples, is the interlocutor in Senjikyö; the Buddha tells him that he presented himself to the blind couple as the child Syäma, and thus makes the identification explicit. The text in brackets appears only in the Maeda-ke bon. The Töji Kanchiin bon breaks off here; the verse concluding the volume is also missing. Suddhodana (Jöbon'ö) and Mäyä are the names of Säkyamuni's parents. These identifications are also explained by Säkyamuni to Änanda at the conclusion of Senjikyö. "Bosatsu Senkyö" is a mistranscription of "Bussetsu Senjikyö." T a - t ' a n g hsi-yü-chi has a description of a stüpa commemorating Syäma immediately preceding the passage quoted at the end of 1.12 (T 52:881b; see also Watters, 1, p. 217), but Tamenori, somewhat inexplicably, does not refer to it here. 9

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VERSE (Maeda-ke bon)

In praise I sing: Until you have climbed to the top of the mountain, You do not know how high the heavens are. Until you have found the valley's depth, You do not know how thick the earth is. And if you are not aware of the Bodhisattva's strivings In three immeasurable chiliocosms and a hundred k a l p a s , How can you know of the Tathägata's accomplishments In the Six Stages, his fulfillment of ten thousand tasks, Or of Säkyamuni's awesome deeds and sufferings? 1

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The Second Volume The Teachings P R E F A C E T O T H E SECOND V O L U M E 1

(Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon )

Among all the teachings of Säkyamuni—from the day he was enlightened to the night he entered Nirvana—none are untrue. First, like the sun rising at dawn and casting its light upon lofty peaks, he expounded the K e g o n for the enlightenment of Bodhisattvas. Next, like the sun mounting high in the sky, casting its rays deep down into the valley, he delivered the Ägamas for the edification of his disciples. Then he propounded the diverse Mahäyäna scriptures in many different places, and though he spoke with one voice, all sentient beings responded in their own way and attained enlightenment. It was just like the rain, which is the same no matter where it falls but causes all the various kinds of trees and flowers to flourish in their special ways. At sixteen assemblies he taught the Prajnä doctrine of nonsubstantiality, and after more than forty years he opened up the marvelous Way of the L o t u s . He propounded his views on Vulture Peak, and after his voice had died away in the midst of the White Crane Grove, Käsyapa transmitted his teachings by ringing a bell, and Änanda passed through a keyhole in order to hear them. Finally, one thousand a r h a t s were chosen, and they recorded all the holy teachings he had given during his lifetime. Thereafter, a succession of more than twenty sages transmitted them, and the kings of sixteen great nations spread them and protected them. The Blessed Säkyamuni died, but his teachings remained after him, like a prescription left by a physician. Why should there be anyone, then, who cannot be cured of the plagues of passion? The teachings are like valuable jewels left in our keeping by a departed friend. Eventually, we must all awaken from our ignorant stupor. It was in India that the Buddha appeared and propounded his teachings, and it was to China that they were transmitted. But from all 2

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The Second Volume: The Teachings

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accounts it seems that Buddhism there has grown weak and superficial. In the third year of the Chen-kuan era [629] the monk Hslian-tsang "Tripitaka" went to India and traveled all over the country, but he found that the old pathways on Mount Kukkutapäda were choked with bamboo and deserted. A l l the buildings in the ancient Jetavana garden were gone, and not even one monk could be found living there. When he went to see the Bodhgaya Monastery in the kingdom of Magadha, he found the images of Kannon that had been made by kings, but they had sunk below the ground and were so deeply buried that only the parts above the brows could still be seen. It was said that when the Buddha's teachings were entirely lost, these images would be completely buried. There were many great sages in China, and Buddhism flourished there, but there was frequent turmoil. In the Latter Chou Dynasty, devils stirred up a terrible tempest that threatened to extinguish the torch of Buddhism. The monk [Ching ]ai, in grief over the state of the world and in disgust with this life, killed himself, while the monk [Hui] yuan, deploring the fate of Buddhism, confronted the emperor and accused him of his crimes. In the K'ai-huang era [581-600], Buddhism flourished anew, but in the Ta yeh era [605-617] it declined once more, causing demons to weep, gods to sigh, mountains to rumble, and oceans to b o i l . The Hui-ch'ang emperor burned many sütras and treatises, though many of the nobles within his court bowed their heads and wept, and state officials before the gates sobbed streams of tears. More than 360 years have passed since those days of the Chenkuan era, and those images of Kannon in India have no doubt disappeared. More than 140 years have passed since the Hui-ch'ang suppressions, and it is unlikely that much, if anything, is left of Buddhism in China. But behold, the Buddha's teachings have spread to the east and have come to rest here in our land, where they now flourish! Many sages have appeared here and left their marks, and our sovereigns have continuously fostered the spread of Buddhism. It is no slight affinity that allows us here and now to be witnesses to the words of the Mahäyäna scriptures, which, it is said, are rarely found among all the lands in the ten directions, rarely heard in countless k a l p a s . The sound of the Law is as efficacious as a "poison drum": even if you hear it just once, your enemy—ignorance—will be destroyed immediately. The names of the sütras are just like medicinal trees: you have only to utter them for the illness—the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth—to be cured. That Himalaya Boy gave up his life to obtain half a verse, and [Pravara] destroyed himself in order to gain a whole one. Sadäprarudita's yearning sent him to the east, while the youth Sudhana searched in the south. Bhai§ajyaräja burned his own flesh, and Samantaprabha was willing to give up his head. If, in one day, three times as 12

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Preface to the Second Volume

many people as all the sand in the Ganges were to sacrifice themselves, they would not even begin to repay our debt for a single verse in the Buddha's teachings. Long ago there was a dog who heard a sütra while he lay under a bed; he was reborn in Srävasti and became a sage. And then there was the bird in the forest who heard the teachings and was reborn in Träyastriipsa Heaven, to dwell forever amidst its pleasures. Birds and animals have been thus rewarded; what then may humans who offer their faith expect? How sad that it was not until long after the demise of the Buddha and the advent of the Period of the Imitated Teaching that Buddhism was first transmitted to China from India, in the reign of Emperor Ming of the Han, and that it was not until still later, during the reign of Emperor Kinmei, that it came to Japan from the kingdom of Paekche! I am now pressing my palms together, and I shall display the wonders of the teachings of the Buddha. 24

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A version of this preface, recorded contiguously with the biography of Shötoku Taishi (2.1), appears in Jögü T a i s h i g y o k i ; see Shüsei, pp. 96-97. In the Töji Kanchiin bon, the text of the preface is preceded by a table of contents for the second volume; see Shüsei, p. 89. The word used here for enlightenment is shögaku, one of many translations of samyaksambodhi (BD 3:2561c). The Buddha is said to have preached the K e g o n (Avatamsaka) sütra during the twenty-one days immediately following his attainment of enlightenment. The figure of the sun illuminating the mountaintops (the Buddha enlightening the Bodhisattvas) is employed in Chih-i's description of gradual revelation in M o - h o c h i h - k u a n ( T 46:2c, 90c), but it is derived from the K e g o n Sütra itself ( T 9:616b; quoted in F Y C L , Τ 53:463a). The extension of the sunlight figure in the following lines also follows M o - h o c h i h - k u a n , as does Tamenori's whole presentation of the gradual revelation. Ägamas (Agon) here refers to the group of scriptures that epitomize the Hinayäna teachings. The Buddha is said to have spent the twelve years following his enlightenment propounding these teachings. For "disciples," the Töji Kanchiin bon has the word shamon (i.e., srämana); the other three texts have the word shömon (srävaka). "The diverse Mahäyäna scriptures" refers to the sütras grouped under the term V a i p u l y a , by which Chih-i meant the Mahäyäna sütras other than the K e g o n , Prajnäpäramitä, L o t u s and N i r v a n a Sütras 2

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(which are classified in other periods). The Buddha is said to have spent the next eight years of his career propounding the Vaipulya sütras. Tamenori paraphrases Chih-i's description of the effect of these teachings; the figure of the rain and the plants it nourishes appears in the fifth chapter of the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:19b). 6 "The Prajnä doctrine of nonsubstantiality" refers to the content of the Mahäprajnäpäramitä Sütra, which is said to have been propounded at sixteen assemblies (jürokue) occurring over the next twenty-two years of the Buddha's career. The L o t u s is said to have been delivered forty years after the Buddha's initial enlightenment, during the last eight years of his life. In this sequence, Tamenori omits specific mention of the N i r v a n a Sütra. According to Chih i , it was given after the L o t u s to reach those who had been alienated by the universalist doctrines of the L o t u s ; Chih-i nevertheless held that the L o t u s was the supreme teaching. "Vulture Peak" (Washi no m i n e , Sanskrit Grdhraküta) is the place where the Prajnäpäramitä and L o t u s Sütras were given. The "White Crane Grove" is another name for the "grove of Säla trees" (see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 15). When the Buddha entered Nirvana, the trees in the grove turned white, it is said, and looked like a flock of cranes. In the opening section of M o - h o c h i h - k u a n , Chih-i lists the three main venues of the Buddha's teaching activities: their beginnings in the Deer Park, continuation at Vulture Peak, and conclusion in the "Grove of Cranes" (T 46:1a). After the death of Säkyamuni, his disciple Mahäkäsyapa (Kashö) called for a gathering of all disciples to record the Buddha's teachings. D a i c h i d o r o n says that he went up on Mount Sumeru and rang a bell to summon the dispersed followers of the Buddha to this first convocation (T 25:67c, quoted in F Y C L , Τ 53:647c; see also Lamotte, 1, pp. 91-92). D a i c h i d o r o n also says that Mahäkäsyapa excluded Änanda (A n a n ) from the convocation because of various charges of disloyalty to the Buddha (see 3.7, n. 16). Furthermore, the thousand disciples chosen as authoritative transmitters of the teachings were all a r h a t s , but Änanda was not. On the eve of the convocation, Änanda entered deep meditation and attained a r h a t s h i p , as well as the Six Supernatural Faculties. The next day, he asked for admittance; when Mahäkäsyapa asked for proof of his a r h a t s h i p , Änanda passed through a keyhole and entered the hall (using his newly attained ability to alter his shape) (T 25:69a, quoted in F Y C L , Τ53:375b; see also Lamotte, 1, p. 100). 8 The recording of the teachings is recounted in D a i c h i d o r o n , Τ 25:67c. Fuhözö innenden (Τ 50:297ff) records the transmission through twenty-plus patriarchs, beginning with Mahäkäsyapa. The same record 7

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of transmission is summarized in F Y C L ( T 53:511c). The latter part of this sentence may refer to Ninnö hannyaharamitsukyö, a discourse attended by sixteen kings, all of whom receive the transmission of the Prajnä doctrine from Säkyamuni (Ryakuchü, p. 101). T h i s passage is paraphrased in Kunkai's T a i s h i d e n gyokurinshö, but "his teachings" is changed to "his relics" (Höryüji Son'ei b o n T a i s h i d e n gyokurinshö 1, p. 158). T h e figure of the jewels is based on one of the "seven parables" of the L o t u s Sütra. In the seventh chapter, five hundred newly converted a r h a t s compare their experience to that of a man who got drunk while visiting a friend's house and was unaware that his host had put jewels inside the lining of his robe. Much later, starving and suffering in a distant land, he met his former host, who revealed the treasure hidden inside his tattered robes and advised his friend to exchange the jewels for food and shelter (T 9:28a). Thus, the hidden jewels symbolize a priceless treasure, the existence of which may be unknown to the possessor. Hsiian-tsang (660-664), the great translator and pilgrim of the T'ang period, described his sojourn in India in T a - f a n g hsi-yü-chi, the work quoted several times in the tales of the first volume. Because he brought back a great number of scriptures, many of which he then translated, he earned the sobriquet "The Tripitaka Monk" (Sanzö höshi) (see BD 1:964c; Weinstein, "Imperial Patronage in T'ang Buddhism," pp. 291-97). Mount Kukkutapäda ( K e i s o k u s e n ) , in Magadha, the site of the death of Mahäkäsyapa and closely associated with the early Buddhist community, is described in some detail by Hsüan-tsang: "The peak is so lofty, it seems limitless; the valleys are so deep, they seem bottomless . . . on the peak, the flourishing grasses have made the rock faces crumble" (T51: 919b-c; see also Watters, 2, p. 143). T h e Jetavana garden ( K o d o k u e n ) , near Srävasti, was donated by Sudatta (Anäthapin<Jada) as a refuge for the Buddha and his disciples. Hsüan-tsang reported: "Where great halls once stood there is only decay . . . the buildings have collapsed and only the foundations remain" (T 51:899b; Watters, 1, p. 384). The Jetavana ruins are depicted in Genjö Sanzö e ( Z o k u N i h o n emaki t a i s e i 8, pp. 4-7). T h e Bodhgaya Monastery ( B o d a i j u i n ) was a complex of buildings that were constructed around the site of Säkyamuni's attainment of enlightenment. Hsüan-tsang found them almost deserted: 10

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After the Buddha entered Nirväfla, the kings of several nations put up two images of Kannon, facing east, marking the north and south boundaries. When I asked an old man about them, he said, "When these images of the Bodhisattva are completely buried, the Buddha's teachings will be extinct."


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The image in the south is buried so that only the chest remains visible above ground. (T 51:915b; see also Samuel Beal, B u d d h i s t Records of t h e Western W o r l d , p. 116)

This scene is also depicted in Genjö Sanzö e, where both images are shown buried to the shoulders ( Z o k u N i h o n emaki t a i s e i 8, pp. 27-28). "The Latter Chou Dynasty" refers to the Northern Chou (557581). At the behest of Emperor Wu, a number of temples and their images and scriptures were destroyed. Their treasuries were confiscated and redistributed to members of the nobility, and their monks and nuns were laicized. The persecution lasted from 574 to 577 (see Kenneth Ch'en, B u d d h i s m i n C h i n a , pp. 190-94; Tsukamoto Zenryü, "Hokushü no haibutsu ni tsuite," in Töhö gakuhö 16 [1948]:29-101 and 18 [1950]:78-222; Nomura Yöshö, Shü-Bu hönan no kenkyü). Tamenori refers to Ching-ai as " A i zenshi." His biography in Hsü kao-seng-chuan ( T 50:625c 27b) describes his reaction to the Northern Chou suppression and is probably Tamenori's source. He was an active participant in the debates at court between Buddhist, Taoist, and Confucian leaders, which preceded Emperor Wu's harsh action. Ching-ai used Taoist texts as well as the classical Chinese histories and chronicles to defend Buddhism, and the emperor was impressed with his eloquence and passion. The emperor proposed a test: Buddhists and Taoists would be put into cauldrons of boiling oil, and, presumably, the righteous would not be injured. But the test was never carried out. Ching-ai withdrew from court to the mountains with thirty followers, and he built twenty-seven monasteries as refuges for the thousands of monks displaced by the destruction ordered by Wu. He also compiled a work called S a n - p a o - c h i ("Record of the Three Jewels") in ten (or twenty) fascicles, now lost. (It is mentioned in L i - t a i s a n - p a o - c h i [T 49:96b] and F o - t s u t ' u n g - c h i [T 49:347b].) The emperor died in the sixth month of 578, and the violence of the suppression abated, but in the following month, in despair over the violence against his religion, Chingai committed suicide. He is said to have been forty-five at the time, and he was buried in the mountains by his followers (Nomura, Shü-Bu hönan no kenkyü, pp. 179-81). Hui-yüan is called Ε höshi here. In his biography in Hsü kao-sengc h u a n ( T 50:489c-91a) he is identified as "Hui-yüan of Ching-ying ssu" and is thus distinguished from the more famous Chin Dynasty monk of the same name. Hui-yüan of the Northern Chou is far better known than Ching-ai because of his authorship of several important treatises. He registered an official protest against the emperor's actions, either in the spring of 578 or perhaps just after the first suppressions in the spring of 577. He was threatened with the death penalty for this challenge to 15


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imperial authority, but he survived, and most of the work for which he is remembered was written in the period of revival after Emperor Wu's death (Nomura, Shü-Bu hönan no kenkyü, pp. 228-30; BD l:263c 64a). T h e downfall of the Northern Chou and the accession of the Sui (581-617) led to a revival of Buddhism. Emperor Yang was an active supporter of Chih i. The only anti-Buddhist act during his rule was the issuance of an order that monks would be required to do homage to secular rulers and officials. This was a radical departure from custom; monks had, until then, been held exempt from worldly demonstrations of obedience (Ch'en, Buddhism i n C h i n a , p. 202). This may be the evidence of decline that Tamenori describes so melodramatically, or there may be a confusion of dates and periods. The next persecution, which he describes less colorfully, was by far the worst in Chinese history. T h e "Hui-ch ang emperor," identified here by the name of the era of his rule, is Emperor Wu tsung of the T'ang Dynasty. This most destructive of the Buddhist suppressions began in 842. Again, many temples were destroyed, thousand of monks and nuns were laicized, and, in 845, Buddhism was officially banned. The diary of the monk Ennin (see 3.16) is the best surviving record of these events (see Edwin 0. Reischauer, E n n i n ' s T r a v e l s i n T'ang C h i n a , pp. 217-71). Tamenori omits reference to one later suppression, that of 955, under Emperor Shih-tsung of the Latter Chou Dynasty, when over 300 temples were dismantled (see Kamata Shigeo, Chügoku Bukkyöshi, pp. 280-81). T h e parable of the poison drum appears in the N i r v a n a Sütra: a man painted a drum with special poison, and everyone who heard him beat the drum died instantly. The teachings uttered by the Buddha are said to be equally efficacious and universal in effect, transforming even those who do not choose to listen (T 9:420a). T h i s simile is also in the N i r v a n a Sütra: the sütra itself is said to be like the most efficacious of all medicinal trees, unsurpassed in its curative powers (T 9:418a). O n the "Himalaya Boy," see 1.10. "Pravara" is a suggested reconstruction for the name that appears here, Saisö; the story appears in Shuissai f u k u t o k u zanmaikyö (Τ 12:995c; see also F Y C L , Τ 53:996a; Ogiwara, K a n ' y a k u taishö b o n w a d a i j i t e n , 870). A demon told this former incarnation of Säkyamuni that he would teach him a Buddha's verse if he would write it on his skin with his own blood. The sage agreed, flayed himself, and waited to hear the verse. But the demon fled, awed by the sage's devotion. A great number of Buddhas then appeared and healed the sage's wounds. Sadäprarudita (Jötai; also Sadäparibhüta) is a Bodhisattva whose story appears in D a i h a n n y a haramittagyö (Τ 6:1059a 68b). In a 17

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dream he learned that the Prajnä doctrine was to be found in the east, so he traveled in that direction and, after an arduous journey and many trials, attained perfect wisdom. Sudhana ( Z e n z a i ) is the hero of the latter half of the K e g o n Sütra. Inspired by Manjusri's preaching, he traveled south, met and studied with fifty-three sages, and finally attained enlightenment (see also 3.13). "Bhai§ajyaräja" (Yakuö) is a Bodhisattva who disperses medicine that cures all the ills of both the body and the mind. The twenty-third chapter of the L o t u s Sütra describes his devotion to that scripture, culminating in his self-immolation as a demonstration of absolute faith (T 9:53b). A l l texts of this passage read literally "he burned his arm." The story of Samantaprabha (Fumyö; also Samantaprabhäsa) is the same as that of Srutasoma (1.2), and in Rokudojikkyö the protagonist's name is Fumyö. The preceding passage, citing four examples of extreme devotion to Buddhism, is closely modeled on a passage in the first section of M o - h o c h i h - k u a n ( T 46:2b): "Sadäprarudita sought in the east; Sudhana searched in the south; Bhai§ajyaräja burned his arm; Samantaprabha cut off his head." "The sands of the Ganges" is a figure frequently employed to suggest infinite numbers. Here, Tamenori continues his paraphrase of M o - h o c h i h - k u a n (see preceding note). T h e story of the dog is from Kuzö hiyukyö (Τ 4:512b, quoted in F Y C L , Τ 53:466b). The dog slept under the bed of a monk who chanted sütras day and night. So attentive was the dog that when it died it was reborn as a nun in the city of Srävasti, and as such attained enlightenment. T h i s story is from Gengukyö (Τ 4:437b, quoted in F Y C L , Τ 53:412c). The bird heard a monk chanting in the woods. When it flew closer to hear him better, it was shot by a hunter, but it was reborn in Träyastriijisa as a reward for its good intentions. One of the traditional accounts of the introduction of Buddhism to China claims that Emperor Ming (who reigned from A . D . 58 to 75) had a dream (in about the year 65) that inspired him to send envoys to the western regions to obtain Buddhist texts. They returned in 67 with two monks for whom the first Chinese Buddhist monastery was built in the capital, Lo yang. The monks are said to have brought a "(Sütra) in Forty-two Sections" with them, and it is the preface to that sütra (incorporated in C h ' u san-ts'ang c h i - c h i , Τ 55:42c) that is the primary source of this legend (see Zürcher, The B u d d h i s t Conquest of C h i n a , p. 22). A version of this story, quoted from M i n g - h s i a n g - c h i , appears in F Y C L ( T 53:383b; overlooked by Mori and Koizumi et al.). 23

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Traditionally, an event during the reign of Emperor Kinmei (540571) is said to mark the introduction of Buddhism to Japan: a Korean king sent Kinmei a gift of Buddhist images and scriptures. N i h o n s h o k i says this occurred in 552, but other documents give 538 as the date, and this is generally thought to be more accurate.


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2.1 SHÖTOKU T A I S H I (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Tödaiji-gire, Sekido ke bon, Jögü Taishi gyoki ) 1

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Long ago there was a sage named Jögü Taishi. He was begotten by the Emperor Yömei, when he was still a prince, in the womb of Princess Anahobe Hashihito. First the mother-to-be had a dream in which she saw a golden monk who said, "I intend to save the world. Let me rest in your womb for a short time. I am the World-saving Bodhisattva, and my home is in the west." So saying, he flew into her mouth, whereupon she found that she was with child. On the first day of the first month of the first year of the reign of the prince's uncle, Emperor Bidatsu [572], she was strolling in the palace grounds and was approaching the stable when suddenly the child was delivered. Her servants cradled the infant in their arms, and just when they reached the main hall of the palace, a red light shown down on them from the west. The infant's body was very fragrant. By the age of four months he spoke with great skill. At dawn on the fifteenth day of the second month of the following year, without any encouragement, he seated himself, placed his palms together, faced the east, and prayed, chanting " N a m u b u t s u . " When the prince was six years old, monks and nuns came from Paekche for the first time, bringing scriptures and commentaries. The prince asked the emperor for permission to open the scriptures and commentaries, burn incense, and examine the texts, and when he had finished doing so, he asked that the eighth, fourteenth, fifteenth, twentythird, twenty-ninth, and thirtieth days of each month be set aside as Six Ritual Days. On these days, Brahma and Indra were to be worshiped, and the killing of animals was to be forbidden. The emperor was very pleased, and he gave an edict to this effect, forbidding the killing of animals on those days. In the winter of the prince's eighth year, an image of the Buddha arrived as an offering from Silla. The prince said, "This is an image of the sage Säkyamuni Buddha, who lived in India." A man named Nichira came from Paekche. His body shone with a bright light. The prince, secretly disguised in humble clothing among a group of boys, went to the palace at Naniwa to see him. Nichira pointed at the prince and was suspicious. The prince was startled, and he tried to get away. Nichira bowed down on the ground, put his hands together, and said, "Hail the World-saving Kannon, bringer of light, king of this wild little eastern country!" and as he spoke a great light emanated from his body. A light also emanated from the prince's brow. 3

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Another time, a stone image of Maitreya was brought from Paekche. The prime minister, Lord Soga Umako, took charge of it, and he built a temple in the eastern quarter of his mansion to house it, and he worshiped it. He placed three nuns in the temple to care for the image. The prime minister built a pagoda in the temple. The prince said, "A pagoda is supposed to hold a relic of the Buddha. Perhaps a relic of the Tathägata Säkyamuni will appear here." So Umako prayed, and a relic of the Buddha was found lying upon the offertory rice. It was put into a jar of lapis lazuli, which was placed upon an altar, and they worshiped i t . The prince and the prime minister were united in their desire to foster the Three Jewels, but a plague spread through the land, and many people died. Great Chieftain Moriya and Nakatomi Katsumi went to the emperor and said, "From ancient times our people have prayed only to our own deities. But the Soga Minister reveres and worships this thing called Buddhism. This has caused the plague to strike, and the entire populace is sure to perish. Their lives can be saved only if we put an end to Buddhism now!" "Indeed, it is as you say," replied the emperor. "Let Buddhism be banned forthwith," and an edict to that effect was issued. But the prince petitioned the emperor: "These two have not yet understood cause and effect. Good actions yield good fortune; evil actions lead to disaster. These two are certain to meet with disaster very soon." In spite of his words, the edict went into effect; Moriya was dispatched to Umako's temple, and he destroyed the halls and the pagoda and burned the image and all the sütras. Then he threw the remains into the canal at Naniwa. The three nuns were humiliated, chastised, and driven away. On that day, the heavens turned black, though there were no clouds, a tempestuous wind blew, and torrential rains fell. The prince said, "The worst disaster is yet to come." Indeed, a plague of smallpox struck, and many people suffered. They felt as if their flesh were being burned and flayed. The two ministers were punished with especially severe attacks of the disease, and in their pain and suffering they petitioned the emperor: "Your ministers can no longer bear this misery. We ask that prayers be addressed to the Three Jewels for our sakes." And so the emperor ordered the reinstatement of the three nuns and allowed [the two ministers] to worship. He also called for the reconstruction of the temple they had burned. Thus [Buddhism], which had been burned and discarded, [was] revived, and it began to flourish. The prince's father, Emperor Yömei, took the throne, and during his two-year reign Buddhism spread and prospered. He said, "We shall place all our trust in the Three Jewels," and, at his command, the Soga Minister invited a Buddhist monk to the palace. The prince rejoiced; 12

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shedding tears of joy, he grasped the minister by the hand and said, "Many are those who have yet to learn about the marvelous Three Jewels. But you, prime minister, have given them your heart. How happy this makes me!" Later, someone secretly reported to Moriya: "Certain persons are plotting against you. You had better get your soldiers ready." So he barricaded himself in his mansion at Ato and gathered his private army around him. Nakatomi Katsumi also raised an army to aid Moriya. At the same time, there was a rumor that they had placed a curse on the emperor. The Soga Minister reported this to the prince and led his army in an attack on Moriya. Moriya raised his army, and they put up their shields and fought off the attack. His army was extremely fierce, and the imperial forces were frightened and were thrown back three times. The prince was sixteen years of age. He stood behind the leaders of the army and ordered the Minister of War, Hata Kawakatsu, to cut down some sumac trees and carve them into images of the Four Celestial Kings. These were placed in the soldier's topknots and on the tips of their spears, and they all prayed: "If we are granted victory over our enemies, we will make images of the Four Celestial Kings and dedicate halls and pagodas to them." The Soga Minister prayed, too, and he regrouped his forces and attacked once more. Moriya climbed into a large nettle tree and invoked the tutelary deities of his clan, the Mononobe, and then he let his arrows fly. One of them struck the prince's stirrup. The prince then gave an order to his retainer, Tomi Ichihi, to pray to the Four Celestial Kings and shoot back. Ichihi's arrow struck Moriya in the chest, and he fell out of the tree. His army scattered, the imperial forces advanced, and they cut off Moriya's head. A l l the treasure of his household and his entire estate became the property of the temple. The Temple of the Four Celestial Kings was established on the Tamatsukuri Heights, and Buddhism flourished ever afterward. The prince's uncle, Emperor Sushun, took the throne. During his reign the prince, now nineteen years of age, had his first capping ceremony. Then his aunt, Empress Suiko, took the throne. She gave all responsibility for governing the nation to the prince. A prince named Asa came as an envoy from the state of Paekche. He bowed to the prince and said, "Hail the World-saving Bodhisattva Kannon who has brought the wondrous teaching to the eastern nation of Japan, who will illuminate and expound the teachings for forty-nine years." At that moment, a white light shone from Prince [Shötoku] 's 19

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brow; the beam of light was three yards long. After a while, it shortened and then disappeared. When a black pony with four white legs was sent as a gift from K a i Province, the prince mounted it and flew off into the clouds toward the east. His retainer, Tsukai Maro, went with him, at his right side. Everyone looked up into the sky to see them fly by. They reached the province of Shinano and skirted the boundaries of Mikoshi. After three days they returned. In the presence of Empress Suiko the prince took the seat of honor and lectured on the Srlmälä Sütra. Many learned monks questioned him, and they were amazed by his responses. When he completed the three days of lecturing, lotus flowers fell from the night sky. The flowers were three feet in diameter, and they fell to earth in piles that reached a height of four feet, completely covering the site of the lecture. When the empress saw this on the following morning, she commanded that a temple be built on the spot. This is the present Tachibanadera. The prince sent Ono Imoko to look for a sütra that, he said, had belonged to him in a former life, when he had lived on Mount Heng in China. "In the southern part of China," said the prince, "there is a mountain called Mount Heng, and on the mountain is the Pan-jo temple. A l l of my comrades of those by-gone days must be dead by now, but three of them may still be alive. Tell them that you are my messenger and that I had a copy of the L o t u s Sütra in one fascicle when I lived there. Ask them for it, and bring it back." Following these instructions, Imoko went to China and made his way to the temple. A monk was standing at the gate, and when he saw Imoko he went in and said, "A messenger has come from Meditation Master Nien." Then three aged monks came out, leaning on staffs, and they gladly showed him where the sütra was and let him have it. He immediately took it home. The prince put up a building adjacent to his living quarters in his palace at Ikaruga and called it the "Yumedono". Three times each month he bathed and purified himself and then entered this hall. The next morning he would come out and tell all about Jambudvipa. Also, while inside the hall, he wrote a number of commentaries on the sütras. On one occasion he did not come out for seven days and seven nights. The door remained closed, and no sound could be heard inside. The monk Hyeja of Koguryö said, "The prince has entered meditation; he must not be disturbed." On the eighth day the prince finally came out. He carried a sütra in one fascicle on a jeweled tray. He sent for Master Hyeja and told him, "This is the sütra that belonged to me in my 27

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former life on Mount Heng. Imoko brought one back this year, and I have just sent my spirit over to get this one." When the two sütras were compared, it was found that one character was missing from the former one. The new sütra in one fascicle was written on gold paper and rolled around a jeweled shaft. The monk Dögon and a party of ten came from Paekche to assist him. "In your former life," Dögon explained, "when you lectured on the L o t u s Sütra on Mount Heng, we were monks on Mount Lu, and sometimes we went to Mount Heng to hear you." Ono Imoko went to China again and returned to Mount Heng. One of the aged monks was still alive and told him, "In the autumn of last year, your prince, formerly the Meditation Master of this temple, came out of the sky from the east in a chariot drawn by a blue dragon, with 500 attendants, and he took a sütra in one fascicle that had been hidden in the wall of his former cell and flew off into the clouds with it." Thus, it was known that this is what had taken place when the prince stayed so long inside the Yumedono. The prince's consort was a woman of the Kashiwade clan. The prince said to her, "You are always obedient to me and never challenge anything I say. How fortunate I am! When I die, you and I shall be buried together in one grave." "If I could," she responded, "I would serve you day and night for a thousand autumns and ten thousand years. Why do you speak as if this day were your last?" " A l l things that have a beginning must also have an end," he answered. "This is the inherent nature of all things. For every birth we experience, we also experience a death; this is the way we all must follow. I have lived many lives in the past, and I have striven in the Way of the Buddha in many incarnations. Now I am just a prince in this small nation, trying to spread the wondrous Teachings, propounding the doctrine of the Single Vehicle where there was no doctrine before. But I do not think that I am long for this evil world corrupted by the Five Pollutions." His words brought tears to his wife's eyes. When the prince was traveling from Naniwa to the capital, he encountered a starving man who was lying on the slope of Kataokayama. The prince's black pony stopped and would not go forward, so the prince got down and spoke with the man. He took off his purple cloak and covered the man with it, and uttered this verse: 36

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The starving man lifted his head and uttered this verse in reply: Though the rich rivulets of Ikaruga run dry, The name of our great Lord Shall not be forgotten! By the time the prince reached the palace, the man was dead. The prince mourned him and supervised his funeral service. At the time, seven of the highest-ranking ministers criticized him for this. The prince responded, "Go to Kataoka and see what has become of him." When they got there, they found that there was no corpse. Fragrance filled the empty coffin. They were all astounded. Then the prince spoke with his wife. He bathed and washed his hair and put on fresh robes and told her, "I am going to die tonight." He spread out their sleeping mat, and they lay down upon it. The next morning, although the sun had risen high in the sky, the prince did not get up. Everyone became anxious, and someone opened the door of his room and looked and saw that both the prince and his wife were dead. Their features were unaltered, and their fragrance was stronger than 41

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ever. The prince was forty-nine years old. On the day he died his pony whinnied and whimpered and refused to eat or drink. It followed the cortege to the grave site, gave a final cry, and fell dead. It too was buried with the prince. Also, on the day of the prince's death the sütra he had brought from Mount Heng suddenly disappeared. The sütra in the possession of the temple is the one Imoko brought back from China. The image of the Buddha brought from Silla is now in the Eastern Hall of Yamashinadera. The stone image brought from Paekche is now in the Eastern Hall of Gangöji in Nara The prince founded Shitennöji, Höryüji, Gangöji, Chügüji, Tachibanadera, Hachiokadera, Ikeshiridera, Kazurakidera, and Hyügadera. The prince is known by three names. First, he is called Umayado Toyotomimi no Miko. This is because he was born by the side of the royal stable and could hear about the sufferings of ten people all at one time without missing a word. Second, he is called Shötoku Taishi. This is because he behaved like a monk from the time of his birth and later wrote commentaries on the Srlmälä Sütra and the L o t u s Sütra, spread Buddhism, and saved many people. Third, he is called Jögü Taishi. This is because he lived in the southern wing of the palace during the reign of Empress Suiko and conducted all the affairs of state himself. 43

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His story appears in N i h o n g i , in the Taira's Shötoku T a i s h i den, Jögüki, and in N i h o n k o k u zen'aku ryöiki, edited by the monk Kyökai of Yakushiji in the capital of Nara. 49

Notes

There is a gap in the Sekido ke bon from a point near the end of this section to a fragment of the last sentence of 2.3. Three fragments of the Tödaiji-gire type have also been identified. As noted above, Jögü T a i s h i g y o k i contains a complete version of this tale (see Shüsei, pp. 115-22). "Jögü Taishi" is one of the many names for Shötoku Taishi, discussed also at the conclusion of this section. The word used here for "sage" is h i j i r i . Yömei was the fourth child of Emperor Kinmei and reigned from 585-587. Anahobe Hashihito was also a daughter of Kinmei, by a daughter of Soga Iname; she was Yömei's half-sister. This reading of her name follows that in the Töji Kanchiin bon and Yamada's commentary thereon (see Shüsei, p. 115; Ryakuchü, p. 118). The "World-saving Bodhisattva" (Guze bosatsu) is Kannon. By association with Amida, this Bodhisattva is also believed to dwell in the west. Iconographical representations of the Guze k a n n o n are common, and one of the most famous is the image in the Yumedono (see n. 33, below), which is popularly believed to be modeled on Shötoku Taishi's own features (see BD l:677b-78a). The account of this dream in Shötoku T a i s h i d e n r y a k u (hereafter cited D e n r y a k u ) contains this explicit identification of the prince as Guze bosatsu ( S T D 1:71). In the earlier Jögü T a i s h i den h o k e t s u k i the monk in the dream says only, "I have vowed to save the world" ( S T D 1:55; see Hayashi Mikiya, T a i s h i shinkö, pp. 40-51 for a full discussion of the birth legend). Bidatsu was Kinmei's second child and Yömei's elder half-brother. He reigned from 572 to 585. The story of the prince's birth near a stable ( u m a y a d o ) appears in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:71-72). It is sometimes thought to be the source of one of the prince's names (discussed below), but was perhaps developed to explain the name itself. The account of the birth in Jögü Shötoku T a i s h i Höötei setsu gives a birthdate corresponding to the year 574, which is generally held to be accurate ( S T D 1:12; see Hayashi, T a i s h i 2

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shinkö no kenkyü, pp. 116-20). A similar birth story appears in N i h o n s h o k i but without any indication of a date { N K B T 68:172-73). The description of this incident, indicating the prince's precocious religiosity, is based on D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:72). The fifteenth day of the second month is the traditional anniversary of the death of Säkyamuni (see also 3.8). "Facing east" suggests that a Buddha other than Amida— perhaps Maitreya—is the object of worship of the ritual salute, " N a m u butsu" D e n r y a k u says that these events occurred in the tenth month of 577 ( S T D 1:73-74), but N i h o n s h o k i has it in the eleventh month ( N K B T 68:140), where it is said that the envoy Öwake no Ökimi, returning from his mission to the Korean kingdom, brought back "scriptures and treatises, a Vinaya master, a meditation master, a nun, an expert in the chanting of dhäranl and other curative and protective spells ( j u g o n s h i ) , a sculptor of Buddhist images, and a temple carpenter." The Töji Kanchiin bon and Sekido-ke bon include the phrase "for the first time," suggesting that this was the actual introduction of these Buddhist artifacts, officiants, and artisans; there is a gap in the Maedake text at this point, and D e n r y a k u contains no such phrase. The account of these events follows D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:74), slightly abbreviated. The "Six Ritual Days" ( r o k u s a i ) originate in the Indian belief that on six days each month the Four Celestial Kings record all good acts, while evil spirits record all evil acts; as a result, these days were marked with circumspect behavior, particularly abstinence from eating after mid-day. Several sütras prescribe strict adherence to certain rules of behavior on six days in each month (with some variation in the days so designated). Monks and nuns must chant the precepts (i.e., hold a Convocation; see 3.5) on these days, while laymen should strictly observe the "Eight Ritual Precepts" ( h a c h i s a i k a i ) , i.e., abstention from (1) killing living things, (2) stealing, (3) sexual intercourse, (4) lying, (5) drinking alcoholic beverages, (6) dressing in a showy manner and attending entertainments, (7) sleeping on a high bed, and (8) eating after mid-day (BD 5:5057a b). The arrival of the image from Silla, with returning envoys in 579, is recorded in N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 68:140). The story of the prince's identification of it is in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:174). The arrival of Nichira in 583 is recorded in N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 69:142). He seems to have been an ethnic Japanese who spent most of his life in Paekche and rose to a high position in its government. He served as envoy between Paekche and the Asuka Court at a time when the Japanese were hoping to regain control of the Korean state of Imna. 6

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On his way back to Korea, Nichira was murdered by members of his own party who suspected that he had revealed to the Japanese the fact that Paekche also had designs on Imna (BD 5:4088b c; K J J 5:1278c 79b). The story of Nichira's encounter with the prince is based on D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:76). Naniwa (now part of modern Osaka) was the port used by envoys to and from the continent. The palace mentioned here may have been a ceremonial hall where arriving and departing diplomats were entertained. A l l three Sanböe texts record Nichira's salutation in Chinese, without transcription. The last five characters of the salutation literally mean "king of this nation in the east that is like scattered millet," i.e., a disordered, fractious state; the terminology is found in early Chinese documents referring to Japan (KGD 12:348d; Morohashi, D a i k a n w a j i t e n 8, p. 896a). In the Jögü T a i s h i g y o k i the salutation continues with two more five-character lines that mean: "You come from the west; you are born here to deliver all the wondrous teachings and save all sentient beings" (Shüsei, p. 118). A s head of the influential Soga clan, which enjoyed close ties to the throne, Umako was one of the most powerful men at the Asuka Court, and he is portrayed in N i h o n s h o k i as the champion of Buddhism at the time of its introduction. The events described here, in the year 584, are recorded in some detail in N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 68:148). One of the three nuns mentioned here, Zenshin, figures prominently in that account but is not mentioned by name in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:77); this is probably the reason for Tamenori's omission. The construction of what may have been the first such pagoda (a model of a stüpa) in Japan is recorded in the N i h o n s h o k i passage cited above, but with no mention of Shötoku Taishi. Again, Tamenori depends on D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:77) but alters the sequence of events; D e n r y a k u mentions the discovery of the relic before the construction of the pagoda by Shiba Tattö, a devout layman. M o r i y a was the head of the Mononobe clan who, with their allies, the Nakatomi, were the chief rivals of the Soga and the main opponents of Buddhism, according to N i h o n s h o k i (see K J J 6:1744a 54a). The name Nakatomi Katsumi appears in some early Nakatomi genealogies but not in Sonpi b u n m y a k u (KJJ 5:1223). The following account of Moriya's and Katsumi's anti-Buddhist activities corresponds to that in N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 68:150ff), embellished with elements from D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:78). While the ministers' statement of opposition to Buddhism and the emperor's response are recorded in both N i h o n s h o k i and D e n r y a k u , the prince's protest appears only in the latter. 11

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There are several historiological problems with this traditional account, not the least of which is the fact that it duplicates an earlier N i h o n s h o k i section in which anti-Buddhist ministers (the Mononobe and Nakatomi chieftains of the previous generation) are said to have thrown a Buddhist image into the same canal, in 552 (see N K B T 68:102). Furthermore, Gangöji g a r a n e n g i says that Emperor Bidatsu himself was the instigator of the plan to destroy the nascent religion ( D N B Z 114:138), while N i h o n s h o k i simply says, "he did not accept Buddhism" ( N K B T 68:132). According to N i h o n s h o k i , the nuns were flogged in a public marketplace ( N K B T 68:150; see also D e n r y a k u , S T D 1:78). The natural omens and the prince's prediction are in D e n r y a k u only. T h e Töji Kanchiin bon specifies "smallpox" ( k a s a no y a m a i ) , although both N i h o n s h o k i and D e n r y a k u have eyami, a word for a general plague or epidemic. A l l texts include the words "the two ministers," but this is clearly a misreading of D e n r y a k u , which says that "the minister" (i.e., Umako) "was allowed to worship." According to N i h o n s h o k i , the emperor allowed Umako to practice Buddhism but forbade all other citizens to do so ( N K B T 68:51). Also, the Töji Kanchiin bon and Maeda-ke bon read, "the image and sütras that had been burned and lost," but this is not supported by the N i h o n s h o k i or D e n r y a k u accounts. The Sekido ke bon and Jögü T a i s h i g y o k i versions read, "Buddhism, which had been burned and lost." O n Emperor Yömei, see n. 3. Bidatsu seems to have been a victim of the smallpox epidemic. The Soga and Mononobe struggled briefly over the succession, but the Soga candidate prevailed ( N K B T 68:152). According to both N i h o n s h o k i and D e n r y a k u , the motive for the emperor's acceptance of Buddhism in 587 was his hope of being cured of a chronic illness. His utterance is a vow called Sanki ("reliance on the Three Jewels"). Debate between the Soga and Mononobe factions over the advisability of this adoption of the new faith ensued. Then "a monk from Toyo Province" (i.e., northern Kyüshü) was brought to the palace (the first time a Buddhist monk had entered the precincts) by the emperor's brother or by Umako (according to N i h o n s h o k i and D e n r y a k u , respectively). The prince's words of praise for this event appear only in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:79). A t o is now called Atobe, in Ösaka-fu. The account of these events follows both N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 68:158-59) and D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:79-80). In D e n r y a k u it is not entirely clear who was bewitched by Moriya, but N i h o n s h o k i says that he made images of the emperor's sons and placed murderous curses on them. In fact, Yömei was ill and died in 17

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the fourth month of 587. Tamenori, following D e n r y a k u , omits mention of the succession dispute that resulted. T h e prince's participation in the battle is recorded in N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 68:163), but Tamenori's wording is closer to that of D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:80-81). Little is known about Hata Kawakatsu; he is named in D e n r y a k u but not in the N i h o n s h o k i account of the battle (see KJJ5:1349b 50a). The invocation of the Four Celestial Kings may be based on a passage in Konkömyö saishöökyö in which they promise to protect Buddhism from its enemies. On Shötoku Taishi and the worship of the Four Celestial Kings, see Hiraoka Jökai, "Shitennö shinkö ni tsuite," in Shötoku T a i s h i kenkyü, pp. 65-81. T h e contrast between the imperial forces' invocation of Buddhist deities and Moriya's invocation of the native gods is more explicit in D e n r y a k u ; in N i h o n s h o k i , Umako is said to have called on both the Buddhist and the Shinto deities ( N K B T 68:164). T o m i Ichihi is specifically named in both accounts, but little else is known (see K J J 5:1167c). T h e forerunner of Shitennöji, the great temple in Osaka, was probably located near the present site of Osaka Castle (Sakamoto Tarö, Shötoku T a i s h i , pp. 181-83; Hiraoka, "Shitennö shinkö ni tsuite," pp. 78-81). Sushun (?—592) was the twelfth child of Kinmei and the brother of Shötoku Taishi's mother. Umako overcame the Mononobe effort to crown a different brother and put Sushun on the throne in the expectation that he would be compliant, but Sushun proved to have a mind of his own, and in 592 Umako engineered his assassination (KJJ 4:965a 67a). D e n r y a k u mentions the assassination ( S T D 1:84) without any indication of Shötoku Taishi's possible role, or even his attitude toward it, although the event led to his appointment as regent. A cap-rank system was adopted at Shötoku Taishi's instigation in 603, and it was expanded in 647. According to D e n r y a k u the prince's adulthood ceremony was performed in the third year of Sushun's reign (590), but it is imprecise to call this a "first capping." Suiko (554-628) was a daughter of Kinmei, a full sister of Yömei, and Bidatsu's consort (Sakamoto, Shötoku T a i s h i , pp. 37-39). Umako chose her to replace Sushun, and Shötoku Taishi's selection as regent was also based on close family ties: the prince's grandmothers on both sides were Umako's sisters, and one of his wives was Umako's daughter. Nothing is known about Asa except that he seems to have been the son of the king of Paekche. N i h o n s h o k i records his visit in the fourth month of 597 ( N K B T 68:175). The account of his praise for the prince and the accompanying sign is based on D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:88). 21

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The legend has obviously been adjusted to the facts; Shötoku Taishi did die at the age of forty-nine according to most accounts (see below). This legendary incident also reflects another element of the popular notion that the prince was an incarnation of Kannon. Tsukai Maro is otherwise unknown. The incident is described in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:89). The ability to travel through the air is frequently attributed to saintly figures (hijiri); see the story of Ε no ubasoku (2.2), for example. "Mikoshi" comprises the three provinces of Echizen, Etchü, and Echigo. T h e Srlmälä Sütra (i.e., Shöman s h i s h i k u ichijö daihöben hökökyö) is a work in one fascicle about the devout queen of Srävastl, emphasizing, among other ideas, universal salvation attainable by both men and women on an equal basis; hence, it would be an appropriate text for a lecture given before the empress. The three-day lecture is only briefly mentioned in N i h o n shoki, in the seventh month of 606 ( N K B T 68:189), where it also says that the prince lectured on the L o t u s Sütra in the same year, but Tamenori omits this and continues with the story of the falling flowers that accompanies the account of the Srlmälä lectures in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:95). The fact that Tamenori's narrative moves next to an account of the prince's devotion to the L o t u s may result from the association of the two texts in the legend of his lectures. According to the chronicles of Tachibanadera (in Asuka-son, Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken), it was originally Yömei's detached palace and the site of Shötoku Taishi's birth (BD 4:3472c-73b). The identification of the site as that of the prince's lectures appears in an interlinear note in D e n r y a k u . According to N i h o n shoki, Ono Imoko went to China for the first time in the seventh month of 607 and returned in the fourth month of 608 ( N K B T 68:189; see also K J J 2:282b-c). The following account of his adventure follows D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:96-98). Mount Heng (Közan), in Hunan, was the site of a number of monasteries associated with Hui-ssu and other Buddhist figures (BD 2:1044a-45a). T h e word used here for China, Sekiken, is one that appears in such early Japanese documents as the Shoku n i h o n g i (see K G D 11:684a). The "Pan-jo" (i.e., Prajnä) "temple" is H a n n y a t a i (i.e., "Prajnä peak") in Denryaku. "Meditation Master Nien" (Nen zenshi) is understood here as Shötoku Taishi's name in his previous existence. Later in the D e n r y a k u version the prince explains that he led five previous lives as Chinese monks (two of whom lived on Mount Heng) before his present life ( S T D 1:106-7). Because of the association of Mount Heng with Hui-ssu, the theory that the prince was a reincarnation of Hui-ssu himself became popular; both Saichö and Kükai espoused it. (Hui-ssu died in 577, three 28

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years after the accepted date of Shötoku Taishi's birth. See R y a k u c h u , p. 128.) According to N i h o n s h o k i , construction of the palace at Ikaruga began in 601 ( N K B T 68:177). It has been suggested that the prince left his aunt's palace and established this separate residence in order to pursue his activities away from the direct cynosure of Umako (Ajia bukkyöshi, N i h o n hen 1: A s u k a - N a r a Bukkyö, pp. 69-70). The site was eventually incorporated into the monastery that became Höryüji, and the Yumedono is now part of Höryüji. It is an octagonal structure, said to have been used by the prince as a meditation hall; "yume" ("dream") probably refers here to the meditative state. The design of the present structure dates from 1230. It houses the revered Guze Kannon image, said to resemble the prince's own features (see Kuno Takeshi et al., N i h o n no b i j u t s u : Höryüji, pp. 105, 207-8). "Jambudvlpa" here means India. D e n r y a k u says, "He talked all about things in foreign lands" ( S T D 1:99). The implication is that while in meditation he was able to travel to other times and places. See the discussion of the commentaries below. Hyeja (Eji, ?—623) came to Japan in 595, spent twenty-three years at Hököji, and then returned to Korea, where he died. He is identified as one of the prince's teachers in N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 1:174; see also BD 1:275b). The word used here for meditation, sanmaijö, is as in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:99). The implication of the story, which Tamenori does not make particularly clear as yet, is that the prince had detected the tiny error in the sütra brought by Imoko and suspected that it was not the one he had once possessed. In meditation, he transported himself to China and found the correct and perfect copy. T h e arrival of Dögon, ten monks, and seventy-five lay followers from Kyüshü at court in 609 is recorded in N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 68:193), where it says that the party was blown off course while attempting to reach the Chinese province of Wu. Dögon and the monks eventually took up residence at Gangöji (see K J J 5:1179a-b). The "Mount L u " to which he refers may be the peak in Shantung associated with both Taoist and Buddhist ascetics; the word used for "monks," döshi, could mean either Taoists or Buddhists. D e n r y a k u has dönin ( S T D 1:100). Ono Imoko was sent back to China in the ninth month of 608 and returned one year later. The account of his second visit to Mount Heng is based on D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:100). T h e marriage, according to D e n r y a k u , took place in 598 ( S T D 1:89), and she is said to have borne the prince four sons and four 33

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daughters (KJJ 2:492c 93a). Shötoku Taishi is said to have had as many as four wives (see Naganuma Kenkai, Shötoku T a i s h i ronkö, pp. 267-72; Öno Tatsunosuke, Shötoku T a i s h i no kenkyü, pp. 34-35). T h i s section paraphrases D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:100-1). The phrase "the doctrine of the Single Vehicle" (ichijö no g i ) may be construed as a reference to the L o t u s Sütra. On the "Five Pollutions," see "General Preface," n. 15. T h i s story appears in N i h o n shoki ( N K B T 68:198-200), dated 613, in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:102-3), and in both Höötei setsu and H o k e t s u k i . There is also a version in N i h o n ryöiki, which Tamenori acknowledges as one of his sources at the end of this biography (see N K B T 70:77-81). The first verse appears in N i h o n shoki in a slightly different form and as poem number 1350 in Shüishü (see Yamagishi Tokuhei, ed., Hachidaishü zenchü 1, p. 621). It does not appear in the Ryöiki version. The second verse does not appear in N i h o n shoki but appears in this form in D e n r y a k u and as poem 1351 in Shüishü. In Ryöiki it is said to have been written on the door of the beggar's empty tomb. In Höötei setsu it is given as one of three verses composed as memorials to the prince by Kose Sanjö Daifu ( S T D 1:16; NST 2:372). D e n r y a k u names Umako as one of the ministers who protest the prince's kindness to the beggar. There is perhaps an echo here of the legend of Asoka's ministers' opposition to his patronage of mendicants (see "Preface to the Third Volume"). In Genkö shakusho ( K S T K 31:27) this beggar is identified as Bodhidharma, and this story became the basis of the belief that Bodhidharma visited Japan (see Ogisu Jundö, "Shötoku Taishi to Datsuma Nihon dorai no densetsu ο megutte," in Shötoku T a i s h i kenkyü, pp. 297-309). Kataokayama is in Öji-chö, Nara-ken (Takeshita Kazuma, Bungaku iseki j i t e n , shikahen, pp. 117-18). T h i s account of the prince's death follows D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:112) up to the last two sentences, which appear to be Tamenori's own embellishments or derived from another unidentified source. N i h o n shoki cites the fifth day of the second month of 621 as the date of the prince's death. Documents at Höryüji, the Tenjukoku tapestry, and Höötei setsu all give the twenty-second day of the second month of 622 as the date, which is generally accepted (Sakamoto, Shötoku T a i s h i , p. 192). T h e prince's age at his death agrees with Höötei setsu and with the generally accepted dating of his birth, 574. D e n r y a k u says he was fifty (see Hayashi, T a i s h i shinkö: sono hassei t o h a t t e n , pp. 137-39). The events following the death of the prince are as described in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:112-13). 40

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The disappearance of the sütra is not mentioned in any of Tamenori's acknowledged sources. Yamashinadera is another name for Köfukuji (see 3.28). The information reported here appears in a parenthetical note in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:74). The image was destroyed when the troops of Taira Shigehira set fire to the temple in 1180 ( H e i k e m o n o g a t a r i , p. 5; N K B T 32:383). T h e private temple in which Umako originally placed the image may have been the forerunner of Gangöji. This passage is based on an interlinear note in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:77). The image was not to be found in the temple's Eastern Hall (Tökondö) when Öe Chikamichi visited it in 1140, according to his S h i c h i d a i j i j u n r e i k i (see Fujita Tsuneo, ed., Kökan b i j u t s u shiryö, j i i n h e n , p. 56). There is no record of what became of it. T h e list is the same as that in D e n r y a k u ( S T D 1:113); other biographies have different lists (see Sakamoto, Shötoku T a i s h i , pp. 18091). On Shitennöji, see n. 24. Höryüji is said to have been built by Shötoku Taishi and Suiko in memory of Yömei in 607. It was destroyed by fire in 670, rebuilt in 693, and in 739 incorporated the neighboring precincts of the prince's Ikaruga mansion, including the Yumedono. It is one of the greatest repositories of the art and architecture of the Asuka and Nara period. Gangöji, the Soga clan temple founded by Umako, was known as Asukadera and Hököji. The original site, now a Shingon temple, is in Asuka-son, Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken. "Shin" Gangöji (the "new" Gangöji), in Nara proper, was founded in 718, in conjunction with the building of the capital city, and was regarded as one of the Seven Great Nara Temples. Few of its buildings have survived (see Öta Hirotarö, N a n t o s h i c h i d a i j i no r e k i s h i t o nenpyö, pp. 3-30). Chügüji is said to have been the prince's mother's private residence adjacent to his Ikaruga Palace and was made a convent after her death in 621 (BD 4:3650b 51b). Among other treasures it houses fragments of the Tenjukoku tapestry believed to have been made by one of the prince's widows. On Tachibanadera, see n. 29. Hachiokadera is now known as Köryuji, in Uzumasa, Ukyö ku, Kyoto. Hata Kawakatsu built it in 603 (BD 2:1110b-12a). Ikeshiridera is now known as Hokkiji, near Höryüji. The prince is said to have built it in 607. Some accounts say that his son, Yamashiro Öe no Ö, built it for him when he was near death, or as a memorial (BD 5:4536a b). Kazurakidera is also known as Myöanji. It does not survive; a possible site in Asuka-son has been identified (see Sakamoto, Shötoku T a i s h i , p. 189). "Hyügadera" may refer to a temple in northern Kyüshü, in the district of that name, where the Soga clan are said to have dwelt before moving to Asuka. It may also have been a temple near Daikandaiji (the forerunner of Daianji) in Takaichi (see Naganuma Kenkai, Shötoku T a i s h i ronkö, pp. 104-6). 45

