The Letters of George Santayana, Book 4: 1928-1932 (The Works of George Santayana, Vol. 5)

Santayana

THE WORKS OF GEORGE SANTAYANA CRITICAL EDITION

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The MIT Press Massachusetts Institute of Technology Cambridge, Massachusetts 02142 http://mitpress.mit.edu 0-262-19479-1

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THE LETTERS OF GEORGE SANTAYANA

Book One, [1868]–1909 Book Two, 1910–1920 Book Three, 1921–1927 Book Four, 1928–1932 Book Five, 1933–1936 Book Six, 1937–1940 Book Seven, 1941–1947 Book Eight, 1948–1952

Book Four, 1928–1932

The letters comprise Volume V of the works of George Santayana. They are divided chronologically as follows:

Volume V

George Santayana was a philosopher, poet, critic of culture and literature, and bestselling novelist. Although he was born in Spain and lived the last forty years of his life in Europe, Santayana always insisted that he be considered an American author and philosopher. He was educated in the United States, and he taught for more than twenty years at Harvard University. Santayana’s correspondence was extensive, particularly during his remarkably productive European years. Until now, not even onequarter of his letters have been published. Daniel Cory, Santayana’s friend and first literary executor, thought he had collected the great majority of them when he published his two biographical letters’ volumes (1955 and 1963), but many more manuscript letters have been found since then. Taken together, the letters complement Santayana’s autobiographical writings (Persons and Places and The Last Puritan) and clarify many issues in his personal, public, and philosophical life.

Critical Edition

Herman J. Saatkamp Jr., General Editor William G. Holzberger, Textual Editor

THE LETTERS OF GEORGE SANTAYANA

THE LETTERS OF

GEORGE SANTAYANA

BOOK FOUR 1928–1932 Edited and with an Introduction by William G. Holzberger

THE WORKS OF GEORGE SANTAYANA, Volume V

During the period covered in Book Four of his letters, George Santayana published The Realm of Matter (1930) and The Genteel Tradition at Bay (1931). He continued work on Book Three of Realms of Being, The Realm of Truth, and on his novel, The Last Puritan. Citing his commitment to his writing and his intention to retire from academia, he declined offers from Harvard University for the Norton Chair of Poetry and for a position as William James Professor of Philosophy, as well as offers for positions at the New School for Social Research and Brown University. The deaths of his half sisters, Susan Sturgis de Sastre and Josephine Sturgis, in 1928 and 1930, respectively, were extremely distressing to him. Santayana and Charles Strong continued their epistolary debate over the nature and perception of reality and the problem of knowledge. The book also includes letters to Robert Bridges, Cyril Clemens, Morris R. Cohen, Curt John Ducasse, Sidney Hook, Horace Meyer Kallen, Walter Lippmann, Ralph Barton Perry, William Lyon Phelps, and Herbert W. Schneider. Santayana sent many letters with articles and reviews to journalists Wendell T. Bush, Henry Seidel Canby, Wilbur Cross, and John Middleton Murry. Discussion of his novel and continuing work on Realms of Being took place with Otto Kyllmann and John Hall Wheelock, his editors at Constable and Scribner’s. Although Santayana now made the Hotel Bristol in Rome his permanent residence, he continued to travel in England, France, and Italy.

Edited by William G. Holzberger and Herman J. Saatkamp Jr.

William G. Holzberger is Professor of English Emeritus at Bucknell University.

BOOK FOUR 1928–1932 Edited and with an Introduction by William G. Holzberger

The Works of George Santayana Volume V, Book Four Herman J. Saatkamp Jr., General Editor William G. Holzberger, Textual Editor Marianne S. Wokeck, Editor Kristine W. Frost, Associate Editor Johanna E. Resler, Assistant Editor

To the memory of Daniel and Margot Cory

Picture postcard of Villa le Balze sent to Frederic T. Lewis. 30 September 1929 George Santayana Collection (#6947-E), Clifton Waller Barrett Library The Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library University of Virginia Library

The Letters of George Santayana Book Four, 1928—1932

Edited and with an Introduction by William G. Holzberger

The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England

This publication has been supported by the National Endowment for the Humanities, a federal agency which supports the study of such fields as history, philosophy, literature, and languages. Additional funding was provided by Corliss Lamont, Emil Ogden, and the Comité Conjunto Hispano-Norteamericano para la Cooperación Cultural y Educativa. The endpapers are facsimiles of a letter from Santayana to Daniel MacGhie Cory dated 8 September 1928 in the George Santayana Papers at Columbia. Publication is by permission of the Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University.

A selected edition of The Letters of George Santayana was published by Scribner’s in 1955. Other letters written by Santayana have been published previously in books and periodicals. All information concerning previous publications is included in the textual notes. © 2003 Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “Introduction,” William G. Holzberger. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopy, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher. The Association of American University Presses’ Resolution on Permissions constitutes the only exception to this prohibition. Manufactured in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Santayana, George, 1863–1952. [Correspondence] The letters of George Santayana / G. Santayana; edited and with an introduction by William G. Holzberger,—Santayana ed. p. cm.—(The works of George Santayana; v.5) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-262-19479-1 (bk.4: hc: alk. paper) 1. Santayana, George, 1863–1952—Correspondence. 2. Philosophers—United States— Correspondence. I. Holzberger, William G. II. Title. B945.S2 1986 vol. 5 [B945.S24 A4] 191—dc21

00—048978

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standards for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48 1984. ∞ ™

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The Santayana Edition Herman J. Saatkamp Jr., General Editor William G. Holzberger, Textual Editor Marianne S. Wokeck, Editor Kristine W. Frost, Associate Editor Johanna E. Resler, Assistant Editor Editorial Board Willard Arnett Hugh J. Dawson Morris Grossman Angus Kerr-Lawson John Lachs Richard C. Lyon

Douglas M. MacDonald John M. Michelsen Andrew J. Reck Beth J. Singer T. L. S. Sprigge Henny Wenkart Consultants Jo Ann Boydston Irving Singer Robert S. Sturgis

The Works of George Santayana I Persons and Places: Fragments of Autobiography, 1986 II The Sense of Beauty: Being the Outlines of Æsthetic Theory, 1988 III Interpretations of Poetry and Religion, 1990 IV The Last Puritan: A Memoir in the Form of a Novel, 1994 V The Letters of George Santayana, Book One, 2001 The Letters of George Santayana, Book Two, 2002 The Letters of George Santayana, Book Three, 2002 The Letters of George Santayana, Book Four, 2003

Contents Book Four, 1928–1932 Preface Acknowledgments Introduction by William G. Holzberger List of Letters

xi xxv xxxix lxv

LETTERS

3

EDITORIAL APPENDIX Textual Commentary Short-Title List Textual Notes Report of Line-End Hyphenation Chronology Addresses Manuscript Locations List of Recipients List of Unlocated Letters

373 387 391 449 451 469 483 487 489

INDEX

493

Preface Book Four, 1928–1932 The year 1928 began with Santayana living comfortably in the Hotel Bristol in Rome. He was reading French books at this time, including works by Bernano, Alain, and Proust. In the latter’s novel Le Temps Retrouvé, he was delighted to discover his own theory of ‘essence’: “Time being recoverable only under the form of Eternity! Fancy my satisfaction” (letter to Strong of 24 January 1928). His sixty-fourth birthday had occurred on the previous December 16th, and Santayana began thinking about drawing up his will, an activity that would occupy a good deal of his time in the next few years and that would constitute a significant dimension of his correspondence with his nephew and business manager, George Sturgis. Santayana’s financial properties managed by Sturgis at this time were worth $174,000. Early in January Santayana received a letter from John Livingston Lowes of the Harvard English department offering him the Norton Chair of Poetry for the following year. Thanking Lowes (and President Abbott Lawrence Lowell) for the honor, he begged off, explaining that his commitment to work on the second volume of his “opus magnum,” The Realm of Matter, was compelling and that the work addressed a subject of which Professor Charles Eliot Norton would not have approved: the universe at large! He also explains that after living so long in retirement, he would not be able to face the physical and social commitments of an official return to Harvard as public lecturer. But a few weeks later he received heavy news that would again threaten unwelcome travel: the sudden death of his sister Susana, in Ávila, at age seventy-seven, following a short illness. At first Santayana thought an immediate trip to Ávila necessary. But the thought of staying in her husband Celedonio’s house without Susana’s presence was intolerable, and he began to feel seriously ill, with anxiety, sleeplessness, and palpitations. The condition was so distressing that he decided to postpone the trip to Spain until the following May or September. In her will Susana left ten thousand dollars to Santayana. She had accumulated another twenty thousand in cash that was hidden in a

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secret cabinet drawer. That money was to have been used to remodel and refurbish Celedonio’s house after his death, so that she, her sister Josephine, and her brother George could live there together comfortably. Meanwhile, Santayana carried on his regular correspondence with Charles Strong, and the two philosophers continued their epistolary debate over the nature of and the perception of reality and the problem of knowledge. Then, in mid-April 1928, Santayana received a telegram from George Cuevas, husband of Strong’s daughter Margaret. The Cuevases had been traveling in Southern Italy when their infant son, Alexander, contracted double pneumonia and died. The distraught parents hadn’t the heart to send this terrible news directly to the boy’s grandfather, but asked Santayana to convey for them the sorrowful tidings, which he did in his letter to Strong of 7 May 1928. Yet another death occurs in Santayana’s circle about this time. Early in June Antonio Sastre, Celedonio’s eldest son, about fifty-three years old, died suddenly and unexpectedly in Ávila. Santayana describes Antonio as having always been the willing slave of his father, who depended upon him for everything, and is aware that Antonio’s death must be an even greater blow to the aged Celedonio than was the loss of Susana. And these sudden losses appear also to have had a debilitating effect on Santayana’s surviving half-sister Josephine, who lived in Ávila among the Sastre family. Josephine had always been rather vague, but now she seemed frequently confused, and on one occasion couldn’t remember her surname while at the bank to cash a check. The Sastres and Santayana fear that Josephine is losing her faculties, and Santayana decides that he must go to Spain that summer to see her. At this time Santayana was sending regular monthly checks to his twenty-three-year-old friend and sometime secretary and literary assistant Daniel MacGhie Cory, whom he had met a year earlier and who was currently living in Cornwall, England. In a letter to Cory of 21 May 1928, Santayana unwittingly hurt Cory’s feelings by referring to him as “a young barbarian.” He apologizes to Cory in his letter of a week later, explaining that by the term “barbarian” he means someone “undisciplined, rebellious against the nature of things.” He was probably right in thinking that this explanation would appease Cory’s injured feelings, because the idea of the barbarian as an individual engaged in romantic rebelliousness is one that would appeal to Daniel Cory’s essentially romantic nature and to his romantic conception of himself.

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On 10 June 1928 Santayana traveled from Rome to Paris. His friend Strong was scheduled to have surgery on both of his legs in an effort to straighten them. But the operation was abandoned at the last moment when the doctors decided that it was “too formidable” (letter to George Sturgis of 10 July 1928). At this time Strong plans to give up his Paris apartment, and Santayana decides to visit his sister Josephine in Spain in September. His reunion with Josephine was on the whole reassuring: he found her in good health and apparently contented, but looking frightfully old. She was seventy-five at the time, but he observed that she looked a hundred. She was, as he expected, terribly vague and indecisive, but with patience Santayana succeeded in enabling Josephine to sign, before the American consul at Vigo, the trust deed that George Sturgis had drawn up and recommended instead of a will. According to this deed of trust, Josephine was to leave half of her fortune to her brother and half to her nephew and niece, George Sturgis and his sister Josephine (then Mrs. Raymond B. Bidwell). It was agreed, however, and stipulated in another deed of trust, that Santayana would leave his own fortune to be divided between George Sturgis and Josephine Bidwell. This important business completed, Josephine returned to Ávila on 21 September and Santayana to Italy, where he stopped at Florence to see Strong before returning to Rome. Early in the financially fateful year 1929, Santayana’s financial property was rapidly increasing in value, as were investments generally in the booming economy, and he was living very comfortably on half of his annual income. He was at this time working on the Realm of Matter and his novel, The Last Puritan, and numerous authors were sending him copies of their books, which he dutifully read and commented on in letters to those authors. On 22 January 1929 Margaret and George Cuevas’s second child, Elizabeth Strong-Cuevas, was born. The birth of her second child should have been a consolation to the bereaved mother, but communications from George Cuevas to Santayana indicated that Margaret’s mental health was not good and this information was passed on by Santayana to her father in the letter to Strong of 7 March 1929. On 30 January Lawrence Smith Butler arrived in Rome to pay Santayana a visit, and the next day Daniel Cory arrived for an extended stay. Another visitor was one of Santayana’s former pupils at Harvard, the political essayist and newspaper columnist Walter Lippmann, who arrived late in March. Santayana did not much like Lippmann—partly, no doubt, because Lippmann, who had been a leader among the student Socialist

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faction at Harvard, was now of a distinctly conservative persuasion, and Santayana was never well disposed toward converts of any sort. Santayana enjoyed attending matinée performances of the Rome Opera with Cory, for whom the opera was a new and interesting entertainment (though forty years later Cory told me that he was too young and ignorant to appreciate these opera experiences as they deserved). In March and April, however, Santayana suffered a particularly virulent attack of his chronic bronchitis. So severe was the attack that he reports being kept awake nights by the noisy wheezing of his bronchial tubes. In an effort to cure this debilitating infection, Santayana spent from June through mid-September 1929 at the international spa of Glion-surTerritet, in Switzerland, where he consulted the Swiss doctors. During this three-and-a-half-month sojourn in Switzerland, he worked, with the help of Cory (who stayed there with him for a time), on the manuscript of the Realm of Matter, which he completed by September 5th. Cory took the completed manuscript with him for hand delivery to Constable Publishers in London when he left. In mid-September Santayana left Switzerland for Fiesole, where he spent a month with Strong in Villa le Balze. On 30 October 1929 he wrote from Fiesole to his always difficult friend, the Earl Russell. Santayana had been stung by Russell’s reference (in his 1923 autobiography entitled My Life and Adventures) to their relationship as “our ‘long acquaintance’.” Santayana underlines the phrase and contrasts Russell’s lukewarm expression with his own description of the “youthful attachment, which was very deep on my part.” The day before Santayana wrote this letter to Russell, the crash heard round the world had occurred in Wall Street, and George Sturgis cabled Santayana to reassure him. But Santayana was not worried because he supposed that even with a significant loss in share value that his income would not be affected, that he had a comfortable margin, and that he was, after all, living well on only half of what his investments earned for him. With volume two of Realms of Being—The Realm of Matter—safely in the hands of the publisher, he had immediately begun working on volume three, The Realm of Truth. Toward the end of 1929 Cory, who was receiving a regular monthly stipend from Strong and had been assisting his employer with his philosophical work in Fiesole, wrote Santayana complaining that Strong was treating him in a most inconsiderate manner. For instance, he expected Cory to climb the long winding road that leads from the center of the small town up the Fiesole hill to Strong’s Villa le Balze and to its next-

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door neighbor, the sixteenth-century Villa Medici. Strong, according to Cory, would not arrange for him to be taken up this hill in his automobile. Nor did Strong, according to Cory, lend him books. Santayana replied sympathetically to this, saying that while Strong will do great things for one, small acts of consideration simply do not occur to him. Santayana also writes that he hopes that Cory will arrive in Rome either in late December 1929 or in early January 1930 so that they might again attend some matinée performances of the beginning of the opera season. Santayana was genuinely looking forward to Cory’s arrival. His plan was to put his young friend up in a room in his own hotel, the Bristol. They would have lunch and dinner together every day, but each would have the morning and evening to himself. Cory could help Santayana with composition of the Realm of Truth or The Last Puritan, doing as much or as little work as he wished or felt fit to do. Meanwhile, Santayana was working on these projects and enjoying reading Alfred North Whitehead’s new book, Process and Reality. Early in 1930 Santayana expresses his amusement at the aristocratic title that had recently been visited upon George Cuevas by Don Alfonso, the exiled King of Spain, who was living in Rome. The title, “Marques de Piedrablanca de Guana,” was an old one that Don Alfonso had restored for the grandson-in-law of John D. Rockefeller Sr. In an attractive and interesting portrait of Margaret Strong that today hangs over the fireplace in her father’s study in Villa le Balze, she is identified by the artist near the bottom of the picture by the feminine version of this title, “Marquesa.” Santayana thought regrettable the similarity of the word “Guana” with the Spanish word ‘guano’ (meaning bird droppings) (letter to Strong of 29 January 1930). By March of 1930 Santayana reflects that he has hardly been affected by the stock-market crash of the previous October; that over the past year his financial holdings had decreased by only one percent. At this time he turns down an invitation from Mrs. Bernard Berenson for a stay at the Berensons’ magnificent Villa I Tatti at Settignano, situated a stone’s throw from Fiesole. He tells Mrs. Berenson (in the letter of 10 March 1930) that he is no longer fit to make such visits, that he is “deaf physically and intellectually, and incapable of society.” (This is said half in jest, but it is prophetic of the congenital deafness—inherited from his father who, in his old age, was completely deaf—that would afflict Santayana in the last dozen or so years of his long life.) Somewhat more seriously, Santayana says that it is not now feasible for him to interrupt his writing for a visit to

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I Tatti, that he is currently working on three books simultaneously (Truth, Puritan, and a mystery book that he refers to, in the letter to Cory of 4 March 1930, as a possible “wind egg”), and that this is another reason why he has to “remain in hiding.” Two deaths of significance to Santayana occur at this time: that of his old friend Robert Bridges, the English poet laureate, in April 1930, and that of his brother-in-law, Celedonio Sastre, aged ninety, on 12 May in Avila. Concern for the well-being of his surviving sister, Josephine, who had been living in Celedonio’s house, decided Santayana upon traveling to Spain. Arriving in Ávila about 24 May, he found that Celedonio’s house was now to be occupied by Celedonio’s youngest son by his first wife, José (called Pepe), and his wife Isabel and their five children; and that Josephine, who was closest to this family, was to continue to live there with them. Reassured that his sister would be comfortable and content as part of this pleasant household, Santayana joined Strong at SaintGermain-en-Laye in France in early June. He spent the hot summer of 1930 in the town of Saint Germain and afterward in Paris, staying at the Hotel Foyot. He was visited in Paris by his nephew, George Sturgis, who was traveling in Europe. Late that summer he completed The Genteel Tradition at Bay (1931), a short book that began as an article for Henry Seidel Canby, editor of the Saturday Review of Literature; it was later turned into three articles that were subsequently published as a book. (These articles were also published by John Middleton Murry in the Adelphi.) By early October Santayana was staying with Strong in Fiesole and resuming correspondence with his old Harvard friend, Henry Ward Abbot, to whom he had written some of the finest of his youthful letters in the 1880s, when he received word that his sister Josephine, aged seventy-seven, was dead. Josephine, who had divided her time in Spain living alternately with the Sastres and with Mercedes Escalera, died in Ávila, apparently of heart failure, on 15 October 1930. Santayana observed that with Josephine’s passing he was entirely alone: the last member of his immediate family had died. It appears that Santayana was saddened not so much by Josephine’s death, which, given her age and physical and mental condition, was not something unexpected, as he was by the narrowness of her life. She had always been vague and ineffectual, depending on her sister and brothers for all social and intellectual stimulation. That her death had been peaceful and devoid of suffering was a consolation to Santayana, as was the report that she had in the last years become reconciled to the Church in Spain, and that her confessor believed that

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she was innocent as a child, had never committed a significant sin. This was assurance that there would be no awkwardness or unpleasantness about her burial in consecrated ground (as there would be in Santayana’s own case in Rome some twenty-two years later). Santayana decided not to attend the funeral, but rather to postpone a visit to Spain until spring of the following year. By the end of October, Santayana was once again settled in his rooms in the Hotel Bristol in Rome. George Sturgis had written him earlier in the month informing him that stock prices had again declined; but once more, assured that his income remained sufficient to continue his style of life, Santayana remained unworried. During that month he was visited in Rome by Cyril Clemens (1902–99) and his mother, who was a daughterin-law of Mark Twain. They were Catholics from California, and Santayana took them to tea in the Pincio Garden. This was the foundation for a correspondence between Cyril Clemens and Santayana that continued over many years. In his letters to Clemens, Santayana often seems annoyed by Clemens’s efforts at wit and by a subjective interpretation and misappropriation of Santayana’s own comments. Later, he refers to him as “that busybody Clemens” (letter to Cory of 21 August 1951). On 5 November 1930 Santayana writes a very interesting letter to his former graduate assistant at Harvard, Herbert W. Schneider (to whom he evidently had sent parts of the typescript of The Last Puritan, as he would later do with Mrs. Toy), describing the young protagonist of his novel, Oliver Alden, and his Puritanism. At this time Daniel Cory was having trouble with his health, specifically with his stomach and intestines. Doubtless, Cory’s affliction was psychosomatic, and was, at least in part, due to his difficult relations with Charles Strong, and specifically to what he regarded as Strong’s “insensibility.” At this time he was working for Strong for wages of thirty British pounds per month while simultaneously receiving a monthly allowance from Santayana of which Strong was, at the time, unaware. Santayana, who knew from personal experience that Strong could be difficult to get along with, knew also that the situation could only be more difficult for an impecunious young secretary or philosophical apprentice. He therefore offered to look after Cory in Rome while the young man recovered his health. Cory arrived in Rome on 12 January 1931 looking thin and run down. Santayana wrote to Strong requesting that Cory be permitted to remain with him for several months in Rome, where Santayana would

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look after him, employing him but requiring him to do no more work than he wished and enabling him to convalesce. There, he writes, Cory may recover “his normal energy, which is not very great” (letter to Strong of 14 January 1931). Strong agreed to the plan, and Cory remained for some time in Rome, where Santayana made sure that he obtained medical attention and got the right sort of food and drink. They lunched together every day, and Santayana evidently much enjoyed Cory’s conversation and companionship: “I find his insight,” Santayana wrote to Strong on 11 March 1931, “when he once takes something in, as wonderful as ever.” In this same letter Santayana comments on the death on 3 March 1931 of Lord Russell, with whom he had had such a long and troubled friendship. He avers that, toward the end of Russell’s life, he and Russell had been exchanging letters and that “this renewal of friendliness at the end softens very much for me the close of an enormously important chapter in my life.” John Francis Stanley Russell would now be succeeded by his younger brother, Bertrand, who would, in the coming months, as the third Earl Russell, take his brother’s seat in the House of Lords. Santayana had been planning a trip to Spain in the spring of 1931 to wrap up his late sister Josephine’s financial affairs, but the political problems and social unrest that in a few years would lead to the Spanish civil war had begun and Santayana therefore decided to postpone the visit until the fall. Always an avid reader of newspapers, he had been following the developments in Spain carefully. Given his aversion to democracy and to representative government, it is not surprising that he was not sympathetic to the Spanish republicans. But at the same time he was critical of the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, who had ruled Spain from 1923 to 1930, for favoring the crown, the aristocracy, the military, and the Church and ignoring the popular and socialistic elements of the society. This, Santayana believed, was not an error that every Fascist government would necessarily make (letter to George Sturgis of 23 May 1931). Santayana spent the summer of 1931 in Venice working on The Last Puritan, of which the Prologue and seven chapters of Part I were completed and in typewritten form. He enjoys reading Sinclair Lewis’s novel Babbitt (1922), which he regards as similar to his own novel, no doubt because both, however different in subject matter and characters, are, at an important level, novels of social criticism centered in America. Late in June Santayana moved to Cortina d’Ampezzo, where he was joined by Strong. For a time they enjoyed short drives in the area in Strong’s chauf-

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feur-driven automobile, but Strong felt ill in the high altitude of the region, and, after a brief stay, left for Fiesole. Meanwhile, Strong’s daughter Margaret, her husband George Cuevas, and their two young children were living in a house in Lakewood, New Jersey, given them by Margaret’s grandfather, John D. Rockefeller Sr., who lived nearby. Margaret and George were expected to dine every evening with old Mr. Rockefeller and to play a tedious parlor game with him. To add to their difficulties, Rockefeller’s son, John D. Jr., whom George Cuevas regarded as “their enemy,” now controlled all of the family’s commercial and personal wealth (letter to Cory of 11 July 1931). During this summer of 1931 the relationship between Santayana and Charles Strong underwent a disturbing change. This relationship, that went back forty-five years to their undergraduate days at Harvard, was, according to Santayana, never a deep personal friendship. It was more like a business partnership, where the individuals involved may be divided in their personal proclivities but have a common professional interest, which in this case was philosophy. Both men were professional philosophers committed to their field. At this time, however, Strong began writing “amorous little verses, addressed to ‘three lady-loves’ of his youth” (Cory, Years, 79). For Santayana and Cory, to whom Strong sent copies, these verses were a source of both amusement and chagrin. Then, Strong criticized Cory for adopting some of Santayana’s technical philosophical terms for his own writings, and he made an issue of Cory’s referring to himself, in the draft of an article, as being Santayana’s “disciple.” Santayana realized that Cory’s respect for his philosophical system and affection for himself had irritated Strong and inspired in him a certain jealousy. Feeling a responsibility to his long relationship with Strong, Santayana exhorted Cory to avoid antagonizing Strong by showing too great a partiality to his, Santayana’s, views or to drawing any invidious comparisons between the views of the two elderly philosophers. He also directly asked Cory to be more discreet about reporting to him any negative comments that Strong might make about him, Santayana (letter to Cory of 11 November 1931). That this unfortunate change in his life-long relationship with Strong was distressing to Santayana is demonstrated in his letter to Mrs. Toy of 12 November 1931, in which he says that Strong “has developed an attitude towards me which is as unpleasant as it is unexpected. I have become, philosophically and intellectually, his bête noire.” He believed that Strong had now recovered all of his earlier American Puritanism and

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pride, and that, despite his long sojourn in Europe, he still represented the narrow provincial views of his hometown of Rochester, New York. Meanwhile, the world’s economic situation was growing continually worse. In the autumn of 1931 George Sturgis informed Santayana that “the nominal value of our property is terribly diminished,” and Santayana observed that twenty percent of his London bank account had “suddenly evaporated” (letter to Cory of 6 October 1931). By early 1932 the value of Santayana’s financial property had been reduced by half, but this loss had been made up for by his inheritance from his sister Josephine. And since his income remained adequate to his needs, he continued unworried. The letters of these early Depression years demonstrate that Santayana always felt that there was something unnatural and wrong about the invisible source of wealth upon which people like himself lived in a capitalist society. Looking about him at the turbulence in international markets and the rise of socialism and communism in Russia and in western Europe, he was convinced that the modern industrialist-capitalist economic system was coming to an end. Communism, he felt, would be a good thing if it could be made to work in society, but it too bore the seeds of its own demise. Private property was natural, he believed, because men like to possess things. And because people differ radically in their ability to acquire and to retain their possessions, it is natural that there should always be haves and have-nots, rich and poor. These differences between people made any sort of truly classless and economically egalitarian society impossible. Santayana believed that, if need be, he could still earn his living. In a letter of 26 December 1931 to James Haughton Woods, chairman of the Harvard philosophy department, he had turned down a lucrative offer of a three-month stint as William James Professor of Philosophy at a stipend of five thousand dollars. He had also dismissed opportunities to give paid lectures, and editors would pay him to write articles for their periodicals. While not concerned about providing for himself, he was, however, concerned about Cory. It was the London bank account upon which he regularly drew for Cory’s monthly allowance. If that fund were to dry up completely, and if the value of his property managed by his nephew were to be further radically diminished, he might be hard pressed to continue to send money to Cory. He wishes for Cory’s own sake that the young man were less of a spendthrift and more inclined toward self-support. Nevertheless, he has sufficient confidence in Cory to make him his literary executor, and he believes that Cory would be the person to look after

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his affairs if he became seriously ill or if he died. Events of twenty years later would justify this confidence. Early in 1932 Santayana was working simultaneously on The Realm of Truth, the novel, and his autobiography. Work on the last of these led him to produce an autobiographical piece entitled “Glimpses of Old Boston” for his old school publication, the Latin School Register, which appeared in the March 1932 issue. At this time Santayana received invitations to speak at two international philosophical conferences. The first of these was to be a celebration in honor of the three-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Baruch Spinoza (1632–77), the Dutch philosopher of Portuguese-Jewish descent. It was to take place in September, in The Hague, in the house in which Spinoza was born. The second invitation came from the Royal Society of Literature in London asking Santayana to participate in a tercentenary celebration of the birth of the English philosopher John Locke (1632–1704). The Locke conference was set for October. Though Santayana never liked philosophical conferences, he accepted both invitations. His veneration for Spinoza, a thinker whom he regarded as one of his masters, caused him to accept the first; and though he relegated Locke to a much lower plane, he was pleased to be asked by the Royal Society (which earlier had awarded him a gold medal) and was glad of an opportunity for a last glimpse of the London that he had so admired and enjoyed in his younger days. He set to work at once on his two addresses: “Ultimate Religion” for the first conference, and “Locke and the Frontiers of Common Sense” for the second. In the spring of 1932, while Santayana was composing his addresses for the two philosophical conferences, he was also reading an act a day in an edition of the complete works of Shakespeare that he had recently bought; and he was working seriously, and with great enjoyment, on The Last Puritan. As for so many authors, Santayana’s fictional characters had for him definite individual personalities and seemed to exist independently of their author. He sent copies of the early chapters of the novel to Mrs. Toy and was pleased by her praise of the writing. In an interesting letter to her of 13 May he comments on the personalities of several of his characters. By June the Cuevases had returned from America and were living again in Paris. Charles Strong had planned to spend the summer living there with his daughter and her family, but, as Santayana correctly predicted, he was unable to do so: after only a week he went home to Fiesole, saying that his daughter’s house was “no place for work” (letter to Cory of 20 June 1932). The following month, Santayana took up a corre-

