The Third Voyage Journals: Writing and Performance in the London East India Company, 1607-10

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Writing and Performance in the London East India Company, 1607–10

Richmond Barbour

10.1057/9780230100886 - The Third Voyage Journals, Richmond Barbour

Copyright material from www.palgraveconnect.com - licensed to Universitetsbiblioteket i Tromsoe - PalgraveConnect - 2011-03-11

The Third Voyage Journals

THE THIRD VOYAGE JOURNALS

Copyright © Richmond Barbour, 2009.

First published in 2009 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States - a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN: 978-0-230-61675-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available from the Library of Congress. The third voyage journals : writing and performance in the London East India Company, 1607-10/Richmond Barbour. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN: 978-0-230-61675-2 (alk. paper) 1. Shakespeare, William, 1564-1616—Stage history—To 1625. 2. East India Company—History—17th century—Sources. 3. Merchants—England— Diaries. I. Barbour, Richmond (Richmond Tyler) PR3095.J88 2009 792.9'5—dc22 A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Macmillan Publishing Solutions First edition is October 2009 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in the United States of America.


2009005348


All rights reserved.



For Nancy again, and in memory of my parents



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Illustrations

vii

Acknowledgments

ix

1

Introduction

1

2

The Anonymous Hector Journal

33

3

The Hector Journal of Anthony Marlowe

75

4

The Hector Papers of Francis Bucke

149

5

The Red Dragon Journal of John Hearne and William Finch

155

Summary of William Keeling’s Journal on the Red Dragon and the Hector

235

Appendix: The Extracts on Hamlet and Richard II

243

Glossary of Terms

247

Glossary of Persons

251

Notes

255

Bibliography of Primary Sources

273

Index of Persons and Places

277

Index of Subjects

283

6



Contents




Figure 1

Map of Africa, from John Pory, trans., A Georgraphicall Historie of Africa, Written in Arabicke and Italian by John Leo a More (London: Georg.Bishop, 1600).

30–31

Figure 2

Final page of Marlowe’s Journal.

146

Figure 3

Final page of Bucke’s Journal.

147

Figure 4

Page from Journal of Hearne and Finch showing Isla Verde and Sierra Leone, August 1607.

169

Cover Art:

“Ships trading in the East” (det.), Hendrick Cornelisz Vroom (1614). Courtesy of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich.



Illustrations




I am grateful for the advice and generous assistance of many people on this project. John Michael Archer, Heidi Brayman Hackel, Harry Berger, Christopher Hodgkins, Rich McCoy, Cristina Malcolmson, Louis Montrose, and Stephen Orgel gave informed encouragement; Bernhard Klein, Alan Nelson, Anthony Parr, Nigel Rigby, and Paul Seaver contributed detailed expertise. At a late stage, A.R. Braummuller read the typescript and made a number of valuable suggestions. My editors at Palgrave MacMillan, Brigitte Shull, Lee Norton, and Erin Ivy, provided welcome vision and initiative. At the British Library, the personnel of the Manuscripts Room and the Asian and African Studies (formerly Oriental and India Office) Collection, particularly Edward Tellme, were dependably helpful. I am indebted to Richard Morel for his interventions in the archive there and to Andrew Cook and Annabel Teh Gallop for help with early modern place-names and Malay terms. I thank the staff and directors of the Huntington, especially Christopher Adde, Susan Green, and Roy Ritchie, for research help, editorial advice, and fellowship support, and I am grateful to the HuntingtonBritish Academy consortium for a fellowship in London. Oregon State University generously supported the research in London as well: without repeated grants from the Valley Library and the Office of Research, this book would not have come about. An internal fellowship at Oregon State University’s Center for the Humanities accelerated the project, and the Center’s director David Robinson offered wise commentary on it. I thank my colleagues Vicki Tolar Burton and Lisa Ede, whose interest in the history of literacy resonated for the Third Voyage community. I am grateful to my dear friends Patrick Condon and the late William Netzer, whose intellectual companionship helped me years ago to cross disciplinary borders and to discern compelling material for historical criticism in the nascent East India Company. My gratitude extends



Acknowledgments

Acknowledgments

above all to Nancy Staton Barbour. She saw from the start that there was a book here, joined the labor of transcription and research, and consistently provided sound counsel. This book is lovingly dedicated to her and to the memory of my parents, Artha T. and J. Richmond Barbour. Portions of chapters 1 and 3 appeared in “The East India Company Journal of Anthony Marlowe, 1607–08,” Huntington Library Quarterly 71, no. 2 (2008): 255–301.



x

Introduction The Third Voyage of the London East India Company (1607–10), five of whose journals are herein fully published for the first time, rewards attention. Departing the year after King James licensed the Virginia Company, it was England’s first voyage to reach India and, on the way, the Arab island of Socotra. The foothold in Surat focused the merchants’ mobile attentions on India, where Portuguese power was waning and the Dutch were not, as in the Spice Islands, ascendant. The expedition’s heady profits quickened the fortunes of the nascent, cash-hungry East India Company. As the first Company voyage fully conceived and performed after King James had concluded peace with Spain and outlawed piracy, the voyage strived to implement a more irenic, sustainable commerce than the privateering vital to the Company’s formation.1 Beyond its economic and political importance, the expedition holds acute interest for literary scholars and theater historians. If the surviving transcripts of General William Keeling’s journal are, as most scholars have inferred, genuine—though he alone notes the performances—the Red Dragon’s crew staged Hamlet (twice) and Richard II (once) on the outbound voyage. These were the first productions of Shakespeare outside Europe.2 Putting an innovative spin on the discursive and performative culture of voyaging, Keeling’s men happened to initiate the global export of the canon that eventually became an important tool in the cultural work of colonization. The likely inclusion of Shakespeare’s plays on this pivotal expedition offers potential leverage on an important yet slippery tenet of cultural materialism: that imaginative fictions do not merely reflect, they also help to bring about, material history; and a corollary, that the lively relations among various sectors of economic and artistic production— between London’s maritime and theatrical industries, for instance—are mutually transformative and collectively consequential. I first consulted the journals to assess the voyage as an environment for Shakespeare: to



Chapter 1


interrogate the social, material, cognitive, and affective circumstances that might have informed the productions or that the plays themselves might have impacted. Fragile, deteriorating, the manuscripts are peculiarly rich in detail, clearly demanding publication for illuminating not only these literary and theatrical concerns but also economic and historical initiatives of global consequence. Commissioned to compose “a true relacion of every thinge that passeth” on the voyage,3 the writers are alert, insightful, articulate, and sometimes impassioned witnesses to events and situations of compelling interest. Their journals express not the inescapable discursiveness that postmodern theory often finds in language but, like other strong examples of this corporate genre, a disciplined commitment to the actual. Each author’s axis extends from his own words and impressions to an interested consensus on their surroundings and experiences. The writers compare notes, echoing, questioning, and supplementing each other. Along with place descriptions and navigational details, they offer glimpses of real human beings on a consequential errand of some magnitude and pathos. The journals should be read, as they were composed, within the colloquy of their community. The accounts of Keeling on the Red Dragon (a.k.a. Dragon) and of Lieutenant General William Hawkins on the Hector, and notes by the Dragon’s William Finch, were published long ago. So was the narrative of David Middleton’s voyage on the Consent, a separate journey.4 The others—the Company’s “Princepall Notes” of Keeling’s voyage on the Dragon and the Hector, the shared account by John Hearne and Finch on the Dragon, and three by Anthony Marlowe, Francis Bucke, and an unidentified merchant on the Hector—have for 400 years gone unpublished but in excerpts or abstracts. P. E. H. Hair and Gary Taylor edited passages from Sierra Leone; Clements R. Markham briefly abstracted the “Princepall Notes,” Hearne and Finch, and the anonymous Hector journal.5 The great body of these texts has remained inaccessible to all but paleographers in the British Library. They deserve publication, for they disclose in peculiar detail the social and cultural logistics of a pivotal moment in the emergence of multinational corporatism and global British initiative.6 Inviting both structural and historical analysis, they articulate the mariners’ processes of deliberation, crisis management, conflict mediation, discipline, grieving, recuperation, and festivity. Individually and collectively, the writers express the divided mentality of a hierarchical collective under stress, as the crews recurrently adjusted expectation against surprise, confronted the collapse of current plans, and improvised ways forward. When London’s directives and their own moves repeatedly misled them, voices clashed over what to do next. Keeling had the last word, but he was not the most expert



2

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in navigation, and he preferred to build a consensus methodically before proceeding. An emergent international player, the East India Company devised financial, managerial, logistical, and epistemological protocols at home and abroad, enabling the joint-stock body to fasten upon lucrative opportunities that nourished the growth of state-sanctioned commercial power. The August 1604 treaty with Spain, moreover, motivated England’s mariners to reappraise their purposes and tactics at sea. The Third Voyage expressed the conflicted will of the Company as it strived to outgrow its original praxis—the mounting of separate voyages organized like jointstock privateering ventures—and to cultivate regular markets and ongoing corporate strategies. The reports of the mariners’ disagreements and decisions in these documents thus articulate the defining predicaments of protoimperial capitalism as it went global from England. Keeling and his principal mariners believed the expedition capable of amending England’s piratical reputation, an ameliorative process to which Hamlet presumably contributed in Sierra Leone. The journalists’ disposition to imagine other peoples not as colonial subjects but as possible partners in an ongoing, mutually profitable traffic inflects their constructions of these people. While constituting only the English part in a number of cross-cultural conversations, as artifacts of corporate discourse the journals are important pieces of Jacobean ethnography. The writers’ ethnocentric biases are offset by a range of sharply situated concerns: the mariners’ limited numbers and firepower, urgent material needs, ignorance of the seas and markets they were entering, and businesslike resolve not to pillage but to cultivate sustainable relations. The journals thus pose strong challenges to the imperialist view—and the postcolonial critique—of early modern Europeans as explorers who, by virtue of their advanced technology, textual literacy, empirical mentality, and ethnocentric discipline, subjugated other races rather swiftly, verifying on the ground the self-confidence they brought to such encounters. Thus Michel de Certeau describes Van der Straet’s engraving of Vespucci’s arrival in America, a continent epitomized as a naked woman: “This is writing that conquers. It will use the New World as if it were a blank, ‘savage’ page on which Western desire will be written.”7 As numerous scholars have demonstrated, this model of fluent imposition, owing much to Edward Said’s Orientalism, obscures the polylateralism and volatile mutuality of intercultural traffic and, equally important, ignores early modern Europe’s weaknesses relative to imperial Asian powers.8 The Third Voyage writers did not fantasize themselves incipient conquerors. They were the bonded servants of London’s mercantile elite: belated contenders for access to the rich, polyethnic, bewilderingly complex markets of the Indian Ocean and beyond. They knew they needed luck and copious assistance.



Introduction


Marlowe praises Keeling repeatedly for his knowledge of Arabic and for his friendly meetings in Socotra with Arab authorities and Gujarati mariners who provided navigational data vital to the attempt at Aden and the passage to India. Though trafficked for millennia by South and Southeast Asians, East Africans, Persians, Arabs, Chinese, and other peoples, the Indian Ocean was new to the English.9 They urgently needed local knowledge of its navigation. The journals prove England’s attainment of Surat to have been, not an act of incipient dominion, but a chancy improvisation critically facilitated by serendipitous contact with knowledgeable nonEuropeans. As they oscillate between Anglo-centrism and admirations of difference, claims of achievement and confessions of need, the Third Voyage writers articulate the Jacobean paradox of expansive insularity: the mariners repeatedly found themselves desperate for help from others whom they preferred to think unfortunate in not being English. The expedition thus advanced, and embodied, defining economic and cultural ambitions of the small, emulous nation that was poised to turn an insular mythos of exceptionalism into a motive for imperial resolve. Notorious for his cuts, Samuel Purchas trimmed Keeling considerably, “to expresse only the most necessary Observations for Sea or Land Affaires” (2:502), curtailing accounts of places visited elsewhere in his tomes. Keeling’s manuscript, after two readers separately published the entries on Shakespeare, vanished in the nineteenth century.10 Hawkins’ log remains pragmatically terse. More detailed and meditative, those by the merchants of slightly lower rank are therefore extremely valuable documents. Scholars who interrogate processes of globalization or who deconstruct—unlike earlier generations of East India Company archivists and editors, who typically endorsed— Eurocentric and imperial mythologies will find them useful. To be sure, but for the Keeling summary, they do not treat the entire voyage, a fact that probably helps to explain their neglect. But their collective coverage of its first eighteen months, the interval that would seem to have included Shakespeare, tellingly illuminates its ambitions, achievements, conflicts, breakdowns, traumas, and extra-European dependencies. And the Company’s summary of Keeling’s journal, which covers the Dragon’s full outbound voyage, the Hector’s traffic in and east of Bantam, and which often coincides with the account in Purchas, likewise contains notable unique material. Its contents itemize the priorities of company managers in London. Aims, Principal Mariners, and Writers of the Voyage Between them, the Hector and the Red Dragon embodied the East India Company’s emergence from the Levant Company and Elizabethan



4

5

privateering. In 1599, the Hector carried the organ Thomas Dallam built for the Levant Company as Queen Elizabeth’s gift to Sultan Muhammed III, who viewed the ship at close range off Topkapi Palace.11 The Dragon’s history was more pugnacious. When christened the Malice Scourge by the Queen at Deptford in 1595, it was the greatest ship of a major privateer, George Clifford, the Earl of Cumberland: a 600-ton “pirate of very warlike appointment,” to quote Hamlet on another vessel. In 1600, Cumberland sold it to the new East India Company that he and a number of his usual backers joined.12 Richard T. Spence places the Red Dragon among the great vessels of the age, “because no other ship straddles those twin peaks of Elizabethan success, the sea-war against Imperial Spain and the company’s nascent Far Eastern trade.”13 London’s reach for the East Indies began in emulation of the Portuguese, who laid claim to the Cape route a century before, and the Dutch, who successfully challenged the Iberians in the 1590s to achieve worrisome advantage over London’s Levant Company, many of whose members joined the East India Company in 1600. Under King James, the privateering system of ad hoc, typically anti-Spanish ventures yielded to the pattern emergent in the Third Voyage: the ongoing enterprise of independent, joint-stock monopolies of London’s mercantile elite operating with the blessing of the crown. While the East India Company pursued hopes for an exclusively English route by the northeast or the northwest to China, their ultimate target, they necessarily plied the same southern waters as their European rivals, and they found markets of opportunity in the Indian Ocean. The first two voyages (1601 and 1604), respectively commanded by Sir James Lancaster and Sir Henry Middleton, set up a “factory” or trading compound at Bantam in Java and returned with profitable cargoes of pepper and cloves, yet found small market for English goods; thus the third voyage was charged to open factories on the Red Sea and on the Indian subcontinent in Cambaya, and to pursue trade in Sumatra, Bantam, and the Moluccas.14 Having failed in the initial aim, they achieved the second and third. After the Hector reached Surat, its Captain William Hawkins went up to Agra in hopes of undermining Portuguese interests at the Mughal court and persuading Emperor Jahangir to sponsor English trade, while Keeling reconstituted the factory in Bantam and tested other markets. Boosted by his knowledge of Turkish, Hawkins’ freelance diplomacy (1609–11) proved personally spectacular—he won the Emperor’s favor, a stipend of some £3,000 per annum, an Armenian Christian wife from the royal household, nobility, and the command of 400 horses—yet of little use to his employers. He never received an answering letter from Jahangir to James nor a durable firmaen (royal directive) for a factory in Surat. Only



Introduction


after English victories over Portuguese fleets in the Gulf of Cambay, and several years of negotiation by a genuine ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe, did England earn the provisional rights to trade in India.15 As England’s official voice in India, Roe had no Asian languages. In the linguistic skills of its personnel, the Third Voyage surpassed the Company norm. John Rogers of the Dragon spoke Portuguese, Hawkins Turkish, and the gifted Keeling (ca. 1578–1620) Arabic and Portuguese and wrote Spanish. On the Second Voyage, as one of the “principall merchauntes and ffactors,” Keeling commanded the outward-bound Susan, took over the Hector in Bantam, and endured a harrowing return. Having lost contact in the Indian Ocean with the Susan, which was never seen again, the Hector was discovered by the Ascension off the Cape of Good Hope, in “lamentable distress” with only fourteen survivors, and then accompanied home.16 In London, Keeling joined the planning sessions for the Third Voyage and was named its General, a complex office of executive and financial authority that demanded in equal measure the skills of seamanship, logistics, marketing, and diplomacy. He was admired not only for his “marchandizinge” but for “good command likewise over his men abroad (whome they loved and respected for his kinde usage of them),” as the minutes of a 1614 London meeting declare.17 He was nevertheless quick to punish theft and insubordination, twice inflicting forensic torture in Sierra Leone (Marlowe, 30 Aug, 11 Sep). Keeling’s East India Company career peaked with the command of the 1615 fleet that took Sir Thomas Roe to India. Interestingly, this voyage began in a striking confrontation with the Company. Denied the appeal to take his wife on the projected five-year assignment to oversee the factories in the Indian Ocean, Keeling smuggled her aboard off Sandwich. Informed of this, his employers directed him to put her ashore or resign his commission. He submitted, the ships departed, and he entreated the Company again in a letter from the Cape that she join him in the next voyage. He was again denied. After he returned to England in 1617, rich but broken in health, King James made him a Groom of the Chamber and the Captain of Cowes Castle on the Isle of Wight, where he socialized with the island’s governor, Shakespeare’s patron, the Earl of Southampton.18 Keeling’s linguistic sophistication, basic lenity with crewmen, expansive hospitality with foreigners, and unorthodox resolve, manifest in the dispute over his wife, to bring domestic vitality into the arduous regime at sea may help to explain his approval of plays on the voyage. The captain of the Hector, William Hawkins was probably a former Levant Company merchant whose knowledge of Turkish recommended his appointment to Agra.19 Marlowe repeatedly praises Keeling but is reticent on Hawkins’ talents, thus never mentioning the Turkish. His



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account of the Captain’s conduct during a near mutiny on 5 March 1608 is unflattering. Frank concerns about Hawkins’ judgment surface in Marlowe’s letter from Socotra, which observes that Keeling’s “wisedome, Language, and Carriage is such, as I fere wee shall have great want of him at Sowrate, in the first settlinge of our trade. Captayne Hawkins, nowe he Cometh to be left to himselfe, I hope in God will performe your Worships expectations, in the service he Comes for.”20 Mistrusting an unsupervised Hawkins, Marlowe opposed the separation of the ships. His doubts were later confirmed by the often caustic Roe: “For Hawkings, I fynd him a vayne foole,” wrote the ambassador of his predecessor. Outflanked by the Jesuits at the Mughal court, Hawkins was “disgraced in publique,” noted John Jourdain in 1611, for entering the presence chamber with “stronge drinke” on his breath. Jourdain’s assessment was damning: Hawkins’ “promises weare of little force, for he was very fickle in his resolucion, as alsoe in his religion, for in his howse he used altogether the custome of the Moores or Mahometans, both in his meate and drinke and other customes, and would seeme to bee discontent if all men did not the like.”21 Their envoy, Jourdain insinuated, had forgotten London. Explaining to the Company that he meant simply to “feather my neast, and doe you service” in Agra, the frustrated Hawkins departed late in 1611 with his wife and valuables. They embarked from Cambaya in February 1612 with the Sixth Voyage. He did not survive to defend himself in London but perished late in 1613 as the diseaseinfested Thomas neared Ireland, where he was buried.22 An East India Company captain, typically a merchant, relied on the navigational expertise of his “master,” who supervised the ship’s daily progress. As John Smith explains in A Sea Grammar, “The Master and his Mates are to direct the course, command all the Sailers, for stearing, trimming, and sailing the ship; his Mates are only his seconds” (34). The two masters, Anthony Hippon of the Dragon and Matthew Molyneux (Mullynex, Mollineux) of the Hector, were capable men. Hippon held the respect of Keeling, who regularly made him the ship’s envoy to other vessels. The General’s sole complaint about “My Master” was occasioned by strong currents in the Mozambique channel that Hippon believed temporary, caused by the moon; Keeling insisted, “we committed an error, in falling with the land before we had gotten neerer North” (Purchas, 2:514). Hippon moved with Keeling to the Hector in Bantam to proceed to the Banda Islands while the Dragon sailed homeward. The latter reached England in September 1609, the Hector in May 1610. In January 1611, the Company gave Hippon command of the Globe, the sole vessel on the Seventh Voyage, England’s first into the Bay of Bengal and the Gulf of Thailand. He died of dysentery in July 1612 in Patani,



Introduction


on the Eastern Malay Peninsula.23 The Dutch merchant Peter Floris, who with countryman Lucas Antheunis had instigated this voyage, believed Hippon’s “milde gouvernment” of the crew responsible for their riotous behavior lacking a captain; and he accused Hippon of engaging in private trade.24 An inevitable annoyance for London’s investors, modest private trade was a pardonable offense that Hippon had indulged on the Third Voyage: the Dragon’s cargo included his personal “hoggeshead of Cloves weighinge 260li” that the company delivered to his wife, “she first payinge the Custome.”25 They resolved to reprimand him upon his return. The Hector’s master was a decisive figure. A regular participant with Hawkins and Marlowe in away-meetings on the Dragon, Matthew Molyneux might have been a kinsman of the Lambeth mathematician, the friend of Sir Walter Raleigh and the navigator John Davis, Emery Molyneux (d.1592), who built the first English terrestrial and celestial globes, artifacts that may have prompted the naming of the Globe playhouse.26 Matthew Molyneux deserves recognition for navigating England’s first ship to India. I find no prior notice of him in the East India Company papers, but Marlowe reports that he had sailed to Sierra Leone once before “in a smale shippe” (30 July), and Hearne and Finch note that Molyneux and William Tavernor, a Dragon master’s mate whom Molyneux found insufferable, both sailed on the Company’s Second Voyage (11 May 1607).27 Molyneux was a proud, hot-tempered man denigrated by some, unevenly supported by Hawkins, and respected by Keeling and Marlowe. As disputes arose on the outbound voyage over the dangers of proximity to Brazil, the Hector’s unidentified journalist, a landsman lately steeped in Linschoten’s Discours of Voyages (1598), was troubled by Molyneux’s disregard for the book and disagreements with the Dragon’s navigators; he later likened the master to a basilisk (12 June, 14 July). As morale frayed on the journey along East Africa, Molyneux’s relations with the crew were sometimes turbulent. On 16 April 1608, angered by “some word spoken comparativelye in evell parte” (Marlowe), he struck the master carpenter in the head with the handle of a hammer and exchanged blows with a carpenter’s mate, who was ducked at the yardarm the next day. In a letter from Socotra, the merchant Francis Bucke expressed alarm at Molyneux’s “most unchristianlike” threats against Tavernor (Chapter 4). Molyneux nevertheless retained the support of Keeling and the Company. After Hawkins disembarked in Surat, he captained the Hector to Bantam. There the General, moving to the smaller vessel, made him master of the Dragon for its solo return to England, appointing Bantam’s chief factor, Gabriel Towerson, captain.28 In London, company directors consulted him “touchinge Surate and Dabull and the depthes there,”



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and “intreated” him “to bringe his plott thereof ” to another meeting with a copy for them (Court Book, 19 Dec 1609). They named him “Pilott major” for the important Sixth Voyage (1610), which launched the greatest merchant vessel yet built in England, the Trades Increase. Later, as the master of the Merchants Hope on Nicholas Downton’s 1614 voyage, Molyneux played a major role in the defeat of a Portuguese fleet off Surat.29 As for the merchant-authors, the Hector’s unknown journalist is the most literary of the group. He quotes Virgil (25 June), likening his sorrows to Dido’s, and he reads Linschoten assiduously. The initial entry, which reflects on the uses of historical narrative, balances the magnitude of his task, documenting a voyage to “the Easterne endes of the earth,” against his humility, “beinge a stranger to sea affayres, and a sojourner only in my [owne] native soyle.” Never called aboard the Dragon for a council, he expresses alienation from the principal mariners (25, 28 June) and remarks on others’ reports of such meetings. He converses with master’s mates and other officers of lower echelon, and he joins only the larger landing parties. He describes himself, “of the mennest Ranke of my sorte” (29 May). The Court Book of 31 Dec 1606 names three ranks of Company factors, or principal agents; of the six members of the third tier, the Court assigns John Dorchester, Edmond Clarke, and Adam Batten to the Hector (11 Mar 1606/7, one week after the writer notes he is aboard). Dorchester disembarked in Surat and is unlikely to have broken off the journal, mid-page mid-sentence, 12 March 1608. Clarke died 17 May 1608 in Socotra, when Hearne and Finch note him “not havinge bene well these 3 months and more.” He could be the writer. The commission identifies Clarke as one who “hath beene brought upp in the trade of Wollen Comodities” (Birdwood, 121), the man to consult on their sale abroad. But if able to dine ashore on 16 May, why did he stop writing months before? Batten is the more attractive candidate— a secretary, not an accomplished merchant like Clarke—belatedly recommended to the Court as “Mr Havers servant, a good Penman & skilfull in languadge” (Court Book, 30 Jan 1606/7). Puzzlingly, however, he is unmentioned in the journals and not named among the surviving factors in Socotra (Marlowe, 3 June). His death on the voyage should have been noted. Did he not embark after all? Two men, in any case, had a hand in the journal. There is a distinct shift in the hand midway through the 25 Feb 1607/8 Madagascar entry, as the writer assails “this yl favoured hole wheare wee could see nothinge worth,” a bitter phrase apt from someone taken ill. The sentence resumes in a tighter, more elegant script that continues until it too breaks off sixteen days later. Was the second writer taking dictation or composing



Introduction


independently? He punctuates more sparely than his predecessor, whose rhetorical commas set off every word in some phrases, and is more attentive to the particular sails deployed in storms. He ignores the near mutiny Marlowe details on 4–5 March, an episode that the first writer, troubled by executive decisions in the voyage, should have included. John Newcome, “an extraordinary” hired belatedly as a common sailor on the Hector, was the nephew of one of the Company’s directors, Robert Sandie. He was probably literate. He died of a fever on 14 March, and Marlowe paused over his passing: “in the eveninge he was wound in a sheet and cast over bord.” Perhaps Newcome resumed or assisted Clarke’s or Batten’s faltering account.30 The Hector’s chief factor Anthony Marlowe was a well-travelled merchant whose expertise in gems and precious exotica the East India Company respected. Their 15 April 1609 letter to the Bantam factory describes him as “a Jeweller” sent to purchase rarities in the region: “Diamonds, Bezar stones, Muske & other Comodities (wherof hitherto we have had none).”31 His epistolary skills included writing in cipher (Marlowe, 1 Sep). He may have been the scion of a family long involved in the Russian trade: another Anthony Marlowe, whose uncle Walter was a charter member, was the London agent of the Muscovy Company from 1576 to 1599 and, some have speculated, a relative of the poet Christopher, though the biographer Park Honan thinks otherwise.32 Early notice of the Hector’s Marlowe appears in the writings of a fellow merchant in the Levant Company, John Sanderson, with whom he returned to England in 1598. Writing to Sanderson in Jerusalem from Aleppo on 14 November 1597 to promise payment of a £3 debt, he declares himself “Anthony Marlowe of London Gouldsmithe.” He was a cheerful, humorous man. From Pera, the ambassador-designate Henry Lello wrote Marlowe and Sanderson in February 1598 that he wished “to have made recitall of our mery conceats past here,” but must instead report the “untimely death of my Ld Ambassiatore,” Edward Barton.33 Sanderson expressed gratitude to Marlowe for a bibulous intervention at Patras in 1591: “with aqua vita . . . I emongest the rest became drunke, and so sicke that, had not Anthony Marlo put his finger into my throate and caused me to cast, I had died that night most assueredly.” With the Third Voyage in progress, from London on 30 April 1607, Sanderson wrote Lello in Constantinople, “Laffing Anthony is gone for the East India. I have an adventure with him. God send him merrelie home” (Foster, Sanderson, 9, 236).34 Sanderson earned a high return on his investment, but the wish for his old comrade was not granted. The day after Hawkins, planning to depart for Agra, gave him command of the Hector off Surat, Marlowe,



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the purser Walter Romney, and sixteen crewmen were captured in the ship’s unarmed pinnace by the Portuguese. Then Francis Bucke was seized petitioning for their release.35 The 1604 treaty with Spain—the freedom detailed in Item 19, “without impediment to come and goe, with their Shipping, Merchandise, and Carriages . . . to all the said Ports, Kingdomes and Dominions”—did not, in the event, hold in the Indian Ocean.36 Sent to Goa and imprisoned, Marlowe, Bucke, and Romney were later conveyed to Lisbon, Romney perishing on the voyage. The other two arrived “in great necessity, without apparel, money or other means,” wrote Sir Hugh Lee from Lisbon in July 1609, noting further in October that Marlowe and Bucke “have been very sick, and continue very weak.”37 The Company strived vainly for their release: in August 1609, the Court of Committees read letters in which Bucke and Marlowe beseeched “their inlardgment, and Anthonie Marlowes suite that they would be pleased to lett his wief have 10£ of his wages;” the members charged John Eldred to “furnish them wth moneys” in Lisbon and petitioned the Earl of Salisbury to intervene at the highest level.38 Soon thereafter, events took a sad turn: on 28 September, the Company released twenty nobles to the executors “of the last will of Anthonie Marlowes wife deceased, in the behalfe of her poore Childe left distressed.” Still in Lisbon, Bucke and Marlowe converted to Catholicism in 1611. Though the English ambassador finally secured their release, they were stayed from sailing home. It is unclear whether they ever returned to London.39 Bucke, a second-tier factor on the Hector, unlike the other mariners, had a stake in the voyage: £80, the smallest of the 207 recorded (Birdwood, 276). Although the editors of Letters Received by the East India Company leave anonymous his unsigned letter fragment from Socotra (Danvers, 1:15–17), the author declares himself one of five factors on the Hector for Surat; his identity is thus disclosed in Marlowe’s 3 June entry. Likewise, the journal fragment from Socotra to Surat— deemed anonymous by British Library archivists, mistakenly attributed to Hawkins by Judith Farrington—is Bucke’s.40 The distinctive hand matches exactly that of the 19 June letter. If Bucke kept a journal earlier in the voyage, it did not survive. He drafted John Ashenhurst’s will in Socotra on 6 June (Marlowe, 7 June). This task and the subsequent letter, composed in some urgency over Molyneux’s threats against Tavernor, may have prompted him to keep writing thereafter, and the deaths of other writers on the Hector (Clarke, the absent Batten, and Newcome being strong candidates for the anonymous journal) provided some incentive. Francis Bucke deserves recognition as a member of the voyage’s writing community.



Introduction


John Hearne dominated the Dragon journal that he and William Finch both signed. The “I,” when on excursions also reported in Marlowe, is Hearne (e.g., 27 Aug, 26 Dec, 21 Feb). The hand is his as well, as his surviving letter from Bantam and Finch’s from Surat disclose.41 Hearne is named to the first tier of factors, Finch the third. Hearne was a relatively young (Marlowe, 2 June), highly capable, self-assertive, yet dutiful man. Upon his 31 Dec 1606 appointment, he objected to the salary—£4 per month and a £10 “gratification”—and “by his displeasinge demaundes and speeches was cleane dischardged.” Thinking better of it, on 2 March, he “was now upon his humble submission & sorrow for his offence, againe interteyned & restored to his said former place of ffactor.”42 He became Keeling’s most trusted merchant on the Dragon, the counterpart to Marlowe on the Hector. On 16 April 1608, after some merchants objected to Keeling’s ducking a man at the yardarm, the General formally censured them in the presence of Hearne and Marlowe. “Mr Finche was in the same offence,” reports the latter, but had apologized already and escaped the rebuke; the Dragon journal omits the incident. Hearne disembarked and became a factor in Bantam (Purchas, 2:522), where, after his 4 December 1608 letter to the Company and their 19 March 1609/10 response, he drops from the record. His postscript requested, “your worhips to consider mee somewhat in my wages, for I have served 2 years already att 4£ a [month, an]d in this place I ame in, [my] charge will bee greater than otherwyse” (cf. Danvers, 1:20). Their response was ungenerous: “We . . . give you direct order to pay no more wages at all there, then may be needful for the comelie apparellinge of any of our ffactors,” stipulating, “the rest to be paid here in England” (Birdwood, 313). English mortality in Bantam was high, however, and like many others, Hearne did not return to claim his due. Though the journal’s final sentence, “continued . . . by us,” claims dual authorship, Finch’s contributions remain elusive. Presumably he helped Hearne with the content; if nothing else, his signature verifies Hearne’s account. Their collaboration terminated when Finch moved to the Hector in Socotra. Throughout, Finch also kept his own journal, and Purchas published sections of it with a subsequent account of India. After the passage East, Finch disembarked and remained in Surat to do business while Hawkins went up to Agra; later he joined Hawkins there and then traveled considerably. Purchas praises Finch for “more accurate observations of Men, Beasts, Plants, Cities, Deserts, Castles, Buildings, Regions, Religions, then almost any other.”43 Places and people appear in the Hearne-Finch journal as episodes in an ongoing narrative: the joint account centers on the expedition’s struggle to proceed in health and safety. Finch’s personal notes on Sierra Leone,



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South Africa, and Madagascar are more detached from the urgencies of the voyage, absorbed in description; he offers vivid accounts of clothing, social habits, housing, animals, flora, and terrain. He is less invested than Marlowe and Hearne in “our General” and their “owners” in London. After a falling out with Hawkins, whose prospects at the Mughal court Finch damaged by outbidding the Queen Mother’s agent over a purchase of indigo, Finch, pessimistic about English prospects in India, joined a caravan for Aleppo. With several other Englishmen, he died in Baghdad in 1613, presumably from drinking bad water. His papers came into the hands of the English consul in Aleppo, Bartholomew Haggat, who forwarded them to the East India Company. “I am very hartily sorrye,” wrote Haggat, “at the losse of so proper and so sufficient a Countriman of ours, as by his observations, his writings, and his demeanor, by strangers report, he is manifest unto me.”44 Voyage Overview The Third Voyage met difficulties from the start, with delays assembling the crews and desertions by seamen already paid. The Consent, David Middleton’s 105-ton vessel with a crew of thirty (Court Book, 13 Feb 1606/7), sailed from Tilbury Hope on 12 March, nine days before the other two, and the fleet never reunited. They came close in Plymouth, where the Hector learned on 13 April that the Consent departed the day before. The wind-favored Middleton made a solo journey and returned from the Spice Islands in 1608 with a cargo of cloves. The other two ships endured a tremendously taxing, lengthy passage. Having sprung a dangerous leak in a storm in the English Channel, the Hector was visited on April 1 by Company dignitaries and its builder William Burrell and nearly returned to London, but the ship’s carpenter made passable repairs at sea. During Easter week in the Downs, Keeling brought a minister aboard the Dragon from Deal to give communion. Evidently the preacher whom the Company had commissioned, “Mr Henrie Levett, Chaplain to the Lord of Pembrocke” (Court Book, 19 Feb 1606/7), never embarked. Departing from Plymouth on 16 April, the fleet lost its first seaman, one of three swept off the Dragon, on the twentieth. Passing the Canary Islands, on 7 May they stopped in the Cape Verde islands at Maio, where a Portuguese crewman had promised “good watering . . . also good store of goats” at the tiny settlement (H&F, 30 April). An islander who offered goats and other victuals from the Majordomo absconded. No water was available; they took in some goats. As they continued, a troubling episode occurred on the Hector. George King, a Gunner’s mate, was seen at night performing a “bestleye thinge . . .



Introduction


which silence beste befitteth” (Anon., 11 May): “carnall coppulation with a bitch” (H&F, 11 May). The unidentified journalist was probably not alone to fear God’s punishment on the fleet for the act. King was put in the bilboes and, at a court convened 22 May on the Dragon, was tried for his life on the charge of bestiality. Under oath, the two witnesses hesitated about what they had seen in the dark. A jury of twelve convicted King of the lesser charge of “a wicked pretence” (H&F). Keeling sentenced him to be whipped at the main mast, and he remained aboard the Dragon thereafter. He was thus far fortunate: the Fourth Voyage tried and hanged a man for the “haynous synne of soddomy” with a boy.45 The pursuit of seasonal winds and currents, the uncertainty about longitude at sea, and the risk of falling onto lee shores drove early modern mariners to cultivate distinctive tactics. To round the Cape of Good Hope, they often sailed southwestward far from Africa before turning east. The Third Voyage was near Brazil—too near, by Linschoten’s recommendations—as it crossed the equator on 2 June. They caught sight of Fernando de Noronha on 6 June, and at some 9 degrees south on 15 June, saw the mainland at Cape St. Augustine. Then, beset by calms and contrary winds, they turned back in hapless search of the lately bypassed island. They crossed the equator northward on 8 July—“still sayling to and fro,” as the exasperated Hawkins put it—in increasing desperation, with water low, and scurvy and dysentery spreading. By late July, “my Company beginning to bee grievously diseased,” wrote Keeling, they abandoned hope of finding “Lorania,” and there was talk of returning to England.46 At a meeting on 30 July, literature made a decisive intervention: Keeling read aloud from Richard Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations of Sierra Leone, a sanctuary near their latitude, and convinced the company to go there. This decision, boasts Purchas, redeemed the expedition: “M. Hackluits books of Voyages are of great profit. This saved the Company, as Sir Th. Smith affirmed to me, 20000 pounds, which they had bin endamaged if . . . that Booke had not given light” (2:503). Hakluyt’s contribution raises analogous, if unquantifiable, questions about texts less indicative of destinations: assuming Keeling’s notes on the plays to be genuine, what did Hamlet and Richard II contribute to the voyage? They arrived in Sierra Leone on 6 August, established friendly relations with the inhabitants, allies of Portugal, and stayed for some five weeks, bartering for goods while the crews recovered, juicing over a hundred thousand lemons and limes. The Portuguese contacts were less amicable than those with the Temne authorities, King Buré and his Portuguese-educated interpreter, Lucas Fernandez. A small Portuguese ship that entered the port kept its distance. Its captain, Bartholomeu



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André, refused to allow an English party aboard and referred all inquiries to Father Baltasar Barreira. The latter finally agreed by letter to forward Keeling’s letters to England, though there is no record of their arrival.47 The fleet’s commanders meant to maintain peaceful relations with both the Portuguese and the Africans. Their commission advised them, “at every place where you shall water & refresh your men, you call the Companies together, geaving them seveare warninge to behave themselves peaceablie & Civillie towardes the people of that place . . . the better to procure their ffreindshipp” (Birdwood, 117). Marlowe notes that Keeling adopted this policy: “the Generall gave sever Commaundment, that . . . all gentlenes to be used to all people, thereby to recover the scandale wch hollanders and Portingales hathe brought uppon us” (22 April). With 100 of the fleet’s 250 mariners down, the concern was acute in Sierra Leone.48 In the 1560s, Sir John Hawkins took slaves here repeatedly; in 1586, Thomas Cavendish’s men burned houses, and the Cumberland expedition burned a village. Keeling probably knew Cumberland and had read of these voyages in Hakluyt.49 He and the Company were now resolved to translate the lust for pillage into the deferred profit of a corporation already preparing its next voyage. When crewmen from the Hector stole goods from a village, Keeling and Hawkins intervened decisively. Inviting the aggrieved Africans aboard the Hector to witness the process of “our nationes Justice” (Marlowe, 30 August), they restored the items with interest and punished some offenders with weights hung from their necks at the capstan, another by ducking from the yardarm. The villagers rejoiced. This cross-cultural spectacle was likely followed by another on 5 September: Hamlet, whose audience included Lucas Fernandez and his party. As Hair (endnote 47) and Taylor (endnote 2) have suggested, the show, like a command performance at Whitehall, enhanced their relations with the foreign guests who hosted them ashore. The play elaborated the cross-cultural tact that Marlowe praises repeatedly in Keeling. As it happened, Hamlet was followed by another exercise of English justice, this time more hurtful and without mention of African witnesses. On the night of 10 September George King, prosecuted in May for bestiality, desperate to flee the expedition, slipped off in the Dragon’s pinnace and was apprehended. The next day he was tortured under inquiry. Facing trial for theft, with his arms bound, having obtained leave to walk to the bow to relieve himself, he leapt overboard and drowned. The event stunned and dismayed the crews. “I pray God,” Hearne and Finch reflected, “that all offenders may take warninge by his most miserable end and become niew men.” They departed on 13 September. On the 29th, John Rogers, Keeling’s emissary in Sierra Leone, died. Three days later, with the ships becalmed



Introduction


near the equator, a note retrieved from Keeling’s journal says that he invited Hawkins aboard for dinner and a play: a reciprocal courtesy for the Hector’s albacore dinner one week before (Marlowe). Richard II held patriotic force: its invocations of English soil transformed the floating theater into the fortified island whose ambitions the Dragon advanced. In southern latitudes a month later, the General broke open a bale of the Company’s cloth to equip his men against the cold, a solicitude Hawkins did not replicate—though the several clothing-related thefts and accidents on the Hector should have qualified the captain’s complacency. The Company had directed them, “for the fittest place of reffreshinge,” to bypass South Africa and “shape your Course to the Porte of St. Augustine in the Iland of St. Lawrence [Madagascar], where you shall find good harbor & plentie of victualls” (Birdwood, 118). This recommendation seconded the counsel of Sir James Lancaster: “myne opinion is that you stay not att Saldania [South Africa] to water or refresh, but rather to hould on your Course directlie for St. Lawrence.” Lancaster’s plan, however, supposed them to pass “Cape Bona Speranza . . . by the first of June little more or less, & your people standing in health” (Birdwood, 136). The expedition was six months late, and the crews were not well. With the Cape of Good Hope in sight on 17 December, when they saw that their commanders meant to press on, the sailors of both ships staged formal protests. On the Dragon, report Hearne and Finch, “three tymes they came wth some ffew sick men wch hadd bene longe sick also wth them” to remind the Generall, “wthout them hee could not performe his voyadge.” Like Sir Henry Middleton before him, Keeling relented.50 The fleet put in and the crews recuperated, while strong east winds blew, until 1 January; they traded pieces of iron hoops for cattle and sheep, relying on three local men whom Keeling already knew by English-given names. After a difficult passage, they reached Madagascar late in February 1608 to find, against expectation, poor anchorage and few supplies. To have bypassed the Cape of Good Hope, they realized, would have been catastrophic. The realization sharpened their skepticism about London’s advice. Moreover, the scarce foodstuffs here were costly: “the[y] estemed of nothinge we had but silver,” wrote Marlowe. “Theise people are goodly men and of Subtill and Ingenious witt” (22 Feb). As they neared the Indian Ocean, English mariners entered an ancient, sophisticated world of trade where they needed ready money, not mere beads and iron. Along with the deaths—between the departures from Madagascar and Socotra, the fleet lost at least fourteen men, including both master surgeons—problems of morale increased on the passage north. On 4 March on the Hector, blows were exchanged between the purser’s mate



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and master carpenter, and Lantro, a carpenter’s mate, struck down the captain’s servant, Thomas Rouke. Hawkins referred the case to Marlowe and Molyneux. The next day, the boatswain, supported by some forty seamen, refused to perform Lantro’s punishment at the capstan, and Hawkins backed down. In mid-April, as noted above, Lantro assaulted Molyneux for striking the master carpenter and was ducked at the yardarm. Meanwhile on the Dragon, some merchants objected to the General’s ducking a man at the yardarm and were censured. Between these incidents, on 31 March, becalmed at sea during Easter week some hours before crossing the equator, with Hawkins, Molyneux, and Marlowe aboard, the Keeling extract indicates that the Dragon again staged Hamlet. The General permitted the show, he explained, to enhance discipline: “to keepe my people from idleness and unlawful games, or sleep” (Appendix). Keeling meant to stop at Zanzibar, but they were carried past it: one motive for staging Hamlet may have been to divert the crews following this frustration. Late in April, in the Indian Ocean southeast of Yemen, they found sanctuary at Socotra. The ancient Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, which names it Dioskouridou, describes Socotra as an island of “mixed people, consisting of Arabs and Indians, and a few Greeks who have sailed out there for trade.” Many inhabitants were purportedly converted to Christianity by St. Thomas in 52 CE. The Portuguese took the island in 1507 and abandoned it in 1511, after which Arab influence had prevailed (Huntingford, 37, 103). The first Englishmen to set foot here, the Third Voyage mariners were intrigued by the neighboring church and mosque in the first town they entered, whose inhabitants fled at their approach; in a peaceful gesture, Keeling “garnish[ed] their altar wth some beads” (H&F, 22 April). Later, having exchanged salutes of ordnance with the town of Tammarie, they established friendly relations with the island’s ruler, Sedj Hamour Bensaid (H&F, 14 May), whose slaves filled the fleet’s water casks, thus obviating a large English landing party. They befriended Gujarati traders at anchor, buying rice and learning about markets and navigation in the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Keeling invited their pilot and chief mariners aboard and dined with them repeatedly, and the Gujaratis hosted the English in return. Seasonal winds and currents frustrated the fleet’s several attempts to advance into the Red Sea. Hesitant to abandon this aim, they debated their next moves until late June. On one foray toward Aden, the Dragon departed with an escaped slave who had rafted out to the ship the night before (29 April). Keeling took pity on the “Moor”, freed him, and consulted him about the region; but the man’s misfortunes resumed as they were blown back into Tammarie, and Bensaid, whose favor remained indispensable, demanded his return (14



Introduction


May). Reluctantly, Keeling complied. Grief hit Marlowe personally when his Hector colleague, the merchant Edmond Clarke, sickened after their feast with the governor and died (17 May). The salute of gunfire at his funeral, moreover, went terribly wrong: a musket, held negligently after it failed to discharge when fired, went off unexpectedly, and the bullet hit two mariners—a youth fatally. The ships parted ways from Socotra, the Dragon for Sumatra and Java, the Hector for India. Bucke’s journal fragment notes the construction in Socotra of a pinnace, the Hopewell, which sailed with the Dragon-deprived Hector and made safer soundings and bar-crossings as they neared Surat. In shallow waters in the Gulf of Cambay, Molyneux’s caution—“the Master said it was a dangerous place,” reports Hawkins, “and sayd that he durst [not] stire the ship, till he had a pilott from Surat”—spared them the fate of the next English vessel in these waters, the Ascension, which foundered. Once aboard, this pilot (“the Infidell,” Hawkins calls him) declared “that our God loved us [in giving us such?] an escape in so dangerous a place.”51 Following Marlowe’s capture near Surat, the Hector rejoined the Dragon in Bantam, where in December 1608 Keeling took command of it and sent the larger vessel home with a full cargo. Keeling sailed East in the Hector and tried to open trade in the Banda Islands. Tolerated and then expelled by the Dutch, who were engaged in hostilities and suspected the English of aiding their enemies, he returned to reestablish the faltering English factory in Bantam, a disease-prone place later acknowledged even by the company’s apologist Sir Dudley Digges as “unhealthie to our people,” before departing in October 1609 with a cargo of pepper.52 In the Indian Ocean, they came upon an uninhabited atoll that still bears Keeling’s name. They stopped at the Cape of Good Hope in December and reached England in May 1610, with the Sixth Voyage, on which Molyneux had departed, in progress. For all its trials and losses, the Third Voyage was immensely profitable. Its accounts, merged with those of the Fifth Voyage—the Fourth having failed catastrophically—turned a profit of 234 percent.53 Such earnings proved irresistible to London’s mercantile elite. Sporadic shipwrecks and the regular losses of personnel, while they provoked controversy in England, did not arrest London’s machinery of joint-stock investment. The East India Company’s Writing Culture Hamlet and Richard II, assuming their quartos were on the Dragon, joined a distinctive culture of corporate literacy at sea. When Samuel Purchas boasted that “M. Hackluits books” saved the voyage, he underscored



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a textual dependency that pervaded the East India Company from the start. London’s shareholders needed written data on routes and markets as well as careful documentation of funds, goods, and transactions. These imperatives, and the terrible mortality on the Indian voyages, compelled them to develop corporate protocols of writing, reading, and archiving. Shared investments called for the documentation of accounts at home and abroad; secretaries kept minutes of meetings in London; the directors drafted commissions naming the leaders and aims of voyages and made bonds to ensure the fidelity of key personnel; and letters were exchanged between the committees in London and their agents abroad. Knowledge acquired at lethal cost to those who earned it required preservation. Latecomers to the Indian Ocean, the Company’s mariners initially followed the charts and narratives of the Portuguese and the Dutch, and they composed their own journals in turn: they performed their voyages with the intent to build, along with profits, a corporate archive in London to equip future ventures.54 The discursive cargo of the Eighth Voyage (1611) included Bibles and Books of Common Prayer for use at sea and, “for the better comforte and recreation of such of our ffactors as are recideinge in the Indies,” the sermons of William Perkins, Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, and “Mr. Hackluites Voyadges to recreate their spirittes wth varietie of historie” (Birdwood, 397, 419). For the Company’s principal agents, as for freelance humanistic travelers like George Sandys, journeying, reading, and journalizing became overlapping commitments.55 Hakluyt’s oeuvre was completed the year the East India Company earned its charter, and he intervened in the Company’s formation. At a meeting in October 1599, he helped the merchants draft arguments to persuade the Queen and Privy Council that English trade with the East would not disrupt peace negotiations with Spain.56 In January 1600, he “read unto them out of his notes and bookes” and was “required to sett downe in wryting a note of the principall places in the East Indies wher Trade is to be had.”57 This material included “the great Italian map taken in the Madre de Dios which I have translated and caused to be drawne for the Company.”58 Iberian ships provided both knowledge and capital for the East India merchants: the Earl of Cumberland was in the squadron that captured this carrack in 1592.59 Purchas combed the archive that Hakluyt helped the East India Company to build. Their volumes promoted and informed English maritime initiative. The Company also turned to the press to spur investment and defend their interests.60 But the merchants were ambivalent about publicity because their manuscripts held trade secrets and other problematic disclosures. The sealed



Introduction

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The Booke-keepers . . . shall not deliver out of the Companies house any the originals, or Coppies of Letters, Journals, Consultations, Commissions, Accompts, or other writings which doe concern Navigation, Trade, or other secrets of the said Company, neither yet shall they suffer any of them to be perused or read in the said House by any person or persons, but onely by such who shall be authorized thereunto by the Court (Lawes, 66, 68).

When Purchas requested access to Roe’s journal in 1622, the Court permitted it on condition that he copy only “that which is proper to a History and not prejudiciall to the Companie,” and advised their deputy to take “paines to peruse the notes before they were carried out of the house.”61 Like Hakluyt, Purchas wanted his publications to advance England’s global initiative. The latter envisioned, “by the adventuring Soldier and Merchant, Honor and Gaine breaking through all Obstacles, and opening all parts of the World to every part.” Linking courtly and commercial motives, honor and profit, Purchas was also a corporatist. Grateful to the East India Company for its “Journalls, which . . . have led mee alongst the Indies,” he offered himself as “an Orator and Patron, not so much for their Persons, or personall Actions, . . . but for the Societie, and just grounds of this Indian Adventure.”62 England’s appetite for exotic goods, the mercantilist complaint that the traders drained the country of treasure, and their monopoly on the business made the East India Company deeply controversial. Purchas defended the corporation by distinguishing it from its individual agents and displacing “Covetousnesse and private Ends” onto the latter: he identified with the directors, vexed by their servants’ private trade. He conceded implicitly that some of his narratives, like some of Hakluyt’s, disclose horrific conditions and bad English behavior.63 But the overriding thrust of their works is promotional. Like Sir Walter Raleigh in The Discoverie of the Large, Rich, and Bewtiful Empire of Guiana (1596), they frame discourses of imperial hope. The rhetoric of promise and wonder salient in much printed travel writing is rare, however, in East India Company papers.64 More prevalent is a practical, dutiful, sometimes anxious tone of itemization, as procedural and logistical details swarm on London’s planners and, day after day at sea, challenges beset the mariners: the Company’s writers stab at mastery over intractable conditions and unmasterable contingencies. Voyage journals were drafted by and for merchants craving accurate, actionable information about markets half a world away from London. Fictions of effortless



archive was a vital component of their royal monopoly. Thus the Lawes or Standing Orders of the East India Company (1621) stipulate the following:

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mastery over alien races, while they might promote investment or impact policy through publication, were an impertinence in their counsels. In order to promulgate an English claim to Northwest America, Francis Fletcher, in The World Encompassed (1628), effaces the linguistic impasse of first contact and depicts native Californians as the would-be subjects of Queen Elizabeth: “wondring at us as Gods,” the people invited Drake to “take the Province and kingdome into his hand, and become their king and patron” (53, 59). The Third Voyage journalists do not project such fantasies. They anatomize the difficulties of their traffic with non-Europeans and diagnose frankly the episodes that put the English at a disadvantage. The Company’s directors preferred the composition of journals, like their own investments, to be collective. Thus the Third Voyage’s commission stipulates that Continuall & true Journalls be kept of every daies course & Navigacion during the wholle voyadge, wth a true relacion of every thinge that passeth, & this not onelie to be done by the severall Captaines, Masters, Pylotts & Masters mates, but alsoe by the merchants and Pursars: and that some of the Principalls in each shipp, may conferre together att convenient tymes, . . . to theend that, yf any have forgotten, what an other observed the same may be added, soe as a perfect discourse may be sett downe to be presented to the Governor & Companie, when god shall graunt them a saffe retourne, to be kept for better direccion of posteritie (Birdwood, 116–17).

The Company valued consensual, utile information over idiosyncratic visions. The journals were corporate property surrendered, like cargo, on return. As noted above, the Third Voyage writers responded variously to this charge: Hearne and Finch collaborated, the latter evidently deferring to his superior while also keeping a personal account; their journal also includes apparent notes by Keeling on 2 June 1608. Marlowe and Hawkins wrote independently yet sometimes echoed one other. The unidentified writer invests himself more personally in the task, perhaps for lack of a larger responsibility; yet he too has a second who writes from 25 February to the end. Bucke, who pays closer attention to the common mariners, seems to have written independently. All of them, while addressing the Company, also found room for personal reflection in their journals. The daily obligation to write, and the prolific stresses of the voyage, provoked meditations that the task’s corporate framing inhibited. Indeed, the Company’s demand for collaboration—the corporate fixation on data, not individual voices or visions—was problematic, for it replicated the exploitation inherent to the enterprise. The Company profited from the return of sufficient cargos, not particular



Introduction

22


The conferring [of ] journalls according to the Compns order is utterlye refused, each promising to have one readye for the Compn at comming home. The mariner endureth not to publish his strength to inable others, or his weaknesse to disable himselfe, and the better of them desire to publish his abillitie to the Compn: at retourne in hope of gratuitie w[hi]ch this other course would frustrate, the rather for the Compn have taken from me all meanes to reward the well merriting in whatsoever kind.65

As the Company distanced itself from the privateering model of its inception and moved to suppress private trade, it alienated corporal risk from personal profit: it insisted that all raises and bonuses be awarded, not by commanders in the field, but by committees in London.66 Keeling’s 1615 journalists were therefore resolved to make their peculiar contributions known to their employers, not efface them in collaboration. They chose to speak for themselves. Their writing thus elaborated the principle that efforts at containment beget subversion and bespoke the difficulties of maintaining a joint-stock mentality throughout a voyage. While content-driven and communally produced, the Company’s journals continued to express a fundamental vitality of rhetorical language: personal investment, authorial ethos. Describing episodes of festivity, discipline, crisis, confusion, and decision making, the Third Voyage journalists articulate the anxious life of the voyage. Thereby they disclose the structural and historical predicaments, class dynamics, and corporate reflexes of the nascent East India Company at sea. Rites of mutual hospitality and frequent conferences marked the progress of the vessels. In confronting losses, errors, sickness, mechanical breakdowns, and their own lethal ignorance, the mariners kept systematically measuring the directives of their commission against the urgencies that arose as they proceeded. Reading Hakluyt, soliciting the views of principal subordinates, and gathering intelligence from foreigners, Keeling surveyed their options and learned where to improvise. Unable to influence their course, Clarke or Batten on the Hector read Linschoten, compared notes with other subordinates, and wrote in hopes of assisting future voyages. While Hawkins omitted them, the other writers named the persons lost on the voyage, honoring the great sacrifices of the journey; Bucke named even the common sailors dispatched to the Hopewell.67 The meetings of the principal mariners were essential, and the writers present detailed them. The East India Company wanted a strong



ships or personnel. The mariners understood this. The directors also maintained exclusive control over improvements in wages. Thus, as Keeling reported of the 1615 voyage that took Roe to India, the writers resisted the corporate bias of their task:

23

executive but not autocracy. Mistrusting the judgment of the single ruler, they constituted an oligarchy in London with an elected governor who presided over meetings of the committees, and they adapted this form of government to the voyages, with a stronger, appointed executive in regular conference with officers, merchants, and seamen. A hierarchical collective beset by disagreement and uncertainty, led by a General directed “freindlie and diligentlie to hearken to [the] Councells” of his followers (Birdwood, 133), and informed by documents offering iffy advice, the Third Voyage blundered on. It lost many crewmen along the way; it brought large profits home. The crew’s protests off South Africa proved as salvific to the expedition as Keeling’s reading of Hakluyt. The Hector probably would not have reached Surat without the counsel of Gujarati mariners in Socotra and an Indian pilot. Neither the common mariners nor the ethnic others they encountered, of course, speak for themselves in these journals. Yet their presences have left vital traces in and against the grain of the texts. Performance at Sea: The Red Dragon Players Hakluyt and his contemporaries conceived completed journeys as performances: realizations of a plan or deliveries of a plot. Raleigh’s Discoverie was “Performed in the yeare 1595,” declares its title page. The preface to the second edition of the Principal Navigations invokes “our voyages performed within the bounds of Russia”; introducing the 1553 Russian voyage in the first edition, the editor distinguishes the achievement of Sir Hugh Willoughby, who froze to death with his crew in Lapland, from that of the successful Richard Chancellor: “The newe Navigation and discouverie of the kingdome of Muscovia, . . . Enterprised by Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, and perfourmed by Richard Chanceler, Pilot major of the voyage.” One “performs” a journey by reaching one’s proposed destinations and returning, like Thomas Coryat in 1608, on a wager through Europe.68 Hakluyt’s usage bespeaks the emergence of travel as a performance art, and East India Company writers share the vocabulary. The Company’s commission for the Third Voyage recommends daily prayers to “bynde men to performe their duties” at sea (Birdwood, 116); the anonymous journalist prays, “God of his mercey releeve us wth favourable windes and grante us to performe our voyage” (9 July); Hearne and Finch report the crew’s protest to Keeling, “wthout them he could not performe his voyadge” (17 Dec). The General’s performance is both personal and communal: the ships, goods, and original script belong to “our owners” in London (H&F, 18 Dec); the active trajectory



Introduction


is Keeling’s responsibility; and local maneuvers are the work of the crew. Performances at sea, moreover, involved the term’s full range of meanings, from the practical to the ludic—from navigation to showmanship. London’s prospect on the Thames, like Venice’s on the Grand Canal and Istanbul’s on the Bosporus, made panoramas of its shipping. Civic pageantry regularly included richly ornamented flotillas and mock sea-fights on the river, and English crews were skilled exporters of naval display. Large ships were “pageants of the sea” (Merchant of Venice, 1.1.11), machines of global transport and spectacle. Unlike playhouse properties, they possessed the strengths they exhibited, being fortified stages from which to behold, and project power into, the world. Thus Thomas Dallam described the Hector’s 1599 “salutation to the Great Turke,” who watched from “his kiosk, upon the wale which is close to the sea:” She was . . . new paynted (upon everie topp an anshante, viz., mayne top, fore top, myssen top, sprid saile top, and at everie yardes arme a silke penante). All her bravrie I cannot now relate; her faightes [waist-cloths] was oute, and in everie top as many men, with their musketes, as coulde stande conveniently to descharge them. Anker was wayed, the Daye verrie calme and fayere. Althinges beinge reddie, our gonores gave fiere, and discharged eighte score great shotte, and betwyxte everie great shott a vallie of smale shott; it was done with verrie good decorume and true time, and it myghte well desarve commendations (Dallam, 59).

Alert to sights, sounds, and rhythms, Dallam admires the brightly painted ship and thunderous choreography of the crew performing a well-timed spectacle.69 In 1615, William Keeling oversaw Sir Thomas Roe’s more extensive landing in Surat, with the several ships “all hansomelye ffitted wth their wasteclothies, Ensignes, fflagges, pendentes & streamers,” ordnance firing, and eighty musketeers “upon the sands in Ranckes” discharging volleys to receive the Ambassador.70 A pleased impresario, Keeling lauded his countrymen’s showmanship: “every man of note among us p[er]formed our uttermost to the honouring of the Kings Embass[ador]: to his contentm[en]t, and our contreyes glorye” (Strachan, Journals, 109–10). A crew’s performative skill also facilitated intramural displays. On the Golden Hinde, Sir Francis Drake made “provision . . . for ornament and delight, carrying to this purpose with him, expert musitians, rich furniture (all the vessels for his table . . . being of pure silver), and divers shewes of all sorts of curious workmanship, whereby the civilitie and magnificence of his native country might, amongst all nations whithersoever he should come, be the more admired” (Fletcher, 2).



24

Introduction

25

The King and his Sonne came aboord, and dined with our Captaine, and had great cheare, and the King was very merry, and much desired dauncing, whereupon some of our men danced before him, who was well pleased, both at their dauncing and musique: at night the Kings Unckle sent our Captain foure fat Hogges (Purchas, 3:60).

In Bantam, like the factor Edmund Scott before him (“the Protector borrowed shotte [musketeers], both of us and the Hollanders”), Keeling found his men summoned to perform for the King: “upon the Kings request, I sent five and twentie armed men to make him pastime, which he willed in honour of his having the last night, made conquest of his Wives virginitie.”71 Of necessity and inclination, the mariners were traveling showmen. Music and spectacle held crew-specific as well as cross-cultural utility, as Edward Haie explained of Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s preparation for the 1583 voyage to Newfoundland: “for the solace of our people, and allurement of the savages, we were provided of Musike in good variety: not omitting the least toys, as Morris dancers, Hobby horsse, and Maylike conceits.”72 On long voyages, to occupy an idled crew with art or sport enhanced morale and, some believed, constituted a tonic against scurvy. While they recognized that fresh foods and citrus reversed its effects, Jacobean mariners understood the disease as a holistic malady with multiple palliatives that could, surprisingly, include shows. Proposing a range of causes including “sloth” and “conceit,” Sir Richard Hawkins recommends, as one “antidote, . . . to keepe the companie occupied in some bodily exercise of worke, of agilitie, of pastimes, of dauncing, of use of armes; these helpeth much to banish this infirmitie.”73 A play on the Dragon might have concluded, as in the Globe, with a rousing jig. Given these documented communal practices, it is surprising, ingenious, yet not implausible that the Dragon’s company should have added Hamlet to their cross-cultural repertory in Sierra Leone and staged it and Richard II, another popular play in quarto, becalmed at sea. Thus a Portuguese expedition to America in 1625, Thomas Gage reports, featured on St. Dominic’s day, “a Comedy out of the famous Lope de Vega, . . . acted by some Souldiers, Passengers, and some of the younger sort of Fryers; which I confesse was as stately acted and set forth both in shewes and good apparell, in that narrow compass of our ship, as might have been upon the best stage in the Court of Madrid” (Gage, New Survey, 16).



On the Third Voyage, this pattern obtained even on the small Consent. In the Moluccas, having dined ashore with the King of Buttone, David Middleton reciprocated:


Given the disappearance of Keeling’s manuscript and the lack of direct testimony from the voyage’s other journalists, however, some scholars have suspected “Ambrose Gunthio,” an obvious pen name, and the East India Company archivist Thomas Rundall to have forged the entries on the plays. This inference found support in the traditional elitism of Shakespeare studies: the assumption that, as Ania Loomba puts it, “Shakespeare is ‘above’ ordinary folk” or common seamen.74 Sir Sidney Lee placed Rundall’s transcript among the “Shakespearean Forgeries” appended to A Life of William Shakespeare (1898),75 and his suspicions were snobbishly elaborated fifty years later by Sydney Race, who opined, “No man who could have taken such a part [as Hamlet] would have gone to sea.” Race attributed the entries to the notorious forger, John Payne Collier.76 Even Sir William Foster, refuting Lee in 1900 and Race in 1950—in the latter case likening the shows to the “sailors’ frolics, representing a visit from King Neptune, which used to attend the crossing of the Equator”—conceded that Keeling names the plays, not the playwright, and he offered that the crewmen, overparted by Shakespeare’s script, probably staged the plots extempore.77 But Keeling’s silence about authorship does not imply the text’s absence. Even the title pages of some of Shakespeare’s early quartos do not name him. The Red Dragon players probably did trim the scripts. To meet “the two hours’ traffic of our stage” (Romeo & Juliet, Pro. 12) with the second quarto of Hamlet (if the Dragon carried that edition)—whose title page declares it, “Newly imprinted and enlarged to almost as much againe as it was”—Shakespeare’s company would have made cuts as well. But there is no cause to suppose the crew incapable of blank verse. Processes of mentoring were vital to the conduct of a ship at sea, and educated men aboard, familiar with amateur theatricals from their school days, could have mentored the less literate shipmates.78 There was ample time for this on a long voyage. It was a rhetorical age, and by the accounts of Marlowe and the Dragon journalists, the merchants aboard took a sympathetic interest in the mariners. That Purchas, determined to publish “only the most necessary Observations,” should have cut any notice of ephemeral plays, perhaps as Sir Thomas Bodley excluded play-quartos with other “idle books, and riff-raff ” from his library,79 is evident. Keeling’s rationale for the second Hamlet—“which I permit, to keepe my people from idleness and unlawful games, or sleep”—may help to explain the silence of the other writers. As the commander, he is responsible for the shows. It falls to him to explain them. Whether defensive or boastful, the explanation justifies the performances to his primary readership, the London committees. Their commission stipulates “that noe diceing or other



26

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unlawfull games be admitted” at sea (Birdwood, 116, my emphasis), and Keeling echoes this language to make a claim that his employers may find counterintuitive. As Louis Montrose observes, Keeling suggests that playing at sea prevents “precisely the kinds of behavior that the antitheatricalists accused the theatre of promoting” in London.80 We know that Keeling did not hesitate to challenge the Court of Committees. A regular attendee at their meetings in London, he spoke up for the mariners’ interests, moving for instance on 13 December 1606 to augment “the supplie of some other victualls in the want of ffyshe, wch can not be provided good and sufficient, accordinge to the proportion set downe by the directors” (Court Book). None of the writers says much about the crew’s activities aboard the ships. Hawkins is generally terse, and the anonymous text breaks off before the dates of the plays. Marlowe, Hearne, and Finch might well have deemed stage-plays unworthy or awkward of notice to their employers. The Company having “utterlye forbid[den] excessive drinkeing, ffeasting, or banquetting abourd the shipps att Sea” (Birdwood, 128), Marlowe is sufficiently defensive about the Hector’s banquet the day before Keeling justifies Hamlet on the occasion of a reciprocal feast: “Theise matters I note onely to show the mercye of god to us in sending us ffreshe ffishe to refreshe us longe seabeaten travelers” (Marlowe, 30 Mar). The Company’s magnates represented a citizen-elite notoriously hostile to London’s theaters. Pious aldermen and Lord Mayors were among the chief investors. A strident foe of playhouses during his 1594 mayoralty, Sir John Spencer held at £750 one of the largest stakes in the voyage.81 Many leading members would have supposed playing at sea an invitation to vice and disorder in a floating commonwealth utterly exposed to the caprices of a vengeful God. Those debating the authenticity of Keeling’s notes have missed not only the timing of the second Hamlet—the ships becalmed some hours before crossing the equator, a few days into the new year, just after Easter, having missed the opportunity for refreshment at Zanzibar, the mariners’ health and morale deteriorating: all good reasons for “playing holidays” (1 Henry IV, 1.2.197)—but also other evidence of the notes’ veracity. The stationer Nicholas Ling, who published the first two quartos of Hamlet, was a charter member of the East India Company. In particular, he was one of several shareholders charged to victual the ships of the Third Voyage. He could have supplied them with books as well as foodstuffs.82 More decisive is the uncontested notice of a play on the Sixth Voyage, 18 June 1610, outbound off West Africa: “My generall invited me to dinner and to [a] play,” writes the Peppercorn’s Captain Nicholas Downton, “and had Thomas Love one of my Masters mates



Introduction


out of the Peppercorn onto the Trades Encrease.” Noting his transfer to the larger vessel, Love writes, “We had a great feast and a play playd.”83 As noted above, the Dragon returned to England in September 1609. Molyneux cannot have been its only crewman to ship out on the Trades Increase. Participants in the Keeling productions may have organized the show on Sir Henry Middleton’s flagship. It would seem that a littlenoticed tradition of maritime stage-plays had begun. The damaged opening leaf of Keeling’s journal is largely illegible. I include several passages from it in the notes to the anonymous Hector journal, which treats the early weeks of the voyage in detail. The entries on Hamlet and Richard II are in the Appendix. I have minimally updated the texts of the journals, retaining the original spelling while exchanging “j” for “i” and “u” for “v” where appropriate; expanding most abbreviations and contractions except for “wch” and “wth” (e.g., “our” for “or,” “master” for “mr”); eliminating most superscripts; modifying the punctuation to clarify phrases, clauses, and sentences; standardizing upper case for sentence openings and ship’s names, thinning some incidental capitals, yet preserving much of the original variety and force of capitalization; and inserting paragraph breaks where eye and context recommend them. I have retained monetary abbreviations (“ll” or “li,” pounds; “s” or “ss,” shillings; “d,” pence, from “denarius”). Ellipses mark lacunae and illegible passages in the manuscript; brackets mark clarifications and restore presumable omissions or errors in the manuscript; italicized letters constitute my expansion of abbreviated terms; and italicized terms reflect the same in the original. In dating the months, I set the new year at 1 January, not, with the Julian calendar, at 25 March. Obscure terms that recur are in the Glossary.



28





Figure 1

Map of Africa, from John Pory, trans., A Georgraphicall Historie of Africa, Written in Arabicke 10.1057/9780230100886 - The Third Voyage Journals, Richmond Barbour


and Italian by John Leo a More (London: Georg.Bishop, 1600). Courtesy of the Folger Shakespeare Library. 10.1057/9780230100886 - The Third Voyage Journals, Richmond Barbour




The Anonymous Hector Journal March 4th, 1607, to March 12th, 1608 The journal, British Library India Office Records, L/MAR/A/4, is separately bound, its eighteen folio leaves inset on larger leaves. The original pages are 30½ centimeters by 19 centimeters. A number are missing, with no entries after 30 August 1607 until mid–18 February 1608. The loss of these months is regrettable, for the surviving passages are exceptionally detailed and reflective. There is a decisive change in the handwriting f17r, line 6, mid-sentence in the 25 February entry. The new hand, tighter and more elegant, continues to the equally abrupt close of the journal, mid-sentence, one-third of the way down the page (l.16). The opening page is very faint, its right margin damaged and uneven. A few subsequent pages are also faint or gapped. For likely authors, see the Introduction.