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This section follows a passage in the N i h o n ryöiki tale previously cited ( N K B T 70:77). For discussions of the prince's various names, see Sakamoto, Shötoku T a i s h i , pp. 10-18; Naganuma, Shötoku T a i s h i ronkö, pp. 143-52. The name "Umayado Toyotomimi no Miko" is used several times in N i h o n shoki. Since umayado means "stable," the name is thought to have some relation to the legend of the prince's birth. But Umayado may have been a place-name near the present site of Tachibanadera, which is also associated with his birth. "Toyotomimi" may describe ears with supernatural capabilities, and the name may suggest the attribution to the prince of the universal hearing possessed by Bodhisattvas. The element m i m i appears in the names of many Shinto deities and may have some other ritualistic or honorific meanings of non-Buddhist origin. "Shötoku Taishi" probably came into use as a name for the prince soon after his death. The phrase Shötoku muryö ("the sage's virtues are limitless") appears in Shömangyö gisho (see below), but this only suggests the name's general Buddhist character and probably does not directly account for the application of the name to the prince. In addition to the two commentaries mentioned here in connection with this name—the Shömangyö gisho (on the Srlmälä Sütra) and the Hokkekyö gisho (on the L o t u s ) — a third commentary, the Yuimakyö gisho (on the V i m a l a k l r t i Sütra), is also attributed to the prince. Shoku n i h o n g i mentions only the Srlmälä and L o t u s lectures, with no reference to written commentaries. Shötoku Taishi's authorship of these works has long been an article of faith for Japanese Buddhists, and they are considered the first native Japanese works of this kind. There are, however, a number of controversies concerning their actual provenance and authenticity. It has been shown that the commentaries rely to a considerable extent on Chinese commentaries that may not have been known in Japan during the prince's lifetime. On the L o t u s commentary, see Hanayama Shinshö, Shötoku T a i s h i gyosei H o k k e gisho no kenkyü and Hanayama's edition of the H o k k e g i s h o . On the Srlmälä commentary, see Hanayama's Shömangyö gisho no Jögüö n i k a n s u r u kenkyü and his edition of the commentary; see also Shömangyö gisho ronshü and Kanaji Isamu, Shömangyö gisho no shisöteki kenkyü. Another text of the commentary, annotated by Hayashima Kyöshö and Tsukishima Hiroshi, is to be found in NST 2:25-352, and all three commentaries are in Τ 56 (nos. 2185, 2186, 2187). On all three commentaries, see Shirai Shigenobu, Shötoku T a i s h i gosen sangyö gisho no r i n r i g a k u t e k i kenkyü. The name "Jögü Taishi" appears in N i h o n shoki in the sections covering the reigns of both Yömei and Suiko. There are several other possible explanations of its origins besides that given by Tamenori. Jögü, literally "upper palace," may mean that his quarters were on higher ground than the sovereign's. It may mean that he governed (as regent)


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from the "former" palace (at Ikaruga). It may simply be an honorific expression, or an indication that he was heir apparent, or may be derived from a place-name. N i h o n g i is an abbreviation of the name of the N i h o n s h o k i , which was compiled by about 720. On its dating and authorship, see N K B T 67:6-12. "The Taira's Shötoku T a i s h i den" identifies Shötoku T a i s h i d e n r y a k u , which was once believed to have been written by various members of the Taira family but has been shown to be the work of Fujiwara Kanesuke (877-933) and has been dated to 917 ( B S K D 5:381b; Fujiwara Yüsetsu, "Kaisetsu," in S T D 1:38-48). Jögüki (author and date unknown) survives only in fragments in Shaku n i h o n g i (a commentary on N i h o n s h o k i by Urabe Kanekata, compiled between 1274 and 1301) and in Shötoku T a i s h i H e i s h i d e n zökanmon, compiled by the monk Hökü in 1314. These fragments are printed in S T D 1:1-20. 4 9

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2.2 Ε NO U B A S O K U (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Tödaiji-gire ) 1

Ε no ubasoku's lay surname was Kamo no Ε no K i m i , and he belonged to the clan now known as Takakamo no Ason; his personal name was Otsunu.2 He came from the village of Chihara in Upper Kazuraki District in Yamato Province. 3 He was born with knowledge of a great variety of matters, and through study he became enlightened in diverse ways. His reliance and respect for the Three Jewels were constant. He wanted to attain skill in wizardry, so he went to live on Mount Kazuraki. 4 For over thirty years he lived in a cave, wearing clothes made from wisteria bark, eating pine needles, and washing the dirt from his body with pure spring water, and through his practice of the Dhärani of the Peacock King he learned how to perform miracles. On one occasion he rode on a cloud of five colors to the city of the wizards. Karakuni Hirotari, of the Junior Lower Fifth Rank, admired him and accepted him as his master. But later, when he saw how the gods obeyed him, Hirotari submitted an official petition that said, "This evil man is deceiving the world. This is bad for the nation." The Gyöja commanded many spirits and deities to draw water and gather firewood for him. None of them refused to obey. He summoned a crowd of these spirits and deities and said, "Build me a bridge between Mount Kazuraki and Mount Kinpu. I will use it when I travel back and forth between them." The deities all moaned and wailed, but he insisted. Coerced into service, they complained [as they set about collecting boulders, cutting them, and moving them into place], "We do not want to be seen by day!" and so they continued the project under the cover of night. They worked and worked night after night, but the Gyöja summoned the deity of Kazuraki, Hitokotonushi, made him his captive, and scolded him angrily. "What are you embarassed about? Why are you hiding? Why isn't it finished yet?" With a spell, he tied the deity up and imprisoned him deep down in the bottom of the valley. When the world was ruled from the Fujiwara Palace, Hitokotonushi possessed someone and said, "E no ubasoku is plotting to overthrow the king." This alarmed all the officials, and they sent men to arrest the sage, but he flew into the sky where they could not reach him. When they took his mother hostage, he realized that he would have to give himself up to save her, and so, of his own accord, he came down out of the sky and allowed himself to be captured. On the twenty-fourth day of the fifth month of the third year of the reign of Emperor Monmu [699] he was banished to Izu Island. He 5

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floated over the waters of the sea as if he were running on them; he lived up on the mountain peaks and flew around them as if he were a bird. During the day he was obedient to the law and stayed on the island, but at night he went to Mount Fuji in Suruga Province [to practice austerities]. He prayed constantly to be released from the island and to be able to go to court and acquit himself of his alleged crimes. After three years, in the fifth month of the first year of the Taihö era [701], he was recalled to court. Just before he reached the imperial palace, he flew up into the sky and out of sight. He rode on the moon, hid among the clouds, and floated across the seas to a very great distance, and he did not come back. The Japanese monk Döshö received an imperial command to search for the Law in China, and five hundred tigers in Silla invited him to speak. There, among the mountains, he was lecturing on the L o t u s S u t r a in a temple courtyard when a man asked him a question in Japanese. Döshö asked, "Who are you?" and the man answered, "I used to live in Japan; I am Ε no ubasoku. Certain persons in that country perverted the minds of the gods and planted evil in the hearts of the people, so I left. But even now, I occasionally travel back and forth." Then Döshö knew him to be the Japanese sage, and he came down from the lecturer's seat to worship him, but suddenly the sage was nowhere to be seen. It is said that Hitokotonushi, the deity of Kazuraki who was bound up by the Gyöja, has still not been released. This story appears in Shoku n i h o n g i , Ryöiki, and in the B i o g r a p h i e s of Famous Monks of Japan compiled by Koji Ono Nakahiro. Long ago someone said, "E no gyöja could fly on a grass mat, and he put his mother in a bowl and they flew off to China together. Ceaseless groaning was heard from the bottom of the valley below Mount Kazuragi, and when people went to investigate, they found a big stone encircled by a huge wistaria vine. This seemed suspicious, so they cut the vine, but the groaning went on just as before. They say that many of the boulders cut to build the bridge are still to be found on the mountain and in the valley." 11

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Notes 1

Eight Tödaiji-gire fragments have been identified. See Shüsei, pp. 131-35.

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Ubasoku transliterates Sanskrit upäsaka, "a devout layman." In Japan, as in this case, it usually refers to a religious individual who has not taken full, formal vows and who functions independently of formal Buddhist institutions (BD 1:226). The protagonist is also known as En no gyöja. Gyöja is sometimes used to translate upäsaka and usually indicates an ascetic practitioner of some kind. Tamenori refers to him as "Gyöja" in the text itself. This opening biographical section is based on N i h o n ryöiki 1.28 ( N K B T 70:135). The legend of Ε no ubasoku has been discussed at some length elsewhere. See Tsuda Sökichi, "En no gyöja densetsu kö," in N i h o n no S h i n t o , pp. 358-84; Sato Torao, "En no Shökaku den," in T e n r i D a i g a k u gakuhö 21 (August, 1956):33-52; Hori Ichiro, "On the Concept of H i j i r i (Holy Man)," in Numen 5.2-3 (April, September 1958), especially pp. 141ff; and Nakamura Munehiko, "En no Shökaku den shiki: sono gensho denshö," in Ötani j o s h i d a i kiyö 14.12 (January 1980):19-38. Concerning his significance in the history of Shugendö, see Carmen Blacker, The C a t a l p a Bow, pp. 96-99, 248-49, 267, 342; H. Byron Earhart, "Shugendö, the Tradition of En no gyöja and Mikkyö Influences," in Studies of E s o t e r i c Buddhism a n d T a n t r i s m , pp. 297-317; and Wakamori Tarö, Shugendö shi kenkyü, pp. 31-35. According to Shoku n i h o n g i , the names "Kamo no Ε no kimi" and "Takakamo no Ason" were granted to the family in 719 and 760 ( K S T K 2:77, 364). The Kamo were a branch of the Miwa clan; Kazuraki (see below) was the seat of the Takakamo family (see Öta Akira et al., eds., Shinpen seishikakei j i s h o , pp. 215, 755). Many members of the Kamo families held hereditary posts as Shinto priests or On'yöji (Yin yang prognosticators) (see Ikeda Genta, "Kamoshi," "Kamonokimi," in N i h o n r e k i s h i d a i j i t e n 5:50d, 52c d). The name "Otsunu" (also read "Otsuno," "Ozuno," or "Shökaku") does not appear in Ryöiki, but it does appear in the Shoku n i h o n g i account of his career, which Tamenori also acknowledges as one of his sources. The entry is dated Monmu 3 (699) and begins with a report of his exile ( K S T K 2:4). Chihara is now Chiwara in Gose-shi, Nara-ken. A temple, Kichijösöji, which is said to have been founded by Ε no ubasoku, stands on the traditional site of his birthplace ( N i h o n c h i m e i d a i j i t e n 3:276). 4 These two sentences seem to indicate his interest and proficiency in both Buddhist and non-Buddhist (probably Taoist) techniques. "To attain skill in wizardry" (sen ο m o t o m u r u ) may mean "in order to gain immortality" through a unity with natural forces. Mount Kazuraki, one of the peaks on the border between Nara and Osaka prefectures, was associated from a very early time with mystical religious activities and supernatural presences. The name is also pronounced "Katsuragi." 3


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The ascetic practices described are typical of Taoist austerities conducive to the attainment of immortality. The "Dhärani of the Peacock King" (Kujakuö no j u ) is a spell prescribed by several esoteric texts for the protection of the state. The earliest fourth-century translations (Kujakuö jinjukyö and Kujakuö zöjinju) are lost. Versions by Saipghavarman and I-ching are listed in Shösöin catalogs (see Ishida Mösaku, Shakyö y o r i m i t a r u Narachö Bukkyö no kenkyü, appendix, p. 87). They may be found, along with several other versions, in Τ 19. It cannot be determined which version, if any in particular, was the basis of Ε no ubasoku's magic, and the identification of this text as the one on which he relied may be a late accretion to the legend. S h o k u n i h o n g i simply says that he used spells, but the Dhärani of the Peacock King is clearly the focal point of the N i h o n ryöiki version. Nakamura Kyöko maintains that the "cloud of five colors" is a rainbow, which represents a bridge to the land of the dead in many Taoist tales ( M i r a c u l o u s Stories f r o m the Japanese B u d d h i s t T r a d i t i o n , p. 113, n. 31 and n. 141). But it could also be a cloud of the five Buddhist colors (variously defined), generally taken as a good omen in Pure Land texts, a sign of future rebirth in paradise. In esoteric texts it is said that he who possesses a cloud of five colors possesses immortality (BD 2:1190a b); this is perhaps the result of a mixture of Taoist and Buddhist notions. In Kamakura-period illustrated narrative scrolls (for example, the scenes of the death of Honen in H o n e n shönin den; see Zoku N i h o n emaki t a i s e i 3, pp. 6-7), clouds of five colors appear in illustrations corresponding to texts that read " s h i u n " ("purple cloud"). Purple clouds are also good omens and signs of an affinity with the Pure Land or saintly beings. (A number of purple clouds appear in the biographies of revered personages in Sanböe volume 3; see 3.3, 3.16, and 3.17.) The "city of the wizards" (sennin no m i y a k o ) suggests the dwelling place of Taoist immortals. This account of Karakuni Hirotari's relations with Ε no ubasoku is based on N i h o n shoki. He is not mentioned in the Ryöiki version. Two other, later entries in Shoku n i h o n g i record his elevation to the Junior Lower Fifth Rank (in Tenpyö 3.1 [731]; K S T K 2:125) and his appointment as Chief of the Imperial Bureau of Physicians (Ten'yaku no k a m i ; Tenpyö 4.10 [732]; K S T K 2:130). The latter appointment indicates that he was a practitioner of healing magic, which could explain the story of his conflict with the protagonist and his brand of magic. He is also identified in Töshikaden as a j u g o n s h i ("master of divine healing") (Takeuchi Rizö, ed., N a r a i b u n 3, p. 886a; K J J 2:363a b). See n. 2 on "Gyöja." The protagonist's ability to control the native deities through powers learned from "foreign" religions is emphasized in the Ryöiki version. 6

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The account of the bridge-building episode follows Ryöiki. Mount Kinpu is a peak in the Yoshino district, southeast of Kazuraki, also known at "Kane no mitake" or simply "Mitake." It has long been thought to be a place replete with spiritual affinities. See also 3.22, n. 6. The phrase in brackets appears only in the Maeda-ke bon, but evidence in later recensions of the tale indicate that it is appropriate (see Shüsei, p. 459). Hitokotonushi is a kami associated with and worshiped on Kazuraki. He is said to possess the power to do good or evil by uttering a single word, hence his name, which means "master of the single word." The concept suggests Taoist and esoteric Buddhist influences in the cult of this "native" deity. His encounter on the mountain with the Emperor Yüryaku is described in K o j i k i ( N K B T 1:317) and N i h o n shoki ( N K B T 67:466-67) (see the analysis of this episode in Kawazoe Taketane, K o j i k i no kenkyü, pp. 215-33). The episode described here is not in Ryöiki; however, at the end of that version we are told that the sage bound the kami and that he is still a captive. Tamenori's specific source for this episode has not been identified. It is perhaps from one of the lost acknowledged works (see below). The point seems to be that the kami resisted the sage's authority and was punished for his insolence. Most commentators see this as a dramatization of conflict between indigenous and imported religions. T h i s episode is based on Ryöiki, but Tamenori changes a phrase understood to mean "the deity went insane" to "the deity took possession of someone." Tamenori adopts Kyökai's manner of identifying the date by the location of the ruler's palace, i.e., the Fujiwara Palace used by Jitö, Monmu, and Genmei. On the basis of the date of the Shoku n i h o n g i account (which appears in the following paragraph), the reference is clearly to the reign of Monmu (697-707). As noted above, the date is in Shoku n i h o n g i ; it is not specified in Ryöiki, although the latter is clearly Tamenori's main reference for this episode. As in Shoku n i h o n g i , the date citation includes astrological signs (reproduced inconsistently in the various Sanböe texts; see Shüsei, p. 459). The "Izu Island" mentioned here is probably Izu Öshima, the largest in the chain lying east of the Izu Peninsula. Ryöiki compares the sage's flying to that of a phoenix. "To practice austerities" is one possible reading of the Töji Kanchiin bon and Tödaiji-gire texts for this passage; the Maeda-ke bon has only one character that may mean "go" or "worship" (see Shüsei, pp. 132-33). T h e description of the release and disappearance follows Ryöiki up to the point of "he rode on the moon." This and the other discrepancies noted above may indicate that Tamenori's account of this episode was based on Meisöden (see below) rather than on Ryöiki. There may 9

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also be differences between his Ryöiki text and those that are standard today. T h i s episode follows Ryöiki. Another Ryöiki tale (1.22) also describes Döshö's Chinese sojourn and his subsequent career. Döshö (629-700) was one of the most eminent monks of the Nara period. He went to China in 653, studied with Hsüan-tsang and with monks of the Ch'an school, and returned to Japan in 661 with a number of relics, texts, and ritual implements received from Hsüan-tsang. With this authoritative transmission, he established the Japanese Hossö (Fahsiang) school and lived at Gangöji, which served as its headquarters (BD 4:3876a b; Nakao Takashi and Imai Masaharu, N i h o n meisö j i t e n , pp. 140-42). In later recensions of this story (in Fusö r y a k k i and K o n j a k u monogatarishü), the "five hundred tigers" become "five hundred sages" ( N K B T 70:137, n. 13). See n. 9. The work cited, i.e., N i h o n k o k u meisöden, is lost, and nothing is known about its author. A work with this title is quoted as a source in Sögöbunin shöshutsu, compiled by Echin in 1165 (GR 3:221a), but there are no later references or evidence of its survival. Koizumi et al. suggest that most of the passages in Tamenori's version that are not supported by Ryöiki or Shoku n i h o n g i may be based on Meisöden (see Shüsei, p . 459). T h i s paragraph does not appear in the Ryöiki. It is perhaps based on Meisöden. 13

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2.3 GYÖKI B O S A T S U 1

(Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Tödaiji-gire )

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Gyöki Bosatsu was originally a monk of Yakushiji. His lay surname was that of the Koshi clan, and he came from Ötori District in Izumi Province. While still a youth he shaved his head and began to chant the Y u g a r o n . He soon attained enlightenment. He traveled widely in the provinces, teaching the people about Buddhism, turning them toward the path of the Buddha, and performing Buddhist rites. Wherever he went, there was not a home that was not deserted as the people rushed out and fought to get a close look at him and to worship him. When he encountered impassable roads, he built bridges and levees. When he found auspicious places, he built halls and established temples. He founded thirty-nine of them in the capital region and a great many others in the provinces. These temples are still in use, and their prosperity continues to this day. He traveled all over the country, and none of the places he visited failed to reap benefits through him. Once, when he came home to his own village, a number of people were gathered around the banks of the pond, catching fish and eating them. As he passed by, some ruffians stopped him and forced him to take some of the raw fish. He gave in, but as soon as he put it into his mouth he spat it out again, and each piece instantly turned into a small fish, which he returned to the pond. Everyone who saw this was amazed, and they regretted the mischief they had done. His amazing and miraculous feats of this kind were numerous indeed. The people living in the vicinity of Gangöji in the old capital organized a great Buddhist rite and invited Gyöki Bosatsu to lecture for seven days. Many laymen and laywomen and monks and nuns came to see him. Among them was a woman who had used a tiny bit of rendered deer fat to dress her forelocks. She was just part of the crowd, seated at some distance from Gyöki, and even those seated next to her took no notice. But Gyöki spotted her in the distance and said, "I noticed an abominable odor, and when I looked I saw that woman over there who has dressed her hair with animal fat." The woman was mortified, and she ran away. Everyone who witnessed this was amazed. There were many incredible incidents. The emperor revered him deeply and took him as his sole teacher, and in the winter of the sixteenth year of the Tenpyö era [744] he gave him the newly created title "Daisöjö" and assigned four hundred monks to his service. 3

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At that time there was a venerable monk named Chikö. He was a wise and virtuous teacher. As Gyöki's reputation spread and his commentaries on various sütras and treatises added to the public's esteem for him, Chikö became jealous. "I am a learned monk of high rank," he said. "Gyöki is an ignorant amateur. How can the government honor him and ignore me?" In spite, he withdrew to live in isolation at Sukitadera in the province of Kawachi, where he suddenly fell ill and died. But ten days later he came back to life and said, "I was following King Yama's couriers, and at one side of the road I saw a palace made of gold. When I asked the couriers about it they said, 'That is where Gyöki Bosatsu will be reborn.' We continued on to a place where I could see nothing but burning clouds of smoke. When I asked the couriers, they told me, 'That is the hell into which you will be reborn.' When we got there, they poked me with steel rods and made me clutch a burning steel pillar, so that my flesh tore and my bones crumbled. I cannot begin to describe all my torments. King Yama said, 'Your crime of slander against Gyöki, the Bodhisattva of the rich and fertile land of Japan, is serious. I have summoned you in order to pass judgement. Go home now, and reverse your fate.' He dispatched his courier to bring me back and has given me this chance." To show his repentance, he took up his walking stick and went to find Gyöki in Naniwa, where he was building bridges, digging canals, organizing ferry systems, and planting trees. Gyöki instinctively knew what was in Chikö's mind, and unable to suppress a grin, he said, "Why do you find it so hard to look me in the eye?" Chikö was more deeply awed and ashamed than ever, and he wept with remorse. When the emperor built Tödaiji and was planning the dedication service, he chose Gyöki to be the lecturer. But Gyöki said, "I am not fit to serve in such an office. A great teacher will come from a foreign country; it is he who should serve." When the day of the dedication service drew near, Gyöki went to the port of Naniwa in Tsu Province to welcome the expected teacher. At his request, the government sent one hundred monks to accompany him. Gyöki took his place at the end of the procession. Officials of the Civil Affairs Ministry's Bureau of Religious Affairs and of the Bureau of Court Musicians got into boats, and as the musicians played, they all went out to meet the visitor. But when they reached Naniwa, there was no one to be seen. Gyöki prepared a welcoming bowl of perfumed water and set it adrift. Rafts of flowers and burning incense were also set afloat in the currents. They did not scatter or dissolve but drifted far off toward the west. After a while a small boat appeared bearing the Brahman Abbot named B o d h i . The bowl of perfumed water was floating in front of his boat, undisturbed. This Bodhisattva had come from Southern India to 10

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be present on the day of the dedication of Tödaiji. He got out of the boat, came up on the shore, and grasped Gyöki by the hand, smiling joyfully. Then Gyöki Bosatsu uttered this verse:

We made our vow before Säkyamuni at Vulture Peak; We have not failed to fulfill it, Now that we stand face to face. The Brahman Abbot replied: The vow we exchanged in Kapilavastu Has had its effect, And now I gaze upon Manjusn's face once more.

and then they went to court together. Thus it was discovered that Gyöki was Manjusri. He died on the second day of the second month of the first year of the Tenpyö era [749]. He was eighty years old at the time. His story appears in the B i o g r a p h i e s of F a m o u s M o n k s of J a p a n compiled by Koji Ono Nakahiro and in Ryöiki by the monk Kyökai. 18

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Three Tödaiji-gire fragments have been identified (see Shüsei, pp. 139-43). Gyöki (688-749) is one of the most famous figures in Nara-period Buddhism, best known for his proselytizing and participation in public works. He was called "Bosatsu" (Bodhisattva) on the basis of the belief that he was a reincarnation of Manjusri (see below) and because of the supernatural powers attributed to him. For an authoritative and detailed modern biography, see Inoue Kaoru, Gyöki. I have followed Inoue's reading of the name, although "Gyögi" is common. Yakushiji, one of the "Seven Great Nara Temples," was a monastery of the Hossö school (see also 3.11 and 3.15). Although Gyöki was officially registered as a monk of this temple, he did not reside or practice there but moved freely about the countryside (Inoue, Gyöki, pp. 124-26). In this biographical section, Tamenori follows Gyöki's obituary in Shoku n i h o n g i (dated Tenpyö Shöhö 1.12 [749]; K S T K 2:196-97). The Koshi clan claimed descent from the immigrant Korean scholar Wani. Ötori, which was probably the seat of Gyöki's mother's 2

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family, is now part of Osaka Prefecture. In Ryöiki 2.7, Gyöki's lay name is given as "Koshi no fuhito," and his birthplace is said to be "Kubiki District in Echigo Province." This was probably the seat of his father's family, but he seems to have been born in Izumi. He later founded a temple in Ötori called Ieharadera (Inoue, Gyöki, pp. 1-3). " Y u g a r o n * probably refers specifically to Y u g a s h i j i r o n , one of the major treatises of the Hossö school ( T 1580). The Shoku n i h o n g i obituary for Gyöki says he also studied Y u i s h i k i r o n (i.e., Y u i s h i k i nijüron, another important treatise, Τ 1590, or perhaps "the various 4 consciousness-only' treatises"). Gyöki's master was Döshö (see 2.2, n. 13), about whom there arose legends quite similar to those about Gyöki (Inoue, Gyöki, pp. 30-32). The distinction between halls (dö) and temples ( t e r a ) may be that of informal halls for public, lay worship, on the one hand, and officially sanctioned monasteries, on the other. Shoku n i h o n g i refers here to döjö, a term that originally translated Sanskrit b o d h i - m a n d a , the site of a Buddha's attainment of enlightenment. The term was used in China and Japan in reference to informally established halls in which the public could worship (BD 4:3897a-98). The biography of Gyöki in N i h o n öjögokurakuki also has thirtynine as the number of temples he founded, probably on the basis of the Sanböe account. The number forty-nine is more widely accepted. It appears in the Shoku n i h o n g i obituary and in the Maeda-ke bon (Inoue, Gyöki, p. 168). This episode, illustrating Gyöki's superhuman powers and his adherence to dietary precepts, and also providing another variation on the "release of animals" theme, does not appear in Ryöiki. It may have been in the lost Meisöden. The episode is included in the N i h o n öjögokurakuki biography (NST 7:16-19), which is probably based on Sanböe. This episode is based on Ryöiki 2.29 ( N K B T 70:265); it is not repeated in the N i h o n öjögokurakuki biography. "Gangöji in the old capital" refers to the first temple of that name in the old Asuka capital (see 2.1, n. 47). "Arne no mikado" refers throughout Sanböe to Emperor Shömu (see also 3.5, 3.13, and 3.22). Although Gyöki was officially chastised for his extra-institutional proselytizing activities, Shömu demonstrated his approval by granting him ecclesiastical office, probably in order to enlist his aid in the construction of the Great Buddha at Tödaiji (Inoue, Gyöki, pp. 133-34). The title "Daisöjö" made Gyöki the honorary head of the Buddhist establishment. The date here is as in Ryöiki 2.7, which is the basis for the account of the following episode. N i h o n shoki gives Tenpyö 17 [745] 1.21 as the date of the bestowal of the title. 4

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Chikö (7097-780?) was an influential Sanron monk, patriarch of its Gangöji faction (as distinguished from Döji's Daianji faction), and author of a number of commentaries and is traditionally believed to be the creator of the Pure Land mancjala in the Gokurakubö at Gangöji. Although he is portrayed as an arrogant and ambitious monk in this story, he actually lived modestly in a rural temple, Sukitadera (or Suitadera) in Kawachi Province, and declined all official appointments. While this episode is repeated in Gyöki's biography in N i h o n öjögokurakuki, a much more complimentary biography of Chikö is also included therein (NST 7:24-25; see also BD 4:3527a b; Nakao and Imai, N i h o n meisö j i t e n , pp. 122-23). Chikö contrasts himself as a daisö with Gyöki as a shami (i.e., a monk without full, formal ordination). Interpreters of this story in Ryöiki emphasize the fact that it fits Kyökai's theme of the superiority of "unofficial" monks who devote themselves to the people at large over monks who devote themselves to narrow exegetical studies. The tale may also personify the rivalry of the Hossö and Sanron schools. T h e monastery no longer stands, but the site is in Minami Kawachi-gun, Ösaka fu. " K i n g Yama's couriers" are the servants of the ruler of the land of the dead (see also 2.14, 3.1, 3.16). In Ryöiki it is clear that there are two couriers. "The rich and fertile land of Japan" is expressed with a formal epithet, " t o y o a s h i h a r a no mizuho k u n i , " which is supposedly derived from the appearance of Japanese terrain when viewed from the sea (Maruyama Rinpei, Jödaigo j i t e n , p. 724a). Gyöki is demonstrating his ability to know what Chikö is thinking—a Bodhisattva attribute. See 3.22 for an account of the founding of Tödaiji. The title "lecturer" (köshi) designates the main officiant at a large Buddhist ceremony. The following episode does not appear in Ryöiki; it may be based on Meisöden. Gyöki died in the second month of 749; the dedication of Tödaiji took place in 752, a discrepancy that has not diminished the popularity of the story of Gyöki's meeting with Bodhisena (see below) who did, in fact, attend the ceremony. The story is repeated in S h i c h i d a i j i j u n r e i s h i k i (see Fujita, ed., Rökan b i j u t s u shiryö, j i i n hen 1, p. 40). T h e Civil Affairs Ministry ( J i b u ) included two subdivisions in charge of "Buddhism and aliens" ( G e n b a n ) and court music ( U t a no tsukasa). "The Brahman Abbot named Bodhi" ( B a r a m o n söjö . . . B o d a i ) identifies the Indian Bodhisena (704-760). According to a memorial inscription dated 770 ( N a n t e n j i k u B a r a m o n Söjö h i ; Τ 51:987a-88a), he 10

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came to Japan from China in 736 in the entourage of the returning envoy Tajihi Hironari, as did the Vietnamese monk Buttetsu and the Chinese monk Tao hsüan (see 3.22). Bodhisena was appointed Söjö in 751, conducted the Tödaiji dedication in 752, and died at Daianji in 760 (BD 5:4670a b). The first verse suggests that Gyöki and Bodhisena formed a bond in Säkyamuni's time that has brought them together in their present lives; the second reveals Gyöki's "identity." Both appear in the same form in Shüishü, nos. 1438 and 1439 (Yamagishi, ed., Hachidaishü zenchü 1, p. 620). "Vulture Peak" is the site of Säkyamuni's last discourses; Kapilavastu is the city of his birth. The date agrees with that of the Shoku N i h o n g i obituary. See 2.2, n. 15 on Meisöden. 18

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2.4 The "Lump" Nun

2.4 T H E " L U M P " N U N OF HIGO P R O V I N C E (Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido ke bon)

The wife of Lord Toyobuku of Toyobuku village in Yasshiro District in Higo Province was pregnant, and at four o'clock in the morning on the fifteenth day of the eleventh month of the second year of the Höki era [771], she gave birth to a lump of flesh. It was as round as the bright moon. The couple thought, "This is terrible!" and they put it in a bucket and hid it in a cave in the mountains. Seven days later they returned and discovered that it had opened up like an egg to reveal a [mysterious] little girl. They rejoiced, and they took the child to be suckled and nurtured. Everyone who heard about this was amazed. During the next eight months the child grew rapidly to a height of three feet and five inches. She was born clever, with a marvelous gift for speaking, and she was very wise. Before she was seven years old she had completely memorized the eight fascicles of the L o t u s Sütra and the eighty fascicles of the K e g o n Sütra. Out of her desire for the religious life, she shaved her head, put on holy robes, and became a nun. She practiced Buddhism and taught it to others. Her voice was awesome, and everyone who heard her was moved to tears. Her body was unusual: though she had the figure of a woman, her private parts were strange, for she had no vagina. She had only a small opening through which she urinated. Ignorant people made fun of her for this, calling her an "ape sage." When a monk of the Kokubunji of that province and another of the Usa Daijin[gü]ji in Buzen Province saw her, they denounced her, saying, "You are a heretic!" and they laughed at her and made fun of her. In the midst of this harassment, a mysterious being came down out of the sky and grabbed the two monks by their arms and held them captive. Before long, they both died. In the eighth year of the Höki era [777], Lord Saga, the Senior Officer of Saga District in Hizen Province, sponsored a Service of the Retreat and invited the venerable monk Kaimyö of Daianji, who was the ecclesiastical governor of Tsukushi Province, to lecture on the K e g o n Sütra in eighty fascicles. The nun attended every day, missing not one single session, and she asked questions as a member of the congregation. The monk singled her out and berated her, saying, "What kind of nun are you? Mixing indiscriminately with the congregation!" but she answered, "Because his compassion was so deep, the Buddha taught a universal doctrine. Now you are propounding his teachings, which he intended for the benefit of all sentient beings. On what grounds do you 1

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censure me? Furthermore, I have some questions [about the text of the sütra you have been explicating. I wonder if you would clarify these uncertain areas for me.]" She quoted a verse from the K e g o n Sütra and asked him about it, but he was unable to respond. A l l the venerable monks of great repute at this gathering were startled and amazed. Each one quoted a verse and tested her knowledge, and the nun answered each one easily, without the least hesitation. Then she was revered and worshiped by the congregation, and it was understood that she was the reincarnation of a sage. She was called "Bodhisattva Säriputra," and she gained a following of clergymen and laymen who relied on her and worshiped her; they took her as their spiritual leader and followed all her teachings. Long ago, when the Buddha was in this world, Sumanä, the daughter of Sudatta, an elder of Srävasti, gave birth to ten eggs, all of which became male children who eventually became a r h a t s . The wife of an elder of Kapilavastu became pregnant and gave birth to a lump of flesh, and after seven days the lump of flesh opened and one hundred children came out, and all of them took vows at the same time, and all became a r h a t s at the same time. Births of lumps of flesh in this country are to be compared to those in ancient times, according to Ryöiki. There is an illustration. 7

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This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 3.19. There is also a version in H o k k e genki 3.98 (NST 7:179). Toyobuku is now part of Matsubasechö, Shimomashiki-gun, Kumamoto-ken. The identity of the Lord with the place-name indicates that he was probably the major land owner or village headman ( D N B Z 6:306). The hour and year, as in many Ryöiki tales, are indicated by their Chinese cyclical signs. As noted at the end of the tale, there are a number of Indian as well as Chinese and Japanese stories about "lumps of flesh" ( s h i s h i m u r a ) that turn into remarkable humans, often exemplary Buddhists. The word "mysterious" ( a y a s h i k i ) does not occur in Ryöiki or in any but the Töji Kanchiin text. The version of the K e g o n Sütra in eighty fascicles is that translated by Sik§änanda (Τ no. 278). 4 "Ape sage" is s a r u h i j i r i . There may be a pun here on the verb saru, "play," suggesting that the woman is a "false sage" as well as a nonhuman one. See also n. 8. 5 The Higo Kokubunji site is now part of Kumamoto-shi (DNBZ 6:307). The temple at Usa, identified in Ryöiki as "Yahata no Daijinji," 2

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was attached to the Hachiman Shrine there and was also known as Mirokuji ( N K B T 70:379, no. 30-21; 500, no. 35). The word used for "heretic" here is gedö. The officer's title (Dairyö) indicates that he is the highest civil official in the district. Ryöiki identifies him as "Kogimi of the Senior Upper Seventh Rank"; he is otherwise unknown. The "Service for the Retreat" (Angoe) is one held during the traditional period of retreat observed by both monks and nuns from the middle of the fourth month through the middle of the seventh (see also 2.6 and 3.21). The Töji Kanchiin bon has "Agon'e"—"an Ägama service"—clearly in error. Kaimyö was a native of Sanuki Province. He studied K e g o n doctrines at Daianji, went to China to study during the Höki era (770-780), and spent most of the rest of his life at Daianji. He died during the Enyraku era (782-805). His biography appears in Honchö kösöden ( D N B Z 102:99b; see also BD 1:399c). Here he is identified as the holder of the office of K o k u s h i . These "ecclesiastical governorships," paralleling the civil office of kokushi (i.e., k u n i no tsukasa), were part of a complex system of decentralized control of the Buddhist establishment instituted early in the eighth century (see Nanba Toshinari, "Kodai chihö sökan seido ni tsuite," in N a n t o Bukkyö 28 [1972]:30-50). The text in brackets does not have a parallel in Ryöiki and appears only in the Töji Kanchiin bon. The Bodhisattva Säriputra ( S h a r i bosatsu) was a disciple particularly known for his wisdom and learning (BD 3:2192b 2193c). As LaFleur has suggested, there may be an intentional linguistic play on the names "Saru hijiri" and " S h a r i bosatsu," but the latter name surely refers to the disciple, not to the "ashes" of the Buddha (LaFleur, The K a r m a of W o r d s , pp. 42, 169, n. 32). The term for "spiritual leader" here is keshu, literally "one who has a good effect" as the leader of a religious group (BD l:883c-84a). According to a story in Gengukyö (Τ 4:440d 41d), Sumanä's sons were hunting enthusiasts, but she persuaded them to give up the killing of animals, and they became devoted Buddhists and, eventually, a r h a t s (see also BD 3:2486c). T h i s story appears in Senjü hyakuengyö (Τ 4:237a-b). It may be the progenitor of all stories with the "lump of flesh" motif. 11 Both of the scriptural examples are as cited in Ryöiki. In some cases, however, Tamenori omits such additional references provided by Kyökai (see, for example, 2.6, n. 4; 2.8, n. 8). This is the only tale other than those in the first volume for which an illustration is indicated, and the indication appears only in the Sekido ke bon. There are no known examples of illustrations of this story. 6

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2.5 K I N U N U I ΤΟΜΟ M I Y A T S U K O GITÖ 1

(Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido ke bon )

Long ago, during the reign of the empress who ruled from the palace at Owarida, there was a man named Kinunui Tomo Miyatsuko Gitö. He was suddenly stricken with a terrible illness and became deaf in both ears, and ugly pockmarks appeared on his body, which remained unhealed one year later. Then he realized, "This affliction has come upon me in retribution for something in the past. It has nothing to do with this present life. Rather than live a long life in which I shall be despised, I should quickly generate merit and die." So he went to a temple and swept the courtyards and decorated the halls and invited the monk Gi to recite sütras, and he prayed and bathed in perfumed water to purify his body. He concentrated with all his might and had the monk read the Mahäyäna sütras. Then Gitö told the monk, "I just heard the name of a Bodhisattva in one ear. I ask you, reverend Master, lead me to the next world." They worshiped the names of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in the sütras with even greater zeal, and Gitö heard the names clearly in his other ear. He was overjoyed, and as the monk continued with still more fervent prayers, he regained his hearing in both ears. There was no limit to the awe and wonder of people everywhere when they heard about this. If people are firm and deep in their faith, the power of the teachings cannot fail to have its effect. This story appears in Ryöiki. 2

3

Notes

1

A complete version of this tale also appears in T a i s h i d e n gyokurinshö. See Shüsei, p. 153. This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 1.8. There is also a version in K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 14.36. "The empress who ruled from the palace at Owarida" is Suiko; the palace was near modern Takaichi. Gitö, the protagonist, is otherwise unknown. His name suggests that he may have been head of a court guild of weavers and clothiers. Each text gives a slightly different transcription and reading of the name; I have used the form that appears in N i h o n ryöiki and in Yamada's Ryakuchü. "The monk G i " is otherwise unknown. It has been suggested that this is not a name but a phrase meaning "a learned monk" ( N K B T 70:95, 2

3

2.5 Kinunui Tomo Miyatsuko Gitö

207

n. 21). There may have been some error in the copying of various versions, whereby a character from the name of the protagonist has become part of the name of the monk. The Sekido ke bon has " T e n g i z e n j i , " but this may be an incorporation of the te suffix of the preceding verb "to invite" (Shüsei, pp. 153-54).


208

2.6 AN OLD F I S H E R M A N OF H A R I M A P R O V I N C E 1


At the invitation of the patrons of Nödera in Shikama District in Harima Province, the revered monk Jiö of Gangöji in the capital spent the period of the Retreat with them. He gave lectures on the L o t u s Sütra. An old fisherman lived near the temple. From youth to old age, catching fish had been his only occupation, and he knew no other. One day he suddenly crawled up into a mulberry tree in his garden and raised his voice in wails and cries: "Red hot flames are coming at me and burning up my body! Help!" A crowd of people gathered, and they were going to try to help him, but he called out, "Don't come near me! You too will be burned!" So some of his friends ran to the temple and asked the exorcist to come and try his spells. He tried for a long time, but the flames still threatened. The man's jacket and trousers were all burned to shreds. Quaking with terror, the old man went to the temple and, along with the congregation, begged forgiveness for his sins. Spiritually renewed, he cast off his tattered robes and chanted the sütra. He never went fishing again. This story appears in Ryöiki. 2

3

4

5

Notes

The Sekido-ke bon text breaks off at the point corresponding to "He tried for a long time, but the flames still threatened." This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 1.11. Shikama is now part of Himeji-shi. Nödera may have been the Kokubunji of Harima Province ( N K B T 70:100, n. 5). "Patrons" is d a n ' o c h i (or d a n ' o t s u ) , from Sanskrit dänapati, the financial supporters of a temple or religious group. Jiö is otherwise unknown. He is identified here as " d a i t o k o , " a term of respect rather than a formal title. On the Retreat, see 2.4, n. 6 and 3.21. I have translated "gyöja" here as "the exorcist," since he uses "spells" (kaji) and appears to be some kind of expert in the treatment of curses and possession. It is not entirely clear that this is not Jiö; see following note. Since the cure is achieved when the man is at the temple and chants the sütra (presumably the L o t u s ) , we are perhaps to understand that Jiö was at the temple all along and is not to be identified as the 2

3

4

2.6 An Old Fisherman

209

gyöja. The point may be that the spells had no effect, while the chanting of the sütra led by the revered monk was immediately efficacious. Tamenori omits Kyökai's reference to a similar Chinese story in Yen-shih chia-hsün, by Yen Chih-t'ui (531-591): a man sold eel soup for a living, and in retribution his own son was born with the head of an eel (Utsunomiya Kiyoshi, ed. and tr., G a n s h i k a k u n , in Chügoku k o t e n b u n g a k u t a i k e i 9, p. 545; Teng Ssu yü, tr., F a m i l y I n s t r u c t i o n s for t h e Yen C l a n , p. 149). The story also appears in F Y C L ( T 53:841b). 5


210

2.7 T H E M O N K G I K A K U 1


2

The monk Gikaku was born in Paekche. When that kingdom was destroyed, during the reign of the empress who ruled at the Latter Palace of Okamoto, he emigrated to Japan. He lived in Kudaradera in Naniwa. He was seven feet tall. He studied widely in the teachings of the Buddha and chanted the H e a r t Sütra? Another monk of the same temple, Egi, was taking a solitary stroll one night, and when he looked toward Gikaku's quarters, he saw that the whole building was shining with radiance. When he approached and looked through the window, he saw that Gikaku was seated, chanting the sütra, and that the light was emanating from Gikaku's mouth. Egi was amazed. The next morning he told everyone about it, and they were all impressed. The saintly Gikaku himself told his disciples, "Last night I chanted the H e a r t Sütra one hundred times. Then I opened my eyes, and when I looked around the room, I realized that I could see right through the walls into the courtyard. I was amazed, and I left my room and walked around the temple and then went back to confirm it, but all the walls and the sliding doors were solid. When I continued to chant the H e a r t Sütra, I found that I could see through the walls again, just as before. This is evidence of the miraculous power of the H e a r t Sütra. This story appears in Ryöiki. 3

4

6

71

1

Notes

1

Only four lines of the end of the story survive in the Sekido-ke

bon. 2

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 1.14. There is also a version in K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 14.32. Gikaku is otherwise unknown. Paekche was overwhelmed by the armies of Silla and the T'ang in 660. "The Latter Palace of Okamoto" was one of the palaces at Asuka used during the reign of Saimei (655-661). Kudaradera was probably located in a village of the same name, now part of Osaka; it is sometimes identified with the modern Shariji ( N K B Z 6:93, n. 27; N K B T 70:107; n. 16). "Kudara" is a Japanese name for Paekche. The H e a r t Sütra ( H a n n y a shingyö, i.e., H a n n y a h a r a m i t t a shingyö) was and is a popular liturgical text, ending dramatically with a 3

4

5

2.7 The Monk Gikaku

211

well-known dhärani (see 2.11, n. 4). Hsiian-tsang's translation is the most widely used (T 8:848c; see also BD 5:4265c-67b; Edward Conze, tr., B u d d h i s t W i s d o m Books, pp. 77-107). Ryöiki calls it S h i n hannyagyö, a form that also appears in Nara-period catalogs. E g i is otherwise unknown. In Ryöiki, Kyökai concludes with a verse that summarizes the preceding story. 6

7


212

2.8 ONO NO A S O N N I W A M A R O OF E C H I Z E N P R O V I N C E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

In Kaga District in Echizen Province there was a magistrate in charge of vagrants. When such persons came there from other provinces, he recorded their names and assigned them to such duties as corvee labor, public construction, and tax-collecting. At that time there was a man who lived in Nara named Ono no Ason Niwamaro who had become a lay devotee and who constantly chanted the Dhärani of the Thousand-armed Kannon. He came to this district and was wandering through the mountains when, at noon on the twenty-sixth day of the third month in the spring of the third year of the Jingo Keiun era [769], he came to the village of Mimakawa and encountered the magistrate, who asked him to identify himself. He answered, "I am an ascetic monk. I am not concerned with worldly affairs." The magistrate became angry and said, maliciously, "Your appearance is still that of a man of the world. You have come wandering here from the next province. I'm going to put you to work for the common weal, whether you're an ascetic or not, and I'll make you help with the tax collecting." He tied Niwamaro up and beat him and put him to work. But the ascetic said, "When a louse leaves your robes and goes up to your head, it turns black; when a louse leaves your head and goes down to your robes, it turns white. Just as the insect adjusts its color to the place in which it lives, I who carry my faith with me must adjust its form to different circumstances. I carry the Dhärani in my head; I bear the Sütra of t h e T h o u s a n d - a r m e d K a n n o n on my back. I rely on the power of these teachings to protect me from all dangers. I uphold the Great Vehicle. I am innocent of crimes and violations. What makes you think you can beat me and tie me up and harass me and subject me to such humiliation?" "If this Dhärani really works," the magistrate retorted, "let me see some proof right now!" He took a rope, hung the sütra up in a tree and went away. The distance from this place to the magistrate's house was about one league. When the magistrate reached the gate of his house and was about to get off his horse, he discovered that he was stuck firm and could not get down. Thus attached, they flew off into the sky. They reached the place where he had left the ascetic tied up, stopped in mid-air, and remained there for a day and a night, unable to descend. The next day, at the very hour that he had captured the ascetic the day before, he fell 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

2.8 Ono no Ason Niwamaro

213

out of the sky and was killed. His shattered bones clattered like a handful of divining rods in a sack. This story appears in Ryöiki?

Notes

1

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 3.14. A fragmentary version appears in the Kanazawa bunko manuscript of K a n n o n r i y a k u shü as tale number 37 (Kondö Yoshihiro, ed., Chüsei shinbutsu setsuwa [Koten bunko 38], pp. 204-5). Since Kaga was separated from Echizen and organized as a separate province in 823, this line in Ryöiki has been used to show that the work was probably completed before that year. Vagrants (rönin) were declared criminals in 709 because, by leaving the communities in which they were registered, they evaded taxation (Naoki Kojirö, "Nara jidai ni okeru furo ni tsuite," in S h i r i n 34.3 [1957]:19-39). "Corvee labor" is zöyaku actually labor extracted as a form of taxation, usually applied for the construction of levees, public buildings, and roads {KGD 12:321b). "Public construction" is k a r i t s u k a i , synonymous with zöyaku {KGD 5:230d). Chöyö refers to the collection of food-stuffs and other materials due to the provincial administration as local taxes; vagrants were apparently employed in the labor of hauling rice bales from private to public storehouses (KGD 13:545a). Niwamaro is otherwise unknown. "Lay devotee" is ubasoku (see 2.2, n. 2). "Dhärani of the Thousand-Armed Kannon" (Senju no j u , i.e., Senju d a r a n i ) refers to an esoteric text, known also as D a i h i s h i n d a r a n i , of which there are many translations (e.g., Τ no. 1060). The full name is Senju sengen kanzeon bosatsu ködai enman muge d a i h i s h i n daranikyö. It invokes the aid of the merciful Kannon, who has the capacity to avert or reverse all ills and evils throughout the world. Mimakawa has been identified as Minma, part of Kanazawa-shi ( N K B Z 6:294, n. 15). "Ascetic monk" is shugyöja. The aphorism about the louse occurs in Chi Shu-yeh's Yang-sheng l u n , a Taoist "pure-discourse" text quoted in Wen-hsüan. In his commentary on Wen-hsüan, Li Shan attributes it to Pai P'u-tzu, but the passage cannot be found in his extant works ( N K B T 70:355, n. 5; Obi Köichi, Monzen 7 [ Z e n ' y a k u kanbun t a i k e i 32]:16-18). In the original context the point is that the apparent colors black and white do not exist in and of themselves but are merely the result of dependent causation. Niwamaro, however, is using the figure to indicate his adaptability to f

2

3

4

5


214

conditions and to express the idea that religious observance must fit its time and circumstances. Here, the sütra of which the dhärani is a part is named. Tamenori interprets a line in the Ryöiki version as the magistrate's challenge to the mendicant. It can also be read as the mendicant's pronouncement: "This dhärani really has wondrous effects; now I'll show you some proof!" Tamenori omits two scriptural quotations with which Kyökai concludes the tale. One, from the Senju d a r a n i itself, warns of punishment to those who disparage it (see Τ 20:111c). The other, from "a Mahäyäna sütra" (Hökökyö), warns against the disparagement of sages. Matsuura Teishun has identified similar passages in Sassha nikengyö (Τ 9:336b) as a possible source (Matsuura, N i h o n k o k u genpö zen'aku ryöiki chüshaku, pp. 379-80; see also Nakamura, tr., M i r a c u l o u s Tales, p. 241). 6

7

8

2.9 The Go-Playing Monk

215

2.9 T H E G O - P L A Y I N G M O N K OF Y A M A S H I R O P R O V I N C E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

1

Long ago there was a monk of the province of Yamashiro. He was playing go with a layman when a beggar approached them, chanted the titles of the chapters of the L o t u s Sütra, and asked for food. The monk laughed, mocking and disparaging him. He twisted up his own mouth and, in an affected, silly voice, he imitated the beggar's chant. The layman, going on with the game, exclaimed, "What a thing to do!" As they played, the layman won every match. The monk lost every match. Then the monk discovered that his mouth was still twisted. A doctor was called, and he tried to cure the monk with medicine, but he never was cured. In the L o t u s Sütra it says, "If you laugh [at those who chant and sing the praises of the sütra], for many rebirths your teeth will fall out and leave ugly gaps in your mouth, your lips will turn black, your nose will become flat, you arms and legs will be crooked, and you will squint in one eye." This story appears in Ryöiki. 2

Notes

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 1.19. There are also versions in H o k k e genki 3.96 and K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 14.28. In the latter, the names of characters from Ryöiki 2.18 are borrowed; the monk is named Eijö, of Kömadera in Sagaraka District, Yamashiro. In Tamenori's version the monk is called a shami, perhaps indicating incomplete or unofficial ordination; in Ryöiki he is a j i d o , a "selfordained" monk. In contrast with most Ryöiki tales about such irregularly ordained, noninstitutional monks, this protagonist is ignorant and irresponsible, and he is duly punished. In Ryöiki, the passage is quoted v e r b a t i m from the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:62a): "Those who belittle and joke about this sütra will immediately lose many of their teeth, their mouths will become ugly, their noses will be flattened, their hands and feet will be crippled, and they will squint." Tamenori omitted the bracketed clause. 2

216

2.10


T H E SÜTRA-BOX P A T R O N OF Y A M A S H I R O P R O V I N C E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

During the reign of Emperor Shömu, a man who lived in Sagarafka] District in Yamashiro Province vowed to perform devotions. His name is unknown. In order to repay the Four Obligations, he made a copy of the L o t u s Sütra. He wanted to make a box to hold the sütra. He wanted to use white and red sandalwood, and he had some brought from the capital, Nara, for which he paid a price of one hundred strings of coin. He hired carpenters, and when they presented him with the completed box, he discovered that the sütra was too long and the box too short, and the one could not be placed inside the other. The patron was very distressed, and he tried to get more wood but could find none. But he concentrated on his goal, made vows, invited a number of monks, and had them conduct services for three weeks, praying that more wood might be found. After two weeks he tried to put the sütra into the box, but it still would not fit, though the box seemed to have stretched a little. He was pleased, and amazed, and he prayed even more fervently. At the end of the third week he tried again, and the sütra fit right into the box. Everyone was amazed and incredulous. Had the sütra gotten smaller? Had the box gotten larger? They got out the original sütra and compared the new copy, but they were the same size. They put the sütras side by side, and though the new one fit in easily, the old one would not go in. Thus it was known: the wonderful power of the Great Vehicle had matched the deep sincerity of the devout practitioner. This story appears in Ryöiki. 1

2

3

Notes

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 2.6. There are also versions in H o k k e g e n k i 3.105 and K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 12.26. On Emperor Shömu (reigned 742-749), see 3.22. He is identified here, as in Ryöiki, without circumlocution. Most commentators, citing Wamyöshö, give "Sagaraka" as the correct place-name. The Töji Kanchiin bon reads "Sagara" (Shüsei, pp. 166-67). The name is retained as Söraku-gun, in Kyöto fu ( N K B Z 6:160, n. 2).