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spondence with Charles P. Davis, an old friend from Boston days. Davis was a Catholic and, in their youth, had been a friend of Susana. In his letter to Davis of 7 July 1932 Santayana describes the last years of Susana’s life and the deaths of both Susana and Josephine. He also describes his own way of life at the present time. This interesting correspondence with Davis continues for a number of years, with the last located letter by Santayana to Davis dating from 16 September 1938. Santayana spent the months of July and August 1932 living in Versailles, staying at the Hôtel des Réservoirs, a place retaining “a certain air of faded gentility.” He describes himself as “training” for his two upcoming addresses by regularly “walking vigorously in the magnificent park” (letter to Mrs. Toy of 27 July 1932). In mid-August Santayana received an appeal for extra money from Daniel Cory, who had become amorously involved with the manageress of his hotel in Rottingdean, England. Santayana obliges, but in his letter of 18 August sermonizes Cory to the effect that he should now “consider love a weakness” and not something to be proud of. On 24 August Santayana received a visit at Versailles from George W. Howgate, his first biographer, who was then writing a critical biography of Santayana as a doctoral thesis at the University of Pennsylvania. Howgate completed his dissertation, entitled “George Santayana: Man of Letters,” and received the Ph.D. degree the following year. The complete biography, refined and developed from the dissertation, was published as George Santayana by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 1938. Santayana returned from Versailles to Paris on the first of September 1932 and traveled to The Hague on the sixth, the opening day of the Spinoza conference that ended on 10 September. There he saw a good deal of Irwin Edman, a professor of philosophy at Columbia University. Edman was a great admirer of Santayana’s writings and would edit the volume of selections from his various works entitled The Philosophy of Santayana published by Scribner’s in 1936. At the conference Santayana delivered his lecture on “Ultimate Religion,” which was published the following year in Septimana Spinozana by Martinus Nijhoff in The Hague. From The Hague Santayana traveled to London, where he arrived on the morning of 11 September 1932 and where he planned to stay until October twenty-fifth. Cory had found him comfortable, furnished rooms at 7 Park Place, St. James’s, and Santayana, who had not been in England for nine years, enjoyed walking in Hyde Park and visiting other old haunts. On 19 October he gave his address on “Locke and the Frontiers

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of Common Sense,” which became the first of the five essays constituting Some Turns of Thought in Modern Philosophy (1933). While in London, Santayana continued work on The Last Puritan, including making some revisions in the character of Irma Schlote, the German governess, and in her adventures. These revisions were based on Mrs. Toy’s criticisms of the partial, typewritten manuscript of the novel that Santayana had sent her. He also corresponded with Strong on the subject of Daniel Cory. The personal dissatisfaction that had been intensifying between Cory and Strong was evidently mutual, and now Strong was wondering if he should continue to support Cory financially. In a letter to Strong of 27 September 1932 (Daniel Cory’s twenty-eighth birthday) that may have significantly determined the course of the young man’s future, Santayana endeavors to give an honest personal assessment of Cory’s character while subtly encouraging Strong to continue his support. He says that he is unsure whether Cory will become an important philosopher, but that he is perceptive and, at least occasionally, industrious. On the debit side he says that Cory is self-indulgent and capricious, resenting any attitude toward himself that is not completely sympathetic and trusting. But Santayana says that he enjoys Cory’s friendship and companionship and that he will continue to support him because he (and, by implication, Strong) have encouraged Cory “to remain so long out of his country and almost idle.” He encourages Strong to continue to support Cory, but also to give him more rein, more leeway and freedom. (Earlier Santayana had given Strong very similar advice regarding Strong’s treatment of his daughter, Margaret.) Santayana returned to France, crossing the English Channel by ferryboat from Dover, and traveled to Paris on 24 October 1932. On the twenty-seventh he traveled by train from Paris to Rome. Once again settled in his quarters at the Hotel Bristol, he addressed himself seriously to the task of completing The Last Puritan. He was not concerned about publication of the novel, but now, nearing his sixty-ninth birthday, he was worried about the possibility of dying before it was finished. He expressed this concern to Cory in his letter of 11 November 1932: “other people might do my philosophy—you, for instance—as well or better, whereas absolutely nobody could do Oliver and Mario.” The author was concerned about assuring the lives of these fictional personalities before anything untoward might happen to his own life. William G. Holzberger

Acknowledgments This comprehensive edition of Santayana’s personal and professional correspondence has been over thirty years in the making, and a great number of persons in many different walks of life have contributed to it. It was begun by Daniel Cory in the late 1960s as a two-volume sequel to his 1955 Scribner’s edition of two hundred ninety-six letters by Santayana. I began collaborating with Cory on the project in 1971. After his sudden death by heart attack on 16 June 1972, I worked on the letters with the assistance of his widow, Mrs. Margot Cory, who was his successor as the Santayana literary executor. I continued to work on the preparation of a comprehensive edition of Santayana’s letters until I joined the project to produce a multi-volume critical edition of Santayana’s works headed by Herman J. Saatkamp Jr., General Editor. As textual editor of The Works of George Santayana it was necessary to deflect my attention substantially from the letters in order to help prepare the first four volumes of the edition for publication.1 In 1988 Professor Saatkamp and I decided to incorporate the letters into the comprehensive edition of Santayana’s writings as the fifth volume, and work on the letters resumed. At that time, however, the staff of the Santayana Edition was concentrating on preparation of the text of Volume IV, Santayana’s novel, The Last Puritan, and the focus of attention and principal resources had to be directed toward completion of work on that volume, which was published in 1994. Since publication of the novel, however, the focus of the editorial staff has been on completion of the letters volume. Included in the host of persons who have, over an exceptionally long period of time, contributed in many different ways to this large and complicated project are both private individuals as well as representatives of libraries and other institutions. Many of these persons no longer occupy the positions they did when they contributed to this project, and others are no longer alive. While it is impossible to acknowledge here everyone who helped make this edition of Santayana’s letters a reality, we wish at least to mention those persons and institutions whose contributions were absolutely vital to the successful completion of the project.

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Foremost, perhaps, among these individuals is the late Margot Cory. Margaret Degen Batten Cory was born in England on 27 November 1900 and, after many years’ residence in Italy, died in England on 30 March 1995. As the Santayana literary executrix and heir to her late husband’s ownership of Santayana’s literary properties, Margot Cory owned the copyright in Santayana’s letters. Not only did Mrs. Cory agree to the continuation of work on this edition after her husband’s death, but she aided and encouraged its realization in many significant ways. In the early stages she made typewritten transcriptions of hundreds of letters, both to her husband and to others. Indeed, many letters to various individuals could not have been included had not Mrs. Cory, in an age before photocopying machines, first made handwritten copies of letters lent to her husband which she later recopied on the typewriter. Mrs. Cory’s interest in this project was extremely keen, and it is our deep regret that she did not have the satisfaction of seeing the letters volume published during her lifetime. The names of private persons who possess letters by George Santayana are given in the list of Manuscript Locations, and we are very grateful to these individuals for providing, often as gifts, photocopies of their letters. I wish to thank especially those who also contributed valuable information and who aided this project in other ways as well. Foremost is Richard Colton Lyon. Not only has Professor Lyon supplied copies of his own substantial and valuable correspondence, but he has been of great assistance in locating other letters. It was through the kind cooperation of Professor Lyon that I learned the whereabouts of the late Mrs. David M. Little, formerly Mrs. George Sturgis, the wife of Santayana’s nephew. With help from Professor Lyon, Mrs. Little provided copies of letters that Santayana had written to her former husband, who had for many years served as Santayana’s financial manager. Mrs. Little, before her death on 17 February 1976, was of unique service to this project by supplying information about the Sturgis family, and a great many footnotes to the letters are the result of information that she provided. Rosamond Thomas Bennett Sturgis Little was devoted to “Uncle George” both during and after his lifetime in a way that might be expected of few nieces by marriage. Mrs. Little’s son, Robert Sturgis, a Boston architect, is also warmly thanked for permitting inclusion of his letters from his granduncle, for arranging for the deposit of Santayana’s letters in the Sturgis Family Papers in Harvard’s Houghton Library, and for his interest in the comprehensive edition of Santayana’s writings and his continued helpfulness to the editors.

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The late Dr. Corliss Lamont, a distinguished humanist and author and a life-long admirer of Santayana, was, over the years, a constant friend to this project. His direct financial aid to the Santayana Edition, together with his concern and assistance with various problems, were always much appreciated. The extensive collection of Santayana manuscripts and other materials in Columbia University’s Butler Library constitute Dr. Lamont’s gift to Santayana scholarship. Other private owners who have been particularly helpful include Mr. Guy Murchie Jr., whose glosses on the letters to his father have provided information for footnotes to those letters. Professors Justus Buchler and Peter Viereck also supplied helpful information about their letters from Santayana. Several individuals have personally supported this project with generous financial gifts, professional advice, and scholarly research. These include Morris Grossman, Professor Emeritus, Fairfield University; John Lachs, Centennial Professor of Philosophy, Vanderbilt University; Emil Ogden, Ogden Resources Corporation, College Station, Texas; John McCormick, Professor Emeritus, Rutgers University; Henny Wenkart, Professor and Editor, New York City; and Excmo. Sr. D. Francisco Javier Jiménez-Ugarte Hernandez, Spanish Ambassador to Greece, who helped arrange the grant from the Comité Conjunto Hispano-Norteamericana. Santayana Edition Board members who have continuously assisted the project in many and various ways are Willard Arnett, Hugh Dawson, Morris Grossman, Angus Kerr-Lawson, John Lachs, Richard C. Lyon, Douglas MacDonald, John Michelsen, Andrew Reck, Beth J. Singer, Timothy Sprigge, and Henny Wenkart. Many learned and distinguished scholars have contributed directly to the making of this edition. Among my Bucknell colleagues are several who have provided help with editorial tasks. Perhaps our greatest debt is due Professor Mills Fox Edgerton Jr., who has given most generously of his time, energy, and thoroughgoing knowledge of Romance languages. Not only has he translated the Spanish letters to José and Isabel Sastre, and provided numerous translations of words and phrases, but he has searched for Santayana letters during his travels through Spain. On one occasion he acted as my emissary to Santayana’s grandnephew, the late Don Eduardo Sastre Martín, of Madrid and Ávila, in an effort to learn the whereabouts of any Santayana manuscripts or other materials extant in Spain. We are grateful to Professor James M. Heath of the Bucknell Classics Department, who has continually and unstintingly given of his time and specialized knowledge in assisting the editors with the tran-

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scribing and translating of Greek and Latin words and phrases and the tracing to their origins of quotations in these ancient languages. Mark W. Padilla, Associate Professor of Classics and Associate Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences, has also helped with translations of Latin words and phrases. Professor John Gale of the Modern Languages and Linguistics Department has rendered much the same sort of assistance with French words and phrases, and Professor Marianna M. Archambault and her husband, Professor Paul Archambault of Syracuse University, have also been helpful with questions relating to the French and Italian languages. A friend and colleague in the Bucknell English Department, Professor James F. Carens, member of the Harvard class of 1949, has helped in a variety of ways: by discussing the edition with me, making valuable suggestions based upon his own experience as an editor of letters, by serving as a guide to and about Harvard University, and by reading drafts of the Introduction to this volume and making suggestions for revision that I not only adopted but believe have significantly improved the quality of the Introduction. Peter Hinks, Associate Editor with the Frederick Douglass Papers, Yale University, collated letters at the Beinecke Library. English Department chairmen who have aided in important ways are Harry R. Garvin, the late John W. Tilton, Michael D. Payne, Dennis Baumwoll, and John Rickard. Bucknell University officers who have supported this project by supplying funds for materials and travel, allowing me released time from teaching duties, and providing office space, equipment, and supplies specifically for work on the letters are Wendell I. Smith, former Provost; Larry Shinn and Daniel Little, former Vice Presidents for Academic Affairs; Eugenia P. Gerdes, Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences; and former Associate Deans Barbara A. Shailor and S. Jackson Hill. To all of these colleagues I extend deep and sincere gratitude. Texas A&M University officers and faculty who supported our work over many years include John J. McDermott, Distinguished Professor of Philosophy and Humanities, who directed the project during the transition from Texas to Indiana; Woodrow Jones, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts; Ben M. Crouch, Executive Associate Dean; Charles Stoup, Senior Academic Business Administrator; Robin Smith, Professor and Head, Department of Philosophy and Humanities; Kenneth M. Price, Professor of English; Robert A. Calvert, Professor of History; and Scott Austin, Professor of Philosophy. Special thanks to Sherman D. Frost for his ongoing support of the work of the Edition. His help with computer-related questions, and mainte-

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nance of the Santayana Edition web page is a significant contribution to our progress toward publication of the letters. Since its move to Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI), the Edition has had the unconditional support of the University and the School of Liberal Arts. In particular, we must acknowledge the diligent work of Marianne S. Wokeck, Editor; Johanna E. Resler, Assistant Editor; Joshua B. Garrison; Jessica F. Kohl; and Kimberly A. O’Brien, who have become completely involved with the final preparation of the letters for publication. Special thanks to the entire staff of the Dean’s office, who have assisted with our day-to-day work since the decision to relocate. Noteworthy support has come from Gerald L. Bepko, Vice President for Long-Range Planning and Chancellor of IUPUI; William M. Plater, Executive Vice Chancellor and Dean of the Faculties; Mark Brenner, Vice Chancellor for Research and Graduate Education; Curtis R. Simic, President, Indiana University Foundation; Nathan Houser, Director and General Editor, Peirce Edition Project; Paul R. Bippen, Dean, Indiana University-Purdue University Columbus; Janet Feldmann, Director, Library and Media Services, IUPU Columbus; and Steven J. Schmidt, University Library, IUPUI. We are grateful to Nadine C. Martin and Martin Coleman for their assistance with translations and annotations. An eminent textual scholar who has contributed to this edition in significant ways is G. Thomas Tanselle, Textual Editor of The Writings of Herman Melville (a critical edition in fifteen volumes) and a foremost authority on editorial scholarship. Professor Tanselle has been very helpful in responding to queries about editorial matters, and his writings on textual scholarship have served as a fundamental guide to the editors of the Santayana Edition. Thanks to David J. Nordloh for conducting the inspection of Book Four of the letters for the Committee on Scholarly Editions of the Modern Language Association of America, and to Katherine O’Brien O’Keeffe, co-chair of this committee, for her guidance and support. Mr. Harold Kulungian has given me several useful hints and suggestions. He ascertained the correct date of Santayana’s letter to B. A. G. Fuller of 11 January 1905 (misdated in Cory’s 1955 edition as 1904). Hugh J. Dawson of the English Department of the University of San Francisco and a member of the Editorial Board of the Santayana Edition has been a valuable source of information on the location of letters and has made many other notable contributions to this project. His frequent travels and researches in Europe have resulted in the acquisition of copies

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of three letters to the late Professor Enrico Castelli, whom Professor Dawson interviewed at his home in Rome in 1976. Our thanks also to Professor R. W. B. Lewis, the distinguished biographer of Edith Wharton, and to Dr. Marion Mainwaring, a professional researcher who attempted to locate additional letters to Santayana’s Harvard classmate William Morton Fullerton that—in addition to the four letters to Fullerton included in this edition—were believed to exist. I am very grateful to the late Richard Ellmann, the noted biographer and editor, Fellow of New College and Goldsmiths’ Professor of English Literature in Oxford University. During the sabbatical year I spent at Oxford working on the letters edition (1975–76), Professor Ellmann was particularly helpful in discussing the plan for the edition and making suggestions regarding every aspect of the project. Indeed, his edition of the letters of James Joyce, together with the edition of Oscar Wilde’s letters by Rupert HartDavis, were the earliest models for this edition of Santayana’s letters. A special note of thanks is due to Professor J. Albert Robbins of Indiana University, who served as Chairman of the Committee on Manuscript Holdings of the American Literature Section of the Modern Language Association of America, in charge of gathering information for the updated edition of American Literary Manuscripts, an invaluable source of information regarding library manuscript holdings. Professor Robbins and his staff responded to my request, early in 1976, for additional information regarding the location of Santayana holograph letters in library collections, by undertaking a “hand search” of file data before their material was computerized sufficiently to make such a search less laborious. The result of their efforts was the locating and acquiring of a substantial number of letters, the existence of which had not previously been suspected. Yet another friend from the beginning is James Ballowe of Bradley University. An accomplished poet, critic, author, and a distinguished Santayana scholar and editor, Professor Ballowe is warmly acknowledged here for his continual interest in and encouragement of this project and for his willingness to be helpful in every way. We are grateful to the late Paul G. Kuntz, Professor Emeritus of Philosophy at Emory University, for the work he did in collating our transcriptions of Santayana’s letters to Mrs. Bernard Berenson against the originals in the Berensons’ Villa I Tatti (now owned by Harvard University) in Settignano, Italy. Special thanks are due individuals who sent copies or gave permission for their Santayana letters to be photocopied by the libraries in which

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they are held. These include Robert Lowell (Houghton Library, Harvard University); Robert Fitzgerald; Mrs. Ann P. Howgate (letters to her late husband, George Washburn Howgate, who, in 1938, became Santayana’s first biographer); Mrs. Christina M. Welch, daughter of John P. Marquand, and Mr. Carl D. Brandt (Houghton Library, Harvard University); Mrs. Arthur Davison Ficke (Beinecke Library, Yale University); Dr. Cecil Anrep, of Villa I Tatti, at Settignano, Italy, letters to Bernard and Mary Berenson; and Lino S. Lipinsky de Orlov. Max Schwartz, brother of the late Benjamin Schwartz, who, in 1936, with Justus Buchler, edited Obiter Scripta: Lectures, Essays and Reviews, searched through his brother’s papers in an effort to discover additional Santayana correspondence. Mrs. Max Eastman (Lilly Library, Indiana University); Horace M. Kallen (YIVO Institute for Jewish Research in New York City and the American Jewish Archives, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio); Lewis Mumford; Milton K. Munitz; and Paul Arthur Schilpp (founder and editor of The Library of Living Philosophers, the second volume of which was devoted to the philosophy of Santayana). Sidney Hook gave permission for the inclusion here of his Santayana letters published in The American Scholar (Winter 1976–77). George Knox helped locate the letters to Carl Sadakichi Hartmann (University of California, Riverside). Father Ceferino Santos Escudero, of the University of Madrid, who compiled a bibliography of Santayana’s writings, supplied copies of the two letters in Spanish to Miguel de Unamuno and J. L. Ochoa; the English translations of these letters were done for this edition by Mr. Henry C. Reed. I am particularly grateful to the late Spanish poet, Jorge Guillén, for permission to receive a copy of his letter from Santayana in the Houghton Library, and to Mary de Rachewilz, curator of the Ezra Pound Archive in Yale’s Beinecke Library, who allowed librarians to check our transcriptions of letters to her father against the original holograph letters before the Archive was officially opened. I wish also to thank Mme. de Rachewilz for her kindness and hospitality to my family and me during visits to Brunnenburg, at Tirolo di Merano, where, in the early stages of the letters edition, I conferred with Mrs. Cory on the project. I am grateful to the late Don Eduardo Sastre Martín, Santayana’s grandnephew, for the interviews in his home in Madrid that he gave to my colleague Professor Mills F. Edgerton Jr. and for his help in obtaining copies of letters in Spanish to his parents, José and Isabel Sastre. Thanks also to Pedro García Martín, Emilio Santos Sastre, and Ana Sastre Moyano, who provided copies of letters and postcards written to Santayana’s sister and

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brother-in-law and other members of the Sastre family. The late Mr. Hy Oppenheim, a retired lawyer and an avid student of Santayana’s writings, is remembered with thanks for his frequent informative communications and for his gifts of copies of Santayana’s works. Thanks, too, to Mr. David Wapinsky, a devoted student of Santayana’s writings, for sharing with us the fruits of his researches into the existence of undiscovered Santayana manuscript materials. Realization of a project of this magnitude would be impossible without the cooperation of a host of librarians, archivists, and technical members of the staffs of a great number of libraries. Many of the personnel who contributed remain anonymous to us. Still others were persons whose names we learned through our correspondence with them and their institutions twenty or thirty years ago. Doubtless many of these persons are no longer associated with the libraries with which they were once connected. For this reason, and because space is necessarily limited in an edition of this size, we are prevented from listing here the names of the scores of dedicated staff on whose conscientious and generous assistance this edition has been so utterly dependent. But I wish to express the profound thanks of the editors to each and every one of these colleagues. We must, however, acknowledge here individually a few persons upon whose cooperation and assistance this project has fundamentally depended. These are the principal librarians at libraries containing major collections of Santayana manuscript materials. Mr. Kenneth A. Lohf, Librarian for Rare Books and Manuscripts of the Butler Library at Columbia University, has had responsibility for the largest and most important collection of Santayana materials. Mr. Lohf and staff, including Bernard Crystal, Rudolph Ellenbogen, and Jean Ashton, have been a never-failing source of cooperation and assistance to the editors, for which we are very grateful. Harvard’s Houghton Library, as would be expected, is another treasure trove for Santayana scholars. I know that Daniel Cory counted the Librarian of the Houghton, Mr. William H. Bond, as a valued personal friend, and we deeply appreciate his kind assistance. Other persons at the Houghton who have been particularly helpful to us are Leslie A. Morris, Elizabeth A. Falsey, Rodney Dennis, Jennie Rathbun, Mrs. Richard B. Currier, and Ms. Deborah B. Kelley. The Charles Scribner’s Sons Archive, in the Princeton University Library, is a huge and invaluable collection of the correspondence of many prominent authors whose works have been published by the house of Scribner. The late Charles Scribner IV has the gratitude of scholars generally for con-

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tinuing the policy of his company of preserving all correspondence with authors. I am personally in Mr. Scribner’s debt for his unfailingly kind attention to my questions and requests pertaining to publication by his company of Santayana’s writings, for permission to receive photocopies of letters from the Scribner Archive and to reproduce and publish them in this edition. Librarians at Princeton who so effectively assisted us in the acquisition of photocopies are Alexander P. Clark, Jean F. Preston, and Don C. Skemer, Curators of Manuscripts; Margaret M. Sherry, Archivist; and Mrs. Mardel Pacheco and Mrs. Michael Sherman of the Manuscripts Division. At the Alderman Library of the University of Virginia we wish to thank Michael Plunkett and Anne Freudenberg, Curators of Manuscripts; Adrienne Cannon, Special Collections; and assistants Elizabeth Ryall and Gregory A. Johnson. At the Humanities Research Center of the University of Texas at Austin, Cathy Henderson, Barbara Smith-LaBorde, Mary M. Hirth, and June Moll, Librarians, have been particularly cooperative in aiding our work; as have Thomas F. Staley and Mr. F. W. Roberts, Directors of the Center; and staff including Sally Leach, David Farmer, and John R. Payne. Mr. Thomas M. Whitehead, Head of the Special Collections Department of the Samuel Paley Library at Temple University, was most cooperative in enabling us to acquire copies of the large collection of Santayana letters in the archive of the London publishing firm of Constable and Company, Ltd. Special thanks are also due to several librarians at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University for their continuous cooperation and valuable services over many years including Ms. Dorothy Bridgewater, formerly Acting Head of the Reference Department; Ms. Carol Park of the Reference Department; Mr. Kenneth Nesheim, formerly Acting Curator, Collection of American Literature; Mr. Donald Gallup, Curator of American Literature; Mr. Peter Dzwonkowski, Assistant to the Curator, who very helpfully collated our transcriptions of Santayana’s letters to Ezra Pound against the originals in the thenunopened Pound Archive; and Mr. Robert O. Anthony, adviser to the Walter Lippmann Papers Collection. The Rockefeller Archive Center houses the majority of Santayana’s letters to Charles Augustus Strong (368). David Rockefeller, Alice Victor, Darwin Stapleton, and Thomas Rosenbaum were extremely generous in providing copies of these letters to the Edition on very short notice. Librarians of specialized collections who have been particularly helpful to us are Ms. Fanny Zelcer of the American Jewish Archives; Mr.

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James Lawton of the Boston Public Library; Mr. Monte Olenick of the Brooklyn Public Library; Mr. John C. Broderick, Chief, The Library of Congress; Mr. Andrew Berner and Ms. Susan Grant, the University Club Library, New York City; Doña Dolores Gomez Molleda, Director, CasaMuseo Unamuno, University of Salamanca, Spain; Mr. Ezekiel Lifschutz, Archivist, and Mr. Marek Web, Archives Department, YIVO Institute for Jewish Research, New York City. Librarians of the Ellen Clarke Bertrand Library at Bucknell University have provided aid in several important ways, and I wish to thank especially Mr. George Jenks and Mrs. Ann de Klerk, former Directors of the Library who provided a room in the Library specifically for work on the letters edition. Other librarians of the Bertrand Library that must be acknowledged here for their special assistance are Mrs. Helena Rivoire, Head of Technical Services; Ms. Patricia J. Rom, Head of the Reference Department; and Mr. Ronald B. Daniels, Head of Public Services. I am also much obliged to the librarians and staff of the Bodleian Library and the English Faculty Library of Oxford University for allowing me the continued use of the resources of those fine institutions while working on the edition during my residence at Oxford from September 1975 to July 1976. We are very grateful to the institutions that have provided the financial support on which the completion of this project depended. First and foremost is the National Endowment for the Humanities. The award of a Research Fellowship for 1975–76 enabled me to devote a full year to getting the project underway. Since 1976 the Endowment has underwritten the comprehensive edition of Santayana’s Works, in which the letters edition is included. Officers and staff members to whom we are especially indebted for their indispensable support are James Herbert, Director, Division of Research Programs, Margot Backas, Michael Hall, George Lucas, Douglas Arnold, Stephen Veneziani, and Alice Hudgins. Other organizations that have contributed importantly to the completion of the letters edition are The John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation for granting a Fellowship for work on the letters edition to Daniel Cory in 1972; the American Council of Learned Societies for awarding me two separate grants for work on the project; and to the Committee on Scholarly Development of Bucknell University for the award of grants that allowed me to devote several summers to work on the letters edition. We wish also to acknowledge the student assistants who, over the many years of work on this collection of Santayana’s letters, have labored alongside the editors with much-appreciated dedication, performing tasks

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essential to the completion of this project. The first student editorial assistant to work on the letters project was Keith Washburn, a graduate student in English at Bucknell who helped during the initial stages in 1972. Mrs. Robin Hummel Kenner worked on the project from September 1972 until January 1978, beginning during her undergraduate years and continuing on after graduation. Mrs. Kenner, in a pre-computer era, made most of the original typewriter transcriptions of the letters. Kristine Dane worked on the project from July1991 through May 1997, beginning as an undergraduate and continuing to work on the project while pursuing graduate studies. Her contributions to the letters edition were many and various. The other Bucknell students who worked on this edition of Santayana’s letters are listed here in chronological order of their connection with the project, from earliest to latest: Laurie Russell, Karen Hoffnagle, Elizabeth Smith, Kathy Bittner, Afsaneh Bahar, Hugh Bailey, Roberta Visaggio, Jeanne Wiggers, Caroline Keller, Cherri Lee Smith, Beth Lynn Davis, Lori Fraind, Wendy Van Wyck, Michael Wardell, and Jennifer Beck. Let us thank here also Mrs. Ruth Snyder, formerly secretary to the Classics and History departments at Bucknell, who, in the mid-1980s, made our original typewritten transcriptions of the letters from Santayana to Scribner’s editor John Hall Wheelock of the period 1946–52 which had just then been made available. At Texas A&M University graduate assistants involved with the project include Karen Antell, Ann T. Butler, John Cavin, Matthew Caleb Flamm, Luis Guadaño, Kara Kellogg, Nakia S. Pope, Robert Renzetti, Wayne Riggs, Clay Davis Splawn, and James Dan Unger. Special thanks to Denise Johnston Barrychuck, Jodine Thomas, Lori Moore, Margaret B. Yergler, Anne Divita, and Connie Chavez, students and staff who worked with the Edition for extended periods of time. At the University of Tampa, special thanks are given to editorial assistants Shirley Cueto and John W. Jones, and to research assistants Austria M. Lavigne, Jodi Lerner, and Nina Mollica. Finally, I wish to acknowledge the persons with whom I have worked very closely for a long time on this edition of Santayana’s letters and whose collaboration has made possible its completion. First, I want to thank especially my friend and colleague of many years, the General Editor of The Works of George Santayana and Associate Editor of this edition of the letters, Herman J. Saatkamp Jr., with whom I have had the pleasure of coediting the four earlier volumes of the Critical Edition. Not only has Professor Saatkamp been responsible for overseeing and direct-

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ing all phases of the Works edition, including this volume of letters, but in his frequent travels through this country and indeed all over the world he has sought everywhere and frequently found previously unknown or unlocated Santayana correspondence. During those travels he has also spent countless hours in numerous libraries making sight collations of our transcriptions (taken from Xerox copies of Santayana’s handwritten letters) against the original holograph letters. This edition of Santayana’s correspondence owes a very great deal to the boundless energy and enthusiasm for Santayana’s writings that Professor Saatkamp has brought to it, and I am sure that, like me, Santayanans everywhere are very grateful to him. Another person who made a very significant contribution to this letters edition is Donna Hanna-Calvert, who was for several years the Associate Editor of The Works of George Santayana at the Texas A&M University headquarters of the project. Ms. Hanna-Calvert was always a most astute, congenial, and helpful colleague, and I am indebted to her both for her assistance with the letters project as well as for her collaboration on earlier volumes of the edition. I owe her much for making my working visits to the editorial offices at Texas A&M very pleasant, comfortable, efficient, and productive. To the current Associate Editor of The Works of George Santayana (and also of this edition of the letters specifically), Kristine W. Frost, this letters volume and I are very heavily indebted. Ms. Frost has had the responsibility of coordinating and executing the multiple tasks of preparing the text of the letters edition for publication. She has assisted the General Editor and me in every conceivable aspect of the preparation of this letters edition while simultaneously organizing and carrying out collation schedules for future volumes of the Works edition that are currently in preparation, and directly supervising the activities of our student helpers and other editorial assistants. I wish also to express here to Kristine Frost what I know all of us on the edition especially appreciate in working with her: I mean her invariably equable temperament, her unshakable good nature. Working with her is always a pleasure. I want to thank especially my wife, Annegret, for her many years of service to this letters edition (as well as to earlier volumes of The Works of George Santayana) as editorial assistant. She has supported my work on this project in every conceivable way. The help and companionship she provided on the numerous and extensive travels that this work has entailed often transformed difficulty, inconvenience, and hard labor into achieve-

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ment and adventure. I am grateful to her for all the effort, encouragement, and patience that she has contributed to the completion of this enterprise. Our other editorial assistant on the letters edition, Brenda Bridges, at Texas A&M, also richly deserves recognition here and the gratitude of the editors for effectively carrying out many important and demanding tasks, including researching the information for much of the footnote annotation to the letters. Thanks to Ms. Bridges’s astuteness and unflagging perseverance, the extensive and exceptionally valuable collection of letters by Santayana to Charles Augustus Strong—long believed lost or destroyed—were located and copies acquired for this edition. Therefore, to all these kind, cooperative, expert, and industrious persons and magnanimous institutions that have contributed so materially and indispensably to the production of this edition of Santayana’s letters, I extend my deep gratitude. William G. Holzberger Professor of English Emeritus Bucknell University 1

Volumes published to date: I Persons and Places: Fragments of Autobiography (1986); II The Sense of Beauty: Being the Outlines of Aesthetic Theory (1988); III Interpretations of Poetry and Religion (1989); IV The Last Puritan: A Memoir in the Form of a Novel (1994).