March the 4th, 1606 [1607] Yf in the governmente offe Commonwealthes yt been thought needf[ull to] recorde such Acceidentes as happen in mans Judgement [worthy of ] note, which though they bee not penned by scholers of ra[rest] Elegancy, yet are they often perused by men not the [meanest in] esteeme for civell pollicy, who make great use of matteres [long] agoe perfformed by comparinge wth them thinges presente or [which] seeme like to aproach; then am I perswaded that in a matter [of so] great importance as



Chapter 2

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7

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the voyage nowe intended is of, & in a [journey] soe longe as from weaste to East, many matters worthy [of note] may offree occation of Recorde, seeminge very unfyt to be bur[yed] in oblivion. Nether doe I doubt but as the relatines of travey[llers] whoe lived in former tymes have redounded to the greate int[erest] of this presente agge and singular benefite of our commonw[ealth], Soe may this my paynes performe som parte of the like offi[ce to] suckcedinge ages or at the leaste sat[i]sfie the expectacion [of ] such as requier this taske both by me and otheres of my sorte [to be] performed, whome I muste entreat to expecte noe other matt[er] then that which by right may bee challinged from one of my breed[ing], beinge a stranger to sea affayres, and a sojourner only in my [owne] native soyle, out of which I entending by the permission [of ] god [to] depart towardes the Easterne endes of the earth, I came abord the good Shipp Called the Hector at Eryth, wheare shee Rode at anchor the 4th day of march 1606 being wednesday, [where] I delivered dyveres goodes belonginge to the Compeny of marc[hantes] tradinge to the East Indeies which weare comitted to the c[harge] of Mr Symon Dyckinson1 and myselfe, wth order to lade the [same] abord the Dragon, Hector, and Concent, being two sh[ippes] and one pinnice apoynted and bound for the Easte Indies, [which I] beseech god to prossper wth good successe [and] salfe returne. Day of march being Satterday did the Fliete waigh anch[or] entendinge to fall downe to Gravesend, but beingg becalmed the Admirall & Hector cast anchor againe in the same plase, [and] allsoe ye Concent wth in sight of them. Yet shee by Reason of small burthen played down wth the tyed the same night. Day being Sunday Mr Eldrid and Mr Hammersley2 w[hen] aboarde, procured the [mai]steres to waigh, fearinge the [force of ye] winde wchich then blue might prove contrary, soe wee came to anchor that Evening against [G]reene Hy[eth]. Day beinge Munday Sir William Romney governour of [the] comp[any] together wth Mr Willame Greenwelle deputy [and di]veres of [the] merchantes cam aboarde the Hector in the morninge unto aft[ernoon] of some business there, departed from us and went aboar[d the] Admirall, caused her waigh in the after noone & so did [the Hector], both settinge sayle for Tylbery hope, & in the waye as t[hey] weare against [Gr]avesend, the Governor [deputy and] mer[cha]ntes departed from




10

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12

the Admirall as shee [anchored] and wente on shore at Gravesende, where they abode that nig[ht]. Day beinge Tuesday, thay came aboarde the Admirall in the . . . & towardes the eveninge departed to Gravesend accompanid wth the Captaine Keelinge our Generall, Captaine Haukines & captaine Middleton, wheare thay spent that night and the morninge of the day folloinge, and dinner beinge paste, the Governor, deputy & moste parte of the Merchantes departed towardes London by land, not abell to returne salfelie by water because of the hard galle of winde which blew South Southweste. Wth whome our Generall and capptaines, tackinge theire leave, came aboard the severall shippes appoynted them in charge. Daye in the morninge Mr Hugh Hammersley came aboard the Hector and spente the same daye in distributinge halfe wages to such as had geiven attendance and tacken paynes, ether abourd thee shippes or elsewhere in thee affaires which concerned thee voyage, examininge the pursers booke for former payments by the sayd purser disbursed, and apoyntinge the Thirteenth day of March for the firste day of entrance into whole pay. Heare I cannot omitt to make mention of the greate inconvenience incurred to the whole company of merchantes by this harbour wages, and the payment theirof at soe unseasonable a tyme as the instante of our pretended departure. For although the sommes dew to moste part of the mariners weare not much, yet under pretence of a makinge provisione ther wth, thay watched all opertunites to leave the shippes, and such as could not obtaine leave stoale ashore in wherries that came ether aboard or passed bye; & howsoever the vulgear sorte of them execpted against the late payment of that monney, yet generally was yt not worthey exceptante, beecause fewe ordinariey mariners receavied abowe 10s & maney lesse than 5s. And certen yt is that the greateste parte theirof was spente in riotousnes and excesse of drinke, soe that netheir merchante, captayne nor master could by anney meanes perswade them to forsacke the shore tell their monney was spente. And moreover the reckininges of some exceeded their purses store, whi[ch] the purser, seeinge wante of menn to sett sayle, discharged and by violence brought them abourde. Daye beinge Thursday, the Pinnise waighed anchor and departed from Tylbury, but the Admirall and Hector, partlie for lack of men & partly by the two much confidence of the windes contuniance as yt then stoode,


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[13]

14 19

20

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loste the benifite of that winde, which was fayre to have carried the shipps over the sandes, and also of a northerly winde which blue fewe dayes after. This daye Mr Hammersley after dispatch of such reckninges as he hade in hande, departed from aborde the Hector to the Admirall, and thence to Graves end wth intent to dispatch thence such men as hee shold find, dowbtinge leaste the wante of marineres might occasion the shippes delay,3 wch fell out. Day beinge Saterday came the winde about to the Easte, contininge betweene the east & north fvie [five] dayes and compelling us theire to ryed. Day in the morninge was the winde changed South, & at lowe water, which was about none, both shippes anckers weare weighed, and as sonne as sayles weare spread, noe winde sturred to fill them. Whereupon the Longe boates weare . . . which toed the shippes from the shore whither the tyde drewe [them], by reason of the force whereof they anchored againe in the Hope. Day was the winde againe Northerly, detayning us their. This day Vincent Tybball one of our ginneres mates was by our Captain sente on shore by resson of a Gangerava growing in his arme.4 Day the winde beinge West Southwest, wee departed from Tylberi Hoope and in the eveninge anchored Eastwarde to the shoare under the Cante5 in seaven fathome at low of water. This night did the winde increase and in the morning blewe very hard a sea, continuing moste parte of the morninge, but towardes Noone abated. Day beinge Sunday, in the afternoone wee waighed and anchored that night some myle to the Southward of the beacon uppon the sandes called the Whitaker,6 in six fathome at lowe water. That Eveninge our Captaine caused his men to be mustered. The number whearof then aboarde weare 106, wch was six lesse then the number whearof apoynted. Day beinge Monday, wee weighed anchor betimes in the morninge and played downe till the tyde was spente, the winde beinge East Northeast, and aboute tenne of the clocke anchored againe northeast and by North to the Whitaker Sandes Beakon, theare rydinge till towardes fower of the clocke in the afternoone, and thence then departed through the Channell still wthin sight of the coste of Essex in five, sixe, and seaven fathomes water, anchoringe towardes night in the entrance to the keings channell betwixt the gunflett and the Barrowes,7 at nyne




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1607 March

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fathome lowe walter. This day weare some 10 or 12 of the Admiralles marineres hurt by a breakinge of a barre in the Capstall at weaighing of an anchor, whose hurte ensewed through defaulte of their fellowes (as it was reported) whoe seeinge danger aproach, weare wiling to seave themselves by fallinge under the barres and soe avoyd the knockes which befell the reste. Day did their blowe a hard galle of winde North Northeast, by Reason whereof the shippes continued rydinge at anchor. This day our Pump beinge sounded was found to haue 19 Inches water.8 That morning did the heard geale of winde cause the shippes to sett a littelle, and soe much increase of water gave occasion to make search for Leakes, wch was done by the carpent[er]. Hee then found a trunell hole9 leaft open in the lofe of the starbourd side betweene winde & weather which was imidiatly stoped. Day was the well found to have 21 Inches water, for this day in the morninge, as alsoe the night before, blewe soe hearde a gale of wind at North northeast that yt was doubted wee should be forsed to put roome againe for the Noure10 or Tylbery hope. Their uppon our Generall put forth a flagge of Counsell and in Conclusion gave order for each shipp to weigh one of theire Anchores, and soe to ryde at the other that yf the winde Encreased they might be the better prepared to put backe againe, which they entended not unlesse eminente danger forced them theirto. Day in the morning did t[he] winde blowe more easily, when anchores beinge weighed [betim]es in the morning, we brou[ght] . . . the [j]oynt of the border (?) . . [le]adeth to Harwich . . . North east of the & by reason of the windes abatement & the tydes force, wch prevayled more then the winde, we came to an anchor abute one of the clocke in the afternoone, att 12 fathome lowe water, & abowght sixe of the clocke waighed againe playinge to seaward East North East till towardes nine of the clocke, aboute wch hour we came to an anchor at nine fathome Lowe water. Day in the morninge betimes we waighed anchor holdinge our Course South & South & by weaste and anchored after sunne settinge some League Northeaste to the north foreland shorte of the Downes.11 Day wee weighed in the morninge, anchoring under the north foreland whence we departed soe soone as the tyde searved and arrived that Eveninge in the Downes. Immediatly uppon our arrival did oure Captaine by his Letter signifie unto Sir William Romney, Governor, what


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hee then knewe touchinge the Hectors leakadge, and the pilot verey Earlie in the morninge departed wth his Letter. Day in the morninge further search was made for the Hectors Lekes, upon wch day twoe Leakes weare in one plase discovered alongst the middell bend in the waste on the starboard side. One of these was a trunnell hole there lefte oppen, the other a rente in a planke uncauked of some twelfe Inches. Heer upon was the shipe heeled the same morninge, the sea beinge calme and no winde sturringe, & shee being soe brought over that the leakes ware abowe water, & their presentlie stopped. Day weare wee their detained by the harde geale of winde at weste Southweste. Day in the evening came theare a bote from shore, by wch intelligences was given to our Captaine that Mr William Greenwell, Deputy, accompanied wth some other marchantes, weare come from London and stayed at Dealle, at Towne neare Sandwitch, whither they wished his sudden repayre, to the end they might confeir w[th] him touwchinge the defectes of the Hector. Immedeatlie theare upo[n] Caused our Captane his pinnace to be mannied & forthwith departed towardes the merchants, wth whome he theare Remained that nighte.

[April 1607] 1

Day in the morninge returned our Captaine, & the merchantes, intendinge to give full satisfaction to the Governor and whole company by whome thay weare sente, came aboard, as alsoe whoose names I may not omitte in respecte of their serious Care & paynes taken to knowe certeinlye howe ye Esteate of the shippe stood. Mr William Greeniwell, deputie, Mr Hiugh Hammersley, Mr Robeart Middleton, & Mr William Harrison, fower of the Comonitties [Committies] towching thee premisses weare the men wch came abourde us, who broughte along wth them Mr Burrill, the Carpenter wch did byllede the Shippe. To whome was declared at the enstante of their comminge aboarde that another Leake that morninge was found, which the carpenter of our shippe reported to be a hole in a knee12 some two feete under walter, Lefte oppen betweane the lofe & the mide shippe on the starboard syde. Wch wether it weare a trunnell or bolte hole, he could not directly advertise them by Cause the weather was sutch as permitted not anney search then to be




Aprill

2

made on the oute side. For the wind [blew?] . . . harde at weste Northweste & soe . . . that the merc[han]tes colde not departe the shippe tha[t day?] . . . and some of the punishmente . . . Burrill for the . . . affected on this ca . . . ase wch [was] out of order as Longe as he continued aboarde. Day in the morninge, the merchantes havinge receiued a true reporte of all defectes discovered, demanded of the maister, his mates, the Carpent[er], Boatswayne and quarter masteres, whether they thought the shippe sufficiente to put to sea not wthstandinge the leakes, wishinge them to deliver freelie their opinniones, in as much as they had order from the Governor and Companey that shee shold goe roome for the river Thames yf hur insufficency required. But thoose menn all wth one accorde approved the shippes sufficencey, beinge confident that all or moste parte of her leakes weare founde, which weare in their opinniones nothinge dangerous nor requiringe aney motion of returne, in as mutch as all wear amended, execptinge one which, though the carpenter colde stoppe wthin as necessity requiered, yete desierd hee ratheir to amend yt without when fayre wether permitted. This done, they required them to subscribe to their censures touchinge the premises for the better satisfaction of the Governour and companey, entendinge immediatly to departe, havinge written to the Generall that the intemperancey of the weather hindered them from Comminge aboard to vissite him. But the wind continuing high inturrupted their determinations, wch the Gennerall perceavinge, came aboard us & resolved to Leave the Downes, by resson the wind was come about to the Northweste blew harde, causinge the shippes to straine their tackelle very much, and Down Rode with that wind had smoth water. Heir uppon we waighed anchor in the afternon[e], the merchantes continuing abord us till wee had fett Dover, where we set them on shore. At whose departuer our Generall [&] Captaine caussed eight peaces of ordnance to be discharged.13 Afterweardes came we to anchor against the Castill, from whence as sone as the Admirall and we had Let fall anchor, seaven peeces weare discharged, wch our Generall supposed they had shotte of to wealcome the shippes into the Roode, requited the suposed Curtecy with seaven peeces & our Captaine lickwise wth five, when the daye folloinge understood that the shootte


39




from the castell was for entertainment of the captaines ladey who had Charge of the castle, & her Ladyshipp being then returned from some torney, deemed alsoe that the peeces which the shippes shott of weare for her welcome home. Wch shee toke verie keindlie but forgote to give order of Requitall at the shippes departure. 3 Day aboade we in Dover Rode, the wind shifting from Northwest to west & South, blowinge very gently till towardes night & then increasinge together wth the tyde, wch did force home our shippes ancor, soe that we hade almoste beine fowle of the Admirall. Wch shee seeckinge to avoyde, her longe bought beinge moored ashore, came thwarte the hause14 and was wth a sea borne uppon a flooke of an anchor which entred throrough her bowe, soo that hardly could shee bee keapt abowe water, yet was 4 conveyed one shore and their repayred. The next day in the morning blue the wind somewhate harde, beinge weasterly, wch forced us to put roome for the Downes, wheare we came to an anchor. 5 Day beinge Easter day, little winde was stirringe where our Carpenter, beinge unwillinge to loose the benefite of a fayre day, and fearinge the like opertunity would note soone be offerede, had the shippe chareend15 wth the Generalles longe boate and her owne, wch colde note Rayse her leake above water. Yet was it theirby browght soe high that hee made shifte to stoppe yt, though not soe substantially as hee desired. 6 & 7th Day weare we their detained by Soutwest windes and calme weather, wherefore the Generalles detarmination was to have a Communion adminnistred aboard his shippe upon the day followinge, beinge Weadensdaye, yf the wind cam not fayr. For performinge wheirof, the ministere of Deale, a towne boordringe uppon the Downes, to come aborde uppon the apoynted day was intreated. 8 Daye in the morninge wente our Captaine aboarde the Admirall, whence order was givne that sutch as was intended to partissepate of the Lordes Supper, shold gooe aboarde of the Dragon their to Receive yt. Whither I weante, and after a sermon hearde, was partacker theirof wth sutch of boath shippes compannions as weare inclined.16 This day cam the winde easterely, whearefore wee waighed anchor, but then yt amoste grewe calme for awhille, the wind not sufficient to steame the tyde, & toweardes eveninge blewe a preyttiy galle of wind, but soone came abought to the south. Yet played



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wee abought to the windwarde that night & aboute sixe of the clocke in the morninge weare off of fayere Lee.17 Day in the morninge blewe the winde verie harde at Sowtwest, and the Dragon being neare a league one head on us boare up, whome we followed as high as penzy bay.18 At which time the weather beinge verie fowle & hazy, wee loste sighte of her & weare by the gustes forsied to stricke our topsayles leste wee shold have our topemastes blowne over board. Wheairupon our Master presumminge that it was no wether for the Dragon or wee to plye anney further, and that shee had put rome for the Downes, wee alsoe put Rome for the same plase, thinking to have founde our Admirall in the Downes, wch our Master made noe doubting of.19 But as we came under sayle betweene Dover and the Downes, the wind came abowght to norwest, by reason wherof as alsoe that a harde tyde sett off of the shore, & we wthall stoode more to seawearde then was conveniente to leade it into the Downes, wth ye winde we weare bearne wth the winde tyde verie faste towardes the goodwine sande, & soe neire yt by the Judgment of manney, had not our shipp bynne at good comande wth the helme & our mayne yarde hoysed, which then was scarce up, shee colde not have turnied before we had benne borne uppon the sand, wch brocke uppon verie neare under our lee. But we perceiving of our Admirall not to bee in the Downes, we tacked abought, & thinkinge shee had contenned playinge or at the least toocke the oppertunity of the Norweast wind wch then blue, we willinge to doe the lycke put immedyeatliy to sea againe, & hoysinge in our pinnice, the steame [stem] fled out, yet some of our men beinge in her escaped all hurte, & with muche truble hoysed her in, wheare forthwith shee was Repayeared this. This night we anchored off Callys [Calais]. Day about tenne off the Clocke waighed we anchor, the wind beinge weast Southw[est], and because it did blowe easily, we played to windward all that day as alsoe the night followinge. Day had we a geale to our desieres wth wch we passed by the Ile of Wight, hoopinge their to find or heire of our Admirall, but colde not. Soe heilde we forwardes, beinge Confident to fin[d] her at Plymworth [Plymouth], whither we bente our course.20 Day in the morninge21 passed wee alonge the coste within sight of the steart of Dartmouth, the wind being Sowethweast and Eas[t by] Easte Southeast, and about


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three of the clocke in the afternone came into the sound of Plymworth, wheare we perceived our Admirall was not, & thearefore anchored, suppossinge that yf shee putt rome the day wee lost sight of her, & shee might & mise us, then was shee behinde. Theese surmisses movied our Captaine to caste anchor in the Sound, wheare wee had advertisment that the Concente departed thence the day before.22 Day wee Rydinge at an anchor in the sound had entelligence that our Admirall had putt Rome & Came to anchor in Dover Rode th[e] night after wee lost her. Theirfore wee stayed, expecting her arrivall to the sound, for that Sir William Romneyes letter received in the Downes signified this mutch to our Generall and Captaine, that yf they found not the Concent at Plymmoath they sholde loocke for her at St Augustines in the Iland of St Lawrance. Day in the afternoone arived our Admirall at Plymmoth, to our singuler comfort, as alsoe the greate incoridgment of our Captain and otheires. At the instante of whose comminge in came the winde Easteraly, fitt for our purpose, whoe havinge benne longe detained wth Contrary windes conceived no small joye for soe fayer a winde at soe fit a time as our Admiralles arivall. The Generall, unwillin[g] to putt into the sound, stood of awhile, and afterweardes to supply his wantes came in & their Rooad all night, wheare he was detayned longer the day folloinge then he determined to be by the sea. When beinge sente one shore, other mad littell speed to despatch theire byssenes or found not provision Reddey in the towne. This day one of our men named George Evenes stroke one of his fellowes in the hand wth a knife, beinge overcome wth drinke, wheareupon he was putt into the Byllbouse wheire he conteinued that night & moste parte of the next day. But in regeard the orderes by the Generall prescribed had not as yet bene published, our Captaine inflicted no further punnishment uppon him, but uppon submission pardoned him.23 Day in the afternone wee departed from Plymmoth, and putinge to seay, our Admirrall lay awhyle by the Lee in regeard some of his men one shore had not repayered aboard immediatly uppon the wearning given them, but cam after them in a boate, & as he thus stayd, thaye hoysed in their Longe boat & pinnies, wch we perceiving did the licke wth our longe boate, wch with much trubble we stood one our middele decke.24




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23 24th

Day in the morning abought sixe of the cloke boare the Lyzard of us weast norweast, & this day lost we sight of the landes end.25 Day beinge Saterday Came the winde Southweste, wherewith we played all day, and abought six of the cloke at night pleased it god to send us a good Northerne gale of wind, whearewth we held our corse Southwest all nighte. Day of apprill beinge Sunday weare published certain orders touchinge civell & quiett governement in the voyage prescribed by the Generall. Which after they had benne oppenly Reead, a copy theirof hanged up in the steeregde plate26 to the [end that] no man might be ignorante of anney cause theirof. This day the winde at North Northwest grewe somewhate gusteyesh and ever hye, in regard whereof we oftentimes strocke downe our topsayles. The licke weather contenued the night folloinge, whearein many stormes grewe after other. This night alsoe helde wee a Sowthwest Corse. Day in the morninge saluted us wth the licke stormes or more vehement, wherein we spent our foretop mast, wch brocke about the Cappe,27 wch with all was splytte, yet the sayle, tackle, yarde, and maste & yard weare all seaved by lyinge a while by the lee, whearieby a further enconveninces was feared, though none hapenid at that time. This day was the sonne observed, at wch time we weare accompted in 45 degres, 18 minites, steeringe our course Sowthwest by South. Day sayled we by South & by weste and South Southwest, in wch day alsoe the sonne being observed, we weare in 42 degrees & 30 minnites. Day the wind being more northerly we held our course South & by weaste, & by observation of the soon wear accompted in 40 degrees and 25 minnites. This day our foretopmast, being amended, was againe set up. Day the wind being north North weast, we helde on south and by west, & by the sonnenes observation weare found to be in 37 degrees and 54 minites. Day the winde blowinge easily west Norwest, we steered South and by west & weare in 36 degrees & 40 mintes, at wch tyme being becalmed, our Admirall discharged a peece of ordynance, wheare uppon our Captayne hoysed out his pinnise and went aboard him, returning in the eveninge wth a draught touching the 44th articele of his commission, wheareto thee mearineres subscribed


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25 26 27 28 29? 29

30

to the end that the goodes of sutch as shold happen to decease in the voyage myght by theire owne consent be sould at the mayne maste.28 This evening had wee in tellinge oute that uppon 20th day aforsayd three of our admiralles men weare washed overboard, of wch two weare recovered, and the thurde, whose name was Richeard Rotch, was drowned. This nighte the wind came Easte South easte & we sayled South & by easte. Day contennued the winde an easey gale Easte Southeast, and wee steered our Course South and by west. Day theire blewe littelle wind tell towardes night, & then came at weste and by north. Day had wee topsayle galle at North, wch being large, wee sayled South and by weast and weare in 33 deigrees and 25 minnites. Day the winde contininge as before, we hilde our former course and weare in 31 diegres & 26 minnites. Day the winde continuinge as before, we held our former course and weare in 31 degrees 26 minutes.29 Day in the morninge totymes [betymes] wee fell wth the Iland called Silvage, and beinge becalmed we lost not sight theirof this day, but wee fell nerer to yt then was expected. The reason wherof was, as our master sayd, because yet stood further to the Easteweard then in the plote it was sette. From this Iland wee steered away South and by east wth a small geale of winde wch at night came Northerly. Day had wee a fayer gale of winde at North Northeast, and in the morninge betymes had sight of the high Ilande, Tynneryphe, the top of one place wheareof apeared aboue the cloudes. And then saylinge Southweasterly, wee had in the eveninge the Grand Canaries on our broad side.

[May 1607] 1 2 3

Day had we continance of a verye fayer geale of winde Large as before, whearewth we sayled Southweast and by south and wear in 26 degrees 29 minnites. Day God grantinge us Continniance as formerly of a fayere gale, we hilde our Course as before & weare in 24 degrees & 30 minutes. Day we enjoyinge by god his goodnes the licke prospurs winde as before, steared away Southweast and by South and South Southwest amonge, and havinge Crossed the Tropique of Cancer, weare in 22 degrees 20 minites.




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Day God continuinge his former goodnes towaeardes us in as fayer a gale of wind as coulde blowe, wherewith we had at nonne sailed into the lattitude of 19 degrees 49 minnites and browghte the sunne to be byre [hyre?] our zenith before night, and we steered away South Southweast. Day continued the winde as before and we helde one our course, lying away South Southweast and South and by west, and wear in 17 degrees and 49 minnites, havinge nowe brought the sunne, wch this day had 18 degrees & 49 minnites of North declination, to the Northwarde of us.30 Day enjoyed we still a fayer winde as before & steered away Sou[th]weaste and Southwest and by west, shapinnge our course for May[o]. And abought eight of the clocke we had sight of one of the Iland[s] of capa de verde, called Boa Wisto, and thence saylinge west Southwest and west and by South, we fell in the eveninge wth Mayo, but stood of all night. Day aprotchinge, we putt toweardes the rhode and anchored on the Southwest syde of the Ilande, another Ilande called St Jago begininge Southwestward of us and reatching far westward. These Ilandes lye in 15 degrees of North latitude. And the Reasson of stay heire was to sicke for freche walter, to wch end the Gennerall and our Captaine, causinge their pinnices to be hoysed out, wente one shoore garded wth some 40 men appoyntede, some wth shoott and some wth halfe pickes, and in the eveninge returnede, not havinge found freshe water to anney purpose, but spake wth a Porting[al] of the Ilande by whome they weare advertised that they could not be supplyed wth water. Some gooates they broug[ht] aboarde, and while the shippes Roade at anchor, some reparatio[ns] weare done, of which the Chieffeste aboard us was the driv[ing] of two Iron boltes in the mid shipp before the mayne maste, in which place two boultes had benne brocken sence our putin[g] from the coste of England by the laboringe of the Shipp. Day in the morninge betimes wente Mr Hippon on shore wth a certen companey by the Generalles appoynte, whoe returned aboute none wth all the sayd Companey & brought aboard some more of the gotes. This evinnge the Generall gave order to weaigh anchor at the puttinge forth of a lighte. Day betwene one & two of the clocke in the morninge, we sett sayle from Mayo, and havinge hoysed in the pinnies and cleered the Iland, shaped our Course South, God still furtheringe our Jorney wth prosspurus


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winde though our wicked actiones and inhewmayne vilenes merited instead thearof fearfull judgmentes. For this day one George Keinge, Gunneres mate, was accused for Commitinge fylthines with a bitch, wheareof our Captaine understandinge, gave intelligence to the Generall immedieatly by letter, Convaynge the sayd letter aboarde in a boreyco.31 Whoe after perusall theirof, appoynted the offender to be keapte fettered till with convenence he could come aboarde on us. Wch course beinge before tacken, the sayd Kinge contenued fetted in the bylbose with his armes pinnoned. This day the wind coming aboute to the Northeast, at noone we steered away South Southeast, which course our master dislicked as to Easterly a course, and Mr Churchwarde, one of his mates, Censured soe of yt. At night our Captain examined particulerly Alexander Phythy and Robeart Conningham, the accuseres of the sayd Kinge, commitinge their seaverall examminantiones to writtinge. Day havinge a fayer galle of winde as before steered our course south southeast and weare in 12 degrees. Day had we the winde lickewise Large & weare in 10 degrees. This day in the morninge our Captaine demanided the Genralles pleasuer touchinge George Kinge, and accordinge to the Generalles order, then given, went aborde him, carringe with him the sayd Keinge together with Alexander Phythy and Robeart Conningham, twoe Scotchmen. One of which testified that Kinge atempted the forsayd beastley action, the other sayd somewhate against him but to small purpose. In some, this was all the sayd Kinningham could aledge, that hee saw Kinge in a swett after he had seene the bitch come from him, & one bestlye thinge more Phythy saw when Kinge had the bitch between his Legges, which silence beste befitteth. After the Generall had perused the examinationes of the sayd Censeres and called Kinge before him to answer for himsealfe, this done, our Captaine returned in thee after noone, leavinge the sayd Kinge aboard the Admirall. And then we altred one poynte in our Course and steered away south & by east. The resson wheareof was for feare of calmes uppon the coste of Guynea, wherareof warninge is givene in severall plases of the boocke written by Linchscott wth advice to keepe a 100 leages of the sayde shore.32 The enconvenince of which calmes Sir James Lancaster felte, but Sir Henrye Middleton holdinge his Course South, or ratheir weasterly theareof




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from Mayo, when he was Generall, was not much trubled with heate, as our Master Sayd, whoe Caused the alteration of this poynte. Day had we a fine geale of wind learge as before and steered one our Course as before, South and by East. Day in the morninge the giver of all goodnes Caused to blowe a fine northerne gale, wch did Comforte us very mutch, as well for Coldnes of ayere as that we steered our desired Course South & by east. Day in the morninge had wee a fearfull storme, which forced us to tacke in all our sayles savinge our fore sayle and to settell the sam[e], but Continued not Longe. This day weare we in 6 degrees 30 minutes of North lattiude. The Raigne wch we had this morninge mad our Cabbenes and all thinges yet weate smell verey Noysomly, which made me call to minde what Linchscotte had written touchinge the coste of Guynea, and the stormes & gustes wch they yt sayle this Course are subjecte unto, as he reporteth. But touching what he writeth of the stinkinge of their water carried in the shipp for provition,33 we fownd not that soe, for our Thames water contenud good. After this storme had wee a verye sultrey hott day, but at night came the wind Northerly, and we went our course south and by east before this winde, havinge made aboard to the eastweard in the morninge after the storme, because their wth we had gone westerly of our Course. Day had we the wind large all day, and wthin night had we mutch lightninge and Raine which dulted the wined, and it was calme all nighte. Day Contined calme as the night before wth verey mutch wett, and the night folloinge was thereto alicke. Day hade wee the winde at South Southeast and stood to the weastward some 4 or 5 houres till the winde became more Sotherly, and then our Admirall tacked abought to the Eastward, and we lickewise. The cause that thay would not hould course anney longe time to the weastward was as I presumed because of the flattes lyinge upon the coste of Brazeele in 18 degrees of South latitude, which the ordinarey South Southeast windes carries the shippes unto unlesse they have a care, before they Crosse the line, to hayle as neare the coste of Guynea as convenintly, wth out the avoydinge alsoe the dangerous shoales of St Anne lyinge in some six degrees of North lattitude, and the indraught setting into the bay of Ethiopia uppon the coste of Malagetta.


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For avoydinge of all wch inconveninces, severall opinnones are sett downe in the beginninge of Linchscottes 3 boocke.34 Day in the morninge we had mutch Raine, thunder & lightening, after wch we had the wind at Southeast, whearewith we lay South Southweast and afterwardes somewhate larger for awhyle, and then calmed for a till night, at which time yt freshed at Southeast and before morninge was at South Southeast againe. Day we had the winde at South Southeast till abought nine of the cloke, at wch time much Rayne fallinge Causeed calme weather till night, and then had wee a small Sotherne galle wherewth we lay awhyle west and by South, and verie shortley tacked about to the Eastward and lay Close by. Day in the morninge we had the winde at South Southeast which blewe a freash gale, which to us was very welcome, because it was thought to be the Generall winde expected, all though yt bleweth ordinaryly to the Southward of the line. Yet our hope was that theirby wee shold be carried out of that sultry clymate, and hence we steered Southwest and Southwest & by west all this day. Had we heare stood to the Eastward, we had done well. Day the winde continued as before at Southeast, and wee steered the same Course we had done the day beefore, beinge in 3 degrees 4 minnites. In the evininge our Admirall tacked abought to the Eastward, wch Course we helde till midnight. Mullinex disliked this course. Day in the morninge abought one of the clocke we had the winde larger, and then tacked aboute steeringe so neare a Southerne course as the winde wold permitt us. This morninge wente our Captaine aboard the Admirall, to which purpose the Generall had given order the night before. And our Captaine knowinge it was intendid to proceed against George Kinge, tooke wth him the Master, two of his mates & some otheres, as alsoe Alexandr Phythy and Robearte Kinningeham, the accusers of the say[d] Kinge. After their arrivall aboard the Admirall, a Juerye was impannielled uppon the sayd Kinge, which Jurye did not Judge him giltey of death, but as I suppose in Regeard that but one of the witnesses coulde aledge anney thinge materiall against him, and that witnes would not directly sweare that the sayd Kinge did the action, though he offered to sweare to his former exammination, whearin was specyfyed




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matter very omminous and greate presumption of his villanous intente, yett not sufficente to enduce the Consciences of the sayd Jurey to alott him death. & yet for exampell they Judged him worthey to be punnished as the Generall should otheirwise thinke fitt. Of these proceedinges understood wee at the returne of our Captaine in the afternoone, this mutch sefice. Day beinge calme, we havinge fytted two fishes for our maine maste, whose weaknes had maney times putt us in feare of an inconvenience, brought then to. Day we had a smale geale of winde Southeast, which toweardes night came Larger, and we steered South and by west. Day the winde scantted, and we lay one the same tacke, Southwest and Southwest and by south. This day Mr Hippon Master in the Admrall accompaninge him selfe neare the Longitude of an Ilande called Pannell, lyinge in some two degrees of North lattitude, locked out for Lande. Day had we littell winde in the morninge, and in the afternoone yet became calme. Day we had the winde Northerly, and steered our Course South Southeast, yet yt continued not but became calme till towardes night and then freshed againe at the same plase. But at midnight yt was againe calme till morninge, soe Continuinge. Day we had littell winde, which blue at South and by West, and lay Southeast and by East beinge in the lattitude of 2 degrees 46 minnites. The winde toweardes noone dulled till towardes nighte, & then theare did blowe a styff Sotherly gale wheare wth wee stoode as before a whyle, till our master by light gave noties to the Admrall of tackinge aboute, which we did and thay alsoe, and stood to the westwarde. But our admirall distastinge that Course, came to the otheir tacke againe and wee lickwis, lyinge Close, by East and by South. But the wind wearringe neere Easterly, wee lay moste of the night East and by north. Heare yt seemed our mariners weare diversly opinonated touchinge the longatude wherin we weare. For one of the master his mates of the Admirall, beinge by me demaunded touching our longitude, heild us nere the coast of Brazeale, and Mr Churchworde, one of our master his mates, Confessed to me that we are 100 leagues too far shoott to the westwarde, argued another Reckoninge. Day we lay East Northeast, and aboute noone, we lay East Sotherly and weare in two degrees, 30 minnites of


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North Lattitude. Wheare at I mutch marvealed, that having stoode scarce 16 houres to the Norwarde of the east, East & by north for the most part, and sometimes East Northeast, Consideringe wthall the variation of the Compas, wch what soever yt was did advantage us, I marvayled, I say, howe it could be 44 minnites to the norward of that wee weare the day before. And theireof demandinge a reason, had answeared that a swyfte currante settinge Norward in that place was the cause thereof. This afternoone yt againe became calme. And heire I thinke yt fitt to Expresse some argumente of Love to my Contrie, and worshipfull Company, to whome I am at this time a searvante, and thoughe of the mennest Ranke of my sorte, yet my desire and endeviour shall, god permitting me not be least, my desire is, to dissuade from settinge forth anney shipes for this voyage at soe unseasonable a tyme as we came forth. Wheareas anney time between the beginninge of September and ende of December, to be Reddy to goe forth of the river of Thames, theire is no doubte of a good passage. For that Southeast and South Southeast windes seeme to be the Gennerall windes blowing to the Southward of the line, as Linchcott wryteth, untill March be well spente yt seemith Northeast and East northeast windes blue norwarde of the line. But when the sunne commeth to have North declinnation, mutch yt Killeth the Northerly windes, soe that ether calmes or Sotherly windes cause sicknes and hinderance of the Passage to the[m] bounde to the Southward. Yf anney man taxe me wth wth presumption heirein, in regard the longe experienced Portingales have ordinarily sett forth in Apprill, my answar ys, as thee leate recited authour alledgeth, there are some reasones the Portingalles therunto movinge, which may be by Cause they tacke in Provition at the Ilandes, for wheir till winter be passed, yt seemeth dangerous for the greate Carackes to come by reason of stormes. And furtheir to Conclued this Clawse, Captayne Davies advisinge Sir Edward Michellburne35 to be gone in December, had a spdey Passage free from Calmes, and wee Southerly windes, till they had far passed the alquonoctiall, had they. Day in the morninge we had the winde at East Southeast and steered awaye South, and weare in the lattitude of twoo degrees, 31 minnites, and I rather thinke that Currant settinge to the antillas was the reason of the




31

small way wee made. Then give creaditte too the foolery mentoned in the former auctour towchinge inequallity of deegrees of latitude, Linhscott Lib: 3 in the beginninge chap: 5.36 We had the winde as before steeringe our Course away South and weare in 1 degree ¾ of North lattude.

[June 1607] June the 1

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Wee had god furthering our Passage wth a gallant gale at Easte Southeast as before. Wee steered still South till toweardes night, and the winde scantinge, we lay South and by west. This day weare in 40 minnites of north lattude. Day wee had the winde at east and by South and steered away South and by east, and havinge Croste the Eaqueanociall line, weare 24 minnites of South Latitud. Day came we to 2 degrees 36 minnites and towardes evening the winde comminge Larger, we steered away South Southeast and soe Lay all night, lettinge flye some of our sheetes. Day wee steered our Course South Southeast till noone & then, beinge in 2 degrees 52 minnites of South latitude, the winde came upp at Northeast and by east, and wente our course, quartringe South Southeast.37 And the winde vaeringe more Northerly, wee lay Southeast till wthin night, and then became yt Calme, and soe continued till the morninge folloinge. Day was alsoe calme, and much raine fell wthall. At night we had a gale and Lay Southwest and by South. Day was alsoe calme till towardes noone, and then the wind came up at South Southeast, and we lay Southwest aboute an houre, and then veered the winde to the eastwarde, and wee steered our Course South and by East. And aboute 3 of the clocke in the afternoone, we had sight of the Ilande called fernando Lorania, which boare Southwest of us when we first made yt, and the first we mad of yt was A hygh Clyffe licke a Hy square steeple. At sight theirof wee steered westerly of the South, our Admirall beinge to Leeward of us. Day we steered away South Southeast and Southeast and by South. This morninge the Iland bore East Northeast of us. Our latitude was 4 degrees and 55 minnites this day.


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Day, the winde came Larger and we steered our Course South Southeaste and weare in the Latitude of 5 degrees and 55 minites. Day wee had a freesh geale of winde which towardes noone became scanter, and theirwith wee lay South all the afternoone, and towardes nighte lay westerly of the South, and had gustes of wind wth some Raine their with. Day in the morninge wee had gustey weather and the winde Sother Sotherly, and stoode away west Southwest till Eight of the cloke in the fore noone, and then wee tacked about and Lay close by Northeast and by east and East Northeast, hoysinge our mayne toppsayle but half maste hoye high, because in a guste the nighte before, our maine topp maste had bene cracked at the Cappe. At nighte the winde came more Easterly, and theireuppon we wente about and lay our course South, South and by East and somtimes South Southeast, havinge gusty wether wth much Raine. Day we had the wind at East, and East and by South and East Southeast, we lyinge sometimes South and somtimes aweather thereof, and weare in 8 degrees.38 Day wee had the winde at Southeast and by East and steered away South and by west. This daye wee tooke downe our maine topmast which was crackeed and putt up a newe one in the place thereof. This day wee were in the latitude of 8 degrees and 24 minnites. Aboute fower of the Cloke in the afternoone thee winde did Southerne upon us, and wee wente aboute to the eastweard and East lay East and by South and East Southeast till towardes twelve of the clocke, at which time the winde againe shiftinge, wee steered away South and by west. This eveninge our master accompted him selfe within sighte of Brazelle, yf the evininge weare Cleare, and assuered himselfe wee might see wthin too leages theirof. At wch wordes I callinge to minde what Linchscot wryteth in his 1 booke chap 3, towchinge the Joy conceived at the passinge of the shoales on the coste of Brazelle, and the predigdce [prejudice] that was incurred to that Carracke which fell amonge them,39 feared, that our Master his selfe concepte and disdaine, both of master Hyppon & his mates, wolde in conclusion turne to our heavines, the Captain[es] Charge, & his owne shame. Day in the morninge yt pleased God to sende us ye winde at Southwest, verey good for our present occasion, for




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that wee weare overmuch neare the coste of Brazeele to weather the shooles of Brazeele wth the ordinary Southeast windes ever the beste expected in that Latitude at that time of the yeare, as Linchscott affirmeth, whoe in his 3 booke expressinge the oppionion of a Portingale Pylote chap: 2 touchinge saylinge that Course, affordeth noe advice for him that falleth wth that cost but to waite the oportunity of some winde to stand Sotherly. For that those whoe have bene travaylers uppon that Coste have not leafte anney Reckcord extant of anney Northerly or westerly winde continuinge together in that latitud 12 degrees houres togetheirer at that time of the yeare. About 2 of the clocke the winde quayled, and towardes the evininge grewe fresh againe at the same place. Theirwth wee held our former Course, which was one the east & on thest. And by one thes day wee descrried a sayle to weather of us which seemed to houlde the same course that wee did, whearefore we hoped yt had bene the Concent, Easterly. Wee altered our course, came to the other Tacke and plyed to windeward South and by east. Day yt pleased God to continue the licke winde, and we stood uppon the same tacke, steeringe South and by East. This day wee could not see the sayle wch wee sawe in the evening. Before aboute seaven of the clocke at night, the winde comminge South East we tacked aboute and Lynge close by, steered East northeast till two of the clocke at night, and then we came to our Larborde tock againe, and Lay by South and by west. Day havinge the licke winde, we helde one all day South and by weste and weare in the latitude of 8 degrees and 46 minnites. Towardes sonne settinge we discried the coaste of Brazelle, which was thought to be Cape St Augustine, lyinge as Lincshcott affirmeth, in the latitude of 8 degrees ¾. The South lande theireof bore of us west and by South. Uppon sight theireof our Admirall put out his anchant,40 wth whome wee came up, and immediatly tacked aboute, lyinge close by East Northeast and Northeast and by east, till four of the clocke the next morninge, and then wee plyed to windward lyinge South and by west and South Southwest. Day lay we one the same tacke till towardes noone, and then the winde becomminge more Southerly, wee tacked aboute and lay by steeringe East & by South, but yet sone veared againe Easterly, wheareupon we brought the Larboard tacke aboard and lay South and


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by west and South all day. And aboute sunne settinge wee fell againe wth the lande, which bare one our broad syde as the day beefore yt had done, which we estemed to be the sayd Cape St Augustine. And therefore wee had gained nothinge sence the night before. The cause whearof, as yt seemeth, is the Currant wch Linchscott in his 3 booke Chap: 2 fo. 309 col 1 mentioneth, to runne to the Antillas or Ilandes of Nova Spaggna, in wch place the Pilote that was author of that chapter wisheth no man to bwelte yt too and againe, but ratheir to anchor till the winde be favorable.41 Whose opinion may I thinke be approved, considering he spoke of the Carackes whose greatnes and unweldines are such that to ply against a currant wth a scante wind, they cannot advantage themsealves. But I, albeit altogether ignorant, yet desiroues to exstende my Judgment for my Counntreyes good, wish that sutch as heerafter undertake the voyage, havinge gotten a degree to the Southward of the line, use all possible meanes to keepe such an Easterly Course as wth the Generall Southeast winde, which yt seemith is usuall all our most parte of the winter in that plase, he may weather the Abrollioes or shoales of Brazeel. Which hee faylinge to doe will takke a Course subjecte to soe maney inconveninces, as duly to Consider thereof, allthough god deliver him out of them, yt wil be a suffecint wearninge to avoyde yt the second tyme. The Consideration wheare of mackinge a Deepe impression in my minde, partley by resson of our ignorance of harbor yf yt should ever blowe, and the trechero[us] mindes of the inhabbitantes of the coste wantinge noe fortificatio[ns], and partley by reason of our shippes undermastinge yf wee should be put to beare for life or death, that my only refeuge is to sollisite the Grande Commander of sea, wind & weather to deliver us from all eminente dangeres, and to grante us salfe arrivall to our desierd porte. About 12 of the clocke this night we tacked aboute, standinge East North east and Northeast & by East till 4 of the clocke wth a stife geale of wind. Day in the morninge abought 4 of the clocke we brought abord our larboard tacke, havinge the winde much alicke as before, and seeinge the lande upon our broad side, aboute aleaven of thee Clocke we went aboute againe, by resson the winde scanted uppon us. Toweardes sunne settinge we Judgged our selves nearer the land then before and theirefore stoode to seaward, lying close




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by the winde Northeast & by East. This day wee weare in the latitud of 9 degrees, and havinge a rough sea by reson of the stife geale of winde and the currante, we springe our mayne top maste which wee had soe latley put up, and perceavinge yt in vayne to buylte yt too and againe wth soe stout a winde against the Currante, we stood to sea all the Afternoone and the night folloinge. Day havinge the licke Contrary winde, we stood to seaward hoopinge to meet wth the winde more large in the offinge. This morninge or the night before, we splyte our fore top maste, and houldinge a course Northeast and by East and East Northeast, weare in the latitude of 8 degrees and 13 minnites. Day havinge the winde much alicke, we heild a course alike, and weare in 7 degrees and 31 minutes. Day we held as Easterly a course as the winde would give us leave to doo, and weare in 6 degrees and ½. East Northeast & northeast and by east was the way we keapte. Day in the morninge aboute fower of the clock we had much Rayne, after wch the winde came up at East Northeast, and we tacked aboute and plyed to westeward, steeringe our Course Southeast and Southeast and by South. But aboute tenne of the clocke yt scanted upon us, wheareby we weare forced to tacke aboute and Lay close by Northeast and northeast and by North. Daye the winde continued Southeasterly and we lay till noone Northeast and by north, and then Northeast, and weare in 5 degrees 26 minnites. Day wee lay Northeast and by east, hopinge to have seene the Iland called Ferdinando Lorania, and abut the same latitud weare we in at noone, viz: 4 degrees and 20 minnnites. But the extreme Currante settinge to the Northwestward had seett us 18 leages to Leeward thereof by the computacion of our Master, whoe observinge the variaton of the Compase the night before, found it to be 8 degrees 24 minnites. This evininge came the wind more Sotherly, in soe much that we lay moste parte of the night East Northeast and East and by North. Day beinge Midsomer day, we plyed to windeward lyinge East and by North and East Northeast, and weare in 3 degrees 40 minnites. This day the winde dulled and withall scanted uppon us, in soe much as we coulde lye but Northeast. Day blue littele winde and verye contrary, beinge at Southeast and East Southeast. In the morninge betimes


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the Ginarall hoysed out his pinnice and sente for our Captaine, Mr Marlowe ourlow, [sic] our Master and two of his mattes aboard him, whoe aboute eight of the clocke accordingely weante. And aboute aleaven of the clocke we tacked aboute and plyed, bringinge the wind South and by easte. But within an houre the winde began againe to Southerne, wherupon we brought our starbord tacke aboard againe and tooke to the eastweard, East Northeast and East and by North for awhile. But the winde soone greewe soe contrary that we could ly but Northeast. In the afternoone our Captaine wth the reste returnide from aboard the Admirall, by whom wee understood that the Generall had but sixe weeckes water wthin boarde and therefore must of necesitie make for the Iland Fernando Larania, wch yf we could not recover, noe hope remained of prodciding in the voyage. For obtayninge of wch Norward Refuge, they concluded to stand to the eastward as longe as the winde suffered to lye Northeast or Northeast and by north, by cause in that Course the variation of the Compase was still lesse, and the Currante setting all alonge from Cape St Augustine had Lesse force. But yf the winde soe stoode that our Course muste be more Northerly then Northeast and by north, they would then tacke about and, to their best advantage, lye the other way. Beinge in this miserable perplexity and out of all hoope to performe our voyage wthout recoverye of the Iland, and havinge the winde (and) Currant against us, which might Possibly frustrate that our purpose, allthoughe wee shoulde runne to the Northward of the line, in danger of beinge becalmed. The hazeard of wch Scylla to incur, for avoydinge to England wthout makinge our voyage, was miserable to Consider, and a fearfull corsive to everye of us was the thought of returne in that kinde, wch the Genearall desieried god, yf yt should fall soe out, not to suffer him to live, but rather to prevente his particuler returne by death. Our Captaines perseverence was alsoe very much. I cease to make anney menticion of my owne sorrowe, which for three dayes had soe deepe an impression in my minde as cannot well be considered, except of a Didolike minde acquainted wth adversitey, as Virgill recordeth her speakinge to Aenieas: Haud ignara malis, miseris, surcuere disco.42 But the mercifull releever of all distressed mindes gave me to understande that howsoever naturall man imputed our 10.1057/9780230100886 - The Third Voyage Journals, Richmond Barbour


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westerly course, held by the oversight of our mariners to adverse channce, yet god whose purpose muste succeede had soe determined our affayres to some intente left knowne to his devine magistie, and thearfor our cause requiered patience. This night did Somewhat Sotherne for awhile, soe that we lay a watch Easte and by North. Day we lay Northeast, and northeast and by east and weare in 2 degrees 27 minnites of South latitud. Day we stoode still to the Norwarde lyinge mutch alicke as the day before wee had done, on which day our latitude was 1 degree 35 minnites. Day in the morninge yt pleased God to sende us the winde at East and East and by North, wth wch wee laye this day South East and by South and South Southeast, by which course our marrineres presumed they might recover the desired Iland. This day weare w[e] in 2 degrees 3 minutes of South latitude. Day our Course was South and by East and South Southeast and the latitude wherin wee weare was 3 degrees & 20 minnites. Day we lay South and by East, South Southeast, and weare in 4 degrees & 20 minites. This day wee looked out earnestley for Lorania in the latitude wheareof wee weare, but yt seemeth the voyolenc[e] of the Currante had carried us verey far to the weastward, in as mutch as we could not see yt. Aboute Sunne setting our Admirall came to the other tacke and Lay to the Norward, steering Northeast and northeast and by North till morninge, at which time we tacked againe to the Sowthweard, lyinge Southeast and by South and South Southeast.

[July 1607] July

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Day in the morninge our Course was as before expressed till tenne of the clocke, aboute wch oure we tacked aboute and stoode backe to the Norward, because yet appereth the Currantes force is sutch that noe good canne be done by plyinge to windeweard in this latitude. Day wee still stoode to the Norwarde and Lay Northeast and Northeast and by East, beinge 4 degrees from the aquator. Day our Course was Northeast, and Northeast & by North, and weare in 3 degrees 20 minnites. And now beganne another inconveince, for our menn havinge bene longe at sea began to bee sicke of the scurvey, 10.1057/9780230100886 - The Third Voyage Journals, Richmond Barbour

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some having the dissease in their limes, as yt is verie inceident to anney brused place or oulde hurte. Otheres had it in their mouthes, and therwth there teeth grewe loose. At this time aboute 10 men in our shipp weare therewith infected. Day we lay North Northeast, Northeast and by North and Northeast & weare in 2 degrees 11 minnites. Day we lay Northeast and by North and Northeast, and weare in 2 degrees ½ of South latitude. Day we lay Northeast, Northeast and by east and East Northeast, and weare in 51 minnites of South latitude. Day wee had little winde at Easte Southeast and lay close by plyinge to windeward and weare in 7 minnites of South latitude. This day our Captaine caused search to bee mad for two shurtes which had bene stoolne, wch shertes wth dyveres other thinges weare founde wth one Johnes, a gunneres meate, thrust betwexte the syelinge and the shipp syde in his Cabbin. His punnishment was three duckes at the yeard arme,43 which in the afternoone hee endured, after he had acknowledged maney of the thinges found in his possession to perteine to otheres, and wished otheres to tacke warninge by him. Yet after his punishment, which was the least prediciall to his body of any our Captaine coulde devise, in regeard hee was an ancient man, he uttered some threetninge spetches which our Captaine apprehended as argumentes of a villanoues, impatent minde, and therefore thought yt requisyat to keepe him faste for prevention of mischeefe, wch his wordes gave cause to suspecte, and thee Rather for that he had confessed he had narrowly escaped the gallowes 3 severall times. This afternoone was Littele winde, and the evninge Calme, and aboute 10 of the Clocke freeched & wee tacked aboute standinge to the Southward, Southeast till morninge, at which time the wind did againe Southerne uppon us, causinge our other tacke aboarde. Day in the morninge our admirall havinge stood all night to thee Norweard was to leeward of us, soe we bore rome wth her and toweardes noone fett her up, beinge in 40 minnites of North latitude. Soe now we had crossed the equator the seconde tyme. Day yt pleassed God that the winde did Southerne soe much as wee lay East and by North, wch was verie neare 2/3 of a poincte easterly, the varriation of the Compas considered, wch the evininge before was betweene 7 & 8 degrees of North Eastinge, yet not withstandinge that wee stoode soe Easterly our North latitude was 2 degrees.




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By which I judged thee shipp made a far worse way then shee looked for, in as much as wee lay by a winde almost du Eeast all our most parte of the morninge, and had gone, in the 24 former houres, 1 degree, 20 minnites. The speedy way made to the Norwarde alike I have noted in my former observaciones uppon the 29th of May, at which tyme wee weare nere this latitud. At wch time, had wee made the same use of windes which now we doe, that ys to gett the eastward, or keapt a more Easterly Course frome Mayo, wee had not bene trobled wth the sharpe currantes uppon the Cost Brazeele, nore bene forced to putt backe to the Norwarde of the line from 9 degrees of South latitud, to the marchantes greate charge and our greete greefe and discouragmente. The principall cause of which inconveninces our Master Mathewe Mullenex hath bene. God of his mercey releeve us wth favourable windes and grante us to performe our voyage yf yt be his will, amen. Day the winde continuinge at South Southeast, we lay East and by North and East Northeast, beinge in 2 degrees 39 minnites. Day wee lay East Northeast and weare in 3 degrees 37 minnites. Day wee lay Close by East and by North and weare in 4 degre[es] and 20 minutes. This day the winde came more sotherly, soe that in the afternoone we lay East & by South. Day we lay our steame East and by South and some times could ly but East, and weare in 4 degrees & 48 minnites. Day the wind continuinge still Sotherly as before, we lay close by East, and East and by South, beinge in 4 degrees, 49 minnites. We had not soe styfe a gale of winde sinice we crossed the line as the night before. Whearfore havinge made noe more way to the norwardes, yt drove me to consider[ation] of that Lincscott wryteth in his 3 boock cap: 2 fo: 309 col: 1, wch is that of the coaste of Malagetta, the currant, wth a newe moone, setteth Southweast.44 And the moone changinge the night before, I supposed that currante the cause we made our way so that we looked so very nere where as formerly wee had, scarce wthin 4 poyntes of that poynte whereon we wente, mad our way. And although some of our Basiliscoe45 like marrineres, whoe thinke them selves sole soveraignes for knowlidge, rejecte Linscoott in Regarde he was a searvingeman, as


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regardinge manney untruthes, yet this before mencionned is not of his owne experience, but delivered by a Portingalle Pylote. And howesoever any the sufficientest man may preidice the same of his worke by recordinge an untruth, whether by the sayd party apprehended amisse or by others untruly deliverd, yet I am sure, had wee practised that which the sayde chapter prescribed, wee had this day bene nere the Cape de buenea esparanza. Whereas nowe yt is doubtefull whether we shall prooceede in our voyage, our men fallinge every day almost downe of the scurvy, water growinge shorte and the winde Sotherly, soe that noe refuge resteth before our outward eyes but the coste of Gynny. But god ys all sufficiente, whoe I hope will in due time helpe us. And though he kill me, yet I hope still to trust in him. This day, the Generall put out a flage in his after maine shrowdes, wheruppon our Captaine hoysed out his pinnice and went abord him. And there it was concluded that, the winde continuinge sotherly, they would not stande above 24 or 36 houres to the eastweard, lest the indraughte upon the coste of Gynny settinge into othioppia bay might hurte us, but tacke to the westwarde and soe stande to and againe till the winde came to searve our turne. And with resolution our Captane, toweardes the evininge, returned. Day in the morninge we lay East South East, and East and by South till noone, at which time our master, findinge us in 4 degrees 40 minnites of North latitude, was unwillinge to stand Longer to the eastwarde by resson of the currante setting into the bay of oothioppia, into wch he sayd we weare entred, and the shoales of St Anne, whose limites to seaward are not well knowen, for wch he the day before esteemed himself about 140 leagues. About noone we tacked aboute and lay close by Southwest and by west till twelve of the clocke the night folloing, at which time wee cast aboute to ye Eastward and lay East and by south. Day wee stood to the Eastward and lay close by East all the morninge, and at noone being in the latitude of 4 degrees 46 minnit[es], wee came to our other tacke and stood to the westward linng close by, S.W. This day Johnes, uppon his submision, was sett at liberty. At 12 of the clocke this night wee wente about to the Eastward againe. Day we lay E.N.E. till about twelve of the clocke, at wch time the winde veering to the Eastweard, we wente about and lay wth our steame South and by west.




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Day wee steered away South and by west, and South Southwest, and weare in the latitud of 4 degrees 3 minnites. This day we cutt down our mezen maste, and made theirof a fore topmast. About six of the clocke in the evininge, the winde beinge at South Southwest, we caste about to the Eastward & lay close by East and East and by North. Day wee lay East and East and by South and weare in 3 deg 45 minnites, by wch Easterly way the shipp had made, yt seemed the Currante sett Sotherly. Day we still plyed to the Eastward and lay East for ye most parte, and were in 4 degrees 8 minnites. This day we putt a foretope maste mad of our meszen, and cutt our maine topsayle yarde shorter. Day we lay East and East and by south till noone, & then findinge our selves in the latitude of 4 degrees 24 minnites, we caste about & lay S.W. by W. And having made of our foretop mast, wch was spente, a mezen mast, this day was it set up. Day the winde continuinge at South Easterly, we lay close by S.W. by W. and weare in 4 degrees 11 minnites. This day we overhalled our mezen yarde, cutt yt shorter, and made yt lesse, because the mezen maste, wch wee had mad of our foretopmast, wanted length and strength for the yarde. Day wee stood uppon the same tacke and weare in 3 degrees 56 minnites of North latitude. This day weare two yonkerees whipped at the maine Capsten for stealinge beefe out of the steep tubbes. At noone wee came to our starbord tacke and lay close by E. & E. and by S. till midnight and then cast aboute againe, and lay wth our steame S.W. and by S. Day we lay Southwest and by South till noone and then weare in 3 degrees 50 minnites, and tacked aboute to the East ward and lay East and by North. Day wee stood to the Eastward and lay east and by South. Day continued wee plyinge to the eastward wth the same tack aboarde, the winde beinge at South Southeast, and wee lay S.W. and weare in ye latitude of 4 degrees 53 minnites. Day in the morninge wee had some Raine, and the wind at South and S.S.E., wth wch wee lay for the most parte S.W. and sometimes S.W. and by S. Day wee lay S.W. till noone and then, being in the latitud of 4 degrees, 46 minnites, we cast aboute to


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the Easwtward and lay wth our steame East. Heare yt seemed wee had made our way Westerly in that this dayes latitud differed but 7 minn[utes] from the 26th dayes latitude. Day in the morninge yt was calme, and after the fallinge of some Raine, the winde blewe a fresh gale at S.S.E. and wee lay close by East and E. by N. and weare in the latitud of 5 degrees 34 minnites. Day in the morninge the Genrall putt forth a flagge of Counsell wth intente to advise of some course for supplie of water, which grewe shorte in both shipes, and for recovery of sicke men, the number wheroof amounted near an hundreth. And unlesse some place of refreshment might spdeelie be obtained, dowtfull yt was that in small time, wee should not have men standinge to hande sayles. For those that weare in health ginerally grewe weake, and the sicke mens recovery was not to [be] Expected without a shore. These eminente inconvinences consideredd gave occasion to consider allsoe what place of refreshinge was in moste possibillitie to be obtained forthwith. And theirfore 3 beinge nominated, viz: Mayo, Cape de Varde and Sera Leona wheare Sr. Faranncis Drake and Captaine Candish refres[hed], though with shippes of Lesse Charge. This laste beinge thee nearest, lyinge in the latitude of 8 degrees by the discription of the place in plotes, was thought fyttest for us. Wee Easteemed our sealves wth in 2 degrees of the latitude theirof, by reason of the leeward way wee had made fewe dayes before. For this day wee could not obsearve, but we stood to the eastward the night followinge and lay East South East. Day wee lay away and E.S.E. till noone, at wch time, beinge in the latitude of 5 degrees 25 minnites, wch made us further to the Southward then was supposed, by a degree very neare. And heireuppon our Admirall cam up and spacke wth us aboute goinge roome, wch we immediatly did and steered away North East and by east, for soe they determined to stand till they came to the latitude of 7 degrees, but wthin a houre wee steered northeast and by north.

[August 1607] August

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wee stoode in for the shoore, judginge our sealves to bee to the norwarde of the shoales. And havinge the winde Southerly as before, we steered E.N.E. Day the winde continuinge still as before and wee havinge steered away as before weare in the latitude of 7 degrees 17 minnites, and immedieatly brought our starboard tacke aboard and stood in for Sera Leona, lyinge wth our steame East. Wee soundid in the evininge but founde noe grownde. At midnight also wee did the licke, not findinge grounde. Day havinge the winde as before we continued standinge in, and havinge sounded in the morninge and not found grounde, wee lay East and East and by north. In the evininge we againe sounded, but as yet findinge noe grounde, wee lay up East and East and by South. This night about aleaven of the Clocke, Willam Wallyes died. At 12 wee againe sounded and had noe ground at 160 fathome up & downe. Day wee stoode in for the shore and Lay East and by South. At noone beinge in the latitude of 7 degrees 45 minnites, our Admirall sounded but had noe grounde. In the evininge our Admirall againe sounded, and had grounde at 27 fathome, whereuppon we alsoe soundde, and had grounde at 24 fathome. And keepinge leades goinge, wee had immediatly 20, 19, & 18 fathome, wch sudden shoallinge gave occasion to stande of the sooner, wch wee did and stood out W.S.W. to seaward till two of the clocke in the morninge. Day in the morninge wee stood in againe and lay East. At our first soundinge in the morninge betimes we had ground at 36 fathome, and anone after at 28 fathome up and downe. About seaven of the cloke wee had 17 fathome and between 7 & 8, 15 fathome, & shortly after 14 fathome. About nine of the clocke wee discried lande, wch Rose licke a mounte almost rounde and bore northeast of us. And nowe our dbeabth was 12½ fathomes, and standinge in for the land E. and by N., wee had 10 fathomes and anone 8 fathomes. Our Admirall, beinge nere a league Easterne us, had nowe hoysed out her pinnisse, for whome we lay by thee Lee awhile. And afterwards standinge in East northeast, wee had from 7 to 13 fathomes, severall deapthes. And beinge in ye latitude of 7 degrees 59 minutes, wee had 7 & 9 fathome water and wente roomeweard steeringe N.E. by N., and anone after north Easterly, in 13, 15 &


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John Pauling [pencilled in another hand] 7

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20 fathomes. And nowe might wee see & perceave the lande, wch wee firste had seene rysinge lyke a mounte, to be an Island lyinge under the maine Lande, wch though yt be verye high lande, yet could wee not so soone see yt, by reason of the Fogges arisinge from the same. At nighte wee came to anchor in 17 fathome walter, and by the shippes rydinge wee perceaved the tyde of flood to sett upon the shoare directly. Day, the winde continuinge Sotherly, in the morninge wee weighed and stood in wth a lowe poynte of Land Northeast from us, lyinge of the highland, betweene which pointe and the Iland wee might perceave lyinge a sand all alongst the shore. And saylinge by yt, wee had 20, 18, & 15 fathome, and drawinge nere the pointe, wee perceaved a rocke wheron the water did breake. And standinge in feaire by yt, wee had 11, 12, & 13 fathome water, and comming within the hearbor, wee had verey fayer deabtes, from 19 to 13 fathomes nere the shore. And havinge sayled some League or more wthin the outtermoste poynte, we anchored in 13 fatho[mes] water under the South shore. And immediately some of thee Negers came downe, to whome our boates beinge sente of, brought fowre of them aboarde, leavinge fowre of our men for pledges. Betwene us and the north shoare which is verie lowe land, all alonge wee might perceive at lowe water a sande lyinge drye, to wch the Ginnarall, havinge sente his skyffe, had notice that close by yet was 4 fathome water. Between the sand and the north shore is a channill throwgh wch shippes of small charge may passe. This day dyed one John Paulinge immediately after wee had come to anchor. Day some of the negers came a board the Admirall, by whose speeach and tockenes yt was understood that a Chife man, beinge a neger whome they called Captaine Pinto, dwelte upon the pointe of land nere to wch wee roade at anchor,46 whith[er] the Generall sente, but the mennesse of the place and People was sutch as wee thereby conceived littell hope of fresh vittile as was Expected. Day this Captaine Pintoes sonne came aborde us clothed wth a sherte and a payer of linen breeches wch the Ginnarall had given hime, and by their speech and signes they mad, we wear in hoope that abowe in the Cuntrey fresh vitteales mighte be gotten. For they pointed up the river namminge one Captaine Caran, wch woard Caran wee at first understood to have benne his name, but




afterward perceived the worde menned greate and that the great Captaines name was Boreach, and Pinto was as his deputye under him.47 This day going one shore wee sawe dyveres negeres having dartes, bowes and arrows, and havinge understood by thoose whoe had bene aboard that the wordes Oyreh signified gould, morphewe Elephantes teeth, Enver Catill, Cabra goates, and Isocke hennes, wee demanded such thinges of them, showinge them knyves and beades and namminge our selves, Engeres,48 whereat they still embreaced us and pointed up the river, whereby wee conceived that Captaine Boreach had of the thinges wee demanded. 9 Day beinge Sunday, wee had verie much raine and ye wind weastely. 10 Day our Boates wente one shore for water and found verie conveninte wateringe and greate plentie therof. Alsoe they toocke some fish and sometimes the negers brought downe to the water side limes. 11 Day we wente aboute ¾ of a mile up higher and anchored against the waltring place. This day alsoe wee tooke some fish and bought some more limes, wch weare very good for our sicke men abord. Dayes weare spente in wateringe and sutch other busi12 13, 14, & 15 ness as weare needefull to bee done. 16 Day was fayer and the sunne beinge observed wee founde the latitude of the harbor to be 8 degrees 36 minutes.49 17 Day wee spente also in waltringe. Dayes wee had blusteringe westerly windes and such 18 19 extreme Raine that littille or noe bysines coulde bee des& 20 patched. And the Generall havinge sentte a man up the river to Captaine Boreach, keepinge aborde for pleadge a neger, the sayd man whose nam was John Rogeres returned, certifinge the Generall that hee had mett wth a negere named Lucas Fernanduse, whoe had lived at St Jagoe in former time, was turnid Christian, and spake good porttingall.50 But tuchinge Cattle for refreshmente, wch to procure he was principally sente, he understood by the sayd Lucus that ye Countrey afforded none. And as far as he could perceive, the Country was execdinge beare, for hee saue but one goote wch the Caran Captain Boreah had. But hee promised to gett together some elephant teeth wthin some feaue dayes to trade wth us wth, and what else the Country did aforede. 21 Day was fayer weather, and the Generall wth our Captaine weant one shore & bought of the negers limes to furnishe ye shippes wth walter.


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Day they againe wente on shore, and havinge limes brought downe by the negers to a hovell formerly Bylte by thee Portingalles nere the water syde, wee made lime water for the shippes store. Day in the afternoone some of our weakest men weare carried one shore to the same place and lodginges there mad for them. This day also the negers broute downe more limes, wch wear bought and Equally divided amonge the officeres of both shippes. Day wee had much raine in the morninge and little winde. Day the winde was Southerly and the wetheer fayere. Day yt blewe but little winde in the morninge, but towardes noone the winde came westerly and brought much raine. Day in the morninge our Captaine wth the Admralles pinace and his owne, manned wth some 40 men appointed wth shootte and half picke, went up the river towardes Captaine Boreah wth intente to macke further enquiry for cattle and to trade wth the people for elephantes teeth and goulde, wch the Country was supposed to yelde some store of, to which ende a small Carguazoone was prepared of iorne, blewe callecos, a blue Keightley Kearsie and 3 roogges. And the winde beinge fayer to sayle up the river, the botes arryved at the plase by breacke of day, which is by esteeme some five leagues from whence wee Roade, where after he was landed, Fernandus the negere that spacke Portuguese, came to him. And in the afternoone our Captaine had much speech with Boreah by Lucus the Interpreter, wch Interpreter seemed very sensible and plentifull in Spannish complementes, both in spech and action, and verey humaine in his Cariage, whose sister was wife to Boreah. Boreah in this Converse seemed to bee somewhat inclined to Christianitie, and seemed desirous to come aboard and there to be baptized.51 He is reverently estemed of amonge his people, as yt seemed by the deue respecte they had of him, and there attention to his command, which was instantly obayed. This Lucas Fernandus sat wth him at meate, though his owne brother was not permitted so to doe, at supper wth our Captaine, who uesied him wth what keindnes was fytt. Some elephantes teethe they brought downe wch they held soe deere that theireby no proffeite could be gotten, and therefore thay weare not bought. A feaue of hennes weare bought, & for cattle theare weare none to be gootten, for the Contrye seemed beggerley and the people very idle, but for ought




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wee perceived, harmlesse.52 This day beinge fayere, wee havinge fitted a fish for our foremast and broughte yt toe, the same was finnished. In doinge wheareof, yt was perceavied that the Crosse trees of the same mast weare brocken. Day the winde was Southerly and we had some raine. This day wee underrigged our foremaste and tooke our fore toppe and weare forced to macke newe Crosse trees of our davied.53 Whearefore yt seemed strrange that a worshipfull companey, allowinge so largley for oversight and performance of every thinge, should be soe abused as they have in the seetinge forth of the Hector alltogether undermas[ted], execptinge for her bowspright, wch oversight might have forced us backe for England had wee not execidinge fayre wether. This afternone wee espied a sayle standinge in the same weaie wee came, but soo soone as shee descried us, shee tackt to the Norwarde, and stood in throwgh the other Channill which lyeth to the norward of the sande, of which Channell mention is mad in the former note uppon the 6th of this presente daye. Day the winde continuing Sotherly, wee perceaved the sayle wee had seene the day before standinge into the River wth the tide of floode, wheareupon the Generall caused his pinnasse to be manned and sente in her Mr Hyppon to speake wth the shipp, whoe havinge fett her up found her to bee a portingall, but desiering to goe aboarde her was denied. And thereupon Mr Hyppon ofered him that one should swymme aborde, but he intreated verie earnestly for forbarance to come aboard him till he was Come to an anchor and had gone on shore, and then promised to doe anney pleasure he could.54 Wth wch answeare Mr Hyppon, beinge satisfied, returned. This day wee seett up newe Crosse trees. This day alsoe one of our men who was gone on shore was missinge and could not be heard of. Day in the morninge betimes, the Generall sente for our captaine aborde him, and tackinge wth him some shott they wente on shore and found manney negers come downe wth dartes, bowes & arrowes, whoe had brought downe eleaven stickes wth intent theirby to expresse their meaning, wee being ignorante of theire Langeage, wch all the morning could not be understod, nether could wee tell what to thinke heeirof, missing wthall a man whome the negeres haud in hould, to seecke for whome the Generall sent up to the towne, &


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thence he was brought downe, & those that weare sent brought him downe. Now he whoe had benne missinge sayd he had beene put into the stockes, whearupon as allso for that one of the negeres often say in Portuguese, he would nether lye nor steele, the Generall examined our men who had benne missinge, whetheir he had done them anney ingrey any waye, & he sayd no. In the afternoone it was made knowne that one Johnnes, whoe had bene once docked at our mayne yard arme for pilferinge, had bine earnest wth one Lovejoy, our Master his man, to goe wth him to some of the negeres howses, & they had bene one shoare the day before. Heire uppon the Genarall & our Captaine went aboard our shipe, tackinge wth them 3 of the negeres, for whoes return pleadges beinge lefte weare carried up to their howses. Now the matter being exammined, yt was found that by Johnes his menes dyvers partickler goodes had benne stolne from the negers, & by the stickes afore mencoend the negers signified, as wee nowe perceived, the losse of eleaven parcelles. Some of theese thinges weare confessed to be hid one shore, as namley six bassones, though the negers demanded but 5, & some thinges weare brought abord. In fine, the whole matter being confessed, pardone was granted to the confesseres, but Johnes & Lovejoy weare had to ye Capsten & weightes hanged aboute theire neckes, another was ducked at the maine yard arme.55 All which punishment the 3 negers beheld, unto whome the goodes weare restored, even more then they demanded, & one of the negeres to whome it seemed ye goodes did belonge fell one his knees and beate his elbowes to the Decke in tocken of thankfullnes this done.56

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thought moste fytt, as well for knowledge of the place so highly Commended by Sir James Lancaster,57 to the ende wee have yt to frendes, yf windes should crosse us standinge to the norward, and soe wee should be constraind to seeke a porte, as alsoe for supply of some wantes, the place beinge reportted to afford store of Ryse, presuminge wthall that we should heare some newes of the Consente, to put into the baye, wch they determined to doe the next day, so soone as the wind searve. This eveninge I found 16 degrees variation. Day in the morninge wee had the winde of the shoare at E.N.E., and then at lowe water might wee perceave




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a shoale of rockes Lyinge alonge to the norwarde of the Iland some half a leage of, uppon wch the sea did breacke, & about noone wee had the winde off the sea, a smal geale. And havinge weighed anchors wee stood in toweardes the bay. Our Admirall, in waighinge anchor this day, brack the anchor shee had one grounde, wch was the same that was broack in the ryver Thames and was amended againe, though not in such sorte as I suppose yt was expected to have benne don, for a Rounde bolte or pinne was inclosed in the shank wheare it had bene amended and againe bracke nowe. Standinge in, we had a while 8 & 10 fathome water, and betwnee that depth & 20 fathome, but after wee had awhile stood in wee had no grownde, & in thee bay where wee came to anchor about fower of the clocke, wee had divers deabptes, betwene 22 & 23 fathomes to 60 & 70 fathomes, & in some plasses about 100 fathome, & the grounde softe oze. Heare I found 16 degrees variation. Day the Generall not beinge well, our Captaine wth the two pinnase[s] well manned wente one shore to seeke out for some refreshment, and havinge Landed, walked up a littell way and might perceave that Cattell had bene their, & wth all they sawe certen luggog[e] of the peoplles of the Cuntrey. Wheare leavinge some beades & other toyes to entice them to come downe to us, after awhile returninge him selfe to the bootes, he founde one of his men sore hurt wth a Crockadile or alligator wch had seised uppon the mannes Legge, whose name was George Evnes, as hee had benne washinge a sherte by the boates side, and tugged him over a River, beinge shoale water. But hee findinge himselfe in such sorte halled away, and being amassed, footed the Crokadile wth his other foote, and soe, by greate Chance, bracke from him sore wounded and recovered the boate, mackinge no other accountpte but that his foote was gonne till hee sawe yt the hinder parte of the smalle of his Legge was bytten cleane asunder, both Flesh and synewes to the bone. And had the alligator gott him into deepe water, asuredly he had bene carried clene away. Day from aboarde wee perceived some of the people of the Cuntrey upon the sande wthin the baye, unto whome the boates beinge sent, they stayed to speake wth those they sawe comminge one shore. But before they would come nere them, they mad signes that our


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men should leave there weapones in the boate, and thee madagasa[ns], beinge in number fower, layde asyde theire dartes, & soe they came together. Then signes beinge made for Cattle by our men, they seemed immediatley to aprehende theire menninge uttered by booes & Bedes, and they seemed to signifie by the signes they made that after they had tacken there nightes rest, and that the sunne nowe approching neare the weste should apeare in the East, we should have Cattle, & soe after awhile departed. Day in the morninge wee wente one shoare, each man well appoynted wth shoott, and before none their cam downe a companey of as lustey men as I thinke anney man Lyvinge hath seene for saveage nacked people, for nacked they were excepte there members, wch weare covered wth a cloth made of cotten woole. They are not very blacke, but brown of coller. The heare of som of them was artificially platted, of otheres yt was round fryzeled Lycke the forme of a flatte cappe, and every one of them had his bundle of dartes, wch dartes weare verey artificially wrought, the heades wheireof wear boarded not far unlike some kindes of arrowe heades I have seene in Englande. Soe wee havinge leayd our peeces aside, and they there dartes, they came to us merily and brought a good sheepe, 2 lames and a younge steare. Now wee shewed them peeces of iron such as wee bought Cattill wth at the Cape, as also beades, loockinge glasses and other thinges, of all wch they made noe reckoninge, nether of ringes or anney other toyes, and at laste wee perceived that silver was that they expected, wch was not knowne in the Sera leon and Saldania places wheare wee had formerly bene. And monny beinge shewed them, they seemed all sufficente to disciere silver from anney other mettele would be exceptd instead thereof. So in conclusion, the sheepe & one Lambe weare bought of them for 18d sterlinge, the other weare driven awaye. The Generall used menes to gett one or too of them aboarde, thinkinge by usinge them keindley wee might be suppleyd with Cattelle, but by noe menes woulde they bee goten aboarde. Wine they seemed not to Care for, and would but taste theirof. They seeme to bee a martiall peeople in theire kinde & verie ingenious. Day was spente in gettinge wood and water aboard, & we expected more Cattle, but none came. This evininge apeared some alteratio[n] in the wethere, for wheare as formerly the weather had benne fayer, and everey day




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aboute none the breis came of the sea, wch Continued till the eveninge and then came the land turne, this night the winde contenued westerly, and thence wee expect[ed] fowle wether. Day our men weare bysie as before in gettinge woode & water aboarde, and some of the peeple of Madagasccor came downe wth cattell, but not the same whoe before had benne wth us. Thee cattele they brought downe weare 3 cowes, 2 steares and 4 calves, wch weare bought of them for 19ss sterlinge. Day in the morninge the Admirall had a newe Cable galled asunder, wch was bente to one of the beste boweres. Shee had Loste the anchor wch laye in verey deepe water, for us they said theire was 50 fathome water wheare the anchor lay, and the boy rope beinge 20 fathome to shorte, the anchor could not be recoverd. Soe this yl favoured hole wheare wee could see nothinge worth58 commendacions for our purpose (for although we gott a few Cattle yet it seemed they weare brought farr of, so that we could not expect any store) had now spent our admirall two anchors, which is no small inconvenience. But much cause have wee to give God thankes that we towched at Saldania, wch had wee not done, farr greater inconveniences hadd befallen us. Therefore the advice towchinge the passing by Saldania with expectation of refreshment heare argued weakenes in the Author, for Saldania admitteth no comparison wth this place, as all men will graunt that judiciously weigh both places. Day in the morning we wente on shoare againe hopinge more Cattle woul[d] be brought downe, but none came. Wherefore seing refreshment was not Likely to be heare had according expectation, yt was thought convenient to put to sea this night, which our Master understanding, desired a dayes respite, wch the Generall condescendced unto, and so we did not weigh this night. Day in the morning before daye, the Generall & our Captaine wth both their pinasses well manned, and our Long boate with pike & shott, went on shore upon the Lowe Lande Lyinge to the Southwarde of the baye, to see if they could meete with any Cattle theire. For all about the baye there were high hills, which might be supposed the cause they brought no more store of Cattle, because it might bee painefull bringing them over those hills. But no cattel could then be found, nor ought else that good was, onely a few water mellons the


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place offered, with some of which they returned about noone, wth the first of the brees of ye sea. Day in the morning betymes we weighed, and being under saile stood out N.W. and W.N.W., having a small gale off the shoare, and having stood to seaward a while we had the winde northerly, which towardes noone veered westerly, and we weare in the Latitude of 23 degrees 39 minutes, west northerly off the place where we had anchored. And coming to the starborde tack we lay close by North, and the winde inlarging in the afternoone, wee Lay us N.N.W. till towards night, and then it fell calme and wee had but little winde all night. Heare I had 15 degrees 36 minutes variacion. Day in the morninge came up a small gale at S.W. and we steered north and weare in the Latitude of 23 deg. 16 minutes within sight still of the coast, which we kept nere unto by reason (however the currant may sett further northward or [home?] at other tymes of the yeare I will not determine, but we could not now perceave that the currant sett to the westward, but saw reasones afterward that it might rather sett easterly or alonge the coast towards the norward). This currant is reported to sett off this coast upon the flatts of India. Heare I [had] 15 degrees 30 minutes variacion.