2.10 The Sütra-Box Patron

2

217

"The Four Obligations" ( s h i o n ) are listed in Shinjikangyö as obligations to one's parents, other sentient beings, one's king, and the Three Jewels (T 3:297a). There are several variations (BD 2:1725c 26c). The "Great Vehicle" (Daijö), given the context, probably refers to the teachings of the L o t u s Sütra as the epitome of Mahäyäna Buddhism. 3


218

2.11

T A K A H A S H I NO M U R A J I A Z U M A H I T O

(Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

Takahashi no Muraji Azumahito lived in the village of Hamishiro in Yamada District in Iga Province. He was very rich and owned many treasures. He had a copy of the L o t u s Sütra made in memory of his late mother. In preparation for the offertory service, he decorated a hall, and on the day before he planned to hold the ceremony he dispatched a courier to find a monk to serve as lecturer, telling him, "The first man you meet will be someone who has a special affinity to serve as my teacher, and it is he who should conduct the ceremony. It does not matter what he looks like. You must invite him, in any case." With these instructions, the courier departed, and in the village of [Mashi], in the same district, he encountered a beggar. With a begging bowl and an alms-bag under his arm, intoxicated by wine, he lay asleep in the road. When the servant spotted him, he gave him his master's invitation and took him back to the house. When the patron saw him, he bowed respectfully. He gave the beggar lodging in his house for one day and one night. Ceremonial robes were hastily prepared for him. The beggar asked, "Just what are you doing?" "You are going to lecture on the L o t u s Sütra" the patron answered. "But I am too ignorant! I only know how to chant the Dhärani of the H e a r t Sütra, and I live by begging." But the patron would not excuse him. The beggar decided, "I'll sneak away." But the patron suspected that he might do something of the kind, so he set a guard to keep watch over the beggar. That night, the beggar had a dream in which a light brown female ox appeared and said, "I am the mother of the master of the house. There is one light brown ox in his herd. Know, then, that it is I. When I lived, I stole my son's property. That is why I was reborn as an ox, in retribution for my sin. Tomorrow you will expound upon the Great Vehicle for my benefit, so I have appeared before you tonight to make this sincere confession. If you want to know whether or not this is the truth, prepare a seat for me in the lecture hall. Then I will come and take my place." Waking with a start, the beggar was filled with wonder. The next morning he demurred again, but the patron still would not excuse him, and so he took the lecturer's seat and said, "I am a humble man, ignorant and unenlightened. I do not know how to address the Buddha or interpret the scripture. It is only out of obedience to the patron that I have 1

2

3

4

2.11 Takahashi no Muraji Azumahito

219

taken the lecturer's seat. However, last night I learned something in a dream." He described his dream. The patron was amazed, and he spread the mat himself. Then one of his oxen—a light brown one—came into the hall, bent her knees, and lay down on the mat. The patron wept profusely and said, "How could I have known? How terrible! To think of all the years that you have been in suffering because of my ignorance! But how marvelous! Today I have learned the truth, and I rejoice in the power of the Great Vehicle. From this day on I shall look after you with special care, and I will end your long period of servitude." He continued to weep and grieve. At these words, the ox herself was moved, and she wept, too. As soon as the ceremony came to an end, the ox died. The entire assemblage raised their voices in mournful cries, and the sound echoed throughout the courtyard. "Nothing like this has ever been known to happen!" they exclaimed. The patron called for additional rites of offering in his mother's memory. Thus it was known: the patron's desire to fulfill his obligations to his mother brought about a revelation of the truth, and the beggar's devotion to the Dhärani produced a miracle. This story appears in Ryöiki.

Notes

1

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 2.15. There are also versions in H o k k e genki 3.106 and K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 12.25. Azumahito is otherwise unknown. Hamishiro has been identified as Höjiro chö, Uenoshi, Mie-ken ( N K B Z 6:185, n. 9). The Töji Kanchiin gloss is "Kuishiro." Ryöiki has "Mitani no sato." The Sekido-ke bon reads "in a village in the same district." I n the Ryöiki version it is clear that someone has disguised the drunken beggar as a monk: "Some mischievous person had shaved his head and hung ropes on him to look like a kesa. But he was too drunk to notice." The motif can perhaps be traced to the story of the drunken Brahman who inadvertently became a monk, in D a i c h i d o r o n (see "General Preface," n. 14). The "Dhärani of the H e a r t Sütra" is the familiar spell that concludes the text (see also 2.7, n. 5; Τ 8:848c). Even an uneducated beggar might be expected to have memorized it. 2

3

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220

2.12 A W O M A N OF Y A M A T O P R O V I N C E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

There was a woman who lived in the village of Yamamura in Sökami District in Yamato Province. Her name is unknown. This woman had a daughter who married and had two children. Her husband was appointed governor of another province. He took his wife and children with him and had been living in that province for two years when his wife's mother, back home in their native village, had an inauspicious dream about her daughter. When she awoke, she was full of dread and grief. She wanted to sponsor readings of the sütras, but she was poor and had no property. She took off her own clothes and washed and purified them and gave them as a fee for the readings. Her daughter lived in the governor's mansion with her husband. Her two children, who had been playing out in the courtyard, called inside to her: "There are seven monks on our roof, chanting sütrasl Come out quickly and see!" Indeed, when she listened for sounds from the roof, she could hear voices chanting, just like a crowd of droning bees. Incredulous, she went out into the yard to have a look. In the next instant, the house collapsed. Just as suddenly, the seven monks had disappeared. In fright and alarm she thought to herself, "Heaven has come to my aid and kept me from being crushed to death beneath the falling house!" Later, her mother sent a courier who reported the inauspicious dream and how she had sponsored the sütra readings. Hearing this, her daughter's reverence for the Three Jewels was many times increased. Thus it was known: the power generated by the chanting of the sütras brought her the protection of the Three Jewels. This story appears in Ryöiki. 1

Note

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 2.20. The place has been identified as what is now Obitoke-chö, Nara-shi ( N K B Z 6:200, n. 3; K a d o k a w a N i h o n c h i m e i d a i j i t e n 3 ( K i n k i ) , p . 106).

2.13 Okisome no Omi Taime

221

2.13 O K I S O M E NO OMI T A I M E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

Okisome no Omi Taime was the daughter of the abbess of a convent in Nara. Her devotion to Buddhism was deep, and she had never had intercourse with a man. Every single day she picked flowers and presented them to Gyöki Bosatsu. One day, when she went as usual to pick flowers in the mountains, she saw a big snake devouring a big frog. Aghast, she said, "Let me have that frog!" but the snake went right on swallowing it. Utterly distressed, she thought, "What can I say to make the snake give him up?" Then she had an idea. "I will be your wife; let the frog go," she said, whereupon the snake raised its head, looked her in the eye, and spat out the frog. Then she was worried. Hoping to postpone the day of their union, she told him carelessly, "Come to me in seven days," and she ran away. When the night of the seventh day came, she remembered what she had done and became frightened. She closed up her bedchamber, covered all the entrances, made her body impervious, and hid inside the house. The snake arrived and knocked on the wall with his tail, but he could not get in, and he went away. The next morning the woman was all the more frightened, so she went to the mountain temple where Gyöki Bosatsu was staying and asked him for help. "You cannot save yourself," he told her, "so you had better take vows and hold firmly to them." She immediately took the initiation of the Three Refuges and the Five Precepts. On her way home she met a stranger, an old man who was carrying a big crab. "Who are you?" she asked. "Will you give me that crab?" "I live in Uhara District in Settsu Province, and my name is Suchand-such," he answered. "I am seventy-eight years old, but I have no children. I have no means of support in this world, so I went to Naniwa and I happened to catch this crab. I have promised it to someone, so I cannot give it to anyone else." The woman took off her robe and offered it in exchange, but he refused. Then she took off her skirt, which he accepted, and he gave her the crab. The woman took the crab, returned to the temple, and had Gyöki Bosatsu pronounce blessings over it, and then she took it to a river and let it go. "Very good! Very admirable!" Gyöki exclaimed. 1

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222

Then she went home, and she thought she would be safe that night, but the snake came down through the ceiling and entered her room. She was terrified, and she hid under the bed covers. Through the quilts she heard the sounds of a struggle. The next morning she looked out and saw the big crab and the snake's body, chopped up in pieces and scattered about the room. Then she realized that the crab had repaid its obligation and that the Buddhist vows she had taken had generated great power. To obtain further proof she sent someone to Settsu Province to find out where the old man lived, but there was no such person to be found in that village or district. Then she knew that the old man was the avatar of a deity. This story appears in Ryöiki. 6

Notes

1

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 2.8, and Ryöiki 2.12 is also quite similar. H o k k e g e n k i 3.123 has a similar plot, but Kannon replaces Gyöki as the advisor, the young woman's father is the one who strikes the bargain with the snake, and the frog becomes a handsome young man who marries the young woman. The H o k k e g e n k i version is presented there as the origin-tale of the temple in Söraku-gun, Kyöto-fu, known as Kanimanji. "Okisome no Omi Taime" is otherwise unknown. Ryöiki says her mother was abbess of "Tomi no amadera" in Nara. This has been identified as Tomidera ( N K B Z 6:169, n. 5) or Ryüfukuniin ( K S T K 2:412). Both are near Nara and are associated with Gyöki. O n Gyöki, see 2.3. In the Ryöiki version he is called "Gyöki Daitoko," and he is said to have been in residence at Ikomadera (i.e., Chikurinji, in Ikoma-gun, Nara-ken) at this time ( N K B Z 6:166, n. 16). The "Three Refuges and the Five Precepts" are s a n k i (see 2.1, n. 19) and g o k a i , against killing, stealing, fornicating, lying, and consuming alcoholic beverages. Together they constitute informal admission to the Buddhist orders (BGD 1:459a; BD l:1118c-20b; 1474a75c). A l l three texts have the name in slightly different form; the Maeda-ke text agrees with Ryöiki. The place has been identified as Ubara, in Nishinomiya-shi and Ashiya-shi, Hyögo-ken ( N K B Z 6:170, n. 12). In Ryöiki the man is named "Edoi no Nimaro." Ryöiki says that Gyöki invited a number of other monks to attend the service, perhaps a kind of höjöe (see 3.26). 2

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"Avatar of a deity" is henge no h i t o (or h e n k e n i n ) . Ryöiki has "shöke" "the reincarnation of a sage" or "saintly avatar."


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N A R A NO IWASHIMA

(Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

Nara no Iwashima lived during the reign of Emperor Shömu, on the sixth avenue at the fifth street, in the western part of the capital. His residence lay in the neighborhood west of Daianji. He borrowed thirty strings of coin from the temple's sütra fund and went to the port of Tsuruga in Echizen, where he purchased goods and loaded them onto a ship. On his way home he suddenly fell i l l . He was put ashore, where he borrowed a horse and hastened homeward on his own. In Takashima District in Ömi Province he noticed that three men were following him at a distance of about a mile. When he reached the Uji Bridge in Yamashiro Province, they caught up and rode alongside him. Iwashima asked, "Where are you going?" "We have been sent from King Yama's palace to bring Nara no Iwashima to him," they answered. "But I am Iwashima!" he exclaimed. "Why am I summoned?" "We went to your house," one of the demons went on, "but they said you had gone away on business and had not yet returned. We went to Tsuruga and found you there. Just when we were about to take you, a courier from the Four Celestial Kings appeared and said, 'This man is doing business with funds received from a temple. Let him be released for awhile.' So we gave you your freedom until you could reach home. We have been following you for many days, and we have grown weak with hunger. Do you have any food with you?" "Yes, I have some dried rice cakes to eat as I travel," he said, and he gave them to the demons. Then one of them said, "It is our breath that can make you i l l . But we won't come close, so do not be afraid." Together they traveled onward to his house. He ordered food and served them a lavish feast. The demons said, "We want to eat beef. Get some for us! We are beef-eating demons!" "I have two dappled oxen," Iwashima said. "I will let you have them if you will release me." "You have fed us well, and we are in debt to you," they admitted, "but if we release you, we will be guilty of a great crime, and we will get poked a hundred times with steel rods. Do you know someone else who is your age?" "I can't think of anyone," said Iwashima. "How old are you?" asked one of the demons. "I was born in the Year of the Tiger," he answered. 1

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"I know someone who is the same age as you," said the demon. "We will take him instead of you. But first we are going to eat one of the oxen you offered us. And to prevent our punishment with those rods, you must sponsor one hundred readings of the D i a m o n d Sütra in our names. We are called Takasamaro, Nakachimaro, and Tsuchimaro." Having pronounced their names, they disappeared into the night. The next morning, Iwashima found that one of his oxen was dead. He immediately went to the Nantöin of Daianji, asked for the monk Nin'yö, and asked him to carry out the chanting of the sütra. The readings continued for two days. On the morning of the third day one of the demons appeared and said, "Thanks to the power of the Great Vehicle, we have escaped the punishment of one hundred rods. Also, we have been given much more food than usual! We are very happy, and very much in awe. From now on, on every Ritual Day, please conduct offertory services in our behalf and present food in our names," and he swiftly disappeared. Iwashima was over ninety when he died. In China, during the T'ang dynasty, a man named [Te-hsiian] escaped the summons of King Yama through the power of Prajnä. In Japan, Iwashima received money from the temple and escaped the demons. This story appears in Ryöiki. 9

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Notes 1

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 2.24. There is also a version in K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 20.19 (see also n. 14, below, concerning the evolution of this tale). Iwashima is otherwise unknown. The Töji Kanchiin bon has "Tachibana no Iwashima," as does the K o n j a k u version—in both cases, a mistranscription of n a r a . Ryöiki places his residence in the capital city's eastern quarter. The Töji Kanchiin bon and Sekido-ke bon read "eastern quarter"; Maeda-ke bon reads "in the old capital." Daianji (see 2.18, n. 2 and 3.17) was at the intersection of the sixth avenue and the fourth street (Öta, N a n t o s h i c h i d a i j i no r e k i s h i t o nenpyö p. 82). A "sütra fund" was used by some monasteries for making loans, the interest from which supported various ceremonies, readings, or research. D a i a n j i g a r a n e n g i n a r a b i n i r u k i shizaichö (dated 747) mentions such a fund (Takeuchi, ed., N a r a i b u n 2, p. 370). Takashima is on the western shore of Lake Biwa. Ryöiki adds "at Karasaki in Shiga." 2

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The bridge at Uji lies on the route from Omi to Nara. The men are "King Yama's couriers," from the realm of the dead (see 2.3, n. 12). On the "Four Celestial Kings," see 1.10, n. 8 and 2.1, n. 21. Since the funds belong to a temple, the kings, protecting the cause of Buddhism, argue for Iwashima's reprieve from death until he can make good on the loan. "The Year of the Tiger" ( t s u c h i n o e t o r a no t o s h i ) corresponds to the seventh year of the reign of Tenmu, i.e., 678, making Iwashima at least forty-six years old ( N K B T 6:210, n. 5). In Ryöiki, the demon specifically names the alternate victim: "A prognosticator who lives near the shrine at Izagawa" ( N K B Z 6:210, n. 6). The D i a m o n d Sütra (i.e., K o n g o h a n n y a haramitsukyö, T8:748c 57a), like the H e a r t Sütra, was used primarily as a liturgical text (see B D 2:1347a-48b and the translation by Conze, B u d d h i s t W i s d o m Books, pp. 21-74). As noted below, the text was thought to have special miraculous powers; note that the demons specifically ask for as many readings as the number of potential "pokes" per person. The demons' names have been variously interpreted: "Tall, medium, and short" ( N K B T 70:249, n. 17) or "tallest and oldest, middle and 'frightful'" ( N K B Z 6:210, nn. 10-12). "Nantöin of Daianji" seems to refer to a "southern pagoda subtemple," but no such name appears in Daianji records ( N K B Z 6:210, n. 13). Nin'yö (?—796), a native of Upper Kazuragi District, was ordained at Tödaiji, where he studied K e g o n doctrines. He would have been seventeen or eighteen at the time of this story, so he may not yet have been fully ordained, which perhaps explains why he is here called a shami. According to his biography in Honchö kösöden ( D N B Z 103:836), he observed the precepts strictly. On hot summer nights he sat in meditation, unclothed, without a mosquito net, enduring the bites of insects (Washio Junkei, Zötei N i h o n B u k k a j i n m e i j i s h o , p. 998a). "Ritual Day" here is s e c h i n i c h i . Yamada suggested that the "Six Ritual Days" are intended (see 2.1, n. 8). The notion of pleasing the good spirits and appeasing the evil spirits on these days seems to support this. None of the Sanböe texts correctly transcribes the name Te hsiian as it appears in Ryöiki. His story originates in C h i n g - k a n g p a n j o - c h i n g c h i - y e n - c h i (Kongo hannyakyö shügenki), a Chinese collection of tales about miracles attributed to the D i a m o n d Sütra (see D a i N i h o n zokuzökyö, part 1, section 2b, case 22, vol. 1). He was a high-ranking courtier during the reign of Emperor Kao-tsung (650-683). On his way to a provincial post he encountered a demon who took him to the land of the dead, where he was subjected to numerous tests, all of which he passed because he had chanted the sütra a thousand times. Finally, the 6

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demon predicted that he would enjoy a very successful career and eventually rise to the office of Minister of the Left, and set him free. The same story appears in T ' a i - p i n g k u a n g - c h i , in which P a o - y i n g c h i is cited as the source (see the Peking edition, T ' a i - p i n g k u a n g - c h i 2, pp. 695-96). The story of "Shih-tung of T'ang" in Sangokudenki (compiled by Gentö, ca. 1431) 4.11 is similar, though its specific source is unidentified (see Ikegami Jun'ichi, ed., Sangokudenki 1 , pp. 216-18). T h i s sentence seems to take the place of Kyökai's reference to two stories from Daishögonron about rewards for good deeds. The omission is perhaps well justified since the stories are not particularly relevant to the present tale. Kyökai adds, "The woman who sold a flower was reborn in Träyastriipsa, and Srigupta, who offered poison, later reformed and became virtuous; these are further examples.'' The first allusion (a brief one in Daishögonron; see Τ 4:284c) is to Sumati ( S h u m a n ) , who sold the flower that Sumedha, who was the Buddha Säkyamuni in a former life, offered to the Buddha of that time, Dlparpkara. Srigupta's story is told at some length in the sütra (Τ 4:327c 33a; see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 7). The only resemblance between these stories and the main tale is that they involve merchants who were eventually rewarded for various acts of devotion. 15


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2.15 A M O N K OF N A R A (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

There was a certain monk who lived in Nara. He constantly chanted the Mahäyäna sütras, but to support himself he saved money, and he had a wife and child. His daughter married and went to live with her husband's family. In the reign of Empress Shötoku [764-770], her husband was appointed Provisional Secretary in Michinoku. He borrowed twenty strings of coin from his father-in-law the monk and left for his post. After one year, his debt had doubled. He was able to pay back the original sum, but he could not yet return the interest. As the months passed, his father-in-law continued to press him for payment. Secretly, the son-in-law sought an opportunity to kill the monk. He said, "Come with me to the provinces, and I will pay you what I owe you. Let's go!" So the monk joined him on his ship, and they set sail. The son-in law enlisted the boatman in his plot. They tied the monk up by the arms and legs and threw him into the sea. When he got home, the son-in-law said to his wife, "Your revered father wanted to see you and was on his way here with me. Suddenly we came into rough waters, and the boat sank to the bottom. We tried to save him, but he was gone. I myself only barely managed to survive." His wife wept. "Alas, I shall never see my father's face again! I wish I could go to the bottom of the sea myself, if only to see his lifeless corpse!" she cried. At the bottom of the sea, the monk was concentrating and chanting the Mahäyäna sütras with all his might. The waters of the sea parted around him and stayed that way. After two days and two nights, some people passed by the spot in a boat. The end of his rope was floating on the surface, and the boatman caught it, pulled it up, and out came the monk. His features were unaltered. The boatman was utterly amazed. "Who are you?" he asked. "I am So-and-so," replied the monk. "I was kidnapped by pirates, and they tied me up and threw me into the sea." "And how did you manage to survive down there on the bottom?" asked the boatman. "I am always chanting the Mahäyäna sütras. It is their power that saved me," said the monk. He was careful not to mention his son-inlaw's name, and he asked to be taken home. The boatman complied. The son-in-law organized a lavish offertory service for monks in honor of the drowned monk. He was serving food to the assembled 1

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2.15 A Monk of Nara

monks when his father-in-law, who had disguised himself, came in with the others and received the offering just as they did. When the son-inlaw saw the monk's face, his own turned red, and he ran away in fright. The monk smiled benevolently, pitying him, and he never told anyone what had happened. Thus it was known that he was saved from drowning in the sea and from being swallowed by poisonous fish, and that he lived out the rest of his days without incident, all because of the great power of the Mahäyäna sütras. This story appears in Ryöiki.

Notes

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 3.4. There are also versions in Fusö r y a k k i 6 and K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 14.38. The story of Su chang in M i n g - p a o c h i ( T 51:795a) is often compared to this group of tales, but it tells of a concubine saved from drowning through her faith in the L o t u s Sütra (see also Donald Gjertson, "A Study and Translation of the M i n g - p a o c h i : A T'ang Dynasty Collection of Buddhist Tales," doctoral dissertation, Stanford University, 1975, p. 330). The twentyfifth chapter of the L o t u s Sütra contains specific promises of Kannon's protection for those in various perils, including drowning at sea (T 9:56c, 57c). Early Chinese Buddhist tales often focused on this aspect of the Bodhisattva's benevolence; Sanböe tale 2.17 is part of the same tradition. The protagonist of this tale is a rather irregular monk. He "saves" money for the purpose of lending it at interest. The fact that he has a family (unusual for monks of this period) also indicates that his status may be somewhat informal. Shötoku is identified by the epithet " T e i k i abe no s u m e r a m i k o t o ? as in Ryöiki. Michinoku comprised the present Fukushima, Miyagi, Iwate, and Aomori prefectures and was something of a frontier region in the Nara and Heian periods. The post of secretary was the third highest in the provincial hierarchy. The accumulated interest equaled the amount of the original loan. I n Ryöiki he asks to be taken to his son-in-law's province, and it is there that their confrontation takes place. It appears that Tamenori misread this; he does not make it clear where the subsequent encounter occurs. 2

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2.16 A M O N K OF M O U N T YOSHINO (Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

There was a certain mountain temple in Yoshino called Amabenomine. During the reign of Empress Genmei [707-715] there was a certain monk who lived there. He had practiced austerities for many years, but finally his strength was so diminished that he was unable to raise himself or to lie down. One of his disciples said, "You are physically exhausted, and you are very i l l . The Buddha has told us to fortify ourselves in order to continue our devotions. He made certain allowances for monks who are ill. The sin of buying goods is not too great; how would it be if you were to try eating some fish?" He was so insistent that the monk said, " A l l right, let us see what will happen." The disciple sent a servant to the coast of Ki Province, where he bought eight fresh mullet that he put inside a small chest. On his way home he met three laymen who were familiar with his master, and they thought he must be carrying something for the revered monk, so they asked, "What have you got there?" Casually, the youth answered, "It's a copy of the L o t u s Sütra" But juices from the fish were dripping out of the chest, and there was a distinctly fishy smell about it. Believing it their duty to expose the attendant as a liar, the laymen grabbed him right there in the marketplace, in the midst of the crowd, and said, "You've got fish in there! Why did you say it was the sütraV But the attendant insisted, "It is the sütral It i s n ' t fish!" "Oh, yes, it's fish all right; that is no sütral" they argued. They tried to make him open the chest so that they could be certain of its contents. At a loss for other defenses, he made a silent prayer: "Oh L o t u s Sütra of the Single Vehicle! M y master has read you and revered you all these years! Help us now! Do not let my master be humiliated!" When the laymen opened the chest and looked inside, there lay a copy of the L o t u s Sütra in eight fascicles. They were all amazed and perplexed. They finally went away. But one of them was still suspicious, so he stayed behind and followed the attendant back to the temple. Secretly, he watched as the attendant went to the master and reported what had happened in detail. The monk was amazed and pleased, and he would not eat the fish. The layman prostrated himself on the ground and worshiped the master, saying, "They really were fish, but on account of your saintly virtue they became the sütral I am ignorant and unenlightened, and I do not understand causality. I have caused anxiety and distress to your 2

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Holiness's attendant. I beg you, forgive me for my sins. Please, henceforward, be my master. So he became a Major Patron and spent the rest of his life worshiping and giving offerings. Thus be it known: if you try to save the flesh for the sake of the teachings, even poison can be turned into good medicine; even fish can be turned into a sütra. This story appears in Ryöiki. 4

Notes

1

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 3.6. There are also versions in H o k k e g e n k i 1.10 (where the protagonist is named Köon), K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 12.27, and in several versions of Höbutsushü (see Shüsei, p. 511). The specific temple and peak in the Yoshino range have not been identified. I n Ryöiki it is the master who asks his attendant to go and buy some fish, on these grounds. He maintains that the Buddha sanctioned the eating of otherwise forbidden foods in order to save the life of a valued spiritual leader. Matsuura cites two passages in K o n p o n s e t s u i s s a i u b u b i n a y a y a k u j i that justify the taking of such food, including fish, for medicinal purposes (T 24:1a, c). I n Ryöiki he eats the fish after all. For a detailed discussion of this difference in the two versions, see Terakawa Machio, "Ryöiki gekan rokuen to Sanböe oyobi K o n j a k u , " in Döshisha k o k u b u n 11 (February 1976):24 35. "Major Patron" is d a i d a n ' o c h i (see 2.6, n. 2). 2

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2.17 A M I N E R OF M I M A S A K A P R O V I N C E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon)

In Agata District in Mimasaka Province there was a mine from which the government took ore. In the reign of Empress Koken [749-758] the governor of the province ordered ten men to go up to the mine and bring out some of the ore. While they were inside, the entrance suddenly crumbled and collapsed. The men were frightened, and they scrambled out. Nine of them managed to escape, but just as the tenth and last man was about to come out, the entrance caved in and was completely closed. The governor of the province was terribly upset, and the man's wife and children grieved. Images of the Buddha were painted, sütras were copied, and a forty-nine-day period of memorial rites was observed. The man inside the mine made a vow: "Long ago I planned to offer a copy of the L o t u s Sütra, but I have not copied or presented it. If I am saved, I swear that I will complete the project without delay." Just then, a crack about as wide as his finger opened between the rocks, and a tiny beam of sunlight shone through. A monk appeared and passed through the crack, gave him some food, and said, "This was given to me by your wife and children. I have come to you because you are suffering." Then he disappeared through the crack. Scarcely a moment after his departure, a crack opened immediately over the miner's head, through which he could see the sky. This opening was more than three feet wide and about five feet long. Just then, thirty villagers had come to the mountain to cut vines. They happened to pass close to this opening. The man inside heard them draw near and shouted, "Help!" The villagers heard him, though his voice seemed no louder than a mosquito's buzz. But the sound made them curious, so they tied a vine to a rock and lowered the end down through the opening, and the man inside pulled on it. Then they knew there was a man inside, so they tied vines together and made a basket, and they twisted more vines together to make a rope and lowered them through the opening. The man inside got into the basket, and the men above pulled him out. They took him to his parents' house, and when his family saw him, there was no limit to their joy. The governor of the province was amazed, and when he made inquiry, the miner told him all about it. The miner, full of respect and awe, gathered together all the faithful of the province, and following his lead, they all contributed to the preparation of a copy of the L o t u s Sütra and a grand offertory service. 1

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He survived that which was difficult to survive: this was made possible through the power of his faith in the L o t u s Sütra. This story appears in Ryöiki.

Notes

This story is based on N i h o n ryöiki 2.13. There are also versions in H o k k e g e n k i 3.108, Fusö r y a k k i 6, and K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 14.9. There is a similar story about trapped miners saved through prayer in M i n g - p ' a o c h i 1 (T51:790). "Agata" is also read "Aida"; it is in the northwest part of modern Okayama-ken. Lead ore was taken from mines in this region as early as 728 (Shoku n i h o n g i , K S T K 2:112). The same empress reigned twice under two names, first as Koken and later at Shötoku. She is identified here with the same epithet as in 2.16; see n. 2. In Ryöiki it is, specifically, an image of Kannon that is made, and a seven-day period of mourning is observed. It is probably safe to assume, from the situation and from the fact that he appears in response to prayers for and from the man in distress, that this monk is a manifestation of Kannon. 2

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2.18 EIKÖ OF D A I A N J I (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon, Tödaiji-gire ) 1

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Long ago there was a monk of Daianji named Eikö. He supported his aged mother, who had lodgings just outside the temple, and he had one young servant who lived with him in his own quarters. In former times there were no stoves or rice pots in the living quarters of monks in the Seven Great Temples. Rice was cooked in the temple offices and loaded onto carts, and each morning someone was sent to the carts from each monk's cell to receive four servings of rice per monk. When he received his portion, Eikö gave one serving to his mother. Another he gave to beggars, and one he ate himself, and he fed the other to his servant. He always waited until he received word that his mother had had her portion before he would eat his own. When the master finished eating, the servant ate. This routine was observed without interruption for many years. In quarters adjacent to those of Eikö lived a monk named Gonsö. He also lived in poverty and in religious devotion. He and Eikö had been close friends for many years before the following events occurred. One morning, listening through the wall, Gonsö heard the sound of stifled tears. Gonsö was perplexed, and he secretly summoned the servant and asked, "Why were you crying?" "My master died this morning, suddenly and painlessly," replied the boy. "How am I to make arrangements for his funeral all by myself? And how is his mother, who depends on him for her food, to survive?" He continued to weep. There was no limit to Gonsö's own grief and distress, just as if he had lost his own mother and father. "Don't worry any more," he told the servant. "You and I will take care of his burial tonight, in secret. As for his mother, I will take his place and provide her with food and look after her. You, too, will get your portion just as before. From this time forward you must rely upon me as you did your former master. But his mother must never be allowed to know what has happened. She is old and weak, and if she were to hear of it, she would surely die from the shock. Now, before the usual hour has passed, go quickly and take her her portion." At these words, the servant felt joy in the midst of his sorrow. Wiping away his tears, he tried to act as if nothing were amiss, and he delivered the rice to Eikö's mother, just as always. He said nothing, afraid that he might burst into tears, but simply handed it to her and 3

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immediately left. The old woman sensed that something was amiss that morning. That night, Gonsö and the servant took Eikö to a spot deep in the mountains. They told no one in the temple, saying only that Eikö had gone away for a while. Gonsö divided his own portion of food, giving some to Eikö's mother and some to the servant, just as it had been before. Occasionally, Eikö's mother would ask, "Why hasn't he been to see me for such a long time?" The boy would reply, "His devotions leave him no time for outings, and visitors constantly interrupt him. As long as he hears that you are resting comfortably, he is pleased, and so he doesn't need to hurry over to see you. But perhaps he will come this evening." Months passed in this fashion. In the spring of the following year, a man came and made an offering to Gonsö. Many visitors crowded into his cramped quarters, and the servant had his hands full with them, and his delivery of rice to Eikö's mother had to be postponed. The guests pressed Gonsö to take some wine for his health, and he became drunk and fell asleep. When he awoke with a start, he realized that the sun had already set. He gave the servant a look in the eye that told him to deliver the rice. Eikö's mother said, "How terrible it is to be old! I've been so anxious ever since the usual delivery time came and went this morning!" The servant's grief now overwhelmed him. He suddenly collapsed in tears. Suspicious and perplexed, Eikö's mother questioned him. Unable to keep the secret any longer, and weeping uncontrollably, he said, "I know you think that your son has been alive all this time, but in fact he died last year." "How can it be? How can it be!" she cried, and she died instantly. In even greater distress than before, the servant tried every means he knew to revive her, but he couldn't bring her back to life. He was full of remorse, but there was nothing to be done. He told Gonsö what had happened. There was no end to Gonsö's grieving and weeping. "If I were indeed her son, this never would have happened. If only I had not drunk that wine, which the Buddha has forbidden me, I would not have let down my guard even for an instant." His weeping and his grief were truly intense. That night, having informed several of his colleagues, and including the boy in the party, they buried Eikö's mother at the foot of the mountain on which Iwabuchidera stands. The next morning, the eight monks returned to Daianji and entered a hall where they rested briefly. Then Gonsö said, "I took Eikö's place and looked after his mother. But I was unable to fulfill that wish for long, and now she is dead. There is no point in grieving now. Rather, 5


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I am concerned about her guidance to the world beyond. Here in this very hall we have the Buddha before us, and there before the Buddha lies a sütra. I see that it is the L o t u s Sütra. Its eight fascicles have been granted to the eight of us. This is surely the sign of a special affinity! Let us come here every day of the seven days of the mourning period with a bowl of rice, and let each one of us lecture on one fascicle in turn. And on the memorial day each year, we eight should gather again and conduct a four-day lecture service culminating on that day, during which we will explicate the eight fascicles of the sütra. We will call this the 'Colleagues' Service of Eight Lectures.' And we will observe it every single year." A l l the other seven monks said, "What an admirable idea! We must indeed do as you say!" and they vowed to do so. She died in the fifteenth year of the Enryaku era [796], and in the years thereafter the observance began on the anniversary of the fortyninth day after her death and continued year after year without interruption. Gonsö's saintliness was praised throughout the world, and he was honored and venerated both publicly and privately. As the years passed, the Service of Eight Lectures was observed on an increasingly grand scale. After his death he was granted the official title of Söjö. Following the respected example of the Eight Lectures of Iwabuchidera, the monks of Tödaiji have observed it for many years in the Tenchiin; it continues to this day. Later, many other temples adopted it, and it spread widely. Sometimes they add the Opening and Closing Sütras, making a Service of Ten Lectures. In the tradition established long ago by Gonsö, all the monks of each temple join cooperatively to observe these rites. The firewood procession, which occurs on the day of the fifth fascicle, recalls the devotion of an ancient king. The origin of the Service of Eight Lectures is described in the A n n a l s of I w a b u c h i d e r a . The words of the hymn sung during the firewood procession are: 6

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I have acquired the Lotus Sütra By gathering firewood and plucking herbs and scooping water; Through these labors, I acquired it! It is sometimes said that this hymn was composed by Empress Kömyö, or that it was written in her name by Gyöki Bosatsu. The exact truth is not known. 13


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The Sekido-ke bon breaks off at the point corresponding to the end of Gonsö's speech proposing the Hakkö. There is also an eight-line fragment of the Tödaiji-gire type, corresponding to the section on the "firewood" hymn (see Shüsei, pp. 205-7). This is the only tale in the second volume that has no relation to material in N i h o n ryöiki (see notes following). On Daianji, see 3.17. Eikö is otherwise unknown. His quarters are labeled in a plan of the monks' quarters of Daianji in N a n t o s h i c h i d a i j i j u n r e i k i , an anonymous and undated work of which only a copy of the first volume, dated 1452, survives ( Z Z G R [Kokusho kankökai sösho] 11 [Shükyöbu 1]:561). The quarters are arranged in the shape of the letter ' U ' . Eikö's is shown on the east side, separated by one from Gonsö's, in the northeast corner. (In the story we are told that they were neighbors.) The various quarters are labeled with the names of a number of great Buddhist figures (Saichö, Kükai, etc.) who were associated with Daianji at various periods, but these appear to be memorial names for these quarters or are perhaps entirely fanciful, as the plan of the quarters itself may be. The traditional list of the "Seven Great Temples" ( S h i c h i d a i j i ) of Nara includes Tödaiji, Köfukuji, Gangöji, Yakushiji, Saidaiji, Höryüji, and Daianji. The designation appears in Shoku N i h o n g i and elsewhere. Gonsö (7537—827) was a figure of considerable importance in early Heian Buddhism, primarily because of his relations with Saichö and Kükai. (His name is occasionally glossed "Kinsö.") He received his first ordinations at Köfukuji at the age of twelve or thirteen, and from the age of sixteen is said to have spent several years engaged in ascetic practices in Yoshino or at Ömine. At age twenty he returned to Nara and took up the study of Sanron doctrines under Zengi. His progress through the ecclesiastical hierarchy culminated in his service as Bettö of Tödaiji, then of Saidaiji, and his appointment as Daisözu. Two days after his death he was appointed Söjö posthumously. Though primarily a Sanron scholar, he also studied esoteric practices and Tendai doctrine. He attended the Jingoji retreat devoted to Tendai studies in 802 (see E i z a n D a i s h i den, D D Z 5:8), was among the monks commissioned to study the M o - h o c h i h - k u a n at Nodera (DDZ 5:21), and was one of two monks named by the emperor to receive the Kanjö initiation from Saichö at Jingoji in 805—the first time this rite was conducted in Japan ( K e n k a i r o n e n g i , D D Z 1:283-84; see also 3.27). Among the various 2

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sources of information about Gonsö are some verses, with a biographical preface, composed in his honor by Kükai (Mikkyö Bunka Kenkyüjo, ed., Köbö D a i s h i zenshü 3, pp. 539-43) and other writings by the Shingon founder, who claimed that Gonsö initiated him in the Koküzö ritual (see 3.12). The nature of Gonsö's association with Iwabuchidera is uncertain. Presumably, the lost I w a b u c h i d e r a e n g i that Tamenori cites as the source of this story would have contained further details. The site of the monastery itself is not known, although it must have been close to Nara. It is mentioned in S a i d a i j i den'en m o k u r o k u (dated 1298), so it may have survived until the time of that document (see Ikeda, "Iwabuchidera Gonsö to Heian Bukkyö," in N a n t o Bukkyö 5 (1958):193; see also D N B Z 118:210a). His affiliation with Daianji, on the other hand, is well documented, and his association with the Hakköe—the real subject of the present tale—is a matter of historical record, even if the story of its origin presented here is apocryphal (see Takagi Yutaka, H e i a n j i d a i hokke bukkyö shi kenkyü, pp. 209-11; B D 2:1367b c). O n Iwabuchidera, see preceding note. Yamada said that it may have been on Takamadoyama, which lies south of Kasugayama on the outskirts of Nara. It is not clear in the text if the temple already existed when Eikö's mother was buried there or if the temple was constructed later on that site as a memorial. The lost I w a b u c h i d e r a e n g i would, no doubt, have given some clues. Gonsö's proposed name for the service is "Döhö hakkö"; the word "döhö" was used as a translation of Sanskrit sahadhärmika, "comrades in the dharma." As noted above, this story is the earliest surviving evidence of Gonsö's origination of the Hakköe, services of eight lectures on the L o t u s Sütra (also called H o k k e hakkö), also observed at several temples and by many private sponsors in the Heian period. The twentyeight chapters of the sütra are grouped in eight fascicles. The Hakköe were usually held for four days, with a morning and afternoon session each day; two fascicles were chanted in each session. There were some variations in this arrangement, including abbreviated and extended versions (see Willa Jane Tanabe, "The Lotus Lectures: H o k k e hakkö in the Heian Period," in M o n u m e n t a N i p p o n i c a 29:4 [Winter, 1984]:393407). Tödaiji yöroku gives the same date (796) for the first Hakköe at Iwabuchidera, but H o k k e hakkö e n g i , compiled in 1010 and included in S h o j i e n g i shü { D N B Z 118:1-3), gives 793 as the date of origin. The annals of Kasagidera { D N B Z 118:89), where a similar service was held, say the Iwabuchidera services began in 783 (see Takagi, H e i a n j i d a i hokke bukkyö shi kenkyü, pp. 209-11). See n. 4, above. 5

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The Tenchiin subtemple of Tödaiji is said to have been founded by Gyöki as Hörenji in 708. It was destroyed by fire in 1053. Tödaiji yöroku says its Hakköe began in 798 (Tsutsui Eishü, ed., Tödaiji yöroku, pp. 108-10). T h e addition of the "Opening and Closing Sütras" (kaikechikyö) of the L o t u s created a "Service of Ten Lectures" (jükö). In the Tendai school, the Muryögikyö ("kaikyö") and the Kanfugengyö ("kechikyö") were treated as appendages to the main sütra. A service of ten lectures on all three works usually lasted five days. See also 3.30. T h e reading of the fifth fascicle, during the morning session of the third day, was the highlight of the service. It includes the twelfth ("Devadatta") chapter, which says that the most evil of men (Devadatta, who tried to kill the Buddha) eventually became a Buddha, as did an eight-year-old girl, the Näga-girl (daughter of the dragon king). Thus, the promise of universal salvation is dramatically illustrated and proven. It is this particular section of the sütra that seems to have most thoroughly captured the imagination of many lay devotees in the Heian period, particularly women, as can be seen in the M i n o r i chapter of the Genji m o n o g a t a r i , for example. The firewood procession is based on the opening section of the chapter, in which Säkyamuni tells how, in a former life, he was born as a king but abandoned his throne to serve an ascetic by gathering fruit, water, and firewood in order to obtain the teachings of the L o t u s from him. This is also the subject of the "hymn" quoted below. O n the lost I w a b u c h i d e r a e n g i , see n. 4. The text of the hymn is also found in Shüishü, where it is attributed to Gyöki (Yamagishi, ed., Hachidaishü zenchü 1, p. 620; see also Ishihara Kiyoshi, Shakkyöka no kenkyü, pp. 44-49). Kömyö was the consort and successor of Shömu; see 3.22. This verse was a familiar part of the Hakköe conducted throughout the Heian period; as noted above, there are references to it in the description of the service conducted by Murasaki shortly before her death in the M i n o r i chapter of Genji m o n o g a t a r i ( N K B T 17:176). 10

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VERSE (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

Threatened by Great Chieftain Moriya's ignorant words, The seeds of Japanese Buddhism were almost destroyed, But thanks to Prince Umayado's sagacious rule The Way of the Law survived to this day. 1

In the four hundred years since then. How many sentient beings have learned about causation and recognized the effects And been saved from suffering and rewarded with joy! How marvelous, how wonderful is the power of Säkyamuni's teachings!

Notes

The reference of the first verse is to the battles over the acceptance of Buddhism in the time of Shötoku Taishi ("Prince Umayado"); see 2.1. In fact, 397 years passed between Moriya's death in 587 and the writing of Sanböe in 984. 2

The Third Volume The Clergy PREFACE TO T H E THIRD V O L U M E 1

(Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon ) Among the disciples of Säkyamuni are three types of monks. First, there are the B o d h i s a t t v a monks, such as Maitreya and Manjusri and the like. Second, there are the Srävaka monks, such as Maudgalyäyana and Säriputra and their fellows. Third, there are the common monks of this world, such as the Söjö and Sözu of today. Obligations to them are shared by all sentient beings. We have received the benefits, but it is impossible to repay the debt. Still, all those who make offerings unto the clergy in order to fulfill this obligation duly garner equal merit. A l l Bodhisattvas save the world by making all-encompassing vows of great compassion, and those vows are truly far-reaching. The Srävakas possess the Three Insights and the Six Supernatural Faculties, and so they too are capable of saving others. However, after the death of the revered Säkyamuni, [Kannon went to the west, and] Samantabhadra returned to the east, so there are no Bodhisattva monks for you to see. Gaväippati's body dissolved into a torrential stream, and Käsyapa expired in the mountains, so no traces of the Srävaka monks have been left behind. In this final age—when there is no Buddha in the world, nor any Holy Sages, and we move from darkness only into greater darkness, while our hearts fall into ever greater confusion and our sins grow ever heavier—if there were no shaven-headed, saffron-robed monks in this world, who would propagate the Buddha's Teachings, and upon whom could sentient beings rely? A l l of the Three Jewels are one and the same, and you should revere and serve them equally. You cannot revere the Buddha and his Teachings and, at the same time, slight his monks and nuns. How admirable they are, whether expounding the scriptures and casting the bright torch of the Law far and wide, or upholding the precepts, never letting a drop of oil spill from the bowl, or transmitting the True Word, never letting a drop of water escape from the pitcher, or reading the Mahäyäna sütras, sewing jewels into the seams of many a robe, or 2

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devoting themselves to meditation and abandoning their worldly pursuits, or going out into the world to give encouragement to the hearts of others. A l l of them have passed through the many portals of the Buddha's teachings to go their separate ways, but all will converge upon the same shared goal of Enlightenment. I even revere those monks who violate the precepts. In a sütra it says that though a monk may violate the precepts, he is still superior to a Wheel-King, and even though he may fall into one of the Evil Realms, he will be a king there. Though the c a m p a k a flower may wilt, it is still superior to all other flowers in their freshest bloom. The scent of sandalwood incense may burn away to nothing, but still it perfumes countless robes. If one among a thousand oxen dies, there is no need to turn out all the rest. Though one among the many precepts is overlooked, there is no need to take all the others lightly. A bag that has held incense may lose some of its scent, but still it remains fragrant. A monk may have taken vows and then may break one, but still, the Buddha says, he is worthy of reverence. I also greatly revere the initiate who has yet to take full vows. In a sütra it says that the baby dragon may be small but is not to be taken lightly, for he can move the clouds and cause the rain to fall. The initiate may be yet immature, but he is not to be held in contempt, for he will obtain the Way and save many others. In sum: as Daihikyö assures us, if your appearance is like that of a Srävaka, you will not fail to see all the Buddhas of the present age. He who wears the robes of a monk is truly a child of the T a t h ä g a t a . A warning is contained in a verse of Daijikkyö: "If you strike a monk you strike me; if you slander him you slander me," the Buddha admonishes. "The peacock has showy, colorful plumage, but it cannot fly as far as the wild goose can. Robes of white reflect wealth and awesome social station, but they are nothing compared to those of monks who dwell in poverty and humility, he says. Therefore, revere those who fervently practice as well as those who do not, for all are vessels of the L a w . Whether their insight is deep or shallow, think of them all as apostles of the Buddha. Whether they speak the truth or falsehoods, they are not to be punished. Whether they are venerable or humble, their virtue should be praised. A common man should not use his worldly mind to judge the sincerity of those who follow the path of Holy wisdom. The monk Angulimäla was an evil man, and no one recognized him as a Tathägata from the past. The Bodhisattva Sadäparibhüta was humble in appearance, and those who scorned him never realized that he was a Great Teacher of the future. It is hard to recognize their true stature, to identify them in their temporary guises. So you must simply revere them all. The inner virtue, the outer form are hard to judge. So you 10

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must praise them all. In ancient times there was a foolish Provost who scoffed at monks and was punished with rebirth as an insect for ninetyone k a l p a s ; and a young monk who laughed at an older monk was condemned to suffer five hundred lives as a dog. The wise people of long ago all revered the disciples of the Buddha. King Bimbisära supported one thousand monks, and his crown prince continued the legacy. King Asoka's ministers criticized his worship of the clergy, but that did not stop h i m . The Elder Sudatta built monasteries for monks to live in, and Jwaka, King of the Healers, prepared baths for them and invited them to bathe. Indeed, the great elephant who was attacked by a hunter forgave his assailant when he saw his shaven chin and head. And the demon who was eating a criminal noticed that his victim was wearing robes of the Law, and he was so upset that he ran away. Even ogres and beasts revered these monks! How, then, can they be mocked or made fools of in men's hearts? They should all be called lights unto the world, and treasures of the nation. The reverent rites they observe throughout the year, and the teachings whereby they guide us toward our future goal: all must be counted as the contributions of this community. I now press my palms together and shall display the admirable virtues of the clergy. 2 5

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A table of contents for the volume precedes the text of the preface in the Töji Kanchiin bon. The Sekido-ke bon begins at a point corresponding to "casting the bright torch of the Law far and wide," and the title and text of the following section (3.1) continue without a break after the conclusion of the text of the preface. See Shüsei, pp. 221-23. Many texts classify monks in three types. A classification used in Tendai literature, based on Shinjikangyö (Τ 3:299c-300a), is that which appears here. In this context, " B o d h i s a t t v a monks" are those who have actually attained that high spiritual level. "Srävaka" (shömon) literally means "those who hear the word"; the examples given here are disciples of the historical Buddha Säkyamuni, and in this classification they represent monks of the Hmayäna tradition, in contrast to the strong Mahäyäna connotation of " B o d h i s a t t v a monks." "Common monks" is bonbu no so, mortal monks of this world who strive in various ways to serve other mortals (BD 4:3019b). The examples for the first two types are those given in Shinjikangyö, while "the Sö;ö and Sözu of today" is Tamenori's way of referring to monks whose activities are like those described in the following sections. 2

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The passage in Shinjikangyö cited above concludes with a statement that all monks of all three types together comprise a "field of merit" (fukuden); in other words, their existence creates many opportunities for the generation of merit by those who support them. Tamenori has given a free interpretation of this idea. D a i h i ("great compassion") and guzei ( h i r o k i c h i k a i ; "allencompassing vows") are terms associated with the Bodhisattva's determination to save all sentient beings. The Maeda-ke bon reads gugan ("far-reaching prayers") instead of guzei. The "Three Insights" (sanmyö) are knowledge of the past, knowledge of the future, and clear perception in the present. These combine with the "Six Supernatural Faculties" (see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3) to enable srävakas, as a r h a t s , to recognize the k a r m a from the past that determines the present shapes of their lives and those of others, to see into their future lives and those of others, and to overcome all impediments to wisdom in the present life (BD 2:1685a-c). The attribution of these powers to sravakas is explicit in Kanmuryöjukyö (Τ 12:345c). 6 The clause in brackets appears only in the Maeda-ke bon. Kannon is believed to reside in the west, where he/she is closely associated with Amida. Samantabhadra ( F u g e n ) is generally associated with the east, but there does not seem to be a scriptural basis for his "disappearance" there. The point, however, is that there are no Bodhisattva monks in the present world. Gaväippati (Kyöbon, aa abbreviation of Kyöbonhadai) was a disciple of Säkyamuni and of Säriputra (BD l:618b-c). According to D a i c h i d o r o n , he learned about their deaths when Mahäkäsyapa (Kashö) sent him a messenger, urging him to come to the convocation at which the scripture was to be recorded. Grief and shock turned his body into fire, and he perished. Later, Mahäkäsyapa went to Gydhraküta ("Vulture Peak"), passed into a deep meditative state, and entered n i r v a n a ( T 25:68c-69a, 78c-79a). Both passages are quoted in F Y C L , Τ 53:375b, 372b (see also Lamotte, 1, pp. 98-99, 192-96). The point of these two allusions is that all the "original" srävaka monks who heard the Buddha's words eventually departed this world. "Final age" is "sue no yo," an era so distanced in time from that of the Buddha that its Buddhism is weak and corrupt. The expression is not as technical as the term mappö, but it is essentially synonymous. The phrase "from darkness into darkness" ( k u r a k i y o r i k u r a k i echoes a verse in the L o t u s Sütra ("passing from darkness into darkness, never hearing the Buddha's Name"; Τ 9:22c) and a passage in Muryöjukyö ("The evil man passes from evil into evil, from suffering into suffering, from darkness into darkness"; Τ 12:277a). 4

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This sentence duplicates a statement in the introduction to a section of F Y C L on "Reverence for Monks," but no scriptural source is cited there (T 53:423a). The figures in this passage seem to represent all of the major types of Buddhism in the Heian period (see Ryakuchü, p. 214; Shüsei, p. 434). The first group would be those monks primarily devoted to study of scriptures and treatises, particularly those of the Sanron, Hossö, and Kegon schools based in Nara. "[N]ever letting a drop of oil spill from the bowl" alludes to a story in D a i c h i d o r o n about Upagupta, a revered monk who lived about one hundred years after the death of Säkyamuni and was one of King Asoka's mentors. He heard that there was an old nun who had seen the Buddha when she was a child, and he sent one of his disciples to tell her that he wanted to visit and ask about her memories. The old nun set a bowl full of oil near the doorsill, with the intention of testing Upagupta's wisdom and circumspection. When he came in, he made a few drops of oil spill from the bowl. The nun answered his questions but told him that his own deportment was inferior to that of six reprobate monks of Säkyamuni's time who flaunted many rules and caused much mischief but never would have allowed a drop of precious oil to be spilt (T 25:129c). Such strict adherence to certain precepts would typify V i n a y a masters and monks of the Ritsu school. The "True Word" is s h i n g o n , and the term refers to esoteric teachings (not only of the school of that name). The image of water poured from one vessel to the other is commonly used to describe a perfect transmission from master to disciple. At the end of the N i r v a n a Sütra, Säkyamuni describes the transmission of his teachings to Änanda in this way ( T 12:601c). In H i m i t s u mandarakyö fuhöden, the transmission from Hui-kuo, the Chinese esoteric master, to Kükai is so described by Wu yin, Hui-kuo's lay disciple (see Köbö D a i s h i zenshü 1, p. 44). Authoritative transmission of secret teachings was stressed in both the Tendai and Shingon esoteric traditions, and it is probably to both of these that Tamenori refers. The story of the jewels sewn into a robe was alluded to in the "Preface to the Second Volume" (in which refer to n. 11). Propagation of faith in the power and truth of Mähäyana scripture, particularly the L o t u s , as well as systematic practice of meditation, were hallmarks of the Tendai school. The last group of monks to whom Tamenori seems to refer are those who operate outside the confines of monastic establishments as charismatic preachers, like Köya. The sentence closing this passage suggests that all these aspects of Buddhist practice share the same goals and are manifestations of a single phenomenon. 10


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The introduction to the F Y C L section previously cited (see n. 9) also contains the statement, quoted from an unidentified source, that monks are to be respected whether or not they uphold the precepts. "Wheel-King" is rinnö (an abbreviation of t e n r i n shöö, Sanskrit cakravartiräja, "a king who turns the wheel of wisdom"). This status must be won through the accumulation of vast stores of merit (Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , p. 333b). C a m p a k a (senpu) is M i c h e l i a champaka, a much admired, exotic bloom (BD 3:3002c). F Y C L (in the same section cited in nn. 9 and 11) quotes a passage in Jüringyö (i.e., Daihödo jüringyö) that states that a monk, whether he upholds his vows or breaks them, is superior to "Wheel-Kings, SageKings, ministers and generals" and continues with the comments on oxen, sandalwood, and the campaka; Tamenori has reorganized and paraphrased this passage. F Y C L quotes Aikuögyö, comparing the initiate (srämanera) to the baby dragon (T 53:425a). T h i s is a paraphrase of a quotation from Daihikyö in F Y C L ( T 53:427b). Srävaka here means "monk." The term for "the present age" is genkö, the second of three kalpas during each of which one thousand Buddhas appear (see 3.31, n. 5). The Maeda-ke bon reads "the child of the Tathägata," but the Töji Kanchiin bon has "the true body of the Tathägata." The former is more correct if Tamenori is following the quotation from the verse in Daihödö daijikkyö found in F Y C L ( T 53:427b), also the source of the material that follows. See preceding note. For the original, see Τ 13:379c. 19 These lines paraphrase a verse in D a i c h i d o r o n quoted in F Y C L (T 53:449b). 20 The figure "a vessel of the law" ( n o r i no utsuwamono, höki), meaning a person who has the capacity to absorb and transmit Buddhism, appears, for example, in the L o t u s Sütra, in a debate about whether or not a woman can be a "vessel of the Law" (T 9:35c). "Apostles of the Buddha" is " H o t o k e no t s u k a i . " In the L o t u s Sütra, Säkyamuni says that those who repeat just one word of the sütra after his death will be true "apostles" of the Tathägata ( n y o r a i s h i ) ( T 9:30c). T h e name Ahgulimäla (also Ahgulimälika) is Shiman b i k u in the Maeda-ke bon and in Tamenori's probable source, F Y C L ( T 53:977b). The Töji Kanchiin bon has K u b a r a b i k u . The most common transliteration is Ökutsumara. This king of Säkyamuni's time was convinced that he could attain n i r v a n a by killing people, and he wore a necklace made from the fingers of his 999 victims. When his mother was about to 12

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become his thousandth victim, the Buddha heard about him, preached to and converted him, and accepted his confession of past sins. He became a disciple and eventually an a r h a t . His story is told is several sütras, including Ökutsumarakyö (Τ 2:512b 44b), and in most it is said that he was enlightened in his former lives as well ( B D l:332a b). 23 O n Sadäparibhüta, see 1.3, n. 3. After telling his story in the Lotus Sütra, Säkyamuni explains that he himself was Sadäparibhüta (Τ 9:51a). 94

"Temporary guise" is k a r i no ato, i.e., gonshaku, a term referring to an avatar of a Buddha or Bodhisattva. Several tales in this third volume describe such manifestations. "Provost" is i n a or y u i n a , a civil official or high-ranking monk in charge of clerical affairs in a given monastery or region. The reference here is probably to a story in Senjü hyakuengyö (Τ 4:250c-51a) quoted in F Y C L (T 53:856b). At the beginning of the summer retreat (see 2.4), a group of monks elected their eldest member to serve as provost. They also made a rule that any of their number who attained the Way during the retreat would be excused from the confession at its conclusion. Only the provost failed to be enlightened, and so he was not excused. With harsh words, he vented his anger at this fellow for this repayment of his absorption in administrative duties. He withdrew to his cell, saying that its darkness was no worse than the ignominy into which he had been cast, and there he committed suicide. He fell into hell and suffered there through several rebirths. The sütra does not say that he became an insect for ninety-one kalpas. T h e allusion is to a story quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:381b) from Gengukyö (Τ 4:444c-45a). Among a group of monks there was a young acolyte who chanted scripture with a particularly beautiful voice. There was also an aged monk whose voice was cracked and unsteady but who still liked to chant every day. The younger monk teased the elder: "Your chanting sounds like the howling of an old dog." The elder proceeded to tell the younger all he knew about priestly regulations, and the young monk was so impressed with his knowledge that he repented of his teasing words and was forgiven by the old monk. Nonetheless, he was punished with five hundred rebirths as a dog until he was saved by Säriputra, achieved rebirth as a brahman's son, and became the Buddha's disciple Cunda. 26

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Bimbisära (Yöken'ö in the Töji Kanchiin bon, Yöhiken'ö in the Maeda-ke bon) supported a thousand monks in the kingdom of Magadha during Säkyamuni's time, and the patronage was continued after his death. These thousand are said to have formed the core of the Buddhist community after the death of Säkyamuni ( D a i c h i d o r o n , Τ 25:78a; B D 3:2982b).