Introduction William G. Holzberger George Santayana (1863–1952) was one of the most learned and cultivated men of his time. Born in Spain and educated in America, he taught philosophy at Harvard University for twenty-two years before returning permanently to Europe at age forty-eight to devote himself exclusively to writing. He knew several languages, including Latin and Greek. Besides his mastery of English, he was at home in Spanish and French (though he modestly down-played his knowledge of those languages). As a young man, Santayana studied Italian in order to read Dante, Cavalcanti, Michelangelo, and other Italian Platonizing poets in their own language; and, in later life, as a result of his long residence in Rome, he acquired facility in speaking Italian.1 While a graduate student in Germany during 1886–88, Santayana lived with Harvard friends in an English-speaking boardinghouse in Berlin, thereby missing an opportunity to learn to speak German properly. However, he could read the original versions of German literary and philosophical works. He also knew the world, having lived for protracted periods in Spain, America, Germany, England, France, and Italy. A true cosmopolitan, Santayana nevertheless always regarded himself as a Spaniard and kept his Spanish passport current. He possessed many talents and had a multifaceted personality, and each of those facets is reflected vividly in his letters. World famous as a philosopher, he was also a poet, essayist, dramatist, literary critic, autobiographer, and author of a best-selling novel. The numerous letters referring to The Last Puritan, his novel begun in 1889 and completed over a period of forty-five years on 31 August 1934,2 describe the way in which a modest story of college life evolved into a major study of American culture and modern civilization. The letters incorporate a thoroughgoing statement of Santayana’s own critical interpretation of The Last Puritan. Santayana’s letters represent the full range of his interests, knowledge, and achievements, and students of English prose style will encounter in them superb examples of epistolary writing. They are of supreme value to the biographer. Some letters are important for establishing dates of sig-

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nificant events in Santayana’s life and career. For instance, the 13 October 1933 letter to Daniel Cory describes Santayana’s discovery of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger and the similarity of his own theory of essences to Heidegger’s ontology. Other letters illuminate Santayana’s philosophical system. The 1 March 1949 letter to Richard C. Lyon is an excellent example of the “philosophical” letters. In it Santayana states his views on matter, idea, the self, intuition, and other perennial philosophical issues, relative to the views of philosophers such as Plato, Descartes, Kant, Berkeley, Fichte, Kierkegaard, Bergson, and Russell. The second paragraph of the 21 September 1917 letter to Charles Augustus Strong constitutes a succinct and very clear expression of Santayana’s controversial theory of essences; and the huge collection of Santayana’s letters to Strong is in itself a treasure-trove of revelations of the development of Santayana’s philosophical system.3 In fact, we find in Santayana’s letters not only a distillation of his philosophy but also a multitude of new perspectives on the published work. The responses to his correspondents are filled with spontaneous comments on and restatements of his fundamental philosophical ideas and principles. Because Santayana’s philosophy was not for him a thing apart, but rather the foundation of his existence, the letters indicate the ways in which his entire life was permeated and directed by that philosophy. Essential to Santayana’s position is the Greek ideal of the “life of reason,” a conception of the good life as requiring a continual commitment to the pursuit of self-knowledge, discipline, and an unromantic determination to harmonize rather than indulge the passions. It is the ideal of sophrosune or moderation venerated by classical philosophers like Aristotle and despised by modern ones like Bertrand Russell. The fullest expression of Santayana’s philosophical system, which we may observe developing in his letters, is in the four volumes of Realms of Being, published over a period of fourteen years (1927 to 1940). Santayana devotes a volume to each of the four realms: essence, matter, truth, and spirit. These realms are not so much regions or elements of being as they are kinds or representations thereof. Santayana’s formulation of the realm of essence caused him, in the view of several of his critics, to be allied with Platonic idealism; however, Santayana’s essences, unlike those of Plato, are not the ultimate reality. For Santayana essences are merely an infinite number of real though non-existent passive forms. The unconscious and unformed realm of matter is the sole source of power and existence. In Santayana’s view, the embodiment of essences by matter results in the substantial physical world. Unlike Plato, for whom spirit or consciousness exists eternally and independently of matter, Santayana conceived of spir-

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it as conscious self-awareness generated by matter when the vital physical organism (or psyche, in Santayana’s terms) achieves a certain level of organization, as in a human being. Spirit, for Santayana, reluctantly shares the career of the body that has generated it. If it were free to do so, spirit would range impartially over the spectacle of existence. But, because of its ineluctable identification with the career of a specific individual organism, spirit is pulled away from its natural tendency to disinterested observation by the necessity of attending to the requirements of the organism to which it is bound. In Santayana’s letters we see dramatic representations of the predicament of the philosopher whose spirit, in its effort to seek and comprehend the truth of things, necessarily strives to transcend the confinements and limitations of particular perspectives, personal or national allegiances, or historical contexts and observe things impartially under the aspect of eternity. But, because the philosopher is nevertheless an individual and mortal person, subject to the conditions of his environment and physical organism, he must, however reluctantly, be called back to the never permanently escapable present personal, social, political, material reality. That Santayana was keenly aware of this dichotomy is made perfectly clear in his published writings, in his personal life, and in his letters. His striving for a transcendental perspective devoid of personal, national, or ideological bias is seen in his perennial effort to stand aloof from social, political, or professional organizations that would demand of him an allegiance to their particular agendas and make impossible, even intermittently, the perspective of eternity. At the same time, we can see his recognition of the limitations and obligations placed upon every human individual by one’s nationality, genetic inheritance, and psychological conditioning. This recognition is reflected in the fact that Santayana always identified himself as a Spanish citizen, and (despite the ultimately atheistic character of his philosophical principles) a Roman Catholic. It is reflected also in the record of loyalty and devotion to family and friends that we observe in the letters. Perhaps the greatest problem for Santayana, as manifested in the letters, was the life-long effort of the philosopher to reconcile his inclination to live in the eternal with the necessity of the individual human being to live in the here and now. A succinct statement of his positions on religion, science, and poetry is found in the 31 August 1951 letter to Ira D. Cardiff. In that letter Santayana attempts to explain his unbifurcated view of religion and naturalism, and he indicts positivism for unimaginativeness. Because Santayana’s philosophy is one of materialism and naturalism, wherein

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everything—including spirit or consciousness—has a material basis, there can be no personal immortality of the kind traditionally conceived of by religion. The individual spirit is contingent upon the continued existence of the physical organism or psyche that generated it. At the dissolution of that organism in death, the spirit, as a consequence of that disorganization of matter, is annihilated. Except, therefore, where consciousness is temporarily allied to some physical organism, nature is unconscious and indifferent to human interests. There are, therefore, no supernatural beings, no disembodied spirits, no gods. Thus religion does not describe an actual otherworldly realm but rather only this world idealized and represented mythopoetically. For Santayana religion—and even science—is a kind of poetry. Other letters tell us much about Santayana’s literary method and the achievement of his apparently effortless style. We learn from many letters that the effect of spontaneous flow in his published writing is actually the result of a method involving several drafts and much revision leading to the finished work. In the letter of 13 December 1949 to Rosamond Thomas (Sturgis) Little, he quotes the compositional principle of Boileau as representing his own method: “Polish it continually, and repolish it; add occasionally, and delete often.”4 He frequently had two or three compositions going forward simultaneously, moving from one to another as inspiration and interest guided him. Sometimes he used material pruned from one project for the substance of another (for example, the incorporation of the surplus of his Spinoza lecture, “Ultimate Religion,” in his book, The Realm of Spirit, as described in the 14 May 1932 letter to Cory). And, apropos of Cory, the detailed criticisms that Santayana makes of the drafts of essays that Cory sent to him for comment constitute a sort of concise manual for writers, and they reveal Santayana’s unremitting quest, through continuous review and revision, for perfection of diction and form in his own writing. Some letters (for instance, that to the literary scholar and critic William Bysshe Stein of 1 September 1949) reveal that Santayana conceived of the practice of literary criticism as stating the critic’s personal taste rather than making objective evaluations. The letters also document Santayana’s subordination of aesthetics to ethics and his view of the relativism of the latter. Still other letters, like the 15 March 1946 one to Rosamond Sturgis (later Mrs. Little), express Santayana’s traditionalist views on education and American education in particular. In addition to illuminating his ideas, views, and accomplishments as thinker and writer, Santayana’s let-

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ters are especially important in revealing the personal side of the famous author. Nowhere else—not even in his autobiography, Persons and Places— does he express so directly and succinctly his fundamental attitudes and convictions or reveal more intimately the characteristics of his complex personality. Each reader of the letters doubtless will relish in them what he or she is most interested in knowing about Santayana’s life and thought; and many persons will use this edition to consult specific letters as these pertain to certain ideas, persons, or historical events. But anyone who reads extensively in this collection will see emerge the distinctive personality of the writer, in a kind of verbal self-portrait. There are, to be sure, other documents available in which a portrait of Santayana may appear, including the many fine articles and books about him, especially John McCormick’s recent critical biography and Santayana’s inimitable autobiography.5 These descriptions of Santayana’s personality and experience are extremely valuable in fleshing out our image of him as a person and writer. Private letters usually represent the most spontaneous and unguarded form of written expression,6 and, by focussing on Santayana’s letters as illustrative of their author’s personality and character, we discover in them a concentrated and revealing self-portrait. This verbal selfportrait, produced partly by unconscious revelations, contributes significantly to our conception of the sort of individual that Santayana was and, therefore, to our understanding of his writings. That Santayana was a precocious genius is evident from even a cursory reading of his early letters. Among the most interesting are those written in 1886 to his Harvard classmate, Henry Ward Abbot, while Santayana was pursuing graduate studies in philosophy in Germany. The maturity of view, intellectual acuteness, and power of expression in these letters are remarkable. Santayana’s perennial emphasis on the crucial importance of the Socratic principle of self-knowledge and the ethical doctrine of moral relativism7 characteristic of his most mature writings are nowhere more perfectly expressed than in the 6 October 1886 letter to Abbot written from Berlin when Santayana was not quite twenty-three years old. In response to Abbot’s indecision about going into business—as his family evidently wanted—or pursuing instead some other career, Santayana wrote: To do right is to know what you want. Now when you are dissatisfied with yourself, it’s because you are after something you don’t want. What objects are you proposing to

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yourself? are they the objects you really value? If they are not, you are cheating yourself. I don’t mean that if you chose to pursue the objects you most value, you would attain them; of course not. Your experience will tell you that. … but success in getting after much labour what you really don’t care for is the bitterest and most ridiculous failure. Santayana had several other close friends among his Harvard classmates, and the fact that he was socially active during his undergraduate years (or at least as active as his very modest means would permit) is now well known. He had drawn cartoons for and served on the editorial board of the Harvard Lampoon; he was president of the Philosophical Club and took part in Hasty Pudding Club theatricals. But Santayana seems always to have been a rather formal person who resented what he considered undue familiarity. In the 21 August 1882 letter to John Galen Howard, written following their graduation from the Boston Public Latin School, Santayana expressed his unwillingness to be patronized even by the venerable headmaster, Dr. Moses Merrill: … I hope he has not had the impudence of addressing all the fellows by their first names, as he has done me. If he supposed I would be flattered by being treated with intimacy by him, he was greatly mistaken. If I did not deem it unwise to forfeit anyone’s good opinion merely for the pleasure of speaking out one’s mind plainly, I should have answered him and addressed him as “my dear Moses.” Forty-six years later, on 4 May 1928, Santayana wrote to his nephew and business manager, George Sturgis, that he had received a letter from a William C. Sturgis (a member of the prominent Boston family to which Santayana’s mother’s first husband had belonged) of whom Santayana had never heard: He calls me “George”, but I don’t know who he can be. Will you enlighten me? … When you reply please tell me whether he is habitually called William, Will, Willy, Billy, or Bill, so that I may live up to our relationship. Santayana was, of course, on a first-name basis with members of his immediate family, addressing his sister Susan as “Dear Susie,” and he was not so stiff as not to be on a first-name basis with other persons as well. In

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letters to the intimate friends of his youth—for instance, his Harvard classmates—he addressed Henry Ward Abbot, Boylston Adams Beal, and Robert Burnside Potter as “Harry,” “Boylston,” or “Bob.” In later letters written to close male friends usually the person is addressed by the last name only, in the manner more common among men in an earlier time than it is today. Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson, Horace Meyer Kallen, and Logan Pearsall Smith are addressed as “Dickinson,” “Kallen,” or “Smith.” The Russell brothers ( John Francis Stanley, the second Earl Russell, and his younger brother, Bertrand) are each addressed simply as “Dear Russell.” Daniel Cory was undoubtedly Santayana’s closest friend during the last twenty-five years of his life, yet he is never addressed in any of the hundreds of pieces of correspondence that Santayana wrote to him in any way but as “Dear Cory.”8 In writing or speaking about Santayana, Cory referred to him simply as “Santayana” (though in conversation he sometimes referred to him as “the Master,” in the manner of Henry James’s disciples and scholars). In Santayana: The Later Years, Cory describes his arrival at Santayana’s bedside in Rome, shortly before the latter’s death, saying, “I’m here, Santayana,” so we may assume that once their friendship had been established Cory addressed his elderly friend simply as “Santayana.”9 (We do know that in Santayana’s last years his relationship with the young poet, Robert Lowell, became so friendly that Lowell, thanking Santayana for helping him financially, humorously addressed him in one letter as “My dear Uncle.”)10 Santayana’s editors at Constable and Scribner’s—Otto Kyllmann and John Hall Wheelock, respectively—are always addressed as Mr. Kyllmann and Mr. Wheelock, as is Mr. Scribner when Santayana writes directly to the head of the New York publishing house. Even close women friends of many years—like Nancy Saunders Toy, Elizabeth Stephens Fish Potter, and Mary Williams Winslow—are addressed in the letters as “Mrs. Toy,” “Mrs. Potter,” or “Mrs. Winslow.” The impression of Santayana as an essentially formal man is reinforced by the language of his letters, in which there is a notable absence of slang or obscenity. This is so much the case that one is a little startled to encounter in a few letters even such mild imprecations as “damn” or “damned.” As in his published writings, Santayana’s diction in the letters might be described the way critics have characterized that of Hawthorne and Henry James: “formal but alive.” Santayana’s formal style, however, in no way inhibited the expression of his formidable wit. There is little or no broad humor in Santayana’s let-

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ters, not much in the way of comedy or fun (except perhaps for the 31 August 1887 “Rabelaisian” letter to William Morton Fullerton and the 25 November and 10 December 1904 “Arabian Nights” letters to Mary Whitall Smith Berenson), but there is plenty of wit: dry, ironical commentary that is often paradoxical and ingenious and invariably in the service of some point that he is making. A typical example of Santayana’s irony and wit is found in the letter of 2 April 1923 to George Sturgis, in which Santayana comments on the recent appearance of the Scribner’s edition of his Poems: … a copy Scribner has sent me looks so mean and poverty-stricken that I am afraid they are doing it on the cheap, in order to make money. Money out of poems! I received $1.87 for the first two editions, and was thankful, the publisher having failed in the interval, as was to be expected.11 In another letter to George Sturgis two years later, Santayana comments on “the instability of the female will,” describing his own present dependence upon the decisions of several women friends and relatives as to where and when he may be traveling. He mentions that his friend Charles Augustus Strong is enjoying the electric heating that Strong’s daughter, Margaret, had installed in her father’s Paris apartment against his will, and writes: … probably I shall go to a hotel [instead of joining Strong in the Avenue de l’Observatoire apartment], as Margaret herself may turn up at any moment—another case of La donna è mobile, especially with an auto-mobile, if you will excuse an Italian pun. For Margaret has one of her own much better than her father’s.12 In the summer of 1928 Santayana’s friend, the Yale English professor and popular literary critic William Lyon Phelps, and his wife were planning a trip to Spain, about which Santayana wrote: I admire your courage and that of Mrs. Phelps in going to Madrid in August. We might apply to it a story Strong likes to tell about a delegate’s description of the summer breezes of Chicago: that not content with coming out of the very mouth of hell, they had first blown over the State of Texas. For Texas read the plains of La Mancha, and you will know what awaits you.13

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A final example of the mordant irony of which Santayana was capable is in the 27 March 1939 letter to George Sturgis regarding Bertrand Russell, who, Santayana believed, like Russell’s elder brother, had wasted his genius through personal and political folly: Not that his philosophy would have been sound: he is a born heretic or genial madman, like John Knox or Giordano Bruno: yet he is preternaturally intelligent, penetrating, and radical; so that the more wrong he is the clearer he makes the wrongness of his position; and what more can you expect a philosopher to prove except that the views he has adopted are radically and eternally impossible? If every philosopher had done that in the past, we should now be almost out of the wood. As we encounter Santayana’s wit in the letters, we may occasionally find ourselves laughing out loud, but more often our amused response is of a quieter kind. Santayana’s sense of humor—or, more precisely, his witty and ironic cast of mind—is much akin to that of Henry James (with whom he shares not only a formal style but also other qualities and characteristics)14 and not at all like that of Mark Twain. Concomitant with Santayana’s ironical view of the world was his own capacity for laughter. He likened himself to Democritus, “the laughing philosopher,” and said that his friends told him that he laughed too much. Yet most of the photographs of Santayana depict him as very grim. He did not like being photographed and thought the typical grinning snapshot a very inaccurate representation of someone. Thus, almost all of the extant photos of Santayana—with the exception of a group taken in the Blue Sisters’ nursing-home in Rome toward the end of his life—portray him as an unsmiling and somber man. The same is true of the drawings made from photographs to illustrate the dust jackets of several of his books, one of which, he complained to Scribner’s, made him look “cross-eyed and ferocious.”15 These somber or hostile-looking pictures, combined with his political conservatism and reputation for avoiding society, have contributed to a widespread notion that Santayana was remote and forbidding; “cold-blooded” is a term sometimes applied to him. It is true that the Santayana represented in the letters is unsentimental and toughminded, and his love of solitude and his philosophic resignation give the impression that he was more indifferent and detached from human life and feeling than are most people. But the letters provide considerable evidence that Santayana was capable of profound emotional attachments.

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So far as we know, Santayana never had a romantic relationship with a woman, though there were several women with whom he enjoyed close friendship and lifelong correspondence. Mrs. Toy, Mrs. Potter, and Mrs. Winslow fit this description. And, until her death in 1928, Santayana’s elder half sister Susan was, in complex ways, the beloved woman in his life. However, Santayana—like Schopenhauer and Nietzsche—saw women as fundamentally different from men, as is illustrated by a 17 February 1887 letter to Henry Ward Abbot: A woman, for example, is despised in so far as she is a human individual competing with others for life, especially because her methods of competing are small and mean; but she is loved and even worshiped as the complement of man, as something filling out his life without sharing his qualities. Feminists, with some justification, condemn Santayana as a sexist who characterized women as inferior. Santayana believed that, compared to men, women are generally not as intelligent, interesting, or physically fine; men are the superior gender. This exaltation of the masculine may be derived from Santayana’s own sexual nature. From his letters, from the events of The Last Puritan and his remarks about the novel in the letters, and from the conversation about A. E. Housman reported by Cory,16 it seems clear that Santayana’s sexual orientation was not conventional. The early letters to his Harvard classmate, Henry Ward Abbot, are particularly significant in this regard. On 23 April 1887 Santayana wrote: … I hate my own arrogance and would worship the man who should knock it out of me. Says a Spanish song: I am searching land & ocean For the man that I might love, And whenever my heart finds him Then he will have found his slave. Man or thing—it makes no difference—but heaven grant it be no woman. … Of course all girls aren’t foolish—some are charming and I am tender on two or three myself; but if I ever humbug a woman into marrying me, it will be a piece of selfishness on my part, depend upon it, and not a conquest on hers. The comments of the young Santayana in this letter about women and marriage are common in the banter of young men, but the general tone

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here is not heterosexual, and, for this reason and in light of Santayana’s other writings, we are disinclined to take seriously the statement about his being “tender” on two or three girls. A year earlier, in the spring of 1886 (his senior year at Harvard), Santayana had met the tall, athletic, good-looking, cultivated, and supremely self-confident Earl Russell, and he evidently fell in love with the young aristocrat. His letters to Abbot of 1887 reveal his complete infatuation: … Russell is the ablest man, all round, that I have ever met. You have no idea what a splendid creature he is, no more had I till I had seen a great deal of him. He isn’t good, that is he is completely selfish and rather cruel, although I fancy I made too much of his heartlessness at first. But then both practically and intellectually he is really brilliant. … I know I am making a fool of myself in writing about him. … but I send a note of his so that you may judge for yourself and also have some idea of the men I am seeing here. Pass the note on to Herbert Lyman and let him keep it or send it back to me. I am going tomorrow to stay with Russell again, for he is laid up and wants company. … Don’t tell this round, I beg of you, but I tell you because I am telling you everything to-day. I make an exception of Herbert, because I should have to tell him sooner or later, and he won’t chuckle over it as if it were a joke merely, which it isn’t.17 In a letter to Abbot written a week later, Santayana reveals the abject character of his relationship with Russell: … what I call my “fall from grace and self-control” … is simply this. Russell has a way of treating people which is insufferably insolent and insulting. Never for a moment did I imagine I could allow anyone to treat me in such a way. But I find that instead of caring for my own dignity and independence … I find that I don’t care a rap for my interest in myself or my ways of doing things, but that I am quite willing to stand anything, however outrageous, that comes from a certain quarter. This is what has happened to me. I am a fool to say a word about it—especially when people think that I am talking about trifles. … don’t imagine I am referring to “country matters”.18

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The revelations of these letters to Abbot are franker expressions of Santayana’s willingness to abase himself and accept abuse from Russell than are found in Persons and Places, including the episode he relates there about accidentally pulling the young earl into the Thames and being violently abused verbally by him for clumsiness.19 And Santayana’s willingness to swallow his pride and suffer indignities from Russell seems to have been unending. In the autumn of 1923, when he was almost sixty and planning a trip to England to deliver the Herbert Spencer Lecture at Oxford, he wrote to Russell saying that he hoped there would be a chance to see him. Russell’s reply was: “Do as you like,” and Santayana responded as follows: If you leave it to me, I will certainly come [to Russell’s house in Hampshire]. I don’t believe that anything has really happened to alter our relations to one another which were always tacit and expressed in conduct rather than words. You now say more than you ever said to me, even in our young days, about being “attached to me”; you must have been, in some way which in spite of my cold-blooded psychology I don’t pretend to understand. In that case, why drop me now, when certainly there has been no change on my side except that involved in passing from twenty to sixty? Let me come, anyhow once, and we can judge better whether everything is as usual or whether the barrier you speak of—which certainly is not “Elizabeth” or her affairs—really exists. Shall it be next Tuesday, and if so, what train shall I take? Yours ever20 Santayana did visit Russell, who was indifferent, even frequently mistaking his name and calling him “Sargeaunt,” the name of another of Russell’s friends, a Latin master at Westminster.21 As in the cases of Henry James and A. E. Housman there is no evidence that Santayana was an active or practicing homosexual or that his youthful relationship with Russell (or anyone else, for that matter) was homosexual in a physical sense. Indeed, the Hamlet echo of his warning to Abbot not to construe his attachment to Russell as involving “country matters” might indicate that Santayana regarded his devotion as transcending the merely physical.22

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Only a deep emotional attachment could have enabled Santayana to continue for so many years to tolerate Russell’s unpleasantness and indifference; yet Santayana appears always to have been aware of Russell’s faults. This insuperable critical faculty doubtless sobered Santayana’s affections for other persons about whom he felt less strongly: he had no illusions about people. For instance, he appreciated his nephew, George Sturgis, for his able stewardship of his financial properties, as he had George’s father—Santayana’s half brother Robert—for performing the same service. He frequently closed letters to George Sturgis with “Yours affectionately,” and even signed one to him of 1927: “With much love.” But other letters reveal that he did not care for his nephew any more than he had for George’s father; he found both men lacking in sensitivity and sympathetic imagination.23 But the letters show that Santayana was genuinely affectionate toward several persons. He was very well disposed toward George Sturgis’s first wife, Rosamond, with whom he carried on a long correspondence. Santayana appreciated Rosamond’s thoughtfulness and kindness in sending him packages of food and clothing, after the war in Italy had ended and supplies in Rome remained short. He regularly signed his letters to her “Your affectionate Uncle George.” He was also very fond of George’s and Rosamond’s eldest son, Robert (“Bob”) Shaw Sturgis, who had visited him several times in Rome in 1944 when Bob was there in the U.S. Air Force. His letters to Bob after the war, when the latter was a Harvard undergraduate studying architecture (the field that Santayana had once thought seriously of making his profession), are full of unfeigned interest in the young man’s activities and plans. The grandfatherly affection that the octogenarian felt for his good-looking, intelligent, and artistic young grandnephew is unmistakable in both the letters Santayana wrote to Rosamond and those to Bob himself. If Santayana’s affection for young Bob Sturgis was grandfatherly, his feeling for the young Daniel Cory was fatherly. Santayana first met Cory in April 1927, when Cory was twenty-two and Santayana sixty-three, and a long, intimate friendship began. Cory, who first encountered Santayana’s writings at Columbia University, had left college before completing a degree and had gone to live and work in London. Impressed with an essay that the young man had written on his philosophy and sent to him, Santayana offered to pay Cory’s expenses for a visit to Rome. He was pleased by Cory’s critical acumen, his interest in and grasp of Santayana’s philosophy, and engaged the young man to assist him in

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arranging the manuscript of The Realm of Matter for publication. This was the beginning of a friendship and professional association that lasted for twenty-five years, until Santayana’s death in 1952. Initially, Santayana did not think of Cory’s position of literary assistant or secretary as becoming permanent.24 But Cory, while working for Santayana, made the acquaintance of Santayana’s friend, the American epistemologist Charles Augustus Strong, who also wanted someone to help him prepare his writings for publication, and Cory became Strong’s assistant or secretary as well. Both Strong and Santayana paid Cory a modest monthly allowance. This combined income enabled Cory to live separately, usually in England; but he spent protracted periods living near Strong, either in Paris or at Le Balze (“The Cliffs”), Strong’s villa at Fiesole, near Florence. Cory also made infrequent visits to Santayana in Rome, helping him with his writing projects. For the most part, during their long association, Cory lived far from Santayana, usually in another country, and sometimes several years passed without the two men seeing one another. Despite the separation, however, Santayana continued to send Cory his monthly allowance, with special supplements for medical bills, clothing, and travel. Though he never expected Cory’s dependency upon him to become permanent, Santayana eventually realized that it had and accepted responsibility for supporting Cory as long as he could do so. Before the mail between Italy and the United States was cut off by World War II, he arranged with Scribner’s for Cory to receive the royalties on his books, so that the latter might not be left without resources. In the beginning, Santayana’s appreciation of Daniel Cory was based largely upon Cory’s solid understanding and sincere advocacy of Santayana’s philosophy, as shown in the 21 May 1928 letter to Cory: … you understand the true inwardness of it, and your ways of expressing it are enough your own for me to feel sure that it is not a casual adoption of a technical theory, but a true participation in the Idea. Later, Santayana’s admiration and affection for Cory was increased by Cory’s considerable charm, his talent for reading aloud (a valuable skill in the revision of manuscripts and something that Santayana felt he himself could not do well), his enterprise in addressing himself to the task of propagating Santayana’s views by writing articles on his philosophy for publication in professional journals, and his representation of Santayana in communication with the editors of leading periodicals—such as T. S. Eliot

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of The Criterion and Henry Seidel Canby of The Saturday Review of Literature—about publication of Santayana’s writings in their magazines. He also believed that Cory was someone he could depend on in a personal emergency, someone who would assist him if he became seriously ill. And it was, indeed, Cory who traveled from England to Rome to be with Santayana during the final weeks of his life and who made the difficult arrangements for Santayana’s funeral and burial in the Campo Verano Cemetery in Rome.25 Despite his affection for Cory and his appreciation of Cory’s personal loyalty and devotion to his philosophy, Santayana did not hesitate to criticize him—both in letters to Cory and to others—on several counts: for being a spendthrift; lacking initiative; failing to complete independent literary projects that he had begun (such as Cory’s unfinished autobiographical novel, Michael ); repeating to him unpleasant things that C. A. Strong had said about him (Santayana), thereby exacerbating his always difficult relations with Strong;26 and for wasting “the best years of his life playing golf.”27 The affectionate side of Santayana revealed in the letters contrasts with the cold-bloodedness of which he has been accused (and of which he even accuses himself). This conception of Santayana—as lacking in human warmth and sympathy—may well derive, in part, from his political views and his tendency to perceive things sub specie aeternitatis. He was a true modern in terms of the bleakness of his outlook and in his chronic detachment. There is also something very Spanish in the essential starkness of his view of life. In 1917, during World War I, Santayana wrote a letter to Bertrand Russell that Russell quoted from in his autobiography to demonstrate Santayana’s lack of feeling: As for deaths and loss of capital, I don’t much care. The young men killed would grow older if they lived, and then they would be good for nothing; and after being good for nothing for a number of years they would die of catarrh or a bad kidney or the halter or old age—and would that be less horrible?28 This letter suggests that Santayana did not consider the anguish suffered by the families, sweethearts, and comrades of the soldiers killed in the war, or indeed the loss of life to the soldiers themselves. However it is evident from numerous other letters that Santayana wrote during the period 1914–18 that he was profoundly distressed by the terrible events of this war and especially by the appalling loss of life on all sides. The letters

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show, in fact, that he was so depressed by these events that he found it difficult to think or write. Twenty-seven years later, writing to Andrew J. Onderdonk on 20 January 1945, he was less discomfited by the horrific events of World War II: Perhaps the years since we last saw each other, and the many since we saw each other often—34!—have made me more inhuman than ever; but public and private tragedies move me now much less than they did. I think of all the empires reduced to filthy little heaps of ruins; of all the battles and sieges in the histories, and all the horrible fates of potentates, tyrants, patriots, and saints; and what now happens to us seems almost a matter of course. Santayana believed that, in order to understand the world, the observer must not be too closely attached to it or too actively engaged in it. The social activism of a Bertrand Russell or a Jean-Paul Sartre was anathema to him. His detachment could, on occasion—as in his comments on the two world wars—appear as sheer lack of interest in human well-being. In October 1928 Horace M. Kallen wrote asking Santayana to “sponsor” Kallen’s new book on “the Sacco and Vanzetti letters” or to join a committee that Kallen was forming to protest the way in which the case of the two Italian anarchists had been handled. In a 22 October 1928 letter Santayana refused Kallen’s request, making the following comment: I don’t know whether those men were condemned for what, morally, wasn’t a crime, or whether they were innocent altogether: in any case, it was a scandal to put off their execution so long, and then to execute them. It shows the weakness, confusion, and occasional cruelty of a democratic government: it is more merciful to the condemned, and more deterrent to others, to execute them at once, as do my friends the Bolsheviks and the Fascists. But that, I imagine, is not what your book is intended to prove. Santayana, somewhat chillingly, places the emphasis not upon the possibility that two innocent men were condemned and executed, but rather that they were not executed more quickly once the American court had pronounced them guilty. In several other letters he uniformly refuses requests to participate in public demonstrations to endorse or denounce either side of a particular moral or political issue.