[March 1608] March 1 Day in the morning about fower of the clock the winde scanted, comming at Northeast, and we brought our starboard tack aboord and La[y] with our stearne [stem] north and by west and N.N.W., and towards six a clock north west and by northe. But towards noone the wynde againe enlarged, and towards night scanted, and we went about and stood to the Eastward, and Lay E.S.E. till middnight and then went about againe. 2 Day we had the winde stormie, which was sometymes at northeast and sometymes veered to the Northward, sometymes to the Eastward. This day we had extreame foule weather, and lay to and againe as the wynde suffered us, which was very variable. This night wee stood to the norward. 3 Day in the morninge about one of the clock wee lost sight of our Admirall, whoe had tackte about to the Eastward an houre before, wch being doubted wee also went about, and laye wth our steame East, but ye wind




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soone scanted so much as we could lye but Southeast. In the morning we descried our Admirall to Leeward of us and went roome to her, and comming up wth her about tenn of the clock, we went about and lay N.N.W. This day the winde continued variable about the Northeast, and we had much raine as the daye before. About four of the clock we had sight of the coast of Madagascar againe, unexpected, for wee thought our selves out of the sight therof. And this being soe we rather thought that if any currant weare heare at this tyme, it rather sett upon the coast then to seaward. This day we made divers boordes buelting to and againe, and in the evening we understood of the death of Mr Cumberland, Cherurgion in the Dragon, wch was very sorrowfull tydings unto us, for that he was a very sufficient man and well inclined. Day we had a cruell storme wherin our Admiralles mainesaile was splitt, and our maine bonnet rent the clunnings59 being broke, and soe much winde blew that we weare forced to strike downe our Yardes, and take of our Bonnetes. And so we lay atrye all the forenoone under our Maine course, and our Admirall having a while line at hull put out her forecourse, and all the afternoone and the night following we went under a couple of course a peece. This day also we had much wett, and the worst weather we had as yet found at sea. Day in the morning about one of the clock we had the winde at East and Lay up N.N.E. and weare in the lat.dude of 22 degrees, 38 minutes. So that now we perceaved theise few dayes of foule weather had cast us to Leeward apace. This day also we saw the coast of Madagascar, and this afternoone the winde veered sotherly, and in the beginning of the night we tackt before the winde and steered north and by East. Day the winde at South blew stifly & wee steered our course north & by East and weare in the latitude of 21 degrees 14 minutes, and theire wee steered away north and by west.60 Day the wynde continuinge sotherly blew a good gale, and we steered N. by W. and were in the Latitude of 18 degrees 55 minutes, and hence wee steered N. by W. & N.N.W. Day the winde continued a fine gale at South southwest, and we steered N. by W. and north and were in the Latitude of 17 degrees 2 minutes, and thence steered we north & by East. And about fower of the clock we


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steered N.E. by N. and N.N.E. amonge, and this evening I found 13 degrees 13 minutes variacion, at which tyme we weare some 20 Leagues west from the northermost part or ende of the Iland of John de Nova. Day the winde continuing sotherly a small gale, we steered N.E. by N. & N.E. and weare in the Latitude of 15 degrees 53 minuts, and hence we steered north & by east and North and found this evening 12 degrees 33 minutes variation. Day was calme, and we weare in the Latitude of 15 degrees 29 mi. Towards the evening we had a small gale sotherly and found variation this eveninge 12 degrees 23 minutes. Towards midnight became it calme againe. Day continued calme all morninge, and we weare in the Latitude [1]5 degrees 29 minutes. So the small way we had made to the norward the 10 day, and the Latitude this day, was an argument we had a currant against us. This evening came up a small gale Easterlye and we laye awhile north and by East, and north north East, but the wind againe scanting in the night, we Lay North and by West. Day wee hadd a small gale of winde at northeast, and wee lay close by N.N.W. & N. by W. In the morning we descried Land, being the coast of Mosambique, and in the afternoone




The Hector Journal of Anthony Marlowe 14 July 1607 to 22 June 1608 The Journal is not Marlowe’s Manuscript but A Copy Made in London by William Speede. The presumable sequel from Socotra to Surat has not survived. The leaves are bound in a large volume in the British Library’s Manuscript Collection, Cotton Ms. Titus B 8, leaves 252–79. Numbered on each recto and verso, the manuscript’s original pagination is 11–65, the first ten pages lost. The journal begins midsentence, presumably 14 July 1607. The yellowed pages are 31 centimeters by 20.5 centimeters, the ink generally dark and legible. July 1607 [14]:

15:

seaward ffrom them. They all agreed that wee weare but 140 league to seaward of them, and that wee may salfely stand to the eastward above 24 howres more, and then yf yt pleased the Generall to stand ffor Lorania, yf the winde weare any thinge favorable, unto wch the Generall consented. The Winde contynued and wee yet stood toward the Coaste of Geunnye [Guinea] and were in 4 degrees, 40 mittes [minutes] north Latitude. Here we ffounde a Corrant setting into the Baye of Ethiopia, wch place is thought verye dangerous yf wee should runne ffar into yt.1 Whereuppon our Admyrall then wee tackt about, and laye off Southwest.



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The wynd was varyable and wee tackt as the winde shifted, and this daye we found our selves in 4 degrees, 46 mittes. Our Captayne released William Jones our great theeffe out of the Bilboas. The wynd still varyable, wee stood some tyme to the eastward and some tyme to the Southward. The wynd at Southeast, we laye our steme South Sowest. This daye we were forced to Cutt downe our meszen maste to make us a foretopmast, and were in 3 degrees, 57 mittes north Latitude. Toward the eveninge the wynde more Sotherlye. Wee tackt about and laye east and by North. Wee Contynued on the same tacke & were in 4 degrees, 36 mittes. The wynde a little larging wee laye east and by South. Wee put upp our foretopmaste and Cut our mayne topsayle yard shorter, being 4 degrees, 8 mittes. The wynd Contynued and we sayled wth the same tacke abord till noone, then wee had the wynd at South Southeast. Wee tackt about and laye Southwest, and the wether being fayre we put upp a miszen maste made of our old fforetopmaste. Contynued on the same tacke. We took downe our miszen yard, Cut him shorter and overhald him, and in the evening put him upp againe being in 4 degrees, 11 mittes. Wee stood as before. Our Captayne Commanded 2 yongkers to be whipt at the mayne Capstone for steling beefe out of the steepe tubbs. The wynde at Southeast and by South. Wee tackt about to the east ward and were in 3 degrees, 50 mittes. The wynd Contynued. Wee laye one the same tacke. Wee did the like till midnight, then the wynd at South Southeast. We plyed to the Westward. The wynde at Southeast wee cast about againe, and were 4 degrees, 46 mittes. We did the like. Having long beaten upp and downe to gett the wether gage of Fernando Lorania, and are nowe every daye mor out of hope then other to recover yt, our water and victuall spendinge, and our men weaker and weaker almoste out of harte, and water nowe begininge to growe lowe, especyally as wee ffeare wth the Dragon. Wee Contynued all night beating to windward, being in 5 degrees, 34 mittes. In the morninge our Admirall put out a fflagg of Councell. Our Captayne Comaunded our pinnesse




to be hoysed out, and manned, and went abord the Generalles shippe, taking wth him our master and me and 2 of our masters mates. Then the Generall Assembled us in his cabbine with Mr Hippon master of the Dragon, and all his mates, and Mr Herne. Unto us all he made knowne the cause of our meting at that tyme, where with heavy hartes our wanttes and Crosses were spoken off, all ffindinge yt a daungeringe of the voyage, yf nowe any longer tyme wee should beate to windward to recover Lorania, wch in their Judgmentes the wynd soe likelye to Contynue agaynst us, ware in vayne to hope ffor. And therfore to Conclude of some other place where in tyme they maye water, and refreshe our men, ffor nowe all begine to be weake and verye manye to be touchet wth the scurveye. Then the Generall toulde the masters and masters mates his oppynion what course was best to be taken ffor furtherance of the voyage, for recovering a watering place, and to recover our weake men, wch nowe was high tyme to seeke ffor. And although Lorania were the fittest, yet the great wisdome and Care the Generall had ffor the good of the voyage was suche, as he lefte nothing unconsyderd of wch might bring either good or hurte to our proceedinge, and that nowe to stand any longer for Lorania, and soe put our selves to leard [leeward] of all other places would indanger our procedinge in the voyage yf we should not obtayne yt. Then Lorania was geven over anye longer to stand ffor yt. Trewly to have seene ye sorrowe and some weete [wet] eyes amongst us, wch the greefe of theise matters procured, our Cheeffest in England will hardly beleeve. Then all other places likely ffor us to obtayne was spoken off, some nomminatinge the Coast of Brassille, but being well Consydered of they liked yt nott, ffor many reasones the Generall alleged. Other named Mayo. That was not thought a place to doe us good. Others the Coast of Genney; that in manye regardes was thought dangerous. Then was thought of Cape de verde or an Iland ner to yt, wch place was good, but the Generall was loathe to put roome so ffarre. Then the Generall out of his readinge, had gott knowledge of a place uppon the Coast of Genney Called Sero Leona, at wch he ffound that Sir Francis Drake, Captayne Candishe and others had bene in and watered, and wthall called ffor his booke and reade the navigation of yt.2 And although our Master who as he sayd had bene


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on the northe syde of that Porte in a smale shippe where they had but 3 ffathomes water in goinge in, gave no incouragement to put ffor that place, yet the Generall wth his wise reasones at last gott them all Content to put roome ffor that place, wch indeed was neerest and in that windes weye exspected here to doe us good. This place Sero Leone lyeth in 8 degrees north Latitude of the Lyne. Soe the Generall havinge Cleared all Doubtts & Danger spoken off bringinge in our shipps thether, he shewed how he me[n]t to worke wth Boate and leade to avoyde all Dangers that might be caste, and then yf either emmynentt Danger, or windes of that shore, did put us ffrom yt, he would not long stand uppon yt, yt being nothing out of our weye afterwardes to put rome ffor Cape de verde, or the Iland nere yt. And nowe att this tyme wee being in the Latitude the Sholes of St Anne lye in, thought yt nott salfe to stand longe into the eastward, he caused one of the masters mates to sound, who at 180 ffathomes had no ground, wch inboldened them to stand in this night ffollowinge. Wee stoode still to the eastward till noone, then observinge we were in 5 degrees, 15 mittes north Latitude, the Generall strooke his topsayle to speake wth us, still seeming verye loath to put roome yf any Comforte of ffayre wyndes would at last come. They demmanded what Latitude we were in by our observation, wch knowing demanded what our master thought best to doe. Answere was made by our master that he thought yt best, yf yt pleased the Generall to put roome ffor Sero Leona. Unto wch Master Hippon gave Concent. So wee presentley bore upp the healme wth them and put roome for Sero Leona aforesayd, and to Cleare the Sholes of St. Anne. Wee steered northeast and by north.

August 1607 1:

2:

The wynde at South, wee bore alonge as before till noone, then observing were in 6 degrees, 25 mittes north Latitude. Our Admyrall then wee sounded and had no ground, and ffindinge ourselves to the norward of the Sholes of St Anne, we bore in ffor Sero Leona, east noreast. The winde veringe to the westward we steered in east, being 7 degrees and 15 mittes Latitude.




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The wynde Contynued Large. Wee stered in east and by South. In the evenninge our Admirral sounded but had noe ground, and at 12 a Clocke this night, they and wee sounded agayne and had no ground, wch made us beare a bould sayle. This night dyed William Wallis, a fforemaste man of our shippe. The wynde Contynuinge Westerlye, and were in 7 degrees and 45 mittes, and being neere the Latitude of Sero Leona, wee steered east and by north to keepe ourselves in the Longittude of yt, and sounded and had no ground. At night they sounded agayne and had ground at 27 fathomes. Then wee sounded and had 24 fathomes. Wee ran this night in by our leades till we came in 17 & 18 ffathomes. Then we made a checke out to sea, and about 2 a Clocke in the morninge wee stoode in agayne, and brought our selves in the same bearth agayne. In the morninge our Admyrall being a league asterne us, about 9 a Clocke wee saw Land, and bore in hard to make yt. Runninge in by our leade wee had very unlevell grounde ffrom 17 to 9 ffathomes. At one caste yt would shole and deepe 3 ffathomes, beinge the verye spitte of the South Sholes. And havinge made Land, found yt a Iland and bore northeast of us. Yt rise like a longe mole hill. Here wee laye by the lee ffor our Admirall, who being come upp wth us stered for Sero Leona northeaste and by north, keeping leades still going, and as wee egged to the Norward our depthes increased. This daye God be thanked we had a ffayre Gale and verye ffayre wether, wch is seldome seene heare at this tyme of the yeare, and had ffrom 7 to 14 ffathomes. Then we steered north, and north and by easte and had evenner ground and better sholding ffrom 11 to 15 ffathoms. And this eveninge bringinge the Iland on our broade syde, and little winde, wee came to Ancker in 17 ffathomes. In the morninge the wynde Sotherley, a ffayre gale. Wee stered ffor the poynt of the land wch oppened the harbor of Sero Leona north and still very good sholdinge, and ground ffrom 12 to 20 ffathomes, our pinnesses still runninge before us sounding. Then wee discryed the Rocke the Generall tould us wee should passe by going in, wch lyeth a myle ffrom the Land and 2 leauges ffrom the land poynt. Yt lyeth even wth the water, soe as the breach thereof is alwayes to be seene 2 Leauges off. Wee stered in about 2 Cables length to the Norward of yt,


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and had when wee had leste, 11 ffathomes water. And our Boates had 8 ffathome colesse [close] by the rockes, as the Generall out of his Booke informed us, and yt is the bouldest place that ever I came in before ffor any Shipp whatsoever. And being shott wthin the poynt 2 leauges never havinge lesse then 13 ffathomes water, wee came God be praysed to ancker wth our Admyrall in good saffetye, 2 Cables length ffrom the shore in a good bearth, at 13 ffathome water. Wee had no sooner lett fall our Anckers but we did see Negers wevinge us ashore, whereuppon the General sent his Longe Boate and our pinnesse, whoe brought 4 of them abord him, and 2 men of the Boates goinge ashore ffor them. Theise 4 Negers our Generall entertayned abord him kindlye, who at the ffirst were very ffull of ffeare, but before theire departure, they were well perswaded of us, and our Generall gave them wine and meate in his Cabbine. And after they had conceyved a good oppynion of us, the Generall gott of them Wordes ffor all kinde of Victuale and Comodities in their Language, and the promise to helpe us to all thinges ffor our refreshment as the place afforded, wch put us in some good hope to get meanes ffor recoveringe of our weake and sicke men. This daye dyed John Pawlinge of our shipp, a foremaste man. In the eveninge the 4 Negers were sett ashore and our men brought abord. In the morninge came 4 Negroes more abord in the Generalles pinnesse, one of them beinge sonne to the Cheefe Commaunder heere, Called Captayne Pinto, and was sonne in law to their Kinge called Kinge Burrea.3 But he and all the rest wore suche poore smakes, all naked savinge a little peece of pintado wch covered their pryvities, and the Cheeffe of them had a poore torne Coate wch scasely would hange together, not worth one penny. The cheefe of theise 4 ye Generall sent to be guyde to a messenger the Generall sent with him to Captayne Pinto wth a smale present, wch was an end of Iron & a sherte, as well to discover the nature of theise people and ffacion of the Countrye, as also to procure what refreshment possyble this place would afford. The present ffromm our Generall Captayne Pinto kindelye accepted, especially the sherte, and sent him word that what refreshment the Countrye did afford wee should have, and sent our Generall ffor a present a hupe of gould, of about 6ss valew, our




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Generall still keepinge abord him 3 Negros till our people retourned. The 4 negroes came abord the Generall, Came abord our shippe, and after our Captayne had used them kindlye they were sett ashore. Being sunday, wee laye still at Ancker and did nothinge. Our Boate went to ffishe and water, both being here verye plentye. Our Admyrall and wee weyed Anckers, and came to ancker agayne a myle more into the ryver, nerer to our wood, water, and ffishe. Dayes wee spent in trymminge our water Caske, washing and fishing. The wyndes for the most parte Sotherly, and our calkers wer fayne to Calke our shipp ffrom steme to sterne. The Generall being advertised by the Negroes heare of a chefe man whoe had Command in all theise partes, Called Kinge Burrea, a neger dwelling aboute 15 miles ffrom our Shippes upp the River, unto whome he sent John Rogers, one of his Shipp who spake the Portugues, wth the Captaynes sonne of this place called Serre, in a Cannowe uppe the River to the kinges house. The Generall sent by them to the kinge a smale present, wch was a Bottle of wyne and a little Callico, and an end of Iron, ffor the Generall would leave noe meanes [un]attempted wch might procure ffreshe meate ffor our weake men, ffor as yet wee could gett not anye refreshment save water, a ffew smale henes, ffishe, and lymes. Dayes the winde westerly with muche rayne. John Rogers retorned from Kinge Burrea Certifyinge our Generall that the kinge verye gratefullye accepted the present, and promysed much kindnesse and all the Refreshment the Countrye afforded, and ffor that he understood wee were merchanttes wee should trade in all the Comodyties theise partes did yeald. The Comodyties were gould and Eliphanttes teethe, and nothinge elles good. Of wch thinges yf yt pleased our Generall 3 or 4 dayes hence to send upp his boate to him, he would in the meane tyme gett into his handes all that he could procure. The Generall and our Captayne went ashore, and bought of the Negars ffor our men limes and a ffew henes, and gave ffor them knives and glasse beedes.4 Wth the lymes our men made them lime water, wth wch (yt pleased God) and the Shore, they recovered wch were inffected wth the scurvey. And althoughe in this


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place nothinge could be had ffor men but limes, ffishe, and water, yet wee fynde yt doeth our men that good, as wee have cause to prayse God for yt, who did put yt in our Generalls mynde to come ffor this place. For heere we have those thinges wthout ffeare or danger in greate plentye and at a reasonable rate. The Generall and our Captayne went ashore and bought more lymes and Caused lime water to be made ashore in houses by the water syde, wch Portingales had buylded ffor like uses. This water they appoynted to be ffor the sicke men and the whole Compannye. Our sicke and weake men in bothe shippes were sent ashore to those houses and meanes made ffit ffor them ffor recovering strength. Everye daye were Lymes bought, and distributed to the Company in each shipp. Dayes the wynd Sotherly wth much Rayne, we lay still and could doe little bussynes abord or ashore. The Generall Caused bothe pinnesses to be well manned and appoynted wth 40 men, in whome he sent our Captayne accompanyed wth my selfe, Mr Herne & Mr Bucke, and Mr Pocome & Mr Savage, Masters mates, up to the Kinge Burrea. Wee departed our shippes verye early in the morninge and came to the place wher Kinge Borreas house was by the breake of daye. Kinge Borrea at our arryvall was at another house he had about 6 miles more upp the ryver. There first presented themselves to us 6 negares of the kinges people. One of them was a Christian named Lucas Fernandas, whoe spake very good portuguese.5 He presentlye kindley receved our Captayne, who wth his men stood uppon his gard. Lucas Fernandus did send awaye a Cannowe to Kinge Borrea to certifie him of our Captaynes comynge, with full [assu]rance that Borrea would not be longe before he came. Our Captayne was intreated by the sayd Lucas Fernandas in the meane tyme to walke upp to the kinges house not farre off, wch our captayne, setting his men in order, and leaving a sufficyent garde wth the pinnesses, did. Wch house god knoweth was a poore place ffor a kinge, yet amonge all yt was the best that wee did yet see. After a little tyme theare spent, our Captayne wth all our Companye wthdrewe himselfe downe againe to our pinnesses, where in a old house nere by, our dynners was made redey of such thinges as we brought wth us, our Captayne keepinge Lucas Fernandus, whoe dyned wth us.




When dyner was done, newes came that Kinge Borrea was come, to whome our Captayne sent presently Lucas Fernandus whoe soone after retorned, desyringe our Captayne ffrom the kinge to come upp to his house to him, who taking aboute 25 men appoynted, went. And the kinge did receve him verye kindlye after theire Countrye manner, exspressinge much kindnesse to our nation, Lucas Fernandus beinge Interpriter. Our Captayne declared to the kinge the cause of his comminge, was, ffor such Comodities as we had, to have of his people such Comodities and victuall as the land afforded, unto wch this poore kinge gladly yealded, offring all his ffurtherance therein. Then our Captayne sent ffor a Bottle of wyne, and presented him, wch he kindly receved, ffor yt semeth they love yt well. Our Captayne sate by him aboute 2 howres, and in his talke he semed very well affected to Christianytie, and that he himselfe had a great desyre of a long tyme to be of that professione.6 Our Captayne commended that good desyre in him and offered him that yf he pleased to come abord the Generall and him, [he] should be kindly welcome, and should receve such further Instructiones and Confirmation in the Christian Fayth as should be much to his Contentment. Then our Captayne requested him to supper and Lucas, wth some of his cheeffe ffollowers. In the meane tyme to shew that we were merchanttes, we shewed them of our Comodyties, wch awhile we thought we should have bartered ffor gould, Eliphantes teeth, or meate. But night drawing on and seeing no Comodyties, nor any meate save a ffew smale henes, and plaintones, Supper ended, and seeing the Countrye came downe, not knowing what treacherye might be intended, the kinges trupes Increasing all armed, and that little wyne they dranke had sterred theire braynes, our Captayne Commanded all our thinges wee had ashore to be carryed abord. He tooke his leve of Kinge Borrea, and the rest of his ragged trayne. Lucas Fernandus all this while Carryinge himselfe very well to our Captayne, accompanyed him to the water syde, unto whome he gave a hatt, and delivered him another to present to the kinge. Lucas promysed our Captayne to be wth our shippes wthin 4 dayes. Our Captayne wth all his Company embarked, retorned to our shippes, where about 10 a Clocke we aryved. I had almost fforgott that Kinge Borrea at his house tooke a hoope


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ringe of gould of ffrom his ffinger and gave yt to our Captayne. Yt was of about 6ss valew. The Winde at South we discryed a sayle to seaward standing in ffor this place, wch we were verye glad of, but she having nerd us tackt about and stood to the norward. And in the eveninge she came to Ancker under the north shore, where is another channell wch a smale shipp may come in by. This daye wee tooke downe our fforetoppmaste and unrigged our fforemaste, before wch wee could not bringe to newe crosse trees, the old being spent. In the morninge wee did see that shipp, wch yester night came to ancker in the north Channell, under sayle, standing upp the River, whereuppon the Generall Comanded his pinnesse to be maned, and sent in her Mr Hippon Master of the Dragon to speake wth her whoe did soe. But it being A portingale, the Captayne would not ffor feare lett any man of ours Come abord him, in any termes, still intreating Mr Hippon to excuse him, ffor he had hard measure offered him aforetyme by French & Flemishe, wch wee might also be ffor ought he knewe; and therefore, till he had bene ashore, no man should come abord him.7 Craving pardon of Mr Hippon ffor denying the same, promysinge that after he had bene ashore, wee should have any kindnes laye in his power. Mr Hippon, whose dewtie to our Generall bound him not to doe any thinge to him by fforce, lefte him, and in the after noone came abord the Generall agayne and certifyed him what had passed, and ffurther that he was a smale Portingale shippe of about 40 tonnes manned wth not above 8 or 9 men. This day Walter Stere, on[e] of our Trumpeters, being sent in the Long Boate to wood, did straggle ffrom his ffellowes, and was surprised by the Negros, and was Carryed prysoner 6 myles into the Countrye to one of theire houses all night. In the morninge the negars of theise partes had brought him nerer to the water syde, and some of them came downe and weved us ashore as though some exstreordynarye thinge had happend. Whereuppon our General Consyderinge our sicke men were ashore wth a slender guarde, Caused both pinnesses to be manned and appoynted, and him selfe wth our Captayne went ashore wth about 40 men, where we ffound all the negroes in armes & there women ffleed. But they had




offered no wronge to our sicke men, neither Could our Generall or Captayne perceave what the matter might be. At last one negor came to our Generall, and brought 11 shorte stickes in his hand, and wth a little broken Portugues wch he spake, much lamented to him as thoughe some great Injurye had bene offered to them by some of our people. And that Walther Stere was kept in the towne hard by. The Generall the ffirste thinge he did, sent a stronge guard to the Towne ffor Walther Stere, whoe beinge brought, the Generall ffurther exammined the poore Negroes Complayntes. And finding indeede some villanye had bene Comytted toward them, and Judginge Walther Stere (who denyed all) had bene either a partie or a knower (thereof ), The Generall and our Captayne went presentlye abord our shippe, ffor further examyninge this, takinge wth him Stere and 4 of the Negors most greved, levinge 2 in hostage ffor them, because they should see that, yf any offence were ffound donne by our men, Justice should be exsecuted. When the Generall and our Captayne came abord, they tooke such wise order in examyninge this matter, some weare at the mayne Cappstone wth waightes aboute theire neckes, and others suspected, threatned wth the like. At last one of them Conffessed the whole matter, viz: that he wth others of our shippe, whereof William Jones our great old theeffe was the ffirst practiser and ringleader, had stolne out of the poore Negroes houses, aboute 4 myles ffrom the shipps, dyvers peces of goodes, of wch some was brought abord and some hid in the sand nere where they stole them. The poore negroes could not tell how many thinges they had loste, but by those 11 stickes afore spoken off, they ment 11 peces of goodes lost. The Generall being glad this wicked actione came to light, and desyrous that all taken ffrom them should be restored, sent his pinnesse to the Sandye Baye where the other goodes was hid, and brought yt abord, whereof there was 2 brasse bassenes. Therefore nowe that Baye is namend basen baye till this daye.8 So by the wisdome of our Generall, and Captayne, all the goodes lost was brought to light and rendred to the poore Negroes agayne, 2 peces of theire goodes more then they coude demaund, and Justice done uppon the offenders. Wch soe well pleased them, as they liftinge upp their eyes toward heaven humbled


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themselves at our Generalles Feete, to the ground, in thankefulness of the Justice receaved. One of the offendeers was duckt at yard arme, and the others Cheefe in ffault at the Capstane before the negores ffaces, to theire great content and Credyt to our nationes Justice.9 Walther Stere beinge cleare of the Robberye was ffor his Stragling sett in the Bilboas. All this being ended, the Generall and Captayne wth those negors came ashore againe, and our 2 men delivered. The negares wch were abord did declare to theire fellowes of these partes of the good Justice theye had ffound, and what punishment was Infflicted uppon those that wronged them. All armes was presently layed downe & the Generall wth all his people retorned abord. This daye was spent in woodinge and watringe, and in Rigginge our fforemaste and fforetoppmaste.

September 1607 1:

The Generall havinge great desyre to speake wth the Portingale wch passed upp the River, Cheifelye that by him he might convey letters ffor England, as ffor other matter to learne of him, in the morninge sent for our Captayne, and after a little Conference, Commandment was geven ffor the manninge and well appoyntinge of bothe pinnesses wth 40 men. Our Captayne accompanyed wth Mr Hippon went in them upp the river towardes Kinge Burreas house to speake wth the portingale. They departed in the morninge and had tyde of fludd wth them, and went to speake wth the Portingales barke 6 leagues up the River. But he was not to be ffounde, ffor he had put his barke into some Crecke wch this place is ffull off, wch no man Could in any short tyme ffinde out. This River above spredeth into many goodly Rivers, and hath in yt manye inhabited Ilands. At some of them our Captayne and Mr Hippon landed and some of them inhabited by negares who at ffirst ffleed ffor feare, but afterward by the kindnesse they receved were more bould. For our Captayne suffered nothing to be taken ffrom them, but what was payed ffor. Besydes our Captayne gave them beedes and knives to the Cheefest of them, to theire great Content. One of the negars sould our Captayne a hupe ringe of gould of about 5s valew. Then they sayled to Kinge Burreas house to speake wth Lucas Fernandus, who did




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informe our Captayne all matters about the Portingale. He excused his not Comminge to the Generall as he promysed, that the portingale was the cause. Our Captayne sent word to the Portingale, that wee were Englishe men, merchanttes and of peace, and that our kinge and the kinge of Spayne were in good amytie and league. And that all the matter wee soe much desyred to speake wth him ffor, was but to have his helpe ffor the Conveyance of a letter ffor England. The which Lucas Fernandus promysed to tell the Portingale and to be abord our shipes wth the Generall and Captayne wthin 3 dayes, and yf he could he would bringe the Portingale wth him. So our Captayne wth Mr Hippon and all the rest retorned abord. This morninge the Generall sent ffor me abord him and theare delivered me a letter written to the Companye in England to write in Carractar.10 Certifyinge them when we lost sight of England, when we came into Mayo, when we ffirst Croste the Lyne, when we ffell wth Cape Augustine, what sicke men wee have in our shippe, what damage to the Company setting us out so late would bring, and what want of 2 monthes ffleshe they shortned us off wolde bringe us. And what daye yf yt pleased God, wee should be reddye to put ffrom this place of Serro Leona. Wee had some thunder & Lightninge, wee did wood, water, & ffishe. The wyndes varyable wth rayne. Lucas Fernandus came abord the Generall and brought him a letter ffrom the Portingale wch passed by in the smale barke, who therein offered curtesye, requyringe by letter to understand the Generalls mynd, who wrote a letter in the Spanysh to him in answere thereof, showing to him the cause of his desyre to speake wth him, was but to geve ffurtherance of Conveyance to a letter ffor England, wch he did not doubt he would denye him, seeing theire kinges were in amytie, and yt he thought no Christian merchant to another would deny the same. The which letter the Generall inclosed to him and sent him yt by one of his owne people John Rogers, wth Lucas Ferandus, and also a pece of Calico ffor his paynes and charge thereaboute. Was very fayre wether, and Lucas Fernandus stayed abord the Generall. This day was spent in wooding watring & ffishinge.


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We did the like and more lymes were bought ffor bothe shippes, and Lucas Fernandus departed and John Rogers with him, wth the Generalls letter. The Generall havinge dayes past lett it be knowne, that the 10th of this monthe was the laste of staying here, (by godes leave) Comaunded that all matters ashore should be dispatched againste that daye. So was all haste made ffor woode, water, and washinge that might be. Dayes we did wood, water, ffishe, and washe. Our Captayne wth the Generalls consent, manned his pinnesse and well appoynted wth 20 men, I and Mr Bucke accompanyinge him, went upp the River 2 leagues to seeke ffreshe victuale to Carrye to sea yf yt were possible to be had. And being theare landed, leaving some to make good our pinnesse, marched 4 miles into the Countrye havinge negars thear ffor our guydes to dyvers houses, and at our retourne could gett together but 6 smale henns; ffor more the Countrye did not afford. Wee all did retorne wth the same ebbe abord againe. This daye was brought 3 ffishes to our mayne mast. And in the eveninge our Gennerall Comanded all our sicke men ashore to be brought abord, who had God be thancked very well recovered theyre strength. Also George Kinge abord the Dragon was accused about stolne sherts. He did not greatly deny the same, but beinge eveninge the Generall did dismisse him till the next morninge. This wicked man Kinge having a guyltie Conscyence in this matter, and having lately received his tryalle ffor a wicked ffackt, not ffitt to be named,11 whoe vengance did foollowe ffor his ungodly life past, having as he conffessed bene 3 tymes at the Gallowes ffoote to be hangd. But nothing greved his Conscyence as he sayd but the Robbing of his owne poore mother of 5£. This night when men were asleepe, [he] made upp a trusse of his apparell, hauld upp the Dragones Long Boate, and then the pinnesse, and in her wth his packe, put of from the shipp uppon tyde of ebbe. But yt pleased Almightie God that one goinge into the Cheynes descryed the pinnesse ffrom the Shipp,12 as he thought adrift, he called upp the Companye, manned the longe Boate, and roed after her, whoe seeinge the longe Boate pursuinge him cast himselfe into the sea, and laye still uppon 2 Oares, thinking by that meanes to escape the Boate. But they seeing ores a fflote went ffor them, and there found Kinge lying uppon them verye




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close to hide him selfe. But they tooke him and bound him and brought him abord, and the Generall being presently made acquaynted wth yt, he was comytted to the Bilboas till morninge. In the morninge the Generall sent ffor our Captayne abord him and Kinge was brought before them. The Generall examined him uppon this matter and of his Wicked intent; he could saye nothinge ffor himselfe. Then the Generall examined him about the sherts he was accused off, but he would Conffesse nothinge. The Generall Comanded to torter him, and being examyned one torment Confessed the stealinge of the sherts, and one platter, and that he had hidd them ashore. Then the Generall sent him in his pinnesse, wth a guard, ffor those thinges hidd, who retorninge showed the Generall that in those places he brought them to, they had dilligently searched, and could ffynde none, and Judged yt a meane ffor his escape yf they had nott well looked to him. The Generall this present tyme delivered him to the Boatswayne to put in the Bilboas, and he going downe desyred that he might goe into the Beacke head to ease himselfe,13 wch they admitted him to do, and being theare, (as all men Judged) did wilfully cast him selfe with his ffeete fforemoste, throughe a hole into the sea, not having the ffeare of god before his eyes, did cast him selfe awaye and was never seene after, althoughe soe sonne as it was perceaved, all did what they could to have saved him yf he had rysen agayne. This day the Generall sent his pinnesse upp the Ryver to King Burreas house ffor John Rogers, of whose long staye he marveyled, who ffound that the messenger had effected nothing to any purpose he was sent ffor. But then they dispatched Lucas Fernandus in that busynes to ye portingall, who promysed wth all speed to bringe answer thereof to the Generall. And the pinnesse havinge Commandment not to staye, but to retorne wth all speed wth John Rogers who accordinglye did soe, & brought him awaye, wth the letters and Callico agayne, onely leavinge a message wth Lucas Fernandas to retorne abord the Generall wth answere soe soone as he could possible. In the morning our Captayne went ashore wth his pinnesse, mett wth Lucas Fernandus comynge downe toward our shippes wth a letter to the Generall wth whome our Captayne retorned abord the Generalls shipp, leavinge me with the rest of our men behinde.


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After the Generall had read the letter, ffound yt came ffrom A Portingale ffryer of great accompt in theise partes, and is of the order of the Jesuites.14 He wrote gravely and kindely, offeringe all Curtesye that laye in his power to our Generall, and that ffor Coveyance of his letters, he was the man onely could and would doe the same in this place, and that yf yt pleased the Generall to send 2 coppies ffor good respectes, he would effect the Conveyance of them per 2 severall shippes wth Care, and to the Generalls good content ffor England. And certifyed our Generall ffurther that he himselfe was shortly to departe this place ffor St. Jago, from whence he might soone give them Conveyance.15 He wrote that Kinge Burrea, whoe to our Captayne had made Knowne a love, and desyre, he had to the Christian Proffession, was before Christened, althoughe to our Captayne he Concealed the same, because he knewe not certaynlye what we were; and that there were many Christianes negares and Portingales wthin this River of Serro Leona. And Certifyed also that he had Intelligence of a great treason lately revealed wch was againste the Kinge and state of England, meaning by the Gunpowder treasoune.16 Of wch letter, in regard of some hope ffor Conveyance of his letter ffor England, [the Generall] was glad of and did write to him in the Spanyshe a kinde answer therof, wch by Lucas Fernandus he ment to send him. In the morninge our Admyrale and wee brought a Ancker a pecke abord, and while the other were awayinge our Generall and Captayne made reddye theire letters and dispatches ffor Lucas Fernandus, and being under sayle delivered t[w]o letters of one tenor for England, and the answere to the Jesuittes letter. They ffor England were writte in the Carractar, and wthall sent him a smale present a pece of Callico and a bottle of wyne, and to Lucas Fernandus the Generall gave 2 shertes, so departed in the Longe Boate ashore. God send our Generalles letters safe conveyance ffor England. Nowe before I proceed any ffurther, I must here remember the great care our Generall had to geve advice of his beinge in this place, by all meanes possible. The Generall and our Captayne Caused to be engraven uppon a ffayre stone at the watringe place where all shipps Comminge in doe water, theire names and place theye beare, the shippes names, the day of the monthe,




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and yeare of our Lord. In like manner wee ffound that Sir Frauncis Drake, Captayne Candishe, and others in theire long voyages had done the like. So aboute 8 a’Clocke wee both Cutt our mayne sayles,17 the winde at easte, and Stered to sea West and West Sowest. And having sayled about 7 leagues the winde dullard, tyde of fludd came, at 3 a clocke in the afternoone came to ancker in 10 ffathome water. In the morninge wee weyed and came under sayle agayne, the winde northeast. Wee stered west and 4 glasses Southwest, then the winde came Westerlye, a smale gale. Wee came to ancker in 15 ffathomes. In the morninge at one a Clocke wee weyed and had little wynd till afternoone, there came a gale at Southwest and wee laye West Norwest. The wynd S.W. by S. Wee plyed West and by Northe. The wynd varyable and much rayne, at 8 a Clocke at night yt blewe South and by west, and wee laye West and by South. This morninge wee sounded, ffor heere wee have sholes North and South of us, and wee had 25 ffathomes. In the eveninge sounded againe and wee had 35 ffathomes. The Wynd at South, wee winded west Southwest. This morninge wee sounded and had 30 ffathomes, & att night sounded and had no ground. The Winde Contynued and sayled as before. This morninge wee discryed a sayle to leard of us, standing to the Norward. The winde in the Morninge at Southeast but Contynued nott so longe but came to the West. Then havinge Clered the sholes, wee stered wth a floen sheete South and by West. The wynd at west till 10 a clocke, and in the after noone was at Southwest. Wee came to our starbord tacke and stoode off to Cleare the sholes. The winde as before, Contynued one the same tacke. Our Generall, Mr Hippon, Mr Herne, and Mr Finch Came abord to our Captayne to Dinner, wee havinge taken a Fyshe called an Albocore. We had a little wynde Sotherly and laye as before, till 3 a clocke, then yt fell calme. In the evening and all night yt blew at west, and west norwest, and were in 9 degrees north Latytude. The wynde Contynued and so wee stered till night, then scanted so as wee laye but S.Sotheeste beinge in 8 degrees, 12 mittes.


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The wynde at S.west and by W. wee contynued our starbord tacke abord, and laye S. and S. and by East wth varyable wether and Calmes. Verye little wynde wth Calmes and Rayne varyable, but ffor the most parte wee winded South Southeaste. The Wynde more Sotherlye, wee came to our Larbord tacke and winded West and by South & W.S.W. & contynued so all night. The wynd at South East, wee laye South S.W. and S.West and by S. About one a Clocke wee descryed a sayle ahead Commynge ffor the norward our Admyrale, then wee spronge our Louffes to speake wth her. But she beinge 2 leauges to windward of us, Clapt her Close by a wynde and stood in ffor the shore of Genney eastward. We stood wth her a glasse, not being able to feche her upp, loste her, and stered S.W. and by S., beinge 6 degrees, 45 mittes north Latitude. Was Calme and were in 6 degrees, 33 mittes, and in the eveninge Came a gale at North, wch Contynued all night, and Winded South S.west. Calme till 9 A Clocke, then came a smale gale at S.West. But the wether varyable wth much Rayne wee dyvers tymes tacked as the wynde shifted, and some Calmes, Toward eveninge, att South Sowest and at South, Contynuinge all night, and laye West, and West Sowest, and were in the Latitude of 6 degrees, 1 mite north Latitude.

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The winde at S.S.E. and S.E. and S., a good gale Contynuinge all night, wee Laye our steme S.W. In the morninge at 9 a Clocke the winde a little lardged, and blew a stiffe gale, and winded S.W. and by S., and were in 5 degrees, 40 mittes north Latitude, & in the evening the wynd dullard. Contynued as before, all night ffollowing Calme. Calme till one a Clocke, then wee had a smale at North, and wee steered our Course S.S.E. At 3 a clocke yt fell calme till 6 a Clocke. Then yt blew a smale gale Westerlye, and before the ffirst watche was out yt Larged at W. Norwest and at North. We sayled before the wnd S. & by W. & S.S.West. Calme wth Rayne, at night yt blewe Sotherly & wee laye close by.




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The wynd at S.E. Wee laye S.W. and S.W. and by South. Yt larged in the night one watche 2 poyntes, and scanted againe and wee in 4 degrees, 45 mittes north Latitude. The wynd at S.S.E. we wynded S.W. and were in 4 degrees, 25 mittes. At 6 aclocke at night, wee tackt about to the Eastward and laye all night East and by South. In the Morninge wee tackt about againe and stood to the southward, the winde at S.E. Wee laye Close by S.S.W. In the eveninge the winde vered more Southward, wee tackt about againe to the eastward, and laye east and by South wth a smale gale. Calme wth some Rayne. In the morninge wee had a smale gale at S. and Laye E. In the afternoone Calme. In the eveninge yt blew a smale gale at S. and by E. Wee stood to the westward Southwest and by South. The wynd still Sotherlye wee stood to the Eastward and laye E.S.E. and S.E. and by E. and so contynued all night. In the Morninge wee missed the Dragon at 5 a Clocke and theruppon wee presently tackt about, wth good hope and much desyre to see her in ffew houres againe, and laye S.W. and by S. At 9 aclocke one descryed the Dragone ffrom the toppmaste head standing wth us, and about 2 a clocke wee spake together, and were in 4 degrees, 33 mittes north Latitude. The wynd Contynued, wee lay as before being in 4 degrees, 5 mittes. In the morninge the Generall put out a fflagg of Counsell, whereuppon our pinnesse was hoysed out and our Captayne went abord, taking wth him our master and me. The matters were 2, one about our losting sight of the Dragon the 12th day last att night, the other was ffor Conference how to worke the wynde still Contrarye. Wch thinges Consydered of, in the after noone wee Retorned abord our shippe, the wynd at S.E. and by South. The wynd Contynued, wee laye S.W. and by S. and some tyme S.S.West and were in 3 degrees, 23 mittes. In the morninge our Captayne sent me in our pinnesse abord the Generall to entreate him to come abord him, to eate of a pece of freshe fishe wee had taken called a Albocora, whoe excepted therof and came, yt beinge ffayre wether. And we contynued one the same tacke and laye S. and S. and by W. and so contynued all night, being in 3 degrees.


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The winde something variable we laye as beffore, and some tyme S.E. by E. being in 2 degrees, 12 mittes. At night lesse wynd. Most parte Calme wth little wynd in the afternoone and varyable. Wee tackt as the wynd shifted, and were in 1 degree 30 mittes north Latitude. At night we lay S. & S. and by E. Wee Contynued our larboard tacke abord, lyeng S.and by W. & were in 1 degree, 5 mittes. Here wee ffound setting to the Northwest the great Corrant, at night then scanted one poynt. In the morninge we had a guste wth rayne the wynd a little larger, and wee laye S., being 15 mittes of the aquaenoctiall Lyne [equator]. In the eveninge the wynde at E.S.E. wee passed the Lyne and had 6 degrees variation. This is the third tyme wee have passed the Lyne before wee have recovered Cape bona Speranca. Yet god be praysed our men be in good health and strength. The wynd Contynued till noone, then came yt wth rayne to the E. and E. & by N. & E.N.E. Wee stered S.S.E. The wynd at East a gallant gale, we steered S. and by E. and sometyme South Sotheast. The wynd Contynued till noone, then scanted and wee laye but S. The wynd Contynued and wee stered as before wth a stiffe gale, and observinge ffound our selves in 3 degrees, 35 mittes S. Latitude. Contynued a good gale. Wee stered S. and by E. and S.S.E. This morninge wee were in the Latitude of fernando Lorania and had 6 degrees, 20 mittes variation. We made our selves 30 Leagues to the eastward of that Iland, being in 4 degrees 26 mittes S. Latitude. God I pray Contynue this ffayre wynd to his good pleasure. The wynd at E. a toppsayle gale, wee steered S. and by E. and S.S.E. being in 5 degrees, 20 mittes South Latitude. Wee had a gallant gale at E. and by N. Wee steered away S.S.E. being in 6 degrees, 30 mittes. In the Morninge the winde Contynued. The Dragon came upp wth us geving to understand, that yt was the Generalles pleasure, that our Captayne should come abord him the wch he did, taking wth him our Master and me. The cause was, the Generall knowinge




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by exsperyence what enymye Coold wether would be to mens healthes before we can recover the Cape, to prevent wch he had opened a packe of his lowest price Clothe, and of yt cut out to everyone as his necessitie requyred. The wch he gave order in like manner to our Captayne to doe yf like necessitie requyred. The afternoone wee retorned abord our shippe, and were in 7 degrees, 45 mittes. Calme till 7 a Clocke. Then yt blew at E.N.E. and wee lay S.E. and by E., in the afternoone S.S.E. The wynd Contynued a good gale at N.E. Wee steered away S.E. and by S., being in 9 degrees, 51 mittes. In the eveninge and all night wee steered S.E. The wynde Contynued a good gale, and wee steered S.E. and weare in 11 degrees, 9 mittes, nowe steering S.E. and by E.

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In the morninge our pinnesse was hoysed out, and sent abord the Generall ffor a Variation Compasse wch the Generall made ffor our Captayne. Our pinnesse retorninge, the Generall desyred our Captayne to come abord him, ffor that yt was to be doubted, wee should shortly come into ffowle wether, and could not then come when wee would. And our Captayne went and tooke wth him our Master and me. The winde Contynued, and wee kept our fformer course S.E. being in 12 deg., 10 mitt. The Wynde Contynued and wee stered the same Course being in 13 degrees, 15 mittes. The wynd scanted a little, wee stered S.E. and by S. and were in 14 degrees, 30 mittes S. Latitude. The Wynde Contynued, and wee steered as before in 15 deg. 28 mittes. Wee contynued as before. Our Captayne sent me abord the Generall to request him to dinner, to a pece of ffreshe ffishe, wch he accepted of and came. Yt blewe a hard gale. We sterd S.E. and by S., being in 18 degrees, 14 mittes. This is the second tyme we had the sonne our zenesse. And nowe god be thancked we have wethered the brolyones, and all those sholes nowe beringe West of us. The wynd a good gale at Northeast, wee stered away S.E. and by E., the sonne being soe neeare our zenesse Could make no good observacion.


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Roswell dismissed of his Stewardship

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Wee had lesse wynd but larger, wee stered S.E. and by E. and were in 20 degrees, 42 mittes. The winde as before, wee Contynued our course & were in 21 deg. 48 mittes. The wynd at E.N.E. wee laye S.E. and by S. Was Calme. Our Captayne sent me in our pinnesse abord the Generall to entreat him to come abord him to eate parte of 2 albocores wee had taken, ffor nowe any ffreshe victuale is very dayntie wth us. The wynd at Northeast, wee laye S.E. and were in 24 degrees, 15 mittes. This morninge we passed out of the tropique of Capricornus. We had (praysed be god) a gallant stronge gale at North, and wee stered awaye E.S.E. In the morninge we had a storme at South. Yt came so soddenly that we were almoste taken at backe stayes.18 Wee brought our starbord tacke abord, and laye E. and E. and by N. in the storme. The winde at S.E., wee tackt about and laye S.S.West and South and by West. The wynd Contynued and wee stood as before. The wynd at E.N.E., wee winded S.E. and by E. The wynd at N.E. and by N. Wee sayled wth a ffathome of the shoale E.S.E. This daye Anthonie Starkey on of our Coopers was comitted to the Bilboas, about oyle drawne in hold and conveyed awaye, and our Steward Robt Roswell had his keyes taken ffrom him, and dismissed of his Stewardshipp. In the evening the Cooper was realesed. The winde a gallant gale at Norwest. We stered bolinges Cast off East, and ware in the Latitude of 30 degrees, 50 mittes. In the eveninge the Steward was uppon his submission restored to his place. The wynde Contynued and wee steered our Course as before. The wynd at N. North W. a good gale, wee steered our course E. This morninge dyed Robt Dryhurst our stewardes mate. This daye we brought our laste newe mayne sayle to the yard. The wynd Contynued and we stered our course as before. This morninge the Generall put out a fflagg of Councell. Our Captayne Commanded our pinnesse to be hoysed out, and went abord him, taking wth him our Master and me. After dynner ended, and matters Consydered of and determyned, came abord our shippe agayne.




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The wynd Contynued a toppsayle gale, wee steered our course E. and were in the Latitutde of 33 degrees, 30 mitts. Calme wth little wynde, beinge in 33 degrees, 42 mittes. A smale gale at N.E. We lay close by E. being in 33 deg. 54 mittes. Was Calme. Our Captayne went abord the Generall and retorned after supper. Calme. The Generall came abord us, and in the after noone prayers ended, the Generall himselfe lett our Companye understand, that in regard the voyadge would in Judgment be verye longe, he hadd alreadye abated 2 meales of the ffleshe everye weeke, wch should serve homeward, and in steade thereof they should have other victuall wch will not keepe, wch order they must also be contented wth. Att wch mocion was noe discontentment. The wynd varyable, a smale gale at 10 a Clocke at E.S.E. Wee stoode to the Southward and laye by S.S.East. The wynd a smale gale at N.E. and by E. Wee laye by E. and by S. and were in 34 degrees, 22 mittes, and in the eveninge we were in the Latitude of Cape Bona Speranca. The wind at N.E. and by N. Wee laye E. and East and by North and were in 34 degrees, 47 mittes.

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The wynd at N.N.E. wee stered E. and E. and by N. The wynd at N. a smale gale. Wee stered our Course as before, and were in 35 degrees, 5 mittes, the wynd vering more Westerlye. Calme. The Generall sent Mr Herne in his pinnesse abord us, and our Captayne retorned wth him to see the Generall and tooke wth him our Master and me, and in the after noone retorned. The winde a smale at N.E. Wee laye E. and larginge wee laye Easte Northeast. The wynd at N.W. a good gale, wee steered in ffor the Cape E.N.E. The wynd but little and varyable weather. The wynd Easterlye sometyme to the Southward, Sometyme to the Norward, wee tackt as the wynde shifted, and in the eveninge the wynde dullard. A smale gale at East and by South, wee sayled wth our Larbord tacke abord S.S.E. In the afternoone wee tackt about to the Norward and laye N.N.West.


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The wynd a smale gale at East and E. by S. Wee Contynued on the same tacke and laye N.N.E. Fayre wether. The Generall came abord us and tooke accompt of victuale, and in the after noone at his departure came a gale Westerly. Wee tackt afore the wynd, and in the evening ffreshed more, and wee stered our course awaye E. and by Northe. In the morninge the wynd increasinge a gallant gale at N.W. and by W. and god be praysed, blew a stife gale. We steered ffor the Cape E. and by N. This daye George Evones a fforemast man was punysht at the Capstane wth a baskett of shott about his necke for misordering him selfe toward Tucker one of the Boaswaynes mates. In the morninge we had the wynd at Sothwest a gallant gale, and stered E. At 9 a Clocke the wynd backt to the westward steringe as beffore, and were 33 degrees, 50 mittes. The sonne is this daye uppon the Tropique of Capricornus. The wynd Contynued a gallant at W.S.W. We stered E. Sotherlye and E. and by South. In the morning little wynd. The Generall shott of a pece of Ordynance and put out a fflagg of Counsell, whereuppon our pinnace was hoysed out, and our Captayne went abord the Dragon, and our master and me wth him. The Generall in his Cabbyne declared to our Captayne, Mr Hippon, Mr Mullynexe, my selfe and Mr Herne the cause of assemblinge us together at this tyme, wch was that now beinge but 100 and odd leagues ffrom the Cape, what was our severalle Oppynones best to be done, touching putting into the Cape or standing away ffor the Island of St Laurence. Whose severalle oppyniones the Generall heard, wch was that in regard of our longe beinge at sea, our men had ffoule bodyes and therefore neded refreshment, who being once downe would hardlye be raysed upp againe at Malagasca. And although yf in Case we ffound the wynde likelye to Carrye us alongst, yet yf in Case the wynde should lee us, and either crosse wyndes or calmes take us, want of Water would spoyle us. And therefore all our oppynions to the Generall was, that yt was best ffor our voyage to put into Saldania. Against wch the Generall alleaged many fforcyble reasonnes. So as notwthstandinge, that yf it pleased god to send us windes to Carrye us alongst ffor St Laurence, his Conclusion was not to put in at the Cape, except windes & want of water Constrayned him. In the




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eveninge we had a gale at N. and all night came larger, and wee stered east and east and by South. The wynd a gallant gale at W.N.W. Wee sterede as before. The wynde at N.N.W. a good gale. We steered E. About 9 a clocke yt came to the W.N.W. Wee contynued our course, and in the after noone and all night wee had lesse wynde. The wynd at West a good gale, we stered E. and E. and by N. and were in the Latitude of 34 degrees and 19 mittes, and at 2 a clocke in the afternoone wee sawe Land, and stered in to make yt E. And did ffynde yt to be the table and Suger loafe, wch are 2 verye highe Landes over Saldania baye. And having made yt, our Admyrall then wee stoode alongst to doble the Cape of Bona Speranza E.S.E. Wch course the Company in the Admyrall, and our men in the Hector perceavinge, knewe yt was not the Generalls pleasure to touche at Saldania, assembled themselves in the Waste, and they abord the Dragon besought our Generall, that in regard of the Weakenesse of our men in both shippes, and of those that were sicke by reasone of long beinge at sea wthout ffreshe meate, and ffor that Water would shortlye growe shorte, yt might please him to put in to Saldania. The verye Like did our men heare abord the Hector request our master to accquaynt our Captayne wth that theyre desyre, and to geve his Concent also to put ffor Saldania. The Generall although as yt seemed was very loathe [to] doe yt, yet at his menes Importunytie, came Roome to speake wth us. And hayling us, demaunded what weake and sicke men wee had abord. Wch beinge answered unto, sprunge his looffe, wch wee followed, and stood in ffor Saldania baye. Whereupon our master tould our Captayne in my hearinge, affirminge unto him that the Generall in standing in ffor Saldania did yt moste wiselye, and ffor best securytie of the voyage. The reasones wch he rendred to our Captayne were, that yf he had stood alongst, and nott refreshed our men nor watered heare, our menne weake, having bene longe wthout ffreshe meate, and our water nowe growinge shorte, and our men ever havinge exspectation in this place to have reffreshment; and that yf puttinge ffor St Lawrence Iland we should be taken wth Southeast wyndes, wch is much to be ffeared at this tyme of the yeare, and soe should be fforced to plye upp and downe, the wch shortning the allowance


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wth want of ffreshe water, would enforce an discontentment wch they would take, would soe much Caste them downe, hardly to be recovered, as might indanger the utter overthrowe of the voyage. In the eveninge wee came ffayre wth the oppeninge of Saldania baye, and being little wynde wee stood in all night. In the morninge Little Wynd. Aboute 9 a clocke wee had a sea turn, and about 11 a clocke our Admyrall and wee (god be praysed) came in good safetye to ancker in Saldania baye, at about 6 ffathomes water. And after dynner the Generall and our Captayne in theire pinnesses well manned, everye man havinge weapon, went ashore, the Generall Comaunding all men not to come ashore wthout weapon, and whome he found wthout at any tyme should be severlye punished. The pinnaces having landed our Generall and Captayne wth about 40 men, merchanttes and others, some of the Indyans being theare. The Generall caused our men to make a stand, and knowing the Costome of them, went him selfe, wth our Captayne, wth 2 or 3 more wth him toward them. Then the Indians came toward him, and theare satt downe uppon the ground, makinge signes to the Generall and the rest wth him to do the like, and then as their manner is talked wth him by signes, to bringe downe to us Beffes and Muttonns for Iron. Then the Generall went to Certayne Rocks nott ffarre off, to see yf any newes were theare writtene of the Consent. Theare wee ffound where the Generall, and dyvers other Englishe Captaytnes who had bene, had written theyre names, wth severall dates of theyre beinge theare. At last we ffound uppon a Rocke engraven wth a chessell, Captayne David Middleton the 24 Julye in the Concent. At wch inscription, as our Generall was glad to heare well of her, and of her good passage, soe yt seemed that he was greved that the windes had not ffavord us to have had the like, havinge beene heare almoste 5 monthes before us.19 Then the Generall went to an Oven wch in tymes past our people had made to bake in, and theare caused searche to be made ffor letters but wee ffound none. In the eveninge after the Generall had made signes to the Indyans to bringe downe Cattell, [he] Comaunded all to the pinnesses, and went abord. The Generall and our Captayne went ashore againe as before, and caused old Iron hoopes to be Cutt into shorte peces to by Cattell wth of the Indyans, but as yet




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they had brought downe nonne. Amonge the rest of the Indyans was one wch the Generall knewe to be the honesteste of them all (as afterward he proved himselfe to be) and the likelyest man to doe us good, to helpe us wth Cattell, whome the Generall used more kindely then the rest. This manne our people in viages past had named Roswell. The Generall gave him a smale peece of Iron to incorage him to bringe us Cattell next daye. This evening we retorned abord wthout any ffleshe, savinge one wild Goose wch was shott wth a peece. The Generall and Captayne seeing Indyanes come downe went ashore, amonge whome was Roswell to whome the Generall gave the peece of Iron hoope, wth whome he sent 10 good shott & a man wth them wth peeces of Iron to buye Cattell almost 2 myles ffrom the shipps. And about 3 houres after, the Generall wth about 10 shott more went after them, and ffound them in a playne wth many Indyanes, whoo had theare a fflocke of sheepe to sell, but were verye ffearefull and suttle. But after our Generall had geven our men advice how to deale, he retorned & sent us more strength to bringe awaye the sheepe wee should buye. So as this day wee gott sheepe ffor both shipps ffor 3 or 4 meals and so retorned abord. The Generall and Captayne went ashore wth more men appoynted to buye more sheepe, and our Longe Boate brought water Caske ashore to fill water. This daye came downe to our Generall tow other men who yt seemeth are the Cheefest in theise partes, whome our men also in tymes past had geven names unto. The one was called Dixon, the other Deverell, who the Generall also knewe and used very kindly and gave them 2 peces of Iron betweene them. Wth them came downe 100 Indyanes at leaste, who brought downe good store of sheepe, and some Kine and Bullockes, of wch the Generall was hartely glad off. This day the Generall gave warninge to both shippes, that one Monday next beinge the 28 of this presentes, he meant by gods leave to sett sayle to sea, in meane tyme, to ffinyshe all matters ashore and then to be reddye. This night wee all retorned abord, wth good store of Beefes & muttons. Our Generall and Captayne went ashore to buye more Cattell, and our Boates to fill Water. This day came downe Dixon, Deverell and Roswell, and many Indyanes wth them, and brought downe store of sheepe, and some kine, and Bullocks, and Calves, all wch wee bought, and




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our Generall and Captayne Commanded, that Jerking Beefes ffor sea Victuale should be made of all the kine and Bullockes brought abord. In the eveninge the Generall wth all the rest retorned wth our boates ffraght wth Beefes & muttones. The Generall invited our Captayne and master, with all our merchanttes & officers in our Shipp to dynner abord him, yt being his bearth daye, where god be praysed wee had great plenty (but wth good moderation) of Beefes Motton and boare. Our Boates did notwthstanding ffett some Water, and in the after noone our Generall and Captayne went ashore and bought more Cattell. The Generall and our Captayne went ashore and bought more Cattell. All our kine and Bullockes were as ffast as might be made into Jerkynd Beeffe, and grasse was Cutt to ffeede our sheepe abord, ffor our Generall would not venture any men ashore in the night. The wyndes hathe ever since our Cominge in heere beene ffor the moste parte easterly. Some tyme came a seatorne, but every night yt blew hard at Southeast, wch is a token the wynd is easterly at sea. So as we may thincke our selves happye to spend those contrarye windes in this place heare, where wee refreshe our men wth meate in good plentye, and spend in Shippes victuall but bread, Sither [cider], and Salt, and also make Jerkynd Beefe ffor sea victuall. Moreover wee ryde heare weell for anye Contrarye wyndes, and at so cheape a rate, as I thincke 2s worthe of old Iron will buy ffleshe plentye ffor bothe shippes spendinge one daye. Beeing Christmas daye, no Boate went ashore to buye any Cattell. In the after noone our Captayne, master and I went abord the Dragon to see the Generall, who was exstremly taken wth a payne in his head to our much greeffe that sawe yt. At this tyme was discovered ffyer betwene the 2 upper deckes, under the Cookeroom, wch God be thancked by the care and spedy dilligence of Mr Hippon and the Company was sone quenched. This ffyer grew by makinge Contynuall ffyer, wch did perce thorough the hearth into the planckes, and desended right uppon a great beame. In the morninge our Captayne went abord the Admyrall, to see the Generall and Mr Hearne, and I was sent in the pinnesses ashore to buy Cattell and sheepe. And




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there wee bought of Dixon and his fellowes 18 head of Cattell, and above 100 sheepe, the wch after wee had devided and put abord our boates came such a storme of wynd at Southeast, as our men durst not venture abord wth them. So as wee were fforced to leave about 60 men ashore all night, and Mr Herne and I wth as many men as our pinnesses could carrye, came abord the shippes. About midnight blew lesse wyndes, and the Longe boates came abord, and brought as many men and Cattell as they could, but many of the Dragons men were lefte ashore. The storme Contynued and the pinnesses were sent ashore ffor the men, but the wynd blew so hard as yt was almost nyght before they could come abord, and when they did, Came in great danger, the wynd still encreasing, and blew much wynd all night. The storme still contynued, wth a little less wyndes, and our captayne came abord the Admyrall. For yesterday blewe so much winde as yt was not possyble ffor our pinnesse to Rowe ahead, so as he was fforced to lodge theare theise 2 nightes paste. The wind still at Southeast, but not so mych wynd, and wth much adoe our Generall and Captayne went ashore, wth the boates and pinnesses, and bought bothe Beeffes and muttones, and were no sooner abord but there blew much wynd agayne at Southeast. This day did the Generall appoynt to put to sea, but theise Contrary wyndes hathe stayed us. Was verye ffayre Wether, and our Boates went ashore to buye Cattell and to fill Water. The Generall did dynne abord our shippe, and in the eveninge yt blew a good gale at Southeaste. This day was spyed a Cracke in our fforeyard wch beffor night had towe ffisshes brought to yt. In the morninge the wynd S.W. Wee sett out our toppmasts and put upp our fforeyard, and brought our fforesayle to yt, and our Admyrall and wee prepared wth all speed to sett sayle, the winde a good gale at S.W. And the Boates went a shore to ffill Water, and bought some Cattell and sheepe.

January 1608 1:

Our Admyrall and wee weyed Anckors and sett sayle to sea, the wynd Sotherly, and in the evening yt blewe much wynd and wee stood off to sea.




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In the Morninge the wynd came at S.E. and E.S.E. and wee stood of as before, in the eveninge yt came at the S. & by W. At 7 a Clocke wee tackt about and laye Southeast. The wynd came to the S.W. and S.W. and by S. and westered to doble the Cape S.S.E. This daye we Dobled the Cape bona Speranca. And at 2 a clocke our Admyrall altered his course and stered S.E. the wynd at W, and were in 34 degrees, 40 mittes South Latitude. The wind at S.W. wee stered awaye S.E. being in 35 deg, 40 mittes. The wind at E. wee laye off and on N.E. and S.S.W. The Wind came a fyne gale at S.W. and W.S.W. and wee steered our course ffor S Lawrence Iland E.S.E. and were in 35 degrees, 45 mittes. In the morning our Captayne and Master went abord the Generall. The Wynd Contynued ffayre at W. and W.S.W. Wee stered our course E. and by S. and afterward E. In the Morninge very little wynd, and the Generall came abord us. About 10 a clocke came a gale at S.W. and we contynued our course E. and wee observinge the sonne were in 35 degrees, 56 mittes. In the Morninge the Winde at S.E. and after noone came to the South and to the Westward of the South and blew a gallant gale. Wee did Contynue our course East. In the Morninge little Wynd, our Captayne seeing the fflagg out, went abord the Generall wth whom went our Master and I. In the after noone the winde at E. we winded N.E. and N. Aboute 5 a clocke in the after noone wee sawe Land ahead, and on our Larbord bowe. Yt seemed a verye highe Land. This Land is Judged not to be sett in moste plottes so much to the Sotherd as yt ought to bee, by 26 or 30 Leauges. In the evening wee tackt aboute to put our selves of this shore, and did wind S.S.East. Yt blewe much wind all this night at east. The wynd Contynuing wee steered of still on the same tacke. Toward noonne the winde a little dullard, and about 10 a clocke att night wee had a gale. In the Morninge yt blew much wynd at W. so as wee were fforced to take in our toppsayles, and we steered our course E. Praye god Contynue us theise good Windes to his good pleasure. Wee were in 36 degrees 8 mittes, then stered a little Northerly. The Winde S.W. we steered our Course E. and by North.




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In the Morninge a storme took us and blew much wynd at E. and E.N.E., were fforced to beare a short sayle all daye. And in the eveninge the Dragon beinge about halfe a myle ahead us bore upp before the wynde, and tackt aboute, wch our Master meant to ffollowe, but yt happened that when shee came to, both ships did soddenly nere one the other, Comyng Right steme to steme.20 Wch perceaved, both shipps wrought all they could possyble to cleare one the other. The wch in our shippe our master was out of hope to doe, and was much discomfortable, exspecting nothinge but the utter Ruynne and overthrowe of us all. And as noe meanes was lefte unperformed that myght doe us good, so at Last yt pleased god to take pittye one us, and blesse us, so that our shipp ffell off, at the verye last, that we ran under our Admyralles Lee wthout any hurt but of present ffeare. Godes name be praysed ffor this Deliverance, ffor our Master and others in our shipp of best Judgmenttes affirmed that yf the 2 shippes in this growne sea and great gale of wynd, had in that sorte borded on the other, there had bene no waye in the eye of man but both shippes wth all theyre men had perished together. (But yt was the Lordes will not to have yt so.) O what A miserable and Lamentable thing had yt bene, yf theise 2 goodly shippes should nowe and in such a manner the one have strucke the other, not a man lefte alive to lament our miserye nor to reporte what had become of us. Wch in this storme had befell us most wicked sinners, had not our good God looked mercyfully uppon us. The storme still Contynued wth much wynd at Northeast. This morninge we did tacke about, and laye E., the winde still vering till yt came to the W. and to the Southerd, wch was about 5 a clocke in the after noone, at wch tyme we tackt afore the wynd and stered N.E. and were in 35 degrees, 58 mittes Latitud. The wynd Contynued S.W. a smale gale till 12 a clocke, then we had a smale gale at S. Wee Contynued our fformer course and were in 35 degrees 26 mittes, & in the after noone about 4 a clocke the winde came aboute to the E.N.E. Another storme took us at N.E. and standing in to the mayne N. and N. and by E. In the afternoone wee sounded and had ground, 65 ffathomes. In the eveninge wee tackt about and stode off S.E. and by S. and S.S.E.




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The storme Contynued, the wynd N.E. Wee stood still off to sea E. and by S. Wee were in 35 degrees, 25 mittes. In the evening the wynd Dullard. The Rame head to our mayn halliars splitt, but god be thanked no harme donne by the mayn yard.21 This night was little wynd, and the growen sea made our shipe Roule verye much. In the morning came a gale at W. and wee stered our course N.E. being in 35 degrees and 31 mitts. The wynd vered to the Sotherd, untill yt came to the Sotheast, yet we Contynued our fformer course N.E. and were in 34 [degrees] 17 mi. About 5 a clocke in the after noone wee sawe land on our larboa[rd] syde, and then wee altered our course and steered E.N.E. and so Contynued all night ffollowing. The land seemed a lowe land aboute 12 leagues ffrom us. In the morninge wee did see land ffrom the topmast head, the winde at S. and by E. Wee Contynued our fformer course E.N.E. Wee ffynde by most plottes in the ffleete that the mayneland is lay verye false, being sett not to the Sotherd as yt is ffound to be by 50 or 60 Leagues. Neither hath yt in this Latitude that falling off to the Norward as in the plottes is shewed. At 12 a clocke we steered E. and so Contynued till 12 a clocke followinge. The wynd a gallant gale to the Westward of the South. This daye after 12 a clocke wee steered our Course E. and by N., and obseruinge, wee ware 34 [degrees] 10 mittes, and then steered our course E.N.E. wth a large gale at Southwesterly. We contynued that course but 3 glasses, and then we stered N.E. and by E. Very little winde and Calme, our Captayne, Master and I went abord the Generall, who had put out his fflagg of Counsell. The wynd at E. a smale gale, wee laye to the Southward. Wee came upp wth our Admyrall, and our Captayne desyred him to come abord us, to eate parte of a Dolphine wee had taken. The winde but little and Contrarye, our Captayne, Master and I went abord the Generall and caryed wth us halfe another Dolphine wch wee had taken. Verye little wynd at E. We stood still to the Southward to bringe our selves out of the exstremytie of the Corrant, wch ner the shore is very stronge, so as when wee have had a ffayre Wynd and a good gale 24 houres, wee have scace gotten that wch in 12 houres calme




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wee had bene Carryed backe by the Corrantt. So as I doe Judge yt best at this tyme of the yeare betweene Cape Aqullia and St Lawrence, not to sayle wth in 100 leagues of the shore till he come in 30 degrees Latitude. Most Calme wth a little wynd easterly, we stood to the Norwa[rd], and about 12 a clocke we tact about agayne and lay to the Southward. In the Morninge little wynd. The Generall, Mr Hippon, Mr Herne, and Mr Pocame came abord our shipp. Toward noone we had a smale gale Sotherlye, but toward night scanted to the Eastward agayne. Wee had a verye smale gale at W.N.W. Wee steered E. and by N. At noone yt came more Sotherly and wee were in 36 degrees, 3 mittes. The wynd fflatt agaynst us at N.E. and by E. Wee laye close by and stoode to the Southward and were in 36 degrees, 39 mittes Lat. About 4 a Clocke in the after noone yt beganne to blowe hard at E. and by N. Wee contynued the same tacke. The wynd Contynued a stiffe gale, and increased to a storme. At noone wee tackt about to the Norward, at 5 a clocke in the afternoone wee tackt agayne to the eastward, the wynd decresing and veringe more Northerlye.