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There are several stories about Asoka's ministers' efforts to bridle his patronage of monks in the traditional biographies. F Y C L , quoting "Fuhözökyö," tells of such a conflict with a minister (T 53:297-322), but the extant Fuhözö innenden contains no such story. Also, the F Y C L story uses different transliterations of various names than those in Fuhözö innenden, so that sütra may not be the source indicated in F Y C L . Another version of the same story occurs in Aikuöden (Τ 50:129c 130a; see also Jean Przyluski, T h e Legend of E m p e r o r Asoka, p. 195). on

Sudatta ( S h u d a t s u ) is another name for Anäthapindada (see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 13). F Y C L quotes a Gengukyö account of his activities, but these are recorded in many other places. Jivaka (Giba) is mentioned in F Y C L ( T 53:544a), and the baths he offered to monks are described again in 3.4 (see also BD l:535b c). There are several versions of this story. Tamenori may have referred to that quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:867a-b) from Rokudojikkyö (Τ 3:17a b) or to the version in Daijö daijü jizö jüringyö (Τ 13:741c 42a). These appear to be variants of the story of the lion (see 1.8). The king of elephants was killed by a hunter disguised as a monk who coveted the elephant's tusks. The elephant's refusal to attack the hunter demonstrated, as did the lion's, the perfections of charity and forbearance, as well as respect for the clergy. 31 The reference is, perhaps, to a story in Daijö daijü jizö jüringyö that immediately follows the story cited in the preceding note (T 13:742b 43c): a criminal exiled to a wilderness disguises himself as a monk and thus avoids being devoured by demons. T h e description of monks as "treasures of the nation" derives from a Chinese expression originating in non-Buddhist contexts. In M o ho c h i h - k u a n , Bodhisattvas and teachers of Buddhism are called "treasures of the nation" ( T 46:49a), a usage based on the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:26). S h o k u n i h o n g i also uses the phrase in reference to Buddhist teachers (KSTK 2:171a), and Saichö used the term frequently in his petitions (see Paul Groner, Saichö, p. 116). Tamenori appears to have devised the phrase "lights unto the world" for balance. 30

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The First Month 3.1 N E W Y E A R RITES 1

(Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon )

The Buddha taught: "Even one day's observance of purifying rites will earn 600,000 years of sustenance. One step in the direction of a temple erases the sins of infinite k a l p a s " In another sütra it says, "In the first month, fifth month, and ninth month, Indra records the good and evil acts committed by sentient beings in Jambudvlpa. In these months, bathe and observe the rites of purification and cultivate other virtuous practices." It must be on this basis that everyone in the world strives to be abstemious in the first month. There are official grants of food to monks and nuns in the various provinces of the seven regions, and prayers and rites are commissioned, while, privately, men and women gather in many temples to light votive candles and practice other devotions. Also, in the belief that lifespans can thereby be lengthened, there are individuals who make offerings of gruel to monks. In S h i b u n r i t s u it says there are four benefits from this; in Sögiritsu it says there are ten benefits. In a verse it says: "He who wishes to enjoy a long life of ease in heaven should take gruel and offer it to the clergy." There is not a temple in the land where prayers are not offered for health and welfare and the successful conduct of all the rites of the coming year, nor any individual who does not purify himself; thus, in many places the planting of good roots starts at the very beginning of the year. We know that the brilliance of these deeds is reflected in Indra's jeweled mirror, and the merit is recorded on King Yama's golden tablet. 2

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See "Preface to the Third Volume," η. 1. A quotation in F Y C L (T 53:954a) from Kuzö hiyukyö has been identified as the source, but only the first half of this quotation is to be found there or in the original sütra (Τ 4:513a). "Observance of purifying rites" in both the Maeda-ke bon and F Y C L passage is j i z a i ; the Töji Kanchiin bon and Sekido-ke bon read i m o i ο tamote in k a n a . I m o i can mean any kind of purification ritual, but Yamada suggested that Tamenori was referring to s a i k a i , purifying abstinences carried out 1

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according to the V i n a y a . The use of the word "sustenance" introduces the idea of a pure feast, which is a feature of the next section and a preoccupation in various kinds of rituals, Buddhist and non-Buddhist, that were observed during the first month. (For a study of the nonBuddhist rituals, see Robert S. Ellwood, The Feast of K i n g s h i p : Accession Ceremonies in Ancient Japan.) A quotation in F Y C L ( T 53:932b-c) from Daiikyö (i.e., D a i i b a r i k y o ) is the identified source, but it does not contain the instructions to bathe and to observe rites. This and the preceding quotation may be free renderings or are perhaps from some source that has not been identified. A l l of the provinces except those in the immediate vicinity of the capital were grouped into seven divisions. There were separate provisions for the rites observed in the capital region ( K i n a i ) . S h i b u n r i t s u is the V i n a y a of the Dharmagupta school; Sögiritsu is that of the Mahäsaipghika. Tamenori's reference, and the source of the quotation that follows, is probably F Y C L ( T 53:611b), but "four benefits" should be five: the prevention of starvation, of dehydration, of hunger in the middle of the night, of constipation, and of bad vision. The ten benefits listed in Sögiritsu are expansions of these same five. This verse is quoted verbatim from the F Y C L passage cited above. Indra and Yama, the ruler of the land of the dead, record men's good and bad deeds as a basis for determining subsequent rewards or punishments. In mentioning them here, Tamenori followed the previously cited Daiikyö quotation in F Y C L (see n. 3). 3

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3.2 T H E F E A S T 1


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In Saishöökyö it is said : "If the king of a nation lectures on this sütra, he will be rewarded with endless happiness, while his people shall always be free from trouble. Winds and rains will come in their due seasons and will sweep the nation clean of all its plagues. When the king wishes to hear this sütra, he should adorn the most excellent hall in his palace, the one that is most important to him, and set up a Lion's Seat there. He should raise banners and light incense. The king should sit in a somewhat humble seat and listen intently to the sütra. He should look up to the presiding monk with reverence and think of him as a Great Teacher, and he should look upon all of his people with sympathy and cultivate compassion in his heart. He himself should take up the white silk parasol and, as festive music plays, go out to greet the lecturer as he approaches. This is most excellent! If the king is moved to do these things, then, with each step, he will be reverently serving infinite numbers of Buddhas. With each step, the long sufferings of life and death will be overcome. For each step, the long sufferings of life and death will be overcome. For each step he takes he will earn an age of rebirth as a Wheel-King, and with each step he will increase his store of merit in this world." On this basis the court prepares the Great Hall of State, and for a week there are lectures on the Saishöökyö each day and observances of the Penance of Srimahädev! each night. Snmahädev! was the wife of Vaisravaâ. She made a vow to fill all storehouses with the five grains and to answer all manner of prayers. The sütra explains how all the lords and ministers should faithfully execute their duties and cooperate with one another in their efforts. In some years there are imperial excursions. The audience and the various offices for the various parts of the ceremonies are filled by monks selected and invited from various temples, while the task of providing the offerings and adornments is assigned to the various imperial bureaus. This rite is also observed in the various provinces, beginning on the same day. It has been observed since the second year of the Jingo Keiun era [768], during the reign of Empress Shötoku, who was the daughter of Emperor Shömu. I believe it is so recorded in the Regulations. 3

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Notes

One fragment has been identified. See Shüsei, p. 229. Tamenori's "quotation" is a fairly loose adaptation from Konkömyö saishöökyö (Τ 16:428b). 3 The "Lion's Seat" ( s h i s h i no za) is taken by a formal lecturer who presides in place of the Buddha himself. The sütra has shishi shushöhöza, "the Lion's Extraordinary Dharma Seat." The sütra says that a white parasol ( b y a k u g a i ) should be placed over the lecturer's seat. O n "Wheel-King," see "Preface to the Third Volume," n. 12. The "Great Hall of State" ( D a i g o k u d e n ) , the main audience hall in the imperial palace, was certainly the "most important hall in the palace," as specified in the sütra. The Penance of Srimahädevi (Kichijö keka) was based on the seventeenth chapter of the Konkömyö saishöökyö (Τ 16:439b-40a). This female celestial deity promises good harvests to those who revere the sütra. Supplications to her were conducted under imperial auspices beginning in the mid-8th century and were regularly held in conjunction with the various New Year rites at court (which also were intended to insure good harvests). The several days of observance, including this Penance rite, were highlighted by a formal vegetarian feast for the attending monks, called the G o s a i e . ( G o s a i e is the title given to section 3.2, but the word does not appear in the body of the text.) Between the eighth and fourteenth days of the first month, large numbers of monks were invited to the palace to participate in readings, lectures, and formal debate on the Konkömyö saishöökyö, which, as seen in the passages quoted here, proclaims its own power to protect the state and promote its welfare. For descriptions of G o s a i e , see Yamanaka Yutaka, Heianchö no nenjügyöji, p. 139. Nenjügyöji emaki contains a lively depiction of the general festivities of the G o s a i e , including the procession of monks, the services in the Daigokuden and the concurrently observed esoteric rites conducted in the Shingon'in ( S h i n g o n ' i n no mishuhö)—which Tamenori does not mention (see N i h o n emaki t a i s e i 8, pp. 34-39). Vaisravaija is one of the Four Celestial Kings and is sometimes identified as Srimahadevl's brother (BD 5:4304a-7b). The "Five Grains" ( g o k a k u ) are listed in various ways, but rice, barley, soybeans, and two types of millet are usually included (BGD 1:360b). As noted above, the purpose of the annual Kichijö keka was to insure good harvests for the coming year. 2

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The sütra repeatedly states that all the king's court must participate in the rite if it is to have the desired effects. "Imperial excursions" is m i y u k i . On several recorded occasions in the Heian period, the emperor left the palace during the G o s a i e period to observe associated rites at important shrines and temples and to pay his respects to retired emperors and empressess living away from court. M i y u k i also refers to the crown prince's formal New Year's greeting to the emperor (Yamanaka, Heianchö no nenjügyöji, pp. 112-14). To be invited to be part of the "audience" (chöjü) or designated an "executor" (höyö) for the G o s a i e was a high mark of distinction. There were four major offices to be performed by monks in this and most other important state-sponsored rites: B a i höyö, the leader of sütra recitation; Sange höyö, "scatterer of flowers"; B o n ' o n höyö, Sanskrit chanter; and Shakujö höyö, a monk who beat time during the rhythmic sütra chanting (BD 2:1734b-35a). The distribution of assignments for providing the "offerings of adornments" (kuyö shögon) among the various imperial bureaus was specified in E n g i s h i k L Reading the Konkömyö saishöökyö for the protection of the state was one of the fundamental responsibilities of the Kokubunji (see Inoue Kaoru, Narachö Bukkyöshi no kenkyü, pp. 61-77). There were, in fact, earlier observances, but Tamenori appears to have relied on Shoku N i h o n g i for this information ( K S T K 2:339). Empress Shötoku (see 2.15, n. 2) is identified here as "the daughter of Emperor Shömu (i.e., A r n e no m i k a d o ) , Princess Takano." This method of identification may have been used here intentionally to draw a parallel to SrimahädevL T h e " R e g u l a t i o n s " ( k y a k u ) were official decrees compiled in various collections, and they formed the basis of much of the material in official histories. Ruijü s a n d a i k y a k u includes decrees issued during the reigns of Saga, Seiwa, and Daigo (809-930), but it does not contain any relevant decrees. The Shoku N i h o n g i record cited above is probably based upon such a decree. 1

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3.3 T H E RITES OF P E N A N C E AT H I E 1


The monastery on Mount Hie was established by Dengyö Daishi. The master's lay family name was Mitsu, and he came from the district of Shiga in Ömi Province. From an early age he displayed remarkable intelligence. By the age of seven he had attained great wisdom. He was knowledgeable in a wide variety of subjects. At the age of twelve he shaved his head. He went up to Mount Hie for the first time and built a hut in which to practice austerities. In the ashes of an incense burner he found a relic of the Buddha. He then prayed for a vessel in which to place it, and found a golden vase amid the ashes. In the twenty-third year of the Enryaku era [804] he went to China and climbed the T'ien-t'ai Mountains, where he met Master Tao-sui, who gave him Buddhist texts from India to study. The abbot Hsingman of the Fo-lung-ssu said of him, "Long ago I heard that our founder Chih-i said, 'Some two hundred years after my death the teachings of our school will be transmitted to the Land in the East.' The words of the revered sage were not mistaken; now this man has come to us. Let him return swiftly to his homeland to spread these doctrines." So saying, he presented him with many scriptures. He returned home in the twenty-fourth year of the Enryaku era [805]. When he lectured on the L o t u s Sütra before the deity of the Yahata Shrine, the deity gave him a purple surplice from the shrine storeroom in gratitude for the instruction he had received. When he lectured on the L o t u s Sütra at the Kawaru Shrine, purple clouds rose from over the mountain peaks and covered the courtyard where he was speaking. The robe he received from the deities is still kept at Enryakuji. His prayer was: "Save us in this age of the Imitated Teaching!" So, with his own hands, he made an image of Bhai$ajyaguru for his Central Hall, and with the vow "to spread the wondrous teaching of the supreme L o t u s Sütra" he dedicated himself to the propagation of the Tendai doctrines of the founder Chih-i. In the seventh month of the third year of the Könin era [812] he built the Hokkedö and had the Mahäyäna sütras read there constantly, night and day. Down in the valley a voice was heard every night, chanting the L o t u s Sütra. A search was made, but no one could be found. When the place from which the voice emanated was located, there was nothing to be seen but a pile of dried human bones. These were reburied next to the hall, and people were forbidden to step upon 3

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3.3 The Rites of Penance

the burial place. He wrote many sets of vows that were read on particular occasions. He made a vow to light candles, and these still have not been extinguished. During the first moon of spring, summer, autumn, and winter, he and the twelve monks of the hall observed the Rites of Penance. The master died on the fourth day of the sixth month of the thirteenth year of the Könin era [822]. Mysterious clouds covered the mountaintop and did not disperse for some time. People who saw them from afar thought it strange: "Something must have happened on the mountain to cause this," they said. Now then, this Service of Penance is based on the S a m a n t a b h a d r a 12

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Sütra. Among the four types of meditation is one called the "HalfWalking Half-Sitting Meditation." The founder of the T'ien-t'ai school practiced this and suddenly attained the L o t u s meditation, and he was enlightened, and his heart was free. He saw Samantabhadra riding toward him on an elephant, and then he came and touched him on the head. Passages that were unclear in the sütra were explained in full detail in the master's writings compiled in the M a n u a l of P r a c t i c e of t h e L o t u s M e d i t a t i o n in one fascicle, which has been transmitted to the world. If it is followed, the power of the Single Vehicle will erase the sins of the six fundamental sources. Hmayäna penances only have the effect of erasing minor transgressions; Mahäyäna penances effectively save us from heavy sins. In the M a n u a l it says: "All those who wish to see Säkyamuni and the many manifestations of Prabhütaratna Buddha, to cleanse themselves of the sins of the six sources, to enter into the world of the Buddha, overcome all obstacles, and attain the state of the Bodhisattva: if you commit the Five Transgressions or violate the Four Great Prohibitions, you must be disqualified from practice as a monk, but if you reverse this, you will attain perfection. Those who wish to earn excellent merit should go to an isolated, quiet place and practice this meditation for three weeks." Furthermore, it says in the S a m a n t a b h a d r a Sütra: "If you practice this with a settled mind, you will see Samantabhadra on the first day and on every successive day of the entire three weeks. Those with heavy obstructions will not see him until after forty-nine days have passed. Those who have even heavier obstructions will see him in the next life, 17

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or in the second or third rebirth." Also, in M o - h o c h i h - k u a n it says: "This Rite of Penance is a great treasure for the world. Its proper observance will surely yield other treasures. Offerings of flowers and incense yield treasures of the lower ranks. The Buddha was unable to expound all there was to expound to Manjusri, but he did expound upon the merits of these lower ranks. Indeed, how much more so was this true concerning the middle and


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upper ranks! Indeed, rather than build a pile of treasures from earth to Indra's heaven as an offering to the Buddha, it is far better to give one devotee of scripture his daily meal, and to look after him." Indeed, the merit of the practice of meditation is extraordinary! 23

Notes

A short fragment of the Tödaiji-gire type, corresponding to the beginning of the section and contiguous with the end of the preceding section, has been identified (see Shüsei, p. 231). "The monastery of Mount Hie" is Enryakuji, the Tendai headquarters founded by Dengyö Daishi (Saichö, 767-822). Throughout Sanböe, "Hie" means Enryakuji. Tamenori's biography of Saichö is based on a number of sources, particularly E i z a n D a i s h i den, a work attributed to Saichö's disciple Ninchü, completed perhaps as early as 840 (see Dengyö D a i s h i zenshü, bekkan, 5, pp. 80-110; for an authoritative, annotated text, see Nakao Shunpaku, Sange gakushöshiki josetsu, pp. 367-453). Paul Groner has observed that the general emphasis of E i z a n D a i s h i den is on Saichö's interest in the L o t u s Sütra and Tendai teachings, while his interests in Esoteric Buddhism are largely disregarded. The same bias is apparent in Tamenori's treatment. The honorary posthumous name Dengyö Daishi was conferred in 866, some forty-four years after Saichö's death. Tamenori uses "Dengyö Daishi" only. Saichö's family lived in the area of modern Ötsu-shi. Tamenori omits mention of the fact that the Mitsu claimed descent from an emperor of the Latter Han Dynasty and other details of family background that open the E i z a n D a i s h i den. Tamenori follows E i z a n D a i s h i den but does not make it clear that this was not the occasion of Saichö's initial ordination. At age twelve he went to the Kokubunji of Ömi and began to study under the monk Gyöhyö. Two years later he became a novice monk, but his full ordination did not take place until he was nineteen (Groner, Saichö, pp. 22-26). According to E i z a n D a i s h i den, Saichö was living in seclusion in Jingü zen'in, a meditation hall built by his father, when he found the relic and the vessel (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 375). The T'ien-t'ai area in southeastern China had long been a center of religious activity, and the Chinese school of Buddhism established there by Chih-i in the sixth century took its name from the site. For a 2

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detailed account of Saichö's activities in China, see Groner, Saichö, pp. 38-63; see also Robert Borgen, "The Japanese Mission to China, 801-806," in M o n u m e n t a N i p p o n i c a 37.1:1-28. Tao-sui (Dösui) was the seventh patriarch of the T'ien-t'ai School; his dates are unknown. The texts he had copied and presented to Saichö were not only sütras but also many T'ien-t'ai treatises, including a manual for the H o k k e senbö, the rite that is the subject of the present section (Groner, Saichö, pp. 41-43; Kiuchi Hiroshi, Dengyö D a i s h i no shögai to shisö, pp. 104-7). Hsing-man (Gyöman, ?—823?) has a biography in the Sung K a o seng-chuan and is the reputed author of a number of works. Fo-lung-ssu (Butsuröji) was one of the many monasteries at T'ien-t'ai. Tamenori's account of this incident closely follows E i z a n D a i s h i den (Nakao, Josetsu, pp. 400, 405). Chih-i is identified by his posthumous name, Chih-che (see 3.30, n. 10). O n his way to China Saichö had petitioned the gods in Kyüshü for aid on his journey, and in 814 he returned to Kyüshü to fulfill his vows to them. Again, Tamenori draws upon details of these events reported in E i z a n D a i s h i den (Nakao, Josetsu, pp. 421-23). Both Sanböe texts say he went to the "Kasuga Shrine," clearly an error for "Kawaru." The "age of the Imitated Teaching" {Zöhö no t o k i ) is the middle period (after Shöhö, before Mappö) during which the Buddha's teachings are still transmitted and understood, but imperfectly. The quotation is probably a paraphrase of Saichö's intent in carving the image, without specific source. Bhai§ajyaguru ( Y a k u s h i n y o r a i ) is a Buddha who dwells in the pure land in the east and who has vowed to protect all sentient beings from illness. The central image of Yakushi n y o r a i in the main hall ( K o n p o n Chüdö) of Enryakuji is said to have been made by Saichö in 788. This is not mentioned in E i z a n D a i s h i den, but the legend does appear in such later documents as E i g a k u yöki (fourteenth century; GR 15:530: see also Groner, Saichö, pp. 75-76). The full name of the building is H o k k e sanmaidö. It was the site for the practice of meditation on the L o t u s Sütra and such related rites as the H o k k e senbö (BD 5:4579c-80c; Groner, Saichö, pp. 75-76). The source of this episode has not been identified. The motif of human remains that chant the scripture is common in Buddhist tales, particularly involving devotion to the L o t u s ; there are examples in Ryöiki. Tamenori is apparently referring to the works collectively called G a n m o n , many of which are incorporated into the text of E i z a n D a i s h i den. The G a n m o n has a complex textual history; see Groner, Saichö, pp. 28-30. 7

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The historical circumstances of this "vow" are not recorded in E i z a n D a i s h i den, but the legend is well established. A poem Saichö is said to have written on the occasion of the dedication of the Konpon Chüdö in reference to these eternal lights appears in S h i n shüi wakashü (Köchü k o k k a t a i k e i 8, p. 204). The H o k k e senbö was held at Enryakuji on the first day of the first, fourth, seventh and tenth months. The word senbö has the same meaning as keka, i.e., a rite of penance (see 3.2, n. 6) for past sins and exorcism of their ill effects. As Tamenori explains below, this rite was prescribed by Chih i in his F a - h u a san-mei c h ' a n - i ( T 46:94ff.), on the basis of passages in K a n f u g e n bosatsugyöhökyö. T h i s account of Saichö's death follows that in E i z a n D a i s h i den (Nakao, Josetsu, pp. 442-43). The " S a m a n t a b h a d r a Sütra" (Fugengyö), i.e., K a n f u g e n b o s a tsugyöhökyö, is the so-called "closing sütra" of the L o t u s trilogy. T h e four types of meditation ( s h i s h u z a n m a i ) were prescribed by Chih-i and formed the heart of Tendai practice. Sanmai transliterates samädhi, one of the words used for "concentration" and "meditation." The "Half-Walking Half-Sitting Meditation" (hangyöhanza z a n m a i ) requires twenty-one days of circumambulation of an image of Samantabhadra, in alternation with seated meditation. The H o k k e senbö was observed as an adjunct to this practice. The other types of meditation are "Constant Moving" (jögyö z a n m a i ' , see 3.25, n. 2), "Constant Sitting" (jöza z a n m a i ) , and "Free meditation" (higyöhiza z a n m a i ) (see Leon Hurvitz, C h i h - i [ M e l a n g e s c h i n o i s et b o u d d i q u e s 12], pp. 318-31). I n M o - h o c h i h - k u a n , Chih-i states that when the proper spiritual level is attained in this meditation, the practitioner will be able to visualize Samantabhadra (T 46:13a). The work indicated ( " H o k k e z a n m a i no gyöhö i k k a n " ) is probably Chih-i's F a - h u a san-mei c h ' a n - i , or perhaps one of his several other treatises on L o t u s meditation. T h e "sins of the six fundamental sources" ( r o k k o n no t s u m i ) are those that arise from the functioning of the sensory organs (the eyes, ears, nose, and tongue), the body, and the mind (BD 5:5056b-57a). The "single" vehicle is Buddhism as a whole, from the perspective of the L o t u s . In the nineteenth chapter of the L o t u s Sütra it is said that those who uphold the sütra will receive vast stores of merit to offset many generations of accumulated sins (T 9:47c). T h i s quotation paraphrases F a - h u a san-mei c h ' a n - i ( T 46:949b), but elements of the original passage have been rearranged. On Prabhütaratna, see 1.7, n. 5; here, he is called "Tahö." On the "Five Transgressions" and "Four Great Prohibitions," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 6. 14

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The passage is quoted verbatim from the sütra (Τ 9:389c). This quotation is also very close to the original (T 46:14a). The term "devotee of scriptures" is jikyösha, literally "one who holds the scripture"—in this case, the L o t u s . 23


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On the fourteenth and twenty-ninth days of each month, a great bath is prepared in every temple, and all the monks bathe. This is because the Convocation is held on the following day. The bath is also prepared on many other unspecified days in accordance with the needs of individual monks. In the Sütra on Baths and B a t h i n g f o r the Clergy it is said: "The Elder Jivaka, son of Amrapäli, had an idea one night as he was falling asleep, and the next morning he went to the Buddha and said, Ί have busied myself with worldly affairs and have not yet earned merit. Now I would like to invite the Buddha and his disciples to wash themselves in the bath I have prepared. I pray that all sentient beings may be cleansed of the worldly filth of ignorance/ "The Buddha said, 'Very good! There is no measure of the merit in this. For priestly bathing, seven objects are used in the bathroom. There are seven salutary effects of bathing, and seven benefits accrue. The seven objects are firewood, pure water, bean husks for scrubbing, bath oil to moisten, cool, and soften the body, finely ground ashes, willow-twig toothpicks and bathrobes. The seven salutary effects of bathing are relaxation of the body, avoidance of colds, avoidance of pains, avoidance of chills, avoidance of fever, avoidance of filth, and refreshing of the body and clearing of vision. As for the seven benefits, the first is that disorders of the Four Elements are prevented, and in every life into which you are reborn you will be lovely in form and pure in person.5 Second, filth is washed away from the place where it lodges and pollutes. Third, the body is always kept fragrant, and one's garments remain clean and fresh. Fourth, the skin of the body is made soft, smooth, and lustrous, as it can be made by nothing else. Fifth, many persons will follow and serve you, and brush away the dust and sweep away the filth from your path. Sixth, the odor of the mouth is fragrant and clean, and the words you speak will be followed by the people. Seventh, at birth you will be naturally clothed and adorned with everlasting brilliant jewels. Indeed, those who are born into this world with pleasant features admired by others, and who are pure and clean and lustrous skinned, are those who in their former lives provided baths for monks and have been thus rewarded. These rewards are also obtained as the result of providing baths for monks: birth as the son of a great minister and enjoyment of a wealth of treasures; birth in the house of a 2

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great king, where you are bathed with fragrant incense and perfumed water; protection in all four directions through the power of the Four Celestial Kings; illumination of the darkness of night by the sun, moon, and the constellations; and adornment with the Seven Jewels of Indra, enjoyment of a long life, reaching the world beyond the Four Seas ruled by the Great Kings, where you may revel in many pleasures and have a fragrant body, revel in the pleasures of the Six Desire Heavens to the utmost, and dwell in the perfect quiescent state in Brahma's Heaven.'" In another sütra it is said: "The Buddha's disciple Pin<J01a wanted to earn merit for the world to come, so he did not enter Nirväjia, but remained for a long time in the Malaya Mountains. If you intend to prepare a bath for monks, first prepare the hot water in the morning, and then summon Pi^dola. Spread flowers and prepare a seat. Close the doors for a while, and then, when you open them, you should be able to see that he has come and bathed," and on this basis everyone in India did so. There are those in this country who observe this practice, too. In various other sütras it is said: "In a former birth, during the age of the Vipasyin Buddha, Suddhäväsa was the son of a very poor man. He managed to find a small amount of money that he used to prepare a bath and meal to which he invited the Buddha and his disciples, and they accepted. After his death, he was reborn in heaven in an extraordinary form, with bright luminescence. When he becomes a Buddha, he will be called the Tathägata of the Pure Body." Also: "In a former birth, Änanda was the son of a commoner in the land of Räjagyha. He suddenly broke out in strange pockmarks that, though treated, would not heal. Someone told him, 'If you prepare a bath for monks and take the water used for the bath and wash your pockmarks with it, they will heal immediately. Also, you will gain other fortunate benefits as well.' So he went to a temple and did these things, and he was immediately cured. In every life into which he was born thereafter, he was lovely in form and pure in person. For ninety-one k a l p a s he received this fortunate benefit. Now he is with the Buddha, and all the pollutions within his mind have been extinguished." Also: "In a former birth in the time of Vipasyin Buddha, the monk Nanda prepared a bath for a group of monks, and as a result he was born into a line of kings and bore the Thirty-two Marks upon his person." Also: "Säriputra suffered terribly from the heat during a long dry spell. A man came along with water, which he poured on the plants in the garden. Seeing Säriputra, he called to him, had him sit under a tree, and bathed him with the water he had poured on the tree. When this man died, he was reborn in Träyastriipsa Heaven. He immediately came down to Säriputra and cast flowers about him, to show his gratitude, and he listened to the Buddha's teachings and thus claimed his reward." 6

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In the Chinese Stories of R e b i r t h it is said that during the Liang Dynasty a monk named Tao-chen lived on Mount Lu and meditated on the Buddha. One night he meditated upon the waters of the Pure Land, and then he fell asleep. In a dream he saw a huge body of water. Upon it was a boat in which a hundred people were sailing westward. "Let me go with you," he said, but the boatman would not let him. In the dream Tao-chen said, " A l l my life I have dedicated myself to the worship of the Western Land. Why won't you let me go?" The boatman replied, "Your devotions are not yet complete. You have not yet chanted the A m i d a Sütra} You have not yet prepared a bath for monks," and with this refusal he sailed away. Tao-chen was left behind to weep and grieve. When he awoke, he immediately chanted the sütra and prepared a bath. Later, he had another dream. Someone came to him, riding on a silver lotus, and said, "Your devotions are now complete. You will certainly be reborn in the Western Land." On the night he died a bright light shown above the mountain, and his cell was filled with perfume. While he lived, he told no one of his dream, but he wrote about it and put what he had written in a sütra box. This was taken out after his death, and thus it became known. From all these examples we learn that providing a bath for monks is a simple deed, but its benefits are great. In the Agongyö, five merits are listed; in Jüjuritsu five benefits are listed. 12

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Notes

Eight fragments of the Tödaiji-gire type have been identified. See Shüsei, pp. 235-41. The "bath" is onshitsu, o n j i t s u , or unshitsu. On the Convocation ( F u s a t s u ) , see 3.5. 2

q

The source is O n j i t s u sennyoku shusökyö (Τ 16:802c-3c) quoted in a discussion of the merits of the provision of baths for monks in F Y C L (T 53:543c). 4 Jivaka ( G i i k i ) was a devout lay supporter of Säkyamuni and a renowned physician (BD l:535b-36c). In the "Preface to the Third Volume," his name appears as "Giba" (see n. 29 there). His mother Amrapäli ( N a ' n y o ) was one of the first Buddhist nuns (BD l:92a-b). The "Four Elements" are earth, water, fire, and wind, and they embody four physical properties, i.e., solidity, moisture, warmth, and movement. The human body is made up of these elements and shares these properties, and any imbalance or disorder among them produces illness or physical disorders (BD 2:1874b-75b).

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"The Seven Jewels of Indra" are, in one list, gold, silver, lapis lazuli, quartz, giant clamshells, jade, and agates (BGD 1:587c). To travel beyond the "Four Seas" that encircle Mount Sumeru and its surrounding continents, thus passing beyond the boundaries of the worlds ruled by Great King, would mean that one had left the mundane physical world behind (BGD l:509d). The "Six Desire Heavens" ( r o k u y o k u t e n ) are part of the world of desire and are located above Mount Sumeru. They include the Träyastrimsa and Tu§ita Heavens. "Brahma's Heaven" ( B o n t e n ) is beyond the world of desire and its six heavens, hence "quiescent." It is the dwelling-place of Brahma, as Träyastrirpsa is the dwelling-place of Indra (BD 4:3426a-29b). The sütra is Shöbinzuruhö (Τ 32:784b-c), quoted in F Y C L (T 53:610a-b) in its entirety. Tamenori paraphrases it briefly to introduce Pindola ( B i n z u r u ) , one of the disciples of Säkyamuni. To symbolize his overseership of daily rituals in the monastery, it was common to display his image in those rooms where monks cooked and ate their meals and bathed, and on an altar at the Convocation. (This practice was rejected by Saichö as one that was inappropriate in a Mahäyäna monastery; see Groner, Saichö, p. 140.) The Malaya Mountains ( M a r e i s e n ) are a range in southern India (Ogiwara, B o n w a d a i j i t e n 11, p. 1009a). "Various other sütras" refers to several works cited in the F Y C L passage on the merits of baths (T 53:543c-44a), Tamenori's source for this and the following two stories. This one originates in Gengukyö. Vipasyin Buddha ( B i b a s h i b u t s u ) is said to have lived ninety -one kalpas before Säkyamuni; stories of the previous lives of Buddhas, a r h a t s , and the like are often set in the time of this Buddha (BD 5:4324c-25b). Suddhäväsa (Shudaeten) is the name of a group of heavens in which sages dwell eternally and eventually attain a r h a t s h i p , but this story seems to be about one of the chief denizens of those heavens (BD 2:1228b; 4:3771c). "Tathägata of the Pure Body" is Jöshin n y o r a i . This story is quoted in F Y C L from "Fukudengyö" (i.e., Shotoku fukudengyö). Here, Räjagfha is Raetsuki. Nanda was a son of Mahäprajäpäti and half-brother to Säkyamuni, as well as his disciple. He is sometimes called "Sundarananda" (BD 4:4007b-8a). F Y C L quotes his story from Zöhiyukyö (Τ 4:501a), and Tamenori retains the form of the name of Vipasyin used there ( Y u i e b u t s u ) . "The Thirty-two Marks" are essentially the same as the "Thirty-three"; see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 4). Nanda's attainment of the marks is not mentioned in the F Y C L passage, but it is confirmed in other texts (KMJ 443b). 1 On Säriputra, see 2.4, n. 8. F Y C L quotes Jüjuritsu as the source. 7

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The work referred to as "Chinese Stories of Rebirth" ( M o r o k o s h i no öjöden) cannot be identified (see Shüsei, pp. 472-73). The biography of Tao-chen (Döchin) in Hsü kao-seng-chuan is very similar to this story (see also K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 6, p. 4). Mount L u ( R o s a n , i.e., L u s h a n ) , in southeastern China, was a center for ascetic religious practices, both Taoist and Buddhist {BD 5:5080c-81b). The boat sailing westward, to the "Western Land," is, of course, bound for Amida's paradise. The "Amida Sütra" is one of the three major Pure Land scriptures (T12, n. 366). F Y C L quotes Zöichi agongyö as the source. The five merits are avoidance of colds, quick recovery from illness, riddance of dirt and dust from the body, lightening and regulation of the body, and whitening of the skin. Jüjuritsu, also quoted in F Y C L , lists riddance of dirt, whitening of the skin, moderation of body temperature, regularity, and minimal pain when i l l . 1 4

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3.5 T H E CONVOCATION (Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

On the fifteenth and thirtieth days of each month, a convocation is held in every temple. This practice was brought here by Master Ganjin. Master Ganjin was the abbot of Lung-hsing-ssu in Yang Province in China. He was well versed in many sütras, and he was especially learned in the rules of monastic discipline. When the monks Eiei and Kögyö went to China, they earnestly entreated him, saying: "The teachings of the Buddha have flowed to the East and reached our land, but, though we have the scripture, there is no one to transmit and explain its teachings to us. We pray that the master will go back with us." In the fourth year of the Shöhö era [752], when an embassy was leaving China to return to Japan, Ganjin came with them, accompanied by twenty-four disciples, on the ship of the vice-envoy, Ötomo Komaro. The empress honored him and installed him in the Tödaiji under her own patronage. In order to correct the texts of sütras, he recited them, and many errors were rectified. When he was asked the name of a particular medicine, he could identify it by its smell. He offered prayers for the [retired] emperor and presented medicines to the empress. At first he was granted the rank of Daisözu, but he disliked the administrative duties in the Bureau of Clerics that came with it, so he was given the title Daiwajö and allowed to live in retirement in his V i n a y a monastery; this is the temple presently known as Töshödaiji. The master was the first to ask imperial permission to hold a convocation at Tödaiji. Later, it was introduced and conducted everywhere. Many monks gather in a great hall, and one Master of Precepts recites the scripture. In Bonmökyö it is said: "Newly inspired Bodhisattvas should hold a convocation fortnightly. They should recite the Ten Major Precepts and the Forty-eight Minor Precepts. Whether one hundred or one thousand monks attend, only one should recite. He who recites should take the highest seat, and the audience should be below him. That which is recited has been recited by all the Buddhas of the Three Ages. I also recite it. A l l sentient beings and all kings and princes and monks and nuns and faithful laymen and laywomen shall, by upholding that which the Bodhisattva has ordained, be kept from falling into the E v i l Realms." While the recitation proceeds, those who are not monks may not watch or listen. When the Buddha was in this world, there was a certain 1

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boy who hid himself and overheard the monks in convocation. The Buddha was not present, but he knew about this, and he sent Vajrapäni to drive him away. Vajrapapi struck the boy on the head and killed him; it was then seen that he was not, in fact, a real boy. The convocation is certainly an important element of monastic discipline and an ancient artifact of the Buddha's teachings. During the last days of the sixth month, a census is taken in both monasteries and convents so that the measure of their merit can be ascertained. 12

Notes

The convocation (fusatsu, Sanskrit posadha) is a fortnightly recitation of the precepts, followed by confessions of violations and a renewal of vows (BD 5:4410a-llb). Ganjin (Chien-chen, 688-763) is one of the most important figures in Nara-period Buddhism. Tamenori's account of his life is a close paraphrase of the biography in Shoku N i h o n g i (Tenpyö Höji 7, fifth month, reporting his death; K S T K 2:293-94). Other traditional biographies are Tö Daiwajö töseiden and that in the Sung Kao-sengc h u a n , but Tamenori does not seem to have used these (see Takeuchi, ed., N a r a i b u n 3, pp. 895-908 and Τ 50:797a-c; see also Andö Kösei, G a n j i n ) . Several incidents described here are depicted in Töseiden emaki, completed ca. 1298 (Shinshü N i h o n emakimono zenshü 21). The Lung-hsing-ssu (Ryüköji) was a state-supported temple in Yang-chou (Andö, G a n j i n , p. 8). The title "abbot" here is d a i t o k u ( t a i t e ) , denoting monks of high rank in the Sui and T'ang dynasties (BGD 2:925d). E i e i (also "Yöei") was a monk of Köfukuji. He went to China in 733 and remained there for nine years. His first meeting with Ganjin occurred in 742. Shoku N i h o n g i calls his colleague Kögyö, as does Tamenori, but all other accounts call him Fushö and identify him as a monk of Köfukuji or Daianji (Andö, G a n j i n , pp. 30-31). A l l of the traditional biographies include a speech of invitation like the one recorded here. Töseiden inserts a phrase in praise of Shötoku Taishi's efforts to establish Buddhism in Japan ( N a r a i b u n 3, p. 69a). Tamenori omits details that he might have found in Töseiden, including the account of Ganjin's five abortive attempts to cross to Japan, during which time he became blind. Töseiden also has a list of the twenty-four disciples ( N a r a i b u n 3, pp. 904-5). Ötomo Komaro was second in command in the mission of 752; the leader was Fujiwara 2

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Kiyokawa, but he died after remaining in China for ten years, while Komaro took the mission home in 754. The empress at the time was Koken. Ganjin apparently introduced a number of medicinal plants (Watanabe Takeshi, "Ganjin Wajö shörai no yakuhin," in Andö, ed., G a n j i n Wajö den no kenkyü, pp. 129-52). The appointment as Daisözu in 756 made Ganjin chief of all monks and nuns and head of the bureau that regulated their ordinations and other activities. In 758, when Junnin ascended the throne, Ganjin's title was changed to Daiwajö, and he retired to Töshödaiji. The reference to this temple as a " V i n a y a monastery" ( k a i i n ) is to its function as a center for the study of monastic discipline; it is still the headquarters of the Ritsu school (Andö, G a n j i n , p. 198). Details of the first convocation at Tödaiji, including the date, are unclear. Although Genkö shakushö says that it took place in 756, it is likely that some form of convocation was held at Kokubunji before Ganjin established a regular procedure (see Ishida Mizumaro, "Ganjin ni okeru fusatsu no igi," in N a n t o bukkyö 21, pp. 5-8). T h e "Master of Precepts" ( k a i s h i ) title indicated a monk qualified to administer vows to newly ordained monks. T h e full name of "Bonmökyö" is Bonmökyö rushanabussetsu bosatsu s h i n j i k a i b o n daijü; it is probably a Chinese forgery but was associated from early times with the administration of vows in Mahäyäna monasteries. The translation is attributed to Kumärajäva. Tamenori's quotation seems to be a free adaptation of various passages of the sütra (see Τ 24:1008a, for example) but may in fact be based on some other intermediary source. "Newly inspired Bodhisattvas" ( s h i n gaku bosatsu) refers, in Bonmökyö, to newly ordained monks or those who want to renew their vows. The "Ten Major Precepts and the Fortyeight Minor Precepts" are enumerated in various parts of the sütra. The ten are abstention from killing, abstention from lying, abstention from selling alcoholic beverages, abstention from speaking of the past violations of others, abstention from praising oneself and denigrating others, abstention from selfishness in sharing the teachings, abstention from anger, and abstention from slandering the Three Jewels (Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , p. 53b-c). The Forty-Eight Minor Precepts are largely refinements and variations of these. The "Buddhas of the Three Ages" are those of the past, present, and future. The expression "faithful laymen and laywomen" translates s h i n n a n s h i n n y o , itself a translation of Sanskrit upäsaka and u p a s l k a . Vajrapäni ( K o n g o misshaku) is a Yaksa, a celestial being armed with lightening bolts who attacks defilers of the Buddhist order at the Buddha's bidding (BD 3:2247a-48b). The source of the story of his 6

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attack on the interloper at the convocation is probably a passage in the N i r v a n a Sütra (Τ 12:380c). -I*q

"The census is taken" is chü ο u k u . A specially prepared piece of wood (chü) was passed among those in attendance at the end of the convocation, and each monk or nun made a mark on it (BD 4:3624b 43c). Tamenori euphemistically describes this as "measuring the merit" of the temple.

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3.6 Second Month Rites

The Second Month 3.6 SECOND M O N T H R I T E S 1


From the first day of this month, for three nights or five nights or seven nights, large ceremonies are held in various temples in the capital and in the provinces. The preparation of artificial flowers, burning of incense, decorating of the Buddha altar, and all the efforts of the devoted are special and unique to these occasions. Cutting up silk to make flowers may seem like a trivial pastime for idle hands, and the smell of burning incense may often be thought of as a stimulant to the senses, but these offerings are made in accordance with the teachings of the Buddha. In a sütra it is said: "The color of the flower is an adornment of the Buddha world. When there are no flowers, artificial flowers should be used. The smoke of burning incense is a message of welcome to the Buddha. Human beings are foul smelling and unclean; all the more reason, then, for burning good incense." This is the basis for these practices. The Buddha takes no pleasure in the sensation of color, nor is he pleased by perfume, but these are his ways of teaching us how to increase our merit and to deepen the power of our faith. Here is an illustration of an offering of incense to the Buddha and its generation of immeasurable merit: Long ago, there was an elder who lived after Vipasyin Buddha had already entered Nirvana. He noticed a crack in the plaster at the back of a stüpa, so he prepared some fresh plaster and repaired the crack. Then he scattered sandalwood incense around the stüpa, uttered a prayer, and went away. As a result, he did not fall into the E v i l Realms through ninety-one k a l p a s of rebirth but was always reborn as a Celestial or as a man with a fragrant body and a fragrant mouth. Then he was reborn as the son of an elder of Kapilavastu, and the beauty of his person exceeded that of all others. The scent of sandalwood emanated from his body, and the scent of lotus blossoms emanated from his mouth. His mother and father were overjoyed, and they named him "Sandalwood." Eventually, he became one of the Buddha's disciples, and attained the state of an a r h a t . Also, in a sütra it is said: "Blowing air from your mouth onto the ashes of incense and scattering them is a terrible crime." It is also said: "When you light incense, recite this verse: 2

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This is the incense of the Three Modes of Training, Of freedom from desire and of self-realization. May it spread throughout the Ten Directions Perfuming the entire world forever. May this incense be ever thus, And may I and others fully attain the Five Dharma Bodies." 9

Thus be it known: one color, one scent; even these are a part of the Middle Path. 10

Notes

Two fragments have been identified. See Shüsei, p. 247. According to Yamada, the term Shunigatsu, which appears as the title to this section but not in the text itself, was specifically associated with a rite first observed by the monk Jitchü in 752 in a hall of the Tödaiji known as the Kensakuin, later the Nigatsudö. The central image was an eleven-headed Kannon that Jitchü claimed to have found in Naniwa Bay. This rite is said to be the forerunner of the Mizutori rite now observed in the Nigatsudö (see Nishitsunoi Masayoshi, Nenjü gyöji j i t e n , p p . 383-84). The use of flowers made of paper, silk, and other materials as altar decorations is based on scriptural instructions and was practiced from an early time in Japan (BD 4:3048c-49a). This paragraph is quoted in Fujiwara Kenshö's Shüchüshö ( N i h o n kagaku t a i k e i , bekkan 2, p. 105; Shüsei, p . 247). The source of this quotation has not been identified. The description of incense as a "message of welcome to the Buddha" resembles a passage in H s i n g - s h i h - c h ' a o (i.e., Ssu-fen-lü shan-fan pu-ch'üeh h s i n g s h i h - c h ' a o ) compiled by Tao-hsüan between 626-630, which in turn quotes Zöichi agongyö (Shüsei, p. 473; Τ 40:136b). 5 The story that follows appears in a F Y C L section on offerings of flowers and incense, as a quotation from Senjü hyakuengyö (Τ 53:571a). On Vipasyin Buddha, see 3.4, n. 8. "Lotus blossoms" here is u h a t s u k e . The name is Sendankö, a translation of c a n d a n a - g a n d h a , "sandalwood incense" (Ogiwara, K a n w a taishö b o n w a d a i j i t e n , p . 459a). F Y C L , in the same section cited above, quotes Yamongyö, a lost work. Tamenori omits the specific punishment for the crime: the 2

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miscreant falls into "Blue Lotus Hell," where his body and those of other sinners turn blue. The source is Yokuzö kudokukyö (Τ 16:799b). The verse is also quoted in Kuchizusami (GR 32a:71a). On the "Three Modes of Training," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3. The "Five Dharma Bodies" (goshushin; also goshuhosshin, gobunhosshin) are five states embodying a progressive attainment of enlightenment: this begins with discipline, which make concentration possible, which produces wisdom, through which one attains liberation and, finally, the realization that one is liberated (BD 2:1288a c). 10 The term "Middle Path" (chüdö) has several technical meanings, but Tamenori uses it here as a synonym for Buddhism. The phrase echoes Mo-ho chih-kuan ( T 46:1c, 9a, etc). 9


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3.7 T H E ÄNANDA R I T E OF P E N A N C E AT SAIIN 1


Junnain was the palace of the consort of Junna; it is also called Saiin. The consort was the daughter of Emperor Saga, and she became the wife of Emperor Junna. She deeply revered the Three Jewels and devoted herself to obtaining the salvation of others. In the fifth month of the second year of the Jögan era [860] she held a great reading of the L o t u s Sütra in the Junnain. On the last day, she asked the abbot of Enryakuji, Jikaku Daishi, to stay behind, and she had her head shaved and received the Bodhisattva precepts and the Buddhist name "Ryöso" from him. She gathered abandoned children from both the eastern and western quarters of the capital, found wet-nurses for them, and raised them. She also made the old Saga palace into a temple and called it Daikakuji. She constructed another building, the Saijiin, at one side of it, and it was a place where monks and nuns could be cared for when they were i l l . The Junnain was also made into a temple, but its name remained unchanged. There, she supported nuns who worshipped both day and night, and she remained in residence there for a long time. Abbesses and their disciples have followed one another, and still the practice of the Way continues there, uninterrupted to this day. This is recorded in the N i h o n k o k u s a n d a i j i t s u r o k u ? A major rite observed at the temple is the Änanda Rite of Penance, held twice each year. This is its basis: Long ago, the Buddha's aunt Gautami came to him and asked three times for permission to shave her head and become his disciple, but the Buddha refused. Full of disappointment and grief, she left the Jetavana garden; Änanda found her in tears outside its gates when he returned from an excursion, and he spoke sympathetically to her and then went inside. Änanda said to the Buddha, "Seven days after you were born, the lady Mäyä died, but Gautam! resolved to raise you in her place. You encourage all sentient beings to enter into the Buddha World; why do you not give her, of all people, your permission?" The Buddha replied, "It is not because I do not acknowledge my obligation to her. But I cannot allow women to enter the Buddha World. If I were to do so, the Period of the True Teaching would be shortened by five hundred years." Then Änanda said, " A l l the Buddhas of the past had disciples of the Four Classes. Why does our Great Master, the Tathägata 2

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Säkyamuni, refuse to permit even one woman?" So fervently did he plead that at last the Buddha gave his permission for Gautami's ordination, and thereafter numbers of women shaved their heads and were allowed to take vows. The Buddha said, "In the future, women who wish to become nuns, as well as those who have that virtuous intention, should concentrate on the recollection of their obligation to Änanda, and they should chant his name, make offerings to him, and sing his praises." After the Buddha's death, his aged disciple Mahäkäsyapa accused Änanda of six transgressions, and among them he included his promotion of the admission of women to the Buddhist community on the grounds that this had caused the shortening of the Period of the True Teaching by five hundred years. But Änanda was also a very wise sage, and he answered the charges cleverly. Thus be it known: all women who become nuns owe a debt of gratitude to the revered Änanda. In Höongyö it is said: "If a woman seeks an expedient way to earn good k a r m a , on the eighth day of the second month and the eighth day of the eighth month, she should purify her garments and wholeheartedly observe the Eight Precepts through the Six Watches. Änanda will then use his supernatural power to respond to her voice, and he will protect her and answer every one of her prayers." The Rite of Penance, which has been observed for such a long time at this temple, is thus intended to repay this obligation to Änanda; the commitment to observe these two days of worship is in accordance with the teachings of the Buddha himself. 15

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Four fragments of the Tödaiji-gire type have been identified. See Shüsei, pp. 251-53. Junna (786-840) was the third son of Emperor Kanmu and reigned from 823 to 833. His wife was Emperor Saga's eldest daughter Seishi. Tamenori acknowledges N i h o n s a n d a i j i t s u r o k u (below) as the source of his account of her life. He follows the biography that appears there under the date of her death (the twenty-third xlay of the third month of Kangyö 3, 879) very closely ( K S T K 4:450). Junnain was the emperor's residence from his abdication until his death. Saiin was the designation for several retired emperor's residences, including this one. Seishi remained there with her son until her death in 879, restoring the building after it burned in 874. It continued in use as a convent until the 2


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end of the eleventh century, when it became a monastery under the jurisdiction of Ninnaji. The building ceased to exist sometime in the Muromachi period, although the honorary title "Junnain bettö" was retained by the Ashikaga and Tokugawa shöguns (Ryü Susumu, "Junnain," in N i h o n r e k i s h i d a i j i t e n 10, p. 150). J i t s u r o k u reads "She held a Great Feast ( D a i s a i e ) to which many famous monks were invited, and they lectured on the L o t u s Sütra" "Jikaku Daishi" is the honorary posthumous name of Ennin, the third Tendai abbot (794-864) (see 3.16). The Bodhisattva Precepts ( B o s a t s u k a i ) were a set of vows administered to both monks and nuns as well as laypersons; the scriptural basis is the Bonmökyö rather than the V i n a y a (see 3.19 and 3.20). Daikakuji is in Özawa-chö, Ukyö-ku, Kyoto. It was originally Saga's detached palace and his place of retirement. Seishi named her second son its first abbot. Today it is the headquarters of a branch of the Shingon school (Zenkoku j i i n m e i k a n , K i n k i hen, p. 142c-43b). Saijiin seems to have been a place in which indigent monks and nuns without formal institutional ties sought refuge and medical care. It no longer survives (Ryakuchü, p. 254). Although it had been known as Saiin during Junna's residence, the convent, by Seishi's design, was called "Junnain" (Ryu, "Junnain," p. 150). Actually, both names seem to have been used concurrently. This official history was compiled by Fujiwara Tokihira and others in 901. It covers events in the reigns of Seiwa, Yözei, and Kökö (858-887). The rite ( A ' n a n keka) was held on the eighth day of the second and eighth months, as prescribed in the section of Höongyö on which it was based, quoted below. T h e name Gautami (Kyödonmi) means "woman of the Gautama clan"; she is also known as MahäprajäpatI (sometimes translated Daiaidö). She was the sister of Säkyamuni's mother Mäyä, and she acted as his stepmother after Mäyä died seven days after the birth of the Buddha (BD 5:4728c-29b). This account of the Buddha's acceptance of women into his order is similar to that in Höongyö (Τ 3:153b-154b), but the same story is repeated in several texts. 11 O n Jetavana, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 13. On Änanda, see 1.13, n. 11. "Buddha World" is b u k k a i ; in Höongyö, Änanda speaks of admission to "the Buddha's Teachings" (buppö). Both terms have technical meanings, but here the intent is "access to Buddhism" embodied in membership in the Buddha's clerical order. T h e "Period of the True Teaching" (shöbö) is that which begins immediately after the presence of the Buddha in this world, during 3

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which his teachings are perfectly understood and practiced. Höongyö does not specify here how long this period should last, but in another story it says that each period should last "twenty short aeons" (T 3:128b). "The Disciples of the Four Classes" ( s h i b u deshi; Höongyö has shibushu) are monks, nuns, devout laymen, and devout laywomen (BD 2:1800a b). T h e quotation is an abbreviation of a passage in Höongyö (Τ 3:154b). 16 O n Mahäkäsyapa, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 7. The number of his charges against Änanda varies according to different texts. D a i c h i d o r o n says there were six, but only five are enumerated. These are seeking the inclusion of women in the Buddhist order, failing to give the Buddha water when he asked for it in his last moments, failing to ask the Buddha to delay his death, stepping on the Buddha's robe when it was being folded after his death, and allowing women to see the Buddha's private parts (T 25:68a b; Lamotte, 1, pp. 94-97; BD 1:44a). I n some versions of the story, Änanda argues against the charge but agrees to accept responsibility for the foreshortening of the "Period of the Correct Law" if the assembly insists that he must do so. T h e quotation is from the same part of Höongyö cited above. The "Eight Precepts" ( h a c h i k a i ) include vows against the commission of the Five Transgressions (see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 6) plus vows to refrain from sleeping on a high bed, using perfume or cosmetics, and eating after mid-day. These vows are kept for one day and one night, i.e., through the "Six Watches" (rokuji): dawn, mid-day, sundown, dusk, midnight, and the hours before dawn (BD 5:5057c-58a; B G J 52b). Tamenori concludes without presenting a description of the rite itself, and descriptions of it are rare. We can assume that it may have involved readings of the relevant portions of the Höongyö or other texts dealing with nuns' obligations to Änanda. 14