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Santayana’s conservative politics—he described himself as a Tory29— sometimes caused him to take positions that seem mean-spirited. In 1940 Rosamond Sturgis was assisting a young working-class college student with his expenses. In a 10 October 1940 letter to her Santayana authorized Rosamond to have George Sturgis withdraw a hundred dollars from his account to be added to the fund for the student, but he included this comment: … to tell you the whole truth, I don’t like to give in charity to the deserving; it only encourages them to make greater demands on life, to strain, and to increase the half-educated proletariate [sic]; whereas the undeserving merely get a drink, are happy for half an hour, and no worse afterwards than they were before. However, it may be the American ideal to increase the half-educated proletariat until it includes everybody; but would that be a happy result? Again, the apparent callousness and cynicism of Santayana’s remarks in this letter are disconcerting: we wonder at the smug injustice of a social philosophy that accepts the accident of birth as the sole determinant of opportunity and privilege for some and denial and deprivation for others. Santayana frequently has been accused of anti-Semitism, and in several letters we do find unpalatable statements about Jews and Jewishness. On 12 August 1936 he wrote to George Sturgis that he was reconciled to the necessary transitoriness of things, that all conservatisms were doomed because nothing could be kept up permanently, and for example added: The Jews, for instance, aren’t in the least like Abraham or King Solomon: they are just sheenies. And in a 1 May 1938 letter to Mrs. Toy about Walter Lippmann, Sidney Hook, and Irwin Edman, he wrote: Are the Jews going to repent of being anti’s, for fear that soon there should be nothing left to be anti against? After all they have made themselves very comfortable in Christendom, and if nothing but an international proletariat remained, it would not offer them such brilliant careers as professors and prime minister and newspaper proprietors. Mrs. Toy’s response to this letter evidently recommended that Santayana avoid anti-Semitism, for in his 12 August 1938 letter to her he observed:

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I ought to love the Jews, as they seem to be my only friends intellectually, beginning with Edman—not to go back to Spinoza. These remarks of Santayana’s, though critical and contemptuous of what he perceived to be ancient and modern Jewish attitudes, did not prevent his appreciation of virtuous individual Jews. Ironically, Baruch Spinoza was Santayana’s acknowledged master, and there was no philosopher for whom he had greater respect. He appreciated the keen interest in his own philosophy taken by Morris Cohen and Irwin Edman, and he appears to have been fond of his former graduate assistant at Harvard, Horace M. Kallen, to whom, after his retirement from Harvard, he had given his doctoral cap and gown and to whom he wrote numerous warm, friendly letters,30 frequently complimenting Kallen on his publications. To George Sturgis on 31 January 1941 Santayana wrote that his doctor in Rome (Luigi Sabbatucci, who served as his physician from 1935 until Santayana’s death in 1952) had, like himself, never heard of lire miste (evidently a form of Italian wartime currency) “although he is a Jew, and a very nice person.” But Santayana’s most redeeming statement on the matter of racial prejudice is probably that found in his 23 September 1926 letter to John Jay Chapman, an American bigot who had offered Santayana the presidency of “The Aryan Society”: Against whom is the Aryan Society directed? Against the Arabians, the Jews, the Chinese, and the blameless Ethiopians? I confess that I don’t like the Jewish spirit, because it is worldly, seeing God in thrift and success, and I know nothing of the blacks; but the Arabs and the Chinese seem to me in some ways, apart from the costume, nearer to the Greeks than we are in Europe and America: they have taken the measure of life more sanely. Might it not turn out, then, that the Aryan Society, if it stood for the life of reason, was especially directed against the Aryans? Races, like nations, seem an unfortunate class of units to identify with moral ideas. If, therefore, Santayana’s comments in his letters and other writings are perceived by some readers as repugnantly anti-Semitic, others today— including a number of Jewish scholars—argue that such a view is an exaggeration and reject the charge that Santayana was truly anti-Semitic. At the very least, the quotation from the letter to Chapman indicates that he was not a racist.

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Charles Loeser, Santayana’s classmate at Harvard, was from a prosperous Jewish family. Santayana enjoyed Loeser’s company and admired his mastery of foreign languages and expert knowledge of art, which Santayana thought even greater than Bernard Berenson’s. The two young men traveled together and afterward remained friends for many years. The young Santayana also enjoyed the forays he made into Boston society, but most especially he relished the company of other sophisticated or cultivated young men. In some letters we find the elderly philosopher reminiscing about the bachelor dinner parties of the 1890s in Cambridge that had given him some of the most pleasant moments of his life. As he got older, however, Santayana more and more preferred to be alone, and a correlate of this love of solitude was his dislike of controversy, a rather surprising characteristic in a philosopher. On 6 June 1939 he wrote to Mrs. Toy: “I don’t like mental fierceness, even on my own side in philosophy”. Many years earlier, during the summer following his retirement from Harvard, Santayana had written (on 2 August 1912) to his former colleague and department chairman, George Herbert Palmer, that he expected to benefit from conversations in Cambridge, England, with his friends Bertrand Russell and G. E. Moore: … whose views are near enough to mine to be stimulating to me, while the fact that they live in an atmosphere of controversy (which for myself I hate) renders them keenly alive to all sorts of objections and pitfalls which I need to be warned of, in my rather solitary and unchecked reasonings. If Santayana enjoyed occasionally discussing philosophical issues with friends (and, in the last part of his life, with many of the persons who visited him at the nursing home in Rome), he decidedly did not enjoy professional conferences. In the 23 September 1932 letter to Mrs. Toy in which he reported on his recent participation in the Domus Spinozana conference at The Hague (6–10 September 1932), Santayana described the meetings as being “like all meetings and international conferences, rather tiresome and futile”; “in the end”, he had written to his sister Susan on 1 October 1913, “every philosopher has to walk alone.” And in the 18 July 1913 letter to the poet Arthur Davison Ficke, Santayana echoed Socrates’ remark to Crito in Plato’s dialogue of the same name: … what does it matter what other people think? If we care too much about persuading them we may disturb

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their peaceful conventions to no good purpose, since they will never get anything straight, while we blunt the edge of truth in our own words. Santayana believed that if his auditors or readers could comprehend intuitively the truth of his views, they would accept them; but if they could not do so, there was no point in attempting to badger people into agreement. One must catch the spark if concurrence is to be genuine and meaningful. Agreement in intellectual matters, he felt, came about more through sympathetic understanding than through debate. Just as he did not like the gatherings of professors at professional meetings, neither did Santayana—with few exceptions—like individual professors; and he didn’t like being one himself. On 6 June 1912, at the time of his retirement from Harvard, he wrote to President Abbott Lawrence Lowell that “although fond of books and of young men, I was never altogether fit to be a professor”. Three years later, on 4 August 1915, he wrote to his former graduate student, B. A. G. Fuller, who was then on the Harvard philosophy faculty, about his disillusionment with teaching philosophy: … I can’t take the teaching of philosophy seriously in itself, either as a means of being a philosopher or of teaching the young anything solid: they merely flirt with that for a year or two instead of flirting with something else. Philosophy is not a science; it might be a life or a means of artistic expression, but it is not likely to be either at an American college. Contrary to the present-day practice of calling every college or university teacher of philosophy—from the greenest assistant professor to the hoariest veteran—a “philosopher,” Santayana made a significant distinction between a “philosopher” and what he referred to as a “mere professor” of philosophy.31 For Santayana the teaching of philosophy was a profession like any other; but, for the true philosopher, philosophy was not only a profession but also a vocation or way of life. In a humorous vein, he wrote to George Sturgis, his nephew and new financial manager, on 14 August 1921: In respect to money-matters, I am a true philosopher (not a mere professor of Phil. 10, 12, etc) and my one wish is not to hear about them, but to cash cheques and be happy.

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More seriously, he says in a 1926 letter to Lewis Mumford regarding Mumford’s discussion of him in The Golden Day: … I feel that you are thinking of me—quite naturally—as just a Harvard professor, author of a book called “The Life of Reason”. Your appreciation seems absolutely just, as directed upon that semi-public personage: but I never felt myself to be identical with that being, and now much less than ever.32 In a 16 June 1934 letter to Harry Austryn Wolfson, Santayana uses his favorite, Spinoza, to make clear his distinction between the philosopher and the “mere professor” of philosophy: I believe there is another reason also why Spinoza seems to me so pre-eminent: that in spite of being traditional, or because he was not distracted by side issues, he was an entire and majestic mind, a singularly consecrated soul. All these trite dogmas and problems lived in him and were the natural channels for his intuitions and emotions. That is what I feel to make a real philosopher and not, what we are condemned to be, professors of the philosophy of other people, or of our own opinions. Spinoza had been excommunicated by the rabbis in 1656 and banished from Amsterdam for his heretical ideas; living on the outskirts of the city, he earned a meager subsistence as a lens-grinder. Several years later, in order to maintain his intellectual independence, Spinoza turned down the offer of a chair of philosophy at Heidelberg. Santayana believed that, by retiring as soon as he could from Harvard, he had achieved a comparable independence. He expressed this idea of the necessary freedom of the philosopher in the 9 June 1937 letter to Cory saying: “you are now a recognised free lance in philosophy, as all philosophers ought to be.” While avowedly not fond of professors, Santayana nevertheless moved among them all his life, as many of his correspondents and many of his visitors during the years that he lived in hotels in Rome were professors. In fact, almost all of Santayana’s friends and associates were individuals of either social or intellectual stature, or both. In some of his letters he distinguishes between what he calls “nice” people (the well-bred, well-educated, and well-to-do) and common or ordinary people. His habit of choosing his friends from among socially prominent Americans and aristocratic Europeans led to accusations of sponging, social climbing, and

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snobbery. Santayana responds to the latter charge in the 8 September 1920 letter to William Lyon Phelps: I protest against being called a snob; what I love is what is simple, humble, easy, what ought to be common, and it is only the bombast of false ambitions and false superiority, that I abhor. There is no indication that Santayana, whatever his preferences for the well-born and well-bred, was ever anything but courteous to and considerate of persons in humble positions. In his letters, Santayana refers to the waiters in the restaurants he frequented as being his friends, and there are references to the servants in the hotels or private houses that he stayed in that express Santayana’s consideration of them and his desire to do the right thing and be thought well of by them. Perhaps Santayana received a certain satisfaction from the names distinguished by European aristocratic titles in some of the lists of persons he sent to his publishers to receive complimentary copies of his books, but there is no evidence of Santayana ever fawning on any Boston Brahmin or European aristocrat— not even Bertrand Russell’s elder brother, where the matter was complicated far beyond mere snobbery. One purpose of this introduction is to suggest the ways in which Santayana’s letters reveal various characteristics of his personality, how a self-portrait emerges from the letters. That portrait is both fascinating and invaluable in giving us a better understanding of the complex personality of someone who was a profound thinker, gifted artist, and sophisticated man of the world. By thus illuminating more subtly and fully Santayana’s personality and character, the letters can deepen our insight into his philosophical and literary works. (And many of the letters address directly the principal ideas and themes of those works.) But though remarkably interesting and informative, the letters make no sensational revelations about Santayana’s personal life. It is not at all the case with him—as it often is with celebrities—that the private individual differs dramatically from the public persona. On the contrary, the evidence of the letters is that Santayana was a person of exceptional integrity, a man with a clear conception of who and what he was and what he ought to be, and one who tried to live a life of reason in accord with this conception of himself. Nevertheless, the personality reflected in the letters is complicated and paradoxical. Some letters reveal Santayana as a political reactionary,

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complacent about arbitrary inequalities of opportunity in society, approving of ruthlessly repressive forces like Mussolini and the Italian and Spanish fascists, and—in terms of his remarks about the Jews—insensitive about racial slurs. Yet the letters also show him as someone who rejected totalitarianism on principle, disapproved of capitalism on moral grounds, advocated a kind of state socialism, and was sympathetic to Bolshevism.33 They depict a thinker who aided and abetted creative expression in others even when that expression clashed with his own opinions. They show a man tolerant of irritating traits in family and friends, who frequently suffered annoyance and inconvenience in order to accommodate persons to whom he felt a debt of loyalty. They show us an honest man, generous with his money and time, often contributing to the financial support of relatives, friends, and needy strangers, and taking the time and trouble to write conscientious appraisals of works sent to him by other writers. All in all, the portrait of Santayana that emerges from the letters is that of a man devoted to his work, one who valued friendship and loyalty highly, was considerate and polite, but who quickly comprehended a situation and was never reluctant to speak his mind. We invariably find him giving his correspondents his frank opinions, irrespective of their own views. There is nothing of the boor or bully in this candor, but rather only a desire to be truthful. Santayana’s letters depict a person of rare gifts and remarkable accomplishments, a very private individual, neither curmudgeonly nor arrogant. They reveal a man endowed with great intellectual powers, living detached from and “above” the world, who was nonetheless thoroughly human.

Endnotes 1

Most of Santayana’s correspondence is in English. However, he wrote in Spanish to relatives and friends in Spain, and the 29 April 1945 letter (to Dino Rigacci) is in Italian. 2 Per 6 September 1934 to Cory. 3 The collection of 373 pieces of correspondence from Santayana to his Harvard classmate, life-long friend, and fellow professional philosopher C. A. Strong (1862–1940), over the half-century from 1889 to 1939, is second only in size to the collection of correspondence from Santayana to Daniel Cory (over the quarter-century from 1927 to 1952) totaling 400 items. Until recently, only a few items of Santayana’s correspondence to Strong had been located, and it was feared that the rest had been destroyed when German soldiers occupied the latter’s Villa le Balze, at Fiesole, Italy, during the Second World War. Fortunately, however, the rest was discovered early in 1999, housed in the Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Strong’s wife,

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Elizabeth, was the daughter of John D. Rockefeller, and the letters were deposited in the Archive by Elizabeth Cuevas, Strong’s granddaughter, in 1994. 4 The letter reads: “Polissez-le toujours, et le repolissez, / Ajoutez quelquefois et souvent effacez.” 5 See especially Margaret Münsterberg, “Santayana at Cambridge,” American Mercury 1 (1924): 69–74; George W. Howgate, George Santayana (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press; London: Oxford University Press, 1938); Dialogue on George Santayana, ed. Corliss Lamont (New York: Horizon Press, 1959); Bruno Lind, Vagabond Scholar: A Venture into the Privacy of George Santayana (New York: Bridgehead Books, 1962); John McCormick, George Santayana: A Biography (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987); and George Santayana, Persons and Places: Fragments of Autobiography, Critical Edition, ed. William G. Holzberger and Herman J. Saatkamp Jr. (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1986). (Further references to the autobiography are to the Critical Edition.) For a concise biography of Santayana as poet see Holzberger, “Introduction” to The Complete Poems of George Santayana (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press; London: Associated University Presses, 1979), 23–82. Daniel Cory, in Santayana: The Later Years, A Portrait with Letters (New York: George Braziller, 1963), makes specific use of his letters from Santayana to illustrate aspects of Santayana’s character and personality. 6 Even in his personal correspondence, so careful and deliberate a writer as Santayana was never wholly spontaneous and unguarded. 7 “Moral relativism,” as Santayana uses the term, must be understood to include more than mere arbitrary choice of behavior. For Santayana, morals are relative to the individual and the specific situation, and the natural sanctions which determine acceptable behavior are immediate and absolute. 8 The letter of 18 December 1928 begins, without salutation: “Of course, dear Cory”; and within the letters to Cory of 21 May 1928, 1 July 1937, and 23 January 1940 we find the phrases “My dear Cory”, “For heaven’s sake, dear Cory”, and “Now, dear Cory”, respectively. But in the 352 letters to Cory that begin with a salutation it is uniformly “Dear Cory.” 9 The Later Years, 321. Cory’s part of the correspondence is unlocated; Santayana usually discarded letters after reading them. 10 Letter from Lowell to Santayana of 8 January [1950]. Santayana kept Lowell’s letters, which are in the Humanities Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin. 11 The first book of Santayana’s poems was Sonnets and Other Verses (Cambridge: Stone and Kimball, 1894). A revised, expanded edition was published in 1896. 12 14 May 1925. 13 15 July 1928. 14 Grattan Freyer, the late Irish literary critic, said to me that The Last Puritan was “like the best of Henry James.” 15 “And why has my photo been redrawn so as to make me cross-eyed and ferocious? I know that self-knowledge is often self-deception, but I feel not at all as this personage looks.” (1 February 1936 to Wheelock) 16 “I suppose Housman was really what people nowadays call ‘homosexual,’ [said Santayana].” “Why do you say that?” I [Cory] protested at once. “Oh, the sentiment of his poems is unmistakable, [Santayana replied].” There was a pause, and then he added, as if he were primarily speaking to himself, “I think I must have been that way in my Harvard days—although I was unconscious of it at the time.” (The Later Years, 40) 17 20 May 1887. 18 27 May 1887.

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Persons, 297–98. 5 September 1923 and undated letter written between 20 September and 24 October 1923. “Elizabeth” refers to the Countess Russell, the earl’s third wife, who had left him in 1918. 21 Persons, 517. 22 There is no evidence that Santayana ever had a physical sexual relationship with either a man or a woman. This suggests perhaps that whatever sexual promptings he may have experienced were sublimated to his thought and art and found expression in his writings. It is also possible that Santayana deliberately embraced the tradition of celibacy advocated by the Roman Catholic Church for members of the clergy (and by the religions of India and China for holy-men and wisemen). He had a great respect for the traditions of the Church and frequently refers to himself in the letters as monklike, saying that he could live happily in a monastery. 23 In a 30 September 1938 letter to Cory, Santayana described George Sturgis as “a nice person, but not very perceptive”; and in a 31 December 1944 letter to Rosamond Sturgis, from whom George recently had been divorced before his sudden death on 20 December 1944, Santayana wrote: “George never gave me any explanation of the estrangement that had arisen between you, and of course I respected his discretion and asked no questions. But I could well imagine that, like his father, he might prove hard to live with in the long run. In fact, when you came to Rome, I couldn’t help wondering how you ever decided to marry him. He was very good, very useful, and very able in many ways, and for me he proved a treasure (literally) in the management of my affairs, as his father had been too. But there was never a resposive [sic ] chord.” 24 For example, in the 2 August 1944 letter to George Sturgis, Santayana wrote: “Cory has been a problem for Strong and me for many years. He too is not a business man, and between us three we managed to land him, at the age of nearly forty, in no man’s land. I feel a certain responsibility for him, as it was as my disciple and secretary that he first turned to philosophy: but I never meant to make our connection permanent.” 25 The Later Years, 325–27. 26 “… perhaps you would do better not to report to either of us any nasty thing that the other may say, or do, in regard to his good old friend. It makes it harder to keep up the amicable tone of our relations. … Do help us to remain friends.” (11 November 1931 to Cory) 27 5 February 1936 to Rosamond Sturgis. 28 [December 1917]. 29 In the 12 May 1946 letter to David Page, Santayana says, while he is well aware that others regard his political views as “Fascism and Phalangism,” that he regards them as “Toryism.” 30 See, for instance, 15 and 25 September 1926 to Kallen. 31 This attitude of Santayana’s was more common in an earlier time. I recall Paul Arthur Schilpp espousing this view in class at Northwestern University during the 1950s. Schilpp made a point of reserving the term “philosopher” for the great figures of the history of philosophy and for contemporary theorists of international reputation. 32 16 December 1926, Lewis Mumford, The Golden Day (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1926). 33 “Something in me tells me that the Russian Bolsheviks are right—not in their conduct, which has been scandalous and silly—but in their sense for values, in their equal hostility to every government founded on property and privilege.” (6 April 1918 to Mrs. Winslow); “I think [Soviet Russian communism] is a splendid experiment. Lenin is as good as Lycurgus or Pythagoras. Let him have his way!” (6 April 1930 to Kallen); 20

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“I am not a modern or liberal socialist: but I feel in my bones that our form of industrial society is very precarious, and that it will disappear, perhaps rather soon, as completely as the mediaeval or the Graeco-Roman civilizations have disappeared.” (4 October 1931 to George Sturgis); “I … agree with … [Karl Marx’s] low opinion of capitalism. … To my own mind, absurd as capitalism is—I live on invisible and unearned money myself, I don’t know why or how—it seems to be only a technical device accompanying industrialism: and the latter is the radical evil.” (15 April 1933 to Hook); “I prefer the Bolschies [to the current British government]; and perhaps everywhere, through one approach or another, it is to State socialism that we are bound” (19 October 1935 to R. S. Barlow); “But my ideal would be a communistic public life, as in the Spartan upper class or as in a monastery, if it went with perfect liberty in thought and in the arts, like painting or writing. And I should limit all the luxuries to public gardens, libraries, churches, theatres and clubs, where each member might satisfy his own taste and develop his own vocation. I have lived myself as far as possible on that plan, and found it satisfactory. But I dread uniformity imposed upon mankind; that is a waste of opportunities and a dull slavery. That is what I dislike in democracy and social pressure.” (9 May 1945 to Rosamond Sturgis)

List of Letters Book Four, 1928–1932 3 January 1928 6 January 1928 12 January 1928 24 January 1928 9 February 1928 10 February 1928 11 February 1928 14 February 1928 14 February 1928 21 February 1928 21 February 1928 6 March 1928 13 March 1928 13 March 1928 16 March 1928 18 March 1928 24 March 1928 24 March 1928 27 March 1928 28 March 1928 30 March 1928 14 April 1928 17 April 1928 18 April 1928 19 April 1928 21 April 1928 21 April 1928 4 May 1928 7 May 1928 7 May 1928 10 May 1928

John Livingston Lowes George Sturgis Manuel Komroff Charles Augustus Strong John Middleton Murry Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis George Sturgis Manuel Komroff George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Ottoline Cavendish-Bentick Morrell George Sturgis Alejandro Tapia Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Carl Sadakichi Hartmann George Sturgis George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis Robert Seymour Bridges

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15 May 1928 16 May 1928 18 May 1928 21 May 1928 21 May 1928 24 May 1928 29 May 1928 2 June 1928 5 June 1928 5 June 1928 6 June 1928 13 June 1928 26 June 1928 30 June 1928 30 June 1928 10 July 1928 10 July 1928 12 July 1928 15 July 1928 16 July 1928 18 July 1928 1 August 1928 13 August 1928 [15 August 1928] 29 August 1928 1 September 1928 3 September 1928 8 September 1928 8 September 1928 10 September 1928 19 September 1928 22 September 1928 2 October 1928 16 October 1928 22 October 1928 24 October 1928 25 October 1928 29 October 1928 2 November 1928

Curt John Ducasse Curt John Ducasse Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory Otto Kyllmann Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory Otto Kyllmann Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Otto Kyllmann Mr. Rubin George Sturgis George Sturgis William Lyon Phelps George Sturgis George Sturgis George Sturgis George Sturgis William Lyon Phelps Otto Kyllmann Charles Hartshorne Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong Horace Meyer Kallen Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis Wilbur Lucius Cross William Lyon Phelps

List of Letters 4 November 1928 6 November 1928 9 November 1928 16 November 1928 21 November 1928 24 November 1928 1 December 1928 2 December 1928 2 December 1928 4 December 1928 8 December 1928 10 December 1928 12 December 1928 13 December 1928 18 December 1928 23 December 1928 25 December 1928 1 January 1929 1 January 1929 1 January 1929 1 January 1929 5 January 1929 8 January 1929 13 January 1929 14 January 1929 16 January 1929 19 January 1929 27 January 1929 28 January 1929 1 February 1929 12 February 1929 27 February 1929 7 March 1929 8 March 1929 9 March 1929 21 March 1929 [26 March 1929] [27 March 1929] Saturday [April? 1929]

George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis Desmond MacCarthy Daniel MacGhie Cory Curt John Ducasse Otto Kyllmann Daniel MacGhie Cory Victor Wolfgang von Hagen George Sturgis Charles Scribner’s Sons Victor Wolfgang von Hagen Daniel MacGhie Cory Thomas Munro Daniel MacGhie Cory Horace Meyer Kallen Otto Kyllmann Charles Scribner Jr. George Sturgis Guy Bogart Josephine Sturgis [Eldredge] Bidwell George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis George Sturgis George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Sterling Power Lamprecht Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis Harry Slochower Charles Augustus Strong Maurice Firuski Victor Wolfgang von Hagen Charles Augustus Strong Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann Charles Augustus Strong

lxvii

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List of Letters

Monday [April? 1929] 2 April 1929 2 April 1929 9 May 1929 13 May 1929 14 May 1929 15 May 1929 18 May 1929 13 June 1929 20 June 1929 22 June 1929 24 June 1929 25 August 1929 29 August 1929 29 August 1929 1 September 1929 5 September 1929 5 September 1929 10 September 1929 17 September 1929 19 September 1929 30 September 1929 5 October 1929 20 October 1929 2 November 1929 4 November 1929 5 November 1929 13 November 1929 24 November 1929 25 November 1929 4 December 1929 9 December 1929 11 December 1929 13 December 1929 15 December 1929 17 December 1929 20 December 1929 20 December 1929 20 December 1929

Charles Augustus Strong Lewis Mumford George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Alan Harris Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Robert Seymour Bridges Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Charles Augustus Strong John Middleton Murry Daniel MacGhie Cory Frederic Thomas Lewis John Middleton Murry John Francis Stanley Russell George Sturgis Robert Seymour Bridges William Soutar Daniel MacGhie Cory Manuel Komroff John Middleton Murry Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis John Middleton Murry Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Carl Sadakichi Hartmann George Sturgis Frederick Ridgely Torrence

List of Letters 21 December 1929 24 December 1929 26 December 1929 27 December 1929 5 January 1930 9 January 1930 14 January 1930 16 January 1930 18 January 1930 21 January 1930 26 January 1930 27 January 1930 27 January 1930 29 January 1930 8 February 1930 18 February 1930 4 March 1930 4 March 1930 [6? March 1930] 10 March 1930 10 March 1930 3 April 1930 6 April 1930 21 April 1930 26 April 1930 26 April 1930 6 May 1930 11 May 1930 11 May 1930 12 May 1930 12 May 1930 13 May 1930 14 May 1930 14 May 1930 22 May 1930 31 May 1930 13 June 1930 16 June 1930 22 June 1930

John Middleton Murry Henry Seidel Canby Sidney Hook Charles Augustus Strong Curt John Ducasse Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis Henry Seidel Canby William Soutar Cyril Coniston Clemens William Soutar Sidney Hook George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Henry Seidel Canby Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Scribner Jr. Harry Slochower Mary Whitall Smith Berenson Maurice Firuski Daniel MacGhie Cory Horace Meyer Kallen Daniel MacGhie Cory Monica Waterhouse Bridges Harry Slochower Horace Meyer Kallen Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Luis Sastre González Julio Irazusta Charles Augustus Strong Henry Seidel Canby Charles Augustus Strong Charles Augustus Strong Maurice Firuski John Middleton Murry

lxix

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List of Letters

30 June 1930 10 July 1930 18 July 1930 19 July 1930 24 July 1930 16 August 1930 17 August 1930 26 August 1930 27 August 1930 2 September 1930 6 September 1930 11 September 1930 16 September 1930 16 September 1930 16 September 1930 16 September 1930 22 September 1930 4 October 1930 15 October 1930 19 October 1930 28 October 1930 29 October 1930 29 October 1930 29 October 1930 30 October 1930 [2 November 1930] 2 November 1930 3 November 1930 5 November 1930 5 November 1930 9 November 1930 9 November 1930 19 November 1930 22 November 1930 23 November 1930 2 December 1930 7 December 1930 18 December 1930 25 December 1930

Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong John Middleton Murry George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis John Middleton Murry George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Scribner’s Sons John Middleton Murry Daniel MacGhie Cory John Middleton Murry George Sturgis Josephine Borrás Sturgis Herbert Jacob Seligmann Henry Ward Abbot Henry Seidel Canby George Sturgis Cyril Coniston Clemens Andrew Joseph Onderdonk José Sastre González George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong Cyril Coniston Clemens Isabel Martín de Sastre Hoyt Hopewell Hudson Herbert Wallace Schneider Unidentified Recipient Adelaida Hernández de Sastre George Sturgis Boylston Adams Beal Isabel Martín de Sastre Isabel Martín de Sastre Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis Isabel Martín de Sastre Daniel MacGhie Cory

List of Letters 27 December 1930 30 December 1930 4 January 1931 5 January 1931 5 January 1931 6 January 1931 7 January 1931 7 January 1931 7 January 1931 8 January 1931 14 January 1931 14 January 1931 15 January 1931 17 January 1931 5 February 1931 8 February 1931 10 February 1931 18 February 1931 26 February 1931 11 March 1931 15 March 1931 19 March 1931 31 March 1931 8 April 1931 10 April 1931 10 April 1931 12 April 1931 21 April 1931 25 April 1931 9 May 1931 10 May 1931 11 May 1931 11 May 1931 23 May 1931 25 May 1931 26 May 1931 29 May 1931 2 June 1931 3 June 1931

José Sastre González Daniel MacGhie Cory Andrew Joseph Onderdonk Charles Scribner’s Sons Charles Scribner’s Sons José Sastre González Daniel MacGhie Cory Thomas Munro Charles Scribner’s Sons George Sturgis Isabel Martín de Sastre Charles Scribner’s Sons Charles Augustus Strong Charles Augustus Strong John Hall Wheelock George Sturgis Cyril Coniston Clemens José Sastre González Andrew Joseph Onderdonk Charles Augustus Strong José Sastre González John Hall Wheelock William Soutar Charles Augustus Strong Curt John Ducasse José Sastre González George Sturgis Mr. Wechsler Andrew Joseph Onderdonk José Sastre González Daniel MacGhie Cory Morris Raphael Cohen Charles Augustus Strong George Sturgis Ralph Barton Perry Benjamin Apthorp Gould Fuller Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory

lxxi

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List of Letters

[6 or 13 June 1931] 8 June 1931 10 June 1931 18 June 1931 23 June 1931 26 June 1931 3 July 1931 11 July 1931 12 July 1931 19 July 1931 23 July 1931 23 July 1931 1 August 1931 2 August 1931 5 August 1931 8 August 1931 13 August 1931 14 August 1931 19 August 1931 20 August 1931 29 August 1931 2 September 1931 7 September 1931 11 September 1931 13 September 1931 25 September 1931 4 October 1931 6 October 1931 7 October 1931 8 October 1931 13 October 1931 15 October 1931 18 October 1931 24 October 1931 24 October 1931 25 October 1931 30 October 1931 10 November 1931 10 November 1931

Charles Augustus Strong Louis Sacks Henry Ward Abbot Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Herbert Jacob Seligmann Mercedes de la Escalera Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory John Middleton Murry Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Charles Augustus Strong Charles Augustus Strong Henry Ward Abbot Henry Ward Abbot Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Mary Potter Bush Mary Potter Bush Daniel MacGhie Cory Mary Potter Bush Daniel MacGhie Cory Carl Sadakichi Hartmann George Sturgis Andrew Joseph Onderdonk Mary Annette Beauchamp Russell Charles Augustus Strong

List of Letters 11 November 1931 12 November 1931 14 November 1931 20 November 1931 21 November 1931 22 November 1931 22 November 1931 3 December 1931 13 December 1931 19 December 1931 22 December 1931 26 December 1931 3 January 1932 4 January 1932 5 January 1932 10 January 1932 14 January 1932 16 January 1932 18 January 1932 18 January 1932 28 January 1932 14 February 1932 15 February 1932 1 March 1932 2 March 1932 10 March 1932 10 March 1932 11 March 1932 12 March 1932 14 March 1932 18 March 1932 24 March 1932 11 April 1932 23 April 1932 24 April 1932 25 April 1932 8 May 1932 10 May 1932

Daniel MacGhie Cory Nancy Saunders Toy Mary Potter Bush Horace Meyer Kallen Daniel MacGhie Cory Wendell T. Bush George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory Nancy Saunders Toy Wendell T. and Mary Potter Bush and Irwin Edman Charles Augustus Strong James Haughton Woods Charles Augustus Strong William Lyon Phelps Daniel MacGhie Cory Wendell T. Bush Otto Kyllmann Daniel MacGhie Cory George Sturgis Nancy Saunders Toy George Sturgis Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Cyril Coniston Clemens Daniel MacGhie Cory Sterling Power Lamprecht Curt John Ducasse Nancy Saunders Toy George Washburne Howgate Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Gerald William Bullet Daniel MacGhie Cory Cyril Coniston Clemens George Sturgis Daniel MacGhie Cory Henry Seidel Canby

lxxiii

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List of Letters

10 May 1932 10 May 1932 13 May 1932 14 May 1932 16 May 1932 20 May 1932 4 June 1932 6 June 1932 7 June 1932 20 June 1932 [Summer 1932] 26 June 1932 30 June 1932 30 June 1932 7 July 1932 16 July 1932 25 July 1932 27 July 1932 28 July 1932 18 August 1932 23 August 1932 25 August 1932 27 August 1932 3 September 1932 5 September 1932 12 September 1932 12 September 1932 20 September 1932 23 September 1932 27 September 1932 8 October 1932 25 October 1932 8 November 1932 8 November 1932 11 November 1932 13 November 1932 21 November 1932 10 December 1932 16 December 1932

George Washburne Howgate Mary Annette Beauchamp Russell Nancy Saunders Toy Daniel MacGhie Cory Mary Potter Bush George Sturgis Max Forrester Eastman Daniel MacGhie Cory Henry Ward Abbot Daniel MacGhie Cory [Henry Ward Abbot] Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles P. Davis Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Nancy Saunders Toy George Washburne Howgate Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory George Washburne Howgate Charles Augustus Strong Charles Augustus Strong Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles Augustus Strong Wendell T. Bush Nancy Saunders Toy Charles Augustus Strong Louis Sacks Daniel MacGhie Cory Charles P. Davis Horace Meyer Kallen Daniel MacGhie Cory Daniel MacGhie Cory Henry Ward Abbot Daniel MacGhie Cory Mary Potter Bush

List of Letters 20 December 1932 20 December 1932

Henry Ward Abbot George Sturgis

lxxv

Letters: 1928–1932

To John Livingston Lowes 3 January 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London. S.W.1 Rome, January 3, 1928

My dear Mr Lowes1 Your letter offering me the Norton Chair of Poetry2 for next year fills me with pride, and I wish I were free to accept so honourable an appointment. But I am deeply engaged in my opus magnum3 (as I call it) and the second volume—being on a subject, the universe at large, of which Professor Norton would not have approved—is so exacting, that I am afraid it would not be prudent, even if it were possible, for me at this moment to turn my attention in an entirely different direction. Indeed, I hardly know what substance for lectures on poetry I should now find in my own mind: it would require a new birth. Moreover, my retirement4 has long been so complete, that I should tremble at the physical and social commitments involved in being again a public lecturer, even among old friends and under such exceptionally tempting conditions. I must therefore beg you to present my heartfelt regrets & thanks to the committee and to President ^ ^ Lowell5 for the great honour which they have done me, and to believe me Very gratefully yours GSantayana To Mr John Livingston Lowes Harvard University 1

John Livingston Lowes (1867–1945) received the A.M. (1903) and Ph.D. (1905) from Harvard and taught English there from 1918 until his retirement in 1939. 2 Named for Charles Eliot Norton (1827–1908), a member of the Harvard class of 1846. Santayana had been an undergraduate pupil of Norton, who taught art history and was a Dante scholar. 3 Realms of Being (1927–40). The first book, Essence, had already been published. Book two, Matter, was issued in 1930. 4 Santayana retired from Harvard in 1912. 5 Abbott Lawrence Lowell (1856–1943), a political scientist and president of Harvard (1909–33), is known as “the greatest builder of any Harvard president” (Harvard, 440). Lowell took his bachelor’s degree from Harvard in 1877 and graduated from the law school in 1880.

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The Letters of George Santayana

To George Sturgis 6 January 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 6, 1928 Dear George1 Let me acknowledge the receipt of your letter, the new letter of credit, and the photograph of the three laughing brothers. The last is certainly a picture of health and happiness. Is it always thus? Thank you very much for everything. I feel guilty in having so long put off the matter of making a new will: well as I am, I shall die first, if I don’t show more initiative. We had a little earthquake the other day. I was sitting in a bench in the Park, so that immediate danger of dying intestate—or with only an old will—did not appear, and I believe there was only one poor Seminarist knocked on the head by a falling architectural ornament, and no visible harm to the town: but the event was a startling reminder of the fact that our lives are not in our own hands—I mean, keeping alive is not. But the reason for my procrastination is that I have been really incapable of making up my mind. Now, however, I begin to see more clearly what is appropriate: I have written to Onderdonk2, who has returned to New York to live, to ask if he cares to remain my literary executor, or whether I had better appoint someone else: Cory (have I told you about Cory) being just the man.3 When I receive his answer, I will write out the momentous document: it is needless that I should tell you now what the provisions will be. You will see them in time, and I hope you will think them reasonable. I am going to establish the Fellowship at Harvard, but in a slightly different sense: a Spanish, not a merely Philosophical Fellowship.4 This will differentiate it from Strong’s foundation, if he makes it: for now that Margaret5 is married at and (for her) poor, and that Strong expects to be a grandfather, he may — reconsider the matter, and leave his money in the family. But I am going to cut your aunts6 off with next to nothing: and if I should survive them, they will be eliminated altogether. So that, in substance, there will be no great change in the dispositions affecting you and Josephine.7 I am well, and fat, in spite of rather a comfortless winter—so far: and I am working steadily, though slowly, on vol. II. of the Big Book.

1928–1932

4:5

Sorry vol. I, is Chinese to you: you exaggerate: the preface, [across] at least, is as intelligible as a Unitarian sermon. Love to Rosamond and the boys from Your affectionate uncle G. S. 1 George Sturgis (1891–1944), the son of Santayana’s half brother, Robert Shaw Sturgis, and his wife, Ellen Gardner Hodges, became an investments counselor and followed in his father’s footsteps as business manager for the family. He married Rosamond Thomas Bennett (d. 1976) in 1921, and they had three sons: Robert “Bob” Shaw (b. 1922), Neville (b. 1923), and Nathaniel Russell (b. 1925) Sturgis. George and Rosamond divorced in 1944. 2 Santayana’s friendship with Andrew Joseph Onderdonk began when the latter was an undergraduate (Harvard, 1910). Onderdonk graduated from the law school in 1913 and became a Wall Street lawyer and an expert in international law. Santayana had named Onderdonk his literary executor but transfered that duty to Cory in 1928. 3 Daniel MacGhie Cory (1904–72) attended Columbia University, where he became interested in Santayana’s philosophy. The two men met in 1927, and Cory served as an occasional secretary to Santayana and C. A. Strong. Cory was destined to become Santayana’s closest friend in his later years. 4 The fellowship was established at Harvard in 1952 after Santayana’s death. 5 Charles Augustus Strong (1862–1940), an American philosopher and psychologist, was Santayana’s longtime friend from Harvard. They lived together off and on for many years. From 1887 to 1889 Strong taught philosophy part-time at Cornell University. Later he taught psychology at the University of Chicago and at Columbia University (see Persons, 239–42). Cory was the first American recipient of Strong’s International Philosophical Fellowship Fund. The fellowship was originally administered by Bertrand Russell, G. E. Moore, and Charles Dunbar Broad in England. Margaret (1897–1985) was the only child of Elizabeth Rockefeller and C. A. Strong. In 1927 she married a Chilean, George Cuevas (1886–1961), and they had two children survive to adulthood, Johnny and Elizabeth. 6 Santayana’s half sisters, Susan Parkman Sturgis de Sastre (1851–1928) and Josephine Borrás Sturgis (1853–1930). 7 Josephine Sturgis [Eldredge] Bidwell (1896–1958), sister of George Sturgis.

To Manuel Komroff 12 January 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London Rome, Jan. 12, 1928

Dear Mr Komroff1 It is very kind of you to send me your new book.2 It introduces me to a kind of world rather different from the one I live in. If vice in the Eighteenth century lost half its evil by losing all its grossness,3 in recover-

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ing now-a-days all its grossness it seems to have lost the other half: it has ceased to be evil at all, in the old moral sense, and has become simply an unpleasant fatality. I am not quite sure that I understand your philosophy; but I suppose you wouldn’t suggest that apart from the love of life or the Juggler’s Kiss, existence would be satisfactory. If your hero had stayed at home and had married the girl he had been “petting” so assiduously, would that have been better in the end? But I daresay this is beside the point. Art is not moral philosophy, you will say: and yet it is as poignant reality, not as art, that your book, and most recent books, can arrest attention. They are a horrid picture of fate ^ ^ Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Manuel Komroff (1890–1974), an American novelist and short story writer, studied engineering, art, and music at Yale. He later wrote musical scores for movies and worked as an art and film critic. A socialist, Komroff edited English-language newspapers in both Russia and China. In 1924 he joined the staff of publishers Boni and Liveright and continued to publish fiction, mainly historical novels. 2 Juggler’s Kiss (Boni and Liveright, 1927). 3 Santayana quotes from Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), “under which vice itself lost half its evil, by losing all its grossness” (vol. III, page 332).

To Charles Augustus Strong 24 January 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 24, 1928 Dear Strong Not having studied these mathematicians, I can hardly follow the alternatives discussed in your letter. Does light participate in the inertia of the body, that emits it, and is that what is meant by its rate being relative to ^ ^ its source? My own presumption—which is worthless scientifically—would be that this was not the case, but that light moved, once shed, as if its source had been at rest in space or in the ether. Is ether anything but space regarded as a substance—I mean, as if each of its points was particular and could be a centre for external relations, and not merely any point in ideal extension? However, I am glad if you have satisfied yourself as to the probabilities in the case, and feel ready to plunge into argument with the physicists.

1928–1932

4:7

As for me, I have been watching the beginnings of a cold, and have (after two weeks) succeeded in suppressing all the symptoms, without its having come to the surface in any distressing way. The winter has been horrid, but seems now to be returning to the normal. I, too, have returned to the normal, in the shape of vol. II of Realms, and have the preface and Chap. I,1 type-written (by Cory’s intervention) and ready for the press. I am working on Chap. II,2 which is crucial, and hope to finish the revision of it this week. The collected papers to be called “Symptoms”3 are laid aside for the moment, except that I am preparing to write for “The New Adelphi”4 a review of Bradley’s “Ethical Studies”,5 which I am reading for the first time. This review, which I think of calling “Philosophy in 1876” will be one more “Symptom”. Meantime I have been feasting on delightful French books: when you come to Rome again I shall have plenty of interesting things to lend you. There is Bernano’s new book /l L’Imposture about a priest who loses his faith, keeps up appearances, and goes to the devil: there is to be a sequel called La Joie.6 Then a book by Alain (had you heard of him?) Les Idées et les Âges7—a sort of poetical psychology, full of good things of a subtle idealistic kind, sometimes a bit obscure: but he is a lover of Homer and Plato, Goethe and Comte, and, technically, a naturalist of a Neo-Realist stamp.8 You might like him: but he fatigues a little for lack of ultimately clear doctrines. Finally, the last two volumes of Proust, Le Temps Retrouvé;9 the first of these is about Paris during the war, and harps on the old strings: but the last begins with an exposition of the nature and evidence of Essence, which is the secret of the whole method of the book, Time being recoverable only under the form of Eternity! Fancy my satisfaction. Yours ever G.S. 1

“The Scope of Natural Philosophy.” “Indispensable Properties of Substance.” 3 For some years Santayana abandoned this proposed collection of magazine articles and reviews, but in 1933 published some of them under the title Some Turns of Thought in Modern Philosophy. 4 On the verge of folding in 1927, publication of The Adelphi, a monthly journal started in 1923, resumed as The New Adelphi, a quarterly. In 1930 Max Plowman and Richard Rees took over publication under the name The Adelphi (incorporating The New Adelphi ), which ran until 1955. 5 Francis Herbert Bradley (1846–1924), an English philosopher and fellow of Merton College, Oxford, was influential in making English thinkers aware of German philosophy, especially that of Hegel. Ethical Studies (2d revised edition) was published at Oxford by Clarendon Press in 1927. Santayana’s review, “Fifty Years of British Idealism” (The New Adelphi 2 [1928–29]: 112–20), became chapter II of Turns. 6 Georges Bernanos (1888–1948) wrote L’Imposture (1927) and La Joie (1929). 2

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7 Alain is the pen name of Émile-August Chartier (1868–1951), a French philosopher and essayist best known for his “propos,” or short essays on well-known aphorisms. Les Idées et les âges was published in Paris in 1927. 8 Homer lived before 700 B.C. and was the first extant Greek poet. His poems the Iliad and the Odyssey are masterpieces. Plato (c. 427–347 B.C.), a Greek philosopher, was the student of Socrates and the teacher of Aristotle. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832) was a German poet, dramatist, novelist, and scientist. Sources for his work included Greek mythology and German legends. Goethe was, for Santayana, one of the great philosophical poets; that is, poets who effectively express the dominant world view of their era (see Poets, 139–99, and Egotism, 43–53). Goethe’s lifework was the drama Faust (1808, 1831). Auguste Comte (1798–1857), a French philosopher and social theorist, postulated that all sciences go through three stages of development: theological, metaphysical, and positive. He thought that human society goes through similar stages. His philosophical system is presented in The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte, 2 vols. (1853). 9 Marcel Proust (1871–1922), a French author, is best known for his novel A la recherche du temps perdu (Remembrance of things past). Le Temps retrouvé (Time regained) is the last part of the fifteen-volume work and was published after his death.

To John Middleton Murry 9 February 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Macksey) Hotel Bristol, Rome, Feb. 9, 1928

r

1

Dear M Murry I am glad you are writing this article for the Times2 about the coincidence between Proust & me. Of course, being independent, the approaches are not identical. I don’t find it necessary to have two phenomena, separate in time, in order to “purify” the phenomenon by considering it out of its accidental relations: but the result is the same. I also ^^ should observe that an essence has no interest in itself: it is merely innocent, being non-existence —t: but Proust seems to find it interesting, however trivial the occasion may be which calls it up. Here I feel that he is too inhuman, idiotically aesthetic, and tediously non-moral. As to the review of my book for The New Adelphi,3 I am afraid a Crocean4 will discuss some creature of his own logic, and not me at all: but he may do it very well. I have finished reading Bradley’s “Ethical Studies”, and have begun the review. Of course it can’t appear in the same number as my article on “Revolutions in Science”,5 so that I suppose you don’t mind if I take some weeks to finish it. I have more to say than can go into a book-review; but

1928–1932

4:9

I can put back the suppressed parts if the article is afterwards republished in a book Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 John Middleton Murry (1889–1957), educated at Brasenose College, Oxford, served as literary critic for The Times of London (1914–19) and as editor of The Athenaeum (1919–21) and The Adelphi (1923–30). He wrote numerous books on literature, politics, and religion. His autobiographical Between Two Worlds appeared in 1935. 2 Two articles appear in the 19 January 1928 issue of the Times Literary Supplement, one on Santayana’s The Realm of Essence and the other titled “Proust’s Last Work.” 3 Robin George Collingwood reviewed Essence (The New Adelphi 1 [1928]: 357–60). 4 Benedetto Croce (1866–1952) is considered the best-known Italian philosopher of the twentieth century. The first volume of his philosophy of the spirit was Estetica come scienza dell’ espressione e linguistica generale (1902). Douglas Ainslie translated this work as Aesthetic as Science of Expression and General Linguistic (London: Macmillan, 1909). Santayana’s review of this book, “Croce’s Aesthetics,” appeared in the Journal of Comparative Literature 1 (1903): 191–95 (reprinted in The Idler and His Works [1957], 108–15). 5 “Revolutions in Science,” The New Adelphi 1 (1927–28): 206–11 (reprinted as chapter III in Turns, 71–86).

To Charles Augustus Strong 10 February 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome Feb. 10, 1928 Dear Strong I have had bad news from Spain. My sister Susana1 died this morning, and it seems necessary that I should go at once to Spain, on account of my other sister and of affairs which it may be difficult to straighten out without somebody who speaks both Spanish and English. I expect to leave for Paris on Tuesday, and to be at the apartment for a day or two until I hear more definitely from my relations. I sha’n’t stay in Avila long, but may have to remain in Madrid until the business with America is disposed of. You had better write via London, until I send you some definite address. I will telegraph to Marie2 when I have got my passport and ticket and can announce the hour of my arrival. Yours ever GSantayana

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The Letters of George Santayana

1 Susan Sturgis married Celedonio Sastre Serrano (c. 1840–1930), a lawyer and small landowner, then a widower with six children. Her relationship with Santayana remained very close; for years he was a summer guest in her Ávila home. She lived to be seventy-seven years of age. In a letter to Daniel Cory (24 February 1939) Santayana said his sister was “certainly the most important influence in my life.” 2 The woman who took care of C. A. Strong’s apartment in Paris where Santayana frequently stayed.

To George Sturgis 11 February 1928 • Rome, Italy Address: C /o B. S. & Co London

(MS: Houghton)

Rome, Feb. 11, 1928

Dear George I suppose they have telegraphed to you directly that your aunt Susie died yesterday morning, apparently after a short illness. I am leaving in two or three days for Paris and Avila: probably I shall have to stay for some time in Madrid. Your aunt’s age, and my own,1 softens this blow a good deal in my own feelings; and you who never saw her in her palmy days can hardly have an idea of the ascendency which she exercised over people, and particularly over me. Invalid as she was when you knew her, you must still have felt how much life there was in her spirit: I think she was confident of surviving her husband, and doing great things independently; but the flesh is treacherous, and things have turned out the other way. Now you are faced with all those difficulties which you were so much afraid of. I will do my best to mediate and explain; but it is useless to anticipate, until I hear exactly what is demanded. At bottom the thing ought not to present any difficulty: if a Spanish will is not recognized in America, would not your Aunt appear as dying intestate, and as she has no children, isn’t her husband her sole legal heir? That is also substantially her intention; and if she left legacies, her husband could pay them, if he liked, in her name. I am sure that your aunt Josephine and I would gladly concur in this arrangement, if it is practicable. I don’t know whether I have thanked you for your yearly account, which is more wonderful than ever. Perhaps, if things go on like this, I may ask you for a larger letter of credit next year. Yours affectionately GSantayana

1928–1932

4:11

[across] P.S. I think well of what you propose about a Trust instead of a Will in my own case. I will write another day about this, giving details. 1

Santayana was sixty-four when Susan died.

To Charles Augustus Strong 14 February 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller) Hotel Bristol Rome Tuesday, Feb. 14, ’28

Dear Strong Thank you for your kind letter. My journey is put off, because with one thing and another I have not been feeling well, and not sleeping at night; the doctor says that I had better rest and recover a better tone before undertaking so long a journey. I feel the same thing in my bones, and hate to go: I will now wait here until I receive letters from Avila, and know exactly what there is for me to do in Spain, and whether it is necessary to go at once. Possibly I may be able to put o/it off to a better season. Why shouldn’t you come to Rome even if I am not here? If you came soon you might still find me—but I can’t promise until /l the aforesaid letters arrive.—My sister was, as you say, a second mother for me, especially on the religious and social side: but my mother herself lived until 1912. Yours ever G.S.

To George Sturgis 14 February 1928 • Rome, Italy Enclosed, is my official portrait, cut out of an advertisement1

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol. Rome. Feb. 14. 1928

Dear George My journey to Paris and Avila is postponed. I had a very bad night—nervousness, indigestion, fatigue—last night, and called the doctor, who says there is nothing in particular the matter, but that I am in a low state of vital-

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The Letters of George Santayana

ity, and tired, and that I ought to rest and recover a better tone before starting on a long journey. I have countermanded everything, and will wait and nurse myself here until letters arrive and I understand better exactly what there is for me to do, and when and where my presence is required. I don’t expect that the delay will be more than for a week or two, if my health returns to the normal, as I think it probably will. Meantime, being confined to my room today by the doctor, with all my books packed and my little affairs attended to, I am going to devote the afternoon to telling you what I have in mind about the disposal of my property. In the first place, as to establishing now a revocable Trust, instead of making a will, the advantages which you point out in so doing seem to be decisive. I will therefore ask you to have such a trust-deed drawn up, and send it to me, and I will scour the land for three Americans to act as witnesses. The trouble is that the Americans whom I am likely to see, like Strong, figure in the Trust as beneficiaries, so that I suppose they are useless as witnesses. The trustee will of course be you, or, failing you, Mr Gardiner.2 Coming now to the disposal of the money at my death, there is the question raised by you, Shall the trust be continued, or dissolved? You evidently prefer to let it continue, and especially, that your sister’s share should be left in trust. Here we are on delicate ground. You have not told me your reasons, at least none that seemed serious: you suggested that some of her property might some day go to children that Raymond Bidwell3 might some day have by some other wife. I shouldn’t turn in my grave even if that happened. Money is not a pure good, to be reserved only to those we love: and even if it were, why should we reserve it for them? Money is a social commodity, and it has to be distributed conventionally, without asking whether people deserve it or will ultimately profit by having it. With my present lights, therefore, I see no reason for continuing the Trust after my death: but I am open to any suggestions which you may have — re to make to the contrary. The bequests to Harvard College and to people in Spain would in any case, I suppose, have to be made outright: so that little but Josephine’s share would remain to be in trust, except that your s would apparently be in trust too, under your own trusteeship. ^^ How safe, and how trusted, you would feel! The principal other bequest is to be to Harvard College. I told you I had thought of making it a Spanish Fellowship, but I have repented of this.

1928–1932

4:13

In the first place, there /i was a touch of vanity or egotism in it, as if I was coddling my own personality after it had been happily dissolved. Then I am afraid there are likely to be too many Spanish-speaking people flocking to the U.S. to be educated: and the reverse is provided for by the Hispanic Society of America and other foundations. Let my fellowship, then, be without local limitations. And I want it to be generous in amount, because I aspire to be like the mag na nimous man of Aristotle,4 who sel^ ^ dom does anything, but when he does, it is something handsome. I suggest then: ^ ^ 1. To the President and Fellows of Harvard College, $40,000, to establish and endow a Fellowship to be granted at their discretion, and renewed for any number of years, – for– the ben— efit not necessarily to a young man –– or a graduate of Harvard University, but to a person of any age or nationality, who may be thereby enabled freely to devote himself, in any place of his choice approved by the Corporation, to the subjects which have occupied my own life. 2. To my sister Josephine Borras Sturgis, who is advanced in life and amply provided, $500, which it may please her to add in my name to her gifts or charities. 3.(1) To the step-sons of my late sister Susan Parkman Sturgis de Sastre, viz., Antonio, Luis, Rafael, and José—the surname being in each case ^ ^ Sastre Gonzalez—all of Avila, Spain, $1000 each, in memory of the many pleasant seasons which I have spent in their company.5 (2) To Rafael Sastre Hernandez, son of the above Rafael Sastre Gonzalez, to be paid to the father if the son is not yet twenty-five years of age at the time of my death, otherwise to the son himself, $5,000, as an aid to his education and establishment in life. (3) To Eduardo Sastre Martin, elder son of the above José Sastre Gonzalez, under the same conditions as in paragraph (2) preceding, $5,000. (4) To Roberto Sastre Martin,6 younger son of the same José Sastre Gonzalez, under the same conditions as in paragraph (2) preceeding, $5,000. 4. To my cousin Manuela Ruiz de Santayana y Zabalgoitia,7 $1000. 5. My house in Avila, to my brother-in-law Celedonio Sastre Serrano, or jointly to his heirs, with the request that they should pay the net income

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derived from the same to my said cousin Manuela Ruiz de Santayana y Zabalgoitia, during her life-time. 6. My books and personal effects existing in the apartment occupied in Paris by my friend Charles Augustus Strong, to the said Charles Augustus Strong or, in case of his dying before me, to his daughter Margaret Strong de Cuevas. 7. My manuscripts, together with all books and personal effects which I may have not at the residence of the said Charles Augustus Strong, together with any fees or royalties that may be paid for publication of the same, to Daniel MacGhie Cory; and in addition $2,000, as compensation for the labour and responsibility involved in this work before it is completed or becomes profitable. If Daniel MacGhie Cory should not be able or willing to serve as my literary executor, I appoint in his stead, Andrew Joseph Onderdonk; or again, failing him, Julio Irazusta.8 8. The residue of my estate I bequeath in equal parts to George Sturgis and to Josephine Sturgis (Eldredge) Bidwell, children of my brother Robert Shaw Sturgis,9 to whose skill and care, as well as to those of his son, I largely owe the preservation and increase of my fortune, and the freedom with which I have enjoyed it. This is the whole, in so far as I now have it in mind: if I have forgotten anything, please remind me. You see the general plan: I take out $60.000 from the $174,000 which you say my property is now worth, $40.000 for a literary foundation, and $20,000 for my Spanish connections, to whom it will mean a great deal; and the rest reverts to you and your sister Josephine, as heirs to your father. I hope you will think this arrangement fair: it expresses, as well as I can without going into fantastic distinctions, my sense of obligation in different quarters. I will write again when my plans are remade, or when I hear anything that deserves a commentary. Yours affectionately GSantayana P.S. I see I have forgotten the addresses of these legatees: the fact is I don’t know them accurately, or know that they are not permanent. Manuela Santayana lives in Madrid; Onderdonk and Cory (fundamentally) in New York, Irazusta in Buenos Aires: and the rest, as you know, in Avila. 1

Unlocated (not with original letter at the Houghton Library).