February 1608 1:

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In the Morninge a smale gale at N. and N.N.E. We contynued one the same tacke and laye E.N.E. and E. At 4 a clocke in the afternoone the winde larged, and we tackt afore the wynde and stered our Course E.N.E. The wynd Contynued a ffayre gale Westerly and inclyning Sotherly. Wee stered our course E. and by N. Wee had Little Wynd till about 12 a clock, then yt blew a ffayre topsayle gale at N. Wee laye close by E.N.E. In the Morninge the winde came to the West and afterward to the S.S.W. and blew a gallant stiffe gale. Wee stered our course E.N.E. and were in 34 degrees, 55 mittes. The wynd large still but blew a lesse gale, and we Contynued our course E.N.E. and N.E. and by E. and were in 33 deg. 33 mittes. In the morninge the wynd blew a ffyne gale at N.W. and by W. Wee steered our course N.E. and N.E. and by E. and were in 32 deg. 45 mittes.




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In the Morninge little wynd, the Generall sent Mr Herne in his pinnesse abord us to see howe our Captayne did, who had bine sicke and weake this 3 dayes past. After his retornne abord the Dragon the Generall came him selfe and stayed till after noone. This daye wee had a smale gale Westerlye and steered Northeaste. Little wynd at E. and E. and by N. We Laye close by S.E., at 10 a clocke, Calme. Wee were in 30 degrees, 54 mittes. In the Morninge having verye little wynd at E.N.E. wee stood to the Norward. Our Captayne, Master, and I, went abord the Generall. In the Morninge about 4 a clocke wee stood to the Southward, and winded S.E. and S.E. and by E. wth little wynd. In the Morninge Calme wth very little wynd till night, then wee had a smale gale E.S.E. We laye by all night, N.E. and N.E. and by E. This day a fflagge being put out abord the Generall, our Captayne, Master and I went abord the Dragon. Verye little wynd wth smale rayne till about 2 a clocke, then wee had a smale gale large, and wee steered awaye N.E. and by E., and all night the wind Contynued wee steered N.E. The wynd a ffayre gale at S.E. and E.S.E., we steered N.E. Notherly and N.E. and by N. and were 27 degrees, 22 mittes La. At night wee sounded and had no ground. In the morninge our Admyrall shott off a pece of Ordynance and our Captayne and Master went abord him, yt being very little wynd and ffayre wether. Toward eveninge we had a smale gale and stered N.E. and by E. In the fforeneoon verye little wynd, afterward we had a fyne gale and wee steered N.E. and by E. and were in 26 deg 34 mittes. Theise 2 Dayes wee loockt out for the Iland of St Lawrence, and wee have had a Rocke Weed in great abondance dryven by our shippes like sprigges of hupes [hops]. In the afternoone the wynd ffreshed at S. and by E. and Contynued still our course N.E. and by E., still sounding everye Watch but yet had no ground. The winde Contynued and wee kept our course. At noone we observed the sonne and found the shipp in 25 degrees, 25 mittes, then we altred our course and stered E.N.E., and in the after noone wee stood in to




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make the Land E. bearing a shorte sayle, and sounding had no ground. In the Morninge a gallant gale at S. Findinge our shippes to the westward of the Iland we steered E. and E. Sotherlye. Wee did expect generally to have seene land before this tyme, but yt seemeth some myghtie Corant hath altered theire reckoninges. The wind Contynued a gallant gale at S. We steered E. and by S. and E.S.E. and at 4 a Clocke in the after noone, the Lord be praysed, we sawe Land right ahead our shipp. We Contynued one our course wth yt. Yt riseth a verye loe Land. When wee had runne in ffayre by the shore, and night in hand, our Admyrall then wee tackt about and stood off to spend the night. The wind Contynuing a stiffe gale at S. and winded W.S.W. In the Morning about 2 a clocke wee stered in againe E. Wee sounded, and had no ground. Fayre by the shore in 110 ffathomes, at 7 aclocke our Admyrall strooke his topsayles to speak wth us. Both the Masters, being of oppynion that St Augustine was to the norward of us, bore upp the healme and stoode alongst the shore N.E. Afterward wee steered more Northerly. This Land of St Lawrence (wch by godes mercye in good tyme wee fell wth all) is a ffayre sandy baye. Wee ran in till we brought the Sothermost parte of Iland S.E. and the Northermoste in sight Noreast. Bothe partes to seaward of this baye doeth seeme ragged and Rockey, and in the middest, ffayre lowe land and a sandy shore. At 12 a clocke we observed and ffound our selves in the Lat. of our desyred Porte St Augustine. Our Admyrall wth both pinnesses stood in bouldlye before wee observed and had some dislike and stood off agayne, but 12 a clocke past shee stood in agayne. And we followed her, and about 1 a clocke came bothe to Anckor god be praysed in good saftye at the north end of a smale Iland, about 3 leagues ffrom the mayne, in 9 ffathomes water. The mouth of the Indraught wch seemeth to be betweene 2 hilles E. of us, and the seamoste land to the Norward beinge N.E. of us, and the seamost parte of a little lee Iland beringe S.S.W. of us, and a high hille like Westminster Abbey bering N. E. to the Eastward. Being at ancker the Generall sent his pinnesse ffor our Captayne and master, whoe I accompanyed abord him. After speache touching the navigation of this place, the Generall demaunded our oppyniones whether yt were fitt to staye heare or no, ffor feare of losing winds wch




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after wee might want. Mr Hippon and our Masters oppyniones was that howsoever yt pleased the Generall to staye or no, yet yt was ffitt that wee went in to make the Porte, and to see yf yt were Navigable ffor our shipps to ryde in or no, by wch meanes yf hereafter wee should be fforced to put roome ffor this Iland, the knowledge thereof would ffurther us much. Mr Hernes Oppynione and myne was, that after the place is knowne and what reffreshment yt yealdeth, the tyme wch of necessitie wee must spend, were fittest to be spent where Kine and other Victuall is to be had, wch not being heare our staye to be the lesse. About 11 a clocke in the fforenoone, the brease of the sea being come, our Admyrall and wee weyed Anckers. One of the Dragons Anckers wch was mended in England brake at the welding in weyinge. God be thancked yt happened not in another place where danger might bee. Beinge under sayle, we had our pinnesses before us sounding, and had ffrom 13 to 20 ffathomes, and ffrom 20 to 40 ffathomes, and some tyme no ground, and about 2 a clocke we came bothe to Ancker god be thancked in the baye in good salftye, ffayre by the high Rockes, and 60 and 70 ffathomes water Osey ground. This but a bad place to ryde in, for here is wthin the baye where wee ryde 100 ffathomes water neare the Rockes. I take yt ffrom the Iland where we laste rode to this baye where nowe we ryde to be 5 Leagues. The Generall not beinge well, in the morninge sent our Captayne with both pinnesses well maned and appoynted up the Ryver to discover, the wch wee found very difficult to doe by reasonne of the sholes and exstreame Corrant contynually comynge out. Wth much adoe wee gott aboute a myle upp the ryver, where our Captayne landed, and wth about 20 men appoynted, marched into the Land about a myle. Wee found not any people nor inhabitance, yet we did see the newe ffootinge of people, and of neate [cattle], beastes and of hogges. Wee did goe so ffar as wee could goe ffor a great more and retorned to our pinnesses, where we ffound one of our men George Evones bitten by an Alligator. So that our Captaynes intent ffor going upp higher into the River at this tyme, was in regard of our hurtt man altered. In the morning was descryed 4 Indyanes of this Iland comynge toward us uppon the sand, whereuppon the Generall sent bothe pinnesses well appoynted, and me and Mr Herne in them to speake wth them,




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Comaunding us to use them with all kindenesse, and yf yt were possible, to bringe one of them abord. Wee had no sooner come neere the land, but they made signes to us that they had Kyne and sheepe, then they layd away their weapones & made signes to us to doe the like, wch wee did. Then I and Mr Herne landed, and they mett us wth merrye Countynances, and wee by signes demaunded ffor beefes and muttones of them, wch they promysed to bringe us to that place the next morninge. But ffor all wee could doe wee could not gett one of them abord. Then to encourage them to come to us againe, did according to the Generalls Order, geve them about 4 glasse beades a peece, wch they kindly accepted & so we departed. In the morninge our Generall and Captayne, wth both pinnesses well manned and appoynted went ashore, and after awhile landed, Came downe the mountayne to them about 20 men of this Iland, and brought wth them but one yerelinge bullocke and a yewe wth a lambe by her syde. Our Generall entertayned them wth all kindnesse he could. He offered them sacke to drincke but they would not drincke, then he caused to be shoed them suche Comodyties as he would willingly geve them ffor victuall. But they seemed a people of a very great understanding, nothing estemming any trashe or base thinges, in the end ffound the[y] estemed of nothinge we had but silver, so as the Generall was forced to give 3 Inglishe sixe pence ffor the yewe and Lambe. The bullock they had suddenly gott upp the mountayne before we came to offer the moste ffor yt. Theise people are goodly men and of Subtill and Ingenious witt. They goe Naked saveng a clothe of Cotton yarne about theire middle, which doeth cover theyre members. Theire weapones is Lance and Darte, the heades of Iron very sharpe and neate, and as bright as sylver, the men stronge and active and of a manly Countynance, theyre Culler and heyre not like the Negar but like the Indyans of Cape Bonasperance. Our men did wood and water wth all speed, for the Generall will not staye here yf rice and other victuall be not to be had. The daye wee exspected the people [of ] the Countrye to come downe, but they came not. The Generall in a pinnesse well maned and appoynted went upp the River a mile ffurther then our Captayne did; the river ran wth so much fforce as we could goe noe ffurther. There is doubt wether the water be good




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or nott, so as the advice for this place, and not put into Saldania, yf yt had bene ffollowed, had in the Judgment of man utterly overthrowne this voyage and Killed us all. But god be thancked who put yt in our Generalles hart to doe otherwise. The Generall and Captayne went bothe ashore, and did buye of the people 9 bullockes, Cowes and Calves, whereof the Dragon had 5 heades and wee 4 head. The whole coste our Generall 16 shillinges Inglishe money. The Generall and Captayne went ashore exspectinge Cattle, and this day we bought 2 sheepe and a Calfe. This Daye the Dragone loste one of her Anckers, a bower, wch greatly greaved all, but especyally the Generall and Mr Hippon, ffor since her comminge into this place, the Dragon hath spent and loste 2 of her best bowers, not wth any gale of wynde or any stresse in the world to speake off. The laste the Cable did seeme to be cut in twayne by her owne Ancker, but little of the Cable loste. The winde Northerlye. The Generall and Captayne went ashore but no Cattle nor people came, who retorned abord to Dynner, and lefte most of us merchanttes wth about 50 men to staye till toward night, to see yf any Cattle would be brought downe. The Generall having caused his name and shippes name, wth the date of our Lord and daye of the monthe to be engraven uppon a stone, intendinge the next morning to weye anckers and put to sea. But at night when our Master understood by our Captayne the Generalles pleasure was in the morning to weye Ancker and put to sea, tould our Captayne he was not reddye, and in the pinnesse went abord the Generall to lett him understand the same. In the morninge before daye, our Generall desyrous to gett more Cattle ffor our men, yf yt were possible, in his pinnesse well maned and appoynted, wth our Captayne in his pinnesse, wth our Longe boat also well maned and appoynted, went alonge the shore 4 myles ffrom the shippes, where we had many nightes seene ffyer made by the Countrye people, to see what Cattle or any victuall ells could be gotten. Where Landing, put all his men in order, and marched toward the place where we thought the inhabitance to be. At Laste we ffound a ffewe of the Countrye people, but ffound noe Cattell, nor any thinge ells, savinge a few water milliones [melons] wch grew theare. The people willingly permytted us to gather of them as many as we would. Of them were brought abord bothe shippes about 200. Our Generall gave a fewe glasse




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beedes to the poore people, and so about 12 a clocke we departed to our shippes agayne, the Generall geving order the next morninge by godes leave to sett sayle to sea. In the morning verye early our Admyrall and we weyed Anckers and sett sayle, and stood of to sea wth the Lantorne till 12 a clock. Then the wynd at N.W. and by W. wee stoode alongst the Coste N. and by E. and N. and N. and by West. In the Morninge almost calme, toward noone came a breesse a fyne gale sotherly, and we steered our Course North.

March 1608 1: 2: 3: 4:

In the morning the winde tooke us shorte,22 so as we were forced to lye Close by N. and by W. and N.N.W. In the afternoone, wee had a little rayne. The wynd blew hard at N.E. wth much rayne. We plyed upp and downe. This storme Contynued wth Contynuall rayne, and wee plyed still to windward, bearing a shorte sayle. This wynde increased with bad weather in so much that the Dragon Splitt her mayne sayle. This daye our Carpenter and John Ashenhurst were together by the eares, and Lantro the Carpenters mate did strike Thomas the Captaynes man to the ground with his ffiste. Theise 2 matters our Captayne did referre the exammination off to our master and me, in regard his man was a partie, and wthall did chardge us to use all our Care to enforme him of the trueth thereof. Wch matter we accordingly did, and Certifyed him, that the Master Carpenter and John Ashenhurst were in ffault alike, the beginninge wth ffoule wordes and endinge wth blowes on both partes. And ffor Lantro and Thomas Rouke, Jeserell the Trumpeter wittnessed before them that goodman Lantro was in that matter onely in the ffault, who did strike Thomas Rouke wthout any occasion geven. Wheruppon the Captayne Concluded, that in regard the Master Carpenter was a man in his place deservinge well excepting in his thastye humor, as at this tyme, in wch yf he offended in agayne his punyshment wilbe the more; and John Ashenhurst, because yt is the ffirst offence he had Comytted, the Captayne was pleased at this tyme to remytt theire offence. And because yt appeared by wittnes that Lantro did strike the captaynes man servant he not gevinge any occatione,




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the wch done wthin hearinge the Captayne speke, wch did argue little reverence to Commaundment, the Captayne Comaunded our master to see Lantro punyshed at Capstene at his discretion. This daye blewe so much wynd wth verye much rayne, that our Admyrall and wee were put into our courses.23 In the eveninge the wynd a little dullard. In the morninge the master Comanded the Botesowne that a barre should be put in the yere Capstane, and Master Gunner to send upp a baskett of shott, wch was done. Then was Lantro brought to the Capstaine barre, and the quarter masters Comanded to bynd his armes and hange the shott in the baskett aboute his necke. But the Boatsowne wth 30 or 40 of the Company came upp uppon the decke, and wth one voyce sayde murmuringly, that they did Labour and should be punyshed evrye boye abusinge them, and growing verye discontented. In the meane tyme our Captayne not meaninge that Lantro should taste of the punyshment according to his desert, sent upp Rouke his man to the master to relese him, our Captayne thinkinge that the baskett had bene on him, wch was not ffor the reasonne aforesayd. Then the Master Informed the Captayne how the Boatsowne had behaved him selfe, who called him before him and dismissed him of his place. This daye we did see land, wch was the Coste of the Iland of St Lawrence, and wee were in 22 degrees, 35 mittes. The wynd Comynd easterly, and in the afternoone to the Southward of the easte. We lay Close by and stered alongst the coaste. This night the wynd came fayre gale and wee stered our Course N.N.Easte. The wynd Cotynued large a gallant gale god be thancked, and wee steered N. and by E. and N. At noone we observed the sonne and ffound our shipp to be in 20 degrees, 4 mittes, havinge lefte the sholes Indea Clere asterne, and the sholes one the Coste of St Lawrence beringe Norest on our brode syde, stering our course awaye wth this ffayre gallant gale, wch god Contynue to his good pleasure, North and by West. The wynd Contynued at S.S.W. a gallant gale (god be thancked), and we stered our course as before, N. and by W. This morning the boatesonne came and submitted himselfe to our Captayne, who theruppon admytted him to his place agayne. At 12 a clocke wee observed the sonne and were in 18 degrees, 53 mittes Lat. Wee Contynued our course, and a little more westerly.




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Toward night the wynd came nere Westerly, then we stered N.N.W. In the morninge the wynde a smale gale westerly, about 9 a clocke yt ffreshed and came more large, and sayled afore the wynd. Wee ffound our shippes this daye in 17 degrees, 4 mittes. This morninge we looked to have seene a little Iland Called Joan de Nova, but wee could not, so that we Judged our selves to the eastward of yt, and then steered N.E. and by E., and N.N.E. In the morninge yt was almoste calme, and having taken a Dolphine our Captayne went abord the Generall wth a pece of yt and tooke wth him our Master and me. Toward night wee had a smale gale large, and we stered N.E. and by N. Yt was Calme till afternoone, then came a smale gale sotherly and we steered N. and by E. and were in La. of 15 deg. 25 mittes. Calme. Here we ffound a great Corrant againste us, for having made our waye to the Norward, wee ffinde our shipp to the Sotherd, being in 15 degrees, 29 mittes. In the morninge Calme, after wee had a gale fflatt against us. Wee did see the mayne land about 7 leagues off. Mr Hippon and Mr Herne came abord us, and even then wee tooke a dolffyne, wheruppon our Captayne sent me abord the Generall to entreate him to come abord to eate parte of the same, but the Generall would not at no hand come. In the after noone our Captayne, Master, and I, went wth Mr Hippon and Mr Herne abord the Generall and Caryed wth us a peece of the dolffyne baked in a pye, and there we supped. This afternoone wee sounded and had no ground at 160 fathomes. About 7 A Clocke wee sounded agayne and had but 13 ffathomes, whereuppon our Admyrall and wee tackt about and stood off, the wynd a smale gale at N.E. in the Lat. of 16 degrees. For the moste parte calme, about 8 a Clocke wee tackt about and stood in ffor the shore. Toward noone we had a smale gale off the sea and stood alongst the shore N.E. and by N. This day wee were in 15 degrees, 53 mittes, and about 7 leagues from the shore of the Mayne. Al night wee steered N.E. In the Morninge we had a guste at S.E. wth some rayne, but yt did not long Contynue. Wee Contynued our Course N.E. till noone, and we stered N. and by E. being in the Latitude of 15 degrees, 45 mittes. Wee did see the mayne land ffrom the mayne topp. Here we




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ffynde a stronge Corrant against us. Att 4 a Clocke in the afternoone dyed John Newcome, and in the eveninge he was wound in a sheet and cast over bord. The wynd Contynued a ffayre gale, yet the Corrant is so stronge as that wee gett verye little to the Norward, & having theise 24 houres a wynd that would have caryed us 30 leauges, and havinge steered our course all last nyght N.E. and by N., yet wee were in 15 degrees, 39 mitts. The advice to hale so nere this coaste hath hindered us 150 leauges saylinge. I wth Mr Dorchester and the Purser tooke Inventorye of all John Newcomes goodes.24 The wether ffayre, our Captayne, master and I went abord the Dragon. This daye we ffound our shippes in 15 degrees, 30 mitts. God be thancked wee doe nowe gayne a little to the norward. At night wee sawe the mayne land, then our Course was northeast. A smale gale Sotherly wee stered still Northeast, and were in 15 degrees, 10 mittes Latitude. In the morninge we did see the same land agayne, wch wee sawe yesternight, then bering of us Northeast, and nowe Northwest Northerly. The Generall came abord us, and wth him Mr Hippon and Mr Herne, ffor wee had taken 2 Dolffynnes. God somtymes sends suche his blessinges to reffreshe us. At noone we ffound the shipps in the height of Mozambique in 14 degrees, 30 mittes Latitude, yt beringe one our broad syde, and in the goinge in to yt like 6 severall little Ilands, or high rockes, and beare of us North Norwest of us, and a highe land lyinge wthin the mayne bering of us W.S.W. God be thancked we ffynd not heare so strange a Currant against us as we did. And all this daye we had very little wynde. In the morninge we had a guste of thunder and Lighteninge. Yt contynued not above an howre, the wynd god be praysed large, and a ffyne gale. We tackt afore the wynd, and were in 14 degrees, our course N. and by E. The wynd a stiffe gale at S. We stered our course N.Westerlye. The wynd Contynued still a stiffe gale and large, and we stered our course [N]. At noone wee ffound our shippes in 11 degrees, 20 mittes. Wee did see the land, wch did appeare lyke 3 little Ilands ffull of highe trees, the Westermost bering Sotherlye of us, and the Northermoste Norwest, we stering our course N. and by E.




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and N.N.E. Aboute 3 a clocke the wynd vered to the eastward, then wee steered N.E. The wynd a good gale and large. We stered N.E. and by N. and aboute 9 a clocke our Admyrall altered that course, and then we stered N. and by E. easterly and N.N.E. amonge. Wee observed the sonne and were in 9 degrees, 54 mittes. This nyght wee had very much Rayne, the wynd ffor 4 glasses againste us. Much rayne and the wynde ffor the moste parte againste us, and at E. and E. and by S. and wee Laye N.N.E. Little wynd till toward night, then yt blew Sotherly wth some Rayne. We steered N. and by E. This day our Captayne, master and I went abord the Generall. The wynd still Sotherly wth much rayne lightninge and thunder and such wether as theise 3 dayes and nightes we could nott observe sonne nor starre. We stered N. and by W. to make the Land, ffor we Judged our selves not ffar ffrom the Iland of Zansebarre. This daye we tooke 3 dolffynes, and our Captayne desyred the Generall to hoyse out his pinnesse and come abord, wch he, notwthstanding he was not well, came. We stered in ffor the shore N.N.W. till 8 a clocke at nyght, then wee stood off till 2 a clocke, and then stoode in againe N.W. This night much ffoule Wether. The wynd at W.S.W. Wee stered in ffor the shore N.W. wth much Rayne. At noone yt clered, and wee did observe the sonne and ffound our shippes in 5 degrees, 5 mitts, att wch tyme we did also See Land, wch is as we Judge the northermoste of these 3 Ilandes called penba. And thereuppon our Admyrall presently bore upp and stoode alongst, and steered N.E. Our Generall had a purpose to put into Zanzabarre to refreshe our men wch now beginne to growe weake, of wch he is prevented, ffor that wee not seeing sonne nor starre theise 3 dayes and Nightes Could not tell what latitude we were in till this daye noone. Then ffindinge our selves to the northward of that Iland, and the wynde a ffayre gale at S.S.W., steered our course ffor the Iland of Zocatorie. The Iland of Pemba, did beare of us when we ffirst Sawe yt N.W. and course is E.N.E. A ffayre gale large, wee still steeringe E.N.E. Fayre wether wth a smale gale large. Our Admyrall made signe ffor our Captayne to come abord, being easter Monday, God sendinge them a good dishe of dolffynes. Our Captayne, master and I went abord,




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then we altered our course and stered N.E. and were in 3 degrees, 18 mitts. The wether ffayre and little wynd, and observing were in 1 degree, 40 mitts S. Latitude. We had little wynde, and being a sett of ffayre wether, our Captayne sent me in our pinnesse abord the Generall, to entreate him to come abord to eate parte of dolffynes we had taken, who kindely came and brought wth him Mr Hippon, Mr Herne, Mr Tavernner, and Mr Erninge. Theise matters I note onely to show the mercye of god to us in sending us ffreshe ffishe to refreshe us longe seabeaten travelers, and to rejoyce and geve him the prayse. In the morninge calme, our Captayne went abord our Admyrall and our master, and I. This day we were in 30 mitts to the Southerd of the lyne, and toward night we had a smale gale.

April 1608 1: Crost ye Lyne

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The wynd a smale gale at South, our course N.E. This night about 3 a clocke wee croste the Lyne, beinge the ffourth tyme since wee came out of england. The wether here begines to be verye hott, I pray god send us prosperous windes to Carrye us to our desyred portes. Wee have theise 10 dayes ffound a Corrant wth us. This morninge we did see Land, being the coaste of Malinda, and this day wee were in 35 mittes north Latitude, and we steered our course alongste the shore N.E. In the eveninge a smale gale, we eged of the shore and stered East. In the morninge a ffayre gale at W. to the Northward, wee stered our Course E. and by N. and were in 1 deg. 15 mittes north Latitude. In the morninge verye little wynd till noone, then wee had a smale gale large and wee stered E.N.E. This day our Captayne, master and I went abord the Generall, and carryed wth us halfe a dolffyne wee had taken, and were in 1 degree, 35 mittes N. Latitude. In the morninge calme, about 10 a clocke came a ffyne large gale, and wee Contynued our course as before E.N.E. and were in 2 degrees, 25 mittes North Latitude. This gale still Contynued wth us, and we contynued the same course and were in 3 degrees N. Latitude, and in the afternoone, stered N.E. amonge. The wynd




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encreasinge a gallant toppsayle gale, wee sayled afore the wynd. 6: The wynd contynued a smale gale large, and haveng taken ffreshe ffishe, our Captayne caused the fflagg to be put out, whereuppon accordinge the captaynes desyre the Generall came abord us and brought wth him Mr Hippon, Mr Herne, and Mr Pocome. Our course wee steered was E.N.E. and N.E. and by East. 7: In the morninge wache we had a storme of wynd, wth much Rayne, Thunder and Lightninge, but did not Contynue longe. About 7 a clocke we had the wynd large againe, but toward noone ffell almoste calme. 8: Wee had verye little wynd till night, then we had a gale Large wch contynued till morninge. This daye we were in 5 degrees, 5 mittes north Latitude, our course E.N.E. 9: A smale gale large wee contynued our fformer course and a little more northerly, and in 5 deg. 23 mittes North Latitude. 10: The wether verye ffayre, and little wynd, the Generall came abord us, to eate of a dolffyne we had taken, ffor having bene soo long at sea, anye ffreshe meate is welcome, wch yt pleseth god to send us; and 20 tymes this goinge abord one the other hindereth not our shippes syling one Leage. All night we had a ffyne gale sotherly, and wee steered N.E. and by E. 11: The wether hott and a smale gale, wee contynued our course and were in 7 degrees, 15 mittes Latitude. 12 &13: Dayes were calme. The Generall comanded a man of his shipp to be duckt at yard arme. His offence was ffighting and evell behaving him selfe in the shipp. 14: Calme till night, then a smale gale large, wch contynued all night. We steered N. and by E. to see the land. 15: A smale gale contynued wth us at S. We did contynue the fformer course, and were in 7 degrees, 30 mittes. 16: The Generall put out his fflagg, and our Captayne and I went abord him. This daye our Generall havinge had intelligence of wordes spoken by Mr Dickinsonne and Mr Bidgood, merchanttes, againste the Generalles proceedinge and Justice to him lately duckt at the yard arme, not beffitting any one, muche lesse a merchantt to speake, and more because fforr Certayne the punyshment was Just accordinge to the offence. The wordes were denyed by Mr Dickinsonne, but after ward was by Mr Hippon and Mr Tavernor almost dyrectly proved. The Generall, although he knewe suche wordes might in tyme begett a further evill, was pleased onely to warne




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them at this tyme, to looke better to theyre wordes and Carryage then fformerly they had done; and that they nowe beinge before him, in sight and hearing of some of their ffellowe merchantes (meaning Mr Hearne and me) whoe would take notice thereof, should be all the punyshment he would laye uppon them. Mr Finche was in the same offence, but having well advised him selfe, did before come unto the Generall, and submytted himselfe to him, wch gave his Worship suffycient content. The wynd a good gale, we stered N.W. to neere the land. This daye wee were in 8 degrees, 35 mittes N. Lat., our course still N.E., and we Judge that this night wee shall see land. This after noone ffell a word or towe betwene our Master and the Master Carpenter, whereuppon our Master takinge some word spoken Comparativelye in evell parte, strake the Master Carpenter a smale blowe uppon the head wth the handle of a hammer and so ended. Wch Goodman Lantro a Carpenters mate seeing, wrested the hammer out of the masters hand, he beinge at worke in the waste of the shippe, ffor wch the master gave him a blowe one the necke or Cheeke wth his hand. Lantro presently startes upp from his worke and gave the Master a boxe under the eare, wch he presently complayned of to the Captayne, who did presently comaund him to the Bilboas. In the morning ffayre wether and a smale gale Sotherly. Aboute 8 a clocke goodman Lantro, one of our Carpenters, was duckt 3 tymes at Mayne yard arme, ffor geving our master a blowe under the eare. Wee steered our course to see the land N.W. Wee ffynd that a Corrant hath carryed us more to the eastward then any of the ffleete expected. This daye noone we made the shipp to bee in 9 degrees, 10 mittes N. Lat. At 3 aclock in the afternoon, we sawe Land ffrom the toppmaste head, and did beare N. and by W. of us. We stered N. and N. and by E. after our Admyrall, whoe uppon sight of the land altered her course. And when our Admyrall had perfectly made the land, he steered his Course for the Iland of Zacatora N.E. and by E. In the morninge we sawe land, the wynde a smale gale, and sayled alongst the shore steringe our former course. This night past our Master observed the starre and made the shipp in 9 degrees, and 19 mittes N. Lat. and his mate Savage made her in 9 deg. 25 mittes. All this coste wch wee have seene semeth a lowe land. The Lord god




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be praysed who sendes us ffishe everye daye almoste to the great refreshment of us all, and this daye we had so much that every messe had a peece. This daye wee were in 10 deg. and in the forenoonne sawe land on our broade syde about 12 leauges ffrom us. In the morninge the Generall sent his pinnesse ffor our Captayne, Master and me. This day we had a gallant gale S.S.W. & contynued our course N.E. About 9 a clock wee did see land, being a Iland wch theye thought had bene doos armanos, but was abba decuria. After we had nerd yt, our Admyrall stered away E. Sotherly and some tyme E. and by N. About 11 a clocke we did see another Iland, bothe Ilands being verye highe land, and about 3 a Clocke, we did see a therd. Theise 2 laste were the doos armanos. This wynd contynued wth us till about 11 a clocke at night and then fell calme. This daye Mr Hippon made the Dragon to be in 11 degrees, 28 mittes. In the morning the Dragon was 2 leauges ahead of us plyinge to Doble, as wee thought, the west end of Zaccotora, wch this morninge wee did see ffayre by us. But either the wynd tooke her shorte, or ells by reasonne of the sholes, she put roome alongste the northe syde of the Iland. Then wee did see a Rocke lyinge about 2 leauges ffrom Zaccotora N.W. ward Lyinge white above water a good heigth and rysing like 2 sharpe white Rockes, and some radgged ground about them. And having sayled alonge this Iland about 2 Leauges, our Admyrall bore nere the shore, and seeing a ffayre baye did put in, and about 11 a clocke wee came bothe shipps to Ancker in 12 ffathomes Water Sandy ground. The comminge in to this baye is bold wth good sholding. Our Long boate and pinnesse being out, our Captayne, master and I went abord the Generall, whoe wee ffound not very well. He commaunded that both pinnasses should be manned and well appoynted wth shott and Pyke, and I and Mr Herne to goe in them to discover the place and to seeke for fresh Water and to see what refreshment might heare be had. The wch Commaundment wee accordingly did. And in the eveninge wee came abord to the Generall and Certifyed him how wee ffound the place, wch was not any ffresh water was here to be had. People we ffound had lately bene theare but weare lately ffledd, and wee ffound the signe of manye Goates, but all dryven awaye. Also wee ffynde the people to be but basse and miserable,




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having no houses but lye in holes and Rocks in the basest Conditione then any people wee have ffound yet. Whereuppon the Generall being thus Certyffyed determyned next morninge early to weye anckers and sett sayle ffrom this place. In the morninge verye early our Admyrall and wee weyed anckers and put to sea, steringe aloung the coast. Here some make doubt whether this Island be the Iland of Zacatora or nott. Yesterdaye after we came to Ancker wee did see 2 sayles seeminge veryre great shippes bering N. of us plying to windward, and beffore 3 a clocke were out of sight to Leaward of us, the winde at S.S.W. The Generall sent his pinnesse alonge close by the shore to discover inhabitance or ffresh water, and after wee had sayled about 3 leagues, they brought word to the Generall of a towne, and great hope to gett ffresh Water, whereuppon our Generall plyed in ffor that baye. Wee ffound fayre commyng in and good shoulding and sandy ground, wch Contynued ffrom 22 fathomes to 10, 11, & 12 ffathomes, where we anckered, and wher the Dragon anckered was but 7 ffathomes and a halfe. This night we could doe noe matter ffor the shore, but our Generall havinge our Captayne then abord him, gave his mynde to him to be reddye in the morninge wth our boate and pinnesse manned and appoynted wth 50 men to accompanye him ashore, whose desyre and care is great to leave no meanes unperformed wch might procure victual and water, or any thinge ffor the ffurtherance of the voyage. In the morning betyme our Captayne had Ordered the Long boate and pinnesse to be well manned and appoynted accordinge to the Generalles order, and so soone as daye was light the Generall put off wth his pinnesse ffor the shore, his longe Boate also attending him fful of men appoynted. Our pinnesse and Longe boate ffollowed, and aboute a furlonge ffrom the Towne landed our Generall and Captayne wth all our men. The Generall leavinge wth great Care the boates and pinnesses well appoynted to defend themselves, marched upp boldly into the Towne 100 men stronge. But when wee came in to the towne, wee ffound all the inhabitance ffleedd and left nothing of worth behind them, ran upp into the mountaynes. The Generall entered into 2 Churches, the one Christiane the other Mahometayne, and also into dyvers of the houses. Therre were ffound in theyr houses some poore goodes,




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and in theire Churches some seromonyous thinges as Crosses and such like, but the Generall gave sever Commaundment that nothing whatsoever should be altered or taken awaye, and all gentlenes to be used to all people, thereby to recover the scandale wch hollanders and Portingales hathe brought uppon us. And ffindinge no inhabitance, the Generall wth our Captayne and men marched upp into the Countrye 3 myles, beinge desyrous to speake wth one of the people, because the Generall Knewe they spake Arrabicke or portugues. And the Generall and Captayne goinge stronge upp as was ffitt, the people ffleedd awaye. Then the Generall sent unto people wch wee did see 6 men, then 6 more to strengthen them. Afterward he sent 2 men upp to theyre houses, and wth much adoe the[y] spake wth some of them, and retorninge Certifyed our Generall that they ffound them verye ffearefull, in soe much as one of them would not come to the Generall although we lefte a man for him. Also that they had bene dyvers tymes taken and made slaves by the Portingale. And that this place neither afforded water nor any refreshment, and that they themselves lyved only uppon poore goates and ffishe wch they did take. In this marche one of our Generalles men ffell sicke, who appoynted a garde to staye wth him till his retorne, when he came backe, brought him agayne abord the Boates. And in our waye wee did see 3 poore goates. 2 of them wee touke, wch the Generall devided to bothe shippes ffor the sicke men. And being werye, the wether hott, retorned god be thancked in good salfetye abord, not having anye hope of refreshment in this place. Wherfore the Generall determyned not to staye heare but sett sayle awaye the first wynde. In the afternoone, our Generall was geven to understand of some trashe our men should bringe abord ffrom the houses, and sent to our Captayne to have the same dilligentlye examyned, and were yt ffound, to geve punishment accordingly. Wch our Captayne very Carefully did and punyshed Walter Stere and Hillerid at Capstane & Bilbowes. The Generall seeing yt calme, and no wynd to Carrye us out to sea, sent his pinnesse agayne to the towne, to Carrye those things agayne wch our men had taken awaye, and to see yf the Inhabitares had bene there since our departure abord. But they ffound that they had not bene in any of theyre houses, and ffound all thinges




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theare as we lefte them. In the eveninge our Admyrall and we weyed anckers and sett sayle, the wynd att Easte North Easte. In the morninge we had got about a leauge to the eastward ffrom the Baye we weare in to speake for ffresh water, wch nowe beganeth to drawe lowe. Besyde the great neede wee have of refreshmentes and renuinge of victuall, yt is no smale greefe to our Generall not to ffinde any one place as his intelligence was geven. For had we not put into the Cape, in the Judgment of man, there had not bene a man of us alive at this daye. We are nowe before another goodly baye, and wee see another a league ahead us. I pray god send us either in them or some other to ffynde water and refreshment in tyme. And about 11 a clocke god sent a smale gale and wee stoode in S.S.E. This Baye is very great and deepe. At 2 a clocke our Admyralles pinnesse was manned and sent afore into the Bottome of the Baye, to discover yf any water or victuall were heere to be exspected, and at night retorned Certyfyinge our Generall that there was noe good water in this Baye to be had. There was a ponde of water but yt was brackkyshe. Also they found a church and 3 or 4 houses. The churche had a Crosse one the topp of yt, so as we thincke they all in this Iland are or have bene under the Portingales Commaund, the people still fflyinge awaye ffrom us. This Iland still seemeth to be the barrenesse place that ever men came to. In the morninge our Captayne sent me in our pinnace to see howe the Generall did, who had bene ever since his march ashore verye sicke. But god be thancked I ffound him reasonably well amended, to all our Comffortts. Nowe we stoode alonge the shore still to seeke a wateringe place, and the Generall ffor more exspedicion is minded to send his pinnesse afore alonge the shore. And in the evening wee oppened another Baye, and as yt seemeth to us, theare is a towne and fforte in yt, wch putteth us in good comforte of refreshment. We steere into yt S.E. and by E. and S.E. All night wee plyed upp downe before the baye, and at 2 a clocke came to anckor at 18 ffathomes water. In the morninge at 4 a clocke the Generall sent bothe pinnesses into the bottome of the baye to discover, and at 7 a clocke wee weyed anckers and stood in, havinge signes made unto us (of some good hope of




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water) ffrom the pinnesses. At theyre retorne they Certyfied the Generall of a Towne well inhabited and that they are verye Curyous to have any of our men Land except 5 or 6 men, but Water, Kine, and Goates, wee shall have of them. When the Generall came to Ancker he gave the Towne 3 peces of Ordynance, and we gave one pece out of the Hector. The Towne presently answered us wth great Ordynance and a volley of smale shott, wch was more then wee exspected in this place. Also they Certyfied (but most ffalselye) this Iland is Abba de Curria, & that Zacataro is neere to this Iland to the eastward and lyeth S.E. ffrom hence. The Kinge as they cald him sent our Generall 5 Goates ffor a present, and in the after noone the Generall sent his pinnesse ashore, and sent him a pece of Callico, and to procure some of them abord yf yt wear possible, but they would by no meanes be wonne to come abord. But anye refreshment they cann spare we shall have. The Goates the Generall did devide Viz. to the Dragon 3 and to the Hector 2. In the morninge the Generall caused bothe Longe Boates to goe ashore wth Caske to water. His owne pinnesse appoynted went wth them, and 2 merchanttes in her who, while water was ffillinge, had order ffrom the Generall to buye and procure all refreshment was to be had. The wynd easterly, wee discryed a sayle about 10 a Clocke, openinge the poynt of land to the eastward of us, being not above 2 leagues from us at ancker. Hereuppon the Generall, myndinge to speake wth her, shott of a pece of Ordynance to call our boates and pinnesses abord, whoe presently came wth all speed. But the sayle, either by the wynd scantinge uppon her, or ffearinge us, heringe our peece of Ordynance reporte, Came Roume wth us into the baye where wee rode at ancker. Then the Generall knowing yt very materyall to speake wth her, by whome he knewe he should be Certyfied of many matters wch concerned the voyage, sent his pinnesse well manned and appoynted, Comaunding our pinnesse to doe the like, that yf in case that when she had nered us, and made what wee were, and then ffor feare should stand off agayne, then both pinnesses manned as aforesayd should make out to her and bring her in. To whome yf shee made resistance, this our shipp rydinge moste to seaward, should either soddenlye waye or ells lett slippe and sett sayle and bringe her in.25 And the Generalles




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Commaundment was ffurther, that noe man should goe abord her or doe her Wronge. But the sayle saved us all that Labor, for she stered in wth us and came to ancker in the Baye by us. Then our Captayne havinge bothe pinnesses abord our shippe, sent one of them abord her to bringe the master and merchants abord the Generall. Then wee ffound her a gusarate, and 4 of the cheefe of them came into our pinnesse and came presently abord the Generall. Being brought downe into the Generalls Cabbyne he entertayned them kindlye, and talked wth them in the Arrabicke, of whome he understoode this was the Iland of Zaccatora where wee are, wch thinge the Inhabitance denyed, and many other things of the wyndes and wethers and of the navigation of the coste of Aden and Cambaye, and Many other thinges concerninge the Voyage. The guzarates brought a present to our Generall, wch was 2 quiltes and a pece of Callico. Yt was godes will that this poore man should come in at this tyme, ffor our Generall hath learned of him many thinges wch will doe the voyage much good. Viz of the Navigation of all places where wee shall come, ffrom this place to Aden and ffrom Aden to Cambaye, of all good harbours and places of refreshment, how our Commodyties will vent, and what those places afford; of the strength of Aden and Cambaye, and Nature of the people and their Government. In the afternoone when he had carefully written all matters,26 [he] dessyred our Captayne to bringe safe abord there shippe, and delivered him Dollars to buye Rice or any other refreshment, that they could spare. I went in the pinnesse to accompanye our Captayne. They entertayned him as kindely as theire poore meanes and manners would afforde. Wee did buye of them 4 kintales of rice ffor 8 peces of eight Spanish, and they sent our Generall a baskett of onyones. And they presented our Captayne wth a peece of Callico & a shashe, and retorned abord the Generall afterward. The General hering that they had a pilote abord them, and that right advice in matters would give him better Content ffrom the pilote then ffrom the fformer, sent me in a pinnesse abord him agayne, and Comaunded me to use all ffayre meanes to bringe the pilote abord to him, and to buye as much rice more as I could gett. They were very Loathe to lett theyre pilote goe out of their shipp, yet in the end they sent him, I promysinge




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uppon my head he should retorne abord them salfe this night. And they sould me also 2 kintales of Rice more, wch I payed 5 dollars ffor, the wch wth the pilote and 3 more of his shippe I brought abord the Generall. The Generall very paynefully and wth much Care Demaunded matters of the pilote, wch he Certifyed of to the ffull 2 houres the General spent wth him in that kinde. And night being come, the Generall gave Mr Hippon Charge to see him safe abord his shippe, (and gave him a Compasse), the wch after Mr Hippon had showed the pilote the Dragones Ordynaunce, wch he much marveyled at, went abord him selfe wth him. This afternoone after the guzarates were come to ancker, the Longe Boates agayne to water and the Genralles pinnesse to gett more ffreshe meate yf yt weare possyble, ffor his pleasure is to speede awaye ffor Aden wth all haste he canne. All the meate gott heare, beinge the princypale place in all the Iland, is but 2 Cowes and 10 Goates, wch the Generall devyded equally between both shippes. Our water was all filled (ffor feare of Landinge manye of our people) and brought to the seaside, uppon theyre slaves shoulders of the towne, whoe partlye seeinge our fforce, and partly our kinde usage of them, made 40 of theyre slaves labour very sore to ffill our water, wch was brought Downe from welles in the towne, wch yf our men had bene put to doe would have bene verye grevious to them. For the Cowes and Goates we gave parte of a pece of kersey, and the Generall gave them a peece of Callico, a Little Leade and a Little powder. Also he gave the guzarates a smale pece of leade and a Cartredge of powder. In the morninge betimes the Boates went ashore ffor more water, and wee perceavinge the guzarates to ffynde the wydne against her, for she came roome agayne and came to ancker by us. The water wee gott heare was about 17 Tonnes, all wch theyre slaves brought downe uppon theyre backes and ffilled ffor us. In the morninge our Admyrall and wee weyed and stood to sea with a smale gale off the shore. About 9 a clocke blewe a good gale at W.S.W. We brought tackes abord and Laye close by N.W. This Morning before daye in the Dragones Longe boate was ffound a slave ffrom the shore swome and came into her, wch when the Generall was enformed of, threatened him to the Bilboas, but when he Conffessed in the arrabecke tongue the trueth and Craved mercye, he lett him have his Libertye. In the




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morninge he Confessed many matters to the Generall of the people and this Iland, and how they tooke a Consultation whether to geve us good water or Badd, but ffeare of our fforces made the better sorte yeald to geve us good water, least otherwise occasione might be geven us to Cut all theyre throates, and beate Downe theyre Churche and towne about theyre eares. In the after noone we had the wynd verye varyable. This eveninge in tacking our shippe in little wynde, James Goodman a Carpenter ffell overbord and could not by anye be recovered but was Drowned. All this night was calme. Calme till toward night, then came a gale Sotherly. Wee came to our starbord tacke, and laye W. and by S.

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For the moste parte Calme, and the night following. Calme till noone then we had a gale at S.E. but yt contynued not longe. We were in hope to wether the Rocke wch lyeth 3 leauges ffrom the Iland, but Could not, plyinge upp and Downe, and went to the Norward of yt. Wee had the wynde Sotherlye and laye W. and by N., and aboute 9 a clocke the wynd tooke us shorte, soe wee went aboute. And toward eveninge the wynde veringe mor Sotherlye, we wente aboute agayne. The winde still scantinge uppon us, wee stoode to the east Ward and Laye S.E., wee ffindinge that accordinge as the guzerates informed the Generall, the more wee put our shippes to the norward, the stronger Corrant is setting to the noreastward. In the morninge the winde agaynst us, and standinge in toward the shore, our Admyrall shott of a pece of Ordynance and put out a fflagge of Councell, wee havinge plyed all night upp and downe, and loste rather then gott anye thenge to the Westward. About 8 a Clocke our captayne, master and I, went abord our Admyrall. Wee ffound the Generall much greeved and disconted to see the wyndes soe againste us, as yf they contynue but 5 or 6 dayes more, our voyage ffor Aden, in mans judgment, is cleane over throwne, wch wilbe great losse to the companye, and great danger to us all, manye of our men in bothe shippes infected wth the scurvey, and our englishe ffreshe victuall growinge nere a ende. The Generall called me and Mr Herne into his Cabbyn, to him and our Captayne, and tould us of matters conserninge the




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good [of the] voyage, to have our oppyniones in. The wch being matters of great importance, he thought us unprovided of answere therunto uppon the Suddayne, beinge thinges wch deeply did Conserne the voyage, as what Course the shipps should take yf in case (wch God deffend) wee recover not Aden. The Generall willed us well to Consyder of yt agaynst next tyme wee ware Called and, ffor the better informinge our selves, to conferre of the same wth anye other merchanttes wee thought ffitt. The wynd contynued still contrary. Wee stood in ffor the shore, and seeing yt nothinge advanced us to keepe sea, at 2 guzarates att ancker in the baye right ahead us, steered in ffor the baye, where wee came to ancker in 15 ffathomes water. On[e] of the guzarates was he the Generall spake wthall. To the other beinge the bigger shippe, the Generall sent presently his pinnesse to bringe the cheef Comaunder abord him, hoping to gett more rice and reffreshment ffor our men. The pinnesse returned, the 2 cheeffe off each shippe came in theyre boate. And being come into the Generalles cabbynne, after his kinde enterteyning them as his manner is to all strangers, to his great comendationes, ffirst demaunded of dyvers matters to be informed of touching Aden & Camboya, he to gett as much rice of them ffor refreshment of our men as was possible for them to spare. And after the Generall had ended wth them, he sent our Captayne in his pinnesse wth them abord, to buye what rice and other victuall he could gett. I and Mr Herne went wth our captayne and Carryed mony bothe englishe and Spanyshe wch the Genrall delivered to us, to paye ffor the same. Our Captayne ffound theyre store not to be greate, and when we had bought wth much adoe 12 kintales, the Generall exspectinge more, they answered our Captayne that yf he would, they would take yt in no ill parte, yf he sent down his men into theyre hould to see all they had, and what they ffound to take one halfe, and leave them the other, wch did satisfye our Captayne. So rice, onyones and bookes of Callico was bought, and so retorned wth all abord the Generalls shipp. They Craved letters ffrom our Generall of eache shippe one, yf in case they should heerafter meete wth any englishe shippe, wch the Generall did send them. In the eveninge came a gale of wynde easterlye, and our Generall not loosinge any tyme presently weyed anckers, wch the Hector followed, and sett




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sayle. But this gale contyned not longe wth us but came Contrarye, and so we plyed upp and downe all night. The wynd still contynuing contrarye, wee plyed to windward. This morninge goodman Jones beinge washing clothes in the beacke head, by chance lett a pece out of his hand into the sea. He presently ranne into the foreshroudes to catche yt, leapt overbord after yt, and could not recover the shipp agayn, and all the meanes that could be used could not save him, but was drowned. This daye wee tackt upp [and] downe divers tymes to recover the westermoste baye in Zacatora, wheare at night wee came to ancker in 22 fathomes water. At 9 a clocke came a smale gale N.E. Wee weyed anckers and came under sayle agayne. In the morninge we had wethered the rocke and oppened the Weste end of Zacatora, the wind at S.S.W. Dayes ffor the moste parte calmes, wth some contrarye wyndes. Wee plyed to windward but could not wether the armanos, but what we gott on the one tacke wee lost on the other, by reasonne of a corrant againste us. In the morning the Dragon was as ffarre to windward as wee could see her ffrom the mayne Topp. She came roome wth us, the winde at S.W., and in the eveninge the Generall sent his pinnesse abord us wth a letter to our Captayne, wherein hee seemed offended wth our workinge laste night, in bringinge our selves so much to leard. Also he wrote he knewe nott in whome the blame is, and therefore will blame all our marryners till he knowe the trueth. This eveninge and night ffollowinge the wynd was at S.S.W. and S.W. and by S. All this night we plyed up and downe. In the morning at 5 a clocke the sea and Corrant had put us verye dangerouslye uppon an lee shore, beinge the westermost end of the Iland of Zacatora, where at ffirst hevinge the lead wee had but 9 ffathomes water, nor any wynd to Carrye us off, were fforceid both our Admyrall and wee to come to ancker, verye dangerosly nere the highe Land in 9 ffathomes (I pray god to blesse us and send us well to cleare this place). About 9 a Clocke the Generall sent his pinnesse to us, that wee should weye so soone as any winde came Convenyent. For wee did ryde so that the Dragone could not sett sayle ffirst, but in danger to come ffoule of us. In the meane tyme our Admyralles pinnesse sounded betwene the shore and the shippes and ffound us verye nere shole water.




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At 10 a clocke yt pleased God of his mercye to send us a gale of wynd at S.S.W. and S. and by W., and we according to the Generalls order weyed ancker wth a quicke hand, our men workinge wth willing hartes, and sonne brought ourselves under sayle. But before our shipp came to, we were in 7 ffathomes, then we stood off W. & West and by S. and W. and by N., our shipps weye beinge ffor a great while as the land laye, little gettinge to seaward. For still as we did open the poynt of the Land, the wind still scanted uppon us, till wee could lye but N.N.W. and N.W. and by W. So the Lord be thanked who sent so much winde as we got cleare of wth, and no more. For had yt scanted uppon us sooner then yt did, or more then yt did, or had yt beene one poynt scanter when wee sett sayle, then yt was we had beene in great exstremytie. And yet our ancker was abord so sonne, and our shipp wrought so well as we could not possyble exspect. In this bussynes our Boatesonne showed him selfe a tale [tall] man. And yt pleased god this gale did not fforsake us till wee had cleared this Iland, wch was about 3 a clocke in the after noone. Then the winde a little larginge, our Admyrall took in his sprittsayle and sprittsayle topsayle, and laye close by plyinge ffor Aden to recover yt yf yt were possible, lyinge W. and W. and by S. Wee are in great doubt the windes at this tyme of the yeare will Crosse us. But our Generall, who ever in all this voyage hathe done as much as hathe bene possyble ffor a Commaunder to doe, will staye yt out so longe as he can, till necessitie or greate importance drawe him to geve yt over. This night wee laye W. and by S, but after scanted and wee tackt aboute. In the morninge we tackt wth our Admyrall, the wynd at S.S.W. a stiffe gale. At 8 a clocke wee tact about agayne the wynd more westerly, and blew a stronge gale at S.W. and by W., and wee laye S. and S. and by E. All this fforenoone wee plyed upp and downe and gott wthin 2 leagues of the sothermoste hermanos, but the winde Increased, and grewe to a storme, so as we could doe noe good but spend out our sayles and were out our men in plying any longer. So our Admyrall and wee were fforced to put roome ffor Zacatora, and wee have great cause to prayse god that theise wyndes came not sotherlye. For yf they had there had bene but one waye wth us (in the Judgment of man), our shipps, lives & goodes. About 4 a Clocke in the after noone our Admyrall and wee came both to Ancker in the ffirst and




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westermoste baye of the Iland, the winde blowing hard all night. In the morning the Generall had a determynation to send his pinnesse to searche ffor water wch his More had informed him off, but the wyndes were so violent that they could not rowe ahead, and the Dragons anckers came home 3 Cables length,27 but god be thancked the winde was off the shore. This daye the Generall in all this storme sent his pinnesse abord us wth a letter to our Captayne, to call into his Cabbyne our Master and such as he thought ffitt, and to Certifie him of his and theyre oppynones, whether yt were ffitt to ryde here or noe any longer, and what our hopes were ffor recoveringe Aden. For wch he would be loathe to put any ffurther to leard, and yet to Consyder what rydinge is at this place. Our Captayne called our master and me, and our oppynones were, that yt was good yf it so pleased the Generall to ryde out this storme heare, in regard that yf wee weare at Tammorie, the wynde being soe violent our boates could not goe ashore ffor reffreshmentes, and therefore till there is lesse wynd, wee are as well here whereas nonne is to be had, as theare. And yf god should send us a slent of wynde after this storme ffor Aden, we weare nerer heare to take yt then theare. And ffor our oppyniones in recovering Aden, our hopes were good, and god would in tyme send us a wynd to ffetche yt. Wch answear our Captayne wth his owne oppynione by letter retorned to our Generall againe. The wch the Generall receyvinge called the master and his mates in his shipp, and ffound theyre oppyniones cleane contrarye. For their Ancker and Cable still came home, and the place dangerous to ryde in, not onely ffor ffeare of westerly wyndes, but also of losing a Ancker or Cable. About 2 a clocke in the afternoone, the Generall notwthstanding the storme blew feirce against him came in his pinnesse abord us, and Called to him our Captayne, master, and me, and declared the fformer oppynione to us, wch Mr Hippon and his mates held abord him. Whereuppon our master, in regard that since noone he ffound a westerlye sea come into the baye, he ffeared yt would have the winde before yt were longe, and therefore yf yt pleased the Generall, he thought yt verye ffitt tyme about 2 a Clocke in the morninge to weye, or sooner yf he sawe good. Heare I note the exstreordinarye care of our Generall to fforecaste all dangers to come, in wch god hathe




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blessed him, that his Counsell hath prevented many Dangers in this voyage. Of wch that 2 dayes past I cannot butt write off, viz. that being at ancker uppon a lee shore in great Danger of shipps, goodes, and lives, yt was by his meanes that wee weyed when wee did. Wch tyme yf yt had bene neglected but one howre, and then should have weyed, wee could not bene able to cleare the shore. And yf we had exspected the wynd lardger at night off the shore, then had this storme taken us, and wthout the miraculous Worke of god had bene both caste awaye, wch god ever defend us ffrom. This night the storme Contynued, and the Dragon drave to seaward, so ffarre as we could see his light. In the morninge we weyed, and by the breake of daye were under sayle, and bering cleare of this baye sterede after our Admyrall beinge a league ahead us alonge the shore, and aboute 2 a Clocke in the afternoone came to ancker before the towne of Tammarie. Our Generall, so soone as his shipp was at ancker, sent word to the Kinge in Tammorie that he would come ashore to speake wth him, also sent our Captayne word presently to manne his pinnesse and Longe Boate well appoynted. In our boates and pinnesses wee weare aboute 100 men stronge, shott and pikes. At our Generalles going off the Hector saluted him wth 3 peces, then the Dragon gave him 5. The 2 Guzarates wee ffound here in this baye at ancker, who presently knowinge our Generall to be gone ashore, Came in theyre boate to him to salute him, and to tender theyre service to him, who had also bene fforced to put rome ffor his place, being plyers ffor the course of Aden as wee are. At the Generalls landing, the cheeffe man under the Kinge was theare reddye to receive him, and after that he had geven Comandment that our men should keepe together and stand uppon their guarde, ffell in Confference with them of the Iland. The Generall tould them that he sent them word before of his Comynge to speake wth the Kinge, and beinge come he exspected he would have come downe to him nowe, being of smale distaunce ffrom his house. Much adoe they used to drawe our Generall wth some ffewe men to goe into the towne to him. But he by noe meanes would be drawne to yt, nor ffor any ffeare the Generall had of any wronge would be done to him, but he stood uppon yt ffor the honor of our Conterye, Knowinge that yf he





would bringe his shippes in that bearth he might as wth our Ordynance he would not leave him on[e] house standing in the Towne. All theyre Confference was in the Arrabeck, wch our Generall speaketh & understandeth verye well. Wch doeth greatly ffurther our proceedinge many wayes. But to retorne to my fformer discourse, att last yt was one bothe sydes agreed, our men to stand all in rancke on one syde, and the Mores one the other, and our Generall wth about 6 men and the Kinge wth as many should theare meete, wch accordingly they did, and saluted and embraced one the other. Then they wthdrewe themselves about 80 paces off under date trees ffrom the heate of the sonne, where our Generall uppon a Carpett and the Kinge uppon a Callico sate after the Turkey manner and Confferred together. Our Generalls trumpettes and the Kinges drumes and one Trumpett ffor Joye sounded at theyre meetinge. The ffirst thing they talked off was about the slave that swome ffrom them abord the Generales Longe boate, the night wee sett sayle from thence. The Kinge spake so ffrendly and so reasonably as the Generall could not denye to deliver him. For increase of ffreindshipp, and ffurtherance of our reffreshmentes, the king promised our Generall by all protestationes he could, and by the alcaran, that he would [not] take his liffe from him nor greatly punysh him, ffor our Generall spake hard ffor him. Then the Generall demanded of the Kinge to have dayly in ffreshe victuale for bothe shippes at reasonable rates, 20 Goates or 2 beefes or 25 sheepe so long as wee stayed uppon this Iland. The wch he graunted we should have. And that because the wyndes will wthin theise ffewe dayes blowe so hard westerlye as yt wilbe no Rydinge heere ffor our shippes, but shalbe fforced to put ffor Delisha,28 beinge the next baye to the eastward of Tammarie about 1 league and a halfe distance, where they informed us wee may ryde all wyndes, and no place ells in all this Iland. And that the Kinge would send 2 of his people to Delisha to see us served of any thinge the Iland afforded. And ffor the tyme the Generall stayed heare, to water, his slaves should healpe our men to ffil yt as before they had done. This Iland affordeth no other refreshment but ffleshe and water, and that is not to be had but by the Kinges order heare and at Delisha. Trewlye great kindnesse and Curtesie he offered our Generall, whoe did not acceptt of all ffurther then



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was ffitt, but onely retorned him the like. Also the Kinge demaunded a testificatio in wrytinge, that might remayne a wittnesse of our behavior to them, and theyre kindnesse to us, as well ffor him that should succeed in this place as ffor all other Englishe shippes that shall heareafter aryve heare.29 And so in great ffreindshipp they tooke theyre leave, and our Generall wth his people after he had sene the River, what water yt was, retorned abord. The Generall so sonne as ever he came abord his shippe, Comaunded the More to be put ffaste in the Bilboas to be secure of him, at wch he pittefully lamented. This night we brought 9 Goates and 2 sheepe wch the King Comaunded to be delivered our Generall, the wch he devided between both shippes. The Generall sent his pinnesse ffor one of the guzarates to write in the arrabicke a letter to the Kinge ffrom him, in the behalfe of the More whose case the Generall pitied. He wrote either to buy him or elles ffor his sake to ensure his life. All the guzarates are as readye and glad to doe our Generall any service as yf they were his servantes. The Generall sent the King a present (not in regard off the More), wch was 2 yardes and a halfe of redd clothe. In the afternoone both Longe boates went to water, the Generall having had intelligence that wthin theise ffew dayes will come so much wynd as we shall not be able to ryde heare, will have no tyme left to ffill our Caske wth water. Although yt be Whitsundaye, this daye the Kinge sent our Generall a smale present, and in the afternoone the 2 guzarates ffearing the windes westerly, wch every day they looke for to blowe hard, did sett sayle ffor delisha about 5 myles to the eastward of this towne of Tammarie, wch wee must be forced to doe when wee have Watred. Our Captayne went ashore and the Kinge gave him kinde entertaynment. Moste of us merchants did accompany him to the Kinges house. He entreated our Captayne & all his company to staye dinner. His Cheere was rice and goate in good plenty, our drincke Caffa, and sherbett.30 He gave our trumpeters banners, and in the afternoone our Captayne took his leave of him, who after we had walked downe to the Riversyde and rested ourselves a little, Mr Clearke Complayned that he was not well, and grewe worse and worse, verye much disperated, wch made our Captayne hasten sooner abord. Our men in bothe shippes did water harde, and some goates we had abord, although at a deare rate.




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In the Morninge the Generall went ashore in good manner wth his noyse of trumpettes, drume and ffiffe. He found the Kinge Lanching his frigott. He entertayned our Generall very kindlye, and they bothe in Chayres sate together under the date trees till the ffrigott was lanched. He desyred that our men ashore might helpe, wch the Generall gave leave to. The King bestowed uppon them a good Beeffe, and in the meane tyme till the ffrigott was lanched, the Kinge gave our Generall Caffa and sherbett. Dynner being prepared ffor our Generall and all his company, the Kinge and our Generall went bothe together toward his house, the Kinges Drums, pipes and voyses, and the Generalls Trumpettes, Drume and ffiffe soundinge and playing all the waye before them till they came into the Kinges house. Theare he entertayned our Generall wth all rightes and kindnesse he could, and all us merchantes and others whoe attended on the Generall did also dyne wth the Kinge, and had plenty of rice and ffleshe, Caffa and sherbett, all served in in decent manner. The Kinge at his meate and manner of eatinge is verye grosse, although wth them accostomable. After dinner the Generall was verye playne wth the kinge ffor sellinge his goates unto him at so hyghe a rate, and ffor reffucyng Comodyties ffor them wch at ffirst he did accept of. The king made great protestationes that a peece of 8 ryalles ffor one goate is the orydynary price his people doeth sell on to the other, at wch our Generall seemed discontented, cleared ffor them already bought, not mindinge thearafter to geve the same rate. Then the Generall dealt wth the kinge ffor 10 or 20 quintalles of Alloyes Zaccatyna.31 The lowest price the Generall could bringe yt to was 20 dollars the kintale. The Generall ffor the Good Condision thereof, and what yt would make in England, did take Mr Finches Judgment, who thought yt well bought. In the afternoon our Generall Walked to the River syde, afterward came to the Kinges house and took his leave of him, and departed wth all his Companye abord. This daye at nye dinner a letter came to the Generall ffrom our Captayne abord the Hector, that Mr Clarke was dead. Of wch newes our Generall and all wee were verye sorrye. The Kinge seemed verye sorrye also, and did remember him and where he satt yesterdaye at Dynner. The Generall demaunded of the Kinge to




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Burrye the Bodye ashore, and that no wronge should be done to yt in his absence. The Kinge presently graunted the Generall his Demaund, and tould him they were nott a people that would abuse the bodye of the deade, and that he might burrye him where he pleased. In the morning our Captayne caused the bodye to be Coffyned, sent it in the Longe boate to the shore, theare to staye till the grave were reddye. About 8 a Clocke our Captayne wth our Master and all us merchanttes in bothe shippes went in the pinnesses ashore, to doe our ffellowe Mr Clarke our last service. His bodye beinge Carryed by 4 men, first marched before him 60 shott out of both shippes, wth the mouthes of theyre peeces Carryed Downward, then in like manner ffollowed all us merchanttes. Then ffollowed our noyse of Trumpeters dolefully soundinge, and last before the bodye, our Captayne and Master. In this manner his bodye was carryed ffrom the sea syde to the grave. In the tyme of his buryall, one peece of great ordynance was geven him out of the Hector, and after he was enterred we gave him 2 volleys of smale shott. And after we had thus comytted the bodye of our brother to the earth, and Comandment geven ffor noe more shootinge, presently beffell another sorrowffull and greivious accident. Viz. Richard Gere, an unworthye gunners mate of our shipp, havinge bene spoken then unto by some of his fellowes, not to hould his peece so dangerouslye and unsoldyer like as he did after he had geven ffyer to yt, and would not off, rejected theyre advice and held yt under his arme, the mouth backward amonge all our men. [It] did presently take ffyer under his arme, and having a bullet in yt, shott a younge man of the Dragones Company throughe the Body about the waste, the bullett ascendinge uppward, and did after hitt one of our Coxones, goinge in the arme nere the shoulder, where yt rested. The poore youthe ffell presently downe, and Called uppon god verye comfortablely. They were both presently carried abord our pinnesse and sent abord the Dragon, wheare both surgeones did theyre best ffor theyre recoverye. The younge manes was ffound deadly, and in the after noone [he] dyed. The other had his bullett cutt out of his arme, and is very likely by godes ffavor to be cured. This matter was no smale greefe to our Captayne and us present, to see a poore Innocent youth come to so untymlye a death.




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In the morninge the Generall sent the Kinge word that he ment this night ffolowinge to departe ffor Delisha. He sent our Generall word that he would send towe of his men thether, to the end we may be served theare ffor our monye what wee would that the Contree did afford. He sent our Generalle for a present a pott of butter and about 14 Waxe Candles, & to our Captayne another pott of butter. The Generall gave order to buye 10 goates more, wch coste 10 peeces of eight. The Generall gave order this after noone to way Anckers, the winde beinge at S.W. a hard gale. About 2 a clocke wee both sett sayle, and about 4 a Clocke came bothe to ancker agayne at Delisha, and presently mored our shippes. Here we ffound at ancker the 2 guzerates. The Generall went presently ashore to see the place, yf any houses were convenyent ffor our sicke men, and in what Condicion the wateringe place was, wch is almoste 2 myles ffrom our shippes. Wee ryde heare at 9 ffathomes water ffayre by the shore, ye guzerates rydinge betwene the shore and us, the poynt of the land to the Westward being Norwest and by West of us, and the seamost poynt to the eastward bearing of us Southeast and by east. This place is reported to be the best in all this Iland ffor shippes to ryde in ffrom the violence of theise windes shortly exspected uppon this Coaste, and will Contynue till the end of August. Wee touke our sayles ffrom the yardes, and the Dragones pinnesse went afishinge wth theyre sene to trye what ffishe this place did yeald, but gott verye little. Richard Gere ffor his vile and carelesse usinge his peece at Mr Clarkes buryall, whereby one man was slayne and another hurte, was by our Generall turned out of his place, and put afore the maste, and 10ss a monthes Wages taken ffrom him.32 In the afternoon our Generall went to the watringe place. Wee ffound yt verye good water, but some thinge hard ffor our men to bringe yt downe. The Kinges men are come downe according to his promyse to our Generall, offeringe theyre service to him, and they tould our Generall he should have brought downe hether wthin theise 5 or 6 dayes the rest of that pertodo of Alloyes wch the Generall bought of him. In the afternoon, Inventorye of Mr Clarkes goodes was taken. In the morning our boates did underrunne our Cables. Our Generall and Captayne went ashore, the Generall




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spake to the Kinges people for a house for our sicke men to be provided. The Generall did buye 30 Goates ffor both shippes, 18 to the Dragon, and 12 to the Hector at a peece of 8 a pece. They under the Kinge heare sware by all that maye be, that wee have them at the same prise they are sould for amonge themselves. The Generall yesternight called his Company together. He tould them they were not Ignorant at what excessive rate ffleshe was heare, and howe yf otherwise yt were cheaper, or yf any other then redey money, wch is the Chiefest parte of our Cargazone, would b[u]y them, he could be Contented to give them all fleshe. But being yt as yt is, he had determyned that they should have 7 meales a weeke ffleshe, and 4 of stocke ffishe, and three of such other victuall as the shipp did afford, & that ffor a little lengtheninge of our bread, because the voyage is like to be longe, every meale of ffreshe meate they had, they should abate one quarter of theyre allowance of bread. The Generall gave order to our Captayne to doe the like abord his shippe, the wch in the evening he did accordingly to the whole Companye. And also to save our Oatemeale, it was Ordered by the Generall and him that the dust made of our biskett shall serve ffor our porradge in stead of Oatemeale. The Generall being informed that all our stockfyshe is spent hath geven 100 fishes for our shipp to save for better victuall. The stint of Goates is 6 a meale ffor the Dragon & 4 a meale ffor the Hector. The Generall and Captayne went both ashore. The Generall tooke order ffor our sicke mens house to be made larger, and gave the slaves mony who presently [went] about yt. In the afternoone came word to our Generall ffrom the Kinge that the rest of the alloyes Zaccatyna was come. He appoynted the Kinges men next morninge to send ashore to waye yt. Also he tould our Generall that since our departure from Tammarie, there hath blowen the mightest winde that ever was heare seene in that place, yet we rydinge but 4 myles ffrom yt felt none of yt, even as aforetyme they did enforme us of this place. The Generall sent ashore to weye the Alloyes and paye ffor yt. The Generall every daye taketh paynes to enforme him selfe more and more of the guzarates and Mores, towching our voyage and bussynes at Aden and the Coastes alonge to Cambaya. This daye the Dragons boate brought 4 tonnes of water abord.




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Our Captaine went ashore, the Generall sent money to buye 22 Goates more, wch wee carryed 13 abord the Dragon and 9 abord the Hector. The Generall sent our Captayne a note, whome of the Chefest of the guzarates he would have presently sent for to speake wth him from Tammorie. He sent the Kinge 2 barres of Tynn ffor a sample wch he desyred. The sicke mens houses were ffinished and Convenyent thinges sett upp for them to lye uppon. The Generall went ashore, hearing that the Captayne of the guzarates and pilottes were come ffrom Tammorie. Theare he dispatched some bussynes wth them. Yt seemeth the Generall, by his hastninge to enforme him selfe of the guzarates what he can, will not staye longe heare as is exspected, but hath a determynation (yf wth any safetye he may doe yt) either put over ffor the Mayne, and yf he cannot recover Aden, he will spend that tyme (wch wee should here be Idle) uppon that Coste serching out a place of trade to vent our Comodyties. Wch intent in him trewly above others is worthie Comendations, in leavinge no tyme no place untryed that maye advance the Companyes good. Rather then to staye heare spendinge tyme and money doinge nothing, wch otherwise of necessytie at this tyme of the yeare wee are inforced to doe this 70 dayes. Or elles he will uppon good advice plye awaye ffor bantame. And after he had Confferred wth the Captayne and pilottes of the guzarates, he invited them abord his shipp the next daye dynner, and the Kinges Cheefe men wth them, and then retorned abord. The Generall sent his pinnesse in the morninge ffor the guzarates and the mores, the kinges cheefe people, and the Generall knowinge theyre costome, admytted the owne people to kill and dresse theire owne meate. After they were come abord into the Generalls Cabbyne, he tooke dyvers notes of them ffor Instructions for the coste alonge the mayne, of our Commodities what will vent, of theire Commodyties and prises; and of theyre waights and measures, all other matters that wch might be to the advancement of this present voyage and the Companyes service heareafter. They having well Dyned and receaved good Content, the Generall bestowed uppon the kinges 2 Cheefe men, to one 4 yardes and to the other 2 yardes of kersey. In the evening the Generall went ashore wth them. No more [Moor] in this ffleete hath any Language to any purpose for this place and




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people but the Generall, whose arabicke passeth Corant wth all in theise partes. The Generall and Captayne went bothe ashore. The Generall did not staye longe, but havinge seene our sicke men and ta[l]ked wth the Kinges men and guzarates, after dynner retorned abord. Our Captayne staying till eveninge, he invited Sidde Amett, the Captayne of the guzarates tomorrow to dynner. Our Captayne sent his pinnesse ffor the guzarates and his Cakes whoe came,33 and after dynner our Captayne gave him t[w]o smale parcells of Tobacco, and I gave the Captayne of the guzarates a kniffe. Our Captayne sent me in the morninge, to Invite the Generall, Mr Hippon and Mr Herne to dynner. The Generall nor Mr Hippon came not. Mr Clarkes goodes was sould at the Mayne Maste. The Generall sent Mr Bucke to lye at Tammarie. He allowed a boye to attend him, and a house theare duringe his staye.