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3.8

T H E N I R V A N A SERVICE A T Y A M A S H I N A D E R A (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

When the Tathägata Säkyamuni sensed that he was about to enter Nirvana, he left the land of Magadha for the city of Kusinagara, and on the fifteenth day of the second month, in a grove of säla trees on the banks of the Ajitavati, "the fuel was exhausted and the fire was quenched." The sandalwood trees that had flourished from the day of his birth until that day suddenly withered. After the Buddha died, it was noticed that all the leaves had suddenly fallen from the tree under which he experienced enlightenment. Even these trees, which have no hearts, reacted to the events of that day. How could all those people who owed so much to him not yearn for the return of bygone days! Therefore, his disciples in later ages, unable to forget the ancient past, commemorate that day by seating themselves upon gold-embroidered cushions, and they give lectures on the N i r v a n a Sütra, which he himself uttered and had recorded, and thus they demonstrate the principle of the Buddha's Eternal Nature. He said, " A l l sentient beings have the seeds of Buddhahood; all will eventually become Buddhas." The celebration of this principle is intended as a recognition of gratitude to the Buddha, and the rite is called the N i r v a n a Service. Among the many rites observed at Yamashinadera, this N i r v a n a Service is conducted with special cooperative efforts among all the monks. At first the rite was a minor one, but then, many years ago, there was a young secretary in the service of the governor of Owari Province who discovered corruption in the provincial administration, and so he shaved his head and came to live in this temple. He was called J u k ö . His heart was pure and wise. He earned the title of "Master." He was familiar with the Way of Music. He himself rearranged the rite and regulated the offices of the participants and their proper implements, thus bringing new grandeur to the rite. Once, on a certain day immediately following an observance of this rite, the Great Deity of Atsuta in Owari Province took possession of a small child and, speaking through him, said: "Jukö used to live in my province. I heard that this venerable rite was to be held, and I believed that it would reproduce the rites conducted in former times, so I set out to attend it myself. But the borders of your province were guarded by all the Buddhas of the Buddha World, and Nara Grade was guarded by Brahma and Indra, who would not let me come near. I am sorely grieved. How may I attend the service?" 1

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Jukö felt sorry for him and said, "You have come a great distance for the sake of the Law, only to be kept away from yesterday's service. For your sake we will perform it again today, with renewed devotion. During intervals in the rites we will have one hundred readings of the L o t u s Sütra. By next year I shall have one hundred copies of the L o t u s Sütra made, and forever afterward this sütra will be read as part of the service of the second day." He immediately set about these preparations and held the service as promised. It has continued in this manner to the present day. I will describe the founding of Yamashinadera in my discussion of the V i m a l a k l r t i Service. This N i r v a n a Service is also observed as one of the rites at Ishiyama. There is also a group of devotees who observe it on Mount Hie. In the N i r v a n a Sütra it is said: "If you hear this sütra even once, all your sins—even those worthy of eternal punishment—will be expunged. You will know that the Tathägata is always present and never left the world, and when you hear the words 'He abides eternally' you will instantly be reborn in Heaven. If you hear the name of the sütra, you will not fall into the Evil Realms." Thus be it known: those who observe this rite and hear this sütra discover the seeds of Buddhahood inside their own body, and they can count them just as they might count up all the gold pieces in their family storehouse. 8

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Magadha ( M a k a d a k o k u ) and Kusinagara (Kushinajö) are the names of Indian city-states; Räjagrha was in the former. On the "grove of säla trees," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 15. The Ajitavati ( B a t s u d a i no k a w a ) is a river that flows through Kusinagara; the site of Säkyamuni's death was on its western bank. The euphemism "the fuel was exhausted and the fire was quenched" comes from a verse spoken by Manjusri at the end of the preface to the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:5a). 2 The source of this description of events following Säkyamuni's death has not been identified. It is probably an amalgamation of elements from several texts, including the N i r v a n a Sütra. Tamenori's emphasis on the reaction of the trees seems to contradict his criticism, in the "General Preface," of such attributions of emotion to inanimate objects; the scriptural context makes this acceptable. The idea of "The Buddha's Eternal Nature" (Busshö jöjü) is stated repeatedly, with this term, in the N i r v a n a Sütra. The quotation 3


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promising Buddhahood to all is also based on repeated statements in the sütra. Tamenori's point is that the emphasis on the Buddha's eternality in this rite acts as an antidote to residual grief over the demise of his temporary, corporeal form, and that the eternal presence of the Buddha insures universal salvation. A s Tamenori observes, the N i r v a n a Service (Nehan'e) was only one of several major ceremonies observed at this temple, and it was observed at many other temples as well. "Yamashinadera" is one of the early names of Köfukuji (see 3.28). The Nehan'e was also called Jörakue, "The Service of Everlasting Joy" (BD 5:4149c 50c). The specific source of this story has not been identified. Brief biographies of Jukö appear in Sanne jöichiki ( D N B Z 123, Köfukuji sösho 1, p. 290) and Sögöbunin ( D N B Z 111, D e n k i sösho, p. 380), compiled in 840 and 833, respectively. This story is also included in an account of the origin of the Jörakue in S h o j i engishü, a work compiled at about the same time as Sanböe ( D N B Z 118, J i s h i sösho 2, p. 142; see also B D 3:2832c 33a). "Master" is wajö. A t s u t a no d a i j i n refers to the chief deity of the shrine at Atsuta, in modern Aichi-ken (the Maeda-ke bon has A t s u t a myöjin). Tamenori does not give a source for this legend, nor has one been identified. It seems to suggest a conciliation of native cults with Buddhism. "Nara Grade" ( N a r a s a k a g u c h i ) lies on the main road between Yamashiro and the city of Nara, along which the deity would have had to pass on his way from Owari ( K G D 15:343c). I n an account of the Nehan'e at Köfukuji in Nenjü gyöjishö, it says: "According to Közeikyöshö, they hold the Nehan'e on the fifteenth; the Nehan'e is known as the Jörakue. On the sixteenth they hold the H o k k e e [ L o t u s Service; see 3.12] for the benefit of the great deity of Atsuta" (ZGR 10a:280a). Közeikyöshö is another name for G o n k i , the diary of Fujiwara Yukinari (9717—1027). It covers various parts of the years 991-1011. The passage quoted in Nenjü gyöjishö, however, does not seem to be in the existing text, which is fragmentary. See 3.28. Ishiyamadera was founded by Roben as a branch of Tödaiji in 762 (see 3.22). According to Ranshöshö, a late Muromachi-period compendium of the origins of historical sites and rites, the Ishiyama Nehan'e was first held in 805 (GR 16:979). T h i s assertion has not been documented. T h i s passage from the sütra (Τ 12:406b) is also quoted in F Y C L (T 53:415a). 4

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S T O N E STÜPAS 1


The building of stüpas of stone is an act of devotion undertaken by many in the spring. Civil and military officials commission their assistants and lieutenants to see to the construction. Noble clans and royal households charge their retainers and courtiers with the task. They select a day and go to the river bank, and there they pile stones in the shape of a stüpa? Copies of the H e a r t Sütra are gathered, and monks are invited to chant it and to worship at altars dedicated to the deity associated with the administration for that year, and prayers are offered for everyone in each sponsoring household. Many are inspired by the words of the presiding monk and are won over to the faith he expounds. Great joy is derived from the anticipation of the merit thus generated; much rice and wine are collected, and the faithful believe that this collection will help guard against famines and other misfortunes. But there are ignorant people who think of it merely as a pleasant excursion. They are responsible for setting the date of the annual observance, and they are the arbiters of taste regarding the adornments upon the altars, but in the evening they get drunk and collapse and tumble down in the streets. Nevertheless, they will reach the garden of merit, and they too shall plant their own good roots there. In the Sütra o n E a r n i n g M e r i t for t h e E x t e n s i o n of Life t h r o u g h Stüpa B u i l d i n g it is said : King Prasenajit said to the Buddha, "A prognosticator has examined me and says that I am going to die in seven days. I pray you, save me, oh Buddha!" The Buddha said, "Fear not. Cultivate compassion, vow not to kill living things, and build a stüpa; by performing these excellent deeds, you will lengthen your life and increase your fortune. Among all excellent deeds, nothing exceeds the excellence of stüpa building. Once, long ago, there was a small child who tended cattle. Some prognosticators examined him and said, T h i s child will surely die in seven days.' The cowherd saw some other children at play, building little piles of sand pebbles that they called 'the Buddhas stüpas' The young cowherd joined them, and he also built a stüpa of sand pebbles. It was only as tall as the span between his thumb and middle finger, but, as a result, his life was immediately lengthened by seven years. At that time a certain selfenlightened sage was going around with his begging bowl. The mischievous children offered him some sand pebbles, saying, 'Here is some flour. The sage put out his bowl and accepted the sand pebbles. 2

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Then, through his magical powers, they turned into flour. When the children saw this, they were inspired with real faith. The sage told them, 'When you build your stüpas of sand pebbles, make them as tall as your hand, and in the next world you will become an Iron Wheel-King and rule one world. Make them two hands tall, and you will become a Copper Wheel-King, and you will rule two worlds. Make them three hands high, and you will become a Silver Wheel-King, and you will rule three worlds. Make them four hands tall, and you will become a Gold Wheel-King, and you will rule four worlds."' Though these small children only built them in play, they received these great rewards. What, then, can be expected by a Great King who undertakes this task with sincere devotion? The Buddha said that anyone with faith in his heart, who is free from doubt, who follows the teachings and builds a stüpa no taller than the first joint on his finger, "will earn immeasurable merit"; that is how he explained the practice of building stüpas of clay. "He who builds a stüpa will be immune to poison for the rest of his life. His lifespan will be very long. He will not die of unnatural causes; evil spirits will not come near him, and he will escape all his enemies and assailants. He will never be i l l , and his sins will be expunged." And in the L o t u s Sütra it is said: " A l l children who, while at play, gathered sand pebbles together and built stüpas for Buddhas have become Buddhas themselves." Thus be it known: great merit is embodied in stüpas of stone! 6

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Three fragments have been identified. See Shüsei, pp. 259-61. Yamada observed that this is one of the few surviving contemporary descriptions of lay gatherings at which small model stüpas (shakutö) were made, but such gatherings seem to have occurred with some frequency in the Heian period. Eventually the practice became almost exclusively associated with blind monks (Ryakuchü, p. 264). According to Yamada this took place on the sixteenth day of the second month, perhaps in association with the previous day's observances of the anniversary of the Buddha's death. In the capital, the banks of the Kamo River were the favored site (Ryakuchü, pp. 264-65). O n the H e a r t Sütra, see 2.7, n. 5. The meaning of "the deities associated with the administration for that year" ( t o s h i no n a k a no m a t s u r i g o t o no k a m i ) is unclear, but Yamada suggested that this may mean the deity or deities associated with a given year according to Y i n yang cyclical divination (Ryakuchü, p. 265). 2

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Zötö enmyö kudokukyo is a short work dealing mainly with the story of King Prasenajit (T 19:726a b). Prasenajit (Hashinokuö) was mentioned in the "General Preface" as the father of Srimälä. "Self-enlightened sage" is byakushibutsu, i.e., a pratyekabuddha (see 1.8, n. 3). The various "Wheel-Kings" (Techirin'ö, Dörin'ö, Gonrin'ö, Konrin'Ö) represent four gradations of that high status. As the Wheel-King accumulates merit and progresses through these grades, he commands a greater number of the continents that lie around Mount Sumeru. The quotations are from the same sütra (Τ 19:727b). 8 This quotation paraphrases a portion of a verse in the second chapter of the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:8c). It is often alluded to in support of the notion that simple forms of devotion yield great rewards; see, for example, an essay by Yasutane on the K a n g a k u e , in Honchö monzui 10 (Kakimura, Honchö monzui chüshaku 1, pp. 368-69). 6

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The Third Month 3.10 T H E S E R V I C E OF T H E P R O P A G A T I O N OF THE TEACHINGS AT SHIGA 1


Emperor Tenji wanted to build a temple. At the time, the capital was at the palace of Ötsu in the province of Ömi. One night he offered prayers for guidance in choosing a site for the temple, and later he had a dream in which a monk appeared and said, "In the northwest quarter there is an auspicious place. Go out immediately, and you will see it." He got up and went out to look. A ray of light was shining down out of the sky upon the spot. The next morning he sent a courier to investigate, and when the courier returned, he reported, "A small monastery stands on the spot where the light was shining. One lay devotee lives there, circumambulating and praying. I questioned him, but he would not answer me. He looks very strange; he does not look like a man of this world." The emperor was impressed and very pleased. He went to the monastery himself. The lay devotee came out to welcome him. The emperor questioned him, and he replied: "Long ago this was the secret grotto of sagely spirits, and now a great treasure lies buried here at Nagarayama in Sasanami," and then he disappeared. The construction of the temple was completed in the first month of the following year. When the ground was broken and the mountain was leveled, a bell was found. White stones that shone luminously in the night were found as well. These discoveries increased the awe and reverence of the emperor, inspiring him to build a great hall in which the Buddha was enshrined. The emperor cut off the third finger of his left hand and placed it in a stone casket, which was buried beneath a stone lantern. Thus he perpetually held up a light with his own hand to express his devotion to Maitreya. This is recorded in the A n n a l s of t h e O r i g i n s of Shiga? The Consultant and War Minister, Lord Tachibana Naramaro, held the first "Service of the Propagation of the Teachings" in this temple on the fifth day of the third month of the eighth year of the Tenpyö Shöhö era [756]. In the A n n a l s it says : "Thus have we heard: the Sufukuji is a venerable temple; its monks were great in number, but their learning was not vast. Therefore, they were given many sütras, beginning with the K e g o n Sütra, and many other sütras of the Greater 4

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and the Lesser Vehicles and the V i n a y a s and commentaries and treatises, and they studied them. They were granted 10,000 k i n of rice for their sustenance and twenty rice fields for their support." From that time until the present, members of the Tachibana clan have 12

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worshiped there. In C h i d o r o n it is said: "The Buddha said, 'Among the many acts of charity, a gift of the Teachings is first. Why? Because a gift of property has limits, but a gift of the Teachings has no limits. A gift of treasure earns merit for the donor; a gift of the Teachings benefits both the donor and the recipient.'" In other sütras it is said: "Propagation of the Teachings, whereby people are encouraged to read the Word and are thereby enlightened, generates merit beyond measure." Thus be it known: he who has high regard for the Teachings does not despise a monk just because he is humble. If a robe is malodorous, do not cast it away along with the gold that may be sewn inside its seams. The Himalaya Boy acquired the verse by obeying the demon, and Indra obtained the Teachings by venerating a fox. It is certainly incumbent upon us to read the scriptures bequeathed to us by the venerable monks of the past. 14

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The section title in the Maeda-ke bon is followed by the note "beginning on the fourth day of the third and ninth months"; the Töji Kanchiin bon erroneously reads "the ninth and fourth days." Five fragments have been identified. See Shüsei, pp. 263-65). A quotation of approximately the first half of this section appears in Fujiwara Norikane's W a k a dömöshö (see Shüsei, p. 266; Muromatsu Iwao, ed., K o k u b u n chüshaku zensho 17, p. 32). Tenji ruled from 668 to 671. What follows is the story of his founding of Sufukuji. This temple was damaged by many fires and earthquakes in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and in 1163 it was set afire again by warrior-monks from Enryakuji, who burned the nearby Onjöji at the same time. Sufukuji was not rebuilt thereafter (BD 4:3106a-7a). Tamenori's account of the founding of the temple is probably based on S u f u k u j i e n g i , to which he refers below as " S h i g a no e n g i " ("Shiga" being another name for the vicinity of Ötsu). The work is lost, but Fusö r y a k k i contains a few quotations ( K S T K 12:60). Tenji moved the capital from Asuka to Ötsu, on the southwest shore of Lake Biwa, in 667. After a fire destroyed the palace, Tenji's successor Tenmu returned the seat of government to Asuka in 672. 2

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"Lay devotee" is u b a s o k u ; in this case, the term refers to an ascetic who practices alone, without formal ties to any particular institution. The ascetic's words—recorded in k a n j i , with f u r i g a n a , in the Töji Kanchiin bon—read like a coded, oracular message. The first clause is "senrei no k u t s u " ; senrei is a Chinese word for semidivine sages. In the second clause, "fukuzö no c h i " fukuzö refers to holy treasures, perhaps relics, sacred jewels, or implements. "Sasanami" ("whispering waves") is an ancient name for the area on the southwestern shore of Lake Biwa. There is a mountain in the vicinity of Ötsu named Nagarayama, but it is nowhere near the site of Sufukuji (KGD 15:208d; N K B Z 21:182a). Reference to it here, along with "Sasanami," probably arises from poetic convention (see Takeshita, B u n g a k u i s e k i j i t e n , sanbunhen, pp. 298-99 and s h i k a h e n , p. 287). It is in explanation of the use of "Sasanami" in a poem from the Man'yöshü that Norikane quotes this section of Sanböe in W a k a dömöshö (see n. 2). The bell (höshaku) seems to be the "great treasure" to which the ascetic alluded. Fusö r y a k k i gives 668 as the date of its discovery ( K S T K 12:60). 6

Q

The central image at Sufukuji was of Maitreya; hence, the reference to this Buddha that follows. See n. 3. Naramaro (6027—757) was a son of Tachibana Moroe, a Minister of the Left, by a daughter of Fujiwara Fuhito. Naramaro was imprisoned and died during the Jöwa Uprising, one of the political crises that led to the solidification of Fujiwara control of the throne (KJJ 4:1088b 89c). The rite described here (Denböe) appears to have been unique to Sufukuji. Since Maitreya was the main image in the main hall, the rite was also known as M i r o k u e . It is referred to as such in E i g a m o n o g a t a r i , where it is said that Michinaga attended the service in the third month of 1019 ( N K B T 75:453; McCullough and McCullough, tr., A T a l e of F l o w e r i n g F o r t u n e s 2, p. 510). B o t h the Maeda-ke bon and one of the Tödaiji-gire fragments have "the A n n a l s " (sono e n g i ) , but Töji Kanchiin bon has, erroneously, "the P r o c e d u r e s " (sono s h i k i ) . A modern k i n is 600 grams. Under the Ritsuryö system, sixteen ryö comprised one k i n . Tamenori seems to emphasize the relationship between the rite and the temple and the Tachibana clan. Despite their imperial descent and long history, this clan was entirely overshadowed by the Fujiwara and held little power in Tamenori's day. A section of F Y C L on "Propagation of the Teachings" ( T 53:882b) contains this quotation from D a i c h i d o r o n . 9

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285

This quotation amalgamates several quotations in the section of F Y C L cited above. These remonstrances refer to the deceptively humble appearance of the mysterious ascetic and to the fact that Naramaro initiated the rite for the benefit of monks who were somewhat lacking in erudition. The image of the "gold inside the robe" is reminiscent of the parable of the jewels in the robe in the L o t u s Sütra (see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 11). The story of the boy and the verse is that of tale 1.10; the wording here follows that of F Y C L ( T 53:413a). A story quoted in F Y C L (T 53:882c) from Mizöu innengyö (Τ 17:577c) is the source of the story of Indra and the fox. The fox fell into a hole while he was being chased, but he did not lament his death. Indra praised him for having thus demonstrated the principle of nonattachment to worldly existence. M o - h o c h i h - k u a n also has allusions to the story of the boy of the Himalayas and the story of the fox in a single passage (T 46:45b), and this may be Tamenori's point of reference. The idea, of course, is that lofty things may be learned from unlikely sources. 16


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T H E SAISHÖ S E R V I C E AT Y A K U S H I J I 1


Yakushiji was built by Emperor Tenmu for his mother. This is how the temple was designed: the emperor's Buddhist mentor [Soren] entered meditation and envisioned the palace of the Dragon King. He remembered his vision in detail and built the temple in its image. In the seventh year of the Tenchö era [830], the Middle Counselor of the Junior Third Rank and Minister of Central Affairs, Lord Naoyo, petitioned the emperor: "Let a service be conducted in this temple for seven days each year, at which prayers will be offered for the welfare of your empire. Let there be lectures on the Saishöökyö for all eternity." The imperial edict was given immediately, in accordance with the peti tion. From this beginning the rite has continued to this day. A l l the emperor's descendants in succeeding ages have been its patrons, and they have adopted the procedure of the V i m a l a k l r t i Service at Yamashinadera as the procedure for this rite. The V i m a l a k l r t i Service, the Feast, and this Saishö Service are called "The Three Great Services." There are no more important services in Japan than these. The same monk serves at all three as "Lecturer." When he is finished, he is called the "Former Lecturer." Afterward, he is called " R i s s h i " This is recorded in the R e g u l a t i o n s ? 4

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There are two fragments of the Tödaiji-gire type; one contains only a title for the section and one line of text. Both it and the Maeda-ke bon read "beginning on the seventh day" after the title (see Shüsei, pp. 268-69). Tenmu is identified here as "the Kiyomihara emperor." He reigned from 672 to 686. Ruijü s a n d a i k y a k u ( K S T K 25:49) and N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 68:444) both say that he built Yakushiji for his wife when she was i l l , and the temple's documents agree. Tamenori's source of information has not been identified. The original site of the temple was at Kashihara, and it was moved to the new capital at Nara in 718 (Machida Köichi, Y a k u s h i j i , pp. 7-9; Öta, N a n t o s h i c h i d a i j i no r e k i s h i t o nenpyö, p. 107). This opening sentence is quoted in Fujiwara Kenshö's Shüchüshö (see Kyüsojin Hitaku, ed., N i h o n k a g a k u t a i k e i , bekkan 2, p. 52; Shüsei, pp. 532-33). 2

3.11 The Saishö Service

287

The name appears as "Sore" in k a t a k a n a in the Töji Kanchiin bon and with the character "Sore" in the Maeda-ke bon. Biographies of Soren appear in Faso r y a k k i ( K S T K 12:65) and Genkö shakusho ( K S T K 31:135). Some versions of Y a k u s h i j i e n g i include similar accounts of the design of the temple ( Z G R 27b:286b). Öe Tadamichi's S h i c h i d a i j i n i k k i (1106) says it was a monk named Jöei who was responsible ( Z G R 27a:504a). Naoyo's lineage is unknown, but he may have been an imperial prince. The name appears in the same form in several entries in Ruijü s a n d a i k y a k u , including that which reproduces this petition ( K S T K 25:49). The emperor at the time was Junna. In the Heian period the Yakushiji Saishöe, consisting primarily of readings of the Konkömyö saishöökyö, was conducted for seven days in the third month. See 3.28. The "Three Great Services" (San'e or Sanne) were the Köfukuji Y u i m a e , the G o s a i e at court (also based on Konkömyö saishöökyö), and the present Saishöe. The first two titles are Köshi and lkö. In this context it would be misleading to translate " R i s s h i " as " V i n a y a Master" since the title's main significance was to denote a monk who had completed this progression through honorary offices. The monk selected lectured first at the Y u i m a e , in the tenth month. In the first month of the following year he would preside at the G o s a i e , and then at this Saishöe. Sanne jöichiki contains a record of all the Köshi appointments from 646 through 1565 ( D N B Z 123, Köfukuji sösho 1, pp. 289-431). "Regulations" ( k y a k u ) probably refers to the petition and decree in S a n d a i k y a k u (see above), or perhaps to the various decrees that established the Köshi system. 4

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T H E L O T U S SERVICE A T T A K A O 1


The L o t u s Service at Takao has been observed for a long time. The patrons of the temple, University Chancellor Wake Hiroyo and Matsuna, sent a letter to Dengyö Daishi in which they invited him to serve as a lecturer, saying, "This is an opportunity to set an example that will last for a thousand years." This was the beginning of this observance. Later, Köbö Daishi of Nara resided in this temple. Köbö Daishi came from Tado District in Sanuki Province. His lay name was Saeki. At the age of eighteen he went to the university, and he became a monk at the age of thirty-one. When he practiced the meditation on Äkäsagarbha on Mount Ötaki in Awa Province, the Morning Star appeared as a sign. Later, his studies of scriptures led to new insights and achievements, and his calligraphy was widely praised. In the twenty-third year of the Enryaku era [804] he went to China, where he met Master Hui-kuo of Ch'ing-lung-ssu and received instruction in Shingon from him. When he returned to Japan, he called for the construction of the Shingon'in. Later, he sought refuge from the mundane world; he died in the spring of the second year of the Jöwa era [835], at Kongöbuji in Ki Province. He was sixty-two years old and held the rank of Daisözu. During the Saikö era [854-857] he was given the posthumous name Köbö Daishi. His disciples continued to live at Takao for several generations, and they inherited the tradition of this rite. On the day of the reading of the fifth fascicle, they tie offerings to branches plucked from the Takao cherry trees, and they chant hymns in harmony with the sound of the waters of the Kiyotaki River. Men and women come to pray, and there is much for them to see and hear that will bring them joy and inspiration. Read the chapter on "Taking Joy in the Merit of Others" to find out about the merit earned by those who encourage others to hear this sütra. "If you take joy in hearing but one verse, you will be given a prediction of future Buddhahood": so it is said in the chapter on "The Preacher." 3

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One fragment has been identified. See Shüsei, p. 271. Takao is a scenic area in the mountains north of Kyoto and the location of Jingoji, known as "Takaodera" or "Takaosanji." The L o t u s 2

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3.12 The L o t u s Service

Service ( H o k k e e) consisted of readings of and lectures on the L o t u s Sütra and related commentaries. Major H o k k e e were also held at Tödaiji, Köfukuji, and Yakushiji. This rite should not be confused with the Hakköe, also known as the H o k k e hakkö (see 2.18 and 3.29). The Wake brothers were sons of Wake Kiyomaro (733-799). He first established a temple called Jinganji in Kawachi Province. This was moved to its present site and renamed Jingoji just before the establishment of the new Heian capital, and soon the temple began to receive imperial patronage. The letter of invitation quoted here is recorded in E i z a n D a i s h i den (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 386), where the rite is called a Tendaie. This occasion was the beginning of a series of lectures on Tendai texts that lasted through much of the year 802, in which many distinguished monks participated, including Saichö (see Groner, Saichö, pp. 34-37). Köbö Daishi (Kükai, 774-835), founder of the Shingon school in Japan, is associated with Nara because he received his early training and ordinations at Tödaiji and became its Bettö in 810. In 812 he became abbot of Jingoji, and the temple was presented to him for his private use in 829. He has no association with the H o k k e e. This biography is based on Kükai Sözuden, a work traditionally attributed to Shinzei (780-860); see Köbö D a i s h i den zenshü 1, pp. 31-33. Another source for Tamenori was the obituary in Shoku N i h o n köki; see K S T K 3:38-39. For more on the biography of Kükai, see Yoshito Hakeda, Kükai: Major W o r k s . Kükai's birthplace is near the present Zentsüji, in modern Kagawa-ken, Shikoku. The Saeki were a branch of the Ötomo, one of the most powerful clans of the Nara period. The traditional biographies differ on Kükai s age at the time of his matriculation and ordination, but his formal ordination does seem to have occurred fairly late. Äkäsagarbha (Koküzö) is a Bodhisattva who figures prominently in esoteric Buddhism (BD 2:1136a-38b). In Sangö s h i i k i , Kükai explained that the meditation was based on a passage in Koküzö bosatsu nöman shogan saishöshin d a r a n i gumonjihö (Τ 20:601c-3a), which promises that one million repetitions of the Dhärani in the text will enable the practitioner to memorize and grasp the meaning of any passage in scripture. Kükai said that he learned this practice from Gonsö (see 2.18; Köbö D a i s h i zenshü 3, p. 324). The appearance of the morning star (myöjö) over Mount Ötaki was taken as a favorable sign because it was believed to be a manifestation of Äkäsagarbha. Here, " S h i n g o n " is the Japanese translation of Chen-yen, the Chinese school of esoteric (Tantric) Buddhism. Kükai and Saichö traveled with the same mission to China, but their ships were separated en route, and they landed at different points on the Chinese coast. 3

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Kükai soon made his way to Ch'ang-an, where he met Hui-kuo (Keika), a disciple of Amoghavajra, the translator of many major esoteric texts. Hui-kuo extended the direct transmission of esoteric Buddhism through Amoghavajra to Kükai (as alluded to in the "Preface to the Third Volume"; see n. 10). The ordinations Kükai received from him at Ch'ing-lung-ssu, in Ch'ang-an, were the basis for Kükai's claim to the legitimate transmission of esoteric Buddhism. Most of what is known about Hui-kuo comes from Kükai's own writings (BD l:836c-37a). Their meetings are depicted in various versions of Köbö D a i s h i den emaki (see Shinshü N i h o n e m a k i m o n o zenshü, bekkan 1, pi. 22). Hui-kuo died in 805, and Kükai left Ch'ang-an shortly thereafter. He was in Kyüshü in the tenth month of 806, but he did not reach the capital until 809, at which time he took up residence at Takao. The Shingon'in, a chapel for esoteric rites within the imperial palace, was not established until 834, the year before Kükai's death. Emperor Saga granted Kükai a tract on Mount Köya (in modern Wakayama Prefecture) for the development of a Shingon monastery; Kongöbuji, the main temple of what eventually became a large complex of temples, was established in 818. K ü k a i became Daisözu in 827. The posthumous title Daisöjö was awarded at the request of Shinzei in 857. Kükai was granted the name Köbö Daishi in 921, at the request of Kangen, who was then the abbot of the Shingon school. A s in the Hakköe, the chanting of the fifth fascicle was the high point of the service (see 2.18, n. 11). The hymns ( s a n t a n ) are probably like those of the Hakköe, or they may have been specially composed for the H o k k e e. The chapter referred to here as the Z u i k i b o n , i.e., Z u i k i k u d o k u b o n , is the eighteenth. The promised rewards for propagation of the sütra are "perfection of person, seeing the Buddha, hearing his Law, and receiving his teaching" (T 9:47a). T h e tenth chapter of the sütra (Höshibon) promises a prediction of Buddhahood (Juki) to those who foster the L o t u s ( T 9:30c). 10

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3.13 The K e g o n Service

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T H E K E G O N SERVICE A T H O K K E J I 1


Hokkeji was established by the Empress Kömyö. The empress was the granddaughter of the palace minister Kamatari and the daughter of the posthumously entitled chancellor, Lord Fuhito. She revered Buddhism, she was compassionate, and she sought to relive the sufferings of others. She established an alms house and a dispensary, where she gave succor to her ailing and suffering subjects. It was at the empress's suggestion that the emperor established Tödaiji and the Kokubunji in the various provinces. She herself established the Hokkeji as the official convent of the province of Yamato. This is recorded in the Shoku N i h o n g i . She also commissioned a service of lectures on the K e g o n Sütra at this temple, and it is called the K e g o n Service. All the offices of the service were performed by nuns. They made a representation of the youth Sudhana as he is described in the sütra, and of his meetings with more than fifty worthy teachers, from whom he heard a variety of wondrous doctrines. The images were seven or eight inches high. On each day of the service they dressed the images in garments made of silk and linen, placed them on an altar, and made offerings to them. Later, this service introduced by the empress came to be known as the "Doll Service." Since the founding of this convent by the empress, there has been no interruption in its habitation by nuns. In the Sütra o n t h e Life of t h e N u n Utpalavarnä it is said that she obtained the Six Supernatural Faculties and became an a r h a t . She encouraged many women to become nuns, but some protested: "We are young and in our prime; it will be difficult for us to uphold our vows," they said. "If you are going to break the vows, then break them—but be nuns!" she insisted. "But if we break our vows we will fall into hell!" they countered. "If you are going to fall into hell, then fall—but be nuns!" "But if we fall into hell we will suffer ghastly torment!" they cried, laughing at her. "When I think of myself in a former life," she said, "I think I was a very bold woman. I amused myself by wearing many different kinds of garments and altering my voice and my manner of speaking; finally, I put on the robes of a nun and pretended that I was a nun. But through this simple act I earned sufficient merit to be born as a human in the age of Käsyapa Buddha, and I became a real nun. But I was proud of this 3

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special accomplishment, and I became conceited and nurtured evil thoughts. I committed many sins and frequently broke my vows, and so I fell into hell. For a while I suffered its torments, but soon I was reborn in the realm of human beings. Then, because of the good roots I had planted ages before, I came into this world of the Tathägata Säkyamuni, and I have become a nun again and have attained the status of an a r h a t . So even though you say that you might break your vows, I would still urge you to become nuns, since you will rapidly attain the Way by so doing." You will recall that they made images of Sudhana's worthy teachers and made offerings to them. Meetings with such worthy teachers are not every-day occurrences. In a sütra it is said: "These teachers teach us, guide us, and inspire the wish for enlightenment within us." In the verse of a sütra it is said: "It is easier to attain the full fruition of enlightenment than to find a truly worthy teacher." Elsewhere it is said: "If you touch good incense, the scent perfumes your hand. If you have contact with a worthy teacher, his teachings will pervade your mind." The merit generated by the empress's introduction of this service is equal to that generated by Utpalavarnä's encouraging words to the nuns of long ago. A meeting with a worthy teacher is a repetition of the experience of Sudhana in former times. 13

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Notes 1

Two fragments have been identified. See Shüsei, p. 275. The temple still stands in Hokkeji chö, Nara-shi. Kömyö (701760) was the consort of Emperor Shömu and, like him, a devout supporter of Buddhism. Tamenori's account of her life follows that in her obituary under the date of her death, Tenpyö Höji 4.6, in Shoku N i h o n g i ( K S T K 2:271-72; see also Hayashi Rokurö, Kömyö kögö). Kamatari (614-699) is the progenitor of the Fujiwara clan (see 3.28, η. 1). On Fuhito (659-720), see 3.28, n. 6. His daughter's appointment as Kögö in 729 marked a departure from precedent, for until that time there had been no empresses from outside the imperial clan. For centuries thereafter, the Fujiwara clan maintained control of the throne by marrying its daughters to emperors. These institutions ( H i d e n ' i n , Seyakuin) were established in 723 and were administered by the Office of the Empress as divisions of the Köfukuji. Each year, specific provinces were selected to provide financial support for these institutions, as a meritorious act (Hayashi, Kömyö kögö, pp. 86-94). 2

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3.13 The K e g o n Service

This statement also appears in Shoku N i h o n g i and is thought to be accurate (see also 3.22). Hokkeji was originally Fuhito's private residence. Kömyö inherited it after his death and used it as a private temple before it was designated the official convent of Yamato and named H o k k e m e t s u z a i s h i j i , as were the convents established in each province at the same time as the Kokubunji. See n. 2. Tamenori's is one of the few descriptions of the rite as it was observed at Hokkeji, but his source of information has not been identified. "The youth Sudhana" ( Z e n z a i döji) heard the preaching of Manjusri and decided to travel and meet as many "worthy teachers" ( z e n j i s h i k i , from Sanskrit kalyänamitra) as possible. The story of his travels comprises the Nyühokkaibon section of the K e g o n Sütra (Kawada Kumatarö and Nakamura Hajime, ed., K e g o n shisö 5, pp. 54 62). The number of z e n j i s h i k i encountered ranges from fifty-three to fifty-five among the three versions of the sütra (and according to the way they are counted); this is why Tamenori says there were "more than fifty," which perhaps indicates a lack of certainty as to which version formed the basis of the K e g o n e. T h e "dolls" used in the early K e g o n e do not survive. They may have been something like the clay figures in the Höryüji dioramas that depict Säkyamuni's life and death (Jan Fontein, The P i l g r i m a g e of Sudhana, p. 79, who suggests that the figure of Sudhana may have been moved from the figure of one of the sages to another as an abridged reading of the related portion of the sütra was read. He also describes an early Kamakura-period illustrated scroll, Zenzai döji emaki, which portrayed the fifty-odd sages in detail). It has been suggested that the use of dolls in this rite had some relationship to the early forms of H i n a m a t s u r i , the "Doll Festival" celebrated today by young girls in the third month of each year (Hashikawa Tadashi, "Hina matsuri to Hokkeji no Kegon'e," in N i h o n Bukkyö b u n k a no kenkyü, pp. 113-29). T h i s sütra ( U h a t s u r a k e b i k u n i honjökyö) is quoted in D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:161a-c; Lamotte, 2, pp. 844-48), which is in turn quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:448c), and the last is probably Tamenori's point of reference. The name Utpalavarpä is sometimes translated Rengeshiki, "Color of the Lotus," and that name is used in the "General Preface" (in which see n. 14). The story that follows has no direct relationship to the K e g o n Sütra or the K e g o n ' e but is inserted here because it bears upon the history of women in Buddhism. On the "Six Supernatural Faculties," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3. 6

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Käsyapa Buddha (Kashöbutsu) is the sixth of seven major Buddhas of the past, and the last to appear in this world before Säkyamuni. The quotation is from the L o t u s Sütra (Τ 9:60c). 14 The verse is from Shinjikangyö (Τ 3:305a). 15 This quotation is based on F Y C L (T 53:668c) and amalgamates elements of prose and verse passages from Butsuhongyökyö quoted there. 13

3.14 The Kangakue of Sakamoto on Hie

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3.14 T H E K A N G A K U E OF S A K A M O T O ON H I E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

In the first year of the Köhö era [964], in the reign of Murakami, a group of like-minded students from the Northern Hall of the university formed a society. They said, "Man's existence in this world is as fleeting as a glimpse of a speedy colt seen through a crevice. While we may collect the snow upon our window sills, we would also avoid the smoke outside our gate. We would like to form a bond with monks and meet with them at a temple to hold services. Let us select the fifteenth day of the third month and the fifteenth day of the ninth month. Let there be lectures on the sütras and meditations on the Buddha. Let us be comrades forever, in this world and in the world to come, and let us give encouragement to one another in our studies of the Way of the Law and the Way of Literature." On this basis, they gave their society its name, "The Society for the Advancement of Learning." On the evening of the fourteenth day, monks come down from the mountain and gather at its foot, while the laymen set forth toward the temple when the moon rises in the sky. Along the way their voices join in the chanting of a verse of Chii i: 1

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The seeds of enlightenment last for billions of k a l p a s ; The virtuous rewards of eighty-three years create a forest. 5

When they draw close to the temple, the monks come out to join them, chanting a verse from the L o t u s Sütra: Those who seek the Buddha's Way Are countless, billions— But those who do so with reverent hearts Will certainly attain his realm. At dawn on the fifteenth they discuss the L o t u s Sütra, and in the evening they meditate on Amida Buddha. Then, until dawn on the following day, they compose Chinese verses in praise of the Buddha and of his teachings, and these verses are recorded and kept within the temple. They also chant this verse that Chü i wrote when he presented a collection of his poems to the Hsiang-shan-ssu: 7


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May my worldly works conceived in error in this life— A l l the wild words and fanciful phrases— Be transformed in the next into hymns of praise That will glorify Buddhism through age after age And turn the Wheel of the Law forever and ever. 8

as well as this verse: Why should I feel any love for my body? It is the source of ten thousand k a l p a s of suffering. Why should I feel any hatred for this body? It is only a pile of dust in a void. 9

In response, the monks chant a verse from the L o t u s Sütra: Hear the Law and sing its praises: Even if you produce a single sound, It is the same as if you made an offering To all the Buddhas of the Three Ages.

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or they chant the Bodhisattva Nägärjuna's T w e l v e H y m n s until the night is over. Denizens of this world of suffering who add their voices to these reverent prayers, or chant the holy hymns and anthems with the monks, or hear the venerable poems and verses of the laymen are deeply inspired, and their sleeves are soaked with tears for the duration of the gathering. The monks and laymen in the society share this vow: 11

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As long as this mountain stands without crumbling, As long as this Way does not come to an end, Our society will never perish; It will survive to see the Three Assemblies of the Dragon Flower! 13

Notes 1

Emperor Murakami reigned from 946 to 967. The date Tamenori gives for the founding of the Kangakue concurs with that in a letter of Yasutane's (Honchö m o n z u i , K S T K 29:305). The division of the university formally called the Todöin and known familiarly as the K i t a no dö ("Northern Hall") was primarily concerned with the study of secular literature (kidendö). It was the only division of the institution to

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prosper in the ninth century, relying on the continuing support of a handful of scholarly families. The pessimism of its students, destined for limited civil careers in a bureaucracy completely dominated by the Fujiwara, has been much discussed as a motive for the foundation of the Kangakue (Momo Hiroyuki, "Gakumon to kyöiku," Zusetsu N i h o n b u n a k s h i t a i k e i 5 ( H e i a n j i d a i 2 ) , p . 174). The figure of the colt seen through a crevice is derived from C h u a n g - t z u (Burton Watson, tr., The C o m p l e t e W o r k s of C h u a n g - t z u , p. 240). 2

q

To "collect the snow upon our window sills" refers to the scholarly way of life. This figure is derived from a verse in M e n g - c h i u , a collection of exemplary anecdotes compiled by Li Han in the early tenth century, probably introduced almost immediately to Japan. The verse describes the impoverished scholar Sung Kang; unable to afford a candle, he read by the light of the moon reflected in the snow piled on his window ledge (Hayakawa Mitsusaburö, Mögyü 1, pp. 8-9, 95, 460-62). "Avoid the smoke outside our gate" has no comparably definitive source, but the phrase is an expression of the scholars' wish to avoid the tainting, evanescent values of the world outside their scholarly milieu. "Outside the gate" certainly means "beyond our world of scholarship"; the smoke may be that of funeral pyres. Tamenori appears to be quoting a manifesto for the Kangakue, but these expressions do not recur in any other surviving Kangakue writings. The expression for "when the moon rises," t s u k i n i n o r i t e (literally "riding on the moon") may be derived from a poem by Hsieh Ling yun (385-422); Po Chii-i also used the expression (Tanaka Katsumi, ed. H a k u r a k u t e n , p. 184). The appearance of such a usage here may suggest that Tamenori is drawing from another account of the Kangakue (perhaps his own, Yasutane's, or another member's) that has not survived. These are the first two lines of Po Chli-i's poem honoring the monk Ju man, with whom he studied for some nine years and who was eighty-three when the poem was written. The verse is included in H a k u s h i monjü and in W a k a n röeishü ( N K B T 73:200); see also the "General Preface," n. 29. For "verse," both Sanböe texts have ge, i.e., gätha although the poem is not "scripture." Its form, however, may be imitative of verse in scripture. The verse occurs in the second chapter of the L o t u s ( T 9:10a). Some prefaces to such verses, by Yasutane and other Kangakue members, are included in Honchö m o n z u i , volume 10. The lines are from the poem-preface "Po-shih Lo-chung chi-chi"; see W a k a n röeishü ( N K B T 73:200). Hsiang-shan-ssu was a monastery at Lung-men, known chiefly for its association with the poet. 4

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These lines are from another poem by Po Chü i, "Hsiao-yao yung," in C h a n g - c h ' i n g c h i 11 (unpaginated), P a i H s i a n g - s h a n s h i h - c h i . These lines are from the same chapter as those cited above (T 9:10b). The "Three Ages" are, of course, the past, present, and future. T h e twelve hymns (Ryüju bosatsu no jüni r a i h a i ) , traditionally attributed to Nägärjuna (and translated by Jfiänagupta) are in praise of Amida. They appear in several recensions in Chinese Pure Land works, notably Chia-ts'ai's C h i n g - t ' u l u n ( T 47:96c-97a), Shan-t'ao's Wangsheng l i - t s a n c h i e h ( T 47:442a 43a), and Chih-sheng's C h i - c h u - c h i n g l i c h a n - i (T47:469c 70b). "This world of suffering" is shaba sekai, from Sanskrit sahälokadhätu, the world of mundane existence from which release is sought through Buddhism (BGJ 218). In his C h i n - k u n g - m i n g - c h i n g hsüan-i Chih i says, "In this world of suffering, the sound of voices constitutes a Buddhist rite" (T 39:1b). This statement is, in turn, said to be based on a line in the V i m a l a k l r t i Sütra: "With the sound of voice and of words, thus are Buddhist rites composed" (T 14:533c). Thus, indirectly, Tamenori provides support for the idea that the Kangakue poem offerings embody great merit. T h i s verse is either Tamenori's own composition or perhaps that of another Kangakue member. The "Three Assemblies of the Dragon Flower" is ryüge san'e. In M i r o k u geshökyö (Τ 14:423b) it is said that Maitreya's attainment of Buddhahood will occur several million years in the future; he will be sitting under a "Dragon-flower" (pumnäga) tree that is in bloom and, after realizing his enlightenment, will deliver three discourses. Ninety-six billion people will become a r h a t s after hearing the first discourse, ninety-four billion after the second, and ninety-two billion after the third (BGD 2:1422c d). This is a very auspicious way of saying that the Kangakue should last forever. 10

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3.15 T H E S E R V I C E OF T E N THOUSAND LIGHTS AT YAKUSHIJI 1


The Service of Ten Thousand Lights at Yakushiji was begun by the monk Etatsu. He continued to observe it for the rest of his life, and he bequeathed it to his comrades in the monastery at his death. Before he died, he attained the rank of Risshi? He was buried in the western sector of the monastery. It is said that a luminescence emanated from his grave on nights when this rite was performed. The merit in the giving of lights is described at length in many sütras. In Ajaseo juketsukyö it is said : "King Ajätasatru received the Buddha and made offerings to him. When the Buddha took his departure, the king used one hundred stone-weights of oil to kindle rows of lamps that stretched from the gate of his palace to that of the Jetavana garden. "A poor woman saw this, and she was deeply moved. She found two coins of her own and bought some oil. The merchant said, 'You are extremely poor. Why do you buy oil instead of food?' "Ί have heard that it is very difficult to meet a Buddha/ she replied, *but I am fortunate enough to have been born into a world in which he is present. I cannot afford to give him offerings. But I have just seen how much merit the king has created with his lights, and I want to offer at least one light of my own in the hope that I, too, can plant a good seed for the world to come.' "The oil merchant sympathized with her and gave her more oil than she could afford. Then she set her light beside the Buddha's path. She was afraid that it would go out before the night had passed, and so she prayed: 'If I am to become a Buddha in the world to come, then let this light not die; let it burn all night long.' "The Buddha said to Maudgalyäyana, 'The dawn has come into the sky. The lights should be extinguished.' And so Maudgalyäyana went out to extinguish all the lights and found that all those of the king had already gone out. He tried three times to blow out the poor women's light, but still it burned. He covered it with his robe, but it burned still brighter. The Buddha said, 'Stop! Stop! This is the light of a Buddha of a world to come; you cannot put it out with your own powers. Thirty kalpas from now this woman will become a Buddha, and she will be called the Tathägata Sumeru of the Brilliant Light.' 2

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"When the woman heard about this she was filled with joy. When the king heard about it, he thought it very strange, and he said to Jivaka, Ί kindled many lights, while that woman kindled only one. Why does the Buddha not predict future Buddhahood for me when he predicts it for her?' 8 "Jivaka replied, T h e king's lights may have been great in number, but his mind still has not reached the degree of concentration that that woman has attained.' Thus did the king come to know the truth, and when he offered lights to the Buddha again, the Buddha gave him this prediction: 'After eighty-thousand k a l p a s you will become a Buddha.'" Also, in Hiyukyö it is said: "Änanda asked the Buddha, 'What did Aniruddha do in the past to attain universal vision?' "The Buddha answered, 'Long ago, after Vipasyin Buddha had already entered Nirvana, Aniruddha was reborn as a thief. He entered a temple and was going to steal its property when he noticed that the lights set before the Buddha were about to go out. He rekindled one light, and he was about to carry off his plunder when a great light emanated from the Buddha's image. He was frightened, and as he took flight he said to himself, "Other people do all they can to create merit. I, too, will be like them. How my thievery shames me!" and he threw down his plunder and ran away. The merit he had earned by offering up one light led to a good rebirth after ninety-one k a l p a s . Then he met me, became a monk, and attained the state of an a r h a t . And that is how he came to have universal vision.'" If a single light could make a Buddha, what, then, of ten thousand lights? A thief who offered up one light found the Way; what, then, of monks who offer lights? There is no doubt that the merit of this service causes the light of wisdom to shine and to illuminate all places in which the darkness of ignorance may linger. 9

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Notes

The Sekido-ke bon has only a portion of this section (see Shüsei, pp. 281-83). Both the Maeda-ke and Töji Kanchiin bon have a note "on the twenty-third," following the section title. Tamenori does not discuss the rite (the Mandöe) in any detail, and there are no other surviving accounts of its observance at Yakushiji. Yamada said that it consisted of a reading of the Yakushi r u n n y o r a i hongan kudokukyö (Τ 14:404c-8b) during the day and the ceremonial lighting of ten thousand votive candles or lanterns in the evening. 2

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Bosatsu zökyö (Τ 24:1086-89), which specifically enumerates the blessings that result from the offering of ten thousand lights, is usually cited as the scriptural basis for such rites, but this text is not mentioned here. Nor does Tamenori note that similar offerings were made at Tödaiji, Kongöbuji and elsewhere as early as 744 (Ryakuchü, p. 295; N K B Z 21:229; BD 5:4716c-62b). According to Etatsu's biography in Genkö shakusho, his lay surname was Hata, and he was born in Mimasaka. He studied Hossö doctrine, began the Yakushiji Mandöe at age 38, and died in 878 at the age of 83 ( K S T K 31:147). This would make 833 the year of the first Yakushiji Mandöe. I n the account of the Yakushiji Mandöe in K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü which is based largely on the Sanböe version, Etatsu is given the title Sözu. Various details also seem to have been added to the K o n j a k u version ( N K B Z 21:229). F Y C L ( T 53:564a-b) summarizes this sütra in a section that deals specifically with the merit in offerings of lights (see Τ 14:777a-78a for the original). Ajätasatru, the protagonist, was a king of Srävasti who killed his father and imprisoned his mother, but when he heard the preaching of Säkyamuni, he repented and was enlightened. The Buddha told him that he would be reborn in hell but nevertheless gave him a promise of future salvation. O n the Jetavana garden, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 13. On Maudgalyäyana, see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 5. The future Buddha's name is Shumi tökö n y o r a i . "Shumi" transliterates Sumeru and suggests that the illumination she personifies will be as vast as the mountain of that name. 3

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On Jivaka (here, G i b a ) , see "Preface to the Third Volume," n. 29. T h i s quotation appears in the same F Y C L section cited above, and Tamenori reproduces almost every word. Aniruddha ( A n a r i t s u ) was one of Säkyamuni's disciples, renowned for his cultivation of "universal vision" (BD l:46a-c). O n Vipasyin Buddha, see 3.4, n. 8. 9

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The Fourth Month

3.16 T H E R E L I C S S E R V I C E AT HIE 1

(Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon )

The Relics Service was initiated by Jikaku Daishi. He came from Shimotsuke Province. When he was born, a purple cloud filled the house. A saintly monk known as Köchi Bosatsu lived in that province. He saw the cloud from a distance, and he went to the house. He admonished the parents: "Look after this child, and guard him well. When the boy was nine years old he went to live with Köchi. He prayed for and received a copy of the K a n n o n Sütra? Eventually, he grasped the meaning of many sütras and treatises. In a dream, he saw a venerable monk who touched him on the head and spoke to him. Another voice in the dream said, "Know ye, this is the Great Master of Hie." Later, he went to Hie and saw Dengyö Daishi himself; the manner in which he smiled and spoke of his happiness in receiving him was just like that of the monk in the dream—but Jikaku kept this knowledge to himself. In the fifth year of the Jöwa era [838] he went to China. He went to Mount T'ien-t'ai and Mount Wu-t'ai, and he spent many years searching for the Teachings, meeting many masters, and learning many doctrines. In China a man told him, " A l l of the Buddhism of our country has passed with the Masters to the lands of the East." He returned to Japan in the fourth year of the Jöwa era [847], and he brought many relics of the Buddha with h i m . In the second year of the Jögan era [860] he conducted this Service for the first time, and made provision for its continued observance in the Söjiin. He designated the various offices of the rite. The Söjiin was allocated a number of officiants as well as two intendants a long time ago, and so the designation of offices was made in accordance with their capacities. There was no specific date for its observance; rather, it was held when the cherry blossoms on the mountain were in their fullest bloom. Long ago, the Buddha said: "Whether you make offerings to the Buddha's relics or to the living Buddha, the merit is exactly the same, and there is no difference in the benefits yielded. One instance of relic worship will erase all sins and lead to rebirth in heaven. Prepare jeweled caskets and place the relics inside them. Build jeweled stüpas and place the caskets inside them." 3

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He gave these instructions many times, but when he entered n i r v a n a , his followers yearned and lamented for their Tathägata, and they struggled and competed for his relics. The Four Celestial Kings wanted to take them up to heaven; the Dragon Kings wanted to take them into the sea. But his disciple stopped them, saying, "Those are very bad ideas! If the relics are kept up high in heaven or down deep beneath the seas, how will those of us who live on the land be able to go 1

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and worship them?" Having received permission to do so, Indra took away one tooth. A demon in disguise stole two teeth and ran off with them. The great kings of the various states were ready to go to war and were threatening to seize the relics, but finally all the relics were placed in one king's palace, under heavy guard, and, in accordance with the Buddha's wishes, their distribution was controlled. There were many who grieved and wept over their failure to obtain a single relic. King Yama was desperate with craving, but he went away empty-handed and disappointed; envoys from the Säkya clan came from their distant home but left in tears of frustration. Finally, the upright Brahman Dopa was chosen to make a fair and even distribution. He spread honey inside the vessels and weighed each portion generously. No one who comes in contact with the Buddha's relics goes away without a purified heart. Those who did not receive his relics may have his ashes, and these, too, are worshiped. The body of the Buddha is eternal; there is no end to his existence, and his person was pure and void. You may think that his bones would not have been left behind. But he left them here in accordance with his destined task, and as an act of great compassion; in order that all sentient beings might plant good roots for the life to come, he adopted this compassionate expedient and allowed his invincible body to deteriorate. In India, when the relics were placed in stüpas or stored in temples, flowers fell and lights shone forth, kings presented offerings, and common men and women gathered to worship there. Our sins in former lives prevented our birth in the age in which he lived, but now, because of the nature of his destined task, we too can worship his relics. How many years have disappeared in the smoke of funeral pyres since then? The haze spreads as far and wide as do the vast clouds that drift across the Gobi Desert. Great joy is instilled in those who can be present at the Relics Service. But women, who are forbidden access to Mount Hie, are apparently not satisfied with second-hand accounts. I have heard that Relics Services are also observed each year in the fifth month at Töshödaiji, in a tradition established by the Master Ganjin, and also, on occasion, in the third month at the Hanayama monastery of Bishop Henjö. The offices of these services are assigned to ladies from far and 16

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wide. Go, then, to these services and worship the Buddha's relics there. 22