1928–1932

4:15

2 Robert Hallowell Gardiner Jr. worked for Fiduciary Trust Company of Boston until 1941. 3 Raymond Brewer Bidwell (1890–1969) was the second husband of Santayana’s niece Josephine Sturgis. 4 Aristotle (384–322 B.C.), born in the Ionian city of Stagira, entered Plato’s Academy about 367 B.C. and remained until Plato’s death in 347. For three years he supervised the education of Alexander the Great and eventually founded the Lyceum in 335. He was a prolific writer on logic, ethics, psychology, natural science, natural history, politics, metaphysics, and art. Aristotle was the primary influence on the ideas expounded in Santayana’s Reason. 5 Celedonio’s children by his first marriage were Antonia, Antonio (d. 1928), Rafael (d. 1940), Luis (d. 1937, Rafael’s twin), José “Pepe,” and Eduardo Sastre González. Eduardo died sometime before February 1928. José “Pepe” Sastre González married Isabel Martín. They had at least two sons, Eduardo (b. 1915) and Roberto (d. 1939) Sastre Martín, and three daughters. Rafael Sastre González married Adelaida “Adela” Hernández. Their children include María Josefa, Adelaida, and Rafael. 6 Killed in 1939 while fighting on the Falangist side in the Spanish civil war. 7 Hermenegilda Zabalgoitia was the wife of Manuel Santayana (Santayana’s father’s youngest brother). Manuela Ruiz de Santayana y Zabalgoitia (c. 1868–1936) and Juan were their children. See Persons, 206 and 210–11. 8 Julio Irazusta (1900—1982), Argentinian essayist, historian, and cultural and political critic, edited La Nueva Repúblico, which reflected the fascist convictions of a group of intellectuals who supported the dictatorship of Juan Manuel de Rosas. His article “Mis conversaciones con Santayana” was published in 1954 in the Argentinian journal Diálogo. Charles Pádron’s translation of parts of this article are in Overheard in Seville: Bulletin of the Santayana Society 15 (Fall 1997): 14–24. 9 Robert Shaw Sturgis (c. 1854–1921) was the fourth of Santayana’s mother’s five children by her first husband, George Sturgis. Robert managed Santayana’s financial affairs. His son, George Sturgis, continued managing the financial affairs of the family after Robert’s death.

To Charles Augustus Strong 21 February 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Feb. 21, 1928 Dear Strong— My inner man is entirely of your opinion that I had better avoid Spain and the journey there for the present. I have written to my brother-in-law in this sense, using my indisposition as a starting-point, and also the fact that my sister Josephine is well and quite serene, to judge by what he tells me and what she herself says in her letter to me: and a cousin of mine, Manuela, is keeping her company, so that she doesn’t need me. As for the business, it will give lots of trouble, and if I were in Spain it would not only

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be a great nuisance to hear it all endlessly discussed, but it might lead to serious misunderstandings and quarrels. My brother-in-law may take offence at my refusal to go: we shall see what he says when he understands that I am not coming. But I prefer to take that risk than that of ending in the same quarrel, at the expense of my health and time and temper, which last will not be seriously soured if I stay and sun myself in Rome. You may take it, then, that I remain here, unless your hear to the contrary Yours ever G.S.

To George Sturgis 21 February 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol Rome Feb. 21, 1928 Dear George I have practically decided not to move from Rome for the present. The nervousness and distress which attacked me when I was on the point of starting a week ago, return whenever I think of fixing another date for my departure: my inner man, “The It”, as the Germans call it, has decided that I sh’an’t go to Avila again, although the first impulse of my outer man, “The I”, was to rush there at once. I think there is something prophetic and wise in this pathological No! But events will show in time if it is so. Several telegrams and letters have passed between Celedonio and me. Your Aunt Josephine is well—she has written herself, quite rationally—and my maiden (and only) cousin, Manuela Santayana, is with her. She hasn’t said whether she means to stay in Avila. That house, without your aunt Susie, would be intolerable to me: this is one of the things that prey on my mind, and hold me back. Celedonio seems anxious that I should go: he wants to rope me in into the affairs of your Aunt’s estate, and he may be much offended when he understands, as he soon will, that I am not coming. But I am afraid he would be offended also if I went, and made any observation which was not to his liking: so that I will make the best of a quarrel if it is inevitable: but I hope to avoid it. My illness has not been a mere pretext: it is real: but it is a sign of a profound disinclination which will outlast it. [across] You may address me “C/o Brown Shipley & Co” if you like, but it is unlikely that I should move from here. Yours affectionately G.S.

1928–1932

To George Sturgis 6 March 1928 • Rome, Italy

4:17

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, March 6, 1928 Dear George It appears that there was no need whatever that I should go to Avila, either on account of your Aunt Josephine, who is perfectly content as she is, or of business, since the Will itself, of which I enclose a copy, says that the executors (Celedonio, your father, Antonio Sastre, and I) may proceed jointly or each by himself, to take all the legal steps needed. There is also mention of the right to delegate this function. I don’t know what Celedonio will say when you propose to have it delegated to you. He has a prejudice against you since the matter of the “living trust” which you advocated,1 and which to him was a mere mystification. But possibly it might do if I, since I am one of the executors, delegated my powers: only of course I shouldn’t like to do it without their consent. When I was last in Avila your Aunt Susie told me something about this other document, in which she gives directions for the disposal of an immense sum, almost $20,000 which she had saved and kept locked up in a draw: because if she had put it in the bank, she would no longer have been free to use it as she liked. She meant, after Celedonio’s death, to use it in restoring the house adjoining theirs in Avila, which she hoped to have assigned to herself exclusively when the estate was divided: but, in case of her death, she left the bequests, detailed in the enclosed paper, which I understand is legally binding, or in any case would be morally so to the heirs. You can get the Will, if you think it worth while, translated in its entirety: and I advise you to have any communication which you may wish to make translated into Spanish in Boston: don’t expect me to do it. I have no time or energy for such work, and my old childish Spanish is hardly adequate —for to legal or business documents. You will notice that $5000 are left to your father: nothing is said about the event of his predecease, but I suppose his heirs should have it. I am sorry about the $10,000 to me, and the $5,000 to your Aunt Josephine, but I hope to arrange so that the Sastre family will get my part, at least, eventually. It was a generous family impulse in your Aunt, and I was then ly younger and poorer: but it is useless now. Yours aff G.Santayana

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[across page two] P.S. I hope to hear that your voyage was pleasant and that all is well at home. What should they do in Avila with two uncashed drafts sent by you in January & February?

Presumably to be drawn from her property or cash in Spain

Chief points in your Aunt’s Will.

{

30 masses for the repose of her soul, alms 5 pesetas each '' '' '' '' '' '' '' parents’ souls, '' 4 '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' benefactors’ '' '' 4 '' '' Propand 500 pesetas —ganda St. Vincent de Paul, men’s Conference,2 250 '' '' '' '' '' ladies’ '' 250 '' Mercedes Escalera3 2500 '' Doña Juana Bringas4 500 '' Servants, 50 or 100 pesetas according to length of service Ines Sanchidrian (an old servant) the income of 10,000 pesetas; on her death the capital to the Chapter of the Cathedral of Avila for one or more stained-glass windows.

Expressly to be drawn from her property in the U.S.

Approximate sum of the above

}

{

}

Josephine Borras Sturgis Robert S. Sturgis George Santayana Total of legacies

15,000 pesetas or $3,000. $5,000 $5,000 $10,000 $23,000

Residuary legatee Celedonio Sastre There is an additional, apparently valid, document of which I enclose a Spanish copy, in which various legacies and gifts, amounting to 87,500 pesetas (one legatee at least being dead) to be paid out of ready money which your Aunt had —at in a/ home, as explained in my letter. These include 5,000 pesetas each to Mercedes and Juana Bringas, which are additions/al to the legacies in the Will, as above. 1

See 19 July 1926. Saint Vincent de Paul (1576–1660), a French priest, organized charity in France, initiated the foundling hospital, and founded an order of secular priests (the Congregation of the Mission [Lazarists or Vincentians]) for rural work and the Sisters of Charity for city work. 2

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3 Mercedes Ruiz de la Escalera e Ipparraguirre (b. c. 1855), who never married, was regarded as a member of the Santayana family. Her parents were Doña Victorina (Santayana’s mother’s life-long friend) and Don Toribio, a retired army officer. After leaving America permanently in 1912 Santayana lived, during March and April of that year, in her home in Madrid. She owned a seaside summer house in Galicia, at Bayona near Vigo. In 1929 the town council of Vigo proposed her name to the Spanish government for an award of distinction because of the evening schools for workingmen that she founded. She was a devout Catholic, dedicated to her friends, and an active philanthropist. 4 Juana Bringas, a servant in the house of Celedonio Sastre Serrano, later became maidservant to Josephine Sturgis, Santayana’s half sister.

To Manuel Komroff 13 March 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, March 13, 1928 r Dear M Komroff I am sorry that I can’t undertake at present to write a “Foreword” to any of the proposed “classics”.1 I have too much on my hands as it is. Swaine,2 the photographer, seems to be very careless. They keep asking me to sit, as if I hadn’t done so: yet they have supplied my photo to several people, including Constable3 who has reproduced it in a fly-leaf for advertising. I can’t tell you the number on the back, because the copies which I have left are in Paris: but it must have been taken in the autumn of 1923—probably in September. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Komroff edited Tales of the Monks, from the Gesta Romanorum (1928) and The Great Fables of All Nations (1932) for the Library of Living Classics book series published by G. G. Harrap & Co. in London. 2 Unidentified. 3 Constable and Co. was the London publisher of most of Santayana’s books.

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To George Sturgis 13 March 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol Rome March 13, 1928. Dear George To-day I receive your letter of Feb. 29, by which I am pleased to see that you think well of my general arrangements for the disposal of my property. Evidently you couldn’t attend to my goods and chattels in Paris, Avila, Rome, etc, all in person: I supposed that the mention of them, with Strong, Mme Cuevas, and Cory as legatees, would merely authorize them to take quiet possession. In fact these things are most of them in Strong’s possession already: only he is too old and occupied with his own ideas to bother, and as he knows and likes Cory, who is only 23, he would at once turn everything over to him. But if it is unnecessary to mention this in my American “living trust”, leave it out. I have told the people at this hotel that Strong is my representative, if anything should happen to me: but I am not sure how much notice they have taken of my instructions. I will write a short paper, clearly marked—“Instructions in case of Mr Santayana’s death, or failure to return” in which the hotel people will find, in my luggage left here, or in my desk when I am here, the names and addresses of Strong and Cory, and, in the background of course, yours. There might be a few bills, as well as some assets. When I go to Avila, I will make a Spanish will, covering everything not in America, and naming executors as you suggest—Celedonio’s sons first, and then Cory & Onderdonk—the latter an expert in international legalities. I might also mention Philip Chetwynd,1 who speaks Spanish. I shall see, when you send me the proposed document, whether my Spanish legacies are provided for, or omitted. If you preferred to omit them, I could put them in my Spanish will, the sum to be covered being provided for separately: I could put your aunt Susie’s legacy to me of $ 10,000 into Spanish Government bonds, for that purpose, and that with ^^ my London bank-account, and royalties would almost suffice. I have had many letters now from Avila, but none absolutely enlightening: I mean that for one reason or another they leave out the most important points. However, Celedonio is reconciled to the fact (perhaps ^ ^ very glad, I can’t tell) that I am not acting as executor: there is no quarrel on that score. Your aunt Josephine, according to one account, is rather ner-

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4:21

vous and lonely: but she herself says it is not so. My idea is to go to Spain when the weather is better—either in May or in September—and to stay for a short time only. But much will depend on circumstances. I await your suggestions about how to liquidate your Aunt’s estate. tly Yours aff GSantayana 1

Philip Chetwynd married Augusta Robinson, sister of Santayana’s friend, Moncure Robinson.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 16 March 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome March 16, 1928 Chapter III, copied, has arrived safely. I have glanced at your notes which seem to be like the cries of encouragement which are shouted from the towpath to a struggling eight. I forgot to look (I am writing this at the post-office) whether you, or the elderly lady1 who finds substance presumptuous, made any comment on my Pharaoh’s dream: because I have an uncomfortable suspicion that it was the chaste Joseph and not the mighty Moses who interpreted it.2 This sort of thing is what I suffer for my fathers’3 sin, in not reading me the Bible in my youth.—I have finished the article on Bradley and turned again to Matter: I am not sure whether Chap. IV,4 leavings of the previous chapters, is worth putting in. We shall see. G.S. 1

Miss Fingleton (of Gloucester Road in London) typed Matter and found Chapter III on “Presumable Properties of Substance” to be “horribly materialistic.” [D. C.] 2 According to biblical accounts, Joseph interprets the Pharaoh’s dreams in Genesis 41:25–39. His communication with God only comes through his own dreams. Moses’ communication, on the other hand, comes directly from God. Moses and Aaron bring God’s word directly to the Pharaoh (Exodus 5:1). Moses plays an active role in the Bible, while Joseph’s role has a more indirect impact. Santayana uses “Pharaoh’s dream” as a marginal heading in Matter, chapter III. 3 A retired colonial official, Agustín Ruiz de Santayana y Reboiro (1814–93), married Josefina Borrás y Carbonell (1826–1912) about 1863; their son, “George” Jorge Agustín Nicolás Ruiz de Santayana y Borrás, was born later that year. See Persons, 11–50. 4 “Pictorial Space and Sentimental Time” becomes chapter IV.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 18 March 1928 [postmark] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome March 19, 1928 Dear Cory A mistake—I think it must have been the postman’s—has caused my last letter, containing a cheque, to be delivered to a Mr Reginald C. Corry, at 12 Cranley Gardens. He has been very kind and conscientious, writing to me about it, and I am explaining and asking him, if his kind impulses are not exhausted, to send the cheque to you at no 52. I hope this delay in receiving your money has not caused you inconvenience or made you think that I had forgotten it. Yours sincerely GSantayana Mr Corry’s mother lives at No 12 Cranley Gardens. The address he gives me is Arthur’s Club, St. James’s Street, S.W.1.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 24 March 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia) Hotel Bristol Rome Fe March 24, 1928 —

Dear Cory I hope your cheque has reached you, or that you have looked up that Mr Reginald Corry at — the Arthur’s Club; I could have sent you another, except that I took for granted that you would recover the first before receiving the second. Of course, go to Cornwall if you are so inclined. I was once a whole season at Torquay1 and liked the walks, but as it was in the dead of war, the town itself was desolate. Let me know your address there, and I will send you Whitehead’s little new book about “Symbolism”,2 if you haven’t seen it. Keep it and bring it afterwards to Paris, because I may need it in rewriting “The Flux of Existence”.3 I feel (so far) rather more in agreement with this version of his interpenetration of things than I was with the earlier versions: everything is somewhere else, according to him: it is a sort of phys-

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ical ventriloquism; but there is an Aristotelian materia prima4 at each point, apparently, to be given form by the other things. What I don’t yet see is how the ball begins rolling, and how the aspects are determined when each position is only the aspects of the other positions gathered there. I am inclined to spare the life of Chapter IV, now well advanced. In any case I will preserve it. Shall I send it to you to be typed, or will that not be convenient if you are in the country? Lady Russell (Elizabeth of the German Garden)5 waylaid me here the other day: she is gone again. I expect Strong shortly. Yours sincerely GS. 1

In the spring of 1917. Alfred North Whitehead (1861–1947) was an English philosopher and mathematician. His Science and the Modern World (1925), a history of the development of science, explains his idealistic, mystical philosophy. He wrote other books, as well as coauthoring (with Bertrand Russell) Principia Mathematica (1910–13). Here Santayana is referring to Symbolism, Its Meaning and Effect (New York, 1927, and Cambridge, 1928). 3 Chapter V of Matter. 4 First matter (Latin). 5 Mary Annette Beauchamp von Arnim’s (1866–1941) most successful book was Elizabeth and Her German Garden (1898). Later she signed her writings “Elizabeth.” She was the wife of the German aristocrat Count von Arnim-Schlagenthin (d. 1910). John Francis Stanley Russell married “Elizabeth” in 1916; she left him in 1918 and moved to France. Her novel Vera (1921) is a characterization of her life with Russell. See Persons, 479–86. 2

To Ottoline Cavendish–Bentick Morrell 24 March 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Texas)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, S.W.1 Rome, March 24, 1928 1

Dear Lady Ottoline You see I am still here, and with no immediate prospect, I am sorry to say, of going to England. During the summer I expect to be in Paris, and may have to make a trip to Spain on family business. It is sad to think of you not at Garsington;2 but I have seen in the papers that your daughter is married, and you doubtless find London less lonely. I had rather counted on seeing you again at Oxford—for you mustn’t think that my affection for

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England has in the least cooled: only it has become retrospective, I like to think of what it used to be, and the present and future seem to offer nothing there that can tempt me. Did I ever tell you that for years I have been writing a novel, or fictitious memoirs,3 a part of which is laid in Oxford, or rather at Iffley and Sandford? When I finish “The Realm of Matter” on which I am now at work, I mean to take up the novel: and in order to refresh my memory I hope to revisit all the places in England4 in which the scene is laid: this is the poetic part of the story; the realistic part happens in America. If all goes well, I will make this sentimental journey in the summer of 1928/9. But perhaps before that you may come to Rome—it is so much pleasanter than Florence! Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

In 1902 Ottoline Violet Anne Cavendish-Bentinck (1873–1938) married Philip Morrell, who became a Liberal member of Parliament. Lady Ottoline’s Manor House at Garsington, southeast of Oxford, was a gathering place for the intelligentsia. Unconventional, she was mocked and caricatured by writers whom she had befriended, including Aldous Huxley, Lytton Strachey, and D. H. Lawrence (who depicts her as the affected and stifling Hermione in Women in Love ). 2 The house at Garsington was the country home of the Morrells from 1915 to the mid-1920s, when they moved to London. They lived at Garsington for the health of their daughter, Julian. 3 Puritan. 4 Santayana never returned to England.

To George Sturgis 27 March 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol Rome March 27, 1928 Dear George In my last letter I forgot to mention a matter which I had in mind. My cousin Manuela Santayana is poor, and your aunt Susie used to help her, besides giving her something from me—namely, the net rent of my house in Avila, less than $100 a year. I had thought of asking Antonio Sastre to continue to send her this money, but I find that she and the Sastre family are on rather strained terms, and perhaps Antonio would prefer merely to credit me with the sums he collects—especially as the house, in Avila, passes as being his property. After all these years nobody remembers my

1928–1932

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father and his old friend Mr John Smith,1 el inglés, who built the cottage, for that is exactly what it is. Now, I believe you send drafts twice a year to Mercedes. By the same machinery, could you send two drafts a year, of $100 each, to my cousin? This would leave her—she has a small orphan’s pension from the government, and your aunt Josephine also helps her— somewhat better off than she was before. This is to go on during my lifetime and hers: after my death I will see in my Spanish will that, if she survives me, she shall get a legacy. My cousin’s name and address are as follows: Manuela Santayana Zabalgoitia Augusto Figueroa, 31 & 33 1_o d _a int _r Madrid The symbols after the street number mean, “first floor, right, within.” They may not be necessary; I will ask her. She probably lives in one of those modern tenement houses with hundreds of small apartments. I recopy her address on a separate paper for greater clearness.2 This matter reminds me of Mercedes and her pension. Your aunt Susie’s share now lapses. When your father died I offered to take his place as a contributor, but Mercedes refused (lest I should be suspected of being her lover!). I don’t think anyone would imagine that now: but perhaps your aunt Josephine might double her contribution, so that [across] Mercedes may get the same sum as usual. No change here. Yours afftly G.Santayana 1 John Smith (“Don Juan”) was an Englishman who had come to Ávila as a railway foreman when the main line from the French frontier to Madrid was constructed. He established the Ávila hotel, “la fonda del inglés” (English inn). George Santayana gave his father’s house built by John Smith to the Sastre brothers. See Persons, 24–27 and 198–99. 2 Unlocated.

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To Alejandro Tapia 28 March 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown) Roma, 28 de Marzo de 1928.1

Sr. Don Alejandro Tapia (hijo) New York. Muy señor mío:— Aunque a mis años que ya son muchos, leo poces versos, y casi nunca libros españoles, “La Sataniada”2 me ha interesado de tal manera que la he leído íntegra, sin saltar una sola estrofa, llevado por la armonía y facilidad de los versos. Su señor padre fué un verdadero poeta, y lo demuestra cada vez que se detiene a describir cualquier cosa bella o amable. Pero a mi juicio, no tuvo acierto en la elección del asunto, ni en querer seguir el ejemplo de Byron,3 o mejor dicho, de los poetas italianos que Byron imitaba, componiendo un poema alegórico—político—burlesco. Tales composiciones no pueden tener más que un interés efímero, y entre la confusión de personajes disfrazados y alusiones poco inteligibles, sin contar las pasiones y criterios políticos de épocas ya lejanas, se pierden los trozos inspirados. La poesía está reñida con el periodismo. Esto se lo digo porque usted mi invita a ser franco, y porque debo serlo para corresponder al verdadero obsequio que usted me hace, mandándome una obra tan curiosa e interesante. Repitiéndole las gracias, quedo su atento S. S., Jorge Santayana 1 Translation: Mr. Alejandro Tapia (junior) New York. My dear sir:— Although at my great age, I read very few verses, and almost never books in Spanish, “La Sataniada” has interested me in such a way that I have read the entire work, without skipping one stanza, carried by the harmony and easiness of the verses. Your father was a true poet, and he demonstrates that every time that he pauses to describe any beautiful or kind thing. But in my judgment, he did not hit the mark either in the selection of the subject matter, or in wanting to follow the example of Byron, or more properly, the Italian poets that Byron imitated, composing an allegorical-political-burlesque poem. Such compositions cannot hold more than an ephemeral interest, and between the confusion of the disguised characters and the barely intelligible allusions, not to mention the political passions and criteria of epochs already long gone, the inspired bits are lost. Poetry is at odds with journalism. I have said this to you because you invited me to be frank, and because I have to be to reciprocate the true gift that you have made me, sending me so curious and interesting a work. Thanking you again, I remain your attentive constant servant

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2 La Sataniada: Grandiosa epopeya dedicada al “Principe de las Tinieblas” by Alejandro Tapia y Rivera (1826–82) is a satiric work in classical form commenting on life in Puerto Rico, Tapia’s native country. This epic poem is 406 pages long in an 1878 edition published in Madrid. The author took the ironic pseudonym Crisófilo Sardanápalo. The poem is presented as fragments of a manuscript found in an Andean cavern, guarded by a serpent which appeared to be the original from the Garden of Eden. 3 George Gordon Noel Byron, 6th Baron Byron (1788–1824), was an English romantic poet. Handsome, athletic, brilliant, and magnetic, Byron was himself the model for the ‘Byronic heroes’ of his verse narratives. He was Santayana’s first and lasting literary hero. Santayana relished Don Juan (1819–24), Byron’s epic satire, and many of Santayana’s early verses were written in imitation of Byron’s meter and manner. The detachment, humor, wit, and satiric character of Santayana’s mature style owe much to this early influence.

To Charles Augustus Strong 30 March 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome March 30 1928 Dear Strong, Yes, I am here, I have heard of the happy events at Luxor,1 and I will speak today to the Minerva about your room for Wednesday, April 4th The weather has been dreadful here, and I have been again on the verge of a bronchial attack, but today it seems definitely fine, and I hope all will be well. It will be very nice to see you again next week. Yours ever G.S. 1 Alexander Cuevas, Strong’s first grandchild, was born in March of 1928 and died in April of the same year.

To George Sturgis 14 April 1928 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Houghton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Rome, April 14, 1928. Dear George Thank you for your letter of March 30, written so soon after your return to Boston, and I am glad to see by it, and the one enclosed,1 that your trip

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was so pleasant. I suppose Mr Cutter2 is president of the Fruit Company3 and a great potentate in the land of bananas: you have had under his auspices a glimpse of what America in general used to be in the early days. If you ever went to the Philippine Islands—your father and aunts were Filipinos by birth—you would see much the same thing, except that there would be Chinese instead of negroes, and perhaps some earthquakes. We have had two in Rome this winter, but the ruins and the obelisques, and even the modern houses, seem to have taken no notice. Perhaps I ought not to have said that Celedonio felt any mistrust towards you. Of course he has never said so to me: it was your Aunt Susie (who sometimes coloured things a little warmly) who told me of it: and naturally it was a misunderstanding on his part. But you must consider that he is nearly ninety years of age, and has lived all his life in a narrow circle of ideas and practices, beyond which things are not intelligible to him. Now it is his sons, and especially Antonio, who must act for him; but he is so authorative and they are so accustomed to blind obedience, that they may not dare to oppose or ignore anything that he may get it into his head to say or to do. I have had no further news from him directly, only letters from your Aunt Josephine and my cousin Manuela, and one from Mercedes. I am writing today to Celedonio repeating what you say about a signed or authenticated will being the first requisite; and I add that you will need authority to act as executor, or, if he prefers, you and Mr Gardiner; but I say nothing about his refusal to sign a “living trust” for your Aunt having been a mistake, because it would be useless now, and would only excite recriminations. I don’t know exactly — in — what form you would like the “authenticated” will —— should ———— to have. The one sent you was signed by the notary—the signature is in the text of the last paragraph, I think: but perhaps you mean witnessed, as being a true copy, before someone like the American Consul. If you haven’t done so already, perhaps you could write directly to Avila, Mrs Sancho,4 or someone in her husband’s office putting your letter into polite Spanish, and say exactly in what form you think it would be best for the certified copy to come: I am afraid they wouldn’t be able to send the original signed by your Aunt. But we shall see: when I receive a reply from Celedonio to my letter of today, I will communicate what he says to you. I am also repeating your remark about the drafts previously sent. Possibly they have cashed them, when they understood that I wasn’t going to take an active part in the business of the Executors. Here is a psychological matter on which I am in the dark, and can get no light, except indi-

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rectly by inference. Were they glad, or were they aggrieved, that I should keep out of it? Celedonio said, quite dryly and formally, that he was sorry, but apparently without taking offence, as I had feared: but I suspect that it was really a relief to them, because it enabled them to deal with all the ready-money (I don’t know how much it was) and to cut a figure in Avila as being the sole persons in charge. I hope this is the case, but I sha’n’t know it for certain until Celedonio dies, and his sons feel free to speak for themselves. As to my deed of trust, if you and Mr Gardiner prefer to leave out all assets and liabilities in Europe, very well: only in that case, unless I am to get the legacy of $10,000 from your Aunt Susie (and shall I, if the will is not accepted for probate?) I shouldn’t have enough here—as things stand at present—for my Spanish bequests. It would be necessary to leave a certain sum out of the trust, which I could invest here, unless you could suggest a better arrangement. I am considering the event of my death occurring soon: if I lived, say, another ten years, I could doubtless put aside enough during that time to provide for every body that has any claims on me in this part of the world. Strong has been here for ten days, and left again for his villa5 at Florence yesterday. I don’t know how long I shall stay in Rome, possibly until June; later I expect to be in Paris. Your Aunt Josephine seems to be very contented, and, unless there is business [across] that I could expedite, I don’t think I shall go to Spain at all for the present. Yours afftly GSantayana 1

Unlocated. Unidentified. 3 The Boston Fruit Company was founded in 1885 by Lorenzo Dow Baker, Minor C. Keith, and Andrew W. Preston. 4 Unidentified. 5 Strong’s villa, Le Balze, is located at Fiesole, Florence. It now belongs to Georgetown University, a gift of Strong’s daughter, Margaret. 2

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To Charles Augustus Strong 17 April 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome April 17, 1928 Dear Strong I have a letter from George Cuevas1 from Cairo in which he says they th are well, and expect to sail on the 15– but that Margaret doesn’t feel like going to Saint Germain at once, but wants to stay for a few weeks at Nice. This will secure that gradual change of climate for the baby which you thought desirable. Your article contains the chief points of your entire philosophy, but I don’t see that you make them clearer or more plausible. I think all the latter part should be treated separately and at much greater length: as it stands it is rather baffling. The first pages skirt the edges of my own analysis, but I feel that you can’t have read my recent books with much attention. Of course you have a perfect right to give to “intuition” any meaning you like: Kant2 and Bergson3 give it their own values; but, for you, isn’t ^ ^ it the same as what, later, you call “awareness”? As I have told you many times, I agree that intent precedes pure intuition, if the latter ever emerges at all: animals presumably don’t stop to study colours or sounds for their own sake: but intuition, in my sense of the word, in which it falls only on essence, must be included in their perceptions and beliefs, else the latter would be only motions. I am not clear about the degree and kind of behaviourism which is included in your use of “intent”. My own definition would make it entirely spiritual, although, like all phases of spirit, founded on an animal reaction and expressing it in a moral attitude. The only term which is mine in origin is “animal faith”: but even here, once the phrase is printed, it is common property and you are free to turn it to any use you like. But if you cared to employ it in my sense (and I think this would help your exposition more than it would impede it) you should not extend it to dogmas. Dogmas are instances of intellectual faith: animal faith is only the confident unspoken assurance that action implies. It is not merely behaviouristic, because if it were disappointed you would feel surprise: but it is not an assertion, e.g. that the substance of wine is intrinsically red. Do you suppose that the tipl/pler would care to defend that assertion? I think his dogma would rather be that wine would be pleasant. But his animal faith, as I use the words, involves no intellectual belief what-

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soever; only the presumption that drinking is possible on this occasion. The object of animal faith is always substance, as that of intuition is always essence Neither asserts propositions. That is why I call it faith and not opinion or judgement. I am sorry that these small pedantries intrude so much into our discussions, when we agree so – on well on larger and more [across] fundamental matters.—They are destroying the little garden under my windows, but as yet I don’t mind it. Yours ever GSantayana 1 George Cuevas (1886–1961) later became the Marquis de Piedrablanca de Guana and was known for his work as a ballet impresario. He became an American citizen (1940) and founded the American Ballet International (1944). He bought the Nouveau Ballet de Monte Carlo in Europe in 1947. 2 Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), German philosopher, is best known for his three Critiques. In the Critique of Pure Reason (1781) Kant sets out to determine the cognitive powers of reason. His task is to ascertain what knowledge is possible through pure reason, i.e., reason independent of any other human faculty. His transcendental arguments as well as his distinction between appearances (phenomena) and things-in-themselves (noumena) are developed in this work. Kant’s ethical considerations are the subject of the Critique of Practical Reason (1788) in which he develops his conception of moral imperatives and human freedom. The Critique of Judgment (1790) focuses on the beautiful and sublime. 3 Henri Bergson (1859–1941), a French philosopher, taught at the Collège de France. His philosophy is complex, but the basic premise of his intellectual system is a faith in direct intuition as a means of attaining knowledge.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 18 April 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome April 18 1928 Dear Cory Both Chapter III and Chapter IV have arrived safely. Please don’t send anything more to Rome, as I may leave for Paris before long. I am strangely irresolute about it: perhaps if you could tell me your plans, it might help me to make up my mind. Strong has been here and left. He expects to reach Paris late in May. If th I arrived on May 3rd or 4– I should have a fortnight there before he arrived. Later, I may have to go to Spain—but this too is uncertain. When would it be most convenient for you to come to Paris, assuming that you mean to come?