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Word came from the Dragon that the Generall was verye sicke. In the after noone our Captayne, Master, and I went abord the Dragon to see him. Wee ffound him not well; yt was his old payne in his head. He graunted leave that his smith tomorrowe should goe ashore to sett upp his fforge, to make a newe ffunnell to our ffurnace. In the morning the Generall put out a fflagge of Counncell. Our Captayne, Master, and I, went presently abord him. The Generall ffirst in his Cabbyn requyred the severall oppynones of our Captayne, me, and Mr Herne, whether yt were fittest that the Dragon did departe 15 or 20 dayes hence and proceed on her voyage or nott, willing us not to regard Marryners Matters, as wyndes, Corrantes, Dangers and suche Like, but to speake to that poynt as merchanttes, requyringe the youngest ffirst to speake. Mr Hernes oppynione was that they should seperate, and but the Hector staye to goe to Cambaya, and take into her such Comodyties out of the Dragone as shalbe ffittinge ffor those places; ffor to spend much tyme heare, t[w]o put the Company to so great exstreordynary chardges, whereas one shipp may serve the place so well as bothe. Next my oppynione was bothe shippes to staye and goe to Cambaya together, the Dragon not




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spendinge more tyme theare then that she may after make the voyage to Bantame and the Moluccas.34 Our Captayne next delivered his oppynione that the Dragon should departe on her voyage. Laste our Generall was absolute of Oppynione that his shipp the Dragon should departe his voyage ffor Pryaman, Bantame and the Moluccas, and read unto us many fforcyble reasones tendinge to the same end. Then the Generall sent ffor both the Masters and theyre Mates, Viz. Mr Hippon, Mr Mullynoxe, Mr Taverner, Mr Pocame, and Mr Savage, and requyered theyre severall oppyniones of the same. The Generall demaunded of the youngest Masters mate, Mr Savage, whose oppynion was to departe. Mr Pocame next agreed to the same, next Mr Taverner his oppynion was peromtorylie not to departe, ffor runninge into many great Dangers, next our Mr Mullynexe accorded to the same Mr Taverner spake. Next and laste Master Hyppon his oppynione was to departe. All whose oppyniones beinge taken, the Generall dismissed us till tomorrowe morninge. This morninge the Generall sent his smith ashore to sett upp his ffurnace and make a ffunnell ffor our furnace. In the morninge the Generall put out a fflagg of Counsell and our Captayne, Master and I went abord, where yt was determyned absolutely, the Dragon to depart one her voyage so soone as she cann be reddye, wch wilbe theise 20 dayes ffirst. Then the Generall Dismissed the Masters and theyre Mates, and himselfe wth our Captayne, me, and Mr Herne, did sett downe what Comodyties of the Dragones Cargazone should be put into the Hector, and what of the Hectors should be put into the Dragone. And also what merchanttes should goe in the Dragone and what in the Hector. Clothe & Kersey

}

all exceptinge very little to be delivered into us, wch by Cargazone shalbe profitted. As much lead and Iron as our Master can take in. Some ffewe of the peces. One head peece and one gorgett. And 2 Oliphants teethe. The Dragone to receyve 2 Chestes of Callicoes out of the Hector & halfe of our Bayes & Sayes. Merchanttes to goe Merchanttes to goe into in the Dragon the Hector Mr. Hearne Anthonie Marlowe

{





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Mr Bucke Mr Pennell Mr Finche Mr Dorchester

This evening dyed Mr John Quaytmore our Purser. In the morninge Mr Quaytmores bodye was put in a Coffyne and buryed ashore wth a peece of Ordynance. Being Sabbothe daye wee rested, onlye Mr Bucke came abord ffrom Tammarie. In the morning dyed John Ashenhurst, having last night late made his will & disposed all his worldly Matters. Also the Generall sent Mr Walter Rumney abord us whome our Captayne receyved as his Purser, in the rome of Mr Quaytmore. This Morninge they abord the Dragon began to Rummadge and make Waye ffor the Comodyties they are appoynted by the Generall to deliver into us, and we also prepare our shipp to be reddye to receave them. And this daye we did take into our shipp out of the Dragon 50 pigges of Leade. John Ashenhurst was Coffyned and Caryed ashore and buryed. All Mr Quaytmores goodes was [ap]praysed, and because no will in writing is ffound made but onely a note Mr Bucke wrote ffrom his mouth, wch as Mr Bucke and his cossen William sayeth was his mynde as he would have his will made, he gave awaye as in that note appeared some ffewe thinges to some of his ffrendes heare abord. The rest he gave all to William his Cossen except 12£ he gave to a made in Redreffe whome he ment to marrye.35 His goodes was disposed of accordinge to Mr Buckes note. Every man who receyved any legasye bound them selves per theyre handes to our Captayne and Purser that yf by Lawe those things are recovered againe, everye man is to restore the thinge receyved or the vale[w] thereof. This daye wee did take in 26 pigges of leade, and our Generall and Captayne hath Ordered that during our menes hard Labor in hold, they shall have 2 meales a daye fflesh. The Generall being made exsecutor to John Ashenhurst, was come abord us and Conclude wth our Captayne to sell all things of his Masters adventure at mast, wch was done except ye jewell sett with a spennell, 2 pearles, and 1 white stone pendantes to yt,36 wch the Generall thought best would vent at Cambaya, and theare Comytted yt to our Captayne to sell theare, to Mr Aderly his best advantage, or to retorne yt ffor England.



Mr Dickinsonne Mr Sayvage Mr Bydgood

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Wee received from the Dragon into the Hector, 441 endes of Iron and 30 pigges of Leade. More receved ffrom her 559 endes of Iron. More receved ffrom her 707 endes of Iron & 22 pigges of leade. More receved ffrom the Dragon, 19 pigges of leade. More receved ffrom the Dragon, 16 pigges of leade. More receved from the Dragon, 51 pigges of leade & 17 bayles of Clothe and Kersey. Viz. No. 33, 32, 4, 1, 19, 5, 31, 18, 30, 12, 3, 16, 15, 14, 6, 2, 17 in bayle No2. The Generall did Cutt of the redd clothe 2 yardes and a halfe. Wee delivered out of the Hector into the Dragon, 2 Chestes of Callicowes, and one bayle coursey, 15 peeces of Sayes, 1 peece of redd bayes, halfe a pece of blacke bayes Cont. 26 yardes, and halfe a peece of greene coursey, 25 yardes. More receved ffrom the Dragon into the Hector, 10 barrelles wthout stockes and 2 wth stockes, one gilte head peece and Gorgett and 2 oliphantes teeth. The barrells ffor peeces, 5 were gylt and 5 nott. The Generall in his Cabbyn demaunded of our Captayne, me and Mr Herne, whether yt were fitt for him, in regard his voyage is like to be longe, and ours shorte, to take ffrom us some of our ffleshe or no. Also he declared that yf in case our voyage proved likewise longe, our ffleshe should be never the ffurther ffrom us, if God sent the Dragon safe to Bantame, wheare yt should remayne reddy ffor us. Of wch motion our Captayne did not thincke yt fitt to parte wth the ffleshe. I and Mr Herne thought yt indifferent, seeinge yf the Hector should come to Bantame, the ffleshe were theare reddy ffor her. This night dyed Mr Blastone our Master Surgione, a honest and sufficyent man, to our great greiffe. The Dragon havinge her topmaste upp and sayles to the yards, is even almost reddye to departe, onlye, the Generall having ended all accomptes betwene him and our Captayne concerninge the shippes exspences, yt resteth onlye that the Generall tomorrowe god willinge is minded to Come abord our shippe to take his ffarewell and make knowne unto the company the fforce of the Comissione he leaveth wth our Captayne in his absence. The Lord God blesse him, and send the Dragon & Hector a prosperous voyage, and well to meete in England. Amen.




145

This is a trew Coppye of the Jornall kept by me Anthonye Marlowe, abord the good shipp the Hector of London whome God preserve, of our voyadge from England begunne the 12th of Marche 1606 [1607] bound ffor the east Indyes, untill the departure of the good shipp the Dragon whome god preserve for Bantame. Nowe at ancker in Delisha, on the Coaste of Zaccatora. This 22th of June @ 1608 per me Anthonie Marlowe This present Booke Contayninge 65 pages written, is the trewe Coppye of the Booke Written by Anthonie Marlowe, Coppyed out by the appoyntment of the Right Worpp: Sr Thomas Smithe Knight Governor of the Worpp: Company of merchanttes trading to the East Indyes, London this 16 Marche @ 1609 [1610] per me William Speede37






146

Figure 2 Final page of Marlowe's Journal. Courtesy of the British Library.


147



Figure 3 Final page of Bucke's Journal. Courtesy of the British Library.





The Hector Papers of Francis Bucke This chapter conjoins two documents hitherto unrecognized as Francis Bucke’s: a 19 June 1608 letter from Socotra, which makes accusations against Matthew Molynuex and names the deceased to date, and a Hector journal fragment from 17 July to 19 August 1608, Socotra to Surat. They are in the same distinctive hand. Marlowe’s 3 June entry, which names the factors assigned to the Hector, isolates the letter’s “myself.” Transcribing it for consistency with the journal, I have corrected a significant error in the published version (Danvers, 1:15–17): “certain of us” (1:16) should read “certaine othe[r]es.” Bucke reports hearsay, not words from Molyneux’s lips, and is concerned that Molyneux shared them with crewmen. Intriguingly, the poisoned poniard and the threat, “If he did but touch him in any place yt was of such virtue it would speede him”—deliberately? coincidentally?—echo Hamlet. Claudius predicts of the rapier in Q1, “If it draws but the least dram of blood / In any part of him, he cannot live” (15.23–4). Laertes plots in Q2, “If I gall him slightly, / It may be death” (5.1.145–6). Molyneux was aboard the Dragon on the date of Hamlet’s likely second performance. The letter discloses enmities endemic to the voyage and Keeling’s effort to mitigate them. It is bound in a large volume of Original Correspondence in the British Library’s India Office Collection, E/3/1, No. 5. The journal fragment (India Office Records, L/MAR/A/8), separately bound, occupies just two full leaves. It is the sole document to describe the Hopewell and its crew.

The Letter Fragment The 19th of June 1608: the Generall beinge aboard Captain Hawkins at

dyner and certane of his company, it pleased him to make a motion



Chapter 4


between Anthony Hippon, Master of the Dragon, & William Tavernour his mate concerning a difference was between them, for the making of them frendes. But it came no soner in question but it was distasted by the said Anthony Hippon, & he by noe meanes would bee brought to any peace or agreement, but was anymated and hertened forward in his mallice against the said Tavernour by Mathew Mullynex the Master of the Hector, whoe had himselfe a private grudge against the said Tavernour, and did not let to speak in publique manner before the General and Captaine and some certain Marchants, that he had kept a drame in store for hime of a lonnge tyme and a pinnyard [poniard] in pickle1 for the space of six monethes, and this daie he had sente for it by his boy of purpose to give the stroke, and he was out of doubt if he did but touch him in any place yt was of such virtue it would speede him. And not contented with this, but afterwards came upp uppon the decke, and there before the Boteswaine and certaine othe[r]es, did most unchristianlike speak these words follow[ing], That if he might but live to have the opertunytie to kill the said Tavernour, hee would thinke it to be the happieste daie that ever he sawe in his life (and it were but with a knife . . . [torn away] . . . calicoes and the pack of Baies & saies was parted, iron ends 1707, & he took 15 pieces saies and 1 pieces baies and 2 halfe peces of baies more that weare Cut in the midle & left us the other ½, & took for his marchantes Mr Herne, Mr Dickinsonn, Mr Bidgood & Mr. Savage & lefte us Mr Marlow, myself, Mr Pennell, Mr Finch & Mr Dorchester.2 Now as concerninge the determination for Aden, I thinke yt will not be atempted this yeare by reasonne wee shall not have tyme, But of necessitie must seeke for other places, and wee are in good hope to speede well at such places as we are bound unto, the suckcesse whereof wee leave to God. Thus havinge made relation to your Worships of what miseries hath passed in this lonnge voyage, I will therefore conclude, hoping that my next shall bee of comfort unto yow, and of the dispatch of businesse, I hope in God, to all your contentes. To whose mighty protection I commit yow all, beseching hime to bless your Worships and us your servantes in all our proceedings, Amen. In this my conclusion I will not omytt to certefie your Worships of what men have Died this Voyadge, and have beene lost aboard our ship. In primis the 4th of August 1607: dyed William Wallis, a sailor. The 6th of August 1607: died John Pawlinge, a sailor. The 21st of November died Robert Dryhurst, stewardes mate. The 14th of March died John Newcome, an extraordinary. The 26th of April 1608 James Goodman, a Carpenter drowned.



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The 6th of of May John Jones, a sailor drowned. The 17th of May Edmond Clark, a merchant died. The 3rd of June John Coytmer, purser di[ed]. The 6th of June John Ashenhurst dyed. The 19th of June Thomas Blastock, the Master Surgeon, died. In all out of the Hector, ten persons.

The Journal Fragment 1608 Sondaie the 17th of July wee spente the daie in the service of God. The 18th our lonnge boate wente ashore and fetched stonnes for ballist. The 19th and soe to the 22th wee followed the Shippes busines. Satterdaie the 23th of July our Pynnace was launched and named the Hopewell. This Daie came abord olde Churchward and was verie well recovered of his disease. Sondaie the 24th of July wee spente the daie in the service of God. The 25th and soe to the 30th of July wee prepared our Shipp to bee gone and broughte our sailes to the yarde and made all things redy againste Wensdaie, being the daie apointed to departe. Sondaie the 31th of July wee spente the daie in the service of almightie God. And after praires our Captaine wente ashore. August The firste and soe to the 3 of the same wee made preparation to bee gone and had taken all our provisione of water and other necessaries, and had receaved lettrs of the Captaine of the Guzerats and of the Banyans3 to deliver at Surett, and wthall had receaved from the blacke Captain a lettre of Commendations to the people of Surett, to certifie them wee had bene in there Companies some 3 monethes and odd and had behaved ourselves well toward them, and therefore wee expected the better entertainment from the people of Surett and Cambaia. Thursdaie. The 4th in the morninge wee waied one of our Anchores and made the other redie to bee wayed, pretendinge to bee gone wth the first slent of wynde wee had of the shore, wch came about 11 or 12 of the clocke the same daie, at wch time wee waide our Anchores and departed from Dellisha and stood on our course for Surett. This daie Mr Savage the masteres mate and




Auguste


5 other of the menn went abord the pynnace for a full doe to saile her alonge to Suret, & Savage went Master and Thomas Shappeline, Robert Wilsone, John Bridges, Josias Illarie and Griffine Jackmann went for sailers. And thus in Godes name wee departed together. The 5th and 6th daies, we beinge put out to Sea by estimation some 60 leaugs or upwardes, found the wynde faire but over blowing excedinglie, in soe much as wee weare constrained to short saile and goe awaie under our fore saile, havinge had our maine topsaile blowen out of the bolt ropes and split end for end, and besides wee had a leake sprange one our starbord quarter4 above water, wch our Carpenter stopped againe presentlie thankes be to god. The 7th and 8th wee laie some tyme a hull and some tymes a trie, but our ship woulde not hull but wth exceedinge greate danger unto her by laboringe in the Sea, in so much as we laie a trie under our maine Course and stood sometymes to the Estwards and sometymes to the Westwardes wth muche wynd and exceedinge great Seas, soe that wee made fowle weather and oftentymes splitt of our sailes.5 The 9th proved more gentle weather, so that wee stood againe on our Course for Surett. Heare our Company begane to murmure for want of victualls. There complaintes beinge hard, theie weare allowed 2 ownces of bread more to everie messe for the morninge and 2 quartes of wheat to the copplement to make the wheate holde out the better. For the meale theie eate wheate, and this was thought fitting in regard of the cold weather, to give the Company contente. The 10th beinge excedinge haseie and the wynde somethinge overblowinge, wee stood it of to the southward wth a shorte saile, fearinge to put in any farther for the dangers of the shore. The 11th at noone wee stood againe our course for Surett, havinge the wynde verie milde and gentle, hopinge now the fowle weather woulde breake upp and prove cleare, that wee moughte boldly put for the Coast wthout danger. The 12th and 13th wee kepte our Course Este for the most parte and had faire temperate weather, onlie fell a litle raine. The 13th at nighte, wth daie wee made observation of the Sonne and founde ourselves to bee in 19 degrees 40’ y north latytude. Sondaie the 14th of August wee kepte our Course Est and observinge the sonne at noone founde us to bee in 20 degr. nor. lat. The 15th wee kepte our Course Easte and easte and by sowth, supposinge to see the lande but could not, beinge soe haseie. The 16th in the forenoone the pynnace was sente before to discover the lande, and some 3 leaugs ahead sownded and found



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grownde at 20 fathoms, but sawe noe lande. Wee stood in all that nighte Easte for the most parte but could see noe lande, and found all the course wee went 18, 19 and commonly 20 fathome water and Oseie grownd. The 17th the former parte of the day wee kept our course Est, steeringe in to see the lande (but coulde not). And at noone observinge the sonne, founde ourselves to be in 20 degrees 40 minites north latytude, and thinkinge to se the lande, sente our pynnace afore to sownde some ½ leauge ahead ore more, and then to come to an Anchor, whearby to advise of the setting of the tyde. Soe wee, cominge upp by her and passinge by, perceaved a stronge Tyde to sett to the Estnortheast. Soe we altered our course and steered away sowth hopinge to see Damon6 but coulde not, nor any othe lande (yet we had clere weather[)]. Soe wee kepte on still our course and founde our deapth goinge in verie uncertaine, for at one cast yow should have 20 fathomes at another 14 and another 10, and such uncertaine depthes, but never lesse then 10 fathoms and Osie grownde. The 18th in the morninge betymes wee came to an Anchor wthin some 2 leaugs of the shore in 10 fathom water, and havinge a rownde hummocke bearinge east sowtheast of us, and in an open place bearinge east & east and by North of us, certaine trees aperinge somewhat hie but thine and wth rownde topps, & north easte and by north of us theare was a rownde hummocke like as yt had bene the platforme of some forte, and standing by it a litle to the northwarde, a high tree all alone shewinge like a pold steeple, and beyond all these markes, more wthin the shore, high land and semed to be full of trees and Wood. Here at our comminge to Anchor, our Cable broke vearinge out the hawse, but havinge a good buy rope and a buy to our Anchor wee recovered yt againe.7 As soone as the Shipp came upp to her Anchor, Soe cominge to annother Anchor, we sente our lonnge boate to waigh that Anchor againe. But yt beinge deepe in the Oes and the menn presuminge uppon the buy rope to bee good, yt deceaved them and broke, whearby wee loste the Anchor wthout recoverie. Yet wee spent all that daie in sweeping for it with both our boates and our Pynnace. This daie lyinge upp and downe in steyinge for our Boates, came of from the shore unto us a Boate sente by the Portingalls to see what wee weare, wch cominge neere us, wee stroke our topp sailes and steied untill theie came upp and halled us. Our Captaine used persawtions to have them come abord hime but could not prevaile wth them by reasonne of the people that did rowe the boate, whoe weare fearefull of us and would not come abord us. Yet the mann that came principall was willinge ynough to come abord had theie not crossed his purpose. Soe our Capt would take noe course to command them





abord, but talked a litle wth them (but noe purpose) and soe let them goe. This daie wee sawe 3 smale sailes plyinge alonnge the coaste, but wee could not speake wth them. The 19th daie wee plied the tydes, usinge our beste meanes to gett upp as high as Damon, beinge some 12 leaugs to leeward of the place, and havinge the wynde at Northe west, contrarie for us, and all the waie as wente wee kepte ourselves in 13, 14 and 15 fathoms water and had never lesse then 10 fathoms and softe oseie grownde. But it should seeme nearer the shore was shold water and fowle ground, as wee perceaved by our pynnace, whoe wente nearer into the shore, and allosoe by that Guzerats wordes wch came to speake wth us from the portingalls.8



154

The Red Dragon Journal of John Hearne and William Finch, 8 March 1607 to 19 June 1608 Independently bound (with unravelling thread), the unpaginated journal holds thirty brittle, yellowed leaves brownish at the margins with clear, dark ink and legible script. Each page is 30.2 centimeters high and about 19.7 centimeters wide (39.5 centimeters across the full leaf ). The hand is consistent. It tightens and clarifies briefly to inscribe what look to be Keeling’s notes for the meeting on 2 June 1608, with an “I” befitting the Generall. There are pen drawings of several landscapes: Fernando de Laronno (6–7 June 1607), Isla Verde and Sierra Leone (5 Aug), “The Land to ye No. of Cape buena Speranza” (17 Dec), “part of St. Laurence Island” (17 Feb 1608), Guachincall (9, 17 & 18 Mar), Pemba (26 Mar), Dorfu (18 Apr), Abba de Curia, Dos Yrmanos, and Zokatora (19–20 Apr). Names of the deceased appear in the margins in the original hand; other marginalia have been added later, most of them in ink, a few in a much later hand in pencil. Inked in the margin, a finger points to passages on 18 January, 27 April, and 22 May 1608. The British Library shelf mark is L/MAR/A/5. 1606 [1607] March

The Journall or Daily proceedinge of three shipps sett forth by the woorll Compie of merchantes traddinge to the East Indias and by the grace of god bound ffor those parts Anno 1606[7] vidzt:



Chapter 5

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The Dragon Admirall wherof Capt Wm Keelinge Gennerall The Hector vizadmirall wherof Capt Wm Hawkins Liuetentn genrll The Consent reradmirall wherof is Capt David Middleton 8 9 21 1607

28

The 8 day of march the shipps wayed ankor ffrom Erith and ankored againe at Greenhith that tyde. The 9 day the shipps came all to an ankor in Tilbury hope. The shipps sett sayle ffrom Tilbury the Consent havinge by our genneralls order made sayle the 12 of this moneth. The ships ankored in the downs vidzt the Dragon & Hector, ffor wee sawe not the Consent after, shee putting ffrom Plymoth to sea by the order of the woorshipfull Companie before our aryvall thither.

Aprill 1607 15

16 18

20

David Roch 22

The 15 day wee came into Plymouth sound where wee ffound the Hector not havinge seene hir since the 9th of this moneth at wch tyme wee lost companie wth hir in a greate ffogg. Heer wee heard the Consent departed the 12 last past not leavinge any noate ffor our generall of his purpose. The 16 day wee sett sayle out of Plimoth sound the wind beeing at East, and towards night it came aboute more northerly. The 18 day wee lost sight of the Lizard, the wind havinge bene variable at N.N.West and sometymes at S.W.b.W. This day wee did speake wth a small shipp of London bound ffor Legorne laden wth corne whoo tould us that there were 3 men of warr, Hollanders, aboute the Lizard wch hadd pillaged 2 Scottishmen and one of their owne Countrymen, a Hollander. Wee steered S.W.b.S the wind beeing at N.N.W. This day aboute 8 a clock in the morninge the Hector spent hir fore topmast. And aboute one hower after settinge our lee shrowds in the Dragon, wee had a man washed out of our ffore chaynes and drowned, whose name is David Roch, the wind at N.N.W a verry stiff gale. Wee steered S.b.W., the wind blowing verry ffresh at N.N.W., wee deeming our selves in the height of Cape St Vincent.




29 30

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In the morninge wee hadd sight of the Island Salvajes bearinge S.b.W. 2 leagues of. It is a small round Island, somwhat a high land, lattd 30d 27’. Untill 8 a clock in the morninge our way was S.b.East the wind at N.E.b.E. a ffresh gale. At this tyme wee hadd sight of the pike of Tenerife bearinge S. West, so houlding on our course still at S.b.E. wee steered diversly wth the bodie of the Grand Canaria, and aboute 9 a clock wee hadd sight of the sayd Canaria Island, and in the eveninge wee were thwart of the Easter end of the sayd Island. Our gennerall myndinge to have watered uppon that Iland wherby to ffill our emptie Caske, esteeminge it better to have an overplus then heerafter to have want and so to bringe our men to bee weake and sick, but hee askinge of Mr Hippon and his mates whither any of them hadd watered there or not, they answered that they hadd watered there wthout disturbance of the people. Yet they have heard that there have bene many men slayne in watering at the same place by the monteiners, and that if wee should water there wee should send a stronge guard wth our boates. So our gennerall beeing moved to the Contrary by two especiall reasons: the one beeing ffor the saveguard of our mens lyves, the other to prevent the losse of tyme. Hee beeing mynded (notwthstandinge that wee hadd watered there) to goe ffor Mayo to looke ffor the Consent, wch hee there expected to ffynde; beeing also informed by a portingall in our shipp of good watering uppon the same Island, as also good store of goats there to bee hadd ffor refreshing of our men, willed the master to steer away his direct course ffor Mayo beeing S.W.b.S.

May 1607 6

In the morninge steering S.West wee made land beeing N.W.b.W. ffrom us wherewthall wee stood untill 9 a clock, at wch tyme wee made it to be Boa vista, so the master directed his course S.W.b.S. towards Mayo. At noone wee were in the lattd of 16d 40’ and in the afternoone wee hadd sight of the Island Mayo bearing S.West of us beeinge aboute 7 leagues of. Then wee steered untill evening S.W.b.W to goe aboute the N.West end of the Island and so to come to the S.S.West end of the Island, where wee were determined to ankor. But beeing towards night and the ledge of rocks of the N.West end



Red Dragon Journal of Hearne and Finch

158

7

8

9

of the Island laying out a league at the least into the Sea, the masters of both shipps thought it meetest to stand close by a wynde and to spend that night in plyinge of and on untill the morninge to avoyde all dangers, as also not to overshoote the place where wee should ankor. This evening wee made the Island of St Jago bearing N.W. of us. In the fforenoone wee came to an ankor on the north syde of the S.S.W. point of the Island in 16 ffadam water aboute 2 myle of the shoare. And after dinner our gennerall and Capt Hawkins and 50 men more went on land especially to looke ffor water, but they could ffynde no conveinency att all to water. The same day did one of the people of the Island come to our generall and amongst other speeches hee demanded of him yf any English shipp hadd bene lately uppon this Island. Hee answered that here hath not bene any, onely 2 Dutch shipps hadd bene there in March last, so that wee understood that the Consent hath not bene heer. This portingall promysd to speake to the majordomo that hee and others might bringe us downe some ffatt goats and other refreshments such as the Islande will aforde. So our Gennerall wth the rest retourned aborde the shipps, having taken aboute 50 goats wch were reported equally betwixt both shipps. In the morninge our gennerall sent the pinaces ashoare expecting the portingall accordinge to promyse, but wee could heare no niews of him so wee chased some goats, and having caught aboute 70 ffor both shipps, aboute noone wee retourned all aborde. Our gennerall beeinge mynded presently to have sett sayle hadd not our men bene busied aboute staying of our mayne mast, so wee rodd still this night. In the morninge aboute 4 a clocke wee wayed and sett sayle steering South untill noone, the wind beeinge northerly a ffresh gale, and then wee sett our course S.S.E. towards Cape Buena Speranza. This Island of Mayo is verry barren. Wee see no trees uppon it, onely some ffew ffigg trees wch will not serve ffor any good use. It yeildeth onely goates and sault: ffor those of St Jago doe send over their people and slaves onely to kill goates and sault them ffor their uses. For this Island Mayo is under the Jurisdiction and governement of them of St Jago, so that in Mayo is onely placed a Majordomo or Steward and some 20 or 30 other wth him to make ready the goates against such tymes as they




10 11

12 13

159

of St Jago doe appointe. Heer wee could not learne what became of Mr Dirham1 wch was left behinde the last voyadge wth Sir Henry Middelton, but out of doubt hee is not livinge, ffor hadd hee bene livinge hee would have come downe to us, wee staying as wee did there 2 daies. This Island lyeth in the lattd of 15d 0’ and the varriation of the Compasse is 5 degrees Easterly. Wee steered S.S.East the wind at N.East a ffresh gale, this day at noone lattd 12d 40’. Wee steered S.S.East the wind at N.East a stiff gale. This day Capt Hawkins came aborde the Dragon wth Mr Mullinax and Mr Marlow, bringing wth them George Kinge, one of their Companie wch was accused by two witnesses uppon their oathes to have hadd carnall coppulation wth a bitch in the night in tyme of his watch, so that hee was Committed into the bilbows untill ffurther tryall. This afternoone our gennerall Called a counsayle in his Cabbin to Conferr what course wee were best to hould towards Cape buena Speranza, propounding whither the Course S.S.E. now kept were a good course or no. Mr Mullineux was of opinion that it was to Easterly a course ffor ffeare of Calmes wch wee are lykely to have keeping to neer the Coast of Guinea, and that hee thought it ffitt wee should steere away South. Then Mr Taverner his opinion was demanded (because Mr Mullinax and Mr Taverner had bene both on the fformer voyadge); hee sayd that S.S.E. was a good course, ffor as yett wee are not so ffarr Easterly as they were the last voyadge. Then our gennerall tould him that by a platt hee hath of the last voyadge hee could shew to the Contrary, and that wee are well as Easterly nay rather more Easterly then they were the last voyadge. So seeinge their opinions were so different, I meane betwixt Mr Mullineux and Mr Taverner, our gennerall did not agree to either of their opinions. But hee willed Mr Hippon, whoo also was of his opinion to steer betwixt both, wch is S.b.E., and so it was gennerally Concluded that S.b.E. should bee our course. I pray god direct all things ffor the best. The 12 day wee steered S.b.E. the wind at E.N.E. lattd 8d 50’. Wee steered S.b.E. wth a small gale at E.N.E. and in the eveninge ffell some rayne, but aboute midnight ffell soddaine and violent gusts wth much rayne and wynde that wee tooke in topsayles and lowered our yards wch




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14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 Trial by Jury [in pencil]

23 24 25 26 27

held on till 4 a clock in the morninge, wee runninge S.S.W. before the winde. Wee steered E.S.E. the wind Southerly, lattd at noone 6d 40’. Wee steered S.b.E. the wind at N.N.E. a fresh gale, and in the night much lightening thunder and rayne butt little winde all night. Wee steered S.b.E. the wind at N.E. little winde, lattd 4d 45’. Wee steered S. and E.b.S. the wind variable, makinge little way. Wee steered S.W. and S.b.E. the winds beeinge variable, havinge much rayne thunder and lightening. Wee steered S.W.b.S. the wind beeinge at S.S.E., little winde. Wee steered S.W. the wind beeinge at S.S.E. having a ffresh gale, and in the night ffell much rayne. Wee steered S.W.b.W. the wind at S.S.E., a good gale. At noone wee were in 3d lattitude and the variation 6d 39’. Wee steered S.S.W. the wind beeinge at S.S.East, a ffresh gale. This day Capt Hawkins came aborde wth Mr Mullineux Mr Marlow etc where the aforesayd George King was brought to his tryall by a Jury of 12 men, part of ours and part of the Hectors companies. His indightment beeing redd, 2 witnesses produced and sworne, the Jury also beinge sworne departed asyde, whoo wthin 2 howres after gave upp their verdict acquiting him of mereting Death ffor the same, ffynding him onely guilty of a wicked pretence. So his punishment was referred to our gennerall, whoo ordeyned the next day to bee whipped at the mayne mast. Towards evening the Capt etc departed, leaving this King aborde the Dragon to bee one of hir Companie, and taking an other in stead of him. This 23 wee steered S.W.b.S. the winde at S.S.E., little or no winde. Wee steered S.S.W. the wind at South Southeast, a smale gale. Wee steered S.W. the winde at S.S.east, and at noone wee ffound our lattitude to bee 2d 20’. In the evening wee stood away E.b.S. ffearinge to runn to much westerly. Wee steered East the wind beeing at S.S.east beeinge but little winde. Wee hadd all this day Calme untill 4 a clock in the afternooone, at wch tyme wee hadd a ffresh gale at




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North, and wee steered S.S.E. easterly. This night ffell some rayne and becalmed againe, lattd at noone 2d 19’. Wee layed becalmed untill 2 a clock in the afternoone, at wch tyme wee hadd a ffresh gale at S.S.W., wee steering S.E.b.E. In the evening ffell much rayne, the wind veering easterly, so wee stood to the westward. This day at noone we were 2d 11’ lattitude. Wee steered E.b.N. making hir way N.E.b.E. the wind beeing at S.East, ffearing least wee were shott to ffarr to the westward. And heer wee Judged our selves to bee in a stronge Corrant setting to the N.E., ffor in running divers dayes wth a ffresh gale S.W.b.S. gott nothinge to the Southward, but lyinge not 24 howres E.b.N. ffound that wee hadd raysed 39’ to the northward, our lattd beeinge 2d 50’. Aboute midnight the winde was at E.b.S., wee steering away S. and S.b.East. Wee steered somtymes N.E. and sometymes S. the winde beeing at E.S.E. We steered S.b.E. the wind Easterly, our lattd beeing at noone 2d 10’.

June 1607 1 2

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of June wee steered S.Easterly the winde at E.b.S., lattd at noone 1d. Wee steered S.easterly the wind att E.b.S. Our lattd at noone was 30 minuts to the Southward of the equinoctiall, passinge the lyne aboute midnight to our no small comforts. Variation 7d 30’. Wee steered S.b.East the wind at E.b.S. a ffresh gale. Wee steered S.S.W. the winde at S.East, and aboute noone the winde came upp att N.N.E., wee steering away S.E.b.S. Our lattitude was 2d 40’ to the Southward. At night ffell much rayne but wee hadd little winde. Wee steered S.S.W. the wind at S.East little winde, and ffor the most parte Calme. In the eveninge ffell much rayne. Wee steered S.S.W. the wind beeing at S.East, ffor the most parte becalmed untill noone. Then wee hadd a ffresh gale at East, wee steeringe away S.b.East. The winde Comminge more large, our master willed them to steare more Easterly, and aboute 3 a clock in the afternoone wee hadd sight of the Island fernando de Laronno, beeing aboute 7 leagues of bearing S.E.b.E.,




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Fernando de Laronno [drawing] This Island lyeth in 4 degrees to the southward of the equinoctiall and aboute 80 leagues ffrom Cape St Augustine, wch is uppon the Coast of Braziel. Aboute 6 a clock in the morninge wee hadd sight of the sayd Island and the high piked hill did beare N.E. northerly of us aboute 7 leagues of, wee steering away S.E.b.E., the wind then beeing at northeast and the Island rysing in this fforme. Heer wee hadd 7d 45’ variation.

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Fernando de Laronno [drawing] Aboute 9 a clock this ffornoone wee lost sight of the Island, steeringe away S.E.b.E. the wind at N.East a ffresh gale, latt 4d 40’. Wee steered S.b.East the wind at East a ffresh gale, lattd 6d 4’. Wee steered S. the wind at E.S.E. a good stiff gale, but in the night ffell much rayne, the wind growing more scant. Wee steered S.W.b.S. and somtymes E.b.N. the wind at S.S.E. This day and night ffell much rayne, blowing a stiff gale of winde Wee steered South the wind beeing at E.S.E. a stiff gale. This day by our observation the shipp was in 8d 10’ lattd to the Southward. Wee steered South the wind at E.S.E., the lattd at noone 8d 30’. It was Calme. This day aboute 10 a clock wee espyed a smale sayle beeing in hope it hadd bene the Consent but it proved otherwaies and att noone by our lattitude wee ffound wee were driven astarne 2/3 of a degree having a verry stronge Corrant against us. Wee steered N.East and sometymes S.S.W. the wind beeing E.S.E. Wee steered N.East and sometymes S.S.W. the wind beeing E.S.E. This night aboute 5 a clock wee made land trenting a wholl quarter of the compasse on our starborde syde, most of our mariners beeing by their reckoning at least 60 leagues of the land, but wee were much deceyved by strong and strange Corrants, wee beeinge thwart Cape St Augustine. The coast is but lowe land and verry even, trentinge S. and N. next hand, lattd 8d 32’. In the night wee stood of stearing E.N.E.



rysinge in this fforme ffollowinge, trenting S.West and N.East next hand:

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Wee stered S.S.W. the wind at E.S.east. Our lattd at noone was 8d 20’, the variation in the morning 10d 43’, wee beeinge much incumbred wth a stronge Corrant wch setteth to the N.W.b.N. ffrom Cape St Augustine. Towards eveninge wee had sight againe of the land and sounded and hadd no ground att 100 ffatham, and at midnight soundinge wee hadd 27 ffadam, so wee cast aboute and stood N.E. untill 4 a clock and then stood in S. wth the land, the wind at E.S.E. Wee steered S.S.W. the wind beeing S.east, beeing ffayre in sight of land, the lattd at noone was 8d 36’. At that tyme beeinge aboute 6 or 7 leagues of the land wee sounded and hadd ground att 22 ffatham, at wch tyme wee cast aboute and steered N.E., the winde att S.East. All this day wee hadd sight of the land. Wee steered N.E.b.N. to cleare us of the Coast of Brazill, the wind beeinge at Southeast. This day wee hadd 7d 33’ lattd and the varriation of the compasse 11d 10’. Wee steered N.E.b.N. the winde att S.East a ffresh gale. Wee steered N.E.b.N. the wind att S.E. lattd 6d 14’ variation 9d 47’. Wee steered N.E.b.N. the wind att S.E.b.E. untill morning, then wee steered untill noone South, at wch tyme ye winde scanting, wee stood away N.N.East, havinge much winde. Wee steered N.N.E. ¼ easterly, the wind beeing at E.S.E. a verry ffresh gale, the lattd att noone 4d 42’ and the varriation 8d 27’. Wee steered N.N.E. northerly the wind att S.East. This day the shipp was in 4d 0’ S. lattd, the compasse varryinge 8d 42’. All this day wee looked out ffor Laronno but could not see it, notwthstanding that all in generall by their computations were to windward of it and that wee might easely ffetch it. But Mr Hippon perceived by his variation that wee were aboute 16 leagues to leeward of it, beeing in doubt of ffetching it by reason of the Corrant against us. Wee steered N.east easterly the wind att S.East, lattd 3d 4’ S.thward. Wee steered N.E.b.E. the wind att S.E., varriation 8d 35’. Wee steered N.E. Easterly the wind att S.East, lattd this day at noone was 2d 12’ and variation 8d 25’. We steered N.E.b.N. the wind att S.east wth much rayne this day. The lattitude was 1d 18’.




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We steered N.N.E. ½ Easterly the wind att East untill midnight, at wch tyme wee cast aboute, and untill noone this day wee steered S., a ffresh gale Easterly, hopinge to ffetch the Island of Laronno, the lattd this day 1d 24’ varriation 6d 45’. Wee steered S.b.W. the wind att East by S., lattd 2d 51’ Southward and the varriation 7d 30’. Wee steered S.b.W. the wind att E.S.E. This day wee ffound our selves neer the lattd of Laronno, and the varriation was 8d –’, and in the afternoone wee looked out ffor the Island but could not see. Most by their reckonings thought them selves to windward of it, but Mr Hippon againe by his variation ffound that wee were to leeward.

July 1607 1

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The ffirst day of July wee steered N.N.E. untill midnight, then wee cast aboute againe and Stood S.b.W., the wind beeinge att S.East, looking out still ffor Laronno but no hope in ffynding it. So now at noone wee cast aboute and stood N.E.b.N. ½ point northerly, lattd this day 4d 16’ and varriation this morning 8d 15’. Wee steered N.E.b.N. ½ point N., the wind at S.E. This day wee were in the lattd of 3d 54’ and variation 8d 10’. Wee steered N.East the wind att E.S.E. This day wee were in 3d –’ lattd. Wee steered N.N.E. the wind att E.S.E. This day lattd 2d 21’. Wee steered N.N.E. the wind att E.S.E., lattd 1d 30’ and the varriation 7d 30’. Wee steered N.N.E. ½ point Easterly the wind at S.E.b.E. This day wee were in 50’ S. lattd, the variation 6d 59’. Wee steered N.N.E. ½ point Easterly the wind at E.S.E. This days lattd 10 minuts to the Southward, varriation 6d 59’. This evening wee passed the equinoctiall to the northwards. Wee steered N.N.E. the wind at E.N.E. This day beeing in the lattd of 40’ minuts to the northward of the lyne, wee hadd 6d 40’ variation. Wee steered N.b.E. the wind att S.East. This day wee made the shipp to bee in 1d 50’ north lattd, variation 6d 15’. Wee steered N.b.E. the wind att S.East. This day the lattd was 2d 58’ to the northward of the lyne and the variation 5d 50’.




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Wee steered E.b.N. the wind at S.S.E., a reasonable fresh gale. Wee steered E.b.S. the wind beeing a ffresh gale att S.S.E., this dayes lattd 4d 35’. Wee steered E.N.E. the winde att S.S.E. a ffresh gale, this dayes lattd 5d 3’. Wee steered E. Northerly the winde att S.b.E. this days variation was 5d 45’. This day the Hector spent hir mayne topmast. Wee steered E. Northerly the winde att South, lattd this day 5d 9’. Wee steered East 12 houres & west 12 houres, the winde S.b.E. Wee steered N.E.b.E and S.W.b.S. the wind at S.E.b.S. This day wee observed and made the shipp in 5d 3’ lattd and variation 4d 30’. Wee steered S.W. the wind beeing at S.E.b.E. This day the Hectors mizan mast was hadd out and made therof a foretopmast. Wee steered E.b.S. a ffresh gale at S.b.E. Wee steered East the wind at S. and b.E. a ffresh gale. This day was the Hectors fforetopmast putt upp wch was made of hir mizan mast. Wee steered E.b.S the wind att S. by east. This day was the Hectors mizan mast sett wch was made of hir fforetopmast. This day at noone our lattd was 4d 46’. Wee steered W.S.W. the wind beeing at S. by east. This day att noone our lattd was 4d 31’. Wee steered W.S.W. the wind beeing att S.b.E. This day observing wee made the shipp in 4d 11’ lattd. Wee steered E.N.E. and sometyms west, the wind att S.b.E. This day wee ffound the compasse to varry 4d 3’. Wee steered E.b.N. the wind att S.S.E. a ffresh gale. Wee steered E.b.N. the wind att S.S.E. This day by observation our lattitude was 4d 53’. Wee steered E.N.E. and W.b.S. the wind att S.S.E., lattd this day but the variation of the Compasse was 5d. Wee steered W.S.W. wth a stiff gale att S.S.E., lattitude this day at noone 4d 56’ and the varriation 4d 40’. In the morning lowring wether wth some rayne, the wind varying to and againe betweene the S.b.W. and S.S.East blowing a ffresh gale, wee steering E.b.N. Wee rann E.b.S. the wind att S.b.E., the wether beeing verry close wth some rayne, deeming our selves wthin 70 leagues of the Coast of Guinea.





This day our gennerall sent ffor Capt Hawkins to come aborde wth Mr Mullineux and 2 of his mates and Mr Marlow to conferr and determyne what course was best to bee taken ffor the ffurtherance of our voyadge and preservinge of mens lyves, wthout whome our voyadge could not bee performed, wee havinge att this instant above 50 men wch are sick of the fflux and Scurvey aborde the Dragon and as many in the Hector, and more every day lykely to ffall downe through the want of ffresh water. Wherby to geve them ffresh victualls beeinge the chieff preservative of mens healths, as wee ffound by experience in gevinge them ffresh victualls when wee grew neer the equinoctiall, untill such tyme as our water begann to growe lowe (hopinge that the lord would have lent us a quick passage to the Cape). For untill then none of our men ffell sick. Now wee beeing in the lattd of 5d 40’ to the northward of the lyne, havinge the winde all southerly and seeing no lyklyhood ffor to Change, especially in these moneths of June July and Auguste (there havinge bene many heertofore crossed in the lyke manner with the lyke winds in these moneths) wherby to gett unto the Island Fernando de Laronnio, wch standeth in 4d to the Southward of the lyne, at wch place is good store of water and other good refreshments (ffor att this Island did Capt John Davis water and refresh in his last voyadge to the east India wth Sir Edward Michelborne),2 or to any other place to rayse upp our sick men. All these extreameties beeinge considered gave Just occasion to conferr what place of refreshinge was in most possibillitie to be obteyned. Our Gennerall did propound unto all that were called in counsayle to nominate some place that they thought most convenient that wee might best water, and wth the least losse of tyme. Three places were then nominated: Mayo, Cabo Verde and Sierra Leona, of wch places Sierra Leona, wch standeth in 8d 30’ to the northward of the lyne, was agreed uppon, beeinge held to bee the ffittest place to bee assayed, considering the lattd where wee now are. As also Sir Francis Drake and Capt Candish refreshed both in the same place,3 where they hadd verry ffayer soundinges, never lesse then 5 ffatham goinge in, where they ridd in a verry ffayer bay and watered there, and staying there 10 daies. Where Capt Candish hadd the Countrey people come downe to him, att wch place also hee ffound good store of lemonds; so that gennerally it was agreed uppon that this night wee should still hould



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the same course wch wee now doe, that is at East S.East, and then to goe roome ffor Sierra Leona. And if it should please god still to crosse us wth more Contrary wynds that wee could not ffetch that place, then to goe ffor Cabo Verde, where is an Island called the Iland of Salvetie where […] was and watered and sett upp a pinace in the yeare of our Lord […] And if it should please god to lay a more heavy crosse uppon us, that wee could not ffetch that place, then our last refuge to bee to goe ffor Mayo (ffor our gennerall was determined, god permitting him, to make a voyadge before hee retourned ffor England, and mynding not to retourne before hee hadd made a voyadge ffor our owners, eyther by one means or other), and at Mayo to use the best means wee cann to ffetch water ffrom the Island Brava or St. Jago. The wch god of his mercy direct ffor the best, that wee may doe that wch may bee most to his glory, greatest comforte to our selves, and least hinderance to our owners, wch hee of his mercy grannt if it bee his holy will and pleasure. At 12 a Clock wee went roome ffor the Coast of Guinea and steered E.N.E., the wind beeinge att S.b.East. This day wee observed and made the shipp in 5d 35’ lattd.

August 1607 1

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The ffirst day of August wee steered N.N.E. the wind at S.S.W. a verry ffresh gale, lattd at noone 6d 40’, variation 4d. And in the evening Mr Hippon, judginge the shipp to bee in the height of the shoalds of St Anna, caused a lyne to bee stretched but ffound no ground. And at midnight deeming to bee to ye northward of ye shoalds caused to steer E.N.E. in wth the land. Wee steered E.N.E. the wind at S.S.W., latt.d this day 7d 17’. Wee steered E.b.N. the wind at S.S.W., lattd this day 7d 50’. At noone Mr Hippon willed to steer E.b.S. not to fall to leeward of the place, at wch tyme sounding hadd no ground, as also looked out ffor land but saw none by reason of extreame Corrants. This day Wm Wallis one of the Hectors companie died. Wee steered E.b.S. wth a ffresh gale at southwesterly. This morning wee hadd 3d 50’ variation and at noone our lattd was 7d 50’. This day wee looked out verry narrowly ffor land but sawe none, wch caused all not a little to admyre.




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Yet to our comforts wee sawe many small whyte ffowles and hadd also lost sight of the greate ffoules called Rabos forcados, by wch signes wee deemed our selves neer the land.4 And at 6 a clock in the evening Mr Hippon willed againe to stretch the lyne, havinge ground att 27 ffatham, it beeing oasie sand, and wthin one league running a head wee had but 15½ ffatham, so wee cast aboute and stood west and by S. and W.S.W. untill 2 a clock in the morning, at wch tyme wee stood in againe E.b.S. Wee stood in E.b.S. wth a smale gale southerly, havinge verry smooth water and seeinge greate fflockes of small whyte ffowles. In the morning wee sounded and hadd ground at 30 ffatham shoalding to 27, 25, 22, 20, 17, 15, and by 9 a clock but 12 ffatham. And att eleven a clock havinge 10 ffatham water, wee descryed a small Island to the N.E. of us rysinge in this fforme (Fig. 4): Isla Verde [drawing] And comminge presently to have 7 ffatham wee bore upp and rann E.N.E. and hadd 8 and 10 ffatham soft ground; it shoalding againe, wee bare upp and rann N.East wth the Island, and aboute 2 a clock wee descryed low land to the northward of the pyke, as also wee discerned the land of Sierra Leona, beeing a high and mountainous land beyond the Island trenting away N. and S., rysinge in this fforme ffollowinge: the mayne of Sierra Leona [drawing] Then did the Island beeing shutt wthin the mayne beare E.N.E. 5 leagues of, and the point of Sierra Leona N.b.E. 10 leagues of, wherwthall wee steered runninge thus northerly. Wee ffound deep water ffrom 7 to 8, 10, 12, 14, & 16 ffatham water. And at 6 a clock in the evninge, beeinge wthin 3 or 4 leagues of the Island, wee came to an ankor in 20 ffatham water soft ground, it bearinge of us S.East and doth ryse in this fforme ffollowing:

Robrt Rich 6

Isla Verde [drawing] This afternoone after wee were at an ankor Robert Rich one of the gonners of the Dragon died, whoo hadd bene longe sick. Day in the morninge wee wayed and sett sayle steeringe N.b.E. wth the point, and wthin 2 houres after, wee raysed other lowe land trenting some league more northerly.




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Figure 4 Page from Journal of Hearne and Finch showing Isla Verde and Sierra Leone, August 1607. Courtesy of the British Library.


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Jno Pawlinge

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Also not longe after, wee descryed more land beyond the point, it beeing the north shoare of the bay, it beeing an even land nothing so mountanious as that on the south syde. And beeinge wthin 3 leagues of the pointe, wee sawe the rock wch lyeth above water aboute 2 myles ffrom the lowe point. Wee hadd not all this day lesse then 9 ffadam water, and steering wthin ½ a myle of the rock wee hadd no lesse then 7 faddam water. There is no danger, ffor you may see the rock above water. Havinge shutt the rock in wth the Island, they bare S.E. southerly of us, and the lowe point of Sierra Leona and the Island doe beare N.and S. next hand, one of the other distant about 10 leagues. And Comminge wthin the pointe, the land it beeing reasonable high and ffull of trees, wee coasted alongst ffaier by the shoare havinge good shoaldinge, 13, 12, and 10 ffatham, passing by 2 bayes, the second beeinge verry large, trenting into the land a good way southerly, and comminge right before the third bay, ankored in 10 ffadam water good ground not ffarr ffrom the shoare. Wthin halfe an hower after wee came to an ankor there came some of the people to the water syde weaving wth a whyte fflagg to have us come ashoare. So our gennerall caused our pinace to bee manned wch rowed ashoare unto them, but none of our people could understand them, onely but by signes. So the pinace retourned aborde bringing 4 negros in hir, leaving 2 of our men in gadge ffor them. Wch after kynde usage and makinge signes unto them ffor fresh victualls and giving them many odd tryfles, they were sett a shoare and our men retourned aborde ffor that night. This night John Pawling, a Norffolk man one of the Hectors companie, died wthin one hower after wee came to an ankor. In the morning divers negros came aborde bringing wth them a small quantetie of lymes and henns, ffor wch wee gave them beads and knyves, our gennerall geving them the best content that possibly hee could, the better to procure some refreshinge of them, making signes unto them ffor bieves, goats, sheep or other victualls. They made signes that none was to bee hadd aboute that place, but all the cattell were ffarr upp in the Countrey. These negros were verry important [importunate] to have some body sent unto Capitan Pinto their Commander. And by their great perswation, our gennerall sent Edmund Buckbury wth them,




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reteyninge ffor hostage aboard, 3 negros. And their was sent divers tryfles ffor a present, wch were thankfully receyved. And in the evening Buckury retourned, bringinge ffrom Pinto a small ringe of gould ffor a present to our gennerall. This their Commander dwelleth neer unto the point of Sierra Leona and hath his name Pinto: quasi de Punto because his Command lyeth there aboute and dwelleth so neer the pointe.5 The negros were sett a shoare, and wth our sayne wee caught good store of ffish and refreshed our selves wth some lymes. Wee hadd verry ffoggy wether and much rayne. Wee filled some water and caught greate store of ffish and bought of the people some lymes and a ffew henns ffor our sick men. Wee filled aboute 8 tonns of water and caught much good ffish. This day wee wayed and sayled ffarther wthin the next bay, wch is aboute the 3 pointe from Sierra Leona point and is the 4 Cove or bay on the South syde of this harbour, where wee came to an ankor neer unto the wateringe place in 11½ ffatham water. This day wee also bought store of lymes and some henns. Wee gott aborde aboute 12 tonns of water and caught some good ffish. All night and all the fforenoone ffell verry much rayne. Wee drewe our sayne and killed good store of ffish. This day certaine negros came aborde in a Canoa bringing wth them an eliphants tooth, wch wee bought of them ffor some Callico and Iron. All this daye ffell verry much rayne. Fell verry much rayne both day and night, yet wee filled some 10 tonns of water and caught greate store of ffish as also bought many lemonds. Wee gatt aborde some wood and filled 5 tonn of water. This day in lesse then 3 houres tymes wee gatt wth our sayne above six thousand ffishes all of a ffinn, beeinge small ffishes, ffor wch god bee blessed. Our gennerall wth Capt Hawkins accompanied wth a good number of menn marched upp into the Countrey unto one of their towns, where wee filled 8 biskett baggs wth lymes, and havinge recreated our selves wth walkinge, in the eveninge retourned aborde. Wee filled more water and caught some ffish. This day ffell much rayne. Fell much rayne yet wee gott aborde some wood. This day by the perswations of some of the people, our




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gennerall sent John Rogers unto their great Commander called Capt Boree,6 reteyning 3 negros ffor a hostage, sending unto him ffor a present some Callico wth a bottell of wyne and some other tryfles. This afternoone wee caught much ffish. Fell verry much rayne both day and night that wee could not stirr wth our boates. Fell verry much rayne all day, and in the afternoone retourned John Rogers in a Canoa ffrom Borea, having beene by him verry well interteyned. Hee brought 1 gould ringe and some ffruicts ffor a present to our Gennerall. John Rogers mett wth a negro called Lucas Fernandez,7 wch spake the Portingall languadge verry well and was interpreter to the kinge, by whome hee learned many things. Fell some rayne, yett wee ffilled some water and gott some wood aborde. Fell verry much rayne, yet this day wee bought good store of lemonds and made 7 baricoes full of lemond water ffor boath shipps, bringing also store of lemonds aborde wth us. Wee marched into the Country to refresh our selves and in the eveninge retourned abourde, havinge bought aboute 20,000 lemonds. This day our gennerall sent some of our sick men ashoare into certaine portingall houses wch stand by the water syde, beeinge now emptie, where they remayned the sooner to recover their healths. Fell verry much rayne wth much thunder, and in the afternoone wee went a shore and bought some lymes. Our gennerall wth Capt Hawkins went to Capt Pintoes dwelling to seeke ffor some ffresh victualls but could ffynde none. So in the eveninge, having caught good store of ffish, retourned to our shipps. Fell some rayne, yet wee gott aborde some wood and boughte 20,000 lymes. In the morning Capt Hawkins, wth his and the Dragons pinasses beeinge well manned, went to the Eastward into the bay aboute 3 leagues ffrom our shipps unto the place where the principall commander or kinge doeth keepe, Called Capt Borea, to conferr wth him and if it were possible to procure him to bee a means to helpe us to some Cattell. At wch place wee ffound Lucas Fernandez the negro whoo tould Capt Hawkins that there were neyther Cattell, sheepe, nor goates to bee hadd, but ffor henns and plantins hee would procure all that hee could. Also hee could helpe us wth some




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eliphants teeth, but no quantety worth the speakinge of, and so deer that no profitt would aryse thereby, hee ratinge the quintall of teeth at 12 barrs of Iron; and if in linnen cloth (as roan), 36 vares of roane ffor every quintall, hee accomptinge every barr of Iron att 3 vares of roan,8 so that in linnen cloth the quintall of teeth will cost 54ss and in Iron 48ss, att the rate the Commodeties cost in England. Some gould in small rings is to bee hadd, and it may bee some in barrs yf they will bringe it downe. Their gould is lykewyse deer. Hee doeth rate the gould at 3s I say 3 vares of roan an ochava, as hee call it, wch I take to bee the 1/8 parte of an ounce (ffor the negro did not knowe the weight when wee shewed it him, onely the name ochava), wch is 4s 3d the ochavo or the 1/8 parte of an ounce. These pryses I doe nominate ffor yf any man comminge hither to trade and doeth deale ffor any quantety, these rates they are to pay. But to buy heer and there a ringe of gould of some negro, you may have it verry cheape, as also eliphants teeth, to buy them of some negro wch doe sell them by stealth, yow may buy a greate tooth wch may way ½ Co [hundred] weight ffor 8 vares of roan. All sortes of linnen cloth both whyte and browne are good Commodetie, small brasse kettells or basins of brasse or tinn, and knyves both greate and small of 18d per dossen are also good Commodeties. Yow may buy ffor a twopenny knyfe uppwards of 300 lemonds or a henn or a greate bunch of plantins. Beads whyte, yallow, blew, & black of all syzes are good also, ffor 20 beads yow shall buy 300 lemonds and more. Fell verry much rayne, and aboute one a clock wee descryed a small sayle comminge in wth us right before the winde, but havinge no sooner made our shipps, as wee judged, but shee tacked aboute and stood to the northward. And in the evening wee discerned hir runninge alongst the north shoare into the bay, havinge hir pinace soundinge before hir. Fell verry much rayne, and in the morninge wee perceived the small shipp workinge into the bay. Our gennerall, beeinge desierous to speake wth hir, sent of his pinace well manned wherin went Mr Hippon, whoo when hee fetched hir upp, haled hir and asked of whence shee was, and they answered that shee was a portingall barke belonginge to the Isles of Cape Verde, of the burthen of 40 tonns, laden wth ryse and




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sault comminge ffrom St Jago. The master of hir was Bartolmew Andrea. This portingall doeth use Continuall trade in this place and may goe on land as ffreely as the Countrey people. Hee hath in sondry places built him houses ffor himselfe and all the eliphants teeth and gould they gather together against his Comminge ffor him. Hee brings them ryce, sault, cloth made of Cotten wooll wherof they make their apparrell, and also linnen cloth. Whylest hee is there, they will trade wth none other. Mr Hippon would gladly have gone aborde him to have talked wth him aboute Conveyance of letters ffor England. But the portingall desiered him not to come aborde him untill hee was come to his houses wthin the bay, and then hee should bee welcome. Mr Hippon would gladly have gone aborde him but ffor 2 reasons didd not, the one because wee knew where the portingall houses are, nothing doubting but hee should ffynde him there the next day; secondly ffor that hee hadd no order ffrom our Gennerall to enter him perforce, so hee returned againe to the shipps. By reason of a tumult raysed ashoare amongst the negros, our gennerall, beeinge carefull of the safetie of his sick and impotent men wch lay ashoare, commanded forthwith our boates to bee well manned, hee himselfe wth Capt Hawkins goinge also ashoare, where wee ffound some 12 negros wch presently increased to the number of 40 or upwards, all beeinge well appointed wth their weapons, wch caused us greatly to admyre. They urginge our gennerall wth much and verry earnest talke wch wee could by no meanes understand, they speakinge onely their naturall language, they poyntinge verry earnestly towards their towne. So our gennerall wth a good guard wth him marched towards their towne, where to our greate admiration perceived it to bee abandoned of the people, having carried all things out of their houses leaving nothing but the bare walls. Mistrusting that the portingall hadd incensed them against us, not knowing of any offence offered unto them. But at the length our gennerall was certefied that one of the Hectors companie hadd bene missinge all night, partly conjecturinge him to have given the occasion through some misdemenor. At laste gathering by one of the negros speeches, whoo spake broken portegeuse, that hee was kept prisoner some 5 or 6 myle upp in the Countrey where hee wth others




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hadd bene stragglinge, beeinge kept in the stocks, as hee at his retourne certefied to our gennerall, beeing indeed taken instead of others of the Hectors companie, wch at that instant hadd stollen ffrom the people 6 latten basins and some cotten cloth, in all eleven parcells. Wch ffellow (after much arguinge) was brought downe unto our gennerall, his goaler accompaning him, whoo hadd lost the aforesayd goods. Which ffellow after examination confessed whoo they were that hadd done this thinge, but hee himselfe was cleere of it. Our gennerall wth Capt Hawkins, takinge 3 Negros wth them and leavinge hostages ffor them, went aborde the Hector where they soone ffound out the matter, parte of the things beeinge aboard and the rest hidden ashoare in the woods. So our gennerall caused all, beeing 11 parcells, to bee brought togither and to bee restored to their right owner, and the offender to bee ducked att the yarde arme, the negros behouldinge the same. Wch beeing done, one of them kneeled on his knees and held upp his hands to heaven approoving the Justice wch our gennerall hadd done them, and in their manner dutiffully thancked him ffor the same; and beeinge ffarther Contented wth knyves wch our gennerall bestowed on them, carried them a shoare and ffetched our hostages. So that I doubt not but all of our nation that shall heerafter come hither wilbee the better used and may the more bouldly goe aboute their busines on shoare, they not abusinge themselves. This brabling matter beeinge so well ended, in the evning wee all returned aborde gevinge thancks unto God ffor the protection of our sick men ashoare, whome hee hadd so gratiously preserved ffrom the ffury of this heathenish nation. Fayer wether. This day wee went ashore and were verry lovingly interteyned of the negros, all things beeinge fforgotten, and their weomen and Children retourned to the towne againe.

September 1607 1

of September. Capt Hawkins in the Hectors pinace and Mr Hippon in the Dragons pinace, beeinge both well manned, went to see yf they could come to the speech of Bartolmeo Andrea and, if it were possible, to send letters by him to bee conveyed into England. But wee could not ffynd him where hee went in, the place beeinge




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so ffull of small Islands that it was a thinge impossible to ffynde him out, hee beeing gone into one place or other to hyde himselfe. Uppon one of the Islands as wee passed alonge wee espyed houses where wee went a shoare and went into the towne, but the people were all ffledd, onely one ould cripple to whome wee gave some beads. Heer wee espyed 3 goates wch were verry tame ffeeding aboute the houses but left all things as we ffound them and retyred to the water syde. And at length the Capt of that place called Capt Beleyn came downe to us, whome Capt Hawkins used kyndly and would gladly have bought the goates of him, but hee would not sell them, not having any more uppon that Island. But hee brought downe some henns and a gould ringe wch wee bought of him ffor knyves. So wee departed thence, not offeringe them any Injury att all, and put over to the southwards to the towne of Capt Borea. And at our Comminge ashoare Lucas Fernandez mett us att the watersyde, promising the Captaine to come over to our shipps and eyther to bringe the portingall wth him or a letter ffrom him wherby wee should knowe what to trust unto. So wee retourned to our shipps. This negro Lucas is a Xpian [Christian] and cann argue well of his ffaith, onely hee is ledd by the delusions of the ffryers accordinge to the popish religion. Fell verry much rayne all day and all night. Verry ffayer and temperate wether. Beeing verry ffayer wether, and towards eveninge Lucas Fernandez came aborde wth 3 negros wth him. Hee brought wth him a letter ffrom Barto. Andrea unto our gennerall. Hee wth the rest hadd verry kynde interteynment aborde. This night ffell much rayne. Fayre wether. After dinner our Gennerall and Capt Hawkins went a shoare, where wee understood by the negros of an eliphant wch was not ffarr of, so our gennerall caused 4 good shott wth their musketts to goe alonge wth the negro to see yf they could shoott him, wch they did, all fower at once beeing close by him. Yet hee made way ffrom them so violently that they were not able to ffollow him, but they espyed that hee bledd verry much all the way as hee went. But they could doe not good uppon him, so they retourned. Beeinge ffaier wether, our gennerall dispatched his letters to the Right woorshipfull Companie certefying them therin the estate of our voyadge to this day, and sent John Rogers (one of the Dragons companie whoo




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speaketh the portingall languadge verry well) alongst wth Lucas to deliver the letters unto Barto. Andreas owne hands, wth a peece of callico ffor a present to him. So towards night wee retourned aborde. Fell some vehement showers of rayne. Fayer wether. This day wee caught good store of ffish. Fayer wether. This day lykewyse wee caught good store of ffish. Verry ffayer wether. Also this day wee caught much fish wth our sayne. In the afternoone our sick men were fetched aborde, whoo were god bee praysed somewhat amended. And in the evening our gennerall willed all our men to bee called before him, where [he] examined divers aboute stealinge of shirts and other things wch were missinge, amongst whome was George Kinge, whoo on the 22 of May last was punished ffor a most wicked Cryme then proved against him, as on that day at large doth appeare. Then our gennerall caused every mann to deliver upp the keys of his Chest unto the master, wch was done. And in the night the sayd Kinge (beeing as it seemeth guilty of much villany and ffearing some seveare punnishment), no man distrusting him, stole privately into the pynace wth his ffardell of clothes and loosed hir ffrom the starne, departed in hir all alone, no man seeinge him, the night beeinge darke. But by the will of God shee was presently missed, and our longe boate beeinge presently manned, by the Lords direction, themselves not seeinge, ffollowed hir directly and ffetched hir upp, beeinge driven almost as ffarr as the pointe where wee came in. Kinge no sooner perceivinge the boate approach him, but leaped over borde thincking to drowne himselfe. Our men much admyring to see a man in the water (supposinge that the pinace hadd broke lose) made haste to save the man, and halinge him into the boate ffound him to bee that vylde wretch, and bringing him aborde [he] remayned in the bilbowes untill the morninge. At 2 a clock in the morninge our gennerall, admyringe at John Rogers so longe stay at Boreas in delivering the letters to the portingall, sent the Dragons pinace to ffetch him. In the morning all our menn were called againe before our gennerall, at wch tyme Kinge was hadd in examination about his wicked pretence and whether hee hadd any consorts. But hee of himselfe haled upp the longe boate, wch hee thought also to have loosed, and out of hir hee went into the pinace. Then beeinge examined




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aboute the shirts that were stollen, hee would neyther by ffayer perswations nor by punishments inflicted uppon him confesse any thinge, but wth a bould fface denyed all that was layed to his charge (ffor what will not such a wicked wretch doe). So our gennerall caused him to bee loosed and put into the bilbows, and goinge downe whilst they were ffetching the bilbowes, hee desiered hee might goe fforward,9 his armes beeinge bound, leaped over borde and drowned, so that wee could not see him ryse above water. Notwthstanding wth the pinace our men sought verry dilligently for him. Thus was the wretched end of such a wicked person. And I pray God that all offenders may take warninge by his most miserable end and become niew men. This afternoone our pynace retourned wth John Rogers whoo brought all the letters back againe wth the peece of Callico wch hee should have delivered to Barto. Andrea, not havinge come to the speech of him all the tyme of his beeinge there. Hee brought wth him a fewe henns and plantins wch hee bought of the people. This day wee made an end of wooding and wateringe. Lucas Fernandez came aborde againe and brought a letter from Padre Bartolmeo Barrera,10 a ffryer, wherin hee did proffer, yf so bee it did please our gennerall, to see his letters conveyed into some parte of portingall or Spayne, ffor that hee was to goe ffor the Islands of Cape verde in that bark. And ffor that our gennerall should knowe that hee hadd means ffor conveyance of his letters, hee writt him that hee had often advyse out of portingall how matters passed, and amongst others hee had advyse of the greate plott of treason wch should lately have bene Committed against our Kinges majestie. Also [he] requiered to have 2 coppies to send by severall conveyances, that if one should miscarry yet the other might come to hand, wch was also a signe that hee was experienced in such busines. So our gennerall delivered the letters to Lucas Fernandez, wth a present wth them to defray the charge of their Conveyance, desiring him to deliver them to the ffryer. Yet ffearinge that neyther of his letters should come to hand, hee left his and Capt W Hawkins names, wth both the shipps names, graven uppon a great stone by the watering place, where wee ffound Sir Francis Drakes name Anno 1580, and Capt Candish his name Anno 1586. This ffryer wth 2 more doe keepe heer aboute Sierra Leona amonst the portingalls to say masse, also to procure




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some of the black people to become Christians, they havinge drawne some ffewe already to bee Christianed, as Capt Boree and others. In the tyme of our beeinge heer in this harbour wee traded ffor above 100 U [thousand] lemonds, a small quantety of henns and plantins, and 2 large eliphants teeth. In this place also is greate store of oranges verry good and lardge. Heer wee made good store of lemond water, also in both shipps wee ffilled above a hundreth tonns of water and wooded so much as was needfull, ffor in this harbour is as good woodinge as Cann bee Desiered. This people are verry lusty men, stronge and well limmed, and a good people and true. They will not steall as others of their collour will doe in other places, ffor many of our menn lost many things ashoare, and they that ffound them brought them and restored them to the right owner. And in all that tyme of our beeinge heer, wee hadd no Injury offered to any of our people, but all the kyndnes that might bee expected at the hands of such a black heathen nation. This 12 day in the eveninge wee hadd much lightening at the northeast, and aboute midnight exceedinge much thunder & rayne wth a gale at N.E. Our shipp loose and under sayle, in the morninge wee did sett Lucas Fernandez the negro ashoare (the winde blowinge a ffresh gale at east and ffaier wether and havinge tyde of ebb under ffoote), where wee mett wth other negros wch were come downe to the watersyde expectinge his Comminge on land. They all wept and in outward appearance they seemed to bee verry sorrowfull ffor our departure. So this morninge aboute 7 a clock wee sett sayle from this porte of Sierra Leona, Commendinge our selves and our voyadge to the protection of the almightie. So runing alongst the shoare before the winde west, and havinge given both the point and the rock a good birth, sett our course S.W., havinge no lesse then 11 and 10 ffatham, onely thwart the rock wee hadd but 7 ffatham. And aboute 2 a clock, the tyde beeinge spent, havinge little winde not beeing able to stemm the tyde of fflood, came to an ankor in 13 ffadam water, the Island bearinge S.E. ffrom us beeing 7 leagues of it. In the afternoone the winde was westerly. Beeinge munday, in the morninge wee wayed havinge a ffresh gale of the shoare at N.E., wee steering away W.S.W. and S.W.b.W. to gett of to sea, but it lasted not




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2 houres. So it grewe calme, and the tyde of ebb beeinge spent, wee came to an ankor in 15 ffatham water. And aboute midnight wee wayed againe, havinge a gale att W.S.W., so wee steered N.W. But it lasted not longe for it became calme. Wee lay becalmed untill 2 a clock, then wee steered west havinge a small gale at S.S.W. Wee hadd the winde variable betwene the S.S.E. & W.S.W. This day wee lost sight of land, and wee sounding hadd ground att 31 ffatham, and by our pynace wee ffound a stronge corrent setting to the Northward. Wee steered S.b.E. the wind att S.W.b.W. This morninge wee sounded and hadd ground att 21 ffatham. Towards eveninge wee sounded againe and hadd 24 ffatham. Most part of this day the winde was variable. This day wee ffound the Corrent setting to the N.N.W. After wee were out of the tyde of fflood wch wee ffelt 10 or 12 leagues ffrom shoare, wee ffound many stronge and strange Corrents settinge divers wayes, wherwth wee were so incumbred that wth a reasonable ffresh gale wee could make no way a head. Aboute 8 a clock at night wee stood aboute and steered all night W.b.S., the wind at S.b.W. westerly. Wee steereed W.b.S. the wind at S.b.W. a ffresh gale. This morning wee sounded and hadd 34 ffatham, in the afternoone wee hadd 56 ffatham. All night wee rann W.S.W. southerly wth some rayne. Wee steered W.S.W. the winde at S. a smale gale. This morning wee descryed a sayle to leeward standing in wth the shoare, and aboute 5 a clock at night wee hadd a stiff gale wth some Rayne at S.b.W. Lattd this day 9d 30’. Wee steered west and sometymes S.b.E. the winds varriable. Wee steered W.N.W. and somtymes S.E.b.S. the winds variable. Wee steered W.N.W. the wind att S.west. Wee steered W.N.W. and S.b.E. the wind att Southwest, and towards evening it blew a ffresh gale att N.W., wee steering S.S.W. our course. Lattd this day 8d 30’. Wee steered S.b.W. the wind beeinge at N.N.W., and in the afternoone wee could laye but S.b.E. the wind S.W.b.W. All night wee hadd much lightening and thunder ffrom the northward. The winds verry variable, each gust havinge his minde. This day verry much rayne.




Jno. Rogers

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The winds variable wth some rayne. This afternoone dyed John Rogers, one of the Dragons companie. Wee steered W.b.S. and W.S.W. the winde southerly. Wee steered W.b.S. the wind southerly. This day wee descryed a greate Carvell right a head, but shee wrought so to windward that wee could not speake wth hir. Wee were becalmed untill 6 a clock in the eveninge. Then wee hadd a small breath ffrom the N., steering all night S.S.W. Wee steered S.E.b.S. a smalle gale att S.W.b.S., and aboute noone wee hadd much rayne, the winds verry variable. All night wee steered W.S.W., a ffresh gale att S., lattd 6d.