Notes 1

There is a lost Sekido-ke version, preserved in Yamada's copy. See Shüsei, pp. 287-89. Worship of the Buddha's relics ( s h a r i ) was widespread in India and China. Ganjin, Kükai, Ennin (i.e., Jikaku Daishi), and Engyö (789852, a disciple of Kükai who went to China at the same time as Ennin) and others brought relics from China to Japan. These became the focus of S h a r i e at Töshödaiji, Töji, Enryakuji (described here), Höryüji, Yakushiji and Chüsonji (BD 3:2189a). Ennin (793-863) was a disciple of Saichö and the third Tendai abbot. The title of D a i s h i was posthumously awarded for the first time in 866, when it was granted to both men. It has been claimed that Tamenori's account of Ennin's life bears greater resemblance to the official biography in Sandai j i t s u r o k u ( K S T K 4:124-27) than to J i k a k u D a i s h i den, a work that was begun by an imperial prince, Tokio Shinnö (a.k.a. Kanpyö nyüdö) and completed by his son, Minamoto Hideaki, between 912 and 929 (ZGR 8b:683-99; Shüsei, pp. 475-76). In fact, the two biographies are very similar to one another. The opening sections of the biographies of Ennin in N i h o n öjögakurakuki and H o k k e g e n k i are also similar ( N S T 7:19-20, 58). On these works, see Fukui Köjun, " J i k a k u D a i s h i den no keisei" in Fukui, ed., J i k a k u D a i s h i kenkyü, pp. 659-794 and the second chapter of E.O. Reischauer's E n n i n ' s T r a v e l s i n C h i n a , as well as Reischauer's translation of Ennin's diary. Shimotsuke is modern Tochigi Prefecture. Ennin's lay surname was Mibu. This purple cloud is a sign of affinity with the Pure Land. See 2.2, n. 5. Köchi was a disciple of Döchü, who had been Ganjin's disciple and an ally of Saichö. Köchi lived at Daihiji, also known as Onodera, of which the Mibu were patrons. He is credited with the promotion of Tendai influence in the eastern provinces (Washio Junkei, Zötei N i h o n bukke j i n m e i j i s h o , p. 375b). Kannongyö is a popular name for the twenty-fifth chapter of the L o t u s Sütra, often treated as an independent work. H i e no D a i s h i refers to Saichö. Tamenori follows the account in Sandai j i t s u r o k u , but, in fact, Ennin never went to T'ien-t'ai. The error is corrected in N i h o n öjögokurakuki and H o k k e g e n k i . He spent fifty days on Wu-t'ai, where 2

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he studied esoteric and Pure Land teachings (Reischauer, E n n i n ' s T r a v e t e , p. 119 and D i a r y , pp. 227-60). T h i s is an abridgement of the corresponding passage in Sandai j i t s u r o k u ( K S T K 4:126). It refers indirectly to the decline of Buddhism following the violent persecutions carried out under Emperor Wu tsung during Ennin's stay in China (see also "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 17). The quotation in Sandai j i t s u r o k u continues: "From now on, those who seek the Teachings will have to go to Japan to find them." This is a rendering of statements made to Ennin by a provincial official and recorded in his diary in the entry for the ninth day of the sixth month of 845 (Reischauer, E n n i n ' s T r a v e l s , p. 262; D i a r y , pp. 370-71). The biography of Ennin in H o k k e g e n k i has a more accurate reproduction of the official's words ( N S T 7:54). Sandai j i t s u r o k u makes no mention of the relics; nor do Ennin's diary or J i k a k u D a i s h i den provide any information about his acquis!tion of the relics. T h e inception of the S h a r i e is not mentioned in Sandai j i t s u r o k u . The date agrees with that in J i k a k u D a i s h i den ( Z G R 8:693b). The Söjiin was part of a complex of buildings at Enryakuji first erected in 853. "Intendents" is bettö. Apparently, the Söjiin was chosen as the site of the S h a r i e because it was continuously staffed and supported by official patronage. J i k a k u D a i s h i den states that the date of the observance ranged from late spring to early summer, although the first S h a r i e was held in the fourth month. It was attended by one hundred laymen, "lords of the court, men from town and country" ( Z G R 8:693b). T h e specific source of this quotation has not been satisfactorily identified. The following sentence suggests that it may be a loose paraphrase of elements collected from various texts. T h e account of these struggles follows that in D a i h a t s u nehangyö g o b u n , an appendix to the N i r v a n a Sütra that describes events immediately before and after Säkyamuni's demise (T 12:909c 10a). There, Aniruddha is identified as the disciple who deters the Celestial Kings and the Dragon Kings. Indra was granted one tooth so that it could be worshiped in his heaven (T 12:910a). 9

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The demon slipped into the vault that held the Buddha's remains when Indra went in to take his tooth, and the demon stole two teeth "when no one was looking" (T 12:910a). Y a m a is the ruler of the underworld; see note following. The Säkya are the Buddha's own clan. 18


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The source here may be Makamayakyö (Τ 12:1014b-15a) or Yugyökyö (in Jöagongyö, Τ l:29c 30b). Neither mentions King Yama, so this may be a mistranscription of the name of one of the Indian kings involved in the struggle. Doâ (Köshö) accepted the task of dividing the relics into eight equal portions, but neither of the sütras cited above mentions the spreading of honey or his generous weighing (BD 2:1063a). "Destined task" ( k i e n ) is the Buddha's predetermined purpose for coming into the world—to give his teaching to mankind—causally interacting with the need of mankind for that teaching (BGD l:213c-d). "Invincible body" is kongö f u e s h i n , an epithetic description of the Buddha's Dharma body ( h o s s h i n : see 3.17 n. 11) meaning "firm and impervious as a thunderbolt" (BD 2:1331b c). The point here is that the presence of the Buddha's relics in the world may seem to be a contradiction of the notion of his eternality, but the relics in fact represent one of the many means through which he sought to save mankind. Tamenori's point is that, though hundreds of years have passed since the cremation of Säkyamuni, worship of his relics remains efficacious. O n Ganjin and Töshödaiji, see 3.5. Shödai senzai denki (1701) says a S h a r i e was performed there on the fifth and sixth of the fifth month, in Ganjin's memory ( D N B Z 105:95b). Henjö (816-890) was the founder and first abbot of Gankeiji (also Gangyöji), familiarly "Hanayama"; it was formerly his private residence, in Yamashina, near the capital (BD 1:784a). 20

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3.17 T H E G R E A T PRAJNÄ S E R V I C E AT DAIANJI 1


The establishment of Daianji was originally the project of Prince Shötoku, and it was completed through the efforts of many emperors. The prince wanted to build a temple in the village of Kumagori, but he departed this world before it could be completed. Then, beginning with Empress Suiko and continuing until Emperor Shömu, nine generations of emperors and empresses inherited the project and saw it to completion. In the reign of Emperor Jomei a wide space by the Kudara River was selected, and the Kumagori Temple was transferred to the site and renamed Kudaradera. The officials in charge of the temple's construetion cut down many trees from the shrine of the local deity and used them in the building. The deity was enraged, and he spat out flames that burned the temple. Empress Kögyoku hastened the progress of the construction. In the reign of Emperor Tenji a six-foot image of Säkyamuni Buddha was made and installed in the temple. The emperor passed an entire night in silent prayer, and the next morning two Celestials appeared and worshiped before the image. They made offerings of magical flowers and passed some time in reverent prayer. Then they told the emperor, "This image is a perfect likeness of the real Buddha of Vulture Peak," and then they rose into the sky and disappeared. When the image was dedicated, purple clouds filled the sky and magical voices were heard singing in the heavens. In the reign of Emperor Tenmu the temple was moved and reconstructed in Takaichi and renamed Daikandaiji. In the reign of Emperor Monmu a pagoda was built. He wanted to make another six-foot image of Säkyamuni, and so he prayed: "Help me find a master craftsman!" That night, a monk appeared in his dream and said, "The man who made the first Buddha image was, in fact, an avatar, and he will not come here a second time. No matter how skilled the craftsman, his chisel may leave scars. No matter how masterful the painter, there may be errors in the coloring. You should place a large mirror in front of the image and pray to it. Without sculpting or painting, all three bodies of the Buddha will be manifest. The form you will see is his Body of Expedience; the reflection is his Body of Recompense; and when you 2

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understand the emptiness of these, vou will possess his Dharma Body. Nothing could be more meritorious!" The king awoke and was filled with joy. Following the instructions received in the dream, he placed a large mirror before the Buddha. He invited five hundred monks into the hall and held a large offertory service. In the reign of Empress Genmei, in the third year of the Wadö era [710], the image and the temple were moved and installed anew in the capital of Nara. When Emperor Shömu inherited it, he made plans to enlarge it. At this time there was a monk named Döji who was very wise and who was held in high regard and venerated by the entire nation. He had been in China in the first year of the Taihö era [701]. Now he told the emperor, "I have been thinking of building a large temple, and I have made drawings of the plans and designs of the Hsi-ming-ssu." The emperor was very pleased. " M y wish has been fulfilled!" he said, and in the first year of the Tenpyö era [729] he gave Döji a commission to rebuild the temple. He also granted Döji the rank of Risshi. The Jetavana garden in Srävastl, in central India, was built on the model of the palace in Tu§ita Heaven. The Hsi-ming-ssu in China was built on the model of the Jetavana garden. And Daianji in Japan was built on the model of the Hsi-ming-ssu. In the fourteenth year [742] a great service of dedication was held. In the seventeenth year of the Tenpyö era [745] the name "Daikandaiji" was changed to "Daianji." Risshi Döji said, "This temple was burned once before because trees from the shrine of the great deity Kobe in Takaichi district were cut down. This god is a god of lightning, and when he gets angry he spits out burning flames. The reconstruction has continued through nine reigns. The site has been changed several times, incurring great expense. Let us invoke the power of the Teachings to please the deity and insure his protection for the temple," and so he copied the Mahäprajnäpäramitä Sütra, and initiated this service. The text of the sütra was read in alternation with performances of songs and dances. The deity was pleased, and he became the protector of the temple. This is recorded in the A n n a l s } The Mahäprajnäpäramitä Sütra was first translated by Hsüantsang "Tripitaka" during the reign of Emperor T'ai-tsung in the Lin-te era, and when it was placed in the Chao-ming Hall, it emitted a bright light. In the sütra it is said: "Wherever this sütra may be placed, all the Heavenly Dragons will come and join their hands before it and worship it." It also says: "With the Dharma Rain, they will anoint all poisonous dragons and free them from their deep suffering. Clearly, 1

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this is why the Buddha's Word can be used to quell the burning fires of angry deities. 20

Notes

There is a lost Sekido-ke version preserved in Yamada's copy (see Shüsei, pp. 293-94). Both the Maeda-ke and Töji Kanchiin bon have the note "on the fifth and sixth days" following the section title. The source for Tamenori's account of the early history of the temple is D a i a n j i e n g i , compiled in 896 (GR 15:406-9). There is also an earlier chronicle, D a i a n j i g a r a n e n g i n a r a b i n i r u k i shizaichö (compiled 747; GR 15:391-406). On the basis of their compilation dates, they are known as the "Kanpyö e n g i " and the "Tenpyö e n g i , " respectively. "Prince Shötoku" is here called Jögü Taishi (see 2.1). Kumagori is in modern Ikoma-gun, northwest of Nara. A temple called Gakuanji was later built on the site of the unfinished Kumagoridera. Prince Shötoku died in 622. In fact, Tamenori only describes the efforts of eight monarchs. The Kudara River flows from Takaichi and joins the Hirose River to form the Yamato River. One of Jomei's palaces was at Kudara, a site near modern Kita-Katsuragi-gun, Nara-ken. The Tenpyö e n g i says that the fire destroyed a nine-story pagoda and the carved ornaments on the roof of the temple (GR 15:392a). According to the Kanpyö e n g i , Jomei's dying wish was that his wife, who succeeded him, should rebuild the temple. After her ascent to the throne, she ordered the work to continue day and night (GR 15:407b). "The real Buddha of Vulture Peak" refers to Säkyamuni. Apparently the temple was moved to the site of each new ruler's palace. This is seen as evidence of the close tie between the imperial family and this particular Buddhist institution (Öta, N a n t o s h i c h i d a i j i no r e k i s h i t o nenpyö, pp. 77-106). Remains of the palace of Tenmu and Jitö have been found at Asuka, near Takaichi. It was a nine-story pagoda (GR 15:408b). T h e "three bodies of the Buddha" are defined in various ways. The three listed here are a standard Mahäyäna group: öjin, the Buddha manifest in human form to meet the needs of other sentient beings; höjin, a Buddha who comes into being through the merit generated by Bodhisattva practices, such as Amida; and h o s s h i n , the eternal, universal Buddha (Taya, Bukkyögaku j i t e n , p. 384). The Kanpyö e n g i 2

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has öjin, k e s h i n , and h o s s h i n , but both Sanböe texts replace k e s h i n with the synonymous höjin. A biography of Döji appears in Shoku N i h o n g i under the date of his death in 744 ( K S T K 2:179). He is the patriarch of the Daianji branch of the Sanron school. There is also a biographical sketch, accompanying some of his poems, in Kaifüsö (Hayashi Kokei, ed., Kaifüsö shinchü, pp. 221-30). 1 2

q

The Hsi-ming-ssu (Saimyöji) was a major temple in Chang-an, completed in 658 on a site selected by Emperor Kao-tsung with Hsüantsang's approval (BD 2:428a). Döji returned from China in 718. The date is in agreement with that in the Shoku N i h o n g i 14

On the Jetavana garden, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 13. Tu$ita ( T o s o t s u t e n ) is the fourth of the six desire heavens and the dwelling place of Maitreya and other future Buddhas (BD 4:3953a 54c). "The great deity Kobe" (Kobe myöjin) is worshiped at a shrine in Shiki-gun, some distance from Kudara; Yamada thought there may have been confusion in the naming of this deity as the responsible party (Ryakuchü, p. 312). This speech, attributed to Döji here, does not appear in either e n g i . Yamada suggested that there may have been another work to which Tamenori may have referred. See the following note. 16

17

It is this reference to " A n n a l s " ( e n g i ) , and the absence of any mention of the rite in the surviving works cited above, that suggested to Yamada the possibility of a missing source, a " D a i h a n n y a e e n g i " ; but no such work is known. A stone inscription ( D a i a n j i h i m o n , dated 757, text by Ömi Mifune) confirms that the original purpose of the rite as conducted at Daianji was the prevention of natural disasters ( D N B Z 118:132a). No detailed description of the rite itself survives. Yamada noted that E n g i s h i k i called for D a i h a n n y a e on the sixth and seventh days of the fourth month, at which one hundred and fifty monks were to take part in an abbreviated reading ( t e n d o k u ) of the sütra (Ryakuchü, p. 312). Tendoku is a method for obtaining the meritorious effect of a reading of an entire sütra by chanting only selected portions, usually the title and a few lines from the beginning, middle, and end (BGD 2:989b). This would be quite appropriate in the case of the Mahäprajnäpäramitä, a six-hundred fascicle work that fills about 4,000 pages in three volumes of the Taishö Daizökyö. O n Hsüan-tsang, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 12. T'ai-tsung, the second T'ang emperor, reigned 627-649; the Lin-te era is 664-665. The completion and presentation of the translation is recorded in several of Hsüan-tsang's traditional biographies. In T a - t ' a n g t a - t z ' o en-ssu san-ts'ang f a - s h i h - c h u a n , for example ( T 50:276b), the sütra is 18

3.17 The Great Prajnä Service

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said to have given off a bright light when it was placed in the "Chai-shou Hall." I can find no mention of a "Chao-ming" Hall, but the name seems to suggest a commemoration of this miraculous event. This, and the following quotation, are loose adaptations of lines in a chapter "On Worshiping the Sütra" in the Mahäprajnäpäramitä Sütra (Τ 7:780c). 20 Tamenori equates the dragons in this passage with the firebreathing deity of Kudara, thus providing a scriptural basis for the origin of the Daianji rite. 1


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3.18 T H E A N O I N T M E N T OF T H E B U D D H A 1


The Anointment of the Buddha was observed in the Seiryöden for the first time on the eighth day of the fourth month of the seventh year of the Jöwa era [840]. Risshi Jöan officiated, having submitted a proposal for the proper observance of the rite, based on the provisions in the Scripture. At long last, the day had come for him to serve as master of ceremonies. Later, the observance spread. This is recorded in A C o u r tier's D i a r y . In the Sütra o n t h e A n o i n t m e n t of B u d d h a Images it is said: "All the Buddhas of the ten directions were born on the eighth day of the fourth month. Between spring and summer great numbers of all kinds of living things are born. At that time it is neither too cold nor too hot, and so everything is wholesome and harmonious." And, in the Sütra on t h e A n o i n t m e n t of Images the Buddha said: "I shall now explain the practice of anointing images. Among all offertory acts, this is the most excellent. To anoint a Buddha, perfume the water with many lovely scents and bathe his image. As you scoop the water, chant this verse. [Those who find this verse too hard to learn employ monks to chant it and to sing hymns of praise.]" 3

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I anoint all the pure wisdom, all the merit, and all the splendor of all the Buddhas; May all sentient beings be freed from the Five Pollutions, And may they know the purity of the Tathägata's Body. 6

This verse was uttered by the Tathägata Säkyamuni; Gyöki Bosatsu composed this one: If I do not now repay My obligations to my mother Who nursed me with her abundant breasts Then when shall I? For the years fly by as quickly As the passing of one short night. 7

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Notes

Although the Sekido-ke version is fragmentary, Yamada's copy of it is complete (see Shüsei, p. 297). The "Anointment of the Buddha" is K a n b u t s u . The custom of washing images of the Buddha on the anniversary of Säkyamuni's birth began in India, appeared in China in the second century, and was practiced widely there by the seventh and eighth centuries. The first recorded Japanese observance of the eighth day of the fourth month as the Buddha's birthday was a rite performed at court in 606, under Prince Shötoku's supervision, according to the N i h o n s h o k i ( N K B T 68:186-87). The term K a n b u t s u first appears in reference to the court observance of 840 in Shoku N i h o n köki ( K S T K 3:100). There are accounts of Heianperiod K a n b u t s u at court in Minamoto Takaaki's Saigüki and Öe Masafusa's Gökeshidai ( S h i n t e i zöhö köjitsu sösho 2, pp. 207b-10a; 6, pp. 88a-b). Early in the morning special robes for the emperor were laid out, the screens of the Seiryöden (a hall in the inner, private quarters of the imperial palace frequently used for court rituals) were lowered, and the emperor's seat was prepared. An image of Säkyamuni was placed on a pedestal, from which colored threads trailed into a basin of colored water said to represent the divine waters in which the infant Buddha was first bathed. Ecclesiastical and court dignitaries entered in procession. Then the emperor scattered flowers over the image, and the presiding monk bathed it with five scoops of the colored water. The emperor, his ladies, and other courtiers then did likewise. Offerings were presented to the presiding monk on behalf of all those attending, and then he led the procession out again (see Yamanaka Yutaka, Heianchö no nenjü gyöji, pp. 190-95). Similar rites were held in monasteries in the Nara period. Eventually, the bathing of Buddha images on the Buddha's birthday became a popular lay custom. J ö a n (or Seian; 789?—844) is named in the Shoku N i h o n köki account (see preceding note). He was a monk of the Hossö school and was originally affiliated with Gangöji or Saidaiji but spent most of his life practicing austerities on Hirayama in Ömi, where he is also said to have founded several monasteries. He was appointed R i s s h i in 838 and participated in the Butsumyöe at court that year (see 3.31). It is said that he was particularly devoted to the sixteen-fascicle Sütra of t h e B u d d h a s ' Names (Jüroku butsumyökyö). His biography appears in 2

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Genkö shakusho ( K S T K 31:147). See also Takei Akio, "Butsumyöe ni kansuru shomondai (1), in Döshisha D a i g a k u j i n b u n g a k u 135 (Oct. 1980), p. 33 and Hirabayashi Moritoku and Koike Kazuyuki, Gojüon'in sögöbunin söreki söran, pp. 195-96. The work referred to, Tenjö n i k k i , may be the lost work mentioned only here and, with a brief quotation, in Shunki, the diary of Fujiwara Sukefusa. The intent, however, may be to refer to court diaries in general, such as those cited in n. 2. The sütra named is K a n b u t s u zökyö (i.e., Kansen butsugyö zökyö). There are two translations; Fa Chii's is quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:543a; see Τ 16:796c for the original). Tamenori omits a few lines. 6 The sütra named is Yokuzökyö (i.e., Bussetsu yokuzö kudokukyö). The quotation is a summary of the entire sütra, which is very short (T 16:798c-99b). The parenthetical note is Tamenori's. The verse is also quoted in K u c h i z u s a m i (ZGR 32a:70a). The attribution to Gyöki (see 2.2) is traditional. He is said to have written this poem in 734, although it was given out as the work of Empress Kömyö. It appears in Shüishü as Gyöki's work (Yamagishi, Hachidaishü zenchü 1, p. 620; Taya Raishun, Wasanshi gaisetsu, pp. 64-67). Tamenori's citation of the poem here probably occurs by general association with the subject of birthdays and the notion of worship as an expression of gratitude. Still, it seems rather out of place. 4

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3.19 T H E ORDINATION AT H I E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon, Tödaiji-gire ) 1

The Srävaka Precepts were transmitted to this country long ago. Then Dengyö Daishi went to China and studied both exoteric and esoteric Buddhism. He received the Bodhisattva Precepts there, and when he established the Tendai school, he adopted this form of ordination. In the last year of the Enryaku era [806] he requested and was granted annual stipends for yearly ordinands. In the last years of the Könin era [810-824] he made this announcement: "The two great Masters of Nanyüeh and T'ien-t'ai received the Bodhisattva Precepts. This tradition has been handed down continuously to this day. For this reason, all the monks of our school should receive these precepts." He submitted a request to this effect to the government, but he had difficulty in obtaining a response. So the master brandished his brush and sent his letters flying. He produced the K e n k a i r o n in three fascicles, and he wrote many treatises in defense of his position. In the sixth month of the thirteenth year of the Könin era [822], permission was granted in a ministerial decree, and the new ordination platform was constructed. This Mahäyäna ordination is praised in many sütras. In Bonmökyö it is said: "Those who do not receive the precepts of the Bodhisattva are no different from dumb beasts and are called ignorant heretics. If a monk can convert one person and cause him to take the Bodhisattva precepts, the merit thereby generated is greater than that in the construction of eighty-four thousand stüpas. What then, indeed, if two or three persons take the precepts, or ten thousand?" And in S h i n jikangyö it is said: "Those who uphold the Upper Precepts will attain the status of Dharma-Kings, and they will lead all sentient beings. Those who uphold the Middle Precepts will attain the status of WheelKings, and they will be rewarded with much happiness. Those who uphold the Lower Precepts may even violate them and fall into the Evil Realms, but since the powers of those precepts are excellent, they will always reign as kings within those realms. They will surpass all their comrades in reverence, and they will attain liberation in their hearts. Therefore, all sentient beings should receive the Pure Bodhisattva Precepts. Let the Bodhisattva Precepts be your rudder as you cross the deep seas of life and death. Wield the Bodhisattva Precepts as a liberating sword, to slash the bonds of craving and attachment to the 3

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self. Let the Bodhisattva Precepts be your good medicine, purging all the plagues and sufferings that evil demons inflict upon you." The Bodhisattva Precepts are divided in three collections of pure precepts. The first are "Precepts for Proper Behavior." They countermand various evil practices. The second are the "Precepts for the Good," which call for the cultivation of many good practices. The third are the "Precepts for Saving through Compassion," which bring about the salvation of all sentient beings. Thus be it known: the inspiration to undertake the precepts of the Great Vehicle is far superior to the attainment of the highest levels in the other two vehicles. Long ago there was an a r h a t who employed an acolyte to carry a sack containing his robes when he went traveling. For some time, this acolyte had cherished the desire to become a Bodhisattva. The a r h a t perceived this, and so he took the sack and carried it himself, plodding along with it slung across his back. The acolyte reflected on the difficulty of practicing the Way of the Bodhisattva and decided that he would give it up. The a r h a t perceived this, and so he handed the sack back to the acolyte and walked on ahead of him. The acolyte thought this strange and asked him to explain his actions. "Until now you were inspired by a great ambition," said the a r h a t , "and so you were superior to me. But now, if you have given it up, you are inferior to me." This shows that you should uphold the precepts as assiduously as possible. The monks who were trapped in the grass were saved when the king came along on his progress; and the monk who was suspected of the theft of a jewel found it after the goose had died. A l l the Bodhisattva Precepts of the Tendai and the Srävaka Precepts of the Southern Capital are means through which the Buddha's Law is perpetuated. This is proven in detail in many sütras, V i n a y a s , and treatises. Prayers for abundant harvests are offered at the same time as the ordinations every year. This is done on the basis of the Daiikyö, in which it is said: "The ordination should be performed at the beginning of the year." The Ministerial Edict of the Kashö era [848-851] calls for the ordinations to be held on the third day of the fourth month, while that of the Kanpyö era [889-898] says that they should be conducted before the fifteenth day of the fourth month. 1

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The Sekido-ke version is contiguous with the text of the preceding section but breaks off at a point corresponding to "the second are. . ." in the description of the "three collections of pure precepts." In addition,


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two fragments of the Tödaiji-gire type have been identified. See Shüsei, pp. 303-4. The section title is " H i e no j u k a i , " but the ordination described is the B o s a t s u k a i . Here, Tamenori discusses its relationship with other forms of ordination and its application to Tendai monks; in 3.20 he is concerned with the administration of the B o s a t s u k a i to laymen. "Srävaka Precepts" (shömonkai) refers to the ordinations based on the V i n a y a , viewed by Saichö as a Hmayäna practice inferior to the B o s a t s u k a i ordination. For a study of Saichö's views on ordination and their role in the early history of the Tendai, see Groner, Saichö, especially chapters 8-12. Dengyö Daishi is Saichö (see 3.3). While in China, Saichö received both exoteric ordinations (such as the B o s a t s u k a i ) and several esoteric ordinations (see 3.27). The B o s a t s u k a i were administered by Tao-sui at Lung-hsing-ssu on the second day of the third month of 805 (see Groner, Saichö, p. 49). Enryakuji was granted imperial financial support for twelve "yearly ordinands" ( n e n b u n d o s h a ) in 806. By providing for direct support of the study and practice of Tendai, the state thus recognized the school as a legitimate and independent entity (see Groner, Saichö, pp. 68-71). "The two great Masters of Nan-yüeh and T'ien-t'ai" are Hui-ssu (525-577) and Chih-i, identified by the sites of the monasteries where each resided. This "announcement" is recorded in E i z a n d a i s h i den (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 429), but it is not quoted or mentioned in any of the works of Saichö and his disciples that deal with his position on ordinations. Groner says that the E i z a n D a i s h i den "quotation" may be an "exaggerated dramatic rendering" of statements made by Saichö (Groner, Saichö, p. 114). Tamenori somewhat abbreviates Saichö's words. The K e n k a i r o n is "a detailed refutation of the objections made by Nara monks to Saichö's Shijöshiki" (Groner, Saichö, pp. 137, 148). Shijöshiki was the main petition of several submitted by Saichö in 818 and 819 in his quest for Tendai n e n b u n d o s h a . The decree is dated Könin 14.2.27 and is included in Ruijü s a n d a i k y a k u ( K S T K 25:83). Permission for the construction of the ordination platform was actually given one week after Saichö's death, in the sixth month of 822. Until this time, there were only three ordination platforms in Japan, all under the supervision of the Sögö; the construetion of a platform at Enryakuji was therefore a great departure from precedent, and the independence gained thereby for the Tendai insured its preeminent influence for centuries to come. 2

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8

Though Tamenori cites Bonmökyö, the passage is actually from Yörakukyö (Τ 24:1021b), correctly identified in F Y C L (T 53:939b). Both sütras discuss the Bodhisattva precepts and are often associated with one another, so the confusion is, perhaps, not surprising. Tamenori's editing of the original passage is similar to that in F Y C L . Compare the similar statement in the "Preface to the Third Volume," n. 12. T h i s "quotation" is a simplified and abbreviated rendering of a verse passage in Shinjikangyö (Τ 3:303b 4b). Tamenori omits the division of the "Lower Precepts" into three subclassifications. An explanation of the "Upper, Middle, and Lower Precepts" follows. 11 "Three collections of pure precepts" is sanju jökai; the three subgroups are shöritsugikai, shözenbökai, and nyöyaku ujökai. This classification appears in both Bonmökyö and Yorakkyö. The three groups comprise a total of twenty-three precepts (five, eight, and ten). T h e "other two vehicles" are the Srävaka and the Pratyekabuddha "vehicles," considered inferior because they lead only to the enlightenment of the practitioner, who does not undertake the vows to save others (i.e., the nyöyaku ujökai) that are the hallmark of a Bodhisattva. This sentence may also be read as an endorsement of Saichö's rejection of the Hinayäna precepts in favor of those of the Mahäyäna tradition. The source of this story has not been identified. Lines containing similar allusions appear in the ordination certificate of Saichö's disciple Köjö (dated 823) and in later Tendai certificates as well { T e n d a i kahyö, in D N B Z 125:162a; Chöya gunsai, in K S T K 29a:403-4). Both stories are based on Daishögonron. In the first, a group of monks are captured by bandits and tied up with stalks of live grass. They refrain from cutting their bonds because to do so would constitute the destruction of living things. When a king happens by on a hunting excursion, he sets them free (T 3:368c 69a). In the second story, a monk is accused of stealing a jewel that he knows to be in the nest of a goose. His innocence is proven only when someone else kills the goose, since he refuses to do so himself (T 3:319a-21a). Here, Tamenori specifically associates the shömonkai with the Nara schools. This statement would seem to be at odds with the position taken a few lines earlier, or perhaps it reflects the notion that there is really only one all-encompassing vehicle (ichijö). F Y C L quotes a passage from Daiibarikyö (Τ 53:932b-c), describing the desirable qualities of the "first month" in the same terms used to recommend the fourth month in the quotation from K a n b u tsuzökyö in 3.18 (n. 5), but there is no mention there of the desirability of holding ordinations at this time. 10

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T h e edict of Kashö 3.12.14 (850) provided for two additional Tendai n e n b u n d o s h a , fulfilling a request from Ennin, and specified that they be ordained on the third day of the fourth month. The edicts of Kanpyö 7.3.6 and 7.10.28 (895) specified that all ordinations be held before the middle of the fourth month, when the annual retreat began ( K S T K 25:84-85, 79, 90).


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The Fifth Month 3.20 T H E B O D H I S A T T V A O R D I N A T I O N AT H A T S U S E 1


Long ago, in the Year of the Rooster [601], there was a great flood, and a very large tree was set adrift until it came to rest at Miogasaki in Takashima District in Ömi Province. The house of a villager who cut off one end of the tree suddenly burned down. The destruction spread, and many villagers died. Investigations were conducted by each household in which death struck, and in every case it was found that the tree was the source of the curse. The surviving villagers would not go near the tree. Then a man called Izumo Ömitsu, who lived in Lower Kazuraki District in Yamato Province, came to the village. When he heard about the tree, he made a vow: "I shall make that tree into an Eleven-faced Kannon." But he had no means of transporting it home with him, so he left empty-handed. Then he received several encouraging omens, so he gathered supplies for the journey and, taking several of his townsmen with him, returned to the spot where the tree lay. It was so large that the sight of it made them all feel weak and helpless, and some of them wanted to go home right away. But they tied a rope around it, tried to pull it, and were surprised to find that they could move it easily. Those who saw them along the way were thoroughly amazed, and they stopped their carts, got down from their horses, and joined in the work. At last they reached the village of Taima in Lower Kazuraki in Yamato. But means for the project were lacking; time passed, and Ömitsu died. Eighty years elapsed, and the tree still had not been put to good use. Then a plague struck the village of Taima, and there was great suffering. It was said that the tree was to blame. The district governor and the village headmen summoned Omitsu's son Miyamaro and ordered him to do something about the tree, but he was unable to move it by himself. In the Year of the Dragon [668?], Miyamaro and a group of other villagers managed to remove it and cast it into the Hatsuse River in Upper Shiki District. There it lay for thirty years until a novice monk named Tokudö heard about it. He thought, "There must be something divine about this tree. I will make it into an Eleven-faced Kannon." In the fourth year of the Yörö era [720] he moved it to the peak upon which Hatsusedera now stands. But Tokudö was without means for 2

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completing the carving of the image. He grieved and lamented over this for seven or eight years, constantly seating himself before the tree and chanting: "May my worship of your wondrous power enable the image of the Buddha to be formed'. The Iitaka empress had not taken much notice of the project, but she lent her support when the Fusasaki minister himself made a contribution. In the fourth year of the Jinki era [727] the image was completed and dedicated. It was two yards and three feet high. In a dream Tokudö saw a deity who pointed to a peak in the north and said, "A large rock lies buried at its base. Unearth it, bring it here, and place the image of Kannon on it." Tokudö awoke, and he went and unearthed the stone. It was eight feet wide and eight feet long. Its surface was flat, like the palms of someone's hands. They placed the image of Kannon upon it. The C h r o n i c l e o f t h e I m a g e o f K a n n o n a n d M i s c e l l a n e o u s M a t t e r s , compiled in the fifth year of the Tenpyö era [733], tells about Tokudö and Dömyö. The benefits produced by the image were widespread, and reports of its miraculous powers reached as far as China. The Bodhisattva Ordination is administered once each year under this temple's auspices. Ordination masters and proxies are designated, and devout laymen and laywomen gather to participate. There are others who come simply to watch and listen. The Bodhisattva Precepts are the first stage in becoming a Buddha. I described them in the foregoing sections on the Convocation and the Ordination. The Masters of T'ien-t'ai and Nan-yiieh promoted this ordination; Ganjin and Dengyö fostered it here. Monks stand on platforms to receive them, and in some places laymen may receive them as well. In Bonmökyö it is said: "He who wishes to attain the status of a King, or of a Wheel-King, or of the Hundred Ministers should first receive the Bodhisattva Precepts. A l l the Buddhas will rejoice m this." It also says: "Those who take the Buddha's precepts— whether they are Kings or Princes or one of the Hundred Ministers or clerks or monks or nuns or denizens of Brahma's worlds or of the Six Desire Heavens or peasants or eunuchs or lascivious men and women or slaves or spirits or Heavenly Guardians or animals or avatars—they need only to hear the words of the ordinator and to accept the precepts without discrimination, and they will be considered ordained. They will be called The First Perfected." On this basis, in both China and Japan generations of emperors and empresses and gentlemen and ladies of good family, inspired with faith, have asked monks to administer these precepts to them. Eunuchs may be thought of as degenerates; lascivious women are sensual sinners. 9

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Spirits and demons have fierce hearts; dumb animals dwell in ignorance. But all have access to this blessing. What, then, of other kinds of beings? You would do well to commission a monk to administer the precepts to all those who have only limited knowledge, or who cannot be inspired with faith, or have not the means to commission monks themselves, and you should encourage as many of them as possible to take the precepts at this opportunity. At first they may not seem too pleased, and they may even laugh scornfully at the idea, but if they can just hear the Word they will be moved. Indeed, they should not hold such sceptical views. In the everlasting, dark night of ignorance, these precepts will cast a luminous light. For the journey down the long roads of life, the Precepts will serve them as a trusty staff. 18

Notes 1

One fragment has been identified. In addition, a portion of this section is quoted in Fusö r y a k k i , in reference to the origins of the Hatsuse temple (see Shüsei, p. 309). The first part of this section is devoted to an account of the origins of the temple at Hatsuse (Hase) called "Hatsusedera," "Hasedera," or Chökokuji. The second part describes the tradition of the administration of the B o s a t s u k a i to laypersons. In the Heian period, Chökokuji was controlled by the Tödaiji, in Nara, so the B o s a t s u k a i given there was probably not quite the same as that given monks at Enryakuji (see 3.19). The text Tamenori cites as the basis for his account of the origins of the temple, " K a n n o n no e n g i n a r a b i n i zöki" (see n. 11) is lost, but his account bears considerable resemblance to that in a later work, S h o j i e n g i shü { D N B Z 118:24-27), and to Sugawara Michizane's Chökokuji e n g i m o n (dated 896; D N B Z 118:326-33). For a modern history of the temple, see Tsuji Hidenori, Chökokuji shi no kenkyü. In this section, some dates are given according to their k a n s h i designation, and this manner of dating may reflect that used in the lost reference text. These dates are expressed in terms of the conjunction of the signs of two cycles. For simplicity, I have translated only the second element, which includes familiar animals of the zodiac. The date of the flood given in the opening sentence { k a n o t o t o r i ) agrees with that in Michizane's chronicle. Miogasaki is a cape on the west bank of Lake Biwa. It was regarded as a supernatural place from early times and was said to have been the site of the palace of the semihistorical Emperor Keitai {Ryakuchü, p. 326; Takeshita, B u n g a k u i s e k i j i t e n , s h i k a hen, p. 384a). 2


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The texts vary on the form of the name. "Izumo" is probably correct; the personal name should perhaps be "Ömizu" (Shüsei, pp. 30910). Depictions of the "Eleven-faced Kannon" ( J u i c h i m e n K a n n o n ) originated in Indian esoteric iconography and are common in China and Japan. The eleven countenances represent the Bodhisattva's capacity to see all those who need her aid throughout the cosmos (BD 3:2206c-10a). The Hatsuse Kannon is one of the most famous such representations in Japan and is associated with the working of many miracles (see n. 12). Taima is a very ancient Yamato place-name; the modern town of this name lies between Osaka and Nara. Michizane's account also has "in the seventh year . . . of the reign of Emperor Tenji, the year of the dragon ( t s u c h i n o e t a t s u ) , " which corresponds to the year 668. But if the year of the flood, a "year of the rooster," was 601, a full eighty years had not yet passed (see N K B Z 21:187-89, nn. l a n d 24). The temple is situated on a height overlooking the Hatsuse (Hase) River where it descends from the Yamato Plateau into the Nara Plain, in modern Sakurai, Nara-ken. The old place-name Shiki is still in local use. Tokudö's dates are unknown. S h o j i e n g i shü identifies him as a native of Harima Province whose lay surname was Kara Yatabe. He is said to have held the rank of Daisözu and to have lived at Köfukuji. There is a biography of Tokudö in Honchö kösöden ( D N B Z 107:332b; see also B D 4:3941b-42a). Here, he is identified as a novice monk ( s h a m i ) , suggesting a lack of formal ordinations or ties to a specific institution. Perhaps these events took place early in his career. Some translations of versions of this story suggest that Tokudö is asking the tree to form itself into an image, but he may be praying for the means to carve it himself. In both the Töji Kanchiin bon and the Maeda-ke bon, the prayer is recorded in Chinese, suggesting that the utterance is a spell or formula (see also McCullough and McCullough, tr., A T a l e of F l o w e r i n g F o r t u n e s , pp. 510-11). The Iitaka empress is Genmei, who reigned from 707 to 715. The "Fusasaki minister" is Fujiwara Fusasaki (681-737). According to Michizane's chronicle, he met Tokudö on one of his tours of the province of Yamato (where he was overseer of imperial estates) and reported Tokudö's project to the empress, who granted her support ( D N B Z 118:329a). Michizane's chronicle has 729 for the completion date ( D N B Z 118:329a). The height is two jö, three shaku. A s noted above (n. 2), this work does not survive. Tsuji says that Tamenori's account up to this point probably represents an accurate 4

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summary of its contents (Tsuji, Chökokuji shi no kenkyü, pp. 173-74). Dömyö has not been mentioned before this in Tamenori's account. His name appears in the S h o j i e n g i shü version ( D N B Z 118:24) and in an inscription on a pagoda at Chökokuji that he constructed in honor of Emperor Tenmu. He is said to have assisted Tokudö in the founding of the temple and the construction of the image. The chronicles differ in their descriptions of the two monks' specific responsibilities. Dömyö was formally affiliated with Köfukuji (KJJ 5:1183). I n the "Tamakazura" chapter of Genji m o n o g a t a r i , Tamakazura is advised by her nurse's son to seek the aid of the Hatsuse Kannon: "Of all the Buddhas," he says, "that of Hatsuse in particular is known for producing many miracles in Japan, and its fame has reached as far as China" ( N K B T 15:466). In his commentary on G e n j i , the Kakaishö, Yotsutsuji Yoshinari made this note on the passage: "The consort of T'ang Emperor Hsi-tsung [reigned 874-888], Lady Ma t'ou, was distressed by her ugliness. At the suggestion of an ascetic practitioner, she faced east and prayed to the Hatsuse Kannon. Then, in a dream, a monk appeared on a purple cloud and poured water from a jug onto her head. When she awoke she found herself miraculously beautified. Later, she sent an offering of jewels to Hatsuse, in gratitude" ( K o k u b u n chüshaku zensho 3, pp. 227b 28a). Yoshinari gave no indication of the source of this story. In addition, K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü and Uji shüi m o n o g a t a r i both have versions of a story of a Chinese empress whose prayers to the Hatsuse Kannon produced miracles ( N K B T 24:462 and 27:394). H a s e d e r a r e i g e n k i , compiled by the monk Gyöyö in 1435, contains several more tales of miracles occurring in China and Korea attributed to the benevolence of the Hatsuse Kannon ( D N B Z 118:334418, tales 6, 9,12, and 13 in the first fascicle). "Ordination masters and proxies" is d e n k a i k o k k a i . Säkyamuni is regarded as the true ordinator, so the presiding monk is called d e n k a i s h i ("transmittor of the vows"), the Buddha's representative (BGD 1:164a). The proxy is a monk who asks the ordinator to administer the vows, and he acts on behalf of the ordinees as a group. Something of the atmosphere of these occasions can be gathered from Sei Shönagon's description of a pilgrimage to Hatsuse, in M a k u r a no söshi ( N K B Z 11:251-57; Ivan Morris, tr., The P i l l o w B o o k of Sei Shönagon, pp. 139-43). See 3.5 and 3.19. I n the first clause, and in referring to Dengyö Daishi (Saichö), Tamenori alludes to the Tendai B o s a t s u k a i ordination. Saichö claimed that the ordinations introduced by Ganjin should also be viewed as part of this tradition. In fact, Ganjin's ordinations were based on the S h i b u n r i t s u (the Dharmagupta V i n a y a ) (Groner, Saichö, pp. 182-83, 12

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199-200, 202-3). See 3.19, n. 5 on "the Masters of T'ien-t'ai and Nanyüeh." A king rules one land or continent; a Wheel-King rules many. The "Hundred Ministers" ( h y a k k a n ) are the various officials of a kingdom; the term is neither specific nor technical. The quotation is from Bonmökyö, as quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:939c). T h i s quotation from Bonmökyö is also in F Y C L ( T 53:937a). "Brahma's worlds" { d a i b o n t e n ) here probably refers to the worlds of form in general, in contrast to the "Six Desire Heavens" (see 3.4, n. 6). Eunuchs (ömon) were used as inner palace guards in India (BGD 1:129b). "Lascivious men and women" is i n n a n i n n y o . "Heavenly Guardians" is kongöjin, i.e., shükongöjin; see 3.5, n. 12 on "deities who wield the lightning bolt." "Avatars" is h e n k e n i n , the temporary manifestations of Buddhas or deities in human form. "The First Perfected" is d a i i c h i shöjö. There are lines similar to these last two sentences in Köjö's ordination certificate (see 3.19, n. 14). The word used here for "precepts" is m o k u s h a , an abbreviation of h a r a d a i m o k u s h a , from Sanskrit prätimoksa. M o k u - is synonymous for "wood," and this pun is worked into the metaphor of the staff. 17


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3.21 T H E RICE D O N A T I O N (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

The rice donation is a practice that has been observed by the government in this month for a very long time. Three hundred bushels of rice from three selected provinces are distributed among those monks who spend the period of retreat in the mountains surrounding the capital. Chamberlains of the library act as couriers, making their deliveries to the assigned locations. Private individuals, if so inspired, may also make similar offerings. Mountain hermitages are invariably destitute. In the spring the bracken grows in thick profusion, but clouds on the peaks keep the monks from gathering it. Before the nuts and fruits upon the trees can ripen they are blown away in the forest gales. As the days lengthen, the monks grow ever more exhausted from their chanting of sütras. The rains fall in torrents and obliterate their tracks when they try to reach the village to go begging. The sincere devotion of those who venture across the raging rivers to bring them sustenance must be very deep! The admiration of the monks for those who seek them out among the towering peaks to bring these gifts must be very high! Every one of them weeps grateful tears, and in a trice the starving looks upon their countenances are gone. In the Ägama, when the Buddha discussed the offerings appropriate to each season, he said: "Make your invitations and your offerings to monks in accordance with the season. Even if I am not present in the world to come, you will be duly rewarded for these deeds by receiving everything you may need." This is the basis for the offering of these gifts in the rainy season. In the sütra it also says: " A l l the Buddhas will rejoice." The merit of those who concentrate and meditate in tranquility is very great indeed. In Höshakkyö it is said: "In ages to come there will be those who hoard their goods and even deride those monks who depend on charity. None of them will go to pay respect or worship at those places where monks live in isolation from the world they despise, in constant devotion to tranquil, diligent austerities. Worldly people think only of worldly things, and never think about the world to come. But those who recognize k a r m a in their past lives should be close to monks, revere them, and honor them." This practice is observed in every house of virtue in this land. You, too, should find yourself a monk who lives in 1

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quietude, who is neither too familiar nor too aloof, with whom to associate.

Notes 1

It is not known when the custom of sending imperial gifts of rice (semai) to selected monasteries was begun. M o n t o k u j i t s u r o k u (compiled 871-878) mentions the shipment of rice and salt from the court to temples in the capital region in the sixth month of 857 ( K S T K 3:100). Göke s h i d a i and Saigüki confirm Tamenori's statement below that private donations of rice and salt were also made at this time of year (Zöho köjitsu zenshü 2, p. 235; 6, p. 134). Yamada suggested that Tamenori's placement of this account in the fifth month is the result of a confusion with the custom of shinkyü, the granting of rice and salt from imperial stores to regions stricken by drought. That practice began in the Nara period, was institutionalized under the Ritsuryö codes, and, in the Heian period, became a ritual observed in the fifth month of each year (Ryakuchü, p. 321; Hirokatsu Teiji, "Shinkyü," in N i h o n r e k i s h i d a i j i t e n 11, pp. 276b c). Göke s h i d a i and Saigüki both indicate that for this annual distribution 150 k o k u of rice were regularly collected from Bizen Province, 50 from Owari, and 50 from K i . During the Retreat (ango; see also 2.4, n. 6), monks and nuns were expected to stay inside their temples or in more secluded quarters and to devote themselves to intense worship and study. Originally, this period of limited outdoor activity may have been intended to prevent them from accidentally stepping on and killing sprouting plants and newly hatched insects proliferating at this time of year (BD l:79c-80c). "Chamberlains of the library" ( F u m i d o n o no h i t o ) were courtiers of the rank of kurödo and below who served in the Kyöshoden, the palace library also known as the " F u m i d o n o " (KGD 6:176c). Göke s h i d a i and Saigüki give examples of the precise distribution of delivery assignments among these officers. This passage bears some resemblance to a quotation in F Y C L ( T 53:886) from Zöichi agongyö, but the exact source has not been identified (Shüsei, pp. 313,477). This passage has not been found in "Hoshakkyö," i.e., Daihöshakkyö. 2

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The Sixth Month 3.22 T H E S E R V I C E OF O N E T H O U S A N D F L O W E R S A T TÖDAIJI 1


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Tödaiji was established by Emperor Shömu. "If the project is carried out under the exclusive auspices of the ruler," he said, "the people of the nation will still suffer great hardships," and so the Council of State issued his edict calling for patronage and distributed it to every province: "Whether it is one tree, or one lump of clay, make your contribution in accordance with your capacities." The compliance of the nation with this edict was like that of grass bending in the wind. At the groundbreaking ceremony, at which the hall's foundations were laid, the emperor began by taking up a spade and digging into the earth. The empress carried the overturned earth in her sleeve. Their ministers and many others participated enthusiastically. The Great Buddha was completed and all the halls and pagodas were finished, but there was no gold anywhere in the land for their decoration. The emperor prayed to the deity Zaö, of "Golden Peak": "We have built a temple and created a Buddha for the sake of all sentient beings in this world, but since there is no gold in our country, we cannot properly complete this cherished project. We have heard that there is gold in the mountain of which you are guardian. We pray that you will let us have some." Zaö responded with this revelation: "The gold in this mountain is to be saved for the future world of Maitreya. I am only its guardian; I cannot give you any. On the banks of the river in Shiga District in Ömi Province lies a stone fished out by an old man many years ago. Make an image of the Wish-granting Kannon, place it on this rock, and worship 3

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The stone was soon found, at what is now the Ishiyama Temple. The image of Kannon was made, and prayers were addressed to it, whereupon the emperor received word that gold had been discovered in Mutsu Province. The era name was immediately changed to "Tenpyö Shöhö." When the temple was dedicated, Gyöki Bosatsu, the abbot Roben, the Brahman Abbot, Buttetsu, the Old Man of Fushimi, the Old Man of Konomoto—all of whom were said to be reincarnations of Buddhas— and many others, natives of this land as well as those who came from 9

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India, all came to assist the emperor. Many strange and wondrous things happened, but they are all described elsewhere, so I will not retell them. You may consult Shoku N i h o n g i and the A n n a l s of Tödaiji} A great many Buddhist rites are observed at this temple every year, and I cannot possibly include them all. In this month, the Service of One Thousand Flowers is held. A great number of lotus flowers are offered to the Buddha. In the sütra it is said: "If you gather flowers and scatter them in the air as an offering to the Buddhas of the Ten Directions, numberless good roots will be implanted." See what it says in Gengukyö: "The monk Pu§padeva was the son of an elder. His physical beauty was without equal. At his birth, many flowers fell out of the sky and filled his parents' house. Delicious foods materialized on their bejeweled floor whenever they wished for them. In a former life he was a poor man. A number of monks came to his village in their wanderings, and he was thrilled to see them. But he became anxious when he thought about what he might offer them, for his house was completely bare. So he went out to a spring amidst the fields and picked some flowers, which he scattered over the monks. He prayed fervently, made a wish, and then withdrew. For ninety-one k a l p a s thereafter he never fell into the Evil Realms. Now he has met the Buddha once again and has become an a r h a t . " And in another sütra it is said: "The monk Vapu§män was born with soft skin and a beautiful countenance. His father and mother rejoiced at the sight of him, and everyone admired and adored him. Long before, he was a man who went inside a stüpa and found a withered flower. It was covered with dust and stained with mud. He picked it up, brushed it off and made it clean again, and then he offered it and withdrew. Through the merit of this act he was born repeatedly thereafter in heaven or in the human realm, and he enjoyed many pleasures in those realms. Then he heard the Buddha's words and became a sage." The reward for scattering flowers on monks was endless; how much more so when they are offered to the Buddha! The effort to save a withered flower yielded very good results; how much more so when the flower is fresh! Utpalavarpä was blessed with a face as lovely as a flower in every one of her rebirths. Lotus flowers sprang up in every one of Mrgära-mäty's footsteps. These were all rewards for offerings of flowers in their former lives. If you seek the blessing of wisdom and wish to contact the Buddhas of the Ten Directions, recite this verse from the K e g o n Sütra: 1

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I scatter these flowers in the Ten Directions, In offering to all the Tathägatas. 18


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And if your inspiration should move you to offer a whole branch of biossoms, recite this verse from the L o t u s Sütra: When your heart is in confusion, Offer up a single flower; You will then see within that flower A l l the countless Buddhas, in succession.