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Chapter V,1 on Pict. Sp. and Sent. T. is very hard and needs to be rewritten altogether. I have copied a good many pages, but think that they are not very good, and had better be left out. I have a new beginning, about Ionia2 and Light, which may strike the right key; but I am rather tired and discouraged. I wish the whole thing were finished and that I could do the novel. There seem to be two passages, each little more than a page, in Chap. IV, which can simply be cut out, the substance being already found elsewhere. With that easy amputation, it can be regarded as fit to live. Do you know of an American poet—not too American—called Robert Hillyer?3 I have read a book of his which I could send you if you thought you might care to see it. For my understanding, he is a little obscure and unseizable—has feelings too musical and fluid for words, and his prosody is commonplace. I am afraid our only living poetry is fiction—but I say this when you are perhaps fluttering with inspiration and singing to the four winds! Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

“The Flux of Existence” becomes chapter V. Ionia, an ancient Greek region of Asia Minor, occupied a narrow coastal strip of western Turkey and the neighboring Aegean Islands. Here Ionian Greek settlers founded colonies, presumably before 1000 B.C. Ionian philosophers were the preSocratic philosophers, a term that covers Greek thinkers from 600 to 400 B.C. who attempted to find universal principles which would explain the whole of nature, from the origin and ultimate constituents of the universe to the place of man within it. 3 Robert Silliman Hillyer (1895–1961), an American poet and teacher, won the Pulitzer Prize in 1933 for his Collected Verse. A book of poetry entitled The Seventh Hill was published in 1928. 2

To Charles Augustus Strong 19 April 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome April 19, 1928 Dear Strong I don’t know whether you have been prepared for bad news, or whether it falls upon me to give you the shock. I received a telegram from George from Messina last night saying in Spanish: “Alexander double pneumonia, very critical. We will land at

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Genoa and endeavour to take him to Nice”. This afternoon, I get a second telegram, this time from Naples, saying: “Alexander died last night. We have no comfort, nor courage to telegraph to Mr Strong. Margaret is in despair and wants to go on — in———— the———— ship to France and not see anybody”. Here is an unexpected blow, that may have all sorts of consequences. I am very sorry for Margaret and for George and also that you should have this sad disappointment. I have answered the first telegram to the ship, piroscafo1 Brasile, Genoa, but don’t know where to address them after they land tomorrow. As the ship is Italian I suppose they land at Genoa in any case, and proceed by land. The wording of the telegram does not make this point clear. I write because it seems that they expect me to do so; probably they are at a loss for words in which to break the news to you, as they have been on other occasions. It is too bad that they should be beset by so many kinds of trouble Yours ever GSantayana 1

Steamship (Italian).

To Carl Sadakichi Hartmann 21 April 1928 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Dartmouth)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, April 21, 1928 Dear Mr Hartmann1 I am not sure that a philosophy of the beautiful is wanted in this world: it is almost sure to be so ugly. Don’t be offended, because I am thinking of two books on some such subject formerly composed by myself.2 But freedom from worry about bread and butter, even if only for a fortnight, is always a gain to the spirit, and I hope you may enjoy it not only on this occasion, but often in future. Yours sincerely GSantayana Mr Sadakichi Hartmann Beaumont, California

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1 Carl Sadakichi Hartmann (1867–1944) was born in Japan to a Japanese mother and a German father. His father brought him to the United States in 1894; he became a naturalized American citizen. Hartmann composed and published verse dramas, poetry, Conversations with Walt Whitman (1895) and A History of American Art (1902). He moved among bohemian circles in Greenwich Village and Hollywood. 2 Presumably Beauty and Art (volume 4 of Reason).

To George Sturgis 21 April 1928 • Rome, Italy Please Address C /o B. S. & Co London.

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol Rome April 21, 1928

Dear George I enclose a paper1 which Celedonio has asked me to forward to you, as if it were Aladdin’s lamp. It is the copy of a certificate that your Aunt’s will exists. I can’t think what the use of it may be, when the will itself is there: but perhaps you may understand these legal mysteries better than I. th Celedonio had not yet received my report of your letter of March 30– . If I get a reply to that, I will inform you. But I wish you could establish direct communications, because this will never come to an end if neither of ^ ^ you understands what the other is thinking about. I think it would be well to be absolutely explicit, as if you were speaking to a Chinaman. Do you want the original of the will, signed by your Aunt herself? Or failing that, do you want a copy certified by whom? Or do you want an English translation certified by some American authority, if such can be found to do it? And if none of these things are possible, what would be the practical consequences? Would your Aunt’s property go to the government, or to the dogs, or to the Circumlocution Office? Celedonio speaks of the limit of time for liquidation approaching, but I don’t see how you can liquidate ^ ^ anything unless you first have it in solid form. I doubt whether he realizes your difficulties, and I can’t explain them to him because, although I feel vaguely that they exist, I don’t know what they are, or how they could be overcome. Will you please send the enclosed note, with a cheque for $25 to Mr Sadakichi Hartmann Beaumont, California? He is an impecunious and consumptive author without talent, for whom I have asked you before, I

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think, to do something in my name. I am sorry to bother you with so many odd charities: but old men, being Kaput as far as their personal functions are concerned, can do nothing in this world but distribute their ideas or their pennies, if they have either, and if anybody is willing to accept them. This is our only way of feeling that we still are good for something. I am sending you the power-of-attorney forms merely signed, as you ask. I suppose you can fill in the rest, type-written, on occasion. But how about the witness? Perhaps your lady-typist, who knows my signature, can witness, spiritually, that it is genuine. They are destroying the little garden-terrace on which my windows here used to look out, in order to cut a great new thoroughfare. I may not be able to keep these rooms in future. It is a great bore. Yours affly GSantayana 1

Unlocated.

To George Sturgis 4 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton) Hotel Bristol Rome May 4, 1928

Dear George My cousin Manuela has received and cashed without difficulty the draft which you sent her, and asks me to thank you for your trouble. She met Mercedes at the bank: you see the two old ladies lost no time to pocket their respective doles, and hastened to the bank at the first dawn, like harts panting for the living waters. Mercedes also has written, enclosing your letter, which she wished me to translate, as it was a little different from the others, of which she has a stock translation made by your Aunt Susie. A third letter I have had from Spain, also of no great importance, is from Wm C. Sturgis, who speaks of “Carolyn”, presumably his wife, and of their cousin Frances.1 He calls me “George”, but I don’t know who he can be. Will you enlighten me? He gives no address except a hotel in Madrid, so that he will not be surprised at receiving no answer, but will understand that I am not in Spain. He had addressed me simply to Avila, Castilla La Vieja, which is correct but smacks of the Middle Ages. When you reply please tell me whether he is habitually called William, Will, Willy, Billy, ^ ^

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or Bill, so that I may live up to our relationship; and give me his home address. It is not for nothing that you are editor of the Sturgis Family Book. I have had no further communication from Celedonio about business. Thank you for seeing to my cousin Manuela’s allowance; this arrangement relieves me of a responsibility with no trouble—except to you Yours affectionately GSantayana 1

These people are unidentified.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 7 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome May 7, 1928 Dear Cory I am sending this to Cornwall, assuming that you are still there and not being sure whether you will return to the same place in London. “Pictorial Space and Sentimental Time” has passed the worst stage: I see the general shape of it: but I shall probably have much rewriting and arranging still to do, before I can regard it as done, even provisionally. I hope to finish it before leaving for Paris—in about a month. My Spanish relations are quiet, and leaving me free for higher things. Yours G. S.

To George Sturgis 7 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton) Hotel Bristol Rome May 7. 1928

Dear George I send you the deed of trust and the schedule of securities, which I received this morning. You see I can be expeditious when I see the way clear, and in a jiffy I discovered the American consulate and, I hope, did the thing up brown.1 The vagueness of the bequest to Harvard was intentional. It may be hard to find just the right man for the Fellowship even in the wide field of

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poetry, philosophy, theology, and the Harvard Lampoon2: and when you remember that I hope to die a novelist, almost anyone not a chimney-sweep can hope for my legacy. You are right about the reason for a Spanish child not having the same last name, although he has the same surname, as his father: the last is his mother’s family name. As to the middle name, as in the case of Manuela –Ruiz [ de]– Santayana –y] [ – Zabalgoitia, it is not necessary. Ruiz was originally our family name, Santayana being a place;3 but my father and his to use of using Santayana exclusively, for the brothers4 got into the habit —— ^ ^ ———— sake of brevity. But the addition of the mother’s surname, now usually without the “y” prefixed, is legal, and necessary in a document. So you will find that your aunt’s will is signed “Susana Sturgis Borrás”. The Parkman is optional,5 and the husband’s name is not, in Spain, a wife’s name at all. She may be described as the wife, or politely, the lady, of so-and-so: but her name remains what it was originally. Calling your aunt, as she liked to be called, Susana Sturgis de Sastre, is not strictly correct; she was Doña Susana Sturgis y Borrás, señora de Sastre. The last words are a title or description, not a part of her name, as if you called me G. S, wedded to Metaphysics. I am pleased with the arrangement by which you provide for the Spanish bequests out of the Trust fund, and I agree that it will be better to keep all my money in America, où il fait boule de neige, or grows like a rolling snow-ball; let us hope it will not melt in the same manner. When I go to Avila I will make a Spanish will to cover the remaining trifles and provide for my literary executor. And if I save by not spending all my income, will the savings become part of the trust, or will that be a separate fund? Yours afftly GSantayana 1

To do (something) thoroughly, excellently, or perfectly. As an undergraduate, Santayana contributed to the Harvard Lampoon. 3 The name Santayana is derived by phonetic corruption from that of a small town in the Cantabrian Hills. This name was Santa Juliana, but in Latin j is a double i or y. The consonant y in Spanish often is confused with the sound of ll, so that Santa Juliana could be “Santayana” in the vernacular. The present name of that village is Santillana. 4 Three of Agustín Santayana’s brothers were Santiago, Nicolás, and Manuel (the youngest). Nicolás (b. 1819) was George Santayana’s godfather and a major in the Spanish army. George’s parents moved to Ávila because Santiago, who had a government position, lived there. 5 Susana’s father was George Sturgis (grandfather of the recipient of this letter), and her mother (and George Santayana’s mother) was Josefina Borrás y Carbonell. Her given name was Susan Parkman Sturgis. 2

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To Robert Seymour Bridges 10 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Bodleian)

Hotel Bristol, Rome May 10, 1928 My dear Bridges1 How can you doubt that I shouldn’t read with the greatest eagerness the advanced sheets of your Poem, if you will send them? This, even if you didn’t heighten my curiosity and pleasant expectations by saying that I shall find in it a philosophy akin to my own.2 I see by what you say, and gather from various quarters, the “The Realm of Essence” has been more kindly received than I should have expected. The professors persist in thinking me an amateur, and the literary people are not really interested, because the subject eludes them; yet some impression seems to be produced—more than by my “Dialogues in Limbo”3, which seems to me so much better written a book, with more colour, than “The Realm of Essence”. But there is a tide in these matters of criticism which sometimes is found rising and sometimes ebbing or at the low-water of indifference and fatigue. We mustn’t quarrel with the moods of our critics. I am afraid there is little prospect of journeys to England on my part for the present: I expect to be in Paris in June, but if I go further it will be to Spain, where family affairs may call me. When the next volume of “Realms” is finished, which I hope will be next winter, I shall feel freer, and may travel again a bit for pleasure: my present movements are simply to avoid oppressive or dangerous climates, according to the season. Do send me the three cantos; I shall be in Rome, at the Hotel Bristol, at least until June 1–st Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Santayana’s “most distinguished” Oxford friend (Persons, 489), Robert Seymour Bridges (1844–1930) was made poet laureate in 1913. The quintessential English gentleman, Bridges was educated at Eton and Corpus Christi College, Oxford. He studied medicine in London but gave up practice in 1882. The philosophical poem entitled The Testament of Beauty is considered his finest work. Chilswell is Bridges’s house on Boar’s Hill, Oxford. 2 Bridges sent copies of a prepublication trial version of The Testament of Beauty to his friends. He incorporated many of the suggestions received into his revised poem, which was published in 1929. Santayana influenced Bridges’s philosophical position as represented in this work, but Bridges’s views differed from Santayana’s fundamentally. 3 Dialogues was published by Constable in 1925.

1928–1932

To Curt John Ducasse 15 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

4:39

(MS postcard: Brown)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London. Rome, May 15, 1928 Thank you very much for your letter & article:1 about the latter I will write when I have read it, but the subject lies near to my own thoughts.—Your argument reducing existence to essence is founded on empirical principles: you think the existent must be found complete & above board. You identify physical space and time with given essences—what I call specious space & time, or pictorial space & sentimental time. By existence and external relation I don’t understand pictures of external relations, but actual transits. You cannot synthesize or intuit an actual transition or what I call an external relation. In the intuition the relations are internal to the essence given. But you may enact the relation, losing one term as you reach the other; then you at least would exist in real time not intuitable but “enjoyed” Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Curt John Ducasse (1881–1969) attended Washington University (B.A., 1908) and Harvard (M.A., 1909; Ph.D., 1912). He wrote Causation and the Types of Necessity (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1924). Though Ducasse had no courses with him, Santayana conducted his doctoral oral exam in metaphysics. The article referred to is “What Has Beauty to do with Art?”, which appeared in the 29 March 1928 issue of the Journal of Philosophy.

To Curt John Ducasse 16 May 1928 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Brown)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London Rome, May 16, 1928 Dear Mr Ducasse Since my post-card of yesterday I have read your article. I agree with your general thesis and with the conclusions at the bottom of p. 185, but your arguments and your categories are not always those which I should use. In what might be called classical philosophy art meant command over instrumentalities and methods: it might be abused, but it was the moralist’s

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duty to watch over it and see that it was directed towards the ultimate and harmonious service of the soul. Beauty, on the other hand, was one side of the ultimate good. Art was called fine or beautiful, in so far as it was directed towards this good: but a material work of art, or a method, had to be judged not only on this ground, but in view of all its effects. A beautiful work of art might be evil in that it flattered falsehood or vice: but to a truly refined taste only that could be wholly beautiful —— that —— which was wholly attuned to the health of human nature. Now-a-days all this has been confused and lost sight of. In radical quarters beauty is not regarded as a good, but art is respected as expression—but expression of what? You say, of feeling. Swearing then would be art, but acting, if done for money, and (as they say it should be) without actual feeling, would not be art. Croce— with whom I don’t agree in anything else—says that the beautiful is a hybrid concept, meaning partly the expressive and partly the attractive (simpatico): and certainly erotic standards and similar sensuous preferences have much to do with it. But “art”, in the modern world, is a pure affectation and self-indulgence on the part of a Soviet of ill-educated persons, who have no discernment of the good in any form, but only a certain irritability and impatience to put their finger in the pie. There was a point in your letter which I meant to have spoken of, viz., about “animal faith” extending to propositions. This shows that you don’t feel at all the force of this word which I use, and perhaps, abuse—animal. The animal organism is wound up, and has certain potentialities which it discharges upon occasion: the sentiment which accompanies this discharge, when it is conscious, is a vague, wordless confidence or premonition. It is not a proposition to be verified, because it has no terms. That is why I call it faith, not belief. It is not in the least necessary to conceive the future, or to assert that it exists, in order to jump out of the way of a vehicle. The mechanism of the body reacts, and the mind is merely carried along in a forward and open sympathy. So in perception: animal faith does not prophesy future sensations: it recognizes present opportunities.—After all this, I needn’t say that your letter and article have greatly interested me. Yours sincerely GSantayana

1928–1932

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 18 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

4:41

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome May 18 1928 Dear Cory A word to say that I am glad to hear from you and to know that the cheque arrived safely. Don’t leave Newquay or England sooner than you are naturally inclined to do so. It is still cool—almost too cool—here, and I may not leave until the middle of June. Strong has already started and will be in Paris next week. I want to leave him time to make himself comfortable and establish his routine of life before m / putting in an appearance: once settled he won’t modify his habits, and so I can adapt myself to them. It doesn’t look at present as if I need go to Spain. I might even go to England instead, if you preferred to stay there and found a nice place for me, as St. Rumon’s1 seems to be. The chapter is almost done. It is long, and may require cutting, but it now has logic and completeness in it. It has been hard work. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

The Saint Rumon’s Hotel at Newquay, Cornwall, England, where Cory was staying.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 21 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome May 21, 1928 Dear Cory Thank you for your article and poem.1 I like the latter (to speak of that first) very much. It carries; it leaves an impression, not quite of satisfaction, but of suspense as if one had drawn a long breath; there is more which is not here, and what is here is exciting. You have a good deal of sensuous power. And you also have decorative richness, as if it were Chinese embroidery. I don’t always recognize or like the image, or the phrasing: it is not classic enough for my old-fashioned taste: but this is my fault rather than yours. And it is something which you will straighten out for yourself

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when you have read more: because I think that the chief reason why your writing, both in verse and prose, lacks something which it almost has—I mean, perfect ease and distinction—is that your mind is not saturated enough with the poetry or precision of others: you are satisfied with the word that occurs to you, even if a much better one exists round the corner which doesn’t occur to you, because you haven’t read or heard the best speech often enough for it to be spontaneously and familiarly your own. It is here that your article, too, is not quite what I should have supposed natural: but let me admit at once that, both in this article and in your verses, what I miss is perhaps not wanted, and ought not to be missed: its absence may make the freshness and modernness of your perceptions. However, this is what strikes me, that you don’t say that “flux” is Heraclitus2 and eternity or essence is Plato: or that, even if not mentioning those particular worthies, you don’t realize the familiarity, the old, old orthodoxy of both conceptions and of my way of combining them. My dear Cory, you are a young barbarian: which makes it all the more wonderful that you should have been so won over, and so inwardly fertilized by a view like mine; because you understand the true inwardness of it, and your ways of expressing it are enough your own for me to feel sure that it is not a casual adoption of a technical theory, but a true participation in the Idea. Yes, your article is absolutely right. Only, as you know, I am as much an advocate of flux in existence as of eternity and identity in essences; and the positions are not alternative, but correlative. I am going to read Marius:3 I did so (in part) when it came out, fifty years ago, but not since. Yours sincerely GSantayana [across] P.S. Occasionally the omission of the relative article produces a momentary obscurity, e.g. in the underlined phrase on p 6. “qualities –[which]– that physical situation”, etc. 1 A review of Percy Wyndham Lewis’s Time and Western Man in The New Adelphi and a poem, “Sunset on Fistral Bay.” [D. C.] 2 Heraclitus (c. 535–c. 475 B.C.), a Greek philosopher from Ephesus, held that the only reality is change and that permanence is an illusion; he believed that fire was the underlying substance of the universe. 3 I had told Santayana that I was captivated by Walter Horatio Pater’s Marius the Epicurean: His Sensations and Ideas (1885). [D. C.] This is a fictional biography set in Rome during the second century A.D. Pater (1839–94), an English essayist and critic, was the leader of a movement stressing the moral importance of artistic perfection.

1928–1932

To Charles Augustus Strong 21 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

4:43

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome May 21, 1928 Dear Strong I hope you have had a pleasant journey and have found Margaret and George recovering from their distress. They haven’t sent me their address in Nice, so that I can hardly communicate with them directly. I rather expect to stay here another fortnight, as it is still quite cool and my chapter on pictorial space and sentimental time is in the last stages of revision and had better be absolutely finished before I make a break. Cory, at the last tidings, was still at St. Rumon’s Hotel, Newquay, but expecting to come to Paris early in June. I have told him not to hurry, if he is happy where he is. I believe he is writing poetry and that, for the sake of the poet if not of posterity, ought not to be interrupted. I will write or telegraph when I know the exact day of my arrival Yours ever G.S.

To George Sturgis 24 May 1928 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Houghton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, May 24, 1928 Dear George th I am glad to know by your letter of May 9– , that you are in direct communication with Celedonio. He has not recently written to me, so that I suppose he is preparing to carry on negotiations with you without my intervention. This is what I wish, but of course if at any point I can make myself useful, I shall be glad to do what I can. Mercedes writes that your aunt Josephine has been staying with her in Madrid for nine days. She went with the retired school-mistress Maria de Cordobés, who is a sort of companion and assistant to her in Avila: but this lady didn’t stay at Mercedes’ house, but with my Cousin Manuela. I mention this (which in itself is of no particular interest) because Mercedes was able to see your aunt Josephine alone, observe her, and have at least one

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confidential conversation with her. What Mercedes tells me in consequence is rather disquieting. Your aunt Josephine seems to be loosing her memory and to be entirely at sea about her own affairs. For instance—I translate Mercedes’ letter—“Maria de Cordobés asked me to say to George Sturgis to be good enough to draw the drafts which he sends to his aunt Josephine, on the “Banco Central de Avila” and not on the “Banco Paradinas”, because the last time they didn’t want to cash the cheque, because she signed only “Josephine” and couldn’t remember her surname; whereas at the “Banco Central” they know about this from other occasions and don’t trouble her with questions, which only make things worse, as her answers are not rational.” I can’t think that there would be any difficulty in reminding your aunt that her surname was Sturgis; but I repeat what they say on account of the light which it throws on your aunt’s condition. Her letters to me, on the other hand, if a little rambling and unimportant, have been perfectly sane, and the last, particular ly cheerful. I shall have ^ ^ to go to Avila—although disinclined to do so—during this summer or autumn, to see for myself how things stand. I hardly know what would be best to do, if your aunt is really losing her faculties. Yours afftly GSantayana [across] P.S. I expect to leave for Paris about June 5, and to hear that the Trust deed arrived safely.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 29 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome May 29, 1928 Dear Cory It is too bad if I hurt your feelings by calling you a young barbarian. It was very far from my intention, but criticism by a friend is a delicate matter, and I ought to have been more considerate. Would you have minded if, supposing you had green eyes, I had called you a green-eyed wild animal, like a stag in a forest, who by some miracle doesn’t run away from you? I once wrote this, or something like it, to my friend Roberts,1 (it being rather too sentimental to say) and he was frightfully pleased. True he was nearer my own age, only 20 years younger, and didn’t regard me as an authority at all; and for that reason, and his natural transcendental conceit

1928–1932

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(he is now out of his mind, I fear) he felt how envious I was in my heart of hearts of his green eyes and his animal wildness. I have always felt the deeper roots of what is animal in man, and, in one sense, its prior rights: and the rebellion against harness and sober reason, the barbarian pride, has always seemed to me full of a kind of wild poetry and strength which it was a sorrow to me not to understand perfectly. By barbarian I understand undisciplined, rebellious against the nature of things, non-Moslem, then, rather than non-Christian—for you know “Moslem” means “resigned”, “submissive”. When people despise that which exists, in language, vocabulary, or morals, and set up the sufficiency of their unchastened impulses, they are barbarians. But, as I said in my letter of the other day, that may be the beginning of a fresh civilization. It is only at first that it seems crude and unnecessarily wasteful. ———Thus But Christianity, Gothic architecture, and German philosophy—as well as much in the spirit of is English poetry, (cf. my “Hamlet!)2— — —are barbarous ^in principle.^ I am therefore far from contemptuous when I use the word: but you perhaps really prefer the classical—do you?—and in that case, I take the epithet back, as applied to you, because to look away from barbarism is the most that any rational mind can achieve. I am not sure when I shall get to Paris, and send you your cheque now, in case you want to get clothes, etc. in London before you leave, and also for your journey. Yours sincerely GSantayana [across] P.S. I have borrowed “Marius” and almost finished reading it. But of this later. 1 Possibly Thornton Delano Roberts, member of Harvard’s class of 1903. No letters to Roberts have been located. 2 The essay entitled “Hamlet” originally appeared as the “Introduction to Hamlet,” vol. 15 of The Complete Works of William Shakespeare, edited by Sidney Lee (c. 1906–8), ix—xxxiii. It was reprinted in Obiter and in the Triton Edition, vol. II, 205–24.

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To Otto Kyllmann 2 June 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Temple)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall S.W.1

Rome, June 2, 1928 Dear Mr Kyllmann1 It seems to me, too, that there is no reason why you shouldn’t charge a fee for reproducing “The British Character” out of my “Soliloquies in England”.2 This is not a case like that of some poor translator, probably publishing at a loss. As to the amount of the fee, I would rather leave it entirely to your judgement and experience. And I entirely agree to having it divided between us, as I think is usual Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Otto Kyllmann was director of Constable Publishers in London. Soliloquy 9 was reprinted in Contemporary Essays (1928), edited by W. J. Hastings.

2

To Charles Augustus Strong 5 June 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome June 5, 1928 Dear Strong th I have taken my ticket for Paris for Sunday next, the 10– , and hope to th arrive in the afternoon of Monday the 11–. I have finished my long and crucial chapter on, “Pictorial Space and Sentimental Time”, and during these last days am revising my review of Bradley, which wasn’t in good literary shape. In Paris, if the atmosphere is favourable for work and I don’t have to go to Spain, I mean to go on with the next chapter on “The Flux of Exitence” which is my name for “Space-Time” as it is in nature. Yesterday I received a telegram from my aged brother-in-law in Avila telling me that his eldest son, who was about 53 years old, had died suddenly the night before. This must be an even heavier blow to the old man than the loss of my sister. Antonio—the son in question—was absolutely devoted to his father, had remained a bachelor in order to be always at his beck and call, and had charge of all his affairs. I don’t know exactly what

1928–1932

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will happen next in that household. Everything looks very dark and uncertain. Today I have had a letter from George Cuevas, who says nothing of moving to Saint Germain, so that I suppose they will not be on the scene when I arrive. You will have had a chance to test the uses of your new chair and to see whether Paris doesn’t recover its powers to entertain the eye. I believe my train arrives at 2.30, but don’t stay in to receive me if you go out regularly at that hour. Tell Marie where you are going, and I, after leaving my bags, will join you at the “Closerie”, or wherever it may be. Yours ever GSantayana

To George Sturgis 5 June 1928 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Houghton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, June 5, 1928 Dear George Yesterday I received a telegram from Celedonio, saying: “Antonio died last night quite unexpectedly”. You remember Antonio, perhaps: he was the eldest of Celedonio’s sons; a bachelor of about 53, all his life the absolutely faithful and willing slave of his father. He was also the tallest and best-looking of the brothers. This (if Celedonio is not dulled by his great age) must be a greater blow to him even than your Aunt’s death: Antonio was more a part of himself, in small things and in great the chief stay of his old age. In particular, it must have been Antonio who managed for him, so far, the affairs consequent on your Aunt’s demise: but perhaps here the loss, though it may cause some confusion and delay, may not be so great, because Antonio wasn’t at all clever, and too submissive; whereas Rafael and Pepe are more wide-awake and may perhaps take things more into their own hands, and smoothe over any too unreasonable notions that may come into their father’s head. As yet I don’t know how Celedonio has born this loss. Of course I have written as well as telegraphed my condolences: but I could only say the stock things and I don’t know how much I shall be told in reply. I am leaving for Paris next Sunday, June 10; there I shall see Strong and Cory, and later probably Margaret and George Cuevas, who are now at Nice: I shall also have some news by letter from Avila, and can decide

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whether to go there at once or not. It would be more convenient for me to put it off until September, when in any case I should be leaving Paris: but we shall see how things turn out. Your Aunt Josephine had a tender spot for Antonio. His death may have some influence on her preferences in regard to her own arrangements for the future. In any case, it can’t help being a distressing and disorganizing event for that whole household. I am glad my “Living Trust”—it sounds like some religious poem— arrived safely. I don’t think, considering the state of your Aunt Josephine’s faculties, that it would be well, or perhaps even legal, to trouble her with codicils to her will. Should I survive her—and you see how Death jumps about, taking the young and leaving the old—it would be easy, I suppose, to make a supplementary “Living Trust”: and I could in that way, before establishing the new Trust, make any gifts out of my share in your Aunt Josephine’s property which she may have forgotten to make. I don’t know the exact provisions of her will: do you? And if so, would it be indiscreet to let me know what they are? [across] When I see your Aunt, I could ask her: I am sure she would be willing to tell me, but she might not remember. I hope your outing has proved all that you hoped for Yours afftly GS

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 6 June 1928 [postmark] • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

TRE CIME DI LAVAREDO th I leave for Paris on Sunday the 10– Come and see us at the apartment, if th you have arrived, on Tuesday the 12– after lunch.—I am sending another card to London, in case you are still there. G.S.