October 1607 1 2 3 4

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The ffirst day of october. Wee steered W.S.W. the wind att S.b.E. Wee steered S.W. the wind beeinge att S.S.east. This day wee observed and ffound the shipp in 5d 22’ N. lattitude. Wee steered S.W. the wind beeinge att S.S.east, and att noone it begann to bee calme and so continued all night. Calme untill 8 a clock at night, at wch tyme wee begann to have a small gale att S.W.b.S. steering S.E.b.S., and aboute midnight it blew aboute the N.W., runninge before the winde S.b.E. This night ffell verry much rayne. Wee steered S.b.E. the wind beeing att N.W., and aboute noone it was calme and wee hadd verry much rayne. In the evening it blew a ffresh gale at S.S.W., runninge all night S.E. lattd 4d 54’. Wee steered S.E. having a reasonable ffresh gale att S.S.W., and at 8 a clock it blew att S.S.E. a verry ffresh gale, runninge S.W. all day and all night. Wee steered S.W. the wind att S.S.E. untill 6 a clock in the eveninge, at wch tyme wee cast aboute and stood east all night. Wee steered S.W. and S.W.b.S. the wind att S.S.E. & S.E.b.S., and aboute noone wee hadd the winde easterly steeringe S. next hand, but little winde. A smale gale southerly wee steeringe E.b.S., and in the night it blew a smale gale att W.S.W., wee steering S. Wee steered E.b.S. the wind beeinge all southerly, and in the afternoone wee cast aboute and steered S.W. havinge




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a stiff gale att S.S.E. At midnight wee stood againe to the eastward. Wee steered E.b.S. & W.S.W. the winds variable. This day much rayne. Wee steered E.b.S. a ffresh gale att S.b.E. In the afternoone wee cast aboute and stood S.W.b.S. a stiff gale att S.E.b.S. Lattd ffor this day 4d 6’. Wee steered S.W.b.S. & S.S.W. a stiff gale about ye S.east. Lattd ffor this day 3d 30’ and the varriation 4d 50’. Wee steered S.W.b.S. the wind att S.S.E. blowinge a fresh gale. This day our lattd was 3d 20’ and varriation 5d. Wee rann S.W.b.S. havinge a ffresh gale att S.E.b.S., and in the eveninge the wind beeinge somwhat large, wee steered S.S.W. all night. This day our lattd was 3d 8’ N. lattd and the variation 4d 57’. Wee rann S.west the wind beeing at S.E.b.S. This day wee were in the lattd of 2d 37’. Wee rann S.b.west & S.S.W. the wind beeing att S.E.b.S. This day wee ffound the shipp in 1d 47’ lattd to the northward, varriation 5d 36’. Wee steered S.W.b.S. the wind att S.E.b.E. Lattd this day 1d 20’ N. Wee steered S.S.W. havinge a ffresh gale att S.E.b.E. This day wee were in the lattd of 0d 46’ to the northward of the lyne. Here wee hadd 5d 30’ variation. Wee steered S.S.W. the winde beeinge att E.S.E., and this day att noone wee ffound our selves to bee under the equinoctiall lyne to our no small comforts, this beeing the third tyme wee crossed the lyne since our comminge out of England. Heer the compasse did varry 5d 26’. Wee steered S.b.W. the wind beeing att E.S.E., lattd 50’ to ye S. Wee steered S.b.W. the wind beeing att E.S.E. a ffresh gale. This day wee were in the lattd of 1d 43’ to ye S., variation 6d 30’. Wee steered S. and S.S.W. the wind beeinge att E.Southeast. Heer the compasse varried 6d 40’. This day our gennerall perceivinge many of the companie to bee verry slenderly cladd and that wee were now goinge towards a kould clymate, having a regard unto their healths and to the welfare of ye voyadge, hee did proffer unto them to open a bale of broad cloth to make them clothes against they should come into the could, and that they should pay but the cost in England. The wch they did verry thankfully accept, and they wch did want gave their names unto the purser.




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Wee steered S.S.W. the winde att E.S.E. a good stiff gale. This day wee were in the lattd of 3d 37’ and the variation is 6d 55’. Wee steered S.b.W. the winde att E.S.E. This day wee observed and ffound that wee were in 4d 15’ lattd and the variation 7d 34’. Wee steered S.b.W. the winde att E.S.E. This day our lattitude att noone was 5d 19’ and the compasse varried 7d 40’. This day was bale No. 13 of broad cloth opened, quantity 1 stammell, 1 green, 1 yallow, and 1 azure and cutt out and deliverd to them of the companie wch hadd most need, and to pay ffor it out of their wages at the retourne of this shipp into England. Wee steered S.b.W. the wind beeinge att east a verry fresh gale. This day att noone wee were in 6d 27’ lattd and the variation is 7d 54’. Wee steered S.b.W. havinge a ffresh gale att the east. This day by observation wee made the shipp to bee in 7d47’ lattd & variation 8d 36’. This day Capt Hawkins came aborde and our gennerall gave order unto him that, if his companie did want clothes, to open a bale of broad cloath ffor them. But it seemed that their wants were not greate, so that none was opened in the Hector. In the morninge wee lay becalmed some two houres, and aboute 8 a clock wee hadd a smale gale att E.b.N. steering away S.S.E. but made little way. This eveninge wee [had] some dropps of rayne. Today wee steered S. having the winde at E.b.N. This day wee were in 9d 50’ lattitude. Wee steered S.S.E. the wind att N.E.b.N. This day wee were in 10d 58’ lattd. This day ffell some rayne.

November 1607 1 2 3 4 5

The ffirst day of November wee steered S.S.E. the wind att E.N.E. Wee steered S.S.E. havinge the winde at E.N.E. This day att noone wee weere in the lattd of 13d 10’. Wee steered S.b.E. ½ point easterly the wind att E.N.E. This day our lattd was 14d 27’. Wee steered S.b.E. southerly the winde att E.N.E. This day our lattd was 15d 28’ and heer the compasse varried 12d 4’. Wee steered S.W. the winde beeinge att east. Our lattd this day 17d.




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Wee steered S. ½ pointe easterly the wind att E.b.N. This day wee ffound the varriation of the compasse to bee 12d 30’. Wee steered S.E. ¼ southerly the wind att E.N.E. This day wee were in 19d lattd, the [sun] being our zenith.11 Wee steered S.E.b.S. having the winde att N.E.b.N., and towards noone it became calme and so continued untill eveninge. Wee steered S.S.E. having the winde att E.N.E. This day our lattd was 20d 43’ and the variation 13d 20’. Wee steered S.b.E. easterly the winde att E.b.N. This day by observation wee made the shipp to bee in 22d 8’ lattd. Wee steered S.S.E. southerly the winde att E.N.E. Wee steered S.b.E. havinge the winde att east northeast, variation 14d 45’. Wee steered S.E. the wind beeinge all northerly. This day wee made our shipp to bee in 25d 6’ lattd. In the morninge wee rann before the winde E.S.E. havinge much winde att the W.N.W., but it came presently to the S.S.E. blowinge verry much winde wth rayne, so wee brought our starbord tacks aborde, steering East next hand all day wth our topsayles in. And aboute 10 a clock wee splitt our mayne sayle, yet before noone wee gatt another to the yarde. In the afternoone it begann to cleare upp and blew lesse winde, and in the night wee could lay but E.b.N. and E.N.E. Wee in the morninge wee cast aboute and stood S.S.W. wth a ffresh gale att S.East. Wee rann S. and S.b.W. the wind beeinge aboute E.S.E. This day att noone our lattd was 26d 48’. Wee rann S.b.E. wth a ffresh gale att E.N.E., keeping hir good ffull to make way to the southward wherby to come into the westerly winds way, wch are the winds usually aboute this lattd to gett the Cape buena Speranza. This day att noone wee were in the lattd of 27d 48’. Wee steered E.S.E. wth a stiff gale att the north easterly. Wee steered east the winde beeing att N.N.W. This day wee were in 30d 25’ lattd. Wee steered east the wind at north a ffresh gale. This day Dryhurst, stewards mate of the Hector died, and wee steered east, the wind at N.b.W. a verry ffresh gale.




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Wee steered east, the wind beeing att N.N.W. a good gale. Wee steered east the wind att N.west but little winde, and all night calme. Wee were becalmed all day. In the night it blewe a small gale but verry variable. Our lattd at noone was 33d 21’ & variation 15d. Wee rann E.b.S. wth a smale gale aboute the N.E.b.N., our course beeinge E.b.N. This days lattd was 33d 40’. Wee lay becalmed all day, and at noone for our lattitude wee hadd no observation, but the compasse varried 14d 30’. This day our gennerall caused the steward to give the companie but 4 meals of fflesh in the weeke, wheras before they hadd 6 meals, by reason that our voyadge will prove longer then was expected, accompting it better to save att the beginning of the voyadge then to have want therof homwards bound. Wee lay becalmed all day, untill evening. Then wee hadd a reasonable breath wth a hominge sea out of the western board. Wee steered E.b.N. wth the wind at S.west, a smale gale. Wee steered S.E. and E.S.E. wth a ffresh gale att E.N.E. This day wee espyed many weeds called Sargasso wch wee judged to come ffrom of the Ilands of tristan de Cunha, wch doe ly in the height of the Cape or neer.12 Uppon this day our lattd was 34d. Wee steered E.S.E. the wind beeing att N.N.E., and heer wee found the Compasse to varrie 13d 5’.

December 1607 1 2 3 4 5

The ffirst Day of December wee steered E.b.N. the wind at N. a ffresh gale. Lattd this day att noone 34d 40’. Wee steered E.b.N. wth a smale gale att N. untill afternoone, then the wind was att N.W., wee steering E.N.E. Lattd this day 35d 5’. Wee lay becalmed all day untill midnight, then wee hadd a ffresh gale at north steering E.b.N. The compasse varied 9d 50’. Wee steered E.b.N. a verry ffresh gale northerly, and aboute the afternoone the wind beeinge N.N.W., wee steered E.N.E. Wee steered E.N.E. wth a ffresh gale att N.N.W. This day att noone our lattd was 35d 19’ & the compasse varried 9d 30’.




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Wee steered E.N.E. the winde att W.S.W. Aboute 8 a clocke in the morninge it blew ffresh at the S.east, wee steering E.N.E. All the afternoone wee could lay but N.east, the wind att E.S.E. Wee steered N.E. and N.N.E. wth a stiff gale at east & E.S.E. At noone wee cast aboute and stood S.S.E. Wee steered S. and S.S.E. the wind att East, and at noone wee cast aboute and stood N. & N.N.E., the wind keeping aboute ye east. Wee lay becalmed all day and night wth a hollowe rowlinge sea. Wee steered E.b.N wth a small breath northerly, and aboute 9 a clock at night wee hadd a ffresh gale aboute N.N.W. wch continued all night. Wee steered E.b.N. wth a verry stiff gale att N.N.W. In the after noone it blew at W.S.W. This morning wee ffound the varition to bee 8d. Wee rann east wth a stiff gale southerly, and aboute 9 a clock in the morninge it came aboute to the southwest & west. This days lattd 33d 45’ variation 6d. Wee ran East b.S. wth a ffresh gale att S.S.W. This day att noone our lattd was 34d and at evening the variation 4d 15’. Wee steered E.b.S. the winde att N. and N.N.W., the variation this day 3d 15’. This morninge beeinge munday, aboute 8 a clock our gennerall willed the gonner to shoote of a peece of ordnance to have Capt Hawkins wth Mr Mullineux and Mr Marlow to come aborde the Dragon to consult whither it were ffitter to put into Saldania or to put aboute the Cape, havinge the winde at N.N.W. Wch wind will serve to doe eyther if it continue, wee beeing now by estimacion aboute 130 leagues to the westward of Cape buena Speranza. They beeing all assembled, our gennerall propounded the question to all that were then called in counsayle, and it was gennerally held ffittest to put in ffor Saldania ffor 3 reasons: The ffirst, to learne whither the Consent Capt David Middelton hadd bene there or not. Secondly, to procure some ffresh victualls ffor our men, wherby to keepe them still in health and to strengthen them by refreshmentes, ffor god knoweth they cann have but small strength or sufficiency of body to performe their busines, havinge bene now 8 months and upwards since wee put out ffrom plymoth, and




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have not hadd in all this tyme any ffresh victualls, onely some ffew goates at mayo, where wee stayed but 2 daies. And since that tyme wee have not taested of any ffresh fflesh, so that all our bodies cannot chose but bee much weakened. Also at Saldania wee may ffurnish our selves wth water sufficient to proceed wth. Thirdly, consideringe the tyme of the yeare that in these months of December, January, February, etc, the Southeast winds doe usually blowe aboute the Cape. And although the winde doe now ffavour us, that wee may eyther put aboute the Cape or in to Saldania at our genneralls pleasure, and so may hould good a day or two; Yet if it should happen (as in this tyme of the yeare no other is to be expected) that then wee should bee crossed wth contrary winds, wherby wee must bee fforced to put roome to some place to provyde our selves wth water, and then not beeinge able to ffetch into Saldania bay, wee should bee in worse estate then wee have bene any tyme this voyadge. So that it was gennerally houlden that it was better to goe ffor Saldania now whilst wee may, rather then to lose so much tyme more and weaken our menn more, uppon whome the state of our voyadge doeth depend. For no doubt, should wee put by this place uppon wch all the companie doe ground their hopes there to bee relieved wth ffresh victualls, and so comforting themselves the best they cann wth hope of goinge thither; should wee not put in I ame verrely perswaded that most of our men would ffall downe on a soddaine beeing of themselves already weake and disappointed of their hopes. The lords will bee done in all. And I make no question by the helpe of god, that although it hath pleased him in the fformer parte of our voyadge to crosse us with contrary winds and a longe passage hitherto, yet hee will now of his mercy send us such comforte heerafter, that it will take away the bitternes of our fformer crosse, and that the rest of our voyadge shall bee both proffitable to our owners and pleasant to our selves. Wch god of his goodnes graunte yf it bee his holy will and pleasure. Wee steered East ½ pointe southerly, the winde beeing at N.N.W. Wee steered east southerly, the wind att N.N.W. This night wee ffound the Compasse to varry 1d 50’, so that wee were wthin 1d 10’ of the bay of Saldania, deeming ourselves aboute 30 leagues ffrom land, trusting to make




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it the next day, god willing and the wind standing. This night the water changed. Wee steered E.b.S. the wind att N.N.W. and att nyne a clock the gale begann to harten. In this morning the variation, 1d. At noone wee observed and ffound our lattd to bee 34d 20’, beeinge aboute 20’ minuts to the southward of Saldania, so wee steered away E.b.N., at wch tyme wee looked out ffor land and made land right a head. Then our gennerall willed the master to steer in wth it untill hee could well make it, and then to steer away E.S.E. to putt aboute the Cape, and willed Mr Hippon to call to the Hector and tell them so much. The companie, perceiving that our gennerall hadd given order to steer E.S.E. so to procede towards St. Laurence, then they did all wth one accorde come to our gennerall and intreated him, as hee did respect the lyves of so many poore menn wch hadd bene 8 months and upwards wthout ffresh victualls, that hee would bee pleased to put into Saldania wherby they might strengthen themselves. For they did ffynde their bodies verry much weakened, although they made no show therof thorough the hope they hadd to put into this place. But now perceiving that hee was not determined to put in, they were constrayned to come unto him to desier him that hee would consider their estate and weaknes; ffor should hee put by and not put in, that many of them could not continue longe, and wthout them hee could not performe his voyadge. Thus three tymes they came wth some ffew sick men wch hadd bene longe sick also wth them. Wherby our gennerall, noatinge in deed and considering that it could not otherways bee but that they should bee verry much weakened, havinge continued so longe wth saulte meates and in so many monthes wee have not taested any ffresh fflesh, hee called the masters mates of the Dragon and asked their opinion therin. And they held it ffittest to put into Saldania to water there and to refresh our men somewhat (though wee stayed the lesse tyme), that notwthstandinge wee should bee crossed wth contrary winds aboute the Cape, yet wee should bee the more able to endure the longer at Sea. So that in regard of the welfare of the voyadge, all things beeinge Considered, our gennerall willed the master to direct his course ffor Saldania, accordinge as the gennerall opinion was when Capt Hawkins was aborde on the 14th of this present




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moneth. The wch I hope in god will prove beneficiall to our voyadge, in all the name of god bee praysed. Note that as yet wee hadd not seene any certaine signe of the Cape as eyther Cape ffowles, seals, or trumboes, onely aboute 10 a clock this fforenoone wee did see some of the ffowles called velvett sleeves, beeing a greate whyte ffowle onely the outmost tipps of their wings are black, wch are certaine signes of the Cape.13 Then wee brought our starbourd tack aborde steering N.E.b.E., keeping the sugar lofe open on our starborde bowe to gett into the bay of Saldania. When wee made the land ffirst, wee were att the least 16 leagues distant. And at 8 a clock in ye evening, the table did beare E.b.N. of us and the sugar lofe ½ point more northerly 8 leagues of, rysing in this fforme ffollowinge:

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The Land to ye No. of Cape buena Speranza [drawing] Towards night the wind dullerd and in the night ffor the most parte it was calme, wee standing in still wth the shoare. In the morninge wee lay becalmed, and aboute 8 a clock wee hadd a small gale ffrom the N.N.W. wth wch wee edged into the bay E.N.E. & E., att wch tyme wee sawe Penguin Iland on our larbourd syde. It is a small lowe Island and smooth. This fforenoone wee sawe many seals, velvett sleevs, and dyvers other sea ffowles and trumboes. Now wee brought parte of the table to the northward of the sugar lofe, still opening it more and more, and having geven the outmost point on our starborde syde (wch is lowe land and trenteth ffrom the highland neer the sugar lofe) a good birth, wee stood in S.E. and S. wth the high land on wch is the table, and having brought the lowe pointe N.W.b.W. of us, and penguin Island N.N.W., and the sugar lofe open betwene the table and the other hill bearinge S.W. and the table S.b.W., wee came to an ankor aboute 12 a clock in 5 ffatham water, having since 8 a clock hadd shoalding ffrom 15 to 12, 10, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5½ & 5 ffatham. And presently after dinner our gennerall wth Capt Hawkins, their pynaces beeinge well manned, went a shoare where wee found many of the Saldanians alias Cafarrs at our landing place to speake wth us, although wee could not understand one another, onely by making of signes, shewing them Iron, willing them to bringe downe cattell and sheepe. And wthin an hower




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after they brought us downe 2 sheep, ffor the wch wee could not bargaine, so they carried them back. Then our gennerall wth others sought amongst the stones ffor to see yf the Consent hadd bene heer or not, where at length wee ffound Capt David Middelton in the Consent, the 29 July 1607, but no letter what hee was determined to doe. Wee were all gladd to heare of his arryvall heer in salvetie. But on the contrary, it was a grieff unto us when wee considered the contrary winds and the longe passage wch wee have hadd in respect of his. But god bee thanked ffor all, and his will bee done in all, ffor man may purpose but god will dispose. Yet if it bee his holy will (although hee hath layed a crosse on the beginninge of our voyadge), hee may now at length in his mercy make it prosperous unto us and beneficiall to our owners in gevinge a blessinge to the end of the same. Wch hee ffor his names sake graunte. In the morninge our gennerall sent his pinace to pengwin Island to ffetch pengwins and seals. At afternoone shee returned againe aboarde bringing good store. This day our gennerall etc went ashoare againe to use all means possible ffor procuringe of ffresh victualls, but all this day the people brought downe none, so towards night all retourned aborde our shipps. Beeinge sunday, in the morninge our gennerall and Capt Hawkins etc went ashoare againe. Then wee bought 51 sheep and 3 Cattell, and at night retourned aborde. Wee went ashoare againe and bought 102 sheepe and 14 Cattell. This day also wee ffilled 10 tonne of water and at evening retourned to our shipps. Wee went ashoare againe and bought 25 sheep and ffilled 12 tonns of water, and at night retourned aboarde. This day wee hadd a ffresh gale at Southeast. Wee went a shoare againe and bought 29 sheep and 5 Cattell. This day the winde was at E.S.E. a ffresh gale. Wee went againe ashoare and bought 84 sheep and 27 Cattell. This day the wind was att E.S.E. a stiff gale. Also wee ffilled 12 tonns of water, and towards evening wee retourned aborde. Beeinge Christmas day, every man remayned aborde celebratinge the nativity of our Saviour Jhesus Christ and praying to god to bee mercifull unto us and to give a blessinge to our voyadge. This day the people brought downe many sheep and Cattell, and towards night seeing wee came not to buy




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them, they drove them back againe. All that day the winde blew verry ffresh at S.S.E. Wee went againe on land and bought 126 sheep and 20 cattell. This day our gennerall carried 2 of the country people aborde and used them verry kyndly, then they were sett againe ashoare. And towards night it blew an extreame gale att S.E., so that none but the 2 pinaces could come aboard. The two longe boates wch were laden wth sheep and Cattell were constrayned to stay untill midnight, and then they hadd a more easy gale, so that wth much adoe they gott aborde. And when they were aborde, there was yett left on land neer a hundreth men of both shipps that could not come aborde untill the next day. In the morninge the 2 pinaces went ashoare to ffetch the menn and wth much adoe brought them aborde, the wind blowinge extreamly att E.S.E. It blew so mch wind att S.E.b.E. that there was no goinge on land, neyther wth pinaces nor longe boates. But the people this day brought downe Cattell and at night drave them away againe, seeinge wee came not to buy them. Wee went againe on land and the wind att S.E. an easy gale. This day wee bought 30 sheep and 6 Cattell, and at evening wee retourned aborde againe. But at night it blue verry much winde. Wee went againe on land the wind at S.S.E. some parte of ye day, and other whyles att N.W. out of the Sea. This day our gennerall willed the masters of both shipps to make ready to put to Sea, for hee will god willing gett out ffrom hence, seeinge it was ffayer wether. So wee ffilled good store of water and bought 3 sheep and 2 kyne, and towards eveninge retourned againe aboard. Wee went againe ashoare, where wee bought 12 sheep and 4 Cattell and ffilled all our empty Cask. So that in all ye tyme of our beeinge heer, wee bought 462 sheep and 81 Cattell, all wch were equally devyded betwene the 2 shipps, 3/5 ffor the Dragon and 2/5 ffor the Hector accordinge to their companie of menn. Some of the Cattell were dry saulted and some were Jirkened after the west India manner, wch fflesh doeth take sault verry well. So that wee doe carry out of this harbour about 3 weeks victualls wch wee bought in this harbour, and 14 dayes fflesh wch were spent in harbour, wch 5 weeks fflesh will helpe well towards the savinge of our shipps victualls. In all the name of god bee praysed.




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These people heer are a verry heathenish and brutish people, not given to any goodnes. They doe apply all their witts unto ffilchinge and stealinge. Their weapons are darts wherwth they are verry nimble, and verry expert in using them. They are verry light of ffoote. They are much afrayd of a peece, ffor so soone as they doe heare the reporte therof, they ffall downe to the ground, thincking therby to escape the danger of the shott. Heeraboute are many Deer and Antilopes, wch were seene every day in the valley not ffarr ffrom the ffresh river, but they beeinge so swift of ffoote that wee could gett none of them. One day there came an Antilope downe almost to our genneralls tent, but hee escaped us. The Cape buena Speranza layeth in 34d 50’ lattd, and in the bay of Saldania the Compasse doeth varry 40 minuts to the east. This day the wind blew a ffresh a gale at S.west, so that aboute one a clock at night wee begann to weigh.

January 1607 [1608] Departure from Saldanya outward bound

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The ffirst of January at Sonne rysinge, wee hadd gotten home both our ankors and sett out of Saldania roade, committing our selvs to the Seas and to the lords protection, having a smale gale ffrom the eastward of the South. So wee edged N. and N.N.W. and gott out of the roade, geving the lowe point on our larboard syde a good birth. Wee steered W.S.W. & S.W.b.W., keeping a reasonable distance ffrom the shoare close uppon a tack, the wind beeinge southerly, having a greate hominge sea ffrom the S.W. And towards midnight it blew a stiff gale to the eastward of the South, wth wch wee rann S.W.b.W. Wee rann S.W.b.S. and S.S.W. havinge a verry stiff gale veering to and againe at E.S.E. and S.S.E., and att 6 a clock wee could ly but S.W.b.W., the wind at S.b.E. So wee cast about and steered E.S.E. & S.E.b.E. all night. This morninge wee lost sight of land. At noone our lattd 34d 25’. Wee steered W.S.W. and E.S.E. the winds at S.S.E. and S.W. At noone our lattd was 34d 35’. Wee steered S.E.b.E. the wind beeing att S.West. This day at noone wee were in the lattd 35d 35’. And in the eveninge it begann to shrinke to the E.S.E. that wee




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could not ly neerer then E.N.E. This day wee hadd an exceeding lofty sea, in so much that it would oft tymes becalme our mayne sayle, with wch our shipps seeled extreamly.14 Wee steered N.E. & N.E.b.N. having a ffresh gale at S.S.E., and att noone wee cast aboute and could ly but S.W., the wind att S.S.E. a smale gale. And at midnight the wind was southerly, so wee cast aboute and stood E.b.S. and E.S.E., but little winde. Our lattd at noone 35d 26’ and the compasse varryed 32d [32’]. Wee steered E.S.E. and S.E. the wind att W.S.W., and at noone wee stood S.E.b.E. the wind at S.W.b.W., and at 4 a Clock the wind beeing all westerly wee steered E.S.E., having hadd all day but a small gale and a verry smooth sea. At noone this day our lattitude was 35d 40’. Wee rann E.S.E. wth a smale gale at W.S.W., and towards noone wee steered away east, and towards night but little winde. Our lattd this day at noone was 35d 49’. Wee steered east havinge but little winde att S.S.E. untill noone, then it begann to hartin, wee steering E.b.N. and E.N.E., the wind at S.E. wth some rayne. This morning the compasse varried 1d to west. Wee steered N.E.b.E. the wind att S.east, and towards 8 a clock there ffell some rayne, beeinge close ffoggy wether. And it blew a stiff gale veering to and againe between the S.S.W. and S.S.E., wee steering east all day makinge verry good way. Wee steered E.N.E. the wind att S.E.b.E., and aboute 8 a clock it blewe more easterly, that wee could ly but N.E., and towards evening N.E.b.N. And aboute 4 a Clock wee discryed high land almost right ahead trenting alonge on our larboard syde some 4 or 5 pointes of the Compasse, judging our selves to bee 10 leagues of, and as wee supposed it was Cape Colheda. It standeth in the lattd of 34d 10’ and in longd 4d 30’ to the eastward of Cape d’Aguillas, and lyeth betwixt Baya de l’Agoa and punta fermosa.15 Our lattd at noon 34d, and the compasse did varry 2d 30’ westerly. At night cast about & stood S.S.E. Wee steered S.S.E. and S.E. having a ffresh gale all day at East and E.N.E., it beeing ffoggie close wether wth some rayne. And att night wee hadd the wind all westerly, running east before the winde. Wee steered east the wind att west Southerly, a verry stiff gale, ffoggie wether wth some rayne, and at midnight it




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was southerly, bringing or tack aborde steered E.b.N. lattd 35d 44’. Wee steered E.b.N. having a verry ffresh gale att S.S.W., and att midnight the wind veered to the E.S.E., wee steering away S.S.E. wth a stiff gale. This day at noone our lattd 35d 30’. Wee rann S.S.E. havinge a stiff gale att east, and aboute noone wee steered S.E., the wind att E.N.E. blowing verry ffresh, and at 6 a clock wee cast aboute and stood N. next hand all night, having much winde and a loftie sea. This day at noone our lattd 35d 46’. Wee steered S.E.b.E. the wind att E.b.N. a ffresh gale, and aboute noone wee could ly but E.b.N., the wind all northerly. In the afternoone the wind veered all westerly, wee steering N.E.b.E. wth a fflowen sheate. This day the compasse varried 3d 40’. Wee steered N.E. havinge a small gale ffrom the S.W., and towards noone it veered to S.easterly, and in the afternoone E.b.N., wee steering N. somewhat easterly close uppon a tack. Wee rann N.b.E. and N.N.E. all day, havinge a ffresh gale aboute the east, and at noone ffound the water to bee much changed, streched a lyne and could have no ground att 100 ffatham. And at 6 a clock wee sounded againe and hadd ground att 60 ffatham, it beeing small oazy sand, deeming ourselves in the lattd of 33d 50’. And the compasse varried 4d 46’. And at 7 a clock wee cast aboute and stood S.E. and E.S.E. This day wee saw many ffowls all whyte save onely the out syde of their wings. Wee rann E.S.E. havinge a verry ffresh gale ffrom the northeast wth an extreame rowlinge sea, wch caused our shipp to labor verry much, havinge also a greate sea ffrom the westward. (Noate that Mr Hippon ffound this coast to trent much more southerly then it is layed fforth in the platts.) Towards eveninge wee ly east b.N., and all night it was calme. This night a sea brake into our genneralls Cabbin and in to the gonner roome, wch rann into hould and wett divers packs but did little harme to the cloth, they beeing well packed wth canvas and lether. Our lattd this day 34d 41’ variation 4d 52’. Wee lay becalmed untill 8 a clock, then wee hadd a reasonable ffresh gale att W.N.W., wee steering N.E. wth reasonable smooth water. In the afternoone wee hadd a ffresh gale all southerly. This day our lattd 35d. Wee steered N.E. having a ffresh gale at south and S.S.E. Note that since our Comminge aboute the Cape




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wee ffelt always a verry stronge Corrent setting to the S.west, wch wee ffound in standing to the southward our shipp much quicker way then shee hadd standing to the northward. This day aboute 6 a clock contrary to all our expectations steering N.E. our course, wee descryed lowe land wch did beare ffrom the N. to the N.N.W. westerly of us, wee beeinge by estimation not above 10 or 12 leagues at the ffarthest ffrom it, deeming it to ly in the lattd of 33d 30’. Our master wth the rest by their reckonings beeing 40 leagues ffrom any land, so that wee could scarcely tell what to Judge therof, beeing certainly much incumbred wth a stronge corrent, our shipp beeinge much more westerly then wee could judge hir to bee. This lande wch wee did see wee supposed to bee aboute Punto Primero.16 Havinge made land then wee did ly upp neerer the wind, beeinge S.S.E. wee steered E.b.N. and E.N.E. This day wee hadd a mighty homing sea although wee hadd but a smale gale. Wee steered E.b.N. the wind att S.S.east a ffresh gale. This morninge the land did beare N.W.b.W. of us. At noone wee hadd a stiff gale at S.S.W., wee steering away east, and at 8 a clock wee steered E.b.N. Wee steered E.b.N. wth a ffresh gale at S.S.W. Att noone wee steered N.N.E., beeinge much incumbred wth the S.W. Corrent, and at 4 a clock wee steered N.E.b.E. Our lattd this day 34d. In the morninge wee hadd a good observation and ffound the Compasse to varry 6d 30’. At noone our lattd was 33d 42’. All day wee lay becalmed untill 4 a clock in the afternoone, then wee hadd a small breath at E.N.E. wherwth wee stood S.E., and in the evening wee could lye E.b.S., and at 9 a clock at night E.b.N., but little winde. Wee stood E.b.N. wth a smale breath at west all day, and in the evening having a reasonable ffresh gale att South, wee steered E.N.E. Our lattd this day 34d 5’, and the Compasse varried 6d 25’. Wee steered S.east, a ffresh gale att E.N.E. Lattd this day 34d 27’ and varriation 6d 50’. Wee steered S.east wth a smale gale att E.N.E., and in the night it was Calme. Our lattd this day at noone was 35d 23’. In the morninge wee fflatted and cast aboute,17 standinge to the northward, the wind at east, and at noone wee stood to ye S.ward, little winde all day.




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Wee lay becalmed untill 8 a clock, then wee hadd a smale gale at S.E., wee steering E.N.E. In the evening calme & in ye night a breath westerly. Wee steered E.b.N. havinge a smale breath at N.W. And aboute 8 a clock at night wee hadd a fresh gale at N.E., wee steering E.S.E. Our lattd this day was 35d 40’ and variation 5d 40’. Wee steered S.east next hand all day wth a ffresh gale att E.N.E. Our lattd this day 36d 14’ and the variation 6d 30’. Wee steered S.east wth a stiff gale att E.N.E. At noone wee cast aboute and stood N.b.W. and at 6 a clock at night wee could lay but N.W., so wee cast aboute and stood E.b.N., the winde beeing att N. This day wee hadd a lofty sea and a good stiff gale & rayne. Our lattd this day was 36d 40’.

February 1607 [1608] 1

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The ffirst of February wee rann E.b.N. havinge a ffresh gale att N.b.E. wth some rayne, and at 4 a clock in the afternoone the winde came aboute to the west. This evening the varriation 7d. Wee steered E.b.N. the wind att S.S.W. a ffresh gale, and at noone it came to the eastward of the S., so wee steered E.N.E., variation 8d 30’. Wee steered E.S.E. the wind att N.E., and at noone it came to ye N. Then wee stood E.b.N. & E.N.E. and in the afternoone it veered to the westward of the N. Lattd this day 35d 40’, variation 9d 30’. Wee steered E.N.E. the wind att S.S.W. a ffresh gale, makinge verry good way. This day wee lost sight of the great whytish ffowles wth whyte bills. Our lattd this day 34d 35’, varriation 11d 30’. We steered E.N.E. a smale gale at S.S.W. and at afternoone wee stood N.E.b.E. Note that heer wee ffound a stronge Corrent settinge to the northward. Our lattd this day 33d 35’ & ye varriation 11d 30’. Wee steered N.E.b.E. wth a ffresh gale at west, and in the afternoone it was at S.west. This afternoone wee stood N.E., little wind. Our lattd this day 32d 50’ and variation 12d 4’. Wee steered N.E. wth a small gale att W.N.W. Our lattd 31d 30’. Wee were most part of the day becalmed untill 4 a clock in the afternoone, then wee did lay N.N.E. having




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a small breath at E.b.S. At night the winde came to the N.N.W., then wee stood to ye southward. This day our lattd was 30d 47’, and the variation 12d 10’. To ye N.W. a Corrent. Wee steered S.E. wth a smale gale att E.N.E., and at noone wee stood to the northward, stemming N. next hand. Our lattd this day was 30d 19’ and the variation 12d 40’. Wee steered E.S.E. wth a smale gale att E.N.E., the wind varying towards noone to the E.S.E. Wee cast aboute and stood N.E. Our lattd this day was 29d 54’. Wee steered N.N.E. wth a small breath att E.S.E. Our lattd this day 29d 2’ variation 12d 26’. Wee steered N.E.b.E. wth a smale gale at S.E., close gloomy wether. Wee steered N.E. having a smale gale at S.E. This day wee sawe many Canes and small Weeds ffloating on the Sea, wch come all from Madagascar. In the eveninge wee stretched a lyne but hadd no ground. Wee did this because of certaine shoals wch lay betwixt the lattd of 26 & 27. And aboute 10 a clock wee cast aboute and stood of untill morninge. Our lattd this day 27d 10’ varriation 13d 25’. Wee stood N.E.b.E. scarce a breath of wind all day. This day wee sawe more weeds when wee hadd lost sight of the gannetts or ravens wth whyte bills. Wee judged that they left us so soone as wee hadd opened the gulff. Heer wee sawe many smale ffowles beeing of a dunnd cullor on their back and whyte on their brests. Aboute 3 a clock wee hadd a reasonable gale at S. Our lattd 26d 56’ variation 13d 40’. Wee steered N.E.b.E. wth a small breath at S.S.E. and att noone a ffresh gale. Our lattd 26d 34’ variation 13d12’. Wee steered E.N.E. wth a verry ffresh gale att S.S.east and at noone, ffynding our selves in the lattd of 25d 12’, steered east wth a fflowen sheat to keep it upp to the eastward, lest wee should bee put to the northward of the Bay of St Augustine by the Corrent wch [we] now are in, that beeing the place ffor wch wee are bound. This day wee looked out verry earnestly ffor land but sawe none. Heer the compasse varried 13d 40’. Wee steered east wth a stiff gale at S.S.W. This [day] wee made our lattd to bee 24d 11’. Also now wee hadd lost all the smale fowles but sawe Canes and weeds ffloating on the sea in greate abundance. Aboute 3 a clock wee sayled through a longe bedd of Canes and weeds wch




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part of St laurence Island [drawing] And wee stood in wthall untill 6 a clock in the eveninge, at wch tyme deeming our selves aboute 2½ leagues of the shoare, wee sounded and hadd no ground att 70 ffatham, so wee tacked of and stood W.S.W., the winde all southerly. And at midnight wee cast aboute againe and stood east, the wind att S.S.E. Wee steered east wth a ffresh gale att S.S.E. and att 8 a clock, beeinge ffayer by the shoare and perceivinge wee were aboute 8 leagues to the southward of the bay St Augustine, wee steered N.N.E. wth the outmost point of land that wee could make. Now againe wee sounded and hadd no ground, and aboute 10 a clock wee descryed 2 sandy Islands trenting alongst the mayne, the sea breaking in between them and the mayne. These 2 Islands doe lay thwart in the mouth of the bay St Augustine. And aboute noone wee were thwart this bay and did observe right before the bay and ffound it to lay in the lattd of 23d 37’. And right ahead wee perceaved a verry whyte water, wch wee judged might proceed of some greate ffresh18 issuinge out of some river out of the bottom of this bay; but mistrustinge the worst, sent of the pinaces to sound uppon it to see what depth there was in that place, and hadd 11, 13, and 15 ffatham water. But this night wee proceeded not ffarr into the bay but ankored in 7½ ffadam water, having the sunken Island of us W.S.W. the northermost point of it. For there bee 3 Ilands right before the mouth of the bay towards the southermost syde, and this sunken Iland is the northermost of the three. Every high water it is under water. All our way coming into an ankor wee hadd good shoalding. The ffirst ground wee hadd was 19 ffatham and so 16, 15, & 14, good ground, and so to 7½. Note that ffrom the 3 of this moneth wee have ffelt a strong Corrent setting to the northward, having hadd verry ffayer wether and little winde to the 15 day at noone, and since then wee have hadd a ffresh gale. Aboute 9 a clock in the morning, havinge the winde out at Sea, wee wayed to goe in ffarther into the bay,



stretched away N. & S. next hand 2 myle longe att the least. Then wee sounded and hadd no ground att 100 ffatham. So the master directed his course E.b.S. and att 4 a Clock wee sawe land right ahead, beeing a lowe land aboute 5 leagues of us, and did ryse in this fforme:

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but wee brought upp our ankor in 2 peeces, it beeinge broken a sunder aboute a foote ffrom ye Crosse (which ankor brake once before at Blackwall,19 but not in the same place), where it hath bene patched together verry deceitfully and in such manner that (but it pleased god to bee mercifull unto us in that it brake now where no danger was) it might have cost both shipp, goods, and menns lyves. For I ame verrily perswaded that never such a peece of worke came out of any honest mans hands. And suerly the party that made it deserveth great reprehension and in such sorte that ever heerafter hee may take heed never to committ the lyke act. Now having loosed our shipp wee steered E.b.N. wth a small bay wch wee made to bee the roade and came presently into deepe water, as 10, 12, 14, & 15 ffatham & 20 and 22 ffadam, and afterwards hadd no ground, wch put us in some Doubt of ffynding a roade. Yet by reason of the greate corrant wee perceived to issue out of the bottom of the bay, wee steered in still but hadd no ground at 100 ffatham wthin a league of the shoare. Then wee stood in a little ffarther and hadd ground att 22 ffatham, and runninge in a little ffarther wee hadd no ground at 70 ffatham, but when wee came wthin a myle of the rocky point on the N. syde of the road, wee hadd ground att 12½ ffadam, then runninge in a little ffarther hadd no ground att 40 ffatham. So running in neerer to the south shoare, aboute 4 a clock wee hadd ground in 22 ffatham, where god bee thanked wee came salfe to an ankor, the rocky point bearing N.b.W. of us, and the lowe point of the southermost land W.S.W. of us, and the high point S.easterly of us, and the westermost end of the ledge of rockes wch doe lye alongst the N. shoare N.W. of us, wee beeinge aboute ½ a myle ffrom the shoare every way. So that I doe accompt this bay to bee 5 leagues deep. I say ffrom the 3 Ilands to the bottom of the bay there is a greate river wch commeth out of the land right against where wee ryde, and the ffresh wch issueth forth this river runneth verry stronge that wee cannot stemm the streame except wee have the fflood wth us, and the wind also out at sea to helpe us. Wee hadd one anckor in 22 ffatham and the other ankor in upwards of 40 ffatham, wch was our northermost ankor. The uncertaine depths in this place proceeding through the extreamity of the ffresh wch issueth verry violently out of the river. Beeinge Satterday Capt Hawkins wth his and the Dragons pinaces both well manned went upp the river




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to see if wee could come to the speech of any of the people, and aboute 1½ myle upp the river perceivinge where two men went in wth a Canoa, Capt Hawkins wth 20 more wth him went on land and marched a myle into the countrey but could neyther ffynde people nor their dwellings. So wee returned downe to the boates. And by the water syde wee sawe where the men that were in the Canoa hadd left their things; wch wee left as wee ffound them, hanging some ffew beads by them. And in the tyme of our beeing ashoare, one of the Hectors companie, beeinge washinge his shirt not ffarr ffrom the boate, an alligater caught his legg in his mouth and hadd torne both the fflesh and sinues by his heele cleane asunder, as if they hadd bene cutt wth a knyfe. But hee wth struggling gat his legg out of his mouth and so recovered the boate. But surely it was the greate blessing of god that it was but shoall water, ffor hadd it bene deeper hee hadd out of doubt been carried cleane away. So wee retourned to our shipps. There came 4 of the country people to the watersyde, then wee went ashoare both boats. When wee came neer to lande they made signes to have us come ashoare wthout weapon, so wee did. Then they went and layed asyde their weapons, beeinge darts, and came to us where wee used them kyndly, giving them some ffewe beads wch they tooke verry kyndly, makinge signes to us that the next day they would bring us downe some Cattell and sheepe. I could by no means procure them to goe aborde and speake with our Gennerall, but parting wth them in ffrindly manner wee retourned aborde. Our gennerall & Capt Hawkins went on land, and there came downe aboute 20 of the Countrey people of whome wee bought 1 sheepe and 1 lambe, wch cost 18d in mony, ffor they did aske ffor silver so soone as they came. Our gennerall could not persuade them to goe aborde, but after kynde usage, givinge to them a small quantety beads, our gennerall etc retourned aborde ffor this night. Wee plyed our wooding and wateringe both night and day. This day wee ffilled aboute 12 tonns of water. Wee were constrayned to ffetch it ffarr upp the river and at a lowe water or else it would bee brackish. All this day wee expected the peoples comminge wth more sheep and Cattell, but they came not. This day some rayn ffell. Wee also plyed our wooding and wateringe and after dinner espyed a mann on the sands, so our gennerall




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etc went ashoare againe, and wthin 2 houres the people came downe to us, of whome wee bought 5 kyne and 4 Calves, all wch cost 19ss english mony and some beads, a Cowe at 3ss & 2ss 6d and a Calfe at 18d & 12d accordinge to their bignes. So towards night wee all retourned aborde. Wee hadd a stiff gale of wind at N.W. wch brought in a rowlinge sea, and this morninge wee lost an ankor, beeinge the best bower wee hadd, the Cable beeinge ffretted asunder, whither by ffowle ground or by the ankor beeinge ffowle of the Cable it is doubtfull, but the latter in my judgement is more lykely. This ankor hadd a boy rope to it of 40 ffatham, and yet the boy would not beare. It is the most uncertaine ground that ever shipps ridd in, ffor close by our shipps syde wee hadd 40 ffatham, and at the shipps starne no ground at 60 ffatham. This day our Gennerall etc went ashoare againe, where wee mett wth the people of whome wee bought 2 sheepe and 1 calfe. All cost 2ss 3d English mony and some ffew beads. So wee retourned to our shipps, and at night our shipp was mored againe. This day also wee made all possible haest in wooding and wateringe. Wee filled 12 tonns of water and gatt some wood aborde. This day wee expecting the Comming downe of the people and none comming, and seeinge no lykelyhood of gettinge ryce heer, our gennerall willed the masters of boath shipps to make ready all things and if it were possible to gett under sayle this night wth the wind of shoare. Mr Hippon tould him that hee was ready and would god willinge way and sett sayle this night. But aboute 8 a clock Mr Mullineux came aborde and tould our gennerall that hee was not ready, havinge his sayles and other things undone wch were needfull to bee done before hee went out of harbour. So that by his means our gennerall tould Mr Hippon that hee would not departe this night, so wee rodd still untill the next day. Our gennerall wth Capt Hawkins in their pinaces and wth the Hectors longe boate well manned went to the lowe land on the south syde by breake of the day and marched into the Country wth 45 men aboute 2 myles, to see yf wee could ffynde where the peoples abode was. At length wee comming to a place where were a multitude of water mellons, the people descryed us, crying out after a strange manner. Our gennerall called them to him and caused all our companie to retreate a good





distance of, and made signes unto them that his comminge was not to hurt them but to trade wth them. So I shewed them mony and beads wch I brought to buy Cattell, so they seemed to be satisfyed, they makinge signes that they hadd no cattell there aboute. So staying a little tyme wth them, giving them beads ffor the mellons wch wee gathered, they were well contented. So wee departed towards the watersyde to our boats, bringing wth us aboute 250 mellons, wherof the Hectors companie hadd the one halfe and wee the other. Then our gennerall in his pinaces and Capt Hawkins in his wth the rest of the men that were ashoare went aborde wthout offeringe any wronge to the people their Canoas or their netts. This day Mr Hippon seeinge that hee should not way and sett sayle untill eveninge, hee gatt more water and wood aborde. These people are a verry ingenious and an understandinge people. They are of the Cullor of molatos. They have verry arteficiall darts20 headed lyke unto a broad arrow head of Iron and doe keep them verry bright. They have netts verry arteficially wrought as our netts bee in england, but they bee made of Cotton yarne. They have good understandinge in silver and doe knowe how to chose it. Wee shewed them pewter spones and other toyes made of tinn and lead, wch they knew presently to bee base and of small vallew. They bee proper comely men verry well limbed and of a reasonable good behaviour. They bee a verry sweete and cleane people wthout any ffilthines on their heads or their bodies. This place neer unto the sea syde doeth yeild nothinge that is good, ffor I could not see any thinge but trees wch yeild no ffruict and sandy playnes yeilding no kynde of ffodder ffor Cattell. Neyther aboute this place is there any lykelyhood of ground wheron ryse might growe, but that both their Cattell and ryse are ffarr upp in the Country. For I shewed unto them Ryse, pease & wax,21 makinge signes to them to bringe downe some, but they made no shew that there was any quantety to bee hadd. So that I say wee may all give god most harty thanks that wee put into Saldania. For hadd wee put by as order was given by our owners at home and not hadd touched there, but to have come directly ffor this place (In my soule & conscience I speake it), I ame verrely perswaded that a greate many of us hadd bene throwen



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overborde before wee had come to see this Iland of St. Laurence. But the lord hath bene mercifull unto us in this as hee hath in all our voyadge hitherto, in that our men have kept their healths so well. Wch if they hadd died or ffallen downe sick, this voyadge hadd bene overthrowen longe agoe. And I hope that heerafter, in regarde of the welfare of the voyadge, our owners at home will not prohibitt touchinge at the Cape in hope of reliefe in any other place whatsoever, consideringe that the touchinge there (although it bee ffor a shorter tyme) doth so much importe the good of the voyadge, both by preserving of mens healths by refreshinge in harbour; as also there may bee fflesh saved in the manner as wee doe in the west Indias,22 ffor 6 weeks victualls at the least. In the morninge by sonne rysing, our shipp beeing loose, wee sett sayle, having a breath at E.S.E. of the shoare, wee steering away W.b.N. to gett out to sea. And at noone having the winde westerly out at Sea, wee steered away N. & N.N.W., making good way. This evening wee hoysed in our boates, and at 6 a clock the bay did beare S.E.b.E. of us aboute 9 leagues of. Wee steered N. the wind at W.N.W. keepinge ffaier wthin sight of land, havinge a ffresh gale. This day our lattd was 23d 8’. The land doeth trent away N.b.E. and S.b.W., a fyne smooth land. Wee sounded wthin a league of the shoare and could have no ground. And if you doe purpose to goe to mosambique or to sayle towards the redd sea and to goe betwene the mayne and St. Laurence, you must have an especiall care to keepe the shoare of St. Laurence aborde because of the shoalds of Judea, ffor the Corrent will sett you uppon them before you are aware of it, the Corrent setting N.N.W. Heer you shall have 15d 30’ variation.

March 1607 [1608] 1

Tho: Hathorne

The ffirst of march wee hadd the wind verry variable betwen the E.N.E. and the N.N.E., wee standing to the northward, and in the evening wee cast aboute and stood east having a ffresh gale at N.N.E. At midnight wee stood againe to the northward, the wind E.N.E. All this night ffell verry much rayne wth violent gusts and thunder & lightninge. This afternoone died Thomas Hathorne, one of the Dragons companie wch have bene sick ever since our comminge ffrom mayo.




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Wee were in sight of land aboute 9 a clock, wch was some comforte to us in this lamentable wether and beeinge thwart the shoals of India. All this day wee hadd verry ffowle wether wth verry much rayne, the winds betwixt the E.N.E. & the N.N.E., wee lying somewhyles on one tack and somewhyles on the other, doeinge our best to keepe it to the eastward the better to shunn the fflatts of India, wch are exceeding dangerous. Wee continued tacking to and againe, the wind keeping aboute the N.E. wth verry much rayne all day never ceassinge, and in the afternoone wee were ffayer by the land againe. So at 6 a clock wee cast aboute and stood N.N.W. havinge verry much winde wth rayne all night. This afternoone John Cumberland master Chirurgion of the Dragon died of a ffever. In the morninge wee sawe the sonne, wch put us in some comforte that the wether would breake upp, ffor wee neyther see sonne, moone or starr since the ffirst of this moneth. But it was presently overcast and begane to rayne, and aboute 9 a clock blew a cruell storme wherewith wee spent our mayne bonnett. And aboute noone wee brought to two niew courses, not beeinge able to beare any more sayle, and cast aboute standing E.S.E. and E.b.S., and towards evening it beganne to cleer upp, and at 6 a clock wee stood to the westward. And at midnight it pleased god to send us a ffayer winde at E.S.E. wth wch wee steered N.E. our course. Fayer wether and wee steered N.E. wth a ffresh gale att S.E. This fforenoone wee were in sight of land, and at noone wee were in the lattd of 22d 30’. Then wee steered N.N.E. & N.b.E., the wind beeing southerly, a verry stiff gale wth violent showers of rayne. Wee steered N.b.E. the wind at S.W. a stiff gale, and at noone ffynding our lattd to bee 20d 30’ and that wee were cleere of the shoalds of Indea, Mr Hippon directed his course N.b.W. Wee steered N.b.W. wth a stiff gale att S.W. This day wee weere in the lattd of 18d 20’. Wee steered N.b.E. wth a ffresh gale southerly. At noone wee ffound our lattd to bee 16d 40’, begann to steer N.N.E. This afternoone wee looked out ffor a small Iland called Isla de nova which lyeth in 16d 15’ lattd. In the evening wee steered N.E.b.N. deeming our selves to the westward of the sayd Island neer the mayne. This night the compasse varried 12d 30’. All this tyme the Corrent did sett N.N.W. towards the shoalds of Sofala.





Wee steered N.E.b.N. wth a smale gale att S.W. Our lattd att noone was 15d 24’. This day aboute 4 a clock in the afternoone wee descryed land bearinge N.W.b.N. of us rysinge in this manner lyke an Island aboute 10 leagues of:

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Jn°. Niewkome 14

Guachincal [drawing] Heer wee ffounde that wee hadd no helpe of a Corrent to the Northward as wee hadd the day before, but rather a hinderance. Wee stood N.b.E. wth a smale gale att S.S.W. Our lattd at noone was 15d 8’, so that wee have gotten these last 24 houres but 16 m’. So that wee doe ffynde the Corrent setting to the S.S.W. next hand. This day in the morning the compasse varried 12d 15’. Wee lay becalmed all day and towards evening wee hadd a smale gale att N.E., steering N.N.W. and N.Easterly. All this tyme wee were in sight of land but drove asterne wth the Corrent. Wee hadd a smale gale att E.N.E. and stood in wth the land N.N.W., but wee perceived that wee were driven almost a degree asterne. This seemeth to bee verry ffertile land, beeinge reasonable smooth and even land, havinge many trees growing close by the sea syde. Aboute 7 a clock wee were wthin 2 myle of the shoare, at wch tme wee hadd ground at 20 ffatham and presently 18 and 16 ffatham corrall ground. Then wee cast aboute and stood S.b.W. and hadd 24 ffatham, next cast no ground att 40 ffatham, and wee steered all night S. havinge littell winde att E.S.E. Wee steered N.E. the wind att E.S.E. Our lattd this day 15d 35’. These 4 daies wee have bene carried back to the southward, notwthstanding the 12 & 13 days wee have hadd a pretty gale of winde all day longe, but in the night calme. And I doe thinke wthin 2 leagues of the shoare is but little Corrent and the ffarther of little Corrent, ffor I doe Judge the Corrent sett as the land trent away, wch is S.W. next hand. This afternoone John Niewkome, one of the Hectors companie, died of a ffeavor.23 In the morninge wee hadd a verry violent gust wth much rayne att S.S.W. but lasted not longe, having all the day after but a small breath, steering away N.N.E. beeinge aboute 7 or 8 leagues of the land. Att noone our lattd att noone 15d 40’.



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Wee steered N.E.b.N. wth a ffresh gale at S.W. Our lattd att noone was 15d 42’. This eveninge Mighell Bowlyne, one of the Dragons companie, died. Wee steered N.E.b.N. the wind att S.S.W. This day the shippe was in the lattd of 15d 20’. Heer wee mett wth an extreame corrent, ffor by judgement the shipp rann above 3 leagues a watch, wee havinge a ffresh gale, yet wee were carried to the southwards. For you must not come neer the shoare if you meane to goe to the northwards. This afternoone wee sawe the land bearinge N.N.W. of us aboute 12 leagues of, beeing as I take it the ffirst land wch wee sawe uppon this cost on the 9th heerof. Then wee steered N.E. makinge accompt to stemm the Corrent. Wee steered N.E.b.N. the wind beeinge att S.S.W. This day att noone our lattd was 14d 48’. This morninge wee sawe the land againe, beeinge aboute 8 leagues of rysinge in this fforme ffollowinge: Guachincall [drawing] The high mountaine lyeth ffarr into the land, ffor wee may [see] the lowe land by the sea syde. The high land wch now doe beare N.W.b.W. of us, in the morning i[t] was N.N.W. of us and in the evening W.N.W. Yet wee hadd but little winde all day, wherby wee found our selves cleer of that violent Corrent wch hadd so longe hindred us. Wee steered N.N.E. the wind att W.N.W. This morninge the variation was 12d 10’ and at noone our lattd 14d 18’. This day wee did see other land wch wee make to bee the goinge in to mosambique rysinge in this fforme ffollowinge, wee beeinge aboute 8 leagues of: [drawing] These hills I doe make accompt stand at the entrance of mosambique, and the greate high hill Guachincall is aboute 14 leagues from Mosambique. This morninge wee descryed a small sayle standing to the northwards close aborde the shoare. Shee may well bee one of the vessells bound ffrom Sofala to mosambique wth ye treasure. For this is the tyme of yeare that the treasure is brought unto mosambique ffrom Sofala.24 Wee hadd a gust at S.W. This day wee steered N.b.E. the winde at S.W., verry little winde. At noone our lattd was 13d 55’. Heer wee ffelt no southerly Corrent to hinder us but rather a Corrent setting to the N.east. This evening the gale did ffresh.



Mig:hell Bowlyne


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Beeing Sunday ffell much rayne having a ffresh gale at S.S.W., wee steering N. and N.b.E. And in the afternoone wee steered N.b.W. in wth the mayne the better to shunn a dangerous rock called Comunay wch lyeth in ye lattd of 12d 10’ distant aboute 13 leagues ffrom the mayne. And keepinge a good watch till midnight, at wch tyme wee observed and ffound the shipp to the northward of it. Our master willed them to steer N.b.E. againe. Wee steered N.b.E. wth a ffresh gale att S.S.W., havinge much rayne. This morninge wee descryed land bearinge W.N.W. of us a good distance of. Towards noone wee made other land bearinge N.b.W. Wee sawe heer much broken land, lyke small Ilands, as also the mayne beeinge verry lowe land and ffull of high trees. So the master willed them to steer N.E., the wind at S.E. At midnight wee steered N.E.b.N. & N.N.E. Wee steered N.N.E. wth a ffresh gale at S.S.W. This day at noone our lattd was 9d 50’. Heer wee hadd much gusty weather wth much thunder and rayne, the wind varrying when the gusts came to ye S.E., and when the rayne was over to the S.S.W. againe. Wee steered N.b.E. the wind beeing S.b.W. This day no observation but verry much thunder and rayne. Wee steered N.b.E. wth a reasonable gale at S.b.W. havinge verry much thunder and rayne all day, so that there was no observation ffor the lattd. Our varriation was 11d 30’. Towards evening it begann to blowe verry ffresh. This day wee deemed ourselves to bee in a stronge Corrent, but havinge no observation knewe not how it did sett.

Anno 1608 25

Wm Herriman 26

Wee steered N. wth a reasonable gale att S. wth some rayne and verry cloudy wether. At noone wee looked out ffor land, the master by his reckoninge beeing thwart the Island of zanzibar, wch lyeth in the lattd of 6d to ye S. of the lyne. But havinge no observation these 3 daies wee were not certaine in what lattd wee should bee, especially seeinge no land. So wee steered N.b.W. and N.N.W. and towards eveninge wee hadd much rayne wth thunder & lighteninge. This day Wm Herriman, one of ye Dragons companie, died. Wee steered W.N.W. and N.W. it beeing verry hazy wth much rayne. In the morninge aboute 8 a clock wee sawe land, and it was the northermost end of zanzibar




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and did beare N.N.b.W. of us, wee steering N.W.b.N. beeinge aboute 5 leagues of then. Keeping the same course untill noone, then wee sawe land on our starborde bowe, a reasonable high land, beeing the southermoste end of the Island Pemba, and it did ryse in this manner ffollowinge beeinge aboute 5 leagues of:

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Pemba [drawing] This day wee hadd a slatch at the sonne and ffound the shipp ffarther to the northward wee could allowe hir by judgement, by reason of a stronge Corrent settinge to the N.E. For wee could not have any observation since the 22 day by meanes of the gusty and rayny wether wch wee have hadd. Wch wether hath continued wth us ever since wee were in the lattd of 14d or therabouts, both night and day, that these 4 daies wee could neyther observe sonne nor starr wherby to knowe the course of the Corrent. Our Gennerall was mynded to have touched at zanzibar to refresh and to sett upp eyther one or both pinaces, but seeinge the ffowle wether that wee hadd heerabouts, hee was purposed to proceed to zokatora and there, god sendinge us in salvetie, to doe what shalbee needfull. Yet hee willed Mr Hippon this morning, seeing hee did see land, to try what might bee done to recover zanzibar although wee stayed the shorter tyme, wch by noone wee might well see what was to bee done. But when by observation wee ffound that the shipp being in 5d 14’ lattd, wee were to ffarr shott to ye northwards by reason of the Corrent, and aboute one a clock cleeringe upp, seeing the Island Pemba. So our master directed his course ffor the Island Zokatora N.E.b.E., ffor the Course ffrom Pemba to Zokatora is N.E. 500 leagues. The lord of his mercy send us a good passage. Wee steered N.E. the wind att S.west. Wth verry ffayer and cleere wether at noone wee ffound our lattd 3d 16’. Now wee perceived that wee hadd still the helpe of ye N.E. Corrent. Wee steered N.E. the winde att S.west. Our latt this day att noone was 2d 10’. All day verry little winde. We steered N.E.b.N. the wind att S.W. little or no winde. This day at noone our lattd 1d 25’ to the southward, ffinding still a greate helpe of the Corrent. Wee steered N.E.b.E the winde at S.W. a smale gale, and towards eveninge it begann to blowe somewhat ffresh.





Wee lay becalmed untill noone, at wch tyme wee hadd a smale gale at S.west. This day at noone our lattd was 27’ minuts to the southward.

Aprill 1608 1

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The ffirst Aprill wee steered N.E. wth a smale breath att S.W. This day wee descryed land, beeing reasonable high land ffully of redd sandy places in it, beeinge aboute 7 leagues of, it trenting all alongst on our larborde syde. Our lattd at noone was 25’ mnts to the northward of the lyne and the compasse varried 13d 35’. In the evening, deeminge ourselves aboute 4 leagues of ye shoare, wee stood E.b.N., verry little wind westerly. Wee steered N.E.b.E. the winde att S.W., little winde. This day or lattd was 52 minnuts to the N. of the lyne. Wee lay becalmed beeinge wthin 5 or 6 leagues of ye shoare, beeinge lowe and even land, and aboute 2 a clock wee hadd a smale gale at S. steering E.N.E., wch lasted all night. Our lattd this day at noone, 1d 34’ and the varriation 15d 0’. Wee steered E.N.E. wth a reasonable gale att W.S.W., and at 5 a clock at night wee hadd a gale att N.W. Lattd 2d 25’. Wee steered E.N.E. wth a smale gale Westerly, and at noone wee hadd a verry ffresh gale at S.W., wee steeringe N.E.b.E. Our lattd this day 2d 57’,variation 16d 0’. Wee steered N.E.b.E. a ffresh gale att S.W. Our lattd at noone was 4d 0’ to the northward. Aboute 4 a clock in the morninge wee hadd a gust wth much rayne at E.N.E., and then the winde did dullar, havinge little winde the most parte of this day. Wee lay becalmed all day untill 8 a clock at night, then wee hadd a smale gale southerly, stemming N.E.b.E. Our lattitude this day 5d 5’ and the varriation 16d 30’. Wee steered N.E.b.E. wth a smale gale at S.W., our lattd 5d 55’, varriation 16d 50’. This night wee sawe the north starr. Wee steered N.E.b.E. the wind at W.S.W. This day our lattd 6d 41’ and the variation 17d 20’. This day wee ffelt a small corrant setting towards the E.S.E. Wee steered N.E.b.E. wth a smale gale att S.W., and at noone not seeinge land, wee steered N.E. At night it was calme. Our lattd this day 7d 28’ and the variation 17d 40’.



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Wee steered N.W. to gett sight of lande but wee hadd little or no winde but that wee hadd was N.b.E. Our lattd this day 7d 30’. It was calme ffor the most parte of the day. Sometymes wee hadd a breath at E.S.E., wee steeringe N.W. Our lattd this day 7d 22’ and the variation 17d 50’. Wee steered N.W. the wind variable and ffor the most parte calme. Our lattd this day 7d 32’, the variation 18d 0’. Wee steered N.b.W. the wind southerly a smale gale. Our lattd this day at noone 7d 57’ variation 18d 0’. All this tyme not seeing land, wee Judged or selves to bee put to the eastward wth ye E.S.E. Corrent, so towards night wee steered againe N.W. Wee steered N.W. all day wth a ffresh gale att South. This day or lattd was 8d 41’. Wee steered N.W. the winds variable betwixt the S.S.E. and S.S.W., a reasonable gale. This day our lattd was 9d 10’. And at noone not seeinge land our master willed them to steer W.N.W., and at 2 a clock wee descryed lowe land beeing a verry smooth and a lowe land trenting alonge ffrom the W.N.W. to the N.b.W. and doeth lye about 22 leagues to the westward of dorfú. So wee steered away N. and aboute 5 a clock, beeinge wthin 6 or 7 leagues of the land, wee stood of N.E. the wind at S.W. This day wee saw many ffowles called Rabos forcadoes and other greate whyte ffoules. Wee steered N.E.b.E. wth a smale gale att S.west. This morning the varriation 17d 42’. This day wee sawe Cape dorfu shewinge lyke an Island, beeinge a head land and a high land rysinge much lyke the N. fforeland, beeing aboute 8 leagues distant, and the high browe of the head land bearing N.N.W. of us, it rysinge in this fforme, wee beeinge aboute 8 leagues of: dorfu [drawing] Betwixt this land and the lowe land wch wee sawe yesterday is a greate bay, both beeinge headlands, this beeinge the northermost. Our lattd this day at noone was 10d 14’, so that I Judge this land to lye in 10d 30’ lattd. Heer wee ffound that this land is ffalsly put downe in the platts, ffor it lyeth more easterly then the platts doe make it. So a boute 6 a clock at night wee steered N.E. wth a ffresh gale att S.S.E., and at midnight it veered to the S.West. Wee steered N.E. wth a verry ffresh gale at S.W., and aboute 10 a clock wee descryed land rysinge lyke 2 small





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Abba de Curia [drawing] At this tyme wee did not see the lowe land, but stearing on our course still wthin an hower wee made the lowe land. And aboute 3 a clock in the afternoone wee descryed 2 other Islands beeing aboute 10 leagues of, wch are called dos hermanos. At the ffirst sight of Abba de Curia wee made it to bee the dos hermanos, but seeinge the lowe land and the other 2 Islands to the eastward, wee steered N.E.b.E. wth the westermost parte of the eastermost Island rysinge in this fforme, beeinge aboute 10 leagues of us, the one bearinge E.N.E. and the other E.S.E.:

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dos hermanos [drawing] These 2 Islands may well bee called the 2 brethen, they beeing so lyke one another, and doe lye distant 5 leagues one of the other, and are distant ffrom the wester end of Zokatora aboute 6 or 7 leagues and doe lye S.W. next hand ffrom Zokatora. And aboute 4 a clock wee sawe land betwixt these 2 Ilands, wch seemed to us but lowe land bearinge east of us, wch is the Island Zokatora. It seemed low, beeinge afarr of. So nighte growinge on and the Corrent heavinge us towards the wester hermano, wee steered N. to goe to the westward of them boath, gevinge the Island a reasonable birth. And aboute a myle of the wester point of the Island wee hadd grounde att 15 ffatham. These two bretheren and Abba de Curia doe lye uppon a direct lyne bearinge E.S.E. and W.S.W. one of the other. So wee plyed of and on untill the morninge. Then was the Island Zokatora aboute 5 leagues of rysinge in this fforme: Zokatora [two drawings] Then wee stood wth the westermost pointe of Zokatora N.N.E., purposinge to goe aboute the west end, and at noone beeinge a myle of the point wee hadd ground at 15, 14, 12, 11, 10, & 9 fathom, openinge another pointe betwene wch wee discerned a large bay, into wch wee steeringe S.east, wee lett ffall an ankor in 11 ffatham water, a whyte sandy ground aboute a myle ffrom the shoare. And about 4 leagues of thwart of this



Islands but verry high land, beeinge aboute 2 pointes on or larboard bowe, rysinge in this fforme beeinge aboute 12 leagues of:

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bay is a whyte rocky Island wch doe beare N.W.b.N. of the westermost point of this island, and the wester end of this Island doe beare of the wester end of the eastermost hermano N.N.E. And when wee hadd brought the wester end of the westermost hermano wth the wester end of this Island, they did beare one of another N.E. and S.W. next hand. Wee were no sooner come to an ankor but wee descryed 2 sayles wch loomed to bee greate shipps. At the ffirst wee judged them to bee rockes, they lyinge still not havinge a breath of winde. But afterwards wee perceived them to alter, and wthin 2 houres they were gone out of sight, standinge over to the westwards. This afternoone our Gennerall sent both the pynaces ashoare beeinge well manned to seeke ffor water, that beeinge one of our greatest wants. But in all this bay wee could ffynde none butt that wch was brackish, and scant any greene trees in all the valley. But wee did ffynde many Caves and Holes in the rocks wherin the people doe use to keepe, and wee perceived that their hadd lately bene good store of goates. But they were all driven away, so that wee could neyther come to the speech of the people nor ffynde any thinge lykely to doe us good, ffor it seemeth to bee a verry barrane place, yeilding neyther water nor wood. But the valley trenteth ffarr upp into the Iland, so that there may bee better land upp in the country. So wee retourned aborde our shipps. Our gennerall, hearinge of this could niews, thought it not ffitt to stay but to seeke to some other place uppon this Island where wee might both ffynde water and other refreshments. Of all wch god knoweth wee have extreame want, havinge little ells but our salt fflesh to trust unto. And if wee should bee driven to ffeede altogether uppon that, it would cast downe many of our men in a sodaine wch are already crasie.25 But all foode that is ffresh as ryce etc is that wch will keepe our menn in health, as by good experience wee have tryed this voyadge. But yet my hope is in the lord, that hee will at length sende us such unexpected comforte and reliefe that all the teadiousnes of this voyadge and fformer troubles will seeme to bee fforgotten. Wch hee of his mercy graunte. In the morninge aboute 5 a clock, havinge loosed our shipp sett sayle, and standing to the eastward aboute the next pointe, wee discerned another bay. Then our gennerall sent of his pinace to search in this bay ffor




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water etc. In the meane tyme the shipps plyed to and againe. And when wee came on land wee espyed some of the people whoo were ffearfull to come neer us, but afarr of did aske us in the portingall languadge what wee were, and beeinge overcome wth ffeare ffledd away, that wee could have no more speech wth them. So wee ranged rounde aboute this bay, and on the norther syde of the bay wee espyed a towne and neer unto it a water, wch went upp a Cables length and more into the land amonst ye trees, wch wee thought to bee ffresh water, the towne standinge so neer it, and that in all the bay wee could see no lykelyhood of other water ffor the people to drinke. So wee went not into the towne, partly for that wee have but ffew men might come to some mischance by them of the towne, we judging them to bee mores; and partly that wee would not offer to goe into their towne least it should give them any offence. So wee retourned aborde and certefied our Gennerall what wee hadd discovered. So that hee willed the master to steer in ffor the bay and there to come to an ankor. In the morninge when wee came aboute the pointe, beeing wthin a myle of the high land, wee hadd but 4 and 5 ffadam water, so wee stood of towards the middle of the bay where wee ffound 12 and 10 ffatham. And aboute 2 a clock in the afternoone wee steered wth the towne, havinge verry good shoalding all the way, wee went to 12, 11, 10, 9, 8, & 7 ffatham beeing whyte sandy ground, and in 7 ffatham water wee ankored aboute a saker shott26 ffrom the towne, the westermost point of the bay bearing W.b.S. and the whyte rock W.b.N. and the norther pointe of this bay E.b.S. next hand of us. Our gennerall commanded the gonner to give ffyer to 3 pieces ordnance. In the morninge our gennerall and Capt Hawkins wth both their pinaces and longe boates, beeinge well manned having in them 120 men, went ashoare, the gonner in the Dragon shooting 5 pieces and hee in the Hector 3. So leavinge a sufficient guard wth the boats, our gennerall wth Capt etc havinge placed our men in good order, marched towards the towne, wch wee ffound abandoned of the people, they beeinge all ffledd into the mountaynes carrying their bagadge wth them, and havinge driven away all their goates, all the dores of their houses beeinge shutt. So our gennerall chardged every man uppon payne of extreame punishment not to





touch or deminish any thinge that they should ffynde in the houses. This towne is of a reasonable bignes. The houses are built of stone and Clay, ffower square and fflatt on the topps. Neer the sea syde standeth their Church, wch is lykewyse built square of stone and clay lyke unto the houses, but it is whyted on the oute syde wth a kynde of lyme, and it is walled round aboute wth a stone wall in manner of a church. In it wee sawe an altar wheruppon are placed 3 crosses of wood wch they have annointed wth a kynde of sweete oyntment. Lykewyse they have sweete wood and ffrankinsence to burne. Also there are places ffor tapers to burne in, and there hangeth an ould peece of pintado ffor a rellique. By all wch wee deemed them to bee a kynde of Christians. And in the towne wee came to a mores house where wee ffound a table of their lawe written in Arabique and dyvers wrytings in arabique. In their houses wee sawe many samples of druggs, as olibanum, Mastick, Sanguis Dragonis, Turmerick, Blattabizantia, and Aloes27 wth other gomes and woods as also exceedinge sweete powders. But whether this Island yeild them or no I knowe not, havinge sought the towne and ffound no people. Wee marched upp in the valley aboute 2 or 3 myle, and by the way wee ffound sonndry wells of water whereof the people drinke, wch were all brackish. Then wee ffound 2 smale goats wch wee caught, and they were distributed to the sickmen in both shipps. Then our gennerall, perceiving by a smoake rysinge under the syde of the hill that the people were therabouts, hee sent upp certaine of the companie upp unto them. And comminge neer to the hill syde wee espied an other small towne where were 2 men standinge, whoo beeinge verry fferfull ffledd and would not come neer us but gate them to the topp of the mountayne. Then one of our men (whoo could speake the portingall languadge verry well) went alone wth a whyte fflagg in his hand upp to the mountayne, and beeinge halfe way upp they came downe towards him, where they hadd conference a longe tyme. They asking him what nation wee were and if wee were not portingalls bound ffor Goa and Callicut, ffor they tould him directly that they were afrayde of us, havinge bene offered mch wronge by the portingalls, whoo have taken away many of them ffrom hence and Carried them unto places uppon the mayne, sellinge them to the turks ffor slaves. Hee



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tould them that they needed not to ffeare us, beeinge englishmen wch have never bene in these parts before now, and are bound to the eastward towards Bantam, and came onely to seeke refreshment in the way of trade and not injury them att all. Hee could by no persuations procure any of them to come and speake with our gennerall, but they tould him playnely that hee might bee gone, ffor they would not goe wth him; and that in this bay was no other water then that wch is brackish by the towne, and that they lived onely uppon a ffewe goates that they have and of such ffish as they doe gett in the Sea. In one of the houses in this upper towne, wee ffound a ffardell of clothes wch they make themselves to were aboute their middle. But leavinge all things as wee ffound them, we retourned to the ffirst towne where wee ffounde our gennerall, to whome wee made knowne all that passed (whoo after wee hadd rested ourselves a whyle, hee garnishinge their altar wth some beads) caused every man to goe to our boats and to goe aborde. And after dinner our gennerall sent two men ashoare to remayne in the towne untill night, to see yf they could come againe to speech of the people, and to demande certaine questions of them wch hee gave them in wrytinge. But they could not see any of them, so at night they retourned aborde. Lattd this day 12d 42’ var. 17d. In the morninge I went ashoare to the towne, carryinge certaine tryfles wch two of the Hectors companie hadd stollen contrary to our Genneralls order, whoo were punished ffor the same as they well deserved. But comminge to the towne I ffounde all things as wee left them yesterday and that the people had not bene there all night, so I retourned againe aborde. This afternoone, seeinge no hope in this place, wee wayed and sett sayle to the eastward uppon the N. syde of this Island to see yf any better comforte were to bee ffound, all places where wee have bene in yet proovinge but barran to us, yeildinge small reliefe. In the morninge wee lay becalmed, and aboute 10 a clock wee opened another verry large bay into wch wee stood S.S.E., blowinge a small gale att N.N.W. And aboute 2 a clock our gennerall sent of his pinace well maned to see if there were any water to bee hadd, and they could ffynde none but 2 pooles which were brackish. They see verry mch lowe land wth good grasse uppon it & signes of many goates. They