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Notes

Five fragments have been identified. A summary of the text of this section up to a point corresponding to "so I shall not retell them" appears in Tödaiji yöroku, in k a n b u n (see Shüsei, pp. 315-19; Tsutsui, ed., Tödaiji yöroku, p. 45). Shömu is identified as "the Celestial Emperor," A r n e no m i k a d o . In 743 he made a vow to bring about the construction of a large image of Vairocana Buddha, and the Kokubunji of Yamato Province was enlarged to house it. In the first half of this section Tamenori relates some of the events leading up to the dedication of the temple and its great image in 752. See also 3.2. The full text of Shömu's c h i s h i k i m o n of Tenpyö 15.10.15 is in Shoku N i h o n g i ( K S T K 2:175). The notion that the magnitude of contributions should be in line with the donor's fiscal capacities is repeatedly stated in scriptural discussions of religious offerings. The ground-breaking ceremony of 747 is described in an inscription at Tödaiji, the D a i b u t s u d e n h i m o n (Tsutsui, ed., Tödaiji yöroku, pp. 33-35). D a i b u t s u d e n h i m o n gives the tenth month of 749 as the date of the completion of the casting of the image. It was customary to paint images as well as parts of temple buildings with gold leaf. Gold, like most other rare metals, is not found in significant quantities in Japan. The deity Zaö was believed to be the guardian of treasures on Mount Kinpu, also known as "Kane no mitake" ("Golden Peak"); he was also thought to be a Japanese manifestation of the esoteric Buddhist deity Vajrasattva (Zaö g o n g e n ) (BD 2:1420c-31b). The source for Tamenori's quotation of the emperor's supplication cannot be identified. It may be from a lost work. S h o j i e n g i shü contains similar lines ( D N B Z 118:31a); Tödaiji yöroku quotes Sanböe for this material (Shüsei, p. 478). In this Sonographic form ( N y o i r i n K a n n o n ) , the Bodhisattva is shown holding the "wish-granting jewel" ( n y o i höshu; see 1.4, n. 5) in one 2

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hand and the wheel of the Law (hörin) in the other. It is believed that the Bodhisattva responds particularly to prayers for longevity, safe childbirth, and the avoidance of natural disasters (BD 5:4133c 35c). Ishiyamadera (in modern Ötsu-shi) was founded in 762 by Roben. A t this time, Mutsu was a vast province comprising most of the northeast coast of Honshu. The provincial governor sent nine ryö of gold to the capital in the fourth month of 749 (Mayuzumi Hiromichi, ed., Nenpyö N i h o n r e k i s h i 1, p. 152). Until this time, era names consisted of only two auspicious characters. In celebration of the discovery of gold in 749, Kanpö ("treasure received") was added to the era name already in use, Tenpyö; later that year, this was changed again to Tenpyö Shöhö ("excellent treasure"). T h e dedication took place in the fourth month of 752. On the legend of Gyöki's attendance and his revelation as an incarnation of Manjusii, see 2.3. Roben (689-773) was Shömu's preceptor, a leading participant in the drive for the construction of Tödaiji, and its first Bettö. He was also responsible for increasing the prominence of the Kegon school at this time. He was appointed Söjö in 773. It was said that he was a reincarnation of Maitreya (Tsutsui, ed., Tödaiji yöroku, p. 30; Nakao, N i h o n meisö j i t e n , pp. 188-90). The "Brahman Abbot" is Bodhisena; see 2.3 about his revelation as a reincarnation of Samantabhadra. Buttetsu was a monk of Annamese (Vietnamese) origin who came to Japan with Bodhisena in 736 and taught Sanskrit at Daianji. His contributions to the Tödaiji dedication ceremony include a set of musical pieces called rin'yügaku, probably of Southeast Asian origin. These contributions are mentioned in D a i a n j i b o d a i d e n r a i k i , a work quoted in Tödaiji yöroku (Tsutsui, ed., pp. 54-55). "The Old Man of Fushimi" ( F u s h i m i no o k i n a ) is also the subject of a story in D a i a n j i b o d a i d e n r a i k i . An old man lay motionless and silent for three years on a hillside near Sugawaradera, at Fushimi, in Nara. He was thought insane; occasionally he was seen to lift his head slightly and to gaze eastward. At a festive reception for Gyöki and Bodhisena at Sugawaradera in 736, this mysterious man joined in the dancing. Bodhisena identified him as an attendant who had served him in India. His eastward glances were interpreted as omens for the Tödaiji construetion, which was begun a few years later (see also Genkö shakusho, K S T K 31:224-25). "The Old Man of Konomoto" ( K o n o m o t o no o k i n a ) is identified with the mysterious old man who appeared before the Tödaiji on the morning of the dedication ceremony with a sack full of mackerel and, in accordance with a revelation in the emperor's dream the previous night, was designated chief lecturer for the service. After the service, the mackerel, given in offering, were found to have turned into the eighty fascicles of the K e g o n Sütra (see also K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 12.7, 8

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N K B Z 21:226-27). Note the resemblance of this legend to the plots of 2.1 (the beggar appointed lecturer) and 2.16 (the fish transformed into a sütra). T h e Shoku N i h o n g i record of the dedication is generally confined to factual information ( K S T K 2:213-14). The "Annals of Tödaiji" (Tödaiji no k i m o n ) mentioned here cannot be precisely identified. No such work is included or mentioned in Tödaiji yöroku, which was compiled in the early twelfth century, but other texts therein describe the various miracles in detail. According to the list of annual rites in Tödaiji yöroku, a "Service of One Thousand Flowers" (Senke e) was regularly observed on the twenty-third day of the sixth month in the Kensakudö. On the fourteenth day of the same month, Tödaiji observed a Service of Ten Thousand Flowers ( M a n k e e) on an even grander scale. The source of the quotation has not been identified. Yamada suggested that it may be from a text specially prepared for reading at the Senke e itself, now lost (Ryakuchü, p. 340). T h e story of Pu§padeva ( K e t e n b i k u ) in Gengukyö (Τ 4:359a-b) is greatly abbreviated here to emphasize the element of the flower offering and of the merit it produces. 15 The story of Vapu^män ( I t o k u b i k u ) comes from Senjü hyakuengyö (Τ 4:235b-c). Like the previous story, it has been abbreviated to emphasize the element of the flower offering. Vapu$män was a disciple of Säkyamuni (KMJ 737b). Here, Utpalavarnä is called K e s h i k i no n y o n i n " ("the woman who was the color of the flower") (see "General Preface," n. 14; 3.13, n. 11). According to two related stories in Zöhözökyö, M^gära-mätf (Rokumo b u n i n ) was the child of a female deer who drank an ascetic's urine and subsequently gave birth to a beautiful human child. Wherever the girl went, lotus flowers sprang up in her tracks. In a previous life, it seems, she had scattered lotus petals over a pratyekabuddha, and this was her reward. In the first Zöhözökyö version she is called Renge b u n i n , Rokunyo b u n i n in the second, and in the latter she is the mother of a thousand lotus flowers that turn into valiant soldiers (T 4:451-53c). The second version is quoted i n t o t o in F Y C L ( T 53:488c-89c). There are a number of variants on this story; see BD 5:5060-61; K M J 772-74a; Chavannes' translation, 1, pp. 80-84; 3, pp. 1-12. The Zöhözökyö stories are also the basis for K o n j a k u m o n o g a t a r i shü 5, pp. 5-6 ( N K B T 22:35256). The verse, from the sixth fascicle of the sütra (Τ 9:435a), also appears in F Y C L (T 53:583b c). 19 The verse is from the second chapter of the sütra (Τ 9:9a). 11

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The Seventh Month 3.23 T H E M A N J U S R I S E R V I C E (Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

The Manjusri Service originated in the inspiration of monks, and now it is sponsored by the government. The [posthumously entitled] Zösöjö Gonsö and the monk Taizen of Gangöji conducted it in many villages and districts throughout the provinces of the capital region, gathering rice and greens and offering them to the poor. This practice is based on the text of the M o n j u hatsunehangyö: "Any sentient being who hears the name of Manjusri shall be freed from the sufferings of twelve hundred million k a l p a s of life and death; and if he undertakes to make an offering, Manjusri will immediately manifest himself and appear before him in the guise of a starving beggar, an orphan, or an invalid. After Gonsö's death, Taizen tried to continue this practice on his own, though doing so only increased his grief for Gonsö. With the support of the Ecclesiastical Bureau, he petitioned the government, and on the twenty-fifth day of the second month of the fifth year of the Tenchö era [828], a lengthy decree in several sections was issued. It provided for annual observance of the service in the capital and in each province of the seven regions, on the eighth day of this month. The grant of rice to be made in each province is specified. The governor and district administrators are allowed to add more when the farmers of their districts can manage it. A l l arrangements are made through the cooperation of the lecturers and readers with the governors. In the capital, rice and salt are presented by each governor. Cash contributions are collected from imperial princes and other members of the nobility, as well as all the governors. Beggars are gathered in the Töji and Saiji. First, a monk administers the Three Refuges and the Five Precepts, and then he leads the congregation in singing the praises of Bhai§ajyaguru and Manjusri. Each governor leads a separate group of beggars through these rites. No government can use its might to make its people offer charity, but, as it says in the Zöhöketsugikyö: "Rather than practice charity by yourself throughout your life, you would do better to encourage your comrades to join you and to have each one contribute his small portion of the whole and present it all at once to the poor, the aged, and the sick. The merit from this will be far, far greater." 1

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Some of the beggars present may be avatars of the Buddhas and Sages of the Ten Directions; therefore, they are not to be looked down upon. A l l are reincarnations of fathers and mothers of previous ages; therefore, they must be shown compassion. That is why the Buddha Säkyamuni called such persons "a field of merit," and that is why Vimalaklrti distributed his jewels among them. In the Ubasokukaikyö it is said: "As long as there are poor people, let no one say he cannot be charitable. Even the poorest people in the world must eat a small amount of food each day. Among all the poor, beggars should be singled out for special charity." And in the Sütra o n R e w a r d s it is said: "The giving of food generates five kinds of merit, all at the same time. The first is in the giving of life, because if people cannot eat they die. The second is in the giving of color, because if people do not eat they become pale. The third is in the giving of strength, because if people do not eat they grow weak. The fourth is in the giving of contentment, because if people do not eat they cannot feel content. The fifth is in the giving of speech, because if people do not eat they do not have the strength to speak. Therefore, for giving food you will receive the rewards of long life, exceptional strength, splendid color, a luxuriant body, and marvellous speech." In the Agongyö it is said: "He who has a happy youth but suffers in old age does so because, in a former life, he generated merit while he was young but committed sins when he grew old. He who suffers when young but has a pleasant old age does so because, in his former life, he committed sins when he was young but generated merit when he grew old." I have known people in this world who flourished at one time but declined at another; it seemed to me that they were two completely different people. But now, having heard the teachings of the Buddha, I know that this was determined in their own hearts in their former lives. You, with your healthy, rosy cheeks would do well to learn this lesson, and you, with your tousled gray hairs and grizzled faces—you listen, too! If someone comes to your gate and begs for food, do not fail to give him something. If you see a sick person lying in the road, you must do your best to care for h i m . The Buddha has discussed the rewards for these deeds at length. Just look at what happened to Sudatta, and to Jyotiska. 9

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Tamenori focuses on the observance in the capital, which was centered at Saiji and Töji (see below). On Gonsö, see 2.18. The honorary title of Söjö was conferred shortly after his death. Very little is known about Taizen other than his association with Gonsö and the M o n j u e . In an entry for the seventh month of Tenchö 10 (833) in Shoku N i h o n köki he is named as the leader of the M o n j u e in the capital, and the noble families supporting the rite are also named ( K S T K 3:14). In the decree of 828 (see below, n. 4) he is identified as a monk of Gangöji. (Taizen is not to be confused with another monk of the same name who founded Kokugenji in Izumi Province and whose biography appears in Honchö kösöden.) M o n j u hatsunehangyö (i.e., M o n j u s h i r i hatsunehangyö) is a very short sütra in which Säkyamuni describes Manjusri's activities in the future, following his attainment of n i r v a n a . This passage ( T 14:481a b) is also quoted at greater length in the decree of 828 (see n. 4); Tamenori's abbreviated quotation is probably based upon this document. This scriptural passage may be the basis of a number of stories in which beggars are identified as manifestations of Manjusri, one instance of which occurs in some biographies of Köya (see Hori Ichirö, Köya, pp. 40-43). The decree, in Ruijü s a n d a i k y a k u ( K S T K 25:53-54), is an act of the Council of State. One village per district was to be designated as the site of the service; in the capital, Töji and Saiji (see n. 6) were so designated. On the "Seven Regions," see 3.1, n. 4. The original decree specifically called for joint planning between the civil governors and the lecturers (köshi) and readers ( d o k u s h i ) . These two temples stood at the right and left of the southern gate to the capital at Kujö, the southernmost east-west avenue. The designations "East Temple" and "West Temple" are informal; both temples had several formal names during their long histories. The construction of both was completed in about 796. As the Shingon center in the capital after 823, Töji prospered and greatly overshadowed Saiji in historical importance (BD 2:1410b-lla; Kyöto-shi, ed., K y o t o no r e k i s h i 1, p. 366). O n the "Three Refuges and Five Precepts," see 2.13, n. 3. The decree for the M o n j u e specified that these should be administered to the participants. Bhai§ajyaguru is probably invoked here as the eurer of the sick. 3

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Zöhöketsugikyö is a spurious work, but Chih-i referred to it in several treatises, and it was still used in the Tendai in Tamenori's time ( B S K D 7:57a-b). This quotation closely follows the original text ( T 85:1336b).


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O n "a field of merit" ( f u k u d e n ) , see "Preface to the Third Volume," n. 3. The poor are so designated in the section of the Zöhöketsugikyö cited above. On Vimalaklrti (here, Jömyö), see 3.28. He was known for his generosity as well as his wisdom and rhetorical skills. The dispensing of his k e y u r a is described at the end of the fourth chapter of the V i m a l a k l r t i Sütra (Τ 14:544a). 10 The sütra describes the ideal life of the religious layman. Tamenori's quotation is close to the text of the original (T 24:1056a), which is quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:888a). The "Sütra on Rewards" (Fukuhökyö, i.e., Bussetsu j i k i s e g y a k u gofukuhökyö, Τ 2:854c-55a) is a very short work quoted in its entirety in F Y C L (T 53:611b). Tamenori gives a summary. 12 The quotation is from Zöichi agongyö (Τ 2:655c). Tamenori paraphrases the original passage. 13 Tamenori uses a poetic figure, k a s h i r a no yomogi s h i r o k i tomogara, to refer to elderly people with unruly white hair. 14 This is perhaps a reference to the story of Prince Shötoku's encounter with the beggar on Kataokayama (see 2.1). Sudatta (Shudatsu) is another name for Anäthapipcjada, donor of the Jetavana garden. A passage in Zöhözökyö quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:714a) tells how he gave away all his wealth at his death and was duly rewarded in his future lives. Jyoti§ka ( J u d a i , i.e., J u d a i g a ) was a wise and wealthy elder of the city of Campä; his birth as such was a reward for his generosity in former lives, according to Judaigakyö, quoted in F Y C L (T 53:711b). 11

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3.24 T H E R I T E FOR T H E D E A D [AND T H E CONFESSION] 1 ο


The Rite of the Dead was initiated in the age when the Buddha was in this world. In the U r a b o n Sütra it is said: "When Maudgalyäyana attained the Six Supernatural Faculties and wanted to try to save his father and mother, to repay his obligation to them for having raised him, he discovered that his mother had been reborn in the Realm of Hungry Ghosts, where she suffered perpetual starvation. There was little left of her but skin hanging on bones. Grieving and weeping, Maudgalyäyana filled a bowl with rice and took it to her. She clutched the rice in her left hand, picked up a tiny bit of it with her right hand, and was about to eat it, but before she could put it in her mouth it turned to fire and then into cinders, so she could not eat it. "Lamenting and grieving, Maudgalyäyana reported this to the Buddha, who said, 'Your mother's sins are very great. You cannot save her through your own efforts. On the fifteenth day of the seventh month, prepare a hundred delicacies and the Five Fruits and many other good things, put them on trays, and offer them to the Buddhas of the Ten Directions. On that day, all the Srävakas and Pratyekabuddhas and Bodhisattvas of the Ten Stages who have already sought and attained those states will temporarily appear in the guise of monks, and they will come and take the food. If you make this offering to these monks while they are holding confession, your own father and mother in this life and in seven other lives will escape the sufferings of the Evil Realms.' "On that day, Maudgalyäyana's mother was saved from one k a l p a of suffering as a Hungry Ghost. Maudgalyäyana told the Buddha, ' M y mother was saved through the power of the Three Jewels. What if all your disciples in future worlds were to do this, too?' "The Buddha said, 'Let monks and nuns, kings and princes, prime ministers and counselors, chamberlains and officers and all the common people and all those who practice filial piety observe a day of rejoicing on this day when monks make their confession, and let them prepare delicacies, place them in trays, and offer them to monks. Let them pray that their parents in this life may live for one hundred years without illness, that their fathers and mothers in seven other lives may be freed from the sufferings of Hungry Ghosts, and that they may be granted the pleasures of life in the Heavens. Those who cultivate filial piety must 3

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reflect upon it day after day, and obligations must be repaid year after year. On this basis, this practice was observed in India and in China as well. It is observed by the government as well as the private citizenry of Japan. See what the Buddha says in Shinjikangyö: "People commit many sins on account of their children. They fall into the Three E v i l Realms and suffer there at length. If their child is not a sage, and has no superhuman powers, he will not see their reincarnated state and will not know how to repay his obligations. But if at some time that child should remember these instructions and should generate merit in this way, then a great golden light will shine into Hell, and from the midst of this light a voice will call out to that father and mother and help them to remember their former sins. One instance of repentance in their hearts will erase all those sins and free them from their punishments." The feelings of a parent for a child are especially deep, but the feelings of a child who leads his parent out of Hell on this day can be no less extraordinary! The Retreat ends on this day, and so the monks hold confession. The courtyards before their halls are swept clean, and the monks gather at the center of the grounds. They seat themselves in order of seniority and conduct themselves in accordance with instructions set forth in the Vinaya. Some people prepare offerings and present them to the seated monks at this time; among them are whittled willow twigs. In the V i n a y a it says: "Monks are permitted to use willow toothpicks. This has Five Benefits." Some come with packages of magnolia bark, dried ginger, and myrobalan. In Fuhözökyö it is said: "Long ago, Bakkula met a monk who had pains in his head. He gave him one myrobalan. For ninety-one k a l p a s thereafter he received good rebirths and experienced many pleasures, and in this life he lived one hundred and sixty years without ever falling i l l . " There are also those who prepared offerings of paper, ink, and brushes. In Daijikkyö it is said: "If you make an offering of paper, ink, and brushes to a monk, thereby enabling him to copy the sütras, you will attain great wisdom." There are also those who give fans. In Shöbönengyö it is said: "When you see a monk, spread a fan over him and let him chant the sütras. At the end of your life you will be reborn in the 'Heaven Where the Winds Blow/ where wonderful perfumes are wafted in the air and unsurpassable pleasures abound." The rewards for any act of giving are neither slight nor few, but among the many kinds of giving, charity to monks generates the most excellent kind of merit. ,

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Notes

Both texts, as well as the Közanji text for this section (see below) have this note (jishi ο k u w a e t e ) following the section title, but the Maeda-ke bon has an incorrect character for the -shi of j i s h i (see Shüsei, p. 325). There is, in addition, the so-called Közanji bon, a full text for this section in mixed script (see Shüsei, pp. 327-29; Kobayashi Yoshimi, "Közanjizö Sanböe shishö itsubun," K a m a k u r a j i d a i g o kenkyü 1 [March, 1978]). The name of the "Rite for the Dead," u r a b o n , is said to have been derived from Sanskrit u l l a m b a n a . These rites are traditionally performed in the middle of the seventh month to earn merit for the souls of departed parents and ancestors. The rites certainly do have scriptural and historical precedent in India, but the festival, as observed in China and Japan, displays many elements that are accretions from Taoism and the folk religions of both countries (see Fujii Masao, "Urabon to minzoku," in Köza N i h o n no minzoku shükyö 2, Bukkyö minzoku, pp. 121-42). Tamenori's claim that the rite originated in Säkyamuni's time is supported by his scriptural citations, which follow. Urabongyö is a very short sütra (Τ 16:779a-c); Tamenori's paraphrase is a summary of the whole. On Maudgalyäyana, see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 5. On the "Six Supernatural Faculties," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3. On "Hungry Ghosts," see 1.2, n. 3. Beings reborn in this hell are punished for their sins with insatiable hunger and thirst. When they do find something to eat it turns into flames and burns before they can swallow it. The "Five Fruits" are (1) "fruits with pits" (jujubes, apricots), (2) "fruits with edible skins" (pears, plums), (3) "fruits with hard shells and soft centers" (walnuts, pomegranates), (4) "fruits with rough shells" (pine nuts, acorns), and (5) "curved fruit" (beans) (BGD 1:356). The use of the character bon as an abbreviation for the transliteration of u l l a m b a n a in the sütra passage has perhaps led to this traditional misinterpretation, "on trays"; "gather them at the time of u l l a m b a n a " may be the original intent (Ryakuchü, p. 352). The "Bodhisattvas of the Ten Stages" (jüji no bosatsu) are those who have reached stages 41 through 50 of the 51 progressive stages toward enlightenment. They experience (1) perfect joy and (2) purity; they (3) emit bright light and (4) shine with wisdom; (5) ignorance is overcome; (6) they see all their former incarnations; (7) they leave the mundane world and the two lesser vehicles (i.e., srävaka and 2

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pratyekabuddha) far behind; (8) they are immovable (there is no backsliding); (9) they have the capacity to preach all doctrines; and (10) they spread their wisdom throughout the universe "like sweet rain falling from the clouds" (BGD l:654b c). The word for "confession," j i s h i , is a translation of Sanskrit prauärana. The three month period of retreat ends on the fifteenth day of the seventh month. Monks and nuns then convene and confess any violations of their vows that may have been committed during the retreat (BGD l:552d). An example of a manual for the conduct of j i s h i is included in Tödaiji yöroku (Tsutsui, ed., Tödaiji yöroku, pp. 337-40). The word used here for the "Three Evil Realms," sanzu, is a synonym for san'akudö (see 1.2, n. 3). According to C h i n g - c h ' u s u i - s h i h c h i , a description of customs and annual events in the state of Ch'u in the sixth century, by Tsung L i n , the first observance of a Buddhist rite for the dead probably occurred around 538 (Moriya Mitsuo, ed., K e i s o s a i j i k i , pp. 159-64). Ennin's diary mentions an observance at the Tu t'o-ssu temple in 840 (Reischauer, tr., D i a r y : The R e c o r d of a P i l g r i m a g e to C h i n a in Search of the L a w , p. 268). The earliest recorded observance in Japan occurred during the reign of Saimei, in 657 ( N K B T 68:187, n. 19). Shömu gave the annual observance an official basis in 735 (BGD 1:90). For additional descriptions of Heian-period observances, see Ikeda Kikan, H e i a n j i d a i no bungaku t o seikatsu, pp. 576-78. Tamenori closely paraphrases a verse passage from a section of Shinjikangyö on the "repayment of obligations" (T 3:302b). "In order of seniority" is rö no t s u i d e . Rö refers to a year-end festival of worship of ancestral gods. Hörö is a term for the number of years (i.e., year-end festivals) passed since a monk's or nun's entry into the order, and the basis for determining seniority (BGD 2:1448). Willow twigs were one of the eighteen items of property permitted a monk; they are also included among the approved implements of the bath in 3.4. Jüjuritsu (Τ 23:413c), quoted in F Y C L (T 53:1016b) lists "five benefits": removal of bad tastes from the mouth, removal of bad odors, avoidance of colds, avoidance of fevers, and prevention of respiratory disorders. 13 "Magnolia bark" ( h o h o no k a w a , from hoho no k i , i.e., m a g n o l i a h y p o l e u c a ) was brewed and taken as an antidote for colds, headaches, and nervous disorders (KGD 18:97a). The treatment of a mental disorder with magnolia bark tea is mentioned in E i g a m o n o g a t a r i . (It was not successful [NKBT 75:148; McCullough and McCullough, tr., A Tale of F l o w e r i n g Fortunes 1, p. 174].) Dried ginger (kankö) was also used in herbal medicine. M y r o b a l a n ( k a r i r o k u , from Sanskrit h a r i t a k i , i.e., t e r m i n a l i a c h e b u l a Petzius) is the fruit of a large deciduous tree 7

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found in China and Southeast Asia. Its medicinal use is said to have been introduced to Japan by Ganjin. The fruit is oval shaped and the size of a date. It is very high in tannin and is eaten to regulate the bowels (KGD 5:240d 41a; Watanabe, "Ganjin Wajö shörai no yakuhin," in G a n j i n Wajö, pp. 138-40). The quotation is an abbreviation of a passage in Fuhözökyö (Τ 50:308a b) and also in F Y C L (T 53:615b). The name Bakkula (Hakkura) appears in several other forms. He was one of Säkyamuni's disciples (BD 5:4191b 92a; Edgerton, B u d d h i s t H y b r i d S a n s k r i t G r a m m a r a n d D i c t i o n a r y 2, p. 397a). Daijikkyö (i.e., Daihödö daijikkyö, Τ 13:206c) lists paper, ink, and brushes as one of four kinds of ideal gift (also in F Y C L , Τ 53:886a). Tamenori abbreviates the passage in Shöbönengyö (i.e., Shöbönenjogyö, Τ 17:131a; also in F Y C L , Τ 53:542b). The name "Heaven Where the Winds Blow" (fügyöten) appears in the sütra, but I have not found any other uses of this name. 14

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The Eighth Month 3.25 T H E CONTINUOUS N E N B U T S U ON H I E (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

The Nenbutsu was introduced from China and practiced here first by Master Jikaku in the seventh year of the Jögan era [865]. Among the four types of meditation, this is the one called "continuous moving meditation. When the cool mid-autumn wind is blowing and the clear mid-month moon is shining, the meditation is begun at dawn, on the eleventh day of the eighth month, and it continues without interruption until the seventeenth. The two thousand monks of the monastery are divided into four watches. Their bodies constantly circle the Buddha, and all the sins of the body are negated. Their mouths constantly chant the sütra, and all the transgressions of speech disappear. Their minds constantly contemplate the Buddha, and all confusion comes to an end. In the Amidakyö it is said: "Any devout man or woman who is inspired with faith, remembers the name of Amida Buddha, and meditates upon it intensely for one day, two days, three days, or as many as seven days shall not falter even in the last moment before death, but shall immediately be reborn in Paradise." The seven-day length of this rite is based upon this passage. Now, this Buddha made a great vow for the sake of all sentient beings on this earth. The sentient beings of this earth have a great affinity with this Buddha. At the sound of one utterance of his name, sins from eighty billion k a l p a s of former life will be erased, and you will be reborn in that land where your outstretched arms can reach beyond the boundaries of a million billion lands. Those who want to reach the 1

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Pure Land must despise this world and pray for that one. Whether you are standing or sitting, despise your body for all its sufferings. Whether you are asleep or awake, pray for the joys of that other world. In the morning, when you see the lovely flowers of spring, you should yearn for the beauty of the Grove of Seven Rows, and in the evening, when you hear the autumn wind, you should imagine the sound of the rippling Waters of the Eight Good Qualities. At the end of each day let your heart follow the setting sun into the west. There is no doubt about the good effect of good intentions acted upon for one day or one instant. Trust in this, and even punishments for the Five Transgressions will be cancelled, and you will surely be reborn there. 9

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According to Ennin's biography ( J i k a k u D a i s h i den; see 3.16, n. 2), he introduced the monks of Hieizan to the techniques for meditating on Amida that he had learned at Wu t'ai in 851 (ZGR 8:693). The Jögyö zanmaidö at Enryakuji became a center for these practices. At Ennin's death in the first month of 864, he expressed the particular wish that the "continuous nenbutsu" (fudan n e n b u t s u ) , one of the forms of meditation that he had emphasized, be carried on without cessation. In the eighth month of 865, Söö (831-918), who had been one of his closest disciples, began an annual observance of the f u d a n nenbutsu in Ennin's memory. Tamenori appears to have confused the two dates. O n the "four types of meditation," see 3.3, n. 17. The "continuous moving meditation" (jögyö z a n m a i ) consists of up to ninety days of continuous circumambulation of an image of Amida while chanting his name and mentally contemplating his Pure Land or his thirty Buddha marks. The result of proper practice, as outlined by Chih i in M o - h o c h i h - k u a n , is visualization of Amida himself. It is said that Ennin taught a meditation technique that involved musical chanting according to a score he had learned in China (BD 2:1834a 35a, 3:2596-70c). The phrase mentioning the division into "watches" ( b a n ) appears only in the Maeda-ke bon (Shüsei, p. 332). A note in the Töji Kanchiin bon (apparently a copyist's) says that monks representing the three factions on Hie (Tötö, Saitö, and Yokawa) each practiced the meditation for one week, totaling three weeks of observance, although in China it was literally practiced for three continuous weeks. In each watch of 500 monks were approximately 166 monks from each faction; they were divided further into rotating groups, so that at any one time during the period of observance thirteen of fourteen monks would actually be engaged in the meditation. This system is described in Öe Masafusa's account of the origins of the f u d a n nenbutsu at Iwashimizu ( I w a s h i m i z u f u d a n nenbutsu e n g i , dated 1070; see Takahashi Keizö, ed., I w a s h i m i z u Hachimangü shiryö sösho 2, pp. 41-43 or GR 15:63-64; Ryakuchü, p. 356). The Iwashimizu f u d a n nenbutsu was introduced by monks of the Saitö faction. Many sütras prescribe practices designed to purify and harmonize the body, the mouth, and the mind (i.e., the physical person, his expressive faculties, and his mental faculties) simultaneously (shingoigyö). Chih-i incorporated this concept into the jögyö z a n m a i , in which the movement of the body, the words spoken, and the images contemplated in the mind all focus upon Amida. The similarity of this analysis to the 2

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esoteric concept of harmonizing the body, the voice, and the mind to achieve instantaneous enlightenment has been noted by many scholars. This is a slightly abbreviated and edited version of the original passage (T 12:347b). For example, the phrase "inspired with good faith" is an addition. "Shall not falter" (tendö sezu, literally "without a falling backward of the mind") and the term for "meditate intensely" ( i s s h i n f u r a n ) are used here just as they appear in the sütra. The term "great vow" ( d a i s e i g a n ) refers to Amida's promise to save all sentient beings. In some later interpretations of Pure Land thought, the term refers specifically to his forty-eight vows (the conditions for his final acceptance of Buddhahood) as a group (BGD 2:923a; B D 3:2891b c). "A great affinity" is d a i i n n e n . The idea is that there is a relationship of mutual cause and effect between the sufferings of sentient beings and Amida's very existence in this world; the sufferings of these beings motivate him to strive for them and to create his Pure Land for their sake. Other technical terms in Pure Land parlance refer to this idea; Tamenori uses this one to create a balance with d a i s e i g a n . A couplet in the verse-preface to Kanmuryöjukyö says that eighty billion kalpas of sin are erased by one utterance of Amida's name ( T 12:340c). The latter half of this sentence is slightly less close to the line in Amidakyö, on which it appears to be based; the original reads "A million billion Buddha-lands to the west of here is a land called Paradise'" (T 12:346c). T h i s sentence uses the same terms as those in the formulaic exhortation "Despise and reject this corrupt world; pray that you may attain the Pure Land" ( o n r i e d o gongujödo); this phrase is particularly familiar from its use in Genshin's Öjöyöshü (NST 6:10-11). One of the features of Amida's Pure Land is a grove of trees in seven rows (shichijü no h a y a s h i ) adorned with fabulous jewels and stones (Amidakyö, Τ 12:346c). The Pure Land also has waters with eight ideal characteristics ( h a c h i k u no n a m i ) : sweetness, coolness, softness, lightness, purity, fragrance, gentleness in the throat, and gentleness in the stomach (T 12:347c). 10 Amida's Pure Land lies in the west. 11 O n the "Five Transgressions," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 6. The Maeda-ke and Töji Kanchiin texts differ in the wording of this last sentence, which is slightly vague in both cases. The idea that even the worst kind of criminal will be saved if he has faith in Amida is fundamental Pure Land doctrine. 5

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3.26 T H E L I B E R A T I O N OF A N I M A L S AT Y A H A T A (Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

The Great Bodhisattva of Yahata was originally our nation's Sage Emperor. In the Decree of the Council of the tenth year of the Könin era [819] it says: "The High Priest Ömiwa Kiyomaro submitted a petition, to wit: 'This Great Bodhisattva is the Honda Emperor. Long ago, during the reign of Emperor Kinmei, he made his first appearance, and his shrine was established on the peak of M a k i in Usa District in Buzen Province. Later it was moved to Mount Ogura in Hishikata. This is the present Usa Shrine. In the third year of the Tenpyö era [731], in response to a divine pronouncement, the government made an offering of ritual papers.'" And in the old chronicle submitted by the Kachi clan of Karashima it says: "The Yahata Trinity was first called ' H i r o h a t a no Y a h a t a Daimyöjin. It is now called ' G o k o k u Reigen I r i k i J i n z u Daijizaiö Bosatsu.' In the fourth year of the Yörö era [720] there was a revolt in Ösumi and Hyüga provinces. In response to prayers, the great deity joined the troops of the government when they faced the enemy, and the Priestess Karashima no Kachi Hazume also served. Once the enemy had been attacked and overcome, the deity returned to the shrine." Then, in an oracle, the deity said, "Many of the Hayato have been slain. To counteract this sin, a service for liberating animals should be held each year." On this basis, seashores and river banks in various provinces were chosen as the site for the performance of this auspicious ritual, the Liberation of Animals. Monks, laymen, and shrine officials of the province of Yamashiro buy a great many fish that fishermen and others who make their living from the sea are about to kill. Then the monks chant spells and prayers and return the fish to the water. As the Buddha said, there are no sentient beings that do not cling to life. Their forms may vary, but the pains of the flesh are shared by all. In Bonmökyö it is said: "Cultivate compassion, and set living creatures free. A l l sentient beings of the Six Realms are our fathers and mothers from former lives. If you kill them and eat them, you are killing and eating your fathers and mothers. For this reason, always liberate living things. If you see someone about to kill a dumb beast, you should use some expedient means to save that animal." And in Rokudojikkyö it is said: "Long ago, there was a man who went to market and saw someone selling a turtle. He asked how much it cost, and paid an exhorbitant price for it. He carried off his purchase 1

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and released it in a stream, and as he watched it swim away, he was filled with both joy and pity. Later, in the night, this turtle came knocking at his door. In amazement, the man went out to have a look, and the turtle said, Ί have been thinking about my debt to you for rescuing me and setting me free. But there is no way to repay you. AU I can do is tell you what I know: a great flood is about to occur. Prepare your boats immediately/ The next morning the man went to the gate of the palace and asked that the king be informed of this. Since this man was known for his wisdom, the king took his advice and moved to high ground, whereupon the flood waters burst forth. Later, the king made the man prime minister. He led him by hand into the palace, and they sat next to one another and held discourse on the Way." 7 In Zöhözökyö it is said: "Long ago there was an a r h a t . He had an acolyte as his servant. One day he looked at the acolyte and realized that the boy would die in seven days, so he released him from service. On his way home the boy saw an army of baby ants caught in a stream, about to perish, and he was very upset. He took off his cloak, filled it with mud, and dammed the stream with it. He scooped up the baby ants and set them on higher, dry ground. A l l of them were saved. Seven days later he returned to his former place of service. His master, the a r h a t , was amazed. He entered meditation and found that there was nothing more to worry about. He realized that the power gained through the rescue of the ants had served to extend the acolyte's own life as well." If you want to make spiritual advancement, practice the liberation of animals; the purchase of the turtle certainly yielded its reward. Those who want to ensure long lives for themselves should practice the liberation of the living; they can be sure of the same power that was attained by the boy who rescued the ants. 8

Notes

This sentence identifies the chief deity of the Yahata (or Yawata) Shrine at Usa, in Kyüshü, as " H i j i r i no m i k a d o , " i.e., the semihistorical Emperor Öjin. His description as a "Great Bodhisattva" ( d a i b o s a t s u ) is an early application of the h o n j i s u i j a k u doctrine (identifying native deities as manifestations of Buddhist ones). According to N i h o n shoki, Öjin was the son of Emperor Chüai. Öjin's mother Jingü Kögö ruled as regent from Chüai's death in 201 until her own death in 269; Öjin then ruled from 270 to 310. His tomb is at Honda in Habikino City, Ösaka-fu (KJJ 2:316-17; N K B T 68:340, 362-63). Tamenori's account of the early history of the shrine and its ritual "liberation of animals" (höjöe) closely

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resembles the undated Höjöe engi in the records of the Iwashimizu Hachimangü Shrine (a branch of the Usa Shrine), which quotes the same documents as Tamenori does (Iwashimizu Hachimangü Shamusho, ed., I w a s h i m i z u Hachimangü shiryö sösho 2, pp. 102-3). The decree is quoted in the Höjöe engi (see above); it does not appear in the official collections of such decrees. The name of the high priest ( K a n n u s h i ) , Ömiwa Kiyomaro, appears in a slightly different form in a decree issued at Dazaifu in 821 (Takeuchi Rizö, ed., D a z a i f u , D a z a i f u Tenmangü shiryö 1, p. 322). Members of the Ömiwa family hereditarily served as priests at Usa. "The Honda Emperor" refers to Öjin (see η. 1, above). Emperor Kinmei's rule is believed to have begun in 531; N i h o n shoki gives 570 as the year of his death. The site of the present Usa shrine was apparently once called " M a k i no mine." Three peaks near Usa are known as "Hishigatayama" because of their resemblance to the triform leaf of the plant of that name; one of these is Ogurayama ( K a d o k a w a N i h o n c h i m e i d a i j i t e n 44, O i t a - k e n , p. 688). The nature of the "divine pronouncement" is not recorded, but it would seem to have been some kind of oracle. "Ritual papers" (gohei) are a typical Shinto offering; strips of white or colored paper (or cloth) are tied to a bamboo or wooden stand and placed upon an altar (Ono Sokyö, "Heihaku," in Shinto j i t e n , pp. 549b 50b). The work referred to as "the old chronicle" ( k o k i ) does not survive, but it is quoted in the Höjöe engi. "Karashima" is a place-name in Usa; the "Kachi" clan may have been of Korean origin, and its members appear in Usa Shrine records as hereditary patrons (KJJ 2:559a-b). The "Yahata Trinity" ( Y a h a t a sansho) includes Öjin, Jingü Kögö, and Chüai (see η. 1). The Buddhist name of the deity means, roughly, a Bodhisattva who employs the power of Buddhism to protect the state. The revolt described here is recorded in S h o k u N i h o n g i ( K S T K 2:79-81), but no mention is made there of the deity's participation in the struggle. The governor of Ösumi was killed by rebellious members of an ethnic group who inhabited the southern part of Kyüshü. This group, the H a y a t o , had formally submitted to imperial authority at the end of the fifth century; some of them had migrated to the K i n k i region, where they served as palace guards. Ötomo Tabito was sent at the head of an army to quell the rebellion, and he did so after three or four months of fighting (KJJ 2:362-64; Inoue Tatsuo, "Hayato to gütei," in K o d a i no N i h o n 3; Kyüshü, pp. 213-27). This oracle (takusen) is quoted in the Höjöe engi. Since Tamenori describes activities in Yamashiro, he would appear to have the Höjöe of the Iwashimizu Shrine in mind. This shrine was founded at Otokoyama as a branch of the main Usa Shrine in 859, at the request of the monk Gyökyö. A Buddhist temple, Gokokuji, was 2

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attached. These institutions received considerable imperial patronage and were frequently visited by royalty (Nishida Masao, "Iwashimizu Hachimangü,'' in Shinto j i t e n , p. 12). This passage from Bonmökyö is quoted in the Höjöe engi almost exactly as it appears here. The last sentence of Tamenori's version, however, is not in the engi but appears in a quotation of the same passage in F Y C L (T 53:780b). In the case of this quotation, Tamenori's version is almost identical to that in the Höjöe engi. Both are much simpler and shorter than the Rokudojikkyö version (T 3:15a-16a) quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:664b 65a) (see also Chavannes' translation, 1, pp. 87-90). This would suggest either that the engi itself was Tamenori's reference, or that he and the anonymous engi author used the same references (perhaps F Y C L ) . This story is obviously related to that of the young woman and the crab; see 2.13. 6

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3.27 The Anointment Initiation

The Ninth Month 3.27 T H E A N O I N T M E N T INITIATION AT H I E (Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

When we inquire into the origins of this Anointment Initiation, we find that Dengyö Daishi received it when he met Master Shun-hsiao in the fourth month of the twenty-first year of the Chen-yuan era of the T'ang [805] at the Lung-hsing-ssu in [Yueh] Province. In the ninth month of the twenty-fourth year of the Enryaku era [805], having petitioned Emperor Kanmu for permission, he conducted this initiation at Takaodera, in Kiyotaki. The imperial decree stated: "The important teachings of esoteric Buddhism have not yet been introduced to this land. The Ajari has now introduced them. He is qualified to be the teacher to the nation." He assigned an imperial representative to oversee the service and selected master painters to paint the Buddhas. Later, this rite was transferred to Hie, and it is held there as an annual observance of that temple. In the first year of the Kashö era [848], at the request of Jikaku Daishi, the government issued a decree calling for the construction of the Söjiin and an Anointment Initiation Hall, and it has been observed there continuously ever since, as a service to the state. A l l the teachings of the Tathägata are equal, but none leads faster to the attainment of Buddhahood than this one. In order to explain it to you in detail, I asked a monk of Hie to describe it. Initiates into this teaching are anointed upon the head with water, and that is why it is called "the Anointment Initiation." The basis of this practice is that when Bodhisattvas become Buddhas, they are initiated by having water poured upon their heads by the Tathägata. The Taizökai and Kongökai initiations are administered in alternate years. Four persons called "Priestly and Lay Guides" prepare and direct the initiate. Four persons called "Anointers at the Gate" wait for him at the entrance to the temple, and they pour water upon his head. Four persons called "Priestly and Lay Cantors" chant incantations over the anointed one. Two persons called "Blindfolder and Guide" cover the initiate's face with a red cloth and take him by the hand to the platform. Four persons called "Guides in the Throwing of the Flower" hand him the flower and have him throw it on the Buddha images that are painted on the m a n d a l a . Eight persons called "Readers of the Flower Sign" watch the flower as it falls and determine the Buddha thus designated. Four persons called "Designators of 1

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the Secret Name" inform him of the name of the Buddha he has chosen. A D a i a j a r i directs the whole rite. If the Buddha designated is the Buddha Mahävairocana, the initiate is seated on the Lotus Throne and they sing his praises; if the Buddha designated is of another type, they sing his praises accordingly. For this purpose, twenty singers are provided by the government. In addition, the A j a r i provides thirty-four hymn singers. Eight persons called "Bearers of the Tooth-twig" are employed within the hall. The pouring of water upon the head and the throwing of a flower from the hand may seem very simple, but this is a teaching full of mystery, and it is, indeed, a way to become a Buddha. This is also observed at Töji and Hosshöji, where it has been conducted annually for a very long time. Anyone may go to these temples and receive the initiation there; so it is recorded, in the R e g u l a t i o n s . 10

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The subject is the kanjö (a translation of Sanskrit a b h i s e k a , "anointment of the head"), an esoteric ritual of importance in both Tendai and Shingon. Tamenori focuses on the Tendai kanjö; his account of its transmission is based on E i z a n D a i s h i den (Nakao, Josetsu, pp. 401-2; see also Groner, Saichö, pp. 52-61). Shun-hsiao (Junkyö) took Saichö and his companion Gishin into the mountains northeast of the Lung-hsing-ssu and initiated both of them in a private chapel. O n Takaodera, see also 3.12. According to E i z a n D a i s h i den, Saichö asked permission to perform the kanjö on the twenty-fourth day of the eighth month, received permission on the first day of the ninth month, and performed the rite on the sixteenth. Eight monks, including Gonsö (see 2.18) were initiated (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 409; Groner, Saichö, pp. 66-67). Tamenori excerpts a few lines and simplifies some terms from the quotation of the document that appears in E i z a n D a i s h i den. The "Ajari" is Saichö. The "imperial representative" ( c h o k u s h i ) was Ono Minemori (778-830), designated kengyö (supervisor or overseer) for this particular ceremony. More than twenty painters ( e s h i ) were set to work under his direction, and they produced a large image of Vairocana Buddha, a "great map<Jala," and more than fifty pennants for the occasion (Kiuchi, Dengyö D a i s h i no shögai t o shisö, p. 134; Groner, Saichö, p. 67). 2

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On Jikaku Daishi (Ennin), see 3.16. Records of his petition and the resultant decree of the Council of State are in Ruijü sandaikyaku ( K S T K 25:69-70). Ennin specifically stated that the kanjö would serve to protect the state. Although Tamenori implies that the initiation received by Saichö from Shun-hsiao and that received and instituted by Ennin are one and the same, this was probably not the case. On the Söjiin, see 3.16, n. 11. This is the only time that Tamenori mentions what would seem to be a live informant. The initiation described is the kechien kanjö in the tradition introduced by Ennin. The object is the establishment of a spiritual connection with a divinity of the esoteric pantheon. Both monks and laymen were so initiated. The kechien kanjö is also called töge sanmaya, "the flower-throwing purification," because the initiate stands blindfolded on the ceremonial platform and throws a flower onto a τηαηςίαΐα, thereby establishing a spiritual connection with the divinity represented at the spot where the flower falls (BD l:892-97c). 7 I.e. kanjö. A passage in the K e g o n Sütra (Τ 9:572b) may be the scriptural basis cited here. Indian kings and princes were anointed with water at their coronations, and the custom seems to have been carried into the descriptions of the coronations of Bodhisattvas upon entry into the last ten of the fifty-two stages toward Buddahood. The esoteric Buddhist anointment, however, marks, ipso f a c t o , the annointed's attainment of Buddhahood. In practice, the kanjö initiate is merely touched upon the head with a ceremonial dipper that has been immersed in water (BD l:811c 13c). The Taizökai (garbhädatu, "womb realm") and Kongökai (vajrad h a t u , "diamond realm") are the two main forms of τηαηςίαΐα used in esoteric Buddhism in Japan, representing two conceptions of the universe and the symbolic positions of the many Buddhas within that universe. The two types of initiation using these mangtalas were apparently practiced alternately, without any implication of the superiority of one over the other. 10 "Priestly and Lay Guides" is shinshi dözoku; "Anointers at the Gate," monzen shasui; "Priestly and Lay Cantors," dözoku kaji; "Blindfolder and Guide," fumen innyü; "Guides in the Throwing of the Flower," j u y o m i k k e ; "Readers of the Flower Sign," kanke s h i i ; "Designators of the Secret Name," j u y o m i t s u g o . Mahävairocana ( D a i n i c h i n y o r a i ) is the central Buddha of the esoteric pantheon and is portrayed in the center of the m a n t f a l a s . The "Lotus Throne" ( r e n g e no za) is the seat of honor on the initiation platform. Designation of the central Buddha by the throwing of the flower indicates an especially powerful and auspicious spiritual relationship, 6

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and the initiate is granted this mark of honor and reverence accordingly. It is not clear if it is the initiate or Mahävairocana whose praises are sung. T h e "Bearers of the Tooth-twig" ( s h i m o k u ) may be low-ranking monks or acolytes who assist their superiors and the initiate in dressing and purifying themselves before the rite. Elaborate toothpicks made of various materials were actually a kind of ritual object (BD 3:2106b-8a). B o t h the k e c h i e n kanjö and the denbö kanjö, another level of esoteric initiation, were authorized at Töji in 843 at the request of the monk Jitsue (786-847; a disciple of Kükai and his successor as abbot of Töji). The Töji kanjö represents the continuation of Kükai's transmission. The Hosshöji kanjö was probably that of the Tendai tradition of Ennin, as the monastery had close ties with the Sanmon faction on Hie (BD 5:4617b). Decrees pertaining to both the Töji and Hosshöji kanjö are in Ruijü s a n d a i k y a k u and N i h o n k i r y a k u ( K S T K 25:68-69; 11:34). These rites are mentioned here because they are more accessible than those of Enryakuji, the precincts of which were closed to women. 12

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The Tenth Month 3.28 T H E V I M A L A K l R T I S E R V I C E A T Y A M A S H I N A D E R A (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

Long ago, the Chief Courtier and Minister of the Center Kamatari lived at a place called Suehara in the village of Yamashina in the district of Uji in Yamashiro. He fell i l l , and for a long time he was unable to attend to official duties. Then a nun from Paekche [named Hömyö] came to his mansion. The minister asked her, "Do people in your country have this sickness, too?" "Yes, they do," she replied. "What is the treatment?" he inquired. "They make an image of Vimalaklrti, and when the V i m a l a k l r t i Sütra is read, they are cured," she told him. So the minister set up a chapel in his house, constructed the image, and held a series of readings of this sütra. The nun was asked to serve as lecturer. On the first day she lectured on the "Visitation" chapter. The minister was immediately cured. He held the service again in the following year, and every year thereafter. His second son, Fuhito, succeeded him at a very early age. Eventually he rose in rank and became a minister. Then he too fell i l l . When the nature of the curse was divined, it was found to have been caused by the cessation of the services his father had conducted. Therefore, he held a V i m a l a k l r t i Service. The site for the service was transferred from the mansion at Suehara to the Hököji. From Hököji it was moved to the Uetsukidera. Later, Lord Fuhito established the Köfukuji. The furnishings of the chapel at Suehara in Yamashina were moved there and incorporated in the building of the new temple, and that is why the temple in Nara is known as Yamashinadera. Hököji was first known to the people of that time as Nakatomidera. After the Minister of the Center was granted the name Fujiwara, it became known as Fujiwaradera. Thereafter, many generations of Sage Emperors were born to women of this clan. Many generations of stalwart ministers have inherited the stewardship of the temple. Its prosperity and the grandeur of its services must be credited to them. Their contributions, from the noble members of the clan down to those of the fifth rank who sew quilts as offerings to the monks, are recorded in its A n n a l s and their A p p e n d i c e s . 1

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Now then, this "Visitation" chapter tells how the Buddha called for an investigation of Vimalakirti's illness. Vimalaklrti suffered this illness temporarily as an expedient means. The king and his ministers and countless numbers of others came to see him. To all of them he said, "This body is like a dream and should not be thought of as real. This body is like a cloud, and before long it will disappear completely. A l l of you should reject this body and pray for that of the Buddha." Then the Buddha sent Manjusri to visit Vimalaklrti. Vimalaklrti anticipated this, and he emptied his room, leaving only one mat. Manjusri arrived and said, "What is the cause of this illness? Has the treatment had any effect? How can it be cured? The Buddha is seriously concerned and wants to know." Vimalaklrti answered, "I am ill because all sentient beings are i l l . If all sentient beings are relieved, then I too shall be relieved. The illnesses of Bodhisattvas arise from their great compassion." Then Manjusri asked, "Why is this room empty and deserted?" "The realms of all the Buddhas are likewise empty," answered Vimalaklrti. And they continued to discourse in depth upon the wondrous doctrines, which were manifested in many good signs. A l l those who heard and saw them were deeply inspired with the desire to attain enlightenment, and the wisdom of the Great Vehicle became accessible to them. Then Vimalaklrti arose from his sickbed and went with Manjusri to see the Buddha. Vimalaklrti was a Great Bodhisattva. This sütra explains the nonsubstantiality of illness, and that is why it has this miraculous effect when it is read. 12

Notes

Kamatari (614-699) was the progenitor of the Fujiwara clan. He was instrumental in bringing about the downfall of the rival Soga clan and the enactment of the Taika reforms. At his death Emperor Tenji conferred upon him the title D a i s h o k k a n , the highest cap rank in the system he himself had established. He was the only person ever to hold the title, equivalent to "Senior First Rank." The k a b a n e Fujiwara no ason was also conferred on Kamatari's line (until then called Nakatomi) at his death. The exact location of Suehara is not known although several places in Yamashina, southeast of the central part of Kyoto, have been suggested as the possible site. Tamenori's account of the origins of the V i m a l a k l r t i Service { Y u i m a e ) is quite similar to, but much more

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detailed than that in the Köfukuji e n g i of Fujiwara Yoshiyo, dated 900 ( D N B Z 115:321-22). Another comparable account is in S h i c h i d a j i j u n r e i s h i k i , by Öe Chikamichi, dated 1140 (see Shüsei, pp. 343-44). There are also several different accounts of the founding of the Fujiwara clan temple that later came to be called Köfukuji. In some accounts the temple at Suehara is said to have been built by Kamatari's wife. The nun's name appears in the Köfukuji e n g i ; it is omitted in the Töji Kanchiin bon but appears in the Maeda-ke bon. A brief biography of Hömyö appears in Genkö shakusho ( K S T K 31:260; see also K J J 6:1612b). Here, the protagonist of the V i m a l a k l r t i Sütra is identified by the transliterated form of his name, Y u i m a k i t s u , but the translation Jömyö appears below in Tamenori's summary of the fifth chapter of the sütra, and "Jömyö" was also used in 3.23 (see n. 9). He was a wealthy elder of the city of Vaisali, and he earned a great reputation as an effective debater who criticized Hinayäna and praised Mahäyäna doctrines and practices (BD 5:4907c-8b). The "Visitation" chapter ( M o n s h i t s u b o n , i.e., M o n j u s h i r i m o n s h i t s u b o n ) is the fifth chapter of the sütra. Vimalaklrti was ill for some time, and Säkyamuni, concerned about his faithful supporter, tried to send several disciples and Bodhisattvas to inquire into his condition, but they were all reluctant to confront Vimalakirti's sharp tongue. Finally, Manjusri agreed to go. Tamenori provides a summary of what passed between them below. Fuhito (659-720) was actually about forty when his father died. Fuhito was also an eminent statesman. Two of his daughters married emperors, and thus he initiated the pattern of Fujiwara control of the throne through marriage (KJJ 6:1543a-45b). The word used here for "curse," t a t a r i , suggests a malignant possession. Such afflictions were usually diagnosed and treated through divination. Fuhito revived the Y u i m a e in 707. After his death, it lapsed again, to be revived by his grandson Nakamaro (706-764). The site of Hököji, also known as Nakatomidera, is unknown. The site of Uetsukidera may have been near modern Koriyama. According to Shoreishö, a Y u i m a e was held there in 708 (GR 15:22a). Köfukuji was counted among the seven great Nara temples and is still an important site in Nara, although it has suffered considerable vicissitudes, including virtual destruction by fire at the hands of Taira troops in 1180. While the capital was at Asuka, the Fujiwara established their temple at a place nearby called Umayasaka, and it was known as Umayasakadera. When the capital was transferred to Nara, the temple was moved to its present site at Kasuga, near the new city, and was renamed Köfukuji. In reference to its earliest site, it was familiarly 2

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called Yamashinadera (Öta, N a n t o s h i c h i d a i j i no r e k i s h i t o nenpyö, pp. 143 and p a s s i m ) . T h e chronology here is slightly askew. Hököji did not exist until long after Kamatari received the name "Fujiwara." T h e work referred to ( E n g i n a r a b i n i zöki) may be to some work other than Yoshiyo's engi, with much more detail (Ryakuchü, p. 376). Here, the term "expedient means" (höben) refers to a deliberately created opportunity for the demonstration of a particular philosophy in a readily comprehensible manner. In the summary of the central action of the "Visitation" chapter that follows, Tamenori paraphrases the dialogue (see Τ 14:544-46a for the original). In this sentence he uses the name Jömyö; in the summary he uses Yuimakitsu and Makitsu. Here, the name reverts to Jömyö. Tamenori is no longer paraphrasing the sütra. The identification of Vimalaklrti as a "Great Bodhisattva" ( d a i b o s a t s u ) does not appear in the sütra but is based on the observation that, though he remained a layman, his supernatural powers and insights were tantamount to those of a fully enlightened being. 10

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The Eleventh Month 3.29 T H E SERVICE OF E I G H T L E C T U R E S AT K U M A N O (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

Deities inhabit Muro District in Ki Province. They are worshiped there as the Kumano Dual Deities and the True Deity. The Dual Deities are mother and daughter, and are called "Musubi-Hayatama." The third deity is in an attached shrine and is said to be the original deity of this mountain. The Service of Eight Lectures is held in both the New Shrine and the Old Shrine. The province of Ki lies adjacent to the Southern Sea; the village of Kumano lies in the inland district. Mountains rise in range upon range, and many rivers make the road to Kumano a long one. Spring comes and autumn goes, but those who reach this place are few. Those who live in the mountain shadows eke out their days by gathering fruits and nuts. Those who live by the edge of the sea commit the sin of catching fish. Were it not for these shrines, the service of Eight Lectures probably would not be held there. Were it not for this service, they probably would never have heard of the Three Jewels. The fact that the Wondrous Doctrine has thus been introduced to this out-of-the-way place, where it is hard for word to travel among even fifty people, must surely be evidence of the work of Bodhisattvas. The assignment of the various patrons' offices for the four-day service is determined by those in attendance. The choice of Lecturers and audience for the eight sessions is left to the discretion of the assembled monks. Neither wooden nor metal begging bowls are used to receive the offerings to the monks. Instead, they receive them in hollowed pieces of wood and put them inside the bags they carry at their waist. The monks who lecture do not wear their usual formal robes; they appear in deerskin coats and leggings. No distinctions are made between the elite and the lowly, or between the old and the young. In Gengukyö the Buddha extolls the Five Charities. The good fortune earned through them is limitless. The rewards are obtained within this life. The five are: giving to those who come from afar, to those who are far away, to those who are starving and weak, to those who are ailing, and to those who know the Teachings. When we look at the monks gathered in the Kumano courtyard for the offering, we see all five kinds in this assemblage. They have traveled a long way to get here. They must travel a long way to get home again. Those who have run out 1

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of food are starving and weak. Those whose feet are swollen suffer great discomfort. They chant the sütras and utter spells, so they know the Teachings. So there is no doubt that the patrons will be rewarded with great good fortune. Also, in Ubasokukaikyö it is said: "When the Buddha practices charity, he makes no distinction between good and bad people; nor does he choose between the elite and the lowly; nor does he admonish the recipients with harsh words." This is discussed in C h i d o r o n , too. There was a certain elder who invited monks—but only old ones—to receive offerings, in order of seniority. He did not invite acolytes. A number of acolytes who had attained the state of a r h a t changed their form into that of elderly monks and went to this elder's house. Their brows were as white as snow; the wrinkles on their faces were like rippling waters. Once they had taken their seats, they changed back into their natural forms. The patron was shocked and ashamed. The acolytes explained to him: "In your ignorance you made a distinction between good and bad monks. A l l the waters of the sea cannot be swallowed in the mouths of mosquitoes and flies. Nor can human faculties be used to take the measure of the virtue of a monk. There is no such thing as superiority and inferiority among the Three Jewels." I am giving you many recommendations and admonitions. Pay close attention! Cultivate impartiality in your heart and maintain equality in your offerings. There is no other correct way! 7

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Notes

"Muro no göri" comprised the southeast portion of the province of K i , about half its total area, and now part of Wakayama-ken. The Kumano "Dual Deities" ( K u m a n o ryösho) and the "True Deity" (Shöjo i s s h o ) are worshiped at the Shingü ("New Shrine") and the Hongü ("Main Shrine") of Kumano, respectively. "Shöjo" in the name of the "True Deity" (also called the "original deity," m o t o t s u k a m i ) , means "Witness of the Truth" and has Buddhist overtones. This deity was identified with Amida, while the "Dual Deities," Hayatama and Musubi, were identified with Bhai§ajyaguru (Yakushi) and the Thousand-armed Kannon, respectively. The "Dual Deities" tended to overshadow the earlier deity from an early time, and so the Hongü came to be referred to as an "attached shrine." A third shrine, at Nachi, is now included in the tripartite Kumano group ( S h i n t o j i t e n , pp. 26-27). The Kumano shrines were the destination for many high-ranking pilgrims in the Heian period, despite their remote location. They were reached either by a

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tortuous overland route through the mountains that stretch south from Nara to the tip of the K i i Peninsula, or by sea from the west. O n the origins of the "Service of Eight Lectures" (Hakkö) on the L o t u s Sütra, see 2.18. Tamenori's account of the observance at Kumano is the only detailed record in existence. As he describes it here, the Kumano rite seems to be similar to the Hakkö said to have been conducted by Köya at Rokuharamitsuji, since both were for the benefit of and were attended by commoners. These rites lack the memorial aspect of Gonsö's H a k k o and the related Shimotsukie of Hie (see 3.30). As Tamenori suggests, one motive behind the Kumano rite was the alleviation of the burden of the accumulated sins of local hunters and fishermen (their sin was the killing of living things). The identification of one of the Kumano deities as Kannon, who figures prominently in several sections of the L o t u s Sütra, may also have been a contributing circumstance (see also Takagi, H e i a n j i d a i hokke bukkyöshi kenkyü, pp. 243-50; Tanabe, "The Lotus Lectures," pp. 406-7). See η. 1. on the identification of the Kumano deities with Bodhisattvas. "The Wondrous Doctrine" (myöhö) refers to the L o t u s Sütra. These details are indicative of the informality of the Kumano rite. This sentence and the one preceding have parallel structures. "Hollowed pieces of wood" is kinokö in the Töji Kanchiin bon, mokusetsu in the Maeda-ke bon. These seem to be burls cut in half and hollowed into bowllike shapes. Takagi observes that such rustic customs as these were unique to the Kumano Hakkö. There is a suggestion here of the influence of the ascetic Shugendö cult, particularly in the ceremonial costumes. The list of "Five Charities" (gose) from Gengukyö is quoted in F Y C L ( T 53:823c). The word for "spells" here is j u : dhärani, m a n t r a s , or other brief chants. Tamenori paraphrases the quotation in F Y C L ( T 53:878b). He omits the list of five specific admonitions to the generous layman, an outline of the proper manner of giving. This story from D a i c h i d o r o n ( T 25:224a-25c) is quoted in F Y C L (T 53:608b-9b; see also Lamotte's translation, 3, pp. 1393-1406). There are a few differences of detail in Tamenori's version; in the sütra, the acolyte's speech is in verse form. 2

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3.30 T H E SERVICE IN T H E M O N T H OF FROST (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

The Service in the Month of Frost is held at Hie on the anniversary of the death of the Great Master of T'ien-t'ai in China. The master was the disciple of Master Hui of Nan-yiieh, and mentor to the rulers of both the Ch'en and Sui dynasties. The Nan-yiieh master achieved the Perfection of the Six Senses, while the T'ien-t'ai master attained Wisdom in the Five Categories. When the T'ien-t'ai master was born, a brilliant light filled the room. Two monks suddenly appeared and said, "This child must definitely become a monk," and then they disappeared. At the age of seven he went to the temple, and upon one hearing he comprehended the " F u m o n " chapter. At the age of eighteen he shaved his head and went to Mount Ta-su. The Nan-yüeh master grasped his hand and said, "Long ago at Vulture Peak we heard the L o t u s Sütra together, and now, because of the everlasting bond we share, we have met here once again." The T'ien-t'ai master perfected the L o t u s Meditations. His wisdom and insight were deep and luminous; the skill of his speech knew no bounds. There was no limit to his ability to expound the Teachings. The Nan-yiieh master always had him lecture on the sütras in his place. In a dream, the T'ien-t'ai master saw a monk on top of a tall mountain, beckoning him. Later, when he went to Mount T'ien-t'ai for the first time, the saintly monk known as the Bodhisattva Ting-kuang was joyfully waiting to welcome him, and he looked just like the monk in the dream. So he stayed and lived on that mountain. The emperor of the Ch'en Dynasty took the Bodhisattva precepts from him and showed his regard by granting him the title "Great Master Chih-che." Whenever the master cleared his throat and began to expound upon the scriptures, his disciple, Master Kuan-ting, took up his brush and recorded his words on paper. The many works thus inscribed were presented to the government and eventually spread throughout the world. On the twenty-fourth day of the eleventh month of the seventeenth year of the K'ai-huang era [597] he told a provost, " M y life will soon come to an end. When I hear the sound of the bell, my concentration grows even deeper. Let it ring, then, until my breathing stops." He sat upright, perfectly still. At death, it seemed as if he had entered meditation. Clouds piled up and towered in the heavens, and the wind turned bitter cold. The trees bowed low, and the streams whispered their 1

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lament. For ten days the color in his face remained unaltered. Perspiration came out of all the pores of his body, just as it had when he was alive. On each anniversary of his death, the government ceased its normal activities. Couriers were dispatched with offerings for one thousand monks. When the number of monks in the feast hall was counted, it was found that there were one thousand and one. When attendance was taken and all the monks' names were called out, the correct number responded. When the offerings were distributed, there was one monk too many. But when the ceremony came to an end, none was empty-handed. Thus it was known that the master had been present among the other monks. I need not describe all the miraculous events that occurred. If you wish to know about all of them, you may consult the texts in which they are recorded: you will find them in the T'ang L i v e s of E m i n e n t M o n k s and in the Story of t h e S a c r e d P o r t r a i t . Dengyö Daishi felt a deep obligation to the master. In the eleventh month of the [seventeenth] year of the Enryaku era [798] he invited ten great monks from the Seven Great Temples to a small room on Mount Hie and held the Service of Ten Lectures for the first time. After ten days, the services were concluded, and on the next day, the twentyfourth, the Offering to the Master was held. His sacred portrait was put up in the hall, and offerings were laid before i t . As the offerings were brought forward from the courtyard, tea was prepared and sweets were served, just as offerings were made at T'ien-t'ai long ago. The profusion of flowers and the billowing incense are reminiscent of the mists of China. From time to time cymbals are struck, and the "Hymns to the Portrait" are sung with great enthusiasm. Offerings are also made in the same manner to all the Indian, Chinese, and Japanese patriarchs of the various doctrines. The "Hymns to the Portrait" were written by Yen, the Duke of L u , in honor of the T'ien-t'ai master; Master Chishö introduced them from China. Chishö came from Sanuki Province. In a dream his mother saw the sun enter her mouth, and afterward she found that she was pregnant. From early childhood he could read and chant the sütras. In the Tenchö era [824-834] he went to Mount Hie. The abbot Gishin rejoiced and gladly accepted him as his disciple. In the autumn of the third year of the Ninju era [853] he went to China to search for the Teachings. In the summer of the second year of the Ten'an era [858] he returned and introduced the forms of worship he had learned. Now, all temples that uphold the legacy of the T'ien-t'ai master conduct lectures on the L o t u s Sütra and make many offerings to the patriarchs. In Bonmökyö it is said: "On the anniversary of the death of their parents, or of their masters or a j a r i s all Buddhists should chant 12

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the sütras of the Great Vehicle and lecture and expound upon them." This rite is observed on this basis, and out of the desire of many generations of the patriarch's disciples to repay their obligations to him.