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did see a church wth a crosse on the topp of it and houses therabouts, also many of the people, but they all rann ffrom them so that they could not come to speake wth them. In this bay lykewyse is verry good shoalding and good ground. All this night wee were becalmed. Wee perceived that wee were driven back 2 leagues to the westward, beeinge calme all night, havinge a Corrent settinge to the westwards wch continued untill 10 a clock, at wch tyme wee hadd a ffresh gale att N.W., wee steering E.S.E. wth the eastermost pointe wee could see, but ffound the Corrent to sett so stronge to the westward that wee could not ffetch it before night. And towards 6 a clock the winde dullard that wee could gett no ground before one a clock in the morning, at wch tyme wee hadd 22 ffatham, after which 20, 18, 17, 15, & 13, and then deep againe to 17 ffatham, where wee came to an ankor in 20, it sandy ground. Aboute 4 a clock in the morninge the pinaces of both shipps were sent in towards the shoare to discover yf any water were to bee hadd in this bay, and so soone as they were come on land, they were mett wth aboute 200 of the Country people all armed wth gonns swords and dartes, speakinge ffriendly wth our men, promysing that wee shall have water, goates, beeves, ryce, and wood as much as wee would desyre, and that their slaves should bringe downe the water to our boats ffor us and should cost us nothinge, but ffor goates and other refreshments wee should pay for them accordinge as wee cann agree. But they seemed verry unwillinge to have any of us to come into their towne. Mr Buck beeinge in one of the pinaces used all possible means to have one of them come aborde and speake wth our gennerall (they speakinge naturally the Arabique tongue, and some portingall, both wch languages our gennerall doe well understand), but hee could not procure any of them to come aborde. But they sent 5 goats ffor a present to our gennerall, and some of their water, that hee might taest of it. So they takinge their leaves each of other, our pinaces retourned aborde and certefied our gennerall what passed. This morninge, havinge a gale of winde, wee wayed and stood into the bay havinge verry good shoalding, 18, 17, 16, 15, 14, 13, 12, and 10 ffatham whyte sandy ground, and aboute 12 a clock wee came to an ankor in 10 ffatham right against the towne aboute a myle of the




The people of Soccotora deny the place for feare

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shoare. Then our gennerall gave the towne 3 peeces and the Hector gave them one. Then they of the towne in gratiffication gave our gennerall 6 peeces of ordnance and a volley of small shott, soundinge their drums and gevinge a greate shoute. And presently after dinner, our gennerall sent mee wth Mr Buck in the pinace wth a peece of blew callico to bee geven in requitall of the goates sent him. But the partie would not take it uppon that condicion, but as a token of our genneralls love. Againe wee were verry important28 to have one of them come aborde, offering to leave 3 in hostage ffor him untill his retourne, but could not prevayle. So wee desiered them to ffetch us 5 goates to carry aborde wth us, and in the morning wee would content them. So they ffetched them presently and wee took our leaves each of other, they willinge us to come betymes in the morning ffor water. Wee asked them what island this was and they called it Abba de Curia. So wee demanded wherabouts Zokatora was and they sayd it was more to ye eastward. This they did beinge in ffeare of us. This 26 day N°. 29 a bale of kerseys was opened qt. 14 peeces also opened chest N°. 1 of callico. In the morning both the longe boates went ashoare ffor water, and one of the pinaces carryinge 2 or 3 peeces of kersey accordinge to the request of the people to trade ffor goates etc, where the people mett us accordinge to promyse, they settinge their slaves aboute ffetchinge of water, wee shewinge them our Commodeties wch they lyked well. But before wee hadd ffilled all our Caske, wee espyed a sayle aboute the easter point. Our gennerall makinge a signe ffor us to come aborde, wee tooke our leaves of the people ffor that tyme and came to our shipps. Then the winde beeinge all easterly, the shipp came in wth us right before the winde and came to an ankor not ffarr ffrom the Hector, so our gennerall gave them 3 pieces, and the Hector one to welcome them (beeinge Guserattes) into this place. Then the Hectors pinace went aborde of hir and ffetched 3 of the principall men aborde the Dragon to speake wth our gennerall, whoo gave them verry kynde intertynment, demanding of them whence they were, and they sayd of Goga not ffarr ffrom Cambaya and neer to Suratt, beeing bound to Zeila, an Iland lyinge in the redd sea uppon the south syde over against Aden. They gave greate light as




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A good report of Aden: and thereabouts Broad Cloth Iron and lead Quick silver and Red Lead good comodities at Aden Excellently requested

The course from Socatora to Aden

touchinge our navigation to Aden, Surat, and Cambaya, wch may prove verry benefeciall to us. Lykewyse they doe give us good hopes of kynde interteynment in all the places aforesayd, the guserates havinge a greate desire to trade wth our nation, having heard a good reporte of us in all places where they have come. And at Aden the governour that now is, is a yonge mann whose ffame is ffarr spredd to bee verry kynde unto all strangers that doe come thither in trade, and that our Commodeties as broadcloth, iron & lead would bee sould there. But if wee hadd brought quicksilver or redd lead wee might have hadd any thinge wee could desire. And concerning our rydinge before Aden, wee may ryde eyther wthin or wthout Commande of the Castell, and although wee should ryde wthout, yet the people would come and trade wth us there. And as touching our course to Aden ffrom this Island Zokatora, they counsayled us to keep close aborde this Island untill wee hadd brought the westermost point of this Island to beare east of us, by reason of a stronge Corrent wch in the offinge setteth to the northward, and that wee should seeke to gett Abba de Curia aborde, ffor then our passage were halfe gotten. And that unlesse wee could ffetch Cape Guarde Fui29 wee could not gett Aden this yeare, by reason that on the south syde of the redd sea the Corrent runneth strongely in, and on the north syde it setteth as strongly out againe, so that it is in vayne to stryve on that syde. But if wee meane to gett aden, wee must ply it upp alongst the S. syde. These guzerattes brought a present ffor our gennerall, wch was 2 ordenary twills of pintadoes and 2 peeces of whyte Callico, wch our gennerall well requyted. And wee bought of them 6 quintalls of ryce ffor ready mony reasonable cheape, whereof ye Hector hadd hir parte. This afternoone wee went ashoare againe wth both the longe boats ffor water and the pinace in trade. Wee inquyred the name of this towne, and it is called tamoré, and the kinge of felork Caxen in Arabia, whose name is Amer Bensaid, is also kinge of this Island Zokatora.30 And to the eastward of the eastermost lowe point close aboute the pointe is an other towne called deleshá, where is ffresh water and goates, but this towne of tamoré is the chieffest towne uppon all the island and have aboute 150 souldiours ffor the defence of the towne. Heer they have peeces of brasse ordnance, saker, minion and bases to the number of eleven, and aboute 40 or 50 small




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shott. The rest have sworde and daggar and lances or darts. All the other townes in this Island are subject to this towne and dare not deliver any refreshinge to shipping wthout their Consent. This afternoone wee ffilled aboute 10 tonn of water for both shipps, and wee bought 10 goates, 15 sheep and a Cowe of them ffor greene kersey, they ratinge each goate at 1 piece of eight and a sheepe at ½ piece of eight and a Cowe att 12 pieces of eight. But wee ratinge our Commodetie at a good pryce, they were bought reasonable cheape ffor our measure of kersey, wch they call Covado, is ¾ of a yarde, wch wee rated att 3 peeces of eight. So they bringing mee downe 8 henns ffor our gennerall, wee went aborde. Our longe boates went twyce a shoare and ffilled aboute 20 tonns of water ffor both shipps and bought 1 Cowe of them, they also sendinge 6 henns ffor our gennerall. I used all possible means to have them bringe us downe some more goates and Cattell to Carry to sea wth us, but they made excuse that they hadd sent some of their people to ffetch them ffrom the mountains but were not yet retourned. So I delivered the present wch our gennerall sent unto the Commander in regard their slaves hadd taken such paynes in ffilling our water ffor us; also a letter wch they desiered ffrom our gennerall to bee left wth them to shewe to any Englishmen that shall heerafter come to this place, that hee beeinge an English Comander was by the Subjects of the Kinge of Arabia and Sokatora used heer verry kyndly, they gevinge him water of ffree cost, and other victualls as goates, sheep etc wch hee payed ffor. His letter was somewhat to this effect. Also admonishinge therby not to geve over much credict to their ffayer shews and fflatteringe speeches, they beeinge mores and ffull of deceipt.31 So wee tooke our leaves each of other in outward shew verry kyndly, tellinge them that this night god willinge wee should depart hence, they offering us also that if wee wanted wood wee should have it. So wee retourned aborde. This night one of their people came uppon a raft wth an oare in his hand aborde into our longe boate, wch was asterne our shipp, and aboute midnight havinge a little gale of winde of the shoare, halinge upp the boate to ffetch home an ankor, [we] espied him in the boate. So our gennerall caused him to bee brought wthin borde and put into the bilbows untill morninge. These people are a kynde of mores and doe naturally speake the Arabian tongue. They bee a verry





subtill people and doe live under the mahometan lawe. There bee many verry proper comely men, and have a reasonable Civill governement amonst them. They are both black tawney and whyte. There bee in this Island aboute 3 thousand Cafars, but ffor the most parte they bee montaniers wch seldome or never come into these towns of governement; and of the better sorte of people in this Island, wch are mores, are aboute three hundred. This Island doeth yeild Cattell, goates, sheep, and henns. There bee also many date trees uppon this Island especially at this towne Tamoré, wherof I doe judge it taketh the name tamorá beeing the arabique worde ffor a date. Heer is also the drugg Aloe Sokatrina wch is made of the hearbe sempervive; it taketh the name of the Island Sokatora. The portingalls in tyme of yere doe come hither and trade wth them ffor this drugg, gevinge them silver ffor the same, but now at this tyme there is none to bee hadd, the Countrey beeing all burnt upp wth extreamitie of heate through want of rayne. The Guzerates doe lykewyse come hither in trade bringinge them ryce, whyte Callicos and other stuffs made aboute Cambaya wch they truck wth them ffor silver. Yf the Guzerates doe take in any water heer, they pay ffor it as well as ffor any thinge ells that this Island doeth yeild, and the reason is in that they come not wth such fforce as the portingalls or wee doe. This Iland yeildeth also some Civitt Catts, but very ffew. Att our ffirst comminge, when they would not permitt us to goe into their towne to see our water ffilled, neyther by any perswasion could [we] procure any of them to goe aborde to speake wth our gennerall. Lykewyse they beeinge so unwillinge to have our Gennerall come on land, I asked them why they were so ffearffull of us (beeinge Englishmen) wch came not hither to make warr wth them, but peaceably to water and refresh, payinge for what wee should take. Yf their ffeare should growe through the greate riches they have in their towne, beeing unwillinge to make their wealth knowne unto us; or beeinge poore, they would not willingly have us to knowe their povertie. They might well knowe that wee have travailed most parts of the world, and have taested of them both, and that they might well assure themselves that wee would not wronge them in the one, neyther take any dislyke



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in the other; but as ffrends to trade each wth other in Love and Kyndnes, not purposinge to wronge the least or basest slave they keepe. Yea and that our gennerall was so ffarr ffrom doing them wronge, that yf any of our people should offer them but the least abuse, they should well see that hee wch shall offende in that nature shalbee punished to their Content. And besyds, hadd our gennerall pretended them any harme, hee would not have stood in these tearmes of ffriendshipp, but would att his ffirst comminge to an ankor have come wth his fforce ashoare and have seene what their towne hadd yeilded ffor his purpose, and have taken so much as would have served his turne. But seeinge hee could doe this and would not, beeinge willing to give them Content, why should they bee so ffearffull. To this they answered little, but desiered us that wee would fforbeare goinge into their towne, and that myselfe and Mr Buck should goe and see the wells where or water was filled, wch wee ded 2 or 3 tymes. In the morninge aboute one a clock wee wayed and sett sayle, having verry littell wind untill 6 a clock, then wee stood N.W. and W.N.W., havinge a ffresh gale at S.S.W. So wee steeringe awaye all day to the westwards untill 2 a clock afternoone, then it was Calme. This day our Gennerall did question wth that ffellow wch came aborde last night, what countryman hee was and the cause of his comminge awaye. Hee answered that his name was Nasher borne in the harte of Arabia Fælix and in wars was taken and brought to this Island, havinge remayned heer aboute 4 years, having indured some misery amongst them, and beeing desirous to ffree himselfe oute of their hands came away ffrom them, hopinge that our gennerall would bee ffavorable unto him and carry him ffrom this place. Our gennerall, inquiring of him aboute this towne tamoré and the fforce therof, hee answered that wee hadd seene all their force and the people were afrayde of us, and the kings Sonne of Arabia was in the towne whoo was verry unwilling that our gennerall should come ashoare, knowinge that hee would not come but wth a good guard. And hee gave Commandment to all his souldiours that they should not suffer us to come into the towne nor amongst the trees, least wee should discover a ffresh river wch is there amongst the date trees. Also the Cattell, goates and sheep wch are aboute the towne in greate abundance, and the river is verry good




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water, they thincking yf wee had espyed the river, wee would have ffilled the water ourselves. Yet the water wch they gave us oute of their wells is as good as cann bee desiered. Lykewyse hee sayd that the kings sonne came downe to the water syde in the habbitt and under the name of a souldiour whome I was goinge to salute, thincking him to bee some extraordinary person by his gate and Countenance, but the ould more wth whome I traded willed mee to sett still, tould mee hee was but a souldiour, so I saluted him onely as I did to others before. Hee stayinge not longe wth us, retorned againe towards the towne. Wee lay becalmed all day and all night, dryvinge to the westward by reason of a Corrent settinge to the westward.

May 1608 1 James Goodman 2

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The ffirst of may wee lay becalmed all day, yet wee drove a little to the westward. In the evening wee steered N. in wth ye land. This day James Goodman one of the Hectors companie, sitting in the waest, was stricken over borde wth the mayne bowlyne and drowned. All day and all night wee lay becalmed untill 2 a clock in the afternoone, at wch tyme wee hadd a smale gale at N.E. and smooth water, steeringe alongst the land N.W. Wee steered W.b.N. and N.N.W. blowinge ffresh att S.west. At 9 a clock wee cast aboute and stood S.S.E., beeinge ffayer by the small rocky Island wch lyeth of the wester end of Sokatora. Aboute 3 a clock the winde came to the S. Wee cast aboute and stood W.S.W. and S.W.b.W. all night wth a ffresh gale. Wee stood W. and W.b.N. the winde att S.W.b.S., and att 8 a clock wee stood S.E.b.S. wth a ffresh gale, thincking to have wethered the rock, but ffell much to leeward, not beeinge able to ffetch the place ffrom whence wee put the last day, ffyndinge the Corrent in the offinge to sett verry strongly to the northward, wherin wee ffound the Guzerattes words to bee trewe. And in the eveninge wee were ffayer by the Island againe, so that att 9 a clock wee stood of and aboute 2 a clock stood in againe. Lattd this day 12d 37’. The winde beeinge att S.W. wee steered in wth the shoare, and seeinge 2 shipps rydinge wthin the second




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bay, wee stood directly wth them. At 10 a clock wee came to an ankor ffayer by them, the one beeing the same wth whome wee hadd before spoke, but the other was much bigger, comminge ffrom Surat bound for Moka. Our gennerall sent his pinace aborde the greater to desire the Captaine to come aborde. Then the Captain of hir (beeinge a more) wth divers of their merchants came aborde in their owne boate, presenting our gennerall wth twills and some Callico, whome our gennerall well interteyned. And at his retourne abourde, wee bought in his shipp 12 quintalls of ryce and some Callicos, his Cheiff laeding as hee say beeinge Callicos and Cotton wooll wth dyvers stuffs of Cambaya. The Commanders of both the shipps, uppon their earnest request, obteyned eyther of them a letter ffrom our gennerall of their willingnes in helpinge us wth some ryce, they wrytinge also each of them in the behalfe of our gennerall, one to the kinge of Cambaya and the other to the governor of Aden. Moreover wee were certified by and of their saylers, wch spake the molayo tongue (whoo was at Bantam aboute 7 months since) of the health of the merchants there, and of a smale english shipp that was there aryved in salvetie, saying that the Captain of hir was but a little man, wch in all lykelyhood should bee the Consent, ffor the wch god bee praised. This eveninge havinge a ffresh gale easterly, wee weighed and sett sayle stearing alongst the shoare, but it lasted not. Wee plyed to and againe to windward, havinge a ffresh gale at S.W., and in the eveninge wee came to an ankor wthin the first bay. And at nyne a clock havinge a smale gale ffrom the N.E. of the land, wee wayed and plyed all night to wether the other point of Zokatora. This day in the fforenoone John Jones, one of the Hectors companie, ffell overborde and was drowned, beeinge a hard mischaunce. In the morning wee ffound that wee hadd wethered the rocke, beeinge thwart of the westermost point of the Island, wee plying all day to windward hoopinge to recover one of the hermanos, but the winde still keepinge aboute the S.S.W., wee rather lost then gott, to our greate discomforts. All night wee stood W.S.W. & S.W.b.W. but hadd little winde. Wee stood west next hand untill noone wth a smale breath, at wch tyme wee cast aboute and stood S.S.E. the winde at S.W., the westermost hermano bearinge S.




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of us and the rock E.N.E. and the west end of zokatora E.S.E., makinge Abba de Curia ffrom our topmasthead to beare S.W.b.S. of us. Wee hadd a smale gale ffrom the S.W., so wee stood W.N.W. beeing driven to leeward, havinge lost sight of Abba de Curia. At noone it began to blowe att W.b.S., so wee tacked aboute and steered S.b.W. Wee hadd a ffresh gale aboute the S.W. wth wch wee lay turninge to and againe to wether the hermano, and at noone were wthin a league of them, beeinge in good comforte to have wethered them before night. But havinge lost sight of the Hector in the nighte, and now makinge hir from our topmast head as ffarr to leeward as wee were able to discerne hir, our gennerall willed the master to beare upp wth hir. So wee lost now as mch in bearinge up as wee hadd painfully gotten in 4 daies. In the evening, beeinge neere hir, our gennerall sent his pinace to knowe the cause of hir beeing so ffarr to leeward. The cause was that all night shee lay becalmed not havinge a breath of wind, notwthstandinge the ffresh gale that wee hadd. And beeinge now wthin a league of the wester end of zokatora, wee begann to turne it upp againe, havinge a ffresh gale all night from betwene the S. and W.S.W., wth a rowlinge sea. At 6 a clock in the morninge, by reason of the Scantnes of the winde and of a mightie hollow sea ffrom the S.W., wee were sagged so neer the S. syde of the Iland that wee were constreyned to come to an ankor in 8½ ffatham water, sandy ground, aboute 2 leagues from the pointe, beeinge aboute 2 myle of the shoare. And beeinge at an ankor, our master sent the pinace to sound towards the shoare, where they ffound verry good shoaldinge, havinge 7 ffatham wthin a myle of the shoare. And at noone the wind blew ffresh at S.W., pluckinge upp good hartes, and [we] weighed ankor steeringe away W.b.N. and W.N.W. alongst the shoare, it beeinge a bould coast, havinge 12, 15, 16 and 18 ffatham good ground. And although wee hadd a greate rowling sea heaving to shoare ward, yett it pleased god that wee hadd so stronge a tyde on our lee bow setting to the westward that wee kept it upp and drave nothinge att all to leeward. For the wch the lords holy name bee blessed and praysed. And aboute 4 a clock, wee havinge brought the wester pointe of the Iland N.E. of us, wee kept our loofe,32 steering west next hand wth a ffresh gale. In the eveninge wee hadd




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the end of the Iland east of us, the whyte rock north, and the wester hermano S.W. next hand, lyinge upp to the southward of the west, the winde southerly. All night it blew a ffresh gale. Wee hadd a stiff gale att S.W. or therabouts wth a lofty sea, it veeringe between the W. and the S., wherwth wee did our best still to recover the hermano, lyinge sometymes S.b.E. and S.S.E., and other whyles W. and N.N.W. And aboute noone beeinge aboute 2 leagues of the wester hermano, it blewe so much winde and the sea went so high that wee were forced to beare upp and goe roome wth the wester bay of Zokatora, steering N.N.E. And aboute 4 a clock wee came to an ankor wthin the ffirst point in 7 ffatham water, havinge hadd ffaier shoaldinge 12, 10, 8, 7, 6½ ffatham, the westermost pointe bearinge W.b.N. and the eastermost N.E.b.N. Note that nowe wee ffound the Guzerates wordes to bee trew, namely that unlesse wthin 15 daies, wch is now expyred, wee could gett Aden, wee should ffynde such a stiff gale at S.W. that there were no keepinge att Sea, but to hould ffast on this Island as wee loved our lyves, by wch wee now see our estate. The Lord of his abundant mercies bee mercifull to us and comforte us in these our greate extreamities, and preserve us by his outstretched arme if it bee his holy will and pleasure. Towards evening our Gennerall sent of his pinace wth one of the master his mates and the more to seeke ffor ffresh water, wch the more reporteth is to bee hadd on the west syde of this bay. But it blewe so much winde that they were not able to rowe ashoare, so they came aborde againe. It blew verry much winde all night. Wee roade still, having verry much winde at S.S.W. that wee could not gett ashoare wth our boates. And aboute midnight it blewe so extreamely that our shipp drove, and at 2 a clock in ye morninge wee wayed, and havinge gotten up our ankor, ffounde that one of the fflookes was broken of to our greate discomfortes, it beeinge the third ankor wee have lost this voyadge. So wee stood of to seaward untill day, and then wee steered alongst the shoare to the eastward with verry much winde, and at one a clock in the afternoone wee came to an ankor over against tamora in 9 ffatham water, where wee ffound both the Guserattes at an ankor, havinge a smoothe sea and ffaier wether wth verry little winde, notwthstanding the extreamity of winde on the S. side of this Iland.




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And after dinner our gennerall went ashoare and Capt Hawkins wth him, all our boates being well manned, where hee was mett wth 200 mores all verry well appointed, of whome hee demanded to speake wth their governour Sedj Hamour Bensaid, wth whome at length hee hadd much conference. And amongst other hee demanded his man Nasher againe verry earnestly, promisinge uppon our genneralls intreaty to pardon him, swearinge by their Alkaron. Also they talkinge aboute refreshinge, hee promised our gennerall to serve us every day wth 20 goates, 30 sheepe or 2 oxen duringe our aboade heere (wch is lykely to bee 3 moneths), profferinge much kyndnesse unto our gennerall, desieringe to have articles of peace drawen betwene them. So towards eveninge they did take their leave each of other verry kyndly. Our gennerall walkinge towards the river to see whither it were good water or not, ffyndinge it to bee brackish, retourned to his boates, beeinge all this way accompanied wth the two Captain of ye Guserates. So aboute Sonne setting our Gennerall retourned aborde, the Kinge gevinge order to sende 9 goates and 2 sheep alonge wth us, wch came well to keepe Whitsonday wthall. Beeing Whitsonday ffaire wether, after dinner our gennerall sente his longe boate ffor water. And the reason of such haest was that the winds will blowe verry strongly in this place wthin 3 or 4 daies as the Guserates doe creadably reporte, and that wee shall bee constreyned to goe aboute the easter point and to ryde there right before deleshá, at wch place as they say no good water is to bee hadd, and that the water wch wee should have there is ffarr to ffetch. So our gennerall thought it meetest to gett heer what quantety wee could wthin that space, this water beeinge verry good. This day came one of the Kings servants aboarde whoo was well interteyned by our gennerall, wth whome at his returne our gennerall sent Nasher the more wch hee hadd aborde him (wthout whome wee could not well content the people). Also hee sent 2½ yards of stamedll cloth unto the kinge ffor a present. So our longe boate havinge ffilled 5½ tonns of water, at night wee returned all aboarde. Wee gott 12 tonns of water aboard and received from the Kinge 35 goates, ffor wch the Kinge would have 400ld of lead and the rest in mony, at a piece of eight a goat and the lead att 8 pieces per quintall. And this




17

Mr Clarke 18

Edward Lock

227

day Capt Hawkins went ashoare unto the Kinge, whoo interteyned him verry kyndly, intreating him to stay dinner wth him, as also divers of our merchants that were wth him, whoo provyded greate store of fflesh and ryce all verry decent and well performed, gevinge unto the Capt 2 basketts of rype dates and to each of his trompeters a peece of good stuff, earnestly intreatinge that our gennerall would be pleased to come and visitt him. Our Gennerall wth the master of his shipp and merchants went ashoare, where wee ffound the Kinge sittinge under the date trees looking uppon his people whoo were lanchinge of a frigatt, aboute wch hee desired the gennerall that his men might helpe. And after shee was lanched, our gennerall went alonge wth him unto his house, where our general and the rest that were wth him stayed dinner, beeing in all outwarde showe verry welcome. This afternoone our general bargained wth him for 10 quintals of Aloes att 20 Ryalls of eight the quintall, or 100ll. Also this day hee demanded mony ffor his goates at 4ss per goate. For hee would take no more Commodetie, wch was contrary to our ffirst agreement, in so much it hadd lyke to have made a Jarr betwixt us, our gennerall departinge much discontented, takinge no goates this day aborde, our longe [boat] havinge filled 12 tonns of water. This day Mr Edmond Clarke dyed, beeinge one of ye merchants in the Hector, not havinge bene well these 3 months and more. Beeing wednesday, in the morninge Capt Hawkins wth the merchants of boath shipps and some 60 shott to see the body of Mr Edmund Clarke interred, whom the Kinge hadd lycensed us to bury where wee thought good. And hee was buried after a decent order wth sound of trumpetts, 1 greate peece, and 2 volley of small shott. In wch shoetinge the gonners mate of the Hector hadd his peece wch went of casually after hee had twyce given fire unto it, wth wch hee shott a youth of the Dragons companie named Edward Lock cleane thorough the bodie, of wch in the afternoone hee died, to the griefe of us all. And also wth the same shott was one of the Hectors men wounded in the arme. This day wee gott aboute 12 tonns of water aboarde, and wee received of the Kinge 275 Aloes at 20 Ryalls per Kintall. Moeover wee bought 10 goates wch cost




228

19

20

21

22

us 10 pieces of eight, under wch pryce wee could not gett any. Wee also brought a bull aborde wch the Kinge gave us in regarde of our mens paynes in lanching his ffrigatt. Wee ffilled 6 tonns of water, it beeinge the last caske wee hadd to fill, and bought 10 goates at the Kings rate, and by our pinace the Kinge sent unto our gennerall 2 small potts of butter. This day aboute noone, havinge a stiff gale westerly, wee weighed and sett sayle towards deleshá, edging of into 12 or 13 ffatham, and then bare upp wth the lowe pointe, steeringe N.E. and E.N.E., havinge verry good shoaldinge 16, 18, and 20 ffatham. And aboute 4 a clock came to an ankor beyonde the pointe in 10 ffatham water close by the Guserattes and neer the shoare over against the ragged towne of deleshá, the wester point bearing N.west of us and the eastermost E.S.E., it beeinge a lowe pointe trentinge of the high land at the end of wch stande 2 smale hummockes, where wee hadd verry smooth water and a smale gale ffrom the N.W.b.N. Our pinace went ashoare where wee ffound the ould more wch traded wth us ffor the Kinge at Tamoré sent by the Kinge to serve us wth what wee wanted, of whome wee bought 10 goates. And after dinner our gennerall wth the Capt etc went a shoare to looke ffor water, where wee ffound a river comminge neer unto the sea syde where it was brackish, but ffarther upp neere the springe verry good and ffresh water. This day wee went a ffishinge wth our saynes but caught no ffish. Our gennerall called all his companie together where hee tould them that in regard it hadd pleased god so to crosse our voyadge in makinge it longer then wee deemed it would bee, that there should bee abated ¼ parte of the allowance of bread to every messe, the better to make it hould out ffor homewards bound, and that hee would allowe them one meale a day of ffresh meate so longe as wee remayned heer (although fflesh was verry deere), and the other to bee made of Stock[f ]ish or ryce, such as the shipp will aforde, to the ende wee might save our fflesh ffor homewards bounde. This day wee went a shoare and bought 30 goates. Day wee went ashoare and were certefied by the people that it blew exceedinge much winde at Tamoré, yet god




23 24

Ricrd: 25 Gresham 26 27

28 29 30 31

229

bee thanked that wee ffelt nothinge therof, ffor this place at this tyme of the yeare, when S.W. winds doe commonly blowe, is the best place in all the island. For a shipp cannot ryde in any other bay uppon the island, the extreametie of the winde beeinge so greate as it is. Day wee went ashoare and bought 1825 Aloes of the Kinge. This day or boate ffilled 4 tonns of verry good water at the River. Some of the Dragons companie marched upp into the Island to looke ffor hoggs, wch the people certefied us they kept aboute the mountains. But they could not espie any, so in the eveninge they retourned aborde. Wee went ashoare and bought 22 goates at ye former rate. This day Richard Gresham died, one of the smithes in ye Dragon. Wee hadd a ffresh gale westerly. Hamet Benseid the more wth the Capt of the great Guserate wth divers others wth them came aborde our Gennerall, wth whome they all dyned. And after kynde interteynment, towards night wee went ashoare and bought 20 goates. This day a ffresh gale westerly. Wee went a shoare againe and bought 2 goates. Wee went a shoare againe and bought 30 goates. Being munday, wee ffilled 5 tonn of water. Nothinge passed worth the noatinge.

June 1608 1 Wm Whitall 2

Day of June wee went a shoare and bought 22 goates, also wee ffilled 5 tonns of water. And this night died Wm Whitall, one of the Dragons companie, of the fflux. In the morninge our gennerall caused the fflagg of connsaile to bee put abroade to have Capt Hawkins, Mr Mullinax, and Mr Marlowe, wth all the masters mates, come aborde to consult whither it were requisite that both shipps should goe together to Cambaya and so to remayne both heere untill tyme of the yeare will serve to goe ffor that place, wch will bee a greate chardge to the Companie, consideringe that they must yet stay 2 months; or that they should parte heer, and the dragon to make all ye haest shee cann ffor Bantam. Our Gennerall & Capt Hawkins is of opinion that it is verry important that the shipps should seperate





wthin 20 daies, the Hector to stay untill tyme of yeare to goe ffor Cambaya and the Dragon to proceed towards Priaman, Bantam, and the moluccoes. Reasons by our Genneral for not stayinge longe at Sokatora. First, that his victualls are spent and not to bee reniewed. Secondly, the companie appointed him no busines at Cambaya save only the search of harbours ffree ffrom the portingall and ye knowledge of wares vendible, and to bee brought thence wth their pryces, wch the Hector may doe wth one charge. Thirdly, the Guserates have informed us that Iron will sell in small quantetie, onely at zurat and dabul one or two hundreth kintalls, and the Hector hath nigh a thousand kintalls. What hope then of advancinge the companie benefitt by sale of the Dragons Iron there. Fourthly, ffor our cloth they reporte will sell verry easily and but smale quantety, and therfore the same reasons hould as in the Iron.

Inconveniences by Stayinge to Longe Heerabouts33 Iff my ffresh victualls bee all spent before I gett some ryce, I must bee constreyned to spend my sault fflesh, wherby not onely my men shall bee cast downe (an Irreparable damage) but also, my victualls beeinge spent, my voyadge to the moluccoes wilbee utterly overthrowne. The consideration wherof howe maynly it concerns us I referr to judgement. Secondly, I shall not bee able to stay any tyme at Priaman, eyther ffor refreshinge, it beeinge the best place in all those parts in that kynde, neyther shall I gett any pepper thence, wch is the best cann bee carried home, wth many other necessary dependances.

Benefits Arysinge of the Dragons Dispach Hence I may by gods ffavour gettinge hence by the middest of June gett Priaman by the middest of August, the windes, by informacion in the ffirst voyadge, in these months beinge att N.W., good wether. I may stay there untill the ffyne of September gettinge pepper, and then it is the ffirst of the monson ffor the moluccoes, by which



230

231

means I shall take the best course ffor spyces, before such hollanders as are sett fforth this last yeare cann aryve to prevent (god permitting us a mayne consideracion). But wth all our haest hence, if it please god to crosse us that wee cannot gett priaman in tyme before our victualls both ffresh and sault bee too much wasted, and by that means our voyadge to the moluccoes bee prevented, or by any other means not yet by us thought uppon, I will in such case lade my selfe att Bantam and goe ffor England, takinge onely necessary victualls wth mee and leavinge the rest ffor to relieve the Hector if shee shall come thither. By wch means shee may afterwards uppon occasion eyther goe to the moluccoes or take some other convenient course. I desire to bee satisfied what good cann result uppon my longer stay wth yow, sith neyther it will advantage the sale of comodetis, the health of our menn, the estate of our voyadge to the moluccoes, the discovery ffor ffarther voyadges, nor ought ells I cann thinke uppon. It stands not wth the companies benefitt nor any mans good Discreation to hazard so many disadvantages as before especefyed, ffor the prevention of such shadowes as may seeme to breed uppon conceyt of disconntenancinge each other by our seperation, wee beinge men whose vocation call us to many dangers substantiall. If I stay heere, wee cannott come to Cambaya untill the prime or middest of September. If I stay untill the fine of September wth yow, I shall not helpe yow; ffor so much tyme will passe ere yow cann have answere ffrom the higher powres of your busines there, then shall I hardly gett to Bantam (the trade at Priaman beeinge lost) untill the fine of November. And before that tyme may the hollanders bee gone thence ffor the moluccoes and doe our busines much damadge. But if you ffynde no trade at Cambaya and so come emptie ffor Bantam, in such case my havinge bene fformerly there will much ease yow in gettinge ladeinge ffor yow there, or otherwyse in orderinge your goinge to the moluccoes or Banda. Mr Marlows opinion that both shipps stay together and to goe both ffor Cambaya, and there to part, and the Dragon to goe ffor Priaman (both shipps beeinge of greater Countenance then one would bee), so that shee keeps hir tyme ffor hir voyadge to the moluccoes.




232

3

Jno Coytmore

My opinion that they should seperate wthin 15 or 20 daies, and the Hector onely to goe ffor Cambaya, and to take in such Commodeties out of the Dragon as shalbee ffittinge ffor these places. For to spend much tyme heer, to put the Companie to so greate charges extraordinary, wheras one shipp may serve that place so well as boath, in my judgement were verry unfitt. Mr Hippon, Mr. Pokam and Mr Savadge were all of opinion that the Dragon should departe hence wthin 20 daies to avoyde the greate charge in victuallinge heer, as also ffor the furtherance of our voyadge to Priaman, Bantam and the moluccoes, they nothing doubtinge but by the helpe of god wee shall have a good passage to Priaman, hopinge that when wee are at Sea wee shall finde the winds westerly. And then it was propounded wch course wee were best to take, whither to the Southwardes or to ye Norwards of the maldivies. They were most of opinion that wee should god willinge have a good passage to the Southwardes of the maldivies, doubtinge of nothinge but cleere wether to observe in, ffor the Corrent setteth extreamely to the ——. So that this day was nothinge concluded concerninge our course. Mr Taverners opinion beeinge demanded, hee answered verry absolutely that hee would no way consent to departe hence wth the Dragon as before is especefied, but to stay heere untill tyme would serve to goe alonge by Goa, and that 2 monthes tyme would bee no greate hinderance unto us. Mr Mullineux did not directly deliver his opinion as touchinge our course but did deferr it untill Mr Hippon and hee hadd conferred togither. Onely hee shewed a kynde of unwillingnes that the Dragon should as yet departe. Day was a meetinge againe aborde the Dragon as touchinge our course, and after many reasons pro and contra, it was gennerally concluded that wee should keepe our course wth the Norther ende of the maldivies, at wch end are many Ilands, betwixt wch Ilands are many good channells. The Lord of his mercey graunte that all may redound to his glory, profitt of our owners, and comforte of ourselves. This eveninge John Quoitmore, purcer of the Hector, died of the fflux.




5 Jno: 6 Ashenhurst

7 8 9 10 11

Richard Wyles

12 13 14 15

16 17 19 Mr Blastock Chirurgon

233

This day wee went a shoare and bought 22 goates at the fformer pryce. Day wee went a shoare againe and bought 20 goates and 3 sheepe. In the morninge John Ashenhurst, purcers mate of the Hector died, and this morninge Walter Romney, purcers mate in the Dragon, wente aborde the Hector, beeinge chosen purcer in John Coytmores place. This day wee begann to romadge to come by Iron and Lead appointed ffor the Hector by our gennerall, in place wherof wee begann to take in ballast. So our gennerall gave order that both companies should have 2 meals a day of ffresh victualls duringe the tyme of this rummadginge & labour. This day wee went a shoare againe and bought 20 goates. Day wee went a shoare and bought 2 kyne, cost 10 pieces of eight each cowe. Day wee went a shoare and bought 16 goates. Day wee went a shoare and bought 2 kyne at ye fformer pryces. Day wee went a shoare againe and bought 21 goates. Also our gennerall bought 3 bales of ryce qty 1812ll of the guserats wch hee reservs for the Dragon. Day wee went a shoare againe and bought 2 kyne and 2 goates att the fformer pryces. Day wee went a shoare and bought 20 goates. Day wee went a shoare and bought 22 goates. Day wee went a shoare againe and bought 20 goates. Day beeinge wednesday Richard Wyles, one of the Dragons companie, dyed of the fflux. This day wee bought of Sedi Hamour 354ll Aloes and 20 goates at the fformer pryces. Day wee went ashoare againe and bought 2 Kyne. Day wee went againe ashoare and bought 4 Kyne and 1 goate. Day beeinge sonday, in the night Mr Blastock, Chirurgion of the Hector, died verry sodainly, havinge beene in perfect health all the day in outward appearance. This Journall hath bene continued untill this present 19th day of June 1608 by us whose names are heerunder written: Per me John Hearne Per me William Finche







Summary of William Keeling’s Journal on the Red Dragon and the Hector Drafted probably in London by an East India Company scribe from a manuscript that Samuel Purchas described as “very voluminous” (Pilgrimes, 2:502), this summary, shelf mark L/MAR/A/3, reflects the interests of the Company’s directors. While it often overlaps with Purchas’ lengthier redaction, it contains significant unique material. The journal is individually bound in five unnumbered, yellowing pages, each 19.75 centimeters by 30 centimeters, with dark, legible ink. The months and years are in the far left margin and the days in an adjacent column, setting off the text with an even left margin. I have retained the marginal notes, tentatively reconstructed some lacunae from passages in Purchas, and spotlighted some discrepancies in the endnotes. The princepall notes of the third voyadge to the East Indies by William Keelinge Governor begunne the 12th of March Anno Domino 1607 ______________________________________________________ March 12 The Consent sett saile from Tilbury Hope the Hector & Dragon. Aprill 10 Wee Came into the Downes, wheare we road all the next day. 12 Wee set sayle, the winde at E. and S.E.



Chapter 6

236

May

7

August

9 5

6

12

December

17

Wee ankored in Illia Mayo, in 13 fathomes Water, wheare wee fitted our maine mast. Wee sett sayle, the wind at N.E. Wee sawe Land, being a round plott called Ilo Verde, wch I note to be a good marke for such as ar bound for theise partes. The S. part of the Ile verde bearing E. and the Cape of Sera Leona being a lowe poynt N. by E., but the Land over the said Cape is verie Heigh Land and may be Seene in a cleare day 15 leags off. We sett sayle for the road and had from 16 fathomes to 9 fathomes water untill we Came N. & S. wth the Rocke wch lieth to the Westward of the Cape Sera Leona. And wthin ½ mile wee had 7 fathomes water, verie good Shoulding, & passing the rocke we had 20 fathoms and shoulded from 18, 16, 12, & 10 fathomes, the waye going into the road borrowing verie neare the south shore. For theire is a sand lies one the N. shore about 2 milles or a leaug from the shore, wheareone the sea Breakes. The pointe of Sera Leona bearing W. Northerly, the No. point of the Baye N. Westerlie & the foresaid breach or sand N.N.E. Wee went ashore where we bought good store of Lemons for 2d knives, and one Oliphantes tooth waighing 68li for 5 yardes of Blew callico and 7 or 8 Iron Barres. Departed 15 September. We saw Land, being the table of Saldania, and the next day putt into the road, ankored and went one shore, wheare we watered and had good refreshing of Sheepe and Cattell.

[1608] January February 1608

1 19

Aprill

25

Maye

14

We sett sayle from Saldania road, the wind at S.W. We made Saint Augustenne wheare we Ancored in 18 fathomes water, wheare we had some smale refreshing, and departed thence 28th. We saw land the Iland Abderacaria and ankored to the Northward of the Iland, wheare runnes a stronge currant setting to the westwardes, & yet the wind was westerlye, wheare we watered and had refreshing wth goates and Cattell and departed the 29th daye.1 We saw Land and Ankored in Tammarine Baye in 9½ fathome water, wheare we bought Alloes at 100li, each pound theire poyse2 17 peces of eight and cost 20 dollars the 100li; and sett sayle and departed the 24th the wind at S.W.




Julie

27

28

29

30

August

31 5

8

237

We weare ½ way betwenne Priaman and Teckoo about 3 leauges from the shore, wheare I noted the 2 hummockes of Teckoo, wth the heigh land over them, beares N. by W. & S. by E. ½ a poyn[t] Easterly, wheare lies a shole 4 miles from the shore bearing S. and W. wth the heigh Land of Teckoo; having 45 fathomes water 2 [1/2 leagues] from the shore, Bearing N.E. by E. from the Road of Prima[n]. Theire is an Iland 4 leagues from the said Road N.E. and S. The 3 Ilands of Pryaman lie S.S.E. & N.N.W. being distant each from other about one mile. I went ashore unto the Governor and presented unto him 3 stamell clothes, one blew callico, one pece stockte, one barrell, and 2 sword blades. The Governor sent me one goate and I gave the messenger one peece of blew callico. I went ashore to the governor, wheare after Licens I agreed wth some of the princepalleste men of the Towne for pepper at 22½ dollers the Bahar besides 6 dollars per Centa [hundred] Custom, Alsoe payeng two other Costomes, or rather taxations, the one of 160 dollers, the other not much lesse, whereto wth much adoe I Consented, and writting weare drawne betwenne us. I sent ashore to waigh pepper, but many delayes weare made, and would not waigh neare unto the waters side but in the Towne. Wee went ashore and waighed pepper. Sould to the Muccadama Cloth for 159 masse of gould, but noe mention how much cloth. Priaman yeldeth yearely not above 500 bahars of pepper, but wth the partes neare adjoyning, as Bassaine,3 Teckoo, the mountaines and other like places, yt yealdeth 2500 Bahars yearly, wch quantety will lade 2 good shipps and may be bought very Cheape if a factory weare settelled to buy all the yeare. For theire harvest is only in August & September and is fecht awaye by them of Achene and Java. But the Guyzerattes have noe trad heare, for the King of Achene hath given expresse Command to the Contrary. Whearefore if a ship touch at Suratt and bring from thenc blew Callicoes, white callicoes, blue stript Chequered stufes, some smale and fine pantadoes, wch leaving a factory, will doe well for another yeare, ffirst procuring the king of Achennes lettars for our procedinges. We bargayned for Iron and sould 10 bars for a taell of gould, every taell 16 masse, every masse 4ss.4



Summary o f Wi lli a m K eeli n g’ s Jou rn a l

238

19 30 note: September

18

21

22 October

4

November

2

note: 11 23

Wee had much adoe about coustome of Iron and Callicoes, wch I utterly denyed payment, soe they toke Counnsayle about yt. I gott leave to waigh Iro[n] upon the Iland and sould 15 barrs of Iron for a Bahar of pepper. He writeth nothing of the prizes of any marchandizes exceptt Iron, wch he sould in bartar and as afforesaid. Having finnished and donne what we could, we sett sayle and the 19 weare W.N.W. of the S. point of Pryaman 10 leagues and steared to the eastward of Illia Detrictoha [Illia de Tristeza].5 We sawe an Iland ahead and steared E.S.E. to goe cleare of ytt. Wee went to the eastward of yt 4 leages, the Ile Sumatra being 4 Leauges from us. We weare wthin 6 or 7 leauges of Sumatra, and W. from us about 4 leauges was another great Iland, soe that Navigation upon this coast is Carfuller to be performed, for we find noe such Iles Projected. We being 9 leauges from Summatra saw another smale Iland to sea board of us, 3 or 4 Leauges of. We gott into Bantam Road, wheare I went ashore and presented unto the King a Bason and yeoure of silver persell guylte, one Barrell of powder and 5 peeces.6 We waighed pepper and gott some abord, but noe price mentioned. Nor the prices of my other Marchandizes during his staye. Wee sett sayle for England, and the next morning we saw the Hector, wch caused us to stand in againe for Bantam. I Caused the Dragon to sett sayle for England.7

[1609] January

1

February

4

I sett sayle wth a gale of the shore and got about the E. point, E.N.E. from where we roade 3 leauges, thence to another poynt S.E.Easterly thre leauges, betweene wch 2 points lies a shole having littell water, a great length. To prevent wch it is good to steare ½ waye betweene Java & Tonda, wch ar 5 leauges distant. To the Eastward of the 2 pointes, close abord the shore lies the Ile Tamar and is not seene of such as come farr of, yt lyes soe neare the shore. From the strond to a 3 point bearing E.S.E. 4 leauges and 1½ of the point N. by W. lies the Ile lacke, twixt wch and the poynt is 1½ fathom water.8 We waighed and steared wthin ½ Leaug of Lack, having 7 or 8 fathom water. The Iland lacke wth the west poynt




Banda

8

9

16

24 25 Marche

10

13

239

including Jackatora lies E.S.E. And 4 leauges distant theire lies a dangerous sand of the W. point of Jackatora, soe yt is good to Borrow of the Ilande being opposite to the same point.9 Wee gott into the Roade or harbor of Banda, wheare the people and hollanders came to welcome me. I instantlie sent my Marchantes ashore for newes, wch proved good. There is a smale flat Ile wch lies to the N. Pullucam E. end.10 Pullaway and the entrance of the harbor W. Northerly & c., three leauges distant. The 2 poynts of the sound beares N. ½ Easterlie 1½ mile dista[nt]. He that is bound in must borrow one the N. sid close under the heighest hill. We road in 6½ fathome water, the soundes entrance being W.S.W. one mile of us, Neira one mile N., and the low point of the round hill W. one mile. I went ashore and delivered the Kinges lettars to Neira wth a present, being a guilte cupp wth a cover, head peece and gorgett, and one peece. Yt was Reaceived wth as great state as hath bine knowne. I Sent to the states Concerning our trade, but mannie Delaies weare made. The next Day, I sent againe that except they made more haste, my first trade should be at Lymore, but the cheefe much Desired trade. I was wth the Cheefe about the prices of Cloth and spice, and they demannded 200 dollars and bad littell for Cloth. They demanded 140 dollars, and I profered 90 dollars, wch was the price that the Hollanders gave, but they refused. I went ashore and proffered 100 dollers soe they would take Counsayle. And loke wheare the hollanders have any thing to doe, lett noe man loke for bettar dealing, large guyftes being better regarded then good Dealing. Theye of Lintore demanded of me Seripinang 180 Riale[s], and I required to sell my cloth as I might wth a publike price making. The preist was sentt from the state to demaund Roaba before we traded, wch I denied except upon a condicon, That the whole Cunntry would b[ind] themselves to lade me wth mace and Nutmedges wthin 4 monthes. He toke tyme to Backara.11 I answered that perceaving they defferred tyme untill the Hollanders Came, wch was now in suspence, the munnsoone being almost spent, I would not give above 90 Royalles, wheare wth we parted.




240

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20

23

1609

28

Aprill

26

28

╫

May

2

The states sent againe for Roaba, wch I refused to paye. They sent againe to tell me that they weare togeather, but except I would exceed 100 dollars, I should save my labor. I sent them word that though I laded not one graine, I would not exceed 100 dollars. Wheare after Long Dispute, we agreed for 100 dollars, Rooba 380 dollars, and Seripinange 50 dollars being pissaline, a dutye to the 4 Sabanders 4 peces of Sarasa or mallaia pantadoes. Wee Reaceived a Beame and waighed the Cattee poyse 99 dollars and in haberdepoyse 5li 13½ oz, soe our Royalles ar to leight.12 We beganne to waigh. The people of Lintore sent to me for Seripinang, which I refused to paye, thay having not kept their word in price wth me. They sent againe that having serpinange they would prize our Cloth as the last voyadage. I wrott to Sidoll to lett them have 50 dollrs and to paye them in Cloth if possible.13 I made a secret accord wth the chefe of Polly14 to send a factor thither and weare constrained to lend them 300 Royalles and give Seripenange 100 Royales wth 4 Mullayes Pantadoes. The Hollanders and people at open wars. We toke in mace and nutmedges and soe Continued but weare hindred verie much by the Hollander. I being in my boat wth 5 of the Cheefe affirmed that If I would not deale wth them, the spice should rote upon the trees and would die all before they would deale wth the Hollanders. I went to Polley, wheare after much adoe and manny protestations, they made me a writing to deale wth me onlie for all the spice at Pollay and Pollaron and at Nirapotte,15 and not to sell or parte to the Hollanders one Catte theireof. The Hollanders offered 12,000 dollers among the Country to make theire peace and drive us hence, wch they refused to doe, and desired me not to thinke any ill of them in regard they suffered the Hollanders to come ashore to sell theire cloth, yt being upon espetiall Consideration. Soe I brought such spice as was at Pollay and paid 60 dollars seripinang. I went ashore and bought spice for 10 dollars the Bahar, and the hollands offered 15 dollars, soe I questioned wth them about our state. But the Chefe desired me to Consceave that either they would performe wth me or ells ever after to deserve the title of dogges, not men. The Hollanders still seking to hinder our trading.




25

June

4 5

10 July

29

August

1 5 6

10

11

241

The Vize Admirall of the Duch fllett sent me word abourd that I should have quiet trade at Labatana, except at such tyme as they should Come to surprize the same. Alsoe requested me not to take offenc if theire boates did Laye mine abord to serch what aid I did to their enimies, wch I toke in Ivell parte. And in prevention of wch inconvenience, I proponed unto them that if they would pay such debts as Neira and Comba oweth me, wch amounted to 12 or 13,000 dollars,16 I would trad at Pulloy and Pulleron onlye. They promised me answeare theireof tomoroo. But heareafter they would not suffer any nation to trad at any hand. I yealded to theire serch having had much adoe about the same, more for quietnes sake then for any thing ells, wheareby I might the bettar Lade our spices. Day I went wth my Last rice to Polloay, the hollanders having first sent abord and seerched, to our great discontentes. Nevertheles the ship at Lintore weaved us and called to come abord, wch I refused. They said they would shott, but I neither went aboard nor they shott. I went to Cambary wheare they desired trad, wch I Canne hardlie doe for want of men and meanes. I had good store spices from Polloay. I sent my boat to Cambary who retorned wth smale store of spice, and weare answered that the hollanders gave 13 dollar the Bahar and did lett them have rice for spice. Theire was a generall peace proclaymed betwixt the Duch and the Country people, wch is not good for us. I understoode by a servant of Nackada17 that the people weare minded to lett me have noe more spice, onlye some smale quantitie, to shadow the wronges the doe unto us, whearefore I gott the Duch lettares for such debtes as weare owing me, and getting our men abord wth such thinges as weare one the shore, sett sayle for Bantam. I waighed our ½ hundreth by our ordenary Banda Beame and it waies 9½ Cattes, wherby the Cattee appeares to waigh 15li 14½ ozs. I waighed alsoe a single Cattee wch waighed alsoe 5li 14½ ozs haberdepoyse [weight].18 We anckored at Maccassa upon Cellebis,19 hoping to have had some store of spice and to have sould some of our cloth, and sent my skife one shore, whoe retorned answere that maccassa was ½ adayes sayle to the Norward, and that theire was about 3 monthes since a Duch shipp




242

26

September

8 23

lost in the seight of the Towne. Upon wch dangerous report made us give over the serch of Maccassa. We came about the point of Bamtam, in the Morning ankored, and toke in some pepper. The next daye I went to the Courte, wheare was much fayned frendship proffered unto us. Reaceived pepper of the Duch for Debts owing at Banda. We Laded our shipp, and then I questioned about leaving or not leaving a factorie, wch being agreed upon, I Left 10 English, Augustine Spaulding being Cheefe factor,20 whome I put in trust. And having disspacthted all bussiness ashore and lefte such orders as weare needfull, came aboard, and the 5th of October sett sayle for England.




The Extracts on Hamlet and Richard II Precisely when General Keeling’s journal vanished is uncertain. The “Catalogue of Letters Patent from the Crown kept in a Trunk,” dated “Register Office, 25 April 1822,” contains a “Catalog of Damaged Papers in Three Lists: Copied in part from the Old Catalogue.” The third list holds the following entry: “108, First leaf of Capt Keeling’s Journal. (Much decayed and mutilated).”1 That only this leaf is mentioned indicates the possibility that the balance of the journal was already missing. But the entry appears in a bundle of lists in the Register Office, not in a summa of all extant East India Company (EIC) papers. F. S. Boas infers that “the rest of the log or journal may have been in the Marine Department where logs were kept” (89). It must have been intact if the entries on Hamlet and Richard II are genuine, for they were published in 1825 and 1849, the second time in apparent ignorance of the first. The first citation places the journal in the East India Company’s “library.” There is a strong possibility that the manuscript was lost between 1858 and 1867. Sir William Foster notes “the drastic purges made” during those years, “when many tons were sold as waste paper. Some of the records that are known to have been at the East India House in 1849” turned up later at the British Museum (Notes &Queries, 16 Sep 1950, 415). The entries on Hamlet and Richard II initially surfaced in the European Magazine as the afterthought to an article by one Ambrose Gunthio on Hamlet’s lately rediscovered First Quarto (see Introduction): Like a woman’s P.S., mine shall include the most choice thing I have to communicate, viz. three extracts from a journal kept on board the ship Dragon, by Captain KEELING, one of the earliest commanders employed by the East India Company, in whose library the MS. is preserved. They seem to shew that Hamlet was then, as now, preferred by most people before any other play, in the proportion of at least two to one.



Appendix

244


“Sept. 5, 1607. I sent the Portuguese interpreter, according to his desire, aboard the Hector, where he broke fast, and after came aboord me, where we had the Tragedy of Hamlet; and in the afternoone we went altogether ashore, to see if we could shoot an elephant.”2 “Sept. 29, 1607. Captain Hawkins dined with me, when my company acted Kinge Richarde the Second.” “March 31, 1608. I invited Captain Hawkins to a fyshe dinner, and had Hamlet acted aboord me, which I permit, to keepe my people from idleness and unlawful games, or sleep.”

The second extract appeared in an appendix to Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West (1849), where the EIC archivist Thomas Rundall inserted the following under the heading “Discipline”: Opposed to gaming, the drama appears to have been considered a beneficial source of recreation; and the following curious and interesting entries connected with the subject, occur in the journal of the Dragon (Captain Keeling), bound with the Hector (Captain Hawkins) and the Consent towards the East Indies. 1607 [At Serra Leona.] Towards night, the kinges interpreter September 4 came, and brought me a letter from the Portingall, wher in (like the faction) he offered me all kindly services. The bearer is a man of maruailous redie witt, and speakes in eloquent Portugues. He layt abord me. 5 I sent the interpreter, according to his desier, abord the Hector, whear he brooke fast, and after came abord mee, wher we gaue the tragedie of Hamlett. 30 Captain Hawkins dined with me, wher my companions acted Kinge Richard the Second. 31 I envited Captain Hawkins to a ffishe dinner, and had Hamlet acted abord me: wch I p’mitt to keepe my people from idlenes and vnlawfull games, or sleepe.

A footnote adds, “This journal is printed in Purchas, but with many omissions; of which the above extracts form a part.”3 When Sir Sidney Lee, in A Life of William Shakespeare (1898), classified these notes as “Shakespearean Forgeries,” he believed them “First printed” by Rundall. Further misled by the editor Clements R. Markham’s confusion of Keeling’s missing Dragon journal with the Hector’s anonymous journal—which lacks pages from 31 August 1607 through 18 February 1608 and terminates on 12 March 1608—Lee added, mistakenly,



Now to my extracts from Keeling:

245

“Keeling’s manuscript journal is still at the India Office, but the leaves that should contain these entries are now, and have long been, missing from it.”4 The initial allegation of forgery, that is, was premised upon ignorance of not only the Gunthio transcript but also the identity and status of Keeling’s manuscript. The two extracts do hold puzzling discrepancies. Rundall includes 4 September; Gunthio does not. Rundall terminates the 5 September entry before the elephant hunt that Gunthio includes. (Purchas dates the elephant hunt 7 September [2:506], but Hearne and Finch also place it on the 5th.) Gunthio dates Richard II on 29 September, Rundall 30 September, an incidental difference; Marlowe and Hearne and Finch have the ships becalmed on the 29th and subject to “a small gale” on the 30th, making the former the likelier date. More striking, Gunthio assigns the second Hamlet to 31 March 1608, Rundall to the impossible 31 September 1607. The latter date was corrected after publication: William Foster noted in 1900, “in the copy of Mr. Rundall’s book in the India Office Library the date has been altered, possibly by that gentleman himself, to 31 March, 1608” (N&Q, 21 July 1900, 42). Rundall may have read Keeling’s journal selectively: his preface to the extract gives the impression that the three ships voyaged together, but they did not. In copying the entries, what evidently intrigued him was not the timing but the fact of the shows and Keeling’s conviction that they afforded sound recreation for the crew. Keeling’s practice as a journalist may have occasioned the misdating: the surviving first leaf indicates numerical dates on the left margin but does not repeat the month after an initial notation. Rundall may have copied the number he saw beside the second Hamlet entry and failed to confirm the date before publication. If, by contrast, with Gunthio’s transcript in hand, Rundall perpetuated what he believed to be a forgery, elaborating it with an apocryphal 4 September, why omit the hunt and assign a different, impossible date to the second Hamlet? These discrepancies, I suggest, like the incidental variations in spelling and wording, bespeak not a collaborative hoax but two independent acts of transcription from a single source. The challenges of deciphering Keeling’s hand support this inference. Gunthio identifies the Richard II players as “my company,” Rundall as “my companions.” Both terms make perfect sense as expansions of the contraction that appears several times on the journal’s first leaf, “Compa,” where it variously designates the crew and the body of shareholders in London: “wth a warrante from the lord Admirall for the keepinge of my Compa abord” (15 March); “This day the deputie and others of the Compa went abord the Hector” (n.d.). It would seem that Gunthio got the word right.



Appendix




Achin (Achene Achennes): Port city on northern point of Sumatra. Aden: Port at southeast of Arabia outside Red Sea. Alkaron: The Koran. Antillas: Spanish islands in the Caribbean. appointed: Equipped, armed. artificial: Artful, skillfully made. Bahar: Measure of weight deriving from parts of India and China, about 400 pounds in the Moluccas. Banda: Island group in the Moluccan Archipelago. Bantam: Trading city at northwest end of Java (west of Jakarta), site of EIC’s (East India Company) first factory. Boa Vista: Easternmost of Cape Verde islands. bilboes: Leg-irons below deck. bonnet: Piece of canvas sewn along bottom of sail. boreyco (barico): Keg or barrel (from Portuguese “barrica”). bower: A bow anchor; best bower, the larger of the two. bowline (bolinge, bowlyne): “A rope . . . fastened to the . . . middle part of the outside of the sail . . . to make the sail stand the sharper or closer by a wind” (Mainwaring, 2:107). boy rope: Rope attaching a buoy to an anchor. Brava: One of Cape Verde islands. breeze of the sea: A regular “wind which blows out of the sea . . . also called a sea turn” (Mainwaring, 2:110). bwelte (buelte, buylte) it (often with to and again): An obscure phrase whose context (“divers boordes”, 73) indicates repeated tacking back and forth. See Chapter 2, note 41. cable: “A three-strand rope . . . sufficient for a ship to ride by an anchor” (Mainwaring 2:113); cable’s length: about 100 fathoms or one-tenth of a nautical mile. Cafars (Caffars): From Arabic “kafir,” unbeliever, here applied to South Africans and subject mountaineers in Socotra; cf. Finch in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 4:15. Widely used of indigenous Africans (e.g., Purchas, 9:198, 208; 10:265). Caixem (Cayxem): Qishn, on south coast of Arabia, a “good Harborough . . . but no place for Merchandizing” (Keeling in Purchas, 2:516). Cambaya: Gulf opposite and city north of Surat.



Glossary of Terms


Cape d’Aguillas (Agulhas): Southernmost point of Africa; major reckoning point for mariners. Cape St. Augustine: On northeast coast of Brazil. Cape Bona Speranza: Cape of Good Hope. Cape Verde (Cabo Verde): Islands off West Africa (incl. Mayo, St. Jago, Brava), c.16˚ N. capstan: Large wooden cylinder on deck that revolved on a vertical axis for heavy lifting. cargazone: Cargo (Spanish). committies: Members of EIC board of directors. cotton wool: Cloth of raw cotton or rough fiber. course: A sail hanging from a lower yard, with no bonnets. coxswain (coxone): Helmsman of the pinnace or long boat, from “cock,” a small boat. cross trees: “Cross pieces of timber which are set on the head of the mast . . . the use whereof is to bear and keep up the topmast” (Mainwaring, 2:135). Dabul: Portuguese India (west coast). dart: A light spear or javelin. Delisha: Port-town on North coast of Socotra, east of and better sheltered than Tamrida. Downs: Sea inside Goodwin Sands off Deal on Kentish coast. elephant’s teeth: Ivory. Erith: On south bank of Thames below Greenwich. Ethiopia: Often synonymous with Africa. fish: “Piece of timber or plank which we make fast either to mast or yard, to . . . strengthen it when it is in danger to break” (Mainwaring, 2:148); may derive from the French ficher, to thrust in, fix, or attach. flown sheet: With untethered sails, “for the sheet being flown doth hold no wind” (Mainwaring 2:150); sheets: ropes at lower corners of sails. gallant: Flag on mizzen mast. glass: Half-hour sand-glass. Goa: Major Portuguese trading center on Malabar (south west) coast of India. Goodwin Sands: Bank outside the Downs off Deal. gorgett: Neck ornament, necklace. Gravesend: Town on south bank of Thames opposite Tilbury. Greenhithe: On south bank of Thames midway between Erith and Gravesend. Guinea: West African region along Gulf of Guinea. Gujarat (Guzerat): Northwest region of India that includes Surat and Cambaya. half-pikes: Pikes with a half-length shaft, used at sea to repel boarders. hollow sea: Action of waves after a gale; ground swell. hull (vb.): To be driven by wind or current without sails. India/Judea, shoals or flats of: Europa Shoals, between Madagascar and mainland, lat. approx. 21˚30’ south, named “fflattes of Judea” in the commission (Birdwood, 118), “Baxos India” in Figure 1. Joan/John de Nova (Isla de Nova): Johanna Island, between Madagascar and the mainland.



248

249

kintale: See quintale. lantorne (land-turn): “The same off the land that a breeze is off the sea” (Mainwaring, 2:175). league: Three nautical miles. lie a-try: To keep head of ship to the sea in a gale. Lizard: Southernmost point of Cornwall, major reckoning point for English sailors. long Boat: Largest of ship’s boats, “able to weigh [the ship’s] sheat anchor” and “live in any reasonable sea” (Smith, 26). loof: 1. Part of the ship closer to the wind; spring one’s loof: bring the ship’s head closer to the wind. 2. Broadest part of the bow, where the sides begin to curve in toward the stem. Lorania: Fernando de Noronha, island off northwest Brazil. main: The open sea; also the mainland or the mainmast. Malagetta: West coast of Africa. Maldives: Island group south of India at about Sumatra’s latitude. Malinda: Melinde, on east coast of Africa. masse (of gold): Mas, one-sixteenth of a tahil. Mayo: Island in Cape Verde group. mizzen mast: Stern-most mast of a three-masted ship. Moka (Mocha): Arab port just inside Red Sea. Muccadama: Headman; from mukadam (Malay): superior, principal, chief. Pasaman (Bassain): Port north of Tiku amid Sumatra’s west coast. Pemba (Penba): Northernmost island of the Zanzibar archipelago. pinnace: Small boat for passage between ships; small sailing vessel. pintado (pantado): Colored or striped cloth, chintz. play (ply): Tack, work to windward. plot (plat): Nautical map or sea card, “a geographical description of coasts, with the true distances, heights and courses, or winds laid down in it, not describing any inland, which belongs to maps” (Mainwaring, 2:117). point (on compass): Principal directions, thirty-two in number. Priaman: Port south of Tiku amid Sumatra’s west coast. quintale / kintall: A hundredweight, 112 pounds. ride: To rest at anchor. road: Roadstead, sheltered area of water near shore where ships lie at anchor safely. rummage: “The removing and clearing of things in the ship’s hold” (Mainwaring, 2:215). Saldania (Soldania): Table Bay at Cape Town, South Africa; from Saldahna Bay further north. sea-turn (seatorne, alt. sea breeze): A gale or breeze from the sea. shrouds: Large ropes fastened at the mastheads to support horizontal ratlines. slatch: Brief respite or interval. slent: Wind allowing one to lie aslant or near desired course. Socotra (Zocatorie): Island in the Indian Ocean about 210 miles southeast of Yemen, 72 by 22 miles, largest and easternmost island of a group that includes Abd-el-Kuri and The Brothers (Dos Hermanos).



Glossary of Terms


Sofala: Mozambique. sprit sail: Sail extended by a sprit or attached to a yard slung under the bowsprit. St. Augustine: West cape of Brazil; bay on southwest coast of Madagascar, lat. 23˚28’ south. St. Jago: Santiago, governmental seat of Cape Verde Islands. St. Laurence (Lawrence): Madagascar. stammell: Coarse woolen cloth, typically dyed red. stays: Strong ropes supporting the masts. steep tubs: Tubs for soaking and curing. stem: Prow of a ship (n.); to make headway against, maintain a fixed course (vb.). Surat: City on Gulf of Cambay, northwest India. tacks: “Great ropes” that control the angle of the sail to the wind (Mainwaring 2:240). tahil: Weight of two Spanish dollars (Malay). Tammorie, Tamoré: Tamrida, today’s Hadibu, town facing Arabian Sea from large bay on north coast of Socotra. Tiku (Teckoo): Port between Pasaman and Priaman on Sumatra’s west coast. Tilbury hope: On the Thames’ north bank opposite Gravesend; “hope,” inlet. trenting: Var. of “trending,” to stretch, incline, or bend, as a current or coastline. Vares: Vara (Port.), 1.1 meters. variation: Deviation of magnetic needle from true north or south. variation compass: “Shows the variation of the compass from the true north and south” (Mainwaring, 2:129), sometimes used to approximate longitude. waist (waste): The midst of the ship, “between the mainmast and the forecastle” (Mainwaring, 2:252). yard: Long spar slung at its center to a mast to hold a sail; yard-arm: either end of same. yongkers (younkers, yonkerees): “Young men called fore-mast men, to take in the top-sailes, or rope and yard, for furling the sails . . . and take their turnes at helme” (Smith, 36).



250

Amett, Sidde: Gujarati captain met in Socotra. André, Bartholomeu: Afro-Portuguese merchant in Sierra Leone. Ashenhurst, John: Hector purser’s mate, d. in Socotra. Barreira, Baltasar: Jesuit father in Sierra Leone. Batten, Adam: Hector factor, possible author of Chapter 2 journal. Beleyn, Captain: Chief of an island town north of Sierra Leone estuary. Bensaid, Sedj Hamour: Ruler of Socotra in Tamrida. Benseid, Hamet: Nobleman in Socotra. Bidgood, Mr.: Dragon factor. Blastock (Blastone), Mr.: Hector master surgeon, d. in Socotra. Bowlyne, Mighell: Dragon mariner, d. at sea. Bridges, John: Hector mariner transferred to Hopewell. Buckbury, Edmund: Dragon mariner, first inland in Sierra Leone. Bucke, Francis: Hector factor, writer, seized by Portuguese in Surat. Buré (Burrea): Ruler in Sierra Leone. Burrell, William: EIC master shipwright. Churchwarde, Mr.: Hector master’s mate, “very sick of the services” (Marlowe in Danvers, 1:14). Clarke, Edmond: Hector factor, possible author of Chapter 2 journal, d. in Socotra. Colthurst, Christopher: Captain of Hector & Ascension, 1604–5, Ascension, 1605–6. Cumberland, John: Dragon master surgeon, d. at sea off Madagascar. Cunningham (Kinningham), Robert: Hector mariner, a Scotsman, witness against King. Davis, Captain John: Sailed in First Voyage under Lancaster; as D. Middleton’s master on Consent in Third Voyage; also served on Fifth and Ninth voyages (Birdwood, 290n). Dale: Hector youth praised in Marlowe’s letter from Socotra (Danvers, 1:14). Deverell: South African acquaintance of Keeling. Dickinson, Simon: Dragon factor. Dirham, Mr.: Merchant on Second Voyage left behind on Mayo. Dixon: South African acquaintance of Keeling. Dryhurst, Robert: Hector steward’s mate, d. at sea. Eldred, John: EIC charter member, committee, large subscriber. Evenes (Evans, Evones), George: Hector foremast man, punished repeatedly, “shrewdly bitten” by crocodile in Madagascar (Purchas, 2:511).



Glossary of Persons


Fernandas (Fernandez), Lucas: Temne counsellor-translator to King Buré in Sierra Leone. Finch, William: Dragon factor, coauthor of Chapter 5 journal; Hector post-Socotra. Gargrave: Hector youth praised by Marlowe (Danvers, 1:14). Gere, Richard: Dragon gunner’s mate, accidentally shot Edw. Lock in Socotra. Goodman, James: Hector carpenter, lost overboard off Socotra. Greenwell, William: EIC committee, deputy governor (1604–15). Gresham, Richard: Dragon smith, d. in Socotra. Hammersley, Hugh: EIC committee, Levant Co. Gov., Lord Mayor (1628). Harrison, William: EIC charter member & committee; supplied wine, canvas, invested £500 in voyage (Birdwood, 100–101, 278). Hathorne, Thomas: Dragon mariner, d. at sea. Hawkins, William: Hector captain, lieutenant general of voyage. Hearne, John: Dragon factor, coauthor of Chapter 5 journal. Herriman, William: Dragon mariner, d. at sea. Hillerid: Hector mariner, punished for looting in Socotra. Hippon, Anthony: Dragon master. Illarie, Josias: Hector mariner transferred to Hopewell. Jackmann, Griffine: Hector mariner transferred to Hopewell. Jeserell: Hector trumpeter. Jones, John: Hector sailor, d. off Socotra. Jones, William: Hector gunner’s mate, repeatedly punished for theft and looting. Keeling, William: General of voyage. King, George: Hector gunner’s mate prosecuted for bestiality, theft, and desertion, d. in Sierra Leone. Lancaster, Sir James: Veteran mariner, privateer, general of EIC’s First Voyage. Lane: Hector youth praised by Marlowe (Danvers, 1:14). Lantro: Hector carpenter’s mate, punished for insubordination at sea. Levett, Henry: Chaplain hired for voyage, did not embark. Lock, Edward: Dragon youth, d. in Socotra. Lovejoy, Mr.: Hector Master’s man, punished for theft in Sierra Leone. Marlowe, Anthony: Hector factor, author of Chapter 3 journal, seized by Portuguese in Surat. AQ1 Michelborne, Sir Edward: Charter subscriber nearly named General of EIC’s First Voyage; withdrew and sailed independently to East Indies 1604–6; advised EIC concerning the Fourth Voyage (Birdwood, 134n, 247n). Middleton, David: Consent captain, brother of Henry. Middleton, Henry: General of Second and Sixth voyages; d. in Bantam 1613. Middleton, Robert: Prominent charter member EIC, kinsman of David and Henry. Molyneux, Matthew: Hector master, pilot major of Sixth Voyage. Nackada: Indian merchant/negotiant in Banda. Nasher: Slave who rafted to Dragon in Socotra. Newcome, John: Hector mariner, d. at sea, possible author of the final section of Chapter 2 journal. Pawling (Palline), John: Hector foremast man from Norfolk, d. in Sierra Leone.