Notes 1

The service (Shimotsukie) takes its name from a traditional one for the eleventh month. The rite was also called a H o k k e jükö, or "Service of Ten Lectures" on the L o t u s Sütra. The first jükö at Hie was held by Saichö in 798, with lectures on each of the eight fascicles of the sütra plus the "opening" and "closing" sütras (see 2.18, nn. 6 and 10). The custom of commemorating the anniversary of the death of Chih-i in this manner may have originated in China, but Gonsö's Iwabuchidera Hakkö was perhaps also a model (see Groner, Saichö, p. 591). "Master H u i of Nan-yiieh" ( N a n g a k u no Ε d a i s h i ) is Hui-ssu (514-577; see also 3.19, n. 5). His biography precedes that of Chih-i in Hsü kao-seng chuan ( T 50:562b 64a; see also Hurvitz, C h i h - i , pp. 86-99). Chih-i attracted the attention of princes of both the Ch'en (557-589) and Sui (581-617) courts while in residence at Wa-kuan ssu in Chin-ling between 568 and 575. Tamenori's account of his life seems to be based on the biography in Hsü kao-seng chuan ( T 50:564a-68a; see also Kyödo Jikö, Tendai D a i s h i no shögai). As shown below, Tamenori may also have referred to the biographies of Chih-i in Tendai ryöözu hondenshü, compiled by Saichö (Dengyö D a i s h i zenshü 3, pp. 352-96). "Perfection of the Six Senses" ( r o k k o n shöjöi) is defined in Chihi's Ssu-chiao-i as the purification of the six sources of error (i.e., the faculties of seeing, hearing, smelling, and speaking, and the body and mind). This attainment makes possible the further attainment of the ten "degrees" or qualities of a Bodhisattva (T 46:779b). "Wisdom in the Five Categories" refers to another spiritual level, gohon deshii, also described by Chih-i in Ssu-chiao-i as five progressive modes of activity in this world that are prerequisite to the attainment of the ten Bodhisattva qualities. The five modes are: (1) sharing the joy that is derived from grasping the essential principles of the Buddha's teachings, (2) chanting the L o t u s Sütra with an understanding of both its implicit and explicit meanings, thereby deepening perception, (3) preaching on the basis of that perception, thereby inspiring others and earning merit, (4) secondary cultivation of the Six Perfections, while perception continues to deepen, and (5) primary (or perfect) cultivation of the Six Perfections, with perfect perception fully attained. At this point the Bodhisattva to be is "perfectly equipped for his own spiritual progress, 2

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for saving others, and for contemplating his own mind" (Hurvitz, C h i h - i , pp. 368). Tamenori's application of these spiritual levels to Hui-ssu and Chih-i may be fairly arbitrary; it may, on the other hand, be based on some textual precedent. Yamada noted that the same ranks are given to these two patriarchs in their biographies in F o - t s u t ' u n g - c h i , a work compiled in 1269 (Ryakuchü, p. 388). The " F u m o n " chapter (i.e., K a n z e o n bosatsu f u m o n b o n ) is the twenty-fifth of the L o t u s Sütra. Mount Ta-su (Taisosen) is in Honan. Chih-i spent the years 560 to 567 there under Hui-ssu's tutelage. Hui-ssu's words follow the text in Chih-i's Hsü kao-seng c h u a n biography. Note the similarity to Gyöki's verse in recognition of Bodhisena (2.3, n. 18). O n the " L o t u s Meditations" ( H o k k e z a n m a i ) , see 3.3, n. 17. Yamada cited a similar passage in the later F o - t s u t ' u n g - c h i , but this sentence may be based on a quotation attributed to Hui-ssu in T e n d a i ryöözu hondenshü (Dengyö D a i s h i zenshü 3, p. 356). This incident is recounted in both biographical sources. Very little is known about Ting-kuang. (The name is mistranscribed in the Maeda-ke bon.) Note the resemblance of this story to that of Ennin's dream about Saichö (see 3.16, n. 7). It was not a Ch'en emperor but the second Sui emperor, Yang-ti, who received the Bodhisattva precepts from Chih-i in 591 and granted him the title "Chih-che Tai-shih" (Chisha Daishi) (Kyödo, T e n d a i D a i s h i no shögai, p. 187; Hurvitz, C h i h - i , p. 145). There is nothing in the biographical sources Tamenori seems to have used that would explain this error. Kuan-ting (Kanjö, 561-632) was born in Ch'ang-an and was also known as "the Ch'ang-an master." He became Chih-i's disciple in 584, served as his chief amanuensis, and is regarded as his successor in the T'ien-t'ai patriarchate. Kuan-ting himself wrote several treatises as well as two important sources for the biography of Chih-i, K u o - c h i n g p o - l u , ( T 46:793a 823c) and Sui T i e n - t ' a i C h i h - c h e T a - s h i h p i e h - c h u a n ( T 50:191a-97c). His own biography appears in Hsü kao-seng c h u a n ( T 50:584a-85b; see also Hurvitz, C h i h - i , p. 180). T h i s description of Chih-i's death is faithful to those in all the traditional biographies. He died on the twenty-fourth day of the eleventh month, in 597. 4

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hondenshü. Only two of the original ten fascicles of the latter work survive (Groner, Saichö, pp. 89-90, n. 9). A s noted above, Saichö did hold a H o k k e jükö in 798, according to E i z a n D a i s h i den (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 385) and other documents, but it was in 801 that he invited the ten monks from Nara to participate in what had become an annual rite (Groner, Saichö, p. 34). On the "Seven Great Temples," see 2.18, n. 3. The "small room" seems to refer to the hall called the Ichijö s h i k a n ' i n . "The Offering to the Master" (Taishikü) was apparently a ceremony added to the jükö to do further honor to Chih-i. A "sacred portrait" (ryöözu) of Chih-i was brought back from China by Saichö; ryöözu also refers to a group of portraits of all the Tendai patriarchs (see n. 18, below). 1 5

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The cymbals (nyöbachi) are a type that is perhaps of Central Asian origin (KGD 15:526c). On the "Hymns to the Portrait" ( G a s a n ) , see n. 19. In addition to Chih-i's likeness, Saichö acquired portraits of all the Tendai patriarchs, and these too were displayed at the service. A similar set of portraits (perhaps a copy of Saichö's set), dated to the Heian period, survives at Ichijöji, in Hyögo Prefecture. It is registered as a National Treasure. The full title is C h ' e n - s u i e r h - t a i san-chao k u o - s h i h T ' i e n - t ' a i C h i h - c h e T a - s h i h h u a - t s a n ( C h i n z u i n i d a i sanchö k o k u s h i T e n d a i C h i s h a D a i s h i g a s a n ) . "Yen, the Duke of L u " ( G a n Rokö) s personal name was Yen Chen-ch'ing (709-784). He was a skilled calligrapher and a successful military commander, murdered in the aftermath of the An Lu-shan rebellion by Li Hsi-lieh. The date of the composition of the hymns is not known (Kondö Haruo, Chügoku g a k u g e i d a i j i t e n , pp. 107d8a). "Master Chishö" (Chishö Daishi) is Enchin (814-891); Tamenori's brief biography of him follows. He is said to have written a commentary on the hymns, but it is lost. A commentary by Genshin, with a full text of the hymns, survives ( E s h i n sözu zenshü 2, pp. 243-57). Tamenori's account of Enchin's life is probably based on Chishö D a i s h i den, by Miyoshi Kiyoyuki (847-918), dated 902 (Chishö D a i s h i zenshü 4, pp. 1364-80). G i s h i n (781-833) was the disciple of Saichö who accompanied him to China, received many of the same ordinations, and succeeded him as head of the Tendai (BD l:516b-c). Tamenori does not devote much space to Enchin, although his career was a significant one in Tendai history. In 863 he established a new Tendai initiation platform at Onjöji ("Miidera"), an old temple that he had had reconstructed. He became its Bettö in 866, Abbot of the Tendai in 868, and Sözu in the same year (BD l:308b 9b; Nakao, N i h o n 19

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meiso j i t e n , pp. 29-32). Onjöji later became the center of the Jimon faction of the Tendai, the bitter rivals of the Sanmon (Ennin's heirs). 99

The passage in Bonmökyö upon which this quotation appears to be based (T 24:1006b) actually says that on the anniversaries of the death of one's parents and siblings one should summon a monk and have him lecture on the Bosatsukaigyö. The merit will accrue to the deceased.

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The Twelfth Month 3.31

THE BUDDHAS'NAMES

(Maeda ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

The Service of the Buddhas' Names was first observed in the early years of the Jöwa era [834-848], when Risshi Jöan suggested it to Emperor Ninmyö. Later, it came to be observed throughout the land, in accordance with imperial decrees. Risshi Jöan thought, "I shall make a copy of the Sütra of the Buddhas' Names and portraits of all thirteen thousand Buddhas and present them to the government." He copied the sütra, and it was then divided up and sent to all the provinces. But before he could paint all the Buddhas, Jöan died. His disciple, the monk Kengo of Gangöji, wanted to complete his master's project, so he painted the thirteen thousand Buddhas on seventy-two sheets of silk and presented them to the government. That of the palace was deposited in the imperial library, and the rest were divided up among the various bureaus and provinces. This is recorded in the R e g u l a t i o n s . In the Sütra of the Buddhas' Names it is said: "If you hear the names of the three generations of Buddhas of three k a l p a s , or if you copy them or draw their images or offer them incense, flowers, entertainments, or music and devote yourself to their worship, the merit will be limitless, and you will come into contact with the Three Jewels in every life hereafter. You will not encounter the Eight Obstructed Realms. When you worship, concentrate in your mind and express with your voice the same thought: Ί am now worshiping all of the Buddhas. May I be free of the sufferings of the Three E v i l Realms, may the nation prosper and its people be at peace, and may good roots be fostered among those who hold heretical views. I pray that all sentient beings 5 may be reborn in the land of the Buddha of Endless Life.'" It also says: "When you hear the names of the Buddhas, concentrate and pray to them. You need not fear that you will go astray. The sins you have accumulated in countless k a l p a s will be erased." Those who cannot chant all the names themselves should rely upon this 6 text. Usually, when a Service of the Buddhas' Names is to be held, monks are commissioned as lecturers. Officers of the government give them offerings of thick cotton padding, and, according to established 7 custom, privately contributed robes are presented to them. In the 1

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Agongyö it is said: "When it is cold, give offerings of warm clothing to monks. If you give them joy in accordance with the seasons, in future lives you too will be rewarded in accordance with your wishes." The merit earned through any gift of clothing is not inconsiderable; how much greater, then, is the merit in gifts of clothing to a monk! That is why Sänakaväsin was clad in robes as soon as he was born, and [the nun] Sukla had robes before she was reborn into this life. In both cases, they had presented robes to monks in their former life. Also, Gautaml wove a robe with her own hands and presented it to the Buddha, whereupon the Buddha said: "If your obligation moves you to give this to me, the merit will surely be yours, but if out of the purity of your heart you were to give robes to all the monks, the merit would be even greater!" It seems that this Service of the Buddhas' Names was observed in China as well. We know this from a poem by Chii i, which says: 8

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With but one burner for incense and one lone candle, The white-haired monk passes each night, worshiping the Sütra of the Buddhas' Names.

Notes 1

Tamenori's source of information on the service, the Butsumyöe, is a decree of the Council of State dated 871, in Ruijü s a n d a i k y a k u ( K S T K 25:46). On Jöan, see 3.18, n. 3. Ninmyö is identified here as "the Fukakusa emperor." Ruijü k o k u s h i , a work compiled in 892, records even earlier observances of Butsumyöe, including one conducted by Chökei (or Chöe, ?—826), Gonsö, and Kükai in the Seiryöden on the twenty-fourth day of the twelfth month, in 823. The basis of that rite was the D a i z u hökö sänge metsuzai shögon jöbutsukyö, or " D a i z u hökökyö" In the observances conducted in 830, this text had been replaced by the Butsumyökyö, which became the standard Butsumyöe text ( K S T K 6:223). Shoku N i h o n köki records a three-night "worship of the Butsumyökyö," beginning on the twentieth day of the twelfth month in 835 ( K S T K 6:223). However, this account calls the three-night service in the Seiryöden that began on the fifteenth in 838 "the first 'Buddhas' Names Rite of Repentance' (Butsumyö senge) to be conducted in the inner palace" ( K S T K 3:81). Jöan and four other monks were the officiants. I n 846 a decree from the Council of State called for the annual observance of Butsumyö senge in every province for three days, from the fifteenth through the seventeenth days of the twelfth month. Another 2

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decree, in 853, changed the dates to the nineteenth through the twentyfirst (Ruijü s a n d a i k y a k u , K S T K 25:46-47). O f several works known as Butsumyökyö, two were commonly used in Japan. A sixteen fascicle version containing 13,000 Buddhas' names is mentioned in two Chinese catalogs, but it does not survive in the Chinese or Korean canons. A sixteen fascicle Butsumyökyö was in Japan as early as 769, according to Shösöin records, but it was subsequently lost. This was probably the version used and copied by Jöan. In the early tenth century, the rite was conducted with a "Sütra of Three Thousand Buddhas* Names." This was actually a compendium of three sütras, each of which lists the names of one thousand Buddhas of the past, present, and future (T 14:365a-99a). Tamenori's quotations below are from the first two of these (Ryakuchü, p. 395; B S K D 9:340; Ishida, Shakyö y o r i m i t a r u Narachö Bukkyö no kenkyü, appendix, p. 94; Tokyo Daigaku Shiryö Hensanjo, ed., D a i N i h o n k o m o n j o , [first series] 17, p. 46). Other than the decree of 871 cited by Tamenori, a biography in Honchö kösöden is the only source of information about Kengo ( D N B Z 102:825). It says that he was a Hossö monk who studied Yuishiki doctrine under a monk named Jöshu at Hirayama, and that he made his initial request for the distribution of the portraits of the Buddhas in 868. The decree of 871 also records the precise disposition of the 72 sheets of silk (fu) on which the thirteen thousand Buddhas were portrayed. The Council of State and the imperial library each kept one copy; one went to the Dazai Kannonji, another to the Usa Hachiman Shrine, and the rest were distributed one by one to each province. The paintings were in use in the Butsumyöe at court through the Heian period. Though the Butsumyöe was first held in the Seiryöden, other halls were used at various times. The Buddha image used by the emperor in daily worship was set before the painting, and receptacles for incense and flowers and "Hell-screens" were also brought into the hall. Courtiers entered in procession, and then the monks selected to lead the service began the chanting of the names of the Buddhas, which continued through the three watches of the night (Yamanaka, Heianchö no nenjü gyöji, pp. 278-79). This quotation is a paraphrase of the opening section of the first of the three sütras (Τ 14:365a-b). The "three generations of Buddhas of three k a l p a s , " as noted above, are those of the past, present, and future ages (kako shögongö, genzai genkö, m i r a i shöshukukö). The "Eight Obstructed Realms" ( h a c h i n a n ) are realms of existence in which enlightenment is unattainable. These realms are (1) in hell, (2) among dumb beasts and (3) Hungry Ghosts, all of whom are overwhelmed by 3

4

5

3.31 The Buddhas' Names

369

extreme suffering and cannot seek out enlightenment; (4) in the heavens and (5) in the "outer realms" (the continent lying to the north of Mount Sumeru, where life is so long and so pleasant that it is mistaken for N i r v a n a , and so enlightenment is not sought; (6) among the deaf, dumb, and blind, who cannot hear or see the Buddha or discuss his teachings; (7) among those entrapped by "worldly wisdom," ignorance of the truth, and adherence to non-Buddhist views; and (8) among those born before or after the Buddha's appearance in this world (BD 5:422lc-22b). On the "Three Evil Realms" (sanzu), see 1.2, n. 3. The "Buddha of Endless Life" (Muryöjubutsu) is Amitäyus (Amida). This is a paraphrase of the concluding portion of the second sütra (Τ 14:383b). The point of Tamenori's comment is that auditors of the rite earn merit just as practitioners do. 7 Formal presentations of cotton garments and silk robes were made during the rite itself (Yamanaka, Heianchö no nenjü gyöji, p. 279). The passage, quoted from Zöichi agongyö in F Y C L ( T 53:886a), continues with instructions for the giving of light garments, water, fans, and other cooling things in the summer. The Maeda-ke bon includes these lines in its quotation (Shüsei, pp. 353-54). These are not, however, appropriate to the Butsumyöe, conducted in the twelfth month. Sänakaväsin (Shönawashu) was a disciple of Änanda and one of the five masters who transmitted Säkyamuni's teachings following his death. His name means "clad in flaxen robes," and it was said that he was so clad from birth to death as a reward for good deeds in his former lives (BD 3:2746c-47a; Fuhözö innenden, Τ 50:303b-4c). For Sukla, both Sanböe texts read "Senbyaku b i k u " ("the monk Senbyaku"), but this is probably a reference to the nun known as Byakujö b i k u n i . F Y C L ( T 53:557c) quotes a passage in Hyakuengyö (Τ 4:239b-c) in which Säkyamuni explains that this nun was so adorned because, in a former life, she had given cotton cloth to a Buddha and his disciples. O n Gautama (Kyödonmi), see 3.7, n. 10. The Töji Kanchiin bon is missing lines here, and the effect is to render the Buddha's response meaningless. The Maeda-ke bon paraphrases the passage that F Y C L ( T 53:607c) quotes from Gengukyö (Γ 4:434a). 11 The same first lines of Po Chii-i's poem in fascicle 35 of H a k u s h i monjü can be found in Wakan röeishü ( N K B T 73: 147, 297), grouped with three other poems on the theme of "the Buddhas' names." Po Chüi's poem is satirical. While it does provide evidence of Chinese worship of the sütra, Tamenori could have found more concrete proof in F Y C L ( T 53:920b): in a quotation from the Hsü kao-seng chuan biography of the monk Te-mei (564?-637; see Τ 50:696c-97c) it is said that he went to T'ai-po-shan and chanted a twelve-fascicle "Sütra of the Buddhas' 6

10

370


Names" shortly after taking his vows. Other documents show that yearend purifications using "Buddhas' Names" sütras began in China during the Eastern Chin Dynasty (317-419) (BD 5:4478c 79a).

Verse

371

VERSE (Maeda-ke bon, Töji Kanchiin bon)

In praise I sing: When I rejoice in your planting of good roots, My own merit is increased. Whether I myself worship, Or witness worship from afar and rejoice therein, If my heart is as one with the worshiper, I will be rewarded in just the same way as he. We will both be imbued with the same scent of incense; We will both be illuminated by the light of the same candle. My princess has been raised in deep seclusion, And does not know the world outside. Her thoughts turn constantly to other distant worlds While, before her eyes, she sees how things are here and now. I have recorded all manner of public and private rites and ceremonies of Buddhism in China and Japan. For learning about all these admirable things without stepping beyond her door, Nothing can be better than this present volume. When Maitreya practiced the Five Penances, He explained the Expedient of Rejoicing in the works of others ; And Samantabhadra made Ten Vows; Among them, we should particularly rely upon his promise of Merit in Rejoicing. 1

2

The endeavors of monks are myriad, and all are admirable— How very admirable indeed!


372

Notes

1

The "Expedient of Rejoicing" is z u i k i höben. In M o - h o c h i h - k u a n , Chih i cited the example of Maitreya and other Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in proposing five purifying activities that counteract specific sins. These are to be practiced in tandem with devotions based on the L o t u s Sütra. "Rejoicing" in the merit cultivated by others ( z u i k i ) is one of these practices, intended to erase the effects of the sin of envy. A l l five practices are described as "auxiliary means" (betsu höben), i.e., practices that are to accompany the main practice of the four types of meditation. This is probably the origin of the term as Tamenori uses it. Z u i k i höben is also one of the nine activities a Bodhisattva vows to cultivate; he promises to take joy even in the most minor meritorious acts of others (BD 2:1165a b; 1:706b). In the last section of the forty-fascicle version of the K e g o n Sütra, Samantabhadra makes ten great vows. Among them is the vow to take joy in the merit generated by all Buddhas and all beings in all realms (T 10:845a-b). This is a fitting idea with which to close the text. 2

List of Names, Titles, Terms, and Passages

Items are listed in alphabetical order. Titles of texts are in italics. Items from the texts of Sanböe are reproduced as in the Töji K a n c h i i n b o n i f y unless otherwise marked (jf!)) for the Maeda-ke bon or (cfl) for the Tödaiji-gire. (Calligraphy by Omote Ikuko.)

A Abidatsuma

daibibasharon

Amabenomine

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Amida

Agon'e

Anahobe Hashihito

Hfän

Agongyö f

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A'nan

ajari W M $ [

Anaritsu

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juketsukyö Anna

ΒAkashi no nyüdo

ango

akudö

Angoe

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Akuyü taishi

AnLu-shan 5r-i$ J-373

374

List of Terms

Arai Hakuseki

i f t ^ r fe TS

Bidatsu

$CÜL

araki tsukai

Binzuru

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Asa H f c

biriya haramitsu

Asagao

Bishukatsuma

Ashikaga

Biwa[kö]

Ashüda

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bodai

MtöfS

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bodaidö * * l i t

Asuka

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£3 X

Byakujö bikuni Ö byakushibutsu

£C it Chihara Chih-che

c Chich-che Tai-shih (Chisha Daishi) Chai-shou [tien]

376

List of Terms

Chih-i

t§f%

chöja

-J^ %

Chih-sheng ^ • J f

Chökei (Chöei) -ft ,4'

Chikö

Chökokuji

Chikurinji

Chökokuji engimon

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chokushi

Chin • f

Chömei -ft i3

[Ching-]ai j $ f t

chöju

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Chou

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Chöwa

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Ching-ch'u

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[Keisosaijiki]

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Chöyagunsai

Chingen

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chöyö i i ^ ^ pan-jo-ching

chi-yen-chi

Ch'u Ching-lü i-hsiang

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Chüai 4 + % Ch'ing-lung-ssu

f f£ 3 Chuang-tzu

Ching-1 'u l u n

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Chügüji Chin-ling

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san-pao

kan-t'ung-lu

chü ο uku Ch'u

chishikimon

titi

chi-chi

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Chishö Daishi Chishö Daishi den

san-ts'ang

% t£ Λ £f 4#

D

ChiShu-yeh

Daiaidö

Chiwara

Daianji

AîlL X ^

377

List of Terms

Daianji

bodai d e n r a i k i

Daianji engi

X ^

^f

Daihöben butsu höongyö

HcA^

Daianji garan engi n a r a b i ni r u k i shizaichö

Daihödö daijikkyö

Daihöshakkyö

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Daiifbarijkyö A ·φ· ^t" ϊ ί ^

Daianji h i m o n Daiajari

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daiichi shöjo $

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daiinnen X 19

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daiji X *

daibonten daibosatsu

Daijikkyö

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Dai/o dai/ä ;ϊζο jüringyö

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Daichidoron

Daijö

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A £ A * t & $ + #& daidan'ochi X i t ^ $ Daigo

Dai/o hon/o shinjikangyö

fcMty

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Daigoji Λ β 5 5 ί Daigokuden

Daikandaiji

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Daihannyae engi

Daikakuji

Χ JHR f&

D a i h a t s u nehangyö gobun

Daikengo

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baramon

χ s 1a ja& daimyö

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Dainichi nyorai daihi

engikyö

Χ Θ ί0 ^

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Daihiji

λ ? Η

Daihikyö

X ?Jlrif.

Daihishin

darani

Dai N i h o n k o k u sokusan'ö Shötoku T a i s h i hösan

378

List of Terms

Α

Dai N i h o n shi

β

Α*φ

Dairon Dairyö

A ^ /ft

Denböe ί?£

A A#^(jij)

daiseigan

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denbö kanjö \ % i£ Dengyö Daishi

Aj£A ^

Daise Taishi A

Daishokkan

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denkaikokkai 4 ?

do

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Döchü jJLitb

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daisojo X H? JE.

Dögon

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döhö hakkö \*\ yk

daitoko A | , %

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daiwajö

döji

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D a i z u hökö sänge metsuzai shögon jöbutsukyö (Daizu hökökyö)

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Döji döjö xlL>^

Dajöhöö gojukai k i

Dandoku

7f

denkaishi 4$ $ £/£ Ä ^ #p # |ä ^

Dömyö

illfl^

Dörin'ö

dan'ochi (dan'otsu)

dönin

illA

darani

döshi

ai&f

Dasha

döshi

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List of Terms

379

1iL?iDöshö J

Enbudai S f l i i Ä

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Enchin l B J ^ $c ψ

engaku Ε

engi

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Engishiki

Echigo

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Echin

Ennin

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Eiei

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Eigakuyöki

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f i < E j if c t f O | Ö& £ 0 emaki en

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i

380

List of Terms

F a - h u a san-mei c h ' a n - i

Fujiwara Koretada (Koremasa)

Fa-yüan c h u - l i n

Fujiwara Michinaga jφfH

Fo-lung-ssu (Butsuröji) F0-teu Vung-chi fu

\f 7M<Mi

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fiidan nenbutsu Fugen

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Fujiwara Mitsuaki Fujiwara Morosuke

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Fujiwara Mototsune

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Fujiwara Tadanobu

fugyöten Fuhözö innenden

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Fuhözökyö

täykj&ft

Fujitsubo

Fujiwara Yorimichi jpjbyifc ^| l^j

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Fujiwara Yoshichika

Fujiwara

Fujiwara Yoshiyo

fflk&^lfä

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Fujiwara Kaishi

Fujiwara no ason

Fujiwara Kaneie

Fukakusa

Fujiwara Kanesuke

fukuden jfc

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Fujiwara Kiyokawa Fujiwara Kiyosuke

rf" > •J" & /fc

jjfcjfr \ f ^ 2j

Fujiwaradera

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Fujiwara Yukinari

Fujiwara Kamatari

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Fukudengyö

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Fukuhökyö

ffcfä

F u k u r o söshi

$ Zf- «J

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fukuzö no chi

5£ fa

fumeninnyu

ft

ge gedö

fumidono no hito

Genban Gengenshü

·%· f ^ Λ

F u m o n [bon] Fumyö

t, £

Gengukyö Geri/i

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monogatari

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emaki

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fusatsu Fuse

Genjö Sanzö e

Fushimi no okina 7 *> $ / j§

Genkö shakusho

Fushö

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meigaden

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genzai genkö G Gi

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Gakö b e n r a n Gakuanji

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gakudösha

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Gangöji 7 L % t %

Giba

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Gikaku Gishin

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Gangöji garan engi go Gangyöji (Gankeiji)

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Ganjin ganmon (Ganmon) Gasan

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gobunhosshin

j?L4H£ Jjjf

Gödanshö

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gogen Λ θ & gogyaku no tsumi - 1 3 ^ ^ |^

382

List of Terms

gohei

Guze bosatsu

gohon deshii

JZLXTV %

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gokai

Gyöhyö

i jj£

gokaku

5

guzei

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Goichijö

gyöja (Gyöja) ίΤ;£

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Gokokuji

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gyönin

Gokoku Reigen Iriki Jinzu Daijizaiö Bosatsu

Gyöyö

iJl*: ^ TA

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Gokurakubö gokusotsu

hachikai s \ i k

if ^

Gonrin'ö

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gonshaku

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hachiku no nami

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Hachiman hachinan

Gonfo Gonsö

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hachijisshugö

^ 4^

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Η

Hachiokadera fflifi

Gosaie

hachisaikai ftj

gose i i f e

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H a k u s h i monjü

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Hamishiro

goshuhosshin goshushin

Hakkö[e] Hakkura

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tf^GW

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Hanayama

^-L/

hangyöhanza zanmai

goyoku ÜL/&t gugan

Âyil

hannya haramitsu -%%3σ 'Λ&'^ί

List of Terms

Hannya

383

haramitta

shingyö

Hiden'in

& ffl fäL

Hie *&3fo 1

Hannya shingyö Hannyatai

^S.

^

haradaimokusha haramitsu

Hie no Daishi

£ C & / A fr^

Hienojukai

7% | i 4 & A A

£

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Higashiyama Gobunko

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Harana koku

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Harima

higyöhiza zanmai ^ Μ ί

Hase

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Hijiri no mikado

hijö

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Himitsu

mandarakyö fuhöden

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Hatsusedera Hayato

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Hikaru Genji jt> '/$!- &

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Hata Kawakatsu Hatsuse

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Hashinokuö Hata

hijiri /*Mj

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hiragana f1 >}X ^7

Heian Heifee monogatari

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Hirayama

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heihaku Heng [shan] (Közan) jfj" henge no hito (henkenin) Henjö hentai kanbun j£

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Hirose Hishigatayama

Jt A

hisöhihisöjojö #

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384

List of Terms

Hitokotonushi

— if £

Hokke sanmaidö [zanmaidö]

Φ *fcfa

Hiyukyö

* f

Art*

,

>£; /ΑςHokke senbö

Hizen

hohonokawa $h S $ v&4t

höjin

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Höjöe

Hokkiji

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Hökökyö Hökü

i££>^fc£&

Höjöki % XiCi Hökei nyorai £§L

Höki

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höki

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Hokkedö 7 £ Hokke e

£ ^ 7 A W

* 4

H o n e n Shönin den

yfz

Hongü honji suijaku

Α ίh ifc

i-Alf

List of Terms

385

hö no aji ο hodokoshite

*tili*

Hsiao-yao yung

ϋ^ΊΤ^ί,

Hsieh Ling-yun Höongyö

IfR

Hsi-ming-ssu (Saimyöji)

Höonjurin

Hsing-shih-ch'ao

Hörenji

hörin hörö

y k f y q

ff ^

Hosokawa

[Hui ]yuan Hunan

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Hosshin wakashü Hosshöji

>J4 ff?

hyakkan

hosshin > £ J%

Hotaru

ίί

Hui-ssu

^1$Η1ν ^

Höshö nyorai

3£

Hui-kuo «σ

Höshibon

Höshakkyö

£

Hui-chang Hui-chiao

höshaku

tfyffj

Hsi-tung Hsüan-tsang

yijjbj

Höryüji

Hossö

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Hsing-man (Gyöman) /ξ J ^

Hori Naonori (Chökaku)

^ *fT

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Hyüga

13

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keka \ 4 - 1 S l

$ 'fä-iiL

Kichijösöji

&-£f\

Kazan

J*,-fc(JD

Ki

Kawachi Amano Kongöji

Kawaru

t& i^tf^

U t a

Kensei shishi

Kasugayama

Kawachi

Kenkairon engi

J-J

^

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Kinpu Kinshi Naishinnö

ία 3Ϋ1$Ιί

List of Terms

391

Kinunui Tomo Miyatsuko Gitö

K o k i n wakashü

Kökö Kishi [Naishinnö]

^

-fX-J^

jt # % ^ $4%%Köko gafu J

«5

f f \ ^jc "5

Kokonchomonjü

Kita no dö iL J

koku y& Kiyotaki

S1Kokubunji

^

5

kö i p Kobe myöjin

^ £ß Hj^ /?^

Köbö Daishi

5Α# Λ

vJ Kokugenji 13 H £kokuhö 1 Kokushi lS>f

Köchi Bosatsu Kodokuen

<SM$

Köfukuji

i§?tf3|<j-

Köfukuji engi

Kogimi

Kokushi [kuni no tsukasa] !§] Koküzö j L % f a Koküzö bosatsu nöman shogan saishöshin d a r a n i gumonjihö

%P $4) ^ "

Mimakawa i&p

5 ί|

5$f4^

Miroku geshökyö

^ 1$ r$

^ ^ >f[ ^ £p

; J"

fOÛ^X- ^

Mitsu iL > £ ^Λ

Mimasaka

X ilF

Miyamaro

Minamoto

7Jfr

Miyoshi Kiyoyuki

Minamoto Hideaki >·# 31 äjj

Mizoü innengyö

Minamoto Masayori

Mizukagami

i$

Minamoto Shitagö i ^ / f H

f

iL £ 1^

3Κ>ί&

Mizutori rJCJfX.

;1H J |&

List of Terms

395

Mo-ho chih-kuan

J ^ ^ j t %\

munashiki oshie 2 ( ί %K

Mokuren fi !£,

Murakami

mokusetsu

ψ AMurasaki Shikibu

mokusha monjöshö

X

] $ ^ ßßMuro [no göri

X ^ - ^ L

f Muryögikyö ,i?>- ^

Χϊ^ψ

Monjue Monju

fäX

Muryöjubutsu

hatsunehangyö

Muryöjukyö

Ms^kÜftf

Musubi Hayatama Monjushiri

hatsunehangyö

Mutsu ή-

Myöanji Monjushirimongyö Monjushiri

£5 ^ i

myöhö

X ffi SfîJ f ^ f

+^ % ^

mori (yashiro)

#i

Nakachimaro f ^ Nakatomi

A
JL ]%

Nakatomi Katsumi *f7 SL JÜ^

mototsukami

7

Mou-hsien

namubutsu

JvNakayama Tadachika «f

396

List of Terms

Nien

Nangaku no e daishi

&

Nigatsudö Naniwa

ftt^t

Nihongi

N a n t e n j i k u B a r a m o n Söjö hi

—

1st

Q

N i h o n kiryaku

^^cHS-S-

β

N i h o n k o k u genpö zen'aku ryöiki Nantöin vfj Na'nyo

N i h o n k o k u meisöden

Nan-yüeh ^ Ä 7 Naoyo J$[ *t£ Nara

Nihonkoku

-^fc.

Nara no Iwashima

^ ^ Ji ^ ( fä)

Nara sakaguchi

^ iv£ ο

nehan Nehan'e

N i h o n kösöden yömonshö

$ N i h o n öjögokuraku ki

>£f^£f

nenbutsu

^j|7

nenbundosha nenjügyöji

N i h o n ryöiki Ή fcy$[ % i & N i h o n shoki E] ^ #

%^J%^

\ ή7 \

Ninju j ~ J f Ninmyö Ninnaji

Nenjü gyöjishö Nenzenshi Nichien f l i L . 0 H

4£

Ninchü ^ . v j

%

Nenjü gyöji goshöjimon

Nichira

sandai j i t s u r o k u

£g ^

]~-%XJ %

]

%r ^ \ Τ ^ t f ZA&f-tf ( & & f t f )

ninniku haramitsu

^ ^ %

Ninniku sennin /?L Ninnö

>J Jj A

hannyaharamitsukyö

List of Terms

Nin'yö

397

4-*|f

Nodera

Α 4& J | ^

Ökagami uragaki Okamoto

%

!ζ| ^

Okisome no Omi Taime

Nödera nori no utsuwamono

J ^ (. ft J

Noto

okurigana

nyöbachi

Ökutsumara

nyoi höshu

1

£ ,^ f f ^

t&ff Jg

Ökutsumarakyö >K

Nyoirin Kannon ΊΐΏ %

Ömi

nyoishu ^TO

Ömine

nyorai

üL iit

^

|5 J£

ÜL >i A ^

Ömi no Mifune (Genkai)

£0 ^ tf

nyoraishi

nyöyaku ujökai

ff Α

Nyühokkai bon

if χ&

Ο Obitoke-chö

Öe Masafusa

Onjitsu

sennyoku

A it ? | * Ά . shusökyö

Onodera 4^ ff X »< ^

Öe Tadamichi

Α >X

Ogura[yama] J > Ov

J^ ?H£< 3

Ono Minemori

Ψ ff

Ono no Ason Niwamaro

Ononomiya nenjü gyöji

Öjin Öjöyöshü Ökagami

\ * L % % % A^jJL

onriedo gongujödo

#iM|kX

onshitsu (onjitsu, unshitsu)

>^ j[

398

List of Terms

On'yöji

Ptf**p

Po-shih Lo-chung chi-chi

Öshajö Ösumi R

ΧΜ

Ötaki

Otokoyama %

1Κί Raetsuki

Ötomo ; M - f

rakei

Ötomo Komaro

Ötori

Rakei sennin

A4 Ϋ ^ Λ

Ötomo Tabito

^

-^f7rakushoku ;S

Λ

/^tfifi/tyRanshöshö

Λ,I

Otsunu (Otsuno, Ozuno, Shökaku)

Reizei R e k i d a i köki

Öwake no Ökimi Owarida

renge no za J M 3 1 7 £ .

N

J ^? W

Rengeshiki

Hsiang-shan

£ ? έ

rin'ö (rinnö)

Ρ Ραι

^Χ

XRenge bunin

A/51] i

rin'yügaku

shih-chi

iL ;ff g ^

Risshi PaiP'u-tzu

^ t t i

Pan-jo (hannya) Pao-ch'ang

#3: ^

Roben

If

& ff

rokkonnotsumi y fi &

Pao-ying chi pien-wen

Ritsu

J

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yf J[rokkon shöjöi Λ ,f & 7^ & Λ >Ä ItRokuharamitsuji ^ -

^ X

Pin Yang f f t Po Chü-i (Pai Chü-i)

\

Rokumo bunin &

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Rokunyo bunin

^ f ^ A

List of Terms

Rokuon

399

fC

rokusai A

7~s $ [ $ )

Rokusokuö

iÄ

rönin

JiJcJ^

Saidaiji

/ &A

rönotsuide

Saga

;fä $

Saichö 7(k / jt^

Ά '^κ Χ

rokuyokuten

42./6

Sagara[ka]

JvL)i_ £

roku tsü

Saeki

Saidaiji

i& A den'en

mokuroku

Hf ^ \>%

Ruijü kokushi

lg ^

Saigüki £7 !& 12.

Äuiyö kudaishö

#£ ^ ^ S ^ /

S a i i k k i i£7:MsU&

Äai/ü sandaikyaku

$: fj |j< i L 4 \ ^

Rusui ryö

Saiin >£7 PJL Saiji

},^K £|

& £ 4r

Sassha nikengyö

Sangokudenki

Satta öji

2- )SJ f j| i£

Sangö s h i i k i

^

If

Sanjönishi Sanetaka sanjujökai

sechinichi ^ \& X

^ |£ 7# £

Seiganji

jf jr£ £ ^ 5 |

Irl

fjfS^

Seiryöden 7%)&Μ%

sanjünisö jEL f jx ^@

Seishi JEL 5

sanjüsanten

SeiShönagon

iL "f iL X

fkilL7i$&fä

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sanki iL

Seiwa )if^tJ

sanmai i L 9 ^

Sekido-ke bon M 7

sanmaijö

Ζ.

Sekiken 1 ^ £

Sanmon

^?5

semai

^ffe ^

Semu

^L

sanmyö

iL tf\

Sanne jöichiki San-pao-chi

^ j j ^ £ % it>

Sen §j& Senbyaku biku

/f3f^$g£

Sanron S- i$f

Sendakaö

santan

%Hi fK

Sendankö

Sanuki

%Ht^

Senjü hyakuengyö

sanzendaisekai

2 -f A i£

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Senju n o j u

^f- / %>

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Senju sengen kanzeon bosatsu ködai enman muge d a i h i s h i n daranikyö

shami >χ ffi shamon y& Shan t'ao

Senke e

Shantung vb Jfl

f fc^h

senmyötai

4#

Shararin :/]f H: # fc

t %4 fa

shari

sennin J

sennin no miyako /fJjA

4M J

Shari bosatsu

5f

sen ο motomuru \ Jj 7 ^ Η A; 1/

Sharie 4 N ^ " J ^

senpu

Shariji

senrei no kutsu /(iL ^ Senshösen

jlT

f 1b 5? J-
2E7^f

setsuwa bungaku ^ ) L i & X c3p

Shibiö

/ HKli

Settsu

shibu deshi

Seyakuin

A

i&£ ]%

Sezoku genbun

Utt&i&j(^

shaba sekai

3£ fi

7

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Shibunritsu

VZ'/ft^

shichidaiji

A

Shichidaiji

junreiki

Shaekoku shaku

Shichidaiji j u n r e i

A

Shakuhara

#f>Ä Jfc

shakujö höyö Sftafcu N i h o n g i shakutö

shiki

^

^ 7£ 4r K f l

Shichidaiji

nikki

-fc A 3 a |& shichijü no hayashi

-fc: £ y ^

402

List of Terms

shichi shu no michi -t: J? J iJL

ShinGangöji

Shidaiten'ö (Shidaitennö) γ£7 Α Χ £

shingoigyö

Shiga

shingon, Shingon %~ %

^

Shingon'in ή &^Γ^

Shigisan engi

Η^Λί'

7C%&%

JL %

Shingon'in no mishuhö

}/Hiffk &

shiharai Shih chi

3ti &

Shingü $ί

Shih-tsung

-ftf ^

Shinjikangyö

Shih-tung

6f jft

shinkyü (shingö)

|^|^

Shijöshiki

ΠΕ7^^: ^

shinnan shinnyo

\%

shijü no toga V£7 JL J i ^ L i) °

Shinran

shijüzai V2H7 J[. |f

Shin sanböekotoba

Shikama

S h i n s e n röeishü

N

STuTea wakashü

iC fa^X^

shiki &|&(ID

shikikai mushikikai shima

£ 3p

£7 ^ £H jr.

Shinzei

/f\

shion

Shimotsuke

Τ ff

Shiriguta

ft $ ^

Shinano f έ '/Μ. Shinbasharon

ίφηΙ. 4

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/7^'J^ ^

shishimura I^J (iJ shishinoza

2

Ü ^ i§ ^

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shimoku

Shimotsukie

fff$lt&%

Shm shäi wakashü

Shintö

Shiman biku J &

$ff 2- ^ Η Ρ ί ί

jf ^

shinshi dözoku

ίΚ^β ^

shikibu no jö

Shinshi

j$?-ic

|tß- 3 J Μ

shishi shushöhöza

3j ^ ffi&fä

List of Terms

403

Shishü h y a k u i n n e n shü

S h o k u shikashü

Shöman JJf^p V31flL JL BJj^

shishu zanmai

Shömangyö

Shitennöji ^ X i ^ Shömangyö gisho

shiun

Shöman shishiku ichijö daihöben hökökyö

Shöba l ^ y A Shöbinzuruhö

#H$f£&JiL

e

shöbö JE >£ Shömitsu

Shöbönenjokyö IE Shödai

senzai

shömon

denkt

Jj^$ F "3 9

shömonkai ^j* ) ^ shödö bungaku shögaku

v&^Si^

Shömu

iE ^

Shönawashu

Shögatsu iE ^ shögun

shöritsugikai Ii

Shöhö JJ&1£ Shöjari sennin engl shü shöjin

>f1^

Shoreishö f y ] \ψ\ i f

^ Bp

Shöhara -£

ijß

&f] ^ ^ A % tffcfe

ij£

shöshin

4j

Shösöin

JE^fö

£

Shötoku Shötoku fukudengyö

fä3&

shöjin haramitsu 3fä 31t >Ä Ä $

shötoku muryö

Η.

shöjo issho ilMA—^/f

Shötoku Taishi

^ jfeA^-

shöke

Shötoku T a i s h i den

Shoku Nihongi Shofcu N i h o n köki

^ )3

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\ j& A - 3

Shötoku T a i s h i d e n r y a k u

^£cl hl

^

j£ ^

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List of Terms

Shötoku T a i s h i H e i s h i d e n zökanmon

söan Soga Iname J f c ^ #S Ö

£j

N

Shöyüki*?J J£

sögana

3p

jßfίshözenbökai ;h|£ SogaUmako

|£*fcJ&* 3

ή' %YShüchüshö Sögiritsu

Shudaeten

f )*^X(fi)

Shudama

fäf&jf

Shudana

$I:Mß(&

Sögö

4t

Sögö b u n i n shöshutsu

sogösho Shudashuma

JfFfc$i#

W*fl#r

Söjiin

3g i$pjk

Söjin

^ jjt

söjö

i.

Sökami

5^-fc-

Shudatsu ^ Ü i L Shugendö /i^K&fcit shugyöja

j\ffä£

Shüishü (Shüi wakashü)

Sone Yoshitada Shüissai f u k u t o k u zanmaikyö

Sonkeikaku sono engi

shukke

dt ^

Shükongöjin

f M N I ' J ?t

îffcflfl ^

sono shiki J£• ^ S o n p i b u n m y a k u j£ Jf-^M^

Shuman

Sonshi & Söraku

Shunigatsu

i f / f H * i $;

$%>fe

>f^— $ sora ni shirinu ^ —

Shunki

^M<j

Shun-hsiao (Junkyö) ;ι| % ΐ&

Sore

Shutsuyökyö

Soren

Ä

y ν (*; ^ i3L

4* (* ;

5^

List of Terms

405

Ssu-chiao-i

Tachibana Koreyori

Ssu-fen-lü shan-fan pu-chüeh hsingshih-ch'ao

TachibanaMoroe fö\i%JL Tachibana Naramaro

Su chang jE£ &

Tachibana no Iwashima

Suehara

Tado

& 7?

Tahö suenoyo

X J tt

T'ai-po-shan

ί£ ί Α · ^

Sufukuji

Sufukuji engi sj\

•$f $£^Taizökai kanjö Jj & ^ f

Tajihi Hironari

> % II

9

Ä

Takahashi no Muraji Azumahito Λ

**feil* Takaichi

Tao-sui (Dösui) Ta-su (Taiso[sen])

X j£

Ta-t'ang hsi-yü-chi

JKJ& VS7 £ 2 £

Ta-Vang ta-tz'o-en-ssu shih-chuan

^ ψ

tatari Takamadoyama

Α&&£.ξ-

A#

Takakamo no Ason

san-ts'ang

,f;

te

ifi vb

Techii no yama

Takano 7^ Takao

Techirin'ö

Takaodera

Te hsüan

Takasamaro

f&£

Teiki Abe no sumeramikoto

T?J i£ vb

Takaosanji

ffijfäi.

tJL Te-mei

Takashima 7§ Ten'an φ& 5Γ

takusen

Tenchiin Tamakazura

£^

XWjfL

Tenchö

Tamamushi no zushi £

A |

>U 5"

Λ £

Tendai tamanoonna

i J

ic

Tendaie

X^4^

Tamatsukuri £: i ^ L Tamenori no ki Tamenori shü T'ang

7 ,£}

#

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Tendai

ryöözu hondenshü

^ tendoku J ^ Ä ^

T'ang Lin / £ ί &

tendösezu

Tao-chen

tengen

3&jf^

jM^ll ΈΓ X

XSß;

fa-

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Tengen

407

X 7L

Tengizenshi

Tödaiji-gire Λ ΙϊΙ|^

Tenji Tenjönikki

Tödaiji no kimon

jjl X

Tödaiji yöroku

f

^ λ|

i& $^

Tö Daiwajö töseiden

f i H ^

Tenjukoku [mandara] Todöin

|&

Tenmu

X A

töge sanmaya fäj^L ^ ft§ if β

tennin

X A.

Töji

tennyo X ^T

TöjiKanchiinbon jM?

Tennyo jöbutsukyö

4$^

Tennyo shingyö

%

Χ τ

Tenpyö

^

^^jL^ffiih

Tokio Shinnö ^ i Ä f & i Tökondö

JMMT

Tokudö f$g3jL Χ f ψ

TenpyöHöji

^

Tenpyö Shöhö

Tokugawa

K f W f

j&'l ^Α θ

Tomidera

tenrin shöö $£$ίβ

Tomilchihi

Tenryaku

Tomi no amadera ^ 3>

tenshi

XjH

X 3"

ÜJLf^

Tömitsu

ijL$J

Ten'yaku no kami Φ 9j£

Töriten

Jv5 * J X

tera

Tosa no otodo

^

T'ien t'ai

,

X, ^

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§

^.it

$ Λ |

Χ

^ λ£7 ;fJCjl,

Töseiden

emaki

täj$>

Töshikaden "toshi no naka no matsurigoto no kami"

Tödaiji fujumonkö Töshödaiji

frt&yi%

408

List of Terms

Tosotsuten £ß3f*X

Udasen'ö

&ΐ£

Tötö

tötoki michi

Tfe £ £

Uetsukidera ^%

Uhara(Ubara) f

Tötömi ÜL yX~

uhatsuke

Toyo

Uhatsurake

f

Uhatsurake

%$($J

b i k u n i honjökyö

toyoashihara no mizuho kuni Uji Toyobuku

jtifc

f ;#

CT/'i shüi monogatari

Tsu Tsuchimaro ^ L A , tsuchinoe tatsu

Umayado Toyotomimi no Miko ; f c / * j | ü M * - ( «

J\fc

tsuchinoe tora J \ χ 7

Umayasaka

Tsukai Maro >fjÂ>

Umayasakadera T^.tÄ'f"

tsuki ni norite Tsukushi

$ x

f"

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urabon

iÄ.

1£»

Urabongyö

TsungLin %\%

Usa

Qfä

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Tsuruga

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Usa Daijingüji

Tun-huang

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