252

253

Pennell, Mr.: Hector factor (after Socotra). Phythy, Alexander: Hector mariner, a Scotsman, witness against King. Pinto, Captain: Town chief in Sierra Leone. Pocome, Mr.: Dragon master’s mate. Quaytmore (Coytmore), John: Hector purser, d. in Socotra. Quaytmore, William: Hector mariner, cousin of John. Rich, Robert: Dragon gunner, d. at sea near Sierra Leone. Roch, David: Dragon mariner, d. at sea, voyage’s first fatality. Rogers, John: Dragon translator, served on Second Voyage, Keeling’s envoy in Sierra Leone, d. at sea. Romney (Rumney), Walter: Dragon purser’s mate, Hector purser, seized by Portuguese in Surat. Romney, Sir William: EIC governor at start of voyage, succeeded by Sir Thomas Smythe July 1607. Roswell: South African acquaintance of Keeling. Roswell, Robert: Hector steward. Rouke, Thomas: Hawkins’ servant on Hector. Savage, Mr.: 1, Hector master’s mate, Hopewell master; 2, Hector merchant, transferred to Dragon in Socotra. Shappeline, Thomas: Hector mariner transferred to Hopewell. Sidall (Sidoll, Siddall), Henry: Factor in Bantam who accompanied Keeling to Banda. Smythe (Smith), Sir Thomas: Former sheriff of London, Lev. Co. governor (1600– 1605), ambassador to Russia 1604, reelected EIC governor July 1607, Virginia Co. treasurer. Spaulding (Spalden), Augustine: EIC factor / linguist in Bantam. Speede, William: Copyist of Marlowe’s journal, factor on Sixth Voyage. Starkey, Anthony: Hector cooper. Stere, Walter: Hector trumpeter, punished for “straggling” in Sierra Leone, looting in Socotra. Tavernor, William: Dragon master’s mate. Towerson, Gabriel: Chief factor in Bantam (1605–08), Dragon captain home to London on Third Voyage; Hector captain on Eighth Voyage; married William Hawkins’ Armenian widow; slain at Amboyna in 1623. Tyball, Vincent: Hector gunner’s mate, cut from crew for a “gangerava” on his arm. Wallis, William: Hector foremast man, d. at sea. Whitall, William: Dragon mariner, d. in Socotra. Wilsone, Robert: Hector mariner transferred to Hopewell. Wyles, Richard: Dragon mariner, d. in Socotra.



Glossary of Persons




Chapter 1 1. On the East India Company’s finances, see William Robert Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish, and Irish Joint Stock Companies to 1720, 3 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1912); K. N. Chaudhuri, The English East India Company. The Study of an Early JointStock Company, 1600–1640 (London: Cass; repr. New York: Kelley, 1965). On privateering and corporate initiative, see Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, plunder, and settlement. Maritime enterprise and the genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). For an earlier overview, see Sir William Foster, England’s Quest of Eastern Trade (London: A and C Black, 1933). 2. On the first production, see Gary Taylor, “Hamlet in Africa 1607,” in Travel Knowledge. European “Discoveries” in the Early Modern Period, ed. Ivo Kamps and Jyotsna Singh (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001), 223–48. 3. Sir George Birdwood, ed., The First Letter Book of the East India Company: 1600–1619 (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1893), 16. Subsequent references in text. 4. Keeling in Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes (Glasgow: James MacLehose, 1905), 2:502–48; unless otherwise indicated, citations of Purchas are to the 20-volume edition. Hawkins in Clements R. Markham, ed., The Hawkins’ Voyages during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth, and James I (New York: Burt Franklin, n.d.; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1878), 364–442 (voyage, 364–88); Finch in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 4:1–77 (voyage, 1–19); Middleton in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 3:51–60. For voyage bibliographies, see Judith Farrington, “The First Twelve Voyages of the English East India Company, 1601–13: A Guide to Sources,” Indonesia and the Malay World 29, no. 85 (2001): 141–60. 5. See Bibliography for Bucke, Hearne and Finch, Keeling summary, Marlowe, and anonymous Hector journal. Extracts: P. E. H. Hair, ed, Sierra Leone and the English in 1607. Extracts from the Unpublished Journals of the Keeling Voyage to the East Indies, Occasional Paper No. 4, (Freetown: Institute of African Studies, University of Sierra Leone, 1981); Taylor in Kamps and Singh, Travel Knowledge, 211–22. Abstracts:



Notes

256

6.

7.

8.

9.

10. 11.

12.

13. 14.

Clements R. Markham, The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, K t, to the East Indies (New York: Burt Franklin, n.d.; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1877), 108–119. On “cultural logistics”—a variant of cultural materialism that interrogates the interlocking energies of work, culture, decision making, and agency— see Richmond Barbour, Before Orientalism. London’s Theatre of the East, 1576–1626 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 6–8. Michel de Certeau, The Writing of History, trans. Tom Conley (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), xxv. Cf. Stephen Greenblatt on early modern European culture’s “immense confidence in its own centrality,” Marvelous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1991), 9. See, inter alia, Mary Fuller, Voyages in Print. English Travel to America, 1576–1624 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Nabil Matar, Turks, Moors, and Englishmen in the Age of Discovery (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999); Daniel Vitkus, Turning Turk. English Theater and the Multicultural Mediterranean (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). On trade in the Indian Ocean, see Kenneth McPherson, The Indian Ocean. A History of People and the Sea (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); G. R. Tibbetts, Arab Navigation in the Indian Ocean before the Coming of the Portuguese (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1971); G. W. B. Huntingford, trans. and ed., The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (London: Hakluyt Society, 1980). My thanks to Bernhard Klein on these sources. See Appendix; cf. Taylor in Kamps and Singh, Travel Knowledge 219–20. On the Hector in Constantinople, see Thomas Dallam, The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1599–1600, in Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, ed. J. Theodore Bent (New York: Burt Franklin, n.d.; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1893), 57–60. Hamlet, 4.6.16, in Orgel and Braunmuller, 1381. Quotations of Shakespeare are from this edition. On the purchase and rechristening of the Malice Scourge (a.k.a. Mare Scourge), see Henry Stevens, ed., The Dawn of British Trade to the East Indies as Recorded in the Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1599–1603 (New York: Burt Franklin, 1970; orig. pub., 1886), 20–33. Charter East India Company members in Birdwood, First Letter Book, 164–66; on Cumberland, see Kenneth R. Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering. English Privateering during the Spanish War, 1585–1603 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964), esp. 70–80. Richard T. Spence, The Privateering Earl (Phoenix Mill, UK, 1995. Stroud, Gloucestershire: A. Sutton), 179; launch noted 127. See commission in Birdwood, 114–36. Useful accounts of the EastIndian market include Holden Furber, Rival Empires of Trade in the Orient, 1600–1800 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976); Neils Steensgaard, The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeenth




15.

16. 17.

18.

19. 20.

21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

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Century. The East India Companies and the Decline of the Caravan Trade (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1971); John Keay, The Honourable Company. A History of the English East India Company (London: HarperCollins, 1993). On the first two voyages, see Sir William Foster, The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster to Brazil and the East Indies, 1591–1603 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1940); Sir William Foster, The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to the Moluccas, 1604–1606 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1943). See Sir William Foster, The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul, 1615–1619; Barbour, Before Orientalism, 146–93. Foster publishes the Indian journals of Hawkins and Finch in Sir William Foster, Early Travels in India, 1583–1619 (London: Oxford University Press, 1921), 60–187. Hawkins’ remuneration estimated in DNB (Dictionary of National Biography). Birdwood, First Letter Book, 51; Foster, Middleton, xvi, 61. The Court Book (see Bibliography) names attendees of Courts of Committees, the executive body. Minutes of 7 September 1614 meeting in Sir William Foster, The Voyage of Thomas Best to the East Indies, 1612–1614 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1934), 283. On Keeling and his wife, see Michael Strachan and Boies Penrose, eds., The East India Company Journals of Captain William Keeling and Master Thomas Bonner, 1615–1617 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1971), 5–6; W. Noel Sainsbury, ed., Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, East Indies, China and Japan, 1513–1616 (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1862; repr. Vaduz, Liechtenstein: Kraus, 1964), 333 (#787), 379 (#899), 385 (#912); Foster, Embassy, 18n; Alan and Veronica Palmer, Who’s Who in Shakespeare’s England (New York: St. Martin’s, 1981, 1999), 138. Birdwood, First Letter Book, 111n; Foster, Early Travels, 61–62. Anthony Marlowe, “Aboard the Hector . . . 22 June 1608,” India Office Records, Original Correspondence, E/3/1, No. 3; cf. Charles Danvers and Sir William Foster, eds., Letters Received by the East India Company from its Servants in the East (London: Sampson Low, 1896–1902, repr. Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1968), 1:13. Roe on Hawkins in Foster, Early Travels, 70; Sir William Foster, The Journal of John Jourdain, 1608–1617 (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1945), 156, 162. Foster, Early Travels, 68–70, 83, 90–91, 96. Seventh Voyage journals in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 3:304–42; Hippon’s death, 3:323; Dragon’s arrival noted, Birdwood, First Letter Book, 308, 312, 315; Hector’s arrival, Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2:549. W. H. Moreland, ed, Peter Floris His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe, 1611–1615 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1934), 60, 61. Court Book, 13 Dec 1609; cf. Sainsbury, Calendar, 201 (#474). Adam Max Cohen, Shakespeare and Technology. Dramatizing Early Modern Technological Revolutions (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 51f.



Notes


27. Tavernor was a principal mariner on the First Voyage as well; see Stevens, Dawn of British Trade, 68–69. 28. Keeling in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2:523; John Saris in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 3:501. 29. Birdwood, First Letter Book, 329; Sir William Foster, The Voyage of Nicholas Downton to the East Indies, 1614–15 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1939), 21–22. Strachan speculates that the Matthew Molyneux of the subsequent voyages was not the Hector’s master on the third, but he produces no evidence (Journals, 183n). It is not uncommon for a single agent to provoke contradictory testimony in East India Company papers. 30. On Newcome, see also Chapter 4, page 151 and Chapter 5, page 205; hiring noted, Court Book, 30 Jan 1606/7. 31. Birdwood, First Letter Book, 287. On Bezoar stones, see Arthur Coke Burnell, ed., The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten to the East Indies (New York: Burt Franklin, orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1885), 2:143; Foster, Embassy, 178n. 32. Richard Wilson, “Visible Bullets: Tamburlaine the Great and Ivan the Terrible,” ELH 62 (1995): 48, 63n7; Park Honan, Christopher Marlowe, Poet & Spy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 345. 33. British Library, Lansdowne Manuscript 241, f 51, f318; cf. Sir William Foster, The Travels of John Sanderson in the Levant, 1584–1602 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1931), 16, 174. Sanderson notes “Mad Marlowe” among his debtors (Lansdowne 241, f 51 v; Foster, Sanderson, 287 ). 34. To “have an adventure” was to venture funds, to invest. 35. Foster, Early Travels, 63, 73–74; Birdwood, First Letter Book, 315–16. 36. Articles of Peace, Entercourse, and Commerce (London: Robert Barker, 1605), D4. 37. Sainsbury, Calendar, 189 (#452), 194–95 (#462). N.B.: Sainsbury’s index confounds Anthony with Edmund Marlowe, a captain on the Ninth Voyage (1612). 38. Court Book, 8 Aug 1609, 14 Aug 1609; cf. Sainsbury, Calendar, 190–91 (#454); letter to Salisbury in Birdwood, First Letter Book, 219–20. 39. Court Book, 28 Sep 1609; cf. Sainsbury, Calendar, 194 (#460); 210 (#505), 211 (#507). The Court Book on 20 Jan 1614 and 8 Sep 1615 (British Library India Office Records, B/5) notes moneys owed to, and speeches against the committees made by, Mr. Bucke, “a brother of this Company, a grave man”; this might have been Francis Bucke. Cf. Sainsbury, Calendar, 271, 427 (#1019). I find no mention of Marlowe in London again. 40. Farrington, “First Twelve Voyages,” 146. 41. Original Correspondence, E/3/1, Nos. 8, 10; printed in Danvers, Letters Received, 1:18–20, 23–28. 42. Court Book, 31 Dec 1606, 2 Mar 1606/7. 43. Purchas, Pilgrimes, 4:1–77; quotation 1; on Finch, see Foster, Early Travels, 123–25.



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44. Original Correspondence, E/3/1, No. 109; Danvers and Foster, Letters Received, 1:274. 45. See the entries on 28 Feb and 3 Mar 1608/9, by William Revett, “Ascension Journal,” 14 Mar 1608–26 Aug 1609.” India Office Records, L/MAR/A/7, 23 recto. 46. Markham, Hawkins’ Voyages, 368; Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2:503. 47. On the Portuguese in Sierra Leone, see P. E. H. Hair, “Hamlet in an AfroPortuguese Setting: New Perspectives on Sierra Leone in 1607,” in Africa Encountered: European Contacts and Evidence, 1450–1700 (Aldershot, UK: Variorum, 1997), Sec. 4:21–42. Citrus numbered by Hearne and Finch, 179. 48. Hearne and Finch number the sick, 166; crew totals, Birdwood, First Letter Book, 102. 49. On John Hawkins, see P. E. H. Hair, “Protestants as Pirates, Slavers, and Proto-missionaries: Sierra Leone in 1568 and 1582,” in Africa Encountered, Sec. 2:203–24; Nick Hazelwood, The Queen’s Slave Trader (New York: Harper Perennial, 2004); on the arson, Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (Glasgow, UK: MacLehose, 1904–14), 11:292, 202–7. Unless otherwise noted, Hakluyt citations are to the 12 vol. edition. 50. See Foster, Middleton, 9. 51. Markham, Hawkins’ Voyages, 387, 388. On the wreck, see Foster, Jourdain, 116, 359; Danvers and Foster, Letters Received, 1:37. 52. Dudley Digges, The Defence of Trade (London: William Stansby, 1615; repr. Amsterdam: Da Capo, 1968), 36. 53. Cocos-Keeling Islands noted in Strachan, Journals, 26; profits in Scott, Joint Stock Companies, 2:124. 54. On the company’s discursive protocols, see Miles Ogborn, Indian Ink. Script and Print in the Making of the English East India Company (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007). 55. On Sandys, see Jonathan Haynes, The Humanist as Traveler (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1986). 56. Notes to Cecil printed in E. G. R. Taylor, Original Writings & Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts. 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Soc., 1935), 2:465–68. 57. Meetings and Hakluyt’s payment (£10, 30s) noted in Stevens, Dawn of British Trade, 123–4, 143. 58. E. G. R. Taylor, Original Writings, 2:476–82; quotation 478. See also Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter Mancall,“Richard Hakluyt the Younger’s Notes for the East India Company in 1601,” Huntington Library Quarterly 67, no. 3 (2004): 423–36. 59. On the capture, see Foster, England’s Quest, 137–38; Theodore B. Leinwand, Theatre, finance, and society in early modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 120–28. 60. See, for example, The Last East Indian Voyage (London: Walter Burre, 1606); Digges, Defence.



Notes


61. Court Book, 27 Feb 1622, qtd. in Foster, Embassy, lxii. 62. Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage (London, 1626) 484. 63. See, for example, Miles Philips (9:398–445) and John Jane (11:389–416) in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations; Antonie Knivet in Purchas His Pilgrimage (London, 1626) 16:177–289. 64. See, for example, Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions; Jonathan P. A. Sell, Rhetoric and Wonder in English Travel Writing, 1569–1613 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2006). Cf. T. J. Cribb, “Writing up the Log: The Legacy of Hakluyt,” in Travel Writing and Empire: Postcolonial Theory in Transit, ed. Steve Clark (London: Zed, 1999), 100–112. 65. Strachan, Journals, 65. 66. See, for example, Birdwood, First Letter Book, 324. On the East India Company’s relations with workers, see Richmond Barbour, “A Multi-national Corporation: Foreign Labor in the London East India Company,” in A Companion to the Global Renaissance, ed. Jyotsna Singh (Oxford: Blackwell, 2009), 129–48. 67. Purchas omits the names of the deceased that Keeling doubtless noted in his manuscript. Its surviving leaf names sick and injured individuals, and his 1615 journal names the dead. 68. Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, 1:xliv (1904); Richard Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation (London: George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Christopher Barker, 1589), 280 (original italics). On travel wagers, see Anthony Parr, “Bills of Adventure,” Renaissance Mad Voyages (forthcoming). On Coryat, see Michael Strachan, The Life and Adventures of Thomas Coryate (London: Oxford University Press, 1962); Barbour, Before Orientalism, 114–45. 69. Noting two deaths occasioned by the event, Dallam qualifies his praise: “This great triumpte and charge was verrie evile bestowed, beinge done unto an infidell,” Diary, 59. 70. Walter Peyton, “Second Voyage to the East Indies, 1615–17,” British Library, Add. Ms. 19276, 25 September 1615; qtd. in Strachan, Journals, 109n. 71. Scott in Foster, Middleton, 153, 156–58; Keeling in Purchas, 2:545. 72. Edward Haie in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, 8:47; my emphasis. 73. The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins Knight . . . Anno Domini 1593 (London, 1622), in Markham, Hawkins’ Voyages, 138, 141. 74. Ania Loomba, “Shakespearean Transformations,” in Shakespeare and National Culture, ed. John J. Joughin (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997), 113. 75. Sir Sidney Lee, A Life of William Shakespeare (London: Smith, Elder, 1898), 369. Lee was unaware of the 1825 transcript; see Appendix. 76. Sydney Race, “J. P. Collier’s Fabrications,” Notes & Queries 195 (1950): 345–46; 196 (1951): 513—15; 197 (1952): 181–82 (quotation 182). In John Payne Collier: Scholarship and Forgery in the Nineteenth Century (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), Arthur and Janet Ing Freeman demonstrate that Collier could not have been Gunthio, 2:1039–40.



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77. William Foster, Notes & Queries 145 (21 July 1900): 41–42; 195 (1950): 414–15; quotation 415. 78. F. S. Boas, Shakespeare and the Universities (London: D. Appleton, 1923), notes “the school plays which were so prominent a feature of Tudor life” (93). Cf. G. Blakemore Evans, Notes and Queries 196 (21 July 1951): 313–15; 197 (15 March 1952): 127–28. 79. Gerard Eades Bentley, The Profession of Dramatist in Shakespeare’s Time, 1590–1642 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1971, 1984), 52. 80. Louis Montrose, The Purpose of Playing: Shakespeare and the Cultural Politics of Elizabethan Theatre (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 102n. 81. On Spencer, see Charles Whitney, “The Devil His Due: Mayor John Spencer, Elizabethan Civic Antitheatricalism, and The Shoemaker’s Holiday,” Medieval and Renaissance Drama in England 14 (2001): 168–84. On Spencer’s role in the Company, see Stevens, Dawn of British Trade, 245; Birdwood, First Letter Book, 164, 281. 82. Birdwood, First Letter Book, 99, 165; see also E. K. Chambers, William Shakespeare. A Study of Facts and Problems (Oxford: Clarendon, 1930), 1:132, 408. 83. See Bibliography; entries abstracted in Markham, Lancaster, 153, 147.

Chapter 2 1. The commission notes Simon Dickenson’s “best skill” in “Nutmegges & Mace” and “all other spices” to be purchased in the East Indies. See Sir George Birdwood, ed., The First Letter Book of the East India Company: 1600–1619 (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1893), 126, 149. 2. John Eldred: an alderman, large subscriber (£550 in the voyage), charter East India Company member and Levant Company veteran. He caravanned with John Newbery and Ralph Fitch toward India in 1583, stopping in Basra; he was consul in Aleppo 1586 and Levant Co. Treasurer in 1600 (Foster, Early Travels, 2; Birdwood, First Letter Book, 164n, 169, 277; Foster, Sanderson, 6, 136, 204). Hakluyt published his narrative of the journey, Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation (London: George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Christopher Barker, 1589), 231–34. Hugh Hammersley, a prominent East India Company committee with £600 in the voyage, became Sheriff of London (1619), Lord Mayor (1628), and Levant Co. governor (Birdwood, 18n, 278). 3. Doubting lest: fearing or suspecting that. 4. Gangerava: probably a boil, canker, or gangrenous infection. Keeling’s journal fragment (L/MAR/A/3) notes, “Tibelles one of the Hectors men being much [diseased] and unfitt for the voyadge, I dismissed and wth him letters to the Company” (18 Mar). 5. Under the Cante: perhaps swinging with the tide from one anchor. Nautically, “to cant” in 1784 is “to swing round from a position” (Oxford



Notes

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6.

7.

8. 9.

10. 11. 12. 13.

14. 15. 16.

17. 18.

English Dictionary); cf. 25 Mar entry. On 12 March, Keeling writes, “I recd Lyme from gravesend etc. I and the Hector sett sayle from Tilbery hope and anchord att the east end of the nore: the wind att south southweast and south. This morninge it blew very hard. This daye Captaine Hawkings brother and Mr Thomas Enwright [?] beinge abord me, I shott 3 parting peeces.” “Nore:” see note 10 below. Whitaker: beacon off Foulness Island north of Thames estuary, east of passage from the Swin to the King’s Channel; a rhumb line nexus in Greenville Collins, Great Britain’s Coasting Pilot (London: Freeman Collins for Richard Mount, 1693), map 28; Fig. xx. On the 22nd Keeling writes, “In the morninge it was much winde, about noone wee set sayle in danger whereof I had 10 men hurtt att Cappstan. We had a fayre . . . and anchored at the wettak[er sands].” The ships have moved northeast. King’s Channel: off Gunfleet and Gunfleet Sands on the Essex coast south of Harwich; the Burrows angle along the coast further seaward. See Collins, Coasting Pilot, First Part, map 4; Second Part, map C.8.d.7. Pump: well or sink of ship where bilge water collects. Trunnel hole: hole for a dowel or bolt; cf. 1 April. William Strachey describes a wooden cross “screwed in with strong and great trunnels to a mighty cedar,” in Louis B. Wright, ed., A Voyage to Virginia in 1609 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1964), 57. The Nore: sandbank and anchorage c2 miles northeast of Sheerness (Isle of Sheppey) at confluence of Thames and Medway rivers. The Downs: sea inside the Goodwin Sands off Deal on Kentish coast northeast of Dover. Knee: right-angled timber binding “the beams and futtocks together” (Mainwaring, 2:172); “futtocks”: curved middle timbers of ship’s frame. Keeling was displeased at the delegation’s failure to visit the Dragon: “—— could not [come] abord me wher I Caused the Hector to make sayle into Dover Rode. I wentt abord and sett saile also, I shott 5 peeces of ordnance for farewell to the Kinges shipp & the [merchants] went ashore att Dover and came nott abord at all unkindley. I anchored in Do[ver Rode].” (n.d.). Foul of: entangled with. Hawse: “great round holes . . . out of which the cables do come when the ship is at an anchor” (Mainwaring, 2:161). Careened: tilted upwards for work on the hull, normally performed with the ship beached. Keeling writes, probably over two days, “I discharged Richard Th. . . who had bine sore hurt wth the Capsten. . . . I sent my skife to Mr Cousans the preacher of Deale who wth his . . . me and exhortinge to prayer did after administer the C[ommunion] . . . he would . . . no mony butt I gave 5 [s?] to . . . I shott 3 peeces at his parting” (n.d.). Fayere Lee: Fairlight, on Sussex coast east of Hastings. Penzy Bay: Pemsy (Pevensey) Bay, on Sussex coast west of Rye and Hastings (Collins, Part One, map #5).




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19. Off Fayer Lee on the 9th, Keeling notes that they missed the Hector and “bore up the helme . . . wee had almost lost our longe bote.” Molyneux correctly inferred the Admiral’s move: “Wee weied and came into the Downes wher wee rode all day the wind S.S.W.and S.W., no great gale. I wrott to the gouernor; I sent my purser to” shore (Keeling, 10 Apr). 20. “The purser retorned abord mee. Wee had newes the Hector was Certa[n] seene the 9th att 6 in the eveninge near the north forland. So that shee . . . be much to the northward” (Keeling, 11 Apr). 21. “The wind came att northeast and by S. and S.E. and we sett saile, the land . . . us. As I passed [the Downs] ther came a bote abord mee wth a quarter master of Hectors Compa in wch bote I sent Nebo an Ind[ian] who being . . . f[r]ench desease [e]rnestly entreated me therto my Master and surgion . . . him to be verye unfitt for us in regard of infection. The purser sent his boye ashore. The wind continued att E. and S.E. and S.S.E., a faire gale. By this bote I understood Certaynly the Hector was rode under the ness one Sunday last” (Keeling, 12 Apr). “Ness:” promontory, headland. 22. “In the morning wee weare thwart of waight [Wight]. I brought the Hectores man to the Captsten, but at the earnest request of the Master Merchantes and Company, I remitted him” (Keeling, 13 Apr). 23. “I anchored in the sound I answered my vice Adm[irall]. . . Came abord mee and wth him Captayne Colthir[st] . . . that the Consent putt heare butt one Sunday last. . . . and I shott 5 partinge gunes about 9 att night” (Keeling, 15 Apr). Christopher Colthurst captained the Hector and Ascension 1603–4 and the Ascension 1605–6; Keeling had served with him on the Second Voyage. See Anthony Farrington, A Biographical Index of East India Company Maritime Service Officers, 1600–1834 (London: British Library, 1999), 166. 24. “In the morninge I shott another warninge peece . . . I wrott to the govrnor by Captayne Colthurst . . . abord the Hector, wher was Captayne Colthurs[t] . . . I missed 4 men . . . ashore by the bote came last abord mee a man Called . . . beinge monnthly franticke and neaver hauinge bine att sea . . . unfurnished of aparrel an auntient and weake man: who ha . . . botsones and Compa request I Chose rather to putt him ashore and . . . his victuals then to take so unfitt a man to sea wth mee” (Keeling, 16 Apr). 25. “In the morninge wee spake wth 3 saile . . . and at nonne . . . weare S.S.W. haulf W. off the Lizard about 6 leagues off fayre . . . after noune I spake wth another saile . . . also . . . merchant who reported that a holland man of war had pillagede 3 saile . . . in the eavening and that she rode under the Lyzard” (Keeling, 17 Apr). 26. Steerage plate: on wall of helm-cabin at rear of ship, immediately before the main cabin. 27. Cap: “square piece of timber which is put over the head of any mast, with a round hole for to receive into it the topmast” (Mainwaring, 2:115). 28. Item 44 of the extant commission discusses the factors at Bantam, item 46 the sale of deceased crewmen’s goods (Birdwood, 131–32).



Notes


29. Having skipped 12 April and penned a 22 that could double as 21 April, the writer is now unsure if he has reached the 28th or the 29th. He correctly dates the next day 29 April, when Hearne and Finch also observe the Salvages. 30. At the Tropic of Cancer (23° 26´ 22˝), the sun’s and ship’s zeniths meet; as they continue S., the sun’s zenith moves north of the ship’s. 31. Boreyco: keg or barrel (from Portuguese barrica) in which letters might be conveyed, perhaps by rope, from one ship to another. 32. John Huighen Van Linschoten, John Huighen Van Linschoten, His Discours of Voyages unto y e Easte & Weste Indies. Devided into Foure Bookes (London: John Wolfe, 1598). 33. “There wee finde a most extreame heat, so that all the water in the ship stinketh, whereby men are forced to stop their noses when they drinke, but when wee are past the Equinoctiall it is good againe” (Linschoten, 5). 34. Compare 14 July below and Marlowe, 15 July. Ethiopia was often synonymous with Africa in Jacobean parlance, the Southern Atlantic named Oceanus Aethiopicus on many maps. Linschoten advises that the course, “stil be somewhat about the south, and if the wind bee South, then rather chuse the East, then the West side . . . not once approching the land called Terra do Mallagetta, neerer then 50 or 60 miles . . . but when you set your course South West, . . . then use all speed and diligence, (as I sayd before) to passe the lyne, over the syde of Brasilia, thereby to get under eyght degrees, . . . and then if . . . you desire to leaue the sight of the land, then turne not upon the other syde, but rather cast anker, untill the wynd cometh good, to keepe on your course, and you must understand that the streame . . . runneth to the Antillas (which are the Ilands of new Spayne) wherefore I thinke it not your best way to Lauere [make short turnings], for if you do, without all doubt you will be forced to turne againe unto Portingale” (Discours, 309). 35. Either John Davis of Limehouse, veteran of the First Voyage, currently Middleton’s master on the Consent in another “speedy passage” to the East Indies; or more likely, the arctic explorer killed on Sir Edward Michelborne’s 1604–6 voyage that, with King James’ blessing, flouted the East India Company’s monopoly. The former’s “A Ruter, or briefe direction for readie sayling into the East-India . . . upon experience of his fiue Voyages thither, and home againe” is in Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes (Glasgow: James MacLehose, 1905), 4:88–113. “The second Voyage of John Davis with Sir Edward Michelborne Knight, into the East-Indies” (Purchas, 2:347–66), reports departure from the Isle of Wight on 5 December 1604, arrival in South Africa in early April 1605, and the death of Captain Davis and others on 27 December 1605. 36. Linschoten, 312–15. The chapter treats compass variation and puzzles the optimal longitude for passage to the Cape of Good Hope. The Hector writer contests Molyneux here. 37. To quarter: to sail with the wind on the quarter, between beam and stern.



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38. A-weather: toward the windward side. 39. “[O]ur Admirall Saint Phillip, . . . in the yeare 1582 fell by night upon the flats, and was in great danger to be lost, yet recouered againe, & sayled backe to Portingale . . . The 12 of June we passed beyond the afore said flats and shallowes of Brasillia, whereof all our men were exceeding glad” (Linschoten, 5–6). 40. Ancient: ensign, flag. 41. See note 34 above. “Bwelte it to and again” is presumably equivalent to Linschoten’s “Lauere, make short turnings” (309). 42. Haud ignara malis, miseris, succurrere disco: “Schooled in suffering, now I learn to comfort those who suffer too.” Virgil, Aeneid, trans. Robert Fagles, 1:630 (New York: Viking, 2006), 68. 43. Ducks at yardarm: see below note 55. 44. See above endnote 34. 45. The basilisk, a fabled reptile whose breath or glance killed. 46. Cf. Finch: “Captain Pinto, a wretched old man, dwelleth at a Towne within the second Cove” (Purchas, 4:2); cf. P. E. H. Hair, ed., Sierra Leone and the English in 1607. Extracts from the Unpublished Journals of the Keeling Voyage to the East Indies (Occasional Paper No. 4, Institute of African Studies, University of Sierra Leone, Freetown, Sierra Leone, 1981), 45. 47. Hair notes, “No term resembling caran and meaning ‘great’ is to be found in the three African languages . . . conceivably . . . spoken in 1607 in the Sierra Leone estuary, Temne, Bullom and Manding” (Sierra Leone, 46). Burreach (alt. Burrea, Buré) was christened King Philip of Sierra Leone at his baptism by the Jesuit Father Baltasar Barreira in 1605, the year the latter founded the Portuguese mission in Sierra Leone, which closed in 1617 with the death of Manuel Alvares. On the mission, see P. E. H. Hair, Africa Encountered: European Contacts and Evidence, 1450–1700 (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1997), IV:23; Manuel Alvares, Ethiopia Minor and a Geographical Account of the Province of Sierra Leone, trans. P. E. H. Hair (Liverpool: privately published, 1990). 48. Portuguese influence is evident in several terms: “Oyreh” (ouro, gold), “morphewe” (marfim, ivory), “cabra” (cabra, goat), “Engeres” (Ingles, English). Hair offers a fantastic etymology of the mistranscribed “cyrch” (for “Oyreh”) in an otherwise illuminating note on the passage (Sierra Leone, 46). 49. The actual latitude is near 8˚30. 50. On Lucas Fernandes, see Introduction. 51. Already baptized, Buré presumably told the English what he expected they would be pleased to hear; cf. Marlowe, 12 September. 52. The writer, who evidently joined this expedition, is more sanguine about their safety than Marlowe. 53. Davied: Davit, “a piece of timber having a notch at one end whereon they hand a block by a strap” (Mainwaring, 2:138). 54. The reluctant interlocutor was Bartholomeu André, the major Afro-Portuguese merchant in the region.



Notes


55. Nathaniel Boteler (1634) explains the procedures: “As for the punishment at the capstan, it is when a capstan bar being thrust through the hole of that called the barrel . . . the delinquent’s arms are extended to the full length and so made fast unto the bar crosswise; having sometimes a basket with some great shot in it . . . hanging about his neck . . . The ducking at the main yard-arm is when a malefactor, by having a rope fastened under his arms and about his middle and under his breech, is thus hoisted up to the end of the yard and from thence is violently let fall into the sea sometimes three several times one after another” (Perrin, 17). 56. With the hand tightening over the last fifteen lines, this entry closes f15v. An unknown number of subsequent leaves are missing. The journal resumes midsentence 18 February 1607/8. 57. On Lancaster’s advice, see Introduction. 58. Following “worth,” the last word of l.5 f17r, a tighter hand continues the journal to f18r, mid-l.16. 59. Clunnings: obscure. Perhaps “clew lines,” ropes to bottom corners of sails; possibly a term for the lacing of the bonnet. 60. The 6 Mar entry, squeezed into left margin, was added belatedly. The 7 Mar entry was originally dated 6 Mar, 8 Mar originally dated 7 Mar; both are corrected in darker ink, original hand.

Chapter 3 1. Ethiopia: see Chapter 2, note 34. 2. Drake and Cavendish stopped in Sierra Leone; see Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (Glasgow: MacLehose, 1904–14), 11:132 (Drake, 1580); 291–93, 367 (Cavendish, 1586); see also 174–78 (Fenton, 1582). 3. On Burrea, see Chapter 2, note 47. 4. East India Company mariners preferred to barter for supplies. The process sufficed in Sierra Leone and South Africa (cf. 24 Dec) but faltered in Madasgascar and Socotra (22 Feb, 17 May). 5. On Lucas Fernandez, see Introduction. 6. Cf. Chapter 2, 27 Aug; below, 12 September. 7. See Chapter 2, endnote 54. 8. “Rhetoric,” remarks Hair: “the name did not persist” (Sierra Leone, 51). 9. On the punishments, see Chapter 2, note 55. 10. In cipher. Cf. below, 13 September. 11. See Chapter 2 (9, 11, 22 May) and Chapter 5 (11, 22 May). 12. Chaines: “strong plates of iron fast bolted into the Ships side” (Smith, 19) “to which the shrouds are made fast” (Mainwaring, 2:122). 13. The seamen’s “privy” area at the prow. 14. See Chapter 2, note 47. 15. Santiago, governmental seat of the Cape Verde islands. There is no record of Keeling’s letter reaching England.



266

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16. Politic reference to the Gunpowder Plot. 17. Cut: unfurl. 18. Mainwaring explains, “a-stays or a-backstays; . . . when the wind . . . drives all the sails backward against the shrouds and masts . . . To be taken a-stays, . . . when the wind comes contrary on the sudden” (2:234). 19. In July 1608, mariners of the Fourth Voyage found the names of Keeling and Hawkins near Middleton’s (Foster, Jourdain, 13). 20. “When two ships stand stem for stem, they come right with their heads one against another” (Mainwaring, 2:236). 21. Mayne Halliars: halliards (ropes) for raising and lowering the main yard or sail. Ram’s head: large wooden block through which the halliards run. 22. Took us short: arrived suddenly. 23. Courses: sails of the lower yards. To “put into our courses” is to sail with these alone. 24. This current occasioned a rare dispute between Keeling and Hippon; see Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes (Glasgow: James MacLehose, 1905), 2:514. On Newcome, see Introduction. 25. To “let slip” is to cut the anchor cable; to weigh an anchor took considerable time and effort. The anchor might be retrieved later by the buoy rope. 26. Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2: 515–17 redacts Keeling’s notes on the conversations in Socotra. 27. Came home: came loose, dragging with the wind. The Moor is the escaped slave. 28. On Tamrida and Delisha, see Keeling in Michael Strachan and Boies Penrose, eds., The East India Company Journals of Captain William Keeling and Master Thomas Bonner, 1615–1617 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1971), 99–100. 29. Compare Chapter 5, 28 April 1608. 30. One of the earliest English references to coffee and sherbet (a cooling drink of fruit juice and sweetened water). 31. Socotra was known for its medicinal plants and alloes. 32. Gere was demoted from gunner’s mate to common mariner. The loss of 10 shillings a month was significant. The Court Book notes one sailor’s wages on the Dragon at 24 shillings per month (17 June 1607); some earned less (see Chapter 2, 11 Mar 1607). 33. Possibly “caiques,” light skiffs used in the Bosporus, familiar to Marlowe from his Levantine service. 34. See Introduction on Marlowe’s misgivings about Hawkins; cf. Charles Danvers and Sir William Foster, eds, Letters Received by the East India Company from Their Servants in the East (London: Sampson Low, 1896– 1902; repr. Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1968), 1:13. 35. Redreffe: Redriff, var. of Rotherhithe, on the south bank of the Thames between Bermondsey and Deptford.



Notes


36. Spennell: spinel, red gem, ruby. 37. Probably the William Speede who departed the following month on the Darling as a well-paid factor on the Sixth Voyage, his annual £20 to be annually augmented by £10 up to £80 (Court Book, 21 Nov 1609). He spoke Spanish (10 Nov 1609) and possessed small maps “of the world in two hemispheres” (Danvers, 1:111, cf. 1:96). He perished on the voyage (Danvers, 1:272; Markham, Lancaster, 208).

Chapter 4 1. In pickle: at the ready. Molyneux and Tavernor were on the Second Voyage together (H&F, 11 May 1607). 2. See Marlowe, 3 June 1608, for the writer’s identity. 3. Banyans: Hindu merchants. 4. Quarter: upper part of ship’s side aft of beam. 5. “Lie a-try”: to keep the ship’s head to the sea in a gale; “lie a-hull”: to expose the hull to the wind. 6. Damon: Daman, Portuguese colony south of Surat on the Gulf of Cambay. 7. Lines crossed out at bottom of third page. Bucke evidently anticipated that the crew would retrieve the anchor and then corrected himself. 8. Hawkins wrote this day, “Then the Master said it was a dangerous place, and sayd that he durst [not] stire with the ship, till he had a pilott from Surat” (Markham, Hawkins, 387). They took a pilot 21 August and reached the bar of Surat 24 August (389).

Chapter 5 1. See Sir William Foster, The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to the Moluccas, 1604–1606 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1943), 8, 65. 2. Davis and Michelborne: see Chapter 2 endnote 35. 3. Drake and Cavendish: see Chapter 3 endnote 2; cf. below, 12 Sep. 4. Rabos forcados: forked tails (lit.), frigate birds. Cf. Linschoten: “Rabos Forcados, that is hanging tailes” (Discours, 313), sighted off Brazil. 5. Pinto/Punto: “The etymology . . . is fanciful” (Hair, Sierra Leone, 47); probably of African derivation. 6. Boree: See Chapter 2 note 47. 7. On Fernandez, see Introduction. 8. Roan: Rouen cloth; vares, from Portuguese vara, 1.1 meters (Hair, Sierra Leone, 49). 9. Go forward: as if to relieve himself; cf. Chapter 3 note 13. 10. On Barrera, see Chapter 2 note 47. He references the Gunpowder Plot. 11. They are nearing the Tropic of Capricorn (23° 26´ 22˝ S.). 12. Tristan de Cunha: see Fig. 1. On this day Finch noted, “we saw a monstrous overgrowne Whale comming up close under our sterne, and spouting water



268

13. 14. 15.

16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.

28. 29. 30.

31.

269

in great quantitie; having much trash growne about his head which we judged to be Limpets, and other Shel-fish. At his going downe he turned up his taile, which we deemed neere as broad as our after Deck, estimating him to be at the least one hundred tunnes in weight” (Purchas, 4:18). Cf. Linschoten: “Mangas de Velludo, that is to say, Velvet sleves, . . . which are certain signes of the cape de bona Speranza” (Burnell, 2:243, 247); probably a species of petrel with sharply angled wings. To seel: to make a sudden lurch or roll to one side. For Cape d’Aguilas, Africa’s southernmost point, see Figure 1, “C. das Agulhas;” Baya de l’Agoa: Algoa Bay, site of Port Elizabeth today. “Punta Fermosa” probably designates Mossel Bay, within which Dudley’s early chart locates a headland, “B. Formosa.” See Robert Dudley, Dell Arcano del Mare (Florence, 1646), “Carta particolare che comincia con il capo Degortam e con il capo Buona Speranza,” and R. V. Tooley, Collector’s Guide to Maps of the African Continent and Southern Africa (London: Carta Press, 1969), 43. By Hearne’s description, “Cape Colheda” is probably today’s Cape St. Francis. I thank Anthony Parr for help with these locations. Punto Primero: see Figure 1,“Punta Primera,” near “Terra do Natal.” Flatted: turned the ship’s head from the wind, went round on the keel. Fresh: a flood of fresh water flowing into the sea. Blackwall: East India Company docks N.E. of Isle of Dogs upriver from Woolwich. Artificial darts: skillfully made spears or javelins. Wax: probably beans. Preparing jerky; cf. above, 31 Dec. Marlowe dates Newcome’s death 14 Mar. Sofala: “at which port of Ceffala, diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold” (Hakluyt, 1589, 717); now called “Nova Sofala.” Crasie: diseased, sickly, broken down, infirm. Saker: small cannon. Olibanum, Mastick, Sanguis Dragonis: gums or resins, the third bright red. Along with “Aloe Secutrina,” it is noted in Hakluyt to come from Socotra (PN, 1589, 219); see also Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes (Glasgow: James MacLehose, 1905), 3:208, 4:16. Blattabizantia: onycha (gathered from marine snails), an ingredient of incense. Urgent, importunate. Cape Guarde Fui: see Figure 1, “C. Guardafu.” “Caxen” is penciled above “felork.” Cf. Finch, “Observations:” “About an hundred yeers since, this Iland [Socotra] was conquered by the King of Caixem (or Cushem, as the Arabs pronounce it) a King of no great force, able to make two or three thousand souldiers: he hath this, and the two Irmanas, and Abba del curia subject to him . . . The Kings sonne Amor Benzaid resideth at Socotora, which he ruleth during his fathers pleasure” (Purchas, 4:13). Cf. Saris on “Amur Bensaid” (Purchas, 3:370–71). Cf. Marlowe, 14 May. When shown in August 1608 a testimonial letter that Keeling left in Socotra, Jourdain fastened on its negativity: “Theffect



Notes


of the letter was that they were trecherous people, willinge all men to looke to themselves and stand upon their guard and trust them nott” (Foster, Jourdain, 112) 32. “Keep your loof: that is, to keep close to the wind” (Mainwaring, 2:182). 33. Several lines under “Inconveniences” and “Benefits” are written in a more formal script, probably copied from Keeling’s notes for the meeting.

Chapter 6 1. Entry inconsistent with other journals, which put them at Socotra 25 April. They saw “Abba de Curia” on the 19th. 2. Poyse: weighs, weight. 3. Muccadama: chief; Bassaine: Pasaman (see Glossary). 4. Taell: tahil (Malay), measure representing weight of two Spanish dollars. Masse: mas, 1/16th of a tahil. 5. Illia Detrictoha: scribal error. “Ilha de Tristeza” in Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes (Glasgow: James MacLehose, 1905), 2:520. 6. Cf. John Saris: “The second of October, arrived the Dragon from Priaman, wherein was Generall William Keeing. The seventh, the Generall went up to the Court, and delivered the King our Kings Letter, with a Present, which was five Peeces, one Bason and Ewer, one Barrell of powder” (Purchas, 3:499). 7. Gabriell Towerson captained the Dragon homeward (Purchas, 3:501). 8. Purchas’ redaction reads, “Ile Tanara” and “Ile Lackee” (2:523). 9. Jakatora: Jakarta; matching passage in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2:523–24, dated 4 Jan. 10. Pullucam: “Pulorin” in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2:528; Pulau Run. 11. Lintor: “Lantor” in Purchas (2:529): Lontor, largest Banda island. Seripinang: sireh pinang (Malay), betel nuts, a valued commodity; perhaps an offering or ritual required to open negotiations. Roaba: ruba, shipmaster’s gifts to local authorities at arrival in a port. Backara: bichara, deliberation, discussion. 12. Cattee: kati (Malay), 16 tahil, about 1 1/3 pounds; cf. below, 10 Aug 1609. Sabander: shabandar: harbormaster who controls imports and exports. 13. Henry Sidall, Bantam factor sent in the pinnace Hope to Banda (Purchas, 2:522, 528); also noted by David Middleton (Purchas, 3:59), Towerson, and Hearne (Danvers, 1:5, 19). On the Second Voyage in the Banda islands, see Sir William Foster, The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to the Moluccas, 1604–1606 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1943). 14. Polly: “Puloway” in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2:530, Pulau ai. 15. Pollarun: Pulau Run. Nirapotte: scribal error for “Ayre Putee” (Purchas, 2:533), ayer puteh, “white water.” Probably a location, not an island. 16. Labatana: “Labatacca” in Purchas (2:535), Labetacke; and Comba, “Cumber” or “Comber” in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2:536, 5:204; towns on Lontor. Neira: island north of Lontor. Purchas writes “twelve or



270

17. 18. 19. 20.

271

thirteen hundred dollars” (2:536). The Dutch attacked and burned Labetacke on 1 July 1609 (Purchas, 2:538). Nackada: an Indian merchant or negociant named “Nakhada Guserat” in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2:544. 15li: scribal error. Cf. Purchas: “whereby the Cattee appeareth to weigh five pound, foureteene ½ ounces” (2:544). Cellebis: Celebes, Sulawesi. Spaulding, a young man in Bantam probably since the First Voyage, became an accomplished linguist. He assisted both David Middleton (Purchas, 3:60, 91; Danvers, 1:5) and Keeling (Purchas, 2:537) as translator on regional voyages; Keeling set his salary as chief factor at £50 a year (Purchas, 2:545). Returning to England in 1614, he dedicated Dialogues in the English and Malaiane Languages (London: Felix Kyngston for William Welby, 1614) to Sir Thomas Smythe. He resumed his post as chief factor in Bantam in 1618 and returned to London in 1623, confronting accusations of self-enrichment by private trade. See Birdwood, 95n; Foster, Middleton, 158n.

Appendix 1. India Office Collections, H/Misc/710; cf. F. S. Boas, Shakespeare and the Universities, (New York: D. Appleton, 1923), 89. 2. Ambrose Gunthio, “A Running Commentary on the Hamlet of 1603,” European Magazine (Dec 1825), 347. The 7 September passage in Purchas continues, “we shot seven or eight bullets into him, and made him bleed exceedingly, as appeared by his tracke, but being neere night, we were constrayned aboord, without effecting our purposes on him” (Purchas, 2:507). Cf. Hearne & Finch, 5 Sep. 3. Thomas Rundall, Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West, 1496– 1631 (New York: Burt Franklin; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1849), 231; italics in original. Cf. E. K. Chambers, William Shakespeare. A Study of Facts and Problems (Oxford: Clarendon, 1930), 334–5. 4. Sir Sidney Lee, A Life of William Shakespeare, 2nd ed. (London: Smith Elder, 1898), 369; cf. Clements R. Markham, ed., The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Kt, to the East Indies (New York: Burt Franklin; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1877), x.



Notes




Anonymous. “Hector Journal.” 4 Mar–31 Aug 1607 and 19 Feb–12 Mar 1608, British Library India Office Records, L/MAR/A/4. Articles of Peace, Entercourse, and Commerce. London: Robert Barker, 1605. Birdwood, Sir George, ed. The First Letter Book of the East India Company: 1600–1619. London: Bernard Quaritch, 1893. Bucke, Francis. “Hector Journal.” 17 Jul–19 Aug 1608, India Office Records, L/MAR/A/8. Burnell, Arthur Coke, ed. The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten to the East Indies. 2 vols. New York: Burt Franklin; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1885. Collins, Greenville. Great Britain’s Coasting Pilot. London: Freeman Collins for Richard Mount, 1693. The Court Book of the East India Company. 31 Dec 1606–26 Jan 1610. India Office Records, B/3. Dallam, Thomas. The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1599–1600. In Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, edited by J. Theodore Bent, 1–98. New York: Burt Franklin, n.d.; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1893. Danvers, Charles, and Sir William Foster, eds. Letters Received by the East India Company from its Servants in the East. 6 vols. London: Sampson Low, 1896– 1902; repr. Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1968. Digges, Dudley. The Defence of Trade. London: William Stansby, 1615; repr. Amsterdam: Da Capo, 1968. Downton, Nicholas. “Peppercorn Journal.” 19 Apr 1610–19 Nov 1613. India Office Records, L/MAR/A/11. Fletcher, Francis. The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake. London: Nicholas Bourne, 1628. In The World Encompassed and Analogous Contemporary Documents concerning Sir Francis Drake’s Circumnavigation of the World, edited by N. M. Penzer, 1–84. New York: Cooper Square, 1926 and 1969. Foster, Sir William, ed. Early Travels in India, 1583–1619. London: Oxford University Press, 1921. ———, ed. The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul, 1615–1619. London: Hakluyt Society, 1899; repr. Nendeln/Liechtenstein: Kraus, 1967. ———, ed. The Journal of John Jourdain, 1608–1617. Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1945.





———, ed. The Travels of John Sanderson in the Levant, 1584–1602. London: Hakluyt Society, 1931. ———, ed. The Voyage of Nicholas Downton to the East Indies, 1614–15. London: Hakluyt Society, 1939. ———, ed. The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to the Moluccas, 1604–1606. London: Hakluyt Society, 1943. ———, ed. The Voyage of Thomas Best to the East Indies, 1612–1614. London: Hakluyt Society, 1934. ———, ed. The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster to Brazil and the East Indies, 1591–1603. London: Hakluyt Society, 1940. Gage, Thomas. A New Survey of the West-Indias; or, The English American His Travail by Sea and Land. 2nd ed. London: E. Cotes, 1655. Gunthio, Ambrose. “A Running Commentary on the Hamlet of 1603.” European Magazine 1, no. 4 (Dec 1825): 339–47; Keeling transcript, 347. Hair, P. E. H., ed. Sierra Leone and the English in 1607. Extracts from the Unpublished Journals of the Keeling Voyage to the East Indies. Occasional Paper No. 4. Freetown: Institute of African Studies, University of Sierra Leone, 1981. Hakluyt, Richard. The Principall Navigations Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation. London: George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Christopher Barker, 1589. ———. The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation. 12 vols. Glasgow: MacLehose, 1904–14. Hearne, John. “A Laus Deo in Bantam ye 4 December 1608.” India Office Records, Original Correspondence, E/3/1, No. 8; in Danvers, 1:18–20. Hearne, John, and William Finch. “Red Dragon Journal.” 8 Mar 1607–19 Jun 1608, British Library India Office Collection, L/MAR/A/5. Huntingford, G. W. B, trans. and ed. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. London: Hakluyt Society, 1980. Irace, Kathleen O. ed. The First Quarto of Hamlet. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Keeling, William. “Fragmentary Journal.” 3 Mar–17 Apr 1607. India Office Records, L/MAR/A/3. ———. “The princepall notes of the third voyadge to the East Indies.” India Office Records, L/MAR/A/6. The Lawes or Standing Orders of the East India Company. London, 1621. Repr. Westmead, Farnborough, Hants: Gregg International, 1968. Linschoten, John Huighen Van. John Huighen Van Linschoten, His Discours of Voyages unto ye Easte & Weste Indies. Devided into Foure Bookes. London: John Wolfe, 1598. Love, Thomas. “Journal.” 4 Apr 1610–4 Dec 1611. India Office Records, L/MAR/ A/10. Mainwaring, Sir Henry. The Seaman’s Dictionary. In The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, edited by W. G. Manwaring and W. G. Perrin. 2 vols. London: Navy Records Society, 1922. 2:83–260. Markham, Clements R., ed. The Hawkins’ Voyages during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth, and James I. New York: Burt Franklin, n.d.; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1878.



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———. The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Kt, to the East Indies. New York: Burt Franklin; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1877. Marlowe, Anthony. “Aboard the Hector . . . 22 June 1608.” India Office Records, Original Correspondence, E.3.1, No. 3. Printed in Danvers, 1:9–15. ———. “Hector Journal.” 17 July 1607–22 Jun 1608. MS Titus B VIII, ff 252–79. Moreland, W. H., ed. Peter Floris His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe, 1611–1615. London: Hakluyt Society, 1934. Orgel, Stephen, and A. R. Braunmuller, eds. William Shakespeare, The Complete Works. New York: Penguin, 2002. Perrin, W. G., Boteler’s Dialogues. London: Navy Records Society, 1929. Peyton, Walter. “Second Voyage to the East Indies, 1615–17.” British Library, Add. Ms. 19276. Purchas, Samuel. Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes. 20 vols. Glasgow: James MacLehose, 1905. ———. Purchas His Pilgrimage. Or Relations of the world and the religions observed in all ages and places discovered, from the Creation unto this present. London: William Stansby for Henrie Fetherstone, 1626. Raleigh, Sir Walter. The Discoverie of the Large, Rich, and Bewtiful Empire of Guiana. London: Robert Robinson, 1596. Revett, William. “Ascension Journal.” 14 Mar 1608–26 Aug 1609.” India Office Records, L/MAR/A/7. Rundall, Thomas. Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West, 1496–1631. New York: Burt Franklin; orig. pub. Hakluyt Society, 1849. Keeling transcript, 231. Sainsbury, W. Noel, ed. Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, East Indies, China and Japan, 1513–1616. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1862; repr. Vaduz: Kraus, 1964. Sanderson, John. Papers. British Library, Lansdowne Manuscript 241. Smith, John. A Sea Grammar. London: John Haviland, 1627; repr. Amsterdam: Da Capo, 1968. Stevens, Henry, ed. The Dawn of British Trade to the East Indies as Recorded in the Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1599–1603. New York: Burt Franklin, 1970; orig. pub. 1886. Strachan, Michael, and Boies Penrose, eds. The East India Company Journals of Captain William Keeling and Master Thomas Bonner, 1615–1617. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1971. Taylor, E. G. R., ed. The Original Writings & Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts. 2 vols. London: Hakluyt Society, 1935. Taylor, Gary, ed. “The Red Dragon in Sierra Leone.” In Travel Knowledge. European “Discoveries”in the Early Modern Period, edited by Ivo Kamps and Jyotsna Singh, 211–22. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001.







Abd-el-Kuri, 121, 211, 218, 224, 236 Abrollioes (Brolyones) shoals, 54, 95 Achin (Achene Achennes), 237 Aden, 126–40 and passim, 150, 217–18, 223 Agra, 5, 6, 12 Aleppo, 13 Alvares, Manuel, 265n47 Amett, Sidde, 141, 151 André, Bartholomeu, 14–15, 67, 84, 173–78, 266n54 Antheunis, Lucas, 8 Antillas, 51, 54 Arabia, 218–19, 221 Ashenhurst, John, 11, 113, 143, 151, 233 Banda Islands, 7, 18, 239–41 Bantam, 4, 5, 6, 8, 12, 18, 25, 223, 230–32, 238, 242 Barreira, Baltasar, 15, 90, 178, 265n47 Barton, Edward, 10 Batten, Adam, 9–10, 11 Bay of Ethiopia, 47, 60, 75 Bay of St. Augustine, 197–202 Beleyn, Captain, 176 Bensaid, Sedj Hamour, 17, 133–39, 218, 221–22, 226, 233, 269n30 Benseid, Hamet, 229 Bidgood, Mr, 119, 143, 150 Blastock (Blastone), Mr, 144, 151, 233 Boas, F. S., 243, 261n78, 271n1

Boatswain of Hector, 39, 114, 131, 150 Bodley, Sir Thomas, 26 Bowlyne, Mighell, 205 Brazil, 52–53, 77, 162–63 Bridges, John, 152 Buckbury, Edmund, 170–71 Bucke, Francis, 2, 8, 11, 21, 82, 88, 141, 143, 149–64, 216, 217, 221 Buré (Burrea), 14, 65, 66, 81–83, 86, 89, 90, 172–73, 176, 179, 265n47 Burrell, William, 13, 38 Cambaya, 5, 6, 18, 126, 151, 217–18, 223, 230–32 Canary Islands, 44, 157 Cape d’Aguillas, 107 Cape of Good Hope, 6, 14, 98–103, 186, 188–92, 236 Cape St. Augustine, 53–54, 162–63 Cape Verde, 62, 77, 166–67, 178 Carpenter of Hector, 8, 13, 17, 37–40, 113, 120, 152 Cavendish, Thomas, 15, 62, 77, 91, 166, 178, 266n32 Certeau, Michel de, 3 Chancellor, Richard, 23 China, 5 Churchward, Mr, 47, 49, 151 Clarke, Edmond, 9–10, 11, 18, 135, 136–37, 151, 227





Clifford, George, Earl of Cumberland, 5, 15, 19, 256n13 Collier, John Payne, 26, 260n76 Colthurst, Christopher, 263n23 Coryat, Thomas, 23, 260n68 Cumberland, John, 73, 204 Cunningham (Kinningham), Robert, 46, 48 Dallam, Thomas, 5, 24, 256n11, 260n69 Damon, 153, 154, 268n6 Davis, John, 8, 50, 166, 264n35 Delisha, 134, 138–45, 151, 218, 228–33, 267n28 Deptford, 5 Deverell, 101 Dickinson, Simon, 34, 119, 143, 150, 261n1 Digges, Sir Dudley, 18, 259n52 Dirham, Mr, 159 Dixon, 101, 103 Dorchester, John, 9, 116, 143, 150 Dos Hermanos (islands), 121, 130, 211–12, 223–35 Downton, Nicholas, 9, 27 Drake, Sir Francis, 21, 24, 62, 77, 91, 166, 178, 266n2 Dryhurst, Robert, 96, 150, 184 Eldred, John, 11, 34, 261n2 Elizabeth I, 5, 21 Erning, Mr., 118 Evans, G. Blakemore, 261n78 Evenes (Evans, Evones), George, 42, 69, 98, 110, 200 Farrington, Judith, 11, 255n4 Fernandez, Lucas, 14–15, 65, 66, 82–83, 86–90, 172, 176–79 his sister, 66 Fernando de Noronha (Lorania), 14, 51, 56, 75–77, 94, 161–64, 166 Finch, William, 2, 8, 12–13, 21, 91, 120, 136, 142, 150, 233, 268n12 Fletcher, Francis, 21

Floris, Peter, 8 Foster, Sir William, 26, 255n1, 256n14, 257n15, n17, n21, 261n77 Foxe, John, 19 Gage, Thomas, 25 Gere, Richard, 137, 138, 227 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 25 Goodman, James, 128, 150, 222 Greenwell, William, 34, 38 Gresham, Richard, 229 Guinea, 46, 47, 60, 75, 159, 165, 167 Gujarat and Gujaratis, 4, 17, 23, 125–29, 133, 135, 138, 139, 151, 154, 217, 220, 222, 223, 225, 226, 228–30 and passim, 233, 237 Gunthio, Ambrose, 26, 243–45, 271n2 Hair, P. E. H., 2, 15, 259n47, n49 Haggat, Bartholomew, 13 Hakluyt, Richard, 14, 19–20, 23, 77, 259n56, n58, 266n2 Hammersley, Hugh, 34, 35, 36, 38, 261n2 Harrison, William, 38 Hathorne, Thomas, 203 Hawkins, Sir John, 15, 259n49 Hawkins, William, 2, 4, 6–7 and passim, 35, 82–83, 108, 114, 129, 144, 150–51, 153, 159, 165, 172–75 and passim, 183, 186, 200, 213, 227, 229, 268n8 his brother, 262n5 Hearne, John, 2, 8, 12, 21, 77, 97, 98, 102–3, 107, 108, 110–11, 115, 118, 120, 121, 128–29, 141, 144, 150, 155–233, 270n13 Herriman, William, 207 Hillerid, 123 Hippon, Anthony, 7–8, 45, 67, 77, 84, 86, 91, 98, 102, 107, 110,



278

115, 118, 119, 127, 142, 150, 157, 159, 163–68 and passim, 173–75, 188, 194, 201, 232, 257n23 Holland and the Dutch, 1, 5, 19, 123, 231, 239–41 Honan, Park, 10, 258n32 Illarie, Josias, 152 Indian Ocean, 4, 5, 6, 16–18, 256n9 Isle of Wight, 6, 41, 263n22 Istanbul, 24 Jackmann, Griffine, 152 Jahangir, Emperor, 5 Jakarta, 239 James VI, 1, 5, 6, 90, 178 Jeserell, 113 Jones, John, 130, 151, 223 Jones, William, 58, 60, 68, 85 Keeling, William, 1, 4–28 and passim, 35, 39, 56, 77–78, 80, 84–87, 89, 95, 98–103 and passim, 119–20, 123, 126–27 and passim, 149–50, 160, 166–67, 174–75, 213–16 passim, 235–45, 257n18, 262–63, 271n20 King, George, 13–14, 15, 45–46, 48, 88–89, 159, 160, 177–78 Lancaster, Sir James, 5, 16, 47, 68 Lantro, 17, 113–14, 120 Lee, Sir Hugh, 11, 271n4 Lee, Sir Sidney, 26, 244 Lello, Henry, 10 Levett, Henry, 13 Linschoten, John Huighen Van, 8, 9, 14, 46–48, 50–54, 59, 264n32, n34, n36 Lisbon, 11 Lock, Edward, 137, 227 Loomba, Ania, 26, 260n74 Lovejoy, Mr, 68

279

Madagascar (St. Lawrence), 13, 16, 42, 68–73, 98, 109–13, 188, 197–203, 236 Maio (Mayo), 13, 45, 62, 77, 157–59, 166–67, 187, 236 Malagetta, 48, 59 Markham, Clements R., 2, 244, 255n4, 271n4 Marlowe, Anthony, 2, 6–8, 10 and passim, 17–18, 21, 75–145, 149, 150, 159, 160, 165, 186, 229, 230 Marlowe, Edmund, 258n37 Melinde, 118 Michelborne, Sir Edward, 50, 166, 264n35 Middleton, David, 2, 13, 25, 35, 100, 186, 223, 270n13, 271n20 Middleton, Sir Henry, 5, 16, 47, 159 Middleton, Robert, 38 Moluccas, 5, 25, 230–32 Molyneux, Emery, 8, 258n26 Molyneux, Matthew, 7–9, 11, 17, 18, 39, 41, 48, 49, 52, 59, 77–78, 98–99, 110, 112 and passim, 120, 132, 142, 149, 150, 159, 160, 165, 186, 201, 229, 232, 263n19, 268n1, 268n8 Montrose, Louis, 27, 261n80 Moors, 134, 139, 140, 213, 214, 219, 220, 222, 226 Mozambique, 74, 116, 203, 206 Muhammed III, 5, 24 Nackada, 241, 271n17 Nasher, 127–28, 132, 134–35, 219, 221, 225–26 Native Californians, 21 Nebo (Indian mariner), 263n21 Neira (Nera), 239, 241, 270n16 Newcome, John, 10, 11, 116, 150, 205





Pawling (Palline), John, 64, 80, 150, 170 Pemba, 11, 208 Pembroke, Lord, 13 Pennell, Mr, 143, 150 Perkins, William, 19 Peyton, Walter, 260n70 Phythy, Alexander, 46, 48 Pinto, Captain, 64–65, 80, 170–72 Plymouth, 13 Pocome, Mr, 82, 107, 142, 232 Portugal and the Portuguese, 5, 6, 11, 13–15, 17, 19, 25, 45, 50, 53, 66, 67, 84, 86, 90, 123–24, 153–54, 157–59, 172–74, 176, 178, 214, 220, 230 Priaman, 230–32, 237–38 Purchas, Samuel, 4, 12, 14, 18–20, 26, 235, 255n4, 260n62 Quaytmore (Coytmore), John, 116, 142, 151, 232 Quaytmore, William, 143 Race, Sydney, 26, 260n76 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 20, 23 Red Sea, 17, 217–18 Revett, William, 259n45 Rich, Robert, 169 Roch, David (a.k.a. Richard), 44, 156 Roe, Sir Thomas, 6, 20, 24, 257n15 Rogers, John, 6, 15, 65, 81, 87–89, 172, 176, 177–78, 181 Romney (Rumney), Walter, 11, 143, 233 Romney, Sir William, 34, 38, 39, 42 Roswell, 101 Roswell, Robert, 96 Rouke, Thomas, 17, 113 Rundall, Thomas, 26, 245–46, 271n3 Said, Edward, 3 Salisbury, Earl of, 11 Sanderson, John, 10, 258n33

Sandie, Robert, 10 Sandys, George, 19, 259n55 Santiago (Cape Verde), 45, 65, 90, 158–59, 167 Saris, John, 258, 258n28, 270n6 Savage, Mr, 82, 120, 142, 143, 150, 151–52, 232 Scott, Edmund, 25, 260n71 Shakespeare, William, 4 Hamlet, 1, 3, 5, 14, 15, 17, 18, 25–28 , 149, 243–45 Richard II, 1, 14, 16, 18, 25, 28, 243–45 Shappeline, Thomas, 152 Shoals of St. Anne, 47–48, 60, 167 Sidall (Sidoll, Siddall), Henry, 240, 270n13 Sierra Leone, 2, 3, 6, 8, 11, 14–15, 62–68, 70, 77–91, 166–79, 236 Smith, John, 7 Smythe (Smith), Sir Thomas, 14, 145, 271n20 Socotra, 1, 4, 9, 11, 12, 17–18, 117, 120–45, 149, 208, 211–33, 236 South Africa (Saldania), 13, 16, 70, 71, 98–103, 186–92, 236 Spain, English relations with, 1, 3, 5, 11, 19, 258n36 Spaulding (Spalden), Augustine, 242, 271n20 Speede, William, 145, 268n37 Spence, Richard T., 5, 256n13 Spencer, Sir John, 27, 261n81 Starkey, Anthony, 96 Stere, Walter, 67–68, 84–86, 123, 174–75 Sumatra, 5, 238 Surat, 1, 4, 5, 9, 12, 18, 151–52, 217, 268n8 Tammarie, Tamrida, 17, 125, 132, 133-8, 217-221, 225-8, 236 Tavernor, William, 8, 11, 118, 119, 142, 150, 159, 232, 258n27, 268n1



280

281

Taylor, Gary, 2, 15, 255n2 Tenerife, 44, 157 Tiku, 237 Towerson, Gabriel, 8, 270n7, n13 Tristan de Cunha, 185 Tucker, 98 Turks, 214 Tyball, Vincent, 36, 261n4

Virgil, 9, 56, 265n42 Wallis, William, 63, 79, 150, 167 Whitall, William, 229 Willoughby, Sir Hugh, 23 Wilsone, Robert, 152 Wriothesley, Henry, Earl of Southampton, 6 Wyles, Richard, 233

Unidentified Hector journalist, 8, 9, 21

Zanzibar, 117, 207–8







Alloes, 136, 138, 139, 214, 220, 227, 233, 236 Anglo-centrism, 3–4 Arabic, 6, 123, 126, 135, 141, 214, 216, 219–20 authorship and author function, 9–13, 21–23, 33–34, 50, 54, 56, 60, 145, 149, 233 bestiality, 13–14, 46, 48–49, 88, 159, 177 Bezoar stones, 10, 258n31 birds sighted, 168, 189, 194, 196, 197, 210, 269n13 Cafars, 189, 220 catastrophes averted, 40, 41, 71, 105, 112, 124, 130–31, 133, 199, 202 clothing of seamen, 16, 58, 69, 95, 130, 177, 182–83, 200, 263n 24 cloths, 70, 81, 89, 91, 95, 125 and passim, 135, 142, 173–75, 182–83, 194, 217 and passim, 226, 230, 237, 239 coffee, 135, 136, 267n30 complaints about London’s directives or workmanship, 35, 50, 71, 110, 112, 199, 202–3 conflict between Dutch and Bandans, 240–41 councils of principal mariners, 2–3, 14, 22–23, 56, 60, 62, 77–78, 98, 109–10, 128–29, 132, 141–43, 159, 166–67, 186–87, 229–32

crocodile (also called alligator) attack, 69, 110, 200 cultural materialism, 1, 2, 256n6 deaths and mortality, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18–19, 44, 63, 64, 73, 79, 80, 89, 96, 116, 128, 130, 136, 137, 143, 144, 150–51, 156, 167–70, 178, 181, 184, 203, 204, 205, 207, 222, 223, 227, 229, 232, 233 discipline and punishment, 6, 15, 17, 25, 35, 42, 43, 46, 58, 61, 68, 76, 85, 89, 96, 98, 113–14, 119–20, 123, 159, 160, 175, 177–78, 215, 263n22, 266n55 East India Company joint-stock mentality, 20–22 owner-directors, 22, 27, 34–35, 38–39, 77, 150, 167, 187, 189, 202, 232 organization, 1–3, 5, 21–23 performance culture, 23–28 profits of shareholders, 14, 18, 21–22 ships Ascension, 6 Consent, 2, 13, 25, 42, 53, 68, 100, 156–58, 162, 186, 190, 223, 235, 263n23 Dragon, 1 and passim, 93, 256n12, n13, 257n23 Globe, 7, 257n24 Hector, 2 and passim, 24, 256n11, 257n23



Index of Subjects

Index of Subjects

Hopewell, 18, 149, 151 Merchants Hope, 9 Susan, 6 Trades Increase, 9 voyages, 255n4 1st, 5, 258n27, 256–57n14 2nd, 5, 6, 8, 159, 263n23, 256–57n14 4th, 14, 18, 259n45 6th, 7, 9 7th, 7, 257n23 8th, 19, 258n28 wages of mariners and factors, 12, 21–22, 35, 138, 183, 267n32 writing culture, 2, 18–23, 33–34, 259n54 encounters with non-Europeans, 3, 14–18 Banda, 239–41 Bantam, 238, 242, 270n6 Madagascar, 69–71, 110–13, 200–202 Priaman, 237–38 Sierra Leone, 64–68, 78–90, 170–79 Socotra, 122–27, 129–30, 133–41, 213–29, 236 South Africa, 100–103, 189–92 elephant hunt, 176 English self-presentation abroad, 24–25, 80, 83, 87, 123, 133–34, 137, 215, 219–20, 226, 229, 237, 238, 239, 242, 270n6 equator crossings, 51, 58, 94, 118, 161, 164, 182, 209 feasting with non-Europeans, 135–36, 140, 227, 229 fire aboard Dragon, 102 forensic inquiries, 58, 68, 85, 88–89, 113, 174, 177 Globe theater, 8, 25 gold, 65, 66, 171–74, 175

Gunpowder plot, 90, 178 health of crew, 14, 16, 36, 50, 62, 65–66, 76, 81, 95, 98–100, 117, 123, 166, 171–72, 174, 177, 182, 186–88, 203, 212, 263n24 health of principals, 69, 102, 108, 119, 121, 124, 135, 141, 172 houses for sick crewmen, 82, 138, 139, 140 ivory, 65, 66, 83, 142, 144, 171, 173–74, 179, 236, 265n48 judicial proceedings, 46, 48–49, 85–86, 119–20, 159, 160, 175, 177–78 Koran, the, 134, 226 letters written or sent, 38, 42, 46, 86, 87, 89–90, 129, 130, 132, 135, 136, 149–51, 174, 175, 178, 215, 219, 223, 269n31, 270n6 Levant Company, 5, 6, 10, 255n1, 256n11 limes and lemons, 65–66, 81–82, 166, 170–73, 179, 236 literacy, 26 Madre de Dios, 19 Malice Scourge, 5, 256n12 Malay language and terms, 223, 239–41 markets and their conditions, 16, 66, 70, 81, 101–2, 111, 136, 138, 140, 173–74, 179, 190–91, 200–203, 214, 217–23 and passim, 226–27, 233, 236–42, 256n14 meals shared among fleet’s principal mariners, 91, 95, 96, 102, 115–19, 149 mercantilist critique of trade, 20 monopolies, 5, 20–21



284

Index of Subjects

obsequies, 116, 137, 143, 227 pepper and other spices, 237–42 pilots, 18, 53–4, 60, 126–27, 140, 268n8 plays aboard ship, 25, 27–28, 243–45 poisoned poniard, 149 preachers and communion, 13, 40, 262n16 private trade, 8, 21–22 privateering, 1, 3, 5, 15, 156, 255n1, 263n25 protests of crewmen, 16, 99, 114, 152, 188 rationing of victuals, 97, 139, 143, 152, 185, 228, 233 repairs and equipment problems, 37–41, 43, 45, 49, 52, 55, 61, 65, 69, 71, 73, 76, 84, 88, 103,

106, 110, 112, 141, 142, 152, 153, 156, 158, 165, 184, 199, 201, 204, 225, 236, 262n6, 269n19 scurvy and its remedies, 14, 25, 57–58, 60, 65–66, 77, 81–82, 128, 166, 260n73 slavery, 15, 17–18, 123, 127, 134–35, 139, 214, 216–17, 219, 221, 259n49 sodomy, 13–14, 259n45 syphilis (“French disease”), 263n21 theatricality of ships, 24, 188 theft, 58, 61, 68, 85, 88–89, 96, 123, 175, 177, 179, 192, 215 Tobacco, 141 torture, 85, 89, 178 variation (and variation of ) compass, 29, 56, 58, 68, 69, 72, 73, 95, 161, 162 and passim, 185 and passim, 264n36 Virginia Company, 1 whale sighted, 268n12



Mughal court, 7, 13, 256n6, 257n15 Muscovy Company, 10 music and musicians, 24–25, 134, 136, 137, 227 mustering and defection of crewmen, 13, 35–36, 42, 263n21 names engraved ashore, 90–91, 100, 178, 190

285

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