1928–1932

To Otto Kyllmann 13 June 1928 • Paris, France

4:49

(MS: Temple)

9, Avenue de l’Observatoire Paris, June 13, 1928 Dear Mr Kyllmann I have never heard of Mr Boris Takovenko1 before, but his proposal does seem to me worth accepting, at least in part. If you are willing, I should send him “Scepticism” “The Realm of Essence”, and “Platonism”: and in doing so I should ask him whether he had already read my “Character & Opinion in the U.S”, “Soliloquies in England” and “Dialogues in Limbo”: because if not, these seem to me much better for his purpose (especially “Character & Opinion in the U.S”, than the “Life of Reason”, which I regard as more of biographical than doctrinal interest, for a person wishing to understand my opinions. I should therefore prefer that he should judge me by the later books mentioned above, rather than by the “Life of Reason”, which I shouldn’t send to him, unless he already knows the other books and wishes to complete his study of my works. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Unidentified.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 26 June 1928 [postmark] • Paris, France

(MS: Columbia)

Tuesday, June 26 Dear Cory Everything is upset. After taking the x-ray photograph, the doctors decided that the operation1 was impracticable, and Strong has returned here. Come on Thursday just the same, if you wish to see him. Should there be any further obstacle—such as a trip to Saint Germain—I will send you word. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 An operation to straighten Strong’s legs. During his middle and later years, he was plagued with paralysis that included deformation of his back and legs.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 30 June 1928 [postmark] • Paris, France

(MS: Columbia)

Friday Dear Cory Margaret and George Cuevas were here yesterday. It turns out that she has no consumption, but perfectly normal lungs; and they were on their way to a crush at the British embassy, because he did think it so important to introduce his wife to Lady Crew,1 etc, etc. Next Wednesday is the Fourth of July. If you wish to celebrate it otherwise than by taking an ice at the Rond Point, let me know. If I don’t hear, I shall be there at 8.30. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Robert Offley Ashburton Crewe-Milnes (1858–1954), first marquess of Crewe, was a British statesman and member of the Liberal party. He served as British ambassador to France from 1922 to 1928. He married Lady Margaret Primrose in 1899.

To Otto Kyllmann 30 June 1928 • Paris, France

(MS: Temple)

9 Avenue de l’Observatoire Paris, June 30, 1928 Dear Mr Kyllmann I feel much honoured by Dr. Schweizer’s1 desire to make some one of my books known in Germany, where, as far as I know, nothing of mine, or about me, has appeared. His competence for the task may be taken for granted, and I leave it to you (as agreed between us recently) to decide about any fees to be charged. My own feeling is, in this case, that they ought to be nominal only, or be remitted altogether, as the undertaking would not be remunitative, I suppose, but rather the opposite. Or you might ask for a fee conditionally, in case the profits of the translation should exceed a certain amount. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Santayana may be referring to Albert Schweitzer (1875–1965), the German philosopher, physician, and humanitarian who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1952.

1928–1932

To Mr. Rubin 10 July 1928 • Paris, France

4:51

(MS: Texas)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co, 123 Pall Mall, London Paris, July 10, 1928 Dear Mr Rubin1 Thank you for this new batch of sonnets. I have just been reading hard r 2 words ———— on the of—————— the Sonnets ————subject ———————— ——————— written by M Ezra Pound ^on the subject of the Sonnets , in The Dial3 for this month: but I see that some of ^ you rebel against the tyranny of tradition, and don’t always have ten syllables to your lines. You are all much impressed, like Homer, with the instability of earthly things, with dead leaves, and with “dark halls”; these things are impressive and have impressed everybody; so that I am driven back to my feeling about antecedent rightness in your poetic flights, with subsequent inadequacy; because unless you can say these things better than Homer & Co people will prefer to read about them in them rather than in you. I see a marked improvement in the richness of your own (Rubin’s) vocabulary: also evidence that you have been reading Shakespeare’s sonnets. Words, words, words are the foundation of everything—in literature. If you feel the force of each word, and its penumbra of associations, the rest will take care of itself, and if ever you have anything to say, it will say itself for you magnificently. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Unidentified. Ezra Loomis Pound (1885–1972), an American poet, editor, and critic, lived in Europe after 1907 and was criticized for his Fascist activities in Italy in World War II. He was confined in a mental hospital in the United States from 1945 to 1958. After his release, he returned to Italy. 3 The Dial became the most distinguished literary monthly in the United States to champion modern artistic movements under the leadership of Scofield Thayer. Thayer (1889–1982), an American writer and editor, was educated at Harvard and Magdalen College, Oxford University. In 1919 Thayer became editor of The Dial. He also was coowner of the magazine and director of the Dial Publishing Company. 2

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To George Sturgis 10 July 1928 • Paris, France C

(MS: Houghton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Paris, July 10, 1928 Dear George On June 21, Celedonio wrote (or rather dictated or signed) a letter to me in which he expresses great satisfaction with you, and with the state of your correspondence with him. I am delighted at this complete change of tone, and hope it forebodes a prosperous course for the rest of this difficult business. Yesterday I received the enclosed,1 with your letter of June 28th and a lot of blanks, which I have signed and am forwarding to Celedonio, as you request—but I have left the top line for his signature and put mine below, so as to do my bit towards maintaining the happy mood in which our worthy relation now seems to be, in spite of his great recent bereavements. Old people are like that. I suppose I told you that my friend Strong was going to have a serious operation on both legs, intended to straighten them, and that at the last moment the thing was abandoned, when he was already at the hospital, as being too formidable, so that he has returned here, and we are carrying on as usual. Both of us are troubled by inability to work, and have occasional impulses to seek some cooler and more solitary retreat for the rest of the summer; but neither of us knows where to go, and we remain idling here. My plan now, as you know, is to go to Spain in September, and from there back to Rome, by way of Barcelona and the Riviera. I am not sure whether I answered your previous letter (of June 21) in which you tell me about your aunt Josephine’s will. I had no idea she was so rich: what a pity that neither she nor anyone about her now gets the benefit of this money! I knew in general that she had arranged to divide her estate between us; but it was precisely those minor bequests to persons in Spain that interested me, because I think that after living for fifteen years and more among them,2 if she has no complaint to make of their attitude towards her, and considering that she has so much and they so little, she ought to remember them in her will somewhat handsomely. If she leaves them very little, I will suggest to her that she again give them something

1928–1932

4:53

out of her income, as she did once before. It is for this reason that I put my question to you. Yours affty G. S. 1

Unlocated. After their mother’s death in 1912, Robert Sturgis brought his sister, Josephine, to Spain, where she spent the rest of her life. 2

To George Sturgis 12 July 1928 • Paris, France C

(MS: Houghton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co. 123 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Paris, July 12, 1928 Dear George I have your letter of July 3, in which you tell me of the intrusion of the tax commissioners, and propose that your Aunt Josephine should establish a “living trust” like mine. Having seen reason for doing so myself, I am naturally in favour of her doing likewise, except for the disinclination which I feel to trouble her at all with documents, especially when it might seem that we were taking advantage of her vague state of mind to impose on her decisions which she didn’t come to with understanding. I don’t know exactly what “probating a will” involves, either in Spain or the U.S. I should think, if your aunt Susie’s will must be probated in Massachusetts, although executed in Spain, in Spanish by a Spanish subject, your aunt Josephine’s will would have to be probated there also and all the more easily that it is drawn up in English and by an American citizen. However, you know the ins and outs of this better than I, and if you think a trust decidedly advisable, have the deed drawn up and send it to her or to me. As I said in my last letter, I expect now to go to Spain in September. By October 1–st it might not be too warm for your aunt Josephine and me to go to Madrid, where I could accompany her to the American consulate, and see to the proper signing of the deed there, as when I signed my own “living trust” deed in Rome. This is all conditional, of course, on your Aunt’s not making any objection. You might propose the thing to her yourself (if you haven’t done so already) in a few words, and ask her also how she meant your aunt Susie’s share of her property to be divided between us. ^ ^ It really makes very little difference, because if half comes to me and is added to my trust, it will be divided between you and your sister in a very

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few years1—But, to go back to the beginning, why shouldn’t your aunt Josephine pay taxes? I often wonder why I don’t? Yours afftly G.S. 1

Santayana outlived George Sturgis.

To William Lyon Phelps 15 July 1928 • Paris, France

(MS: Beinecke)

9 Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris, July 15, 1928 Dear Phelps1 It is very pleasant to hear from you and I hope and believe that I shall be here when you pass. Strong and I keep planning to go somewhere, together or separately, in order to avoid the heat and idleness which have settled upon us here, but neither of us can think where to go. I admire your courage and that of Mrs. Phelps in going to Madrid in August. We might apply to it a story Strong likes to tell about a delegate’s description of the summer breezes of Chicago: that not content with coming out of the very mouth of hell, they had first blown over the State of Texas. For Texas read the plains of La Mancha, and you will know what awaits you. Do drop me a line when you reach Paris, and we will arrange a meeting. Yours ever GSantayana 1 William “Billy” Lyon Phelps (1865–1943) took degrees from Yale (B.A., 1887; Ph.D., 1891) and Harvard (A.M., 1891). A popular teacher (Yale, 1892–1933), he was among the first Americans to specialize in modern literature. Phelps established the first college courses in contemporary drama and the novel and introduced Russian novelists to his students. He wrote “As I Like It,” a book column for Scribner’s Magazine. His Autobiography with Letters was published in 1939. Phelps’s review of Little Essays was published in the New York Times Book Review (22 August 1920). Annabel Hubbard (d. 1939) married Phelps in 1892.

1928–1932

To George Sturgis 16 July 1928 • Paris, France

4:55

(MS: Houghton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Paris, July 16, 1928 Dear George Celedonio has returned to enclosed blanks to me instead of to you, and has signed them in the place intended for the witness. Both slips are due to my neglect in not giving more specific directions; but I am always a little afraid of seeming to tell him what he is to do, as if he didn’t already know everything by intuition. Still, I hope no harm is done. There is still room for the witness to appear (if necessary) above our signatures, and Celedonio has at least been very quick, so that no time has been lost. We are suffering here from great heat. Both Strong and I want to go away, but can’t think of any place to go to. Yours affty G.S.

To George Sturgis 18 July 1928 • Paris, France

(MS: Houghton)

9, Avenue de l’Observatoire Paris, July 18, 1928 Dear George Celedonio asks me to forward the enclosed1 to you. I am afraid you wished the other papers to be signed also, or instead, but I don’t dare send them back on my responsibility, especially as the brief note which Celedonio sends me is not clear, nor do I understand why these things come through my hands at all. It is possible that I may leave Paris, where the heat has been very great, for some place by the sea. Better send things to Avila direct. Yours afftly GSantayana 1

Unlocated.

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To George Sturgis 1 August 1928 • Paris, France

(MS: Houghton)

9 Avenue de l’Observatoire Paris, August 1, 1928 Dear George At the same time as your letter of July 20, I get one from Celedonio about your aunt Josephine in which he says: “I am rather worried about the state of health of your sister. She goes for a walk every day but hardly eats anything, and takes ices which often don’t agree with her, and she is extremely thin. She is completely under the influence of her friend “la de Cordobés”. .… She never mentions Susana. I am afraid any day she may wish to make some journey which would be dangerous for her … My sons also think that she isn’t quite in her right mind, and I am sure you will realize the anxiety I am in in view of what might occur. … If you could come, even if only for a short time, I think you would readily understand the present state of things.” I have answered that I had had intimations of my sister Josephine’s condition from Susana as well as afterwards from Mercedes and Manuela (also, although I purposely didn’t mention it to Celedonio, from Isabel, Pepe’s wife) and that it seemed inevitable that she should be more or less guided by the person who looked after her: my chief concern was that she should be content and as happy as possible in her own mind. I had understood that she was so, but that if a change had taken place, we should have to reconsider the situation. For this purpose, and in order to see them all, I had intended to go to Avila during September next; but if he thought it necessary, I could go sooner, although in that case I should have to return to Paris by September 1–st, because Strong is giving up this apartment,1 and I have to attend to my part of the moving—also, in fact, to his part of it. I repeat all this, so that you may be informed of what is going on, although it is of no great interest in itself. I doubt that you aunt Josephine is worse than she has been for some time: her letters to me are unusually clear and rational. But I will report what I see when I go to Avila, this month or next. I am afraid the project [across] of a trust for her property may not be easily realizable. Yours affectionately G. S. 1 Strong’s Paris apartment at No. 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire was Santayana’s principal residence from 1912 until his settlement in Rome in 1928.

1928–1932

To George Sturgis 13 August 1928 • Paris, France

4:57

(MS: Houghton)

9, Avenue de l’Observatoire Paris, Aug. 13, 1928 Dear George Simultaneously with your letter of Aug. 2, I receive a post-card from your aunt Josephine, who is at Bayona de Galicia, near Vigo, at Mercedes’ sea-side house, and seems to be well, and pleased with the change from Avila. I am thinking of joining them—of course, I shall be in a hotel or lodgings, as Mercedes’ house is very small—during the second week in September. There is a through-carriage to Oporto1 in the Sud-Express, and the journey takes little over 24 hours. After resting one night at Oporto (a new place and country for me) I can easily get to Vigo the next day, and cross the bay to Bayona — on ——by a ferry which, I believe, joins the two towns on opposite sides of the great bay. It is a great relief to me to know that your aunt has made the journey comfortably and that I may go to see her where we shall be free from the constraints of the family life at Celedonio’s, and from the fear of any discussions or disagreements with him. I have felt a great disinclination to go to Avila at all, since your aunt Susie died: it would be sad and comfortless for me to be in her house without her. This trip to Galicia solves the difficulty and I can talk with your aunt Josephine concerning her future arrangements, including the execution of the deed of trust which you will have sent me. Perhaps there is an American consul at Vigo, before whom she could sign the document, as well as she could at Madrid. In any case, we shall arrange in some way, and I will let you know how I find your aunt’s health, and what seems to be her desire about the respective shares in her property which, in the ^ ^ event of her death, should fall to you and Josephine and to me. Cooler weather has set in here and I am doing some work and enjoying my daily drive in the auto with Strong. Yours aff —ly GSantayana 1

A city in Portugal that is on the Douro river.

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To William Lyon Phelps [15 August 1928] • Paris, France

(MS: Beinecke)

Wednesday Dear Billy Yes, I will go to lunch with pleasure on Friday, but if you are not busy in the morning, I should suggest coming at 12.30, as the restaurants in this part of the town get messy after a certain hour I assume you think of eating here for a change Yours G.S.

To Otto Kyllmann 29 August 1928 • Paris, France

(MS: Houghton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, S.W.1

Paris, Aug. 29, 1928 Dear Mr Kyllmann The sonnet meant is probably No 3 in my “Poems”,1 and as usual I should be glad to have you give permission to reproduce it on such terms as you think suitable Yours sincerely GSantayana th P.S. I am leaving on Sept. 4– for Spain. Address — to —C/o B. S. & C o– as above. 1

“O world, thou choosest not the better part!” was reproduced with the title “Faith” in Quotable Poems: An Anthology of Modern Verse, edited by T. C. Clark and E. A. Gillespie (Chicago, 1928).

1928–1932

To Charles Hartshorne 1 September 1928 • Paris, France

4:59

(MS: Unknown)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W.1 London. Paris, Sept. 1. 1928 Dear Mr Hartshorne1 There is little that I can say about Charles Peirce2 of any importance. He hasn’t had any direct influence on me. On the one occasion when I saw and heard him, I was struck by his very unacademic personality, and I have always remembered with profit a distinction which he made in his lecture that evening between “index”, “sign”, and “symbol”. When his posthumous essays3 came out, I read and liked them; but except through his connection with Wm James,4 he has remained rather in the margin of my impressions. Yours very truly GSantayana 1

Charles Hartshorne (1897–2000) taught philosophy at the University of Chicago. Among his many books is Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce, edited by Hartshorne and Paul Weiss, vols. I–VI (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931–35). 2 Charles Sanders Peirce (1839–1914) was an American logician, scientist, and philosopher. He lectured on the philosophy of science at Harvard and published papers on logic as well as the first full statement of pragmatism (which differs from James’s). 3 Chance, Love, and Logic: Philosophical Essays by the Late Charles S. Peirce, the Founder of Pragmatism, edited by Morris R. Cohen (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1923). 4 William James (1842–1910) and his brother Henry were sons of Henry James Sr., a wealthy American theologian. William studied art in Paris and pursued scientific studies in Germany. Harvard awarded him the M.D. in 1869. James began teaching at Harvard in 1873 as instructor in anatomy and physiology. In 1876 he began teaching psychology and set up the first American psychological laboratory. His search for a metaphysical basis for his speculations about human consciousness and behavior led him to study philosophy, which he began to teach in 1879. At his retirement in 1907 he was recognized as the foremost American philosopher. His books include Principles of Psychology (1890) and Pragmatism (1907). James’s relationship with his pupil, Santayana, was one of mutual respect for one another’s intellect, philosophical disagreement, and temperamental antithesis.

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To Charles Augustus Strong 3 September 1928 [postmark] • Paris, France

(MS postcard: Rockefeller)

THE MEDICIS’S FOUNTAIN (LUXEMBOURG’S GARDENS)

Paris Monday, Sept 3. I am glad you have had such an opiferous1 trip.—All the books, except the big Aristotle go into the six boxes, leaving room for a few old papers of my own. The other case was eaten through by mice, so I am sending the six only, leaving old A. out. [across] I hope you won’t mind. G.S. 1

Help-bringing (from Latin).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 8 September 1928 • Vigo, Spain

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Continental, Vigo, Sept. 8, 1928 Dear Cory Got here unharmed but hot and dirty, two days ago. On the way, spent one day at Oporto—magnificently picturesque place, with the most impure architecture in the world, and the most romantic. Some day I will tell you about the cloisters of the cathedral1—a delicious architectural joke: love-sick, over-muscular shepherds and shepherdesses all in white-and-blue tiles covering the walls, and inscribed in the beautiful Latin of the Song of Solomon!2 My sister is well and apparently contented, but looks frightfully old and doesn’t say much for herself. She is staying in a fishing village where all the houses look like the cabins of sixteenth century ships. Under her windows is a fountain, where the barefoot village maids come to draw water and carry it off on jars poised on their heads. I don’t think I shall go there to live: there is an electric tram from Vigo that takes one there in an hour and makes a pleasant afternoon drive: in this hotel I have the best room with a fine view of the harbour where there are now seven Spanish war-ships. It is a splendid bay, surrounded by mountains, and the town neat and modern. Too much to eat: but there is a special (new) Spanish meal intro-

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duced before lunch, which I like very much: it fills an aching void without preventing it being refilled an hour later. It is called a vermouth, but besides there —at beverage it includes a dish of small olives and another of cold potatoes, fried—“chips”—which are much better (eaten with the fingers, as the ancients and all self-respecting Mohammedans3 should) than you might suppose. I will send you some picture [across] cards another day, with such news as there may be to give. Yours G.S. 1 The cathedral, which stands at the highest point of eastern Oporto, on the site of the Visigothic citadel, was originally a Romanesque building of the 12th century. Its cloisters are Gothic of the 14th century, but the greater part of the fabric was modernized in the 17th and 18th centuries. 2 The Song of Solomon is another name for the book of Song of Songs in the Old Testament. The Song of Songs is a collection of poetry set in the form of songs that discusses the love between Solomon and his bride. 3 Those people who follow the teachings of Mohammed (also called Moslems or Muslims). Mohammed (c. 570–632), the Prophet of Islam, founded one of the world’s great religions. His sayings are the law of Islam, together with the Koran.

To Charles Augustus Strong 8 September 1928 • Vigo, Spain

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Continental, Vigo. Sept. 8, 1928 Dear Strong My journey has been done approximately on time, and with the usual mixture of pleasant and unpleasant incident. The first day, in France, was very hot; then my predestined companion in the compartment rebelled against his fate, bribed the guard to put him elsewhere, and left me in happy solitude and quietness. From Paris to Orléans and from Bordeaux to the Spanish frontier, and some distance beyond, the main line is now electric, so that at least there are no smoke and cinders. At a place in the middle of Portugal called Pampilhosa (pronounce in Italian Pampigliosa) I had to change to another train coming from Lisbon for Oporto: it arrived, and there were no free places. However, by showing a little obduracy, three or four of us took seats in the restaurant-car, and so arrived in Oporto without further accident. Oporto is magnificently situated and staged—comparable to Naples or Constantinople, with a variety of romantic castles, steeples, and rococo churches crowning all the heights, and the specialty of two dizzy and

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graceful bridges spanning the river high in air. The cathedral, which is a castle as well, has a remarkable cloister (not in Baedeker,1 and discovered by my own eyes) Gothic done into baroque, and with blue tile compositions representing the Song of Solomon, by rolly-polly shepherds and th shepherdesses of the 18– century, at once rustic and classical. The Latin text is conspicuously introduced, and the whole is one of the most amusing architectural jokes I have ever seen. And there is another smaller cloister within, most peaceful, like an ancient house in an acropolis. Altogether, Oporto was worth the trouble of getting there. All Portugal, and this part of Spain, seems to be covered with pinewoods, sparsely planted, with occasional interludes of vineyard or maize— too green, for my taste, but pretty because hilly. Vigo Bay or la Ria de Vigo is magnificent, but the town insignificant, and Bayona, where I went yesterday for the day, is a fishing village with a castle in ruins, very picturesque, but not looking out on the open sea as I had expected. I found my sister well and apparently contented, but looking a hundred years old,2 and not giving any clear expression to her ideas. After I have seen her more at leisure, I may be able to judge better what ought to be done: but she says she is going to return to Avila. I shall probably have to go there too, in that case, but only for a day or two, I hope. For the moment I am remaining in this hotel, where I have a room [across] looking out on the harbour, full of war-ships. It is cool & often hazy here. Yours ever G.S. 1 Karl Baedeker (1801–59) was a German publisher and founder of Baedeker guidebooks who published Italy from the Alps to Naples: Handbook for Travellers (New York: Leipsic, 1904). 2 She was seventy-five.

To George Sturgis 10 September 1928 • Vigo, Spain

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Continental, Vigo, Sept. 10, 1928 Dear George I have now seen your aunt Josephine repeatedly, spending three whole afternoons with her and Mercedes at Bayona. Your aunt is well and cheerful, but looks at least a hundred years old—altogether the picture of extreme old age, hollow, wrinkled, sallow, and creeping about cautiously

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as if afraid to move; but she has said nothing silly or contrary to probable fact, and although she can’t keep her thoughts fixed on a subject, and forgets, and for that reason reverses sometimes, the little decisions which she may have come to, she is perfectly sane and, at times, quite discerning. In a word, meta ——ntally, she is as she has always been: and physically, she is not ill, but extraordinarily aged for her years. Mercedes, who is only three or four years younger, might pass for her daughter. On several occassions, when they have left us alone, I have put before her the subject of the deed of trust; but I am afraid she hasn’t understood very well what it is all about; and if I press her to say which, if either, of the two versions she would prefer to sign, she only says: “The one which would be better”. What am I to do under such circumstances? There is also the difficulty and unpleasantness of taking her to a consulate and making her express her free consent to sign, when it would be so evident that it it was I that was making her sign — —, in her bewilderment. I will raise the question once again, when I see a good chance, and in any case I will leave the documents with her, in case later, you wished to refer her to them; but you must be prepared for failure, because she is not only vague on the subject, but reverts, after apparently having advanced to a certain point, to the idea with which she started, and one is driven to despair. The same thing is happening in respect to her plans for next winter: we can’t make her decide anything finally, and stick to it.—I will write again in a few days, and hope to report progress. Yours afftly G.S.

To George Sturgis 19 September 1928 • Vigo, Spain

(MS: Houghton)

Vigo, September 19, 1928 Dear George You see that we have been able to manage the signing of your aunt Josephine’s trust-deed before the American consul in Vigo. There was a fresh obstacle, in that it turned out that she had forgotten her pass-port and had nothing by which she could be legally identified; but I went to see the consul privately beforehand and explained the state of affairs, and he—a youngish man from the University of Michigan, who had vaguely heard of my existence—was very accommodating, and this morning I returned with your aunt to the consulate, and the “deed” was “done”. She didn’t show

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any hesitation or want of understanding of what it was all about, and we had a rather pleasant three-cornered conversation while the seals and red-tape were being affixed in the consular back-kitchen. As to the choice between the two deeds, your aunt was quite decided, when once she understood the difference clearly. It was perhaps easier for her, in my presence, to pronounce in the way more favourable to me; but I hope I exercised no “undue influence”, and it seems to me that, considering her uncertain state of mind at the present time, it was better and safer that she should make no change in the disposition of her property, as arranged by your father in drawing up her will. There is no doubt about the wording of that document: and as far as I know it was only your aunt Susie who had in mind that her share of her sister’s property should pass entirely to you and your sister: and [across] it will do so, by present arrangements, upon my death. As, furthermore, it is [end across] very unlikely that I should ever spend the whole of the income which this deed assigns to me, if I should survive your aunt Josephine, you and your sister will lose nothing in the end, because the accumulated interest, as well as the capital, will go to you upon my demise. Both your aunt and I are leaving Vigo on the day after tomorrow, she for Avila, and I for Florence and Rome. I have written to Celedonio excusing myself for not going to see him, and telling him that I think it indispensable, if your aunt, as she seems to wish, goes on living with him, that she should have a maid to look after her exclusively. There are many reasons for this which I needn’t go into: but the consequence is that your aunt will need more money. I suggest that you send her in future $1000 instead of $600 a quarter. She can put the surplus in the bank, from which she has had to draw a good deal for her expenses here. [across] Yours affectionately GSantayana

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 22 September 1928 • Santiago de Compostela, Spain

(MS: Unknown)

Santiago, Sept. 22, ’28 Dear Cory I said good bye to my sister yesterday, who went back to Avila, and myself came here in a splendid motor-bus, like an aeroplane on wheels.

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This is very grand, but dull, and I continue tomorrow, bound towards Fiesole, where I expect to spend a few days with Strong. Write there. Yours G.S. P.S. The extra this time is for the journey to England.

To George Sturgis 2 October 1928 • Genoa, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

October 2, 1928 GRAND HÔTEL MIRAMARE

&

DE LA VILLE

GENOVA

Dear George I am resting here for two or three days after my journey from Vigo, which took me through a lot of new places—Santiago, La Coruña, Lugo, Leon, Palencia—to San Sebastian, Toulouse, Marseilles, and Genoa. The hours and the connections were not always good, and I had to do a lot of waiting: but I saw some interesting things, and am still alive. Tomorrow— if the washer-woman is willing—I go on to Strong’s, at Fiesole, for a week or two, before finally settling down in Rome. I liked Vigo and Bayona, and if your aunt Josephine could make up her mind to spend her summers there—taking a house which Mercedes would find and arrange for her—I should be glad to go there again for a protacted stay. But it is hard for your aunt to make decisions: she doesn’t fix her attention long enough on a subject to take it well in: and if she does, she forgets afterwards what she had decided. We were lucky in catching, so to speak, a favourable breeze at last in the matter of the trust-deed: but I have some qualms about having facilitated that arrangement without stopping to consider first the interests of Mercedes and our other friends in Spain, on whom your aunt now depends for her comfort, and whom it would be a shame for her to forget in her will—especially as they are all relatively poor. I have written to you before about this, and (very naturally) you are disinclined to meddle in these small affairs in Spain, where it is impossible for you to act directly; and you say truly that your aunt has some money in Spain, which she still can leave to her friends there. Yes: but how much is it? Your aunt herself doesn’t know! I saw her two bank accounts, $2000 each, of which she had to draw $300 at Vigo for her return journey with Doña Josefina Cordovés.1 The amount of Spanish government bonds

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which she has, I couldn’t discover, but gathered it was insignificant. Now the problem for me is so to arrange things that adequate legacies should be left to Mercedes, to Josefina Cordovés, to my cousin Manuela (who wants to take charge of your aunt altogether, but isn’t at all the right person) and for at least some of the Sastre family. The three ladies just mentioned are all old and childless: an annuity would be just the thing for them. Couldn’t you or I or Mercedes herself (who is a good business woman) secure three suitable annuities, say in the Equitable Life Insurance Company which I believe has offices in Madrid, and couldn’t these be paid for out of the income of your aunt’s property, all at once or in quick succession? Then your aunt could leave her Spanish funds entirely to Celedonio and his heirs, which wouldn’t be unnatural, seeing that she has lived in their house for sixteen years. The remaining question is as to the amounts. Your aunt has no notion of the larger figures: no idea of her own wealth, for instance; but I think I could persuade her to sign an order for such sums as I explained to her (verbally and in Spanish) were suitable: which I think might be $1,000. a year for Mercedes, $500 for Josefina Cordovés, and $200 for Manuela. Mercedes is 72 years old, the other two about 60. What would such annuities cost? If you think well of this plan, I will do my best to have it carried out, even if it involves a second journey to Spain—that is, in the Spring of next year, for I can’t stand cold weather there. I haven’t yet spoken to your aunt about it, except in general terms. Yours affectionately GSantayana 1

Probably Maria de Cordobés from the letter of 24 May 1928.

To Charles Augustus Strong 16 October 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome Oct. 16, 1928 Dear Strong My journey was comfortable, except that I missed tea, and no one asked for my passport: apparently that happens only when one starts from the frontier or from a seaport. Nor was there any inquisition on reaching Rome.

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The work on the new street between my windows and the Barberini palace1 has hardly advanced, and they are hardly working: there is a great hole excavated, but the trees in the gardens just beyond are still green on their high terrace, and there is no passing. On the other hand, I found my sitting-room uglier than ever on account of cheap new upholstery which they had arranged in my absence: however, I have asked to have the offending furniture removed, and I hope I may be able to avoid nightmares. It is quite cool here, little warmer than at Fiesole. I had a very nice rest at your house, and feel stimulated by your conversation and article, and by my other reading while I was there: I hope tomorrow morning to settle down to business. Let me know when you are coming, and whether you wish me to look for rooms for you elsewhere than at the Minerva Yours ever G.S. P.S. My two valises have arrived at last. The Porter told me what he had paid, it sounded like a large sum, but I didn’t catch the exact figures. 1

The Barberinis were a powerful Italian family of Tuscan extraction who settled in Florence early in the eleventh century. In 1623 Maffeo Barberini was raised to the papal throne as Urban VIII. The fine Barberini palace and library in Rome give evidence of the Barberinis’ wealth and magnificence. The ruthless way in which they plundered ancient buildings to adorn their own palaces is the origin of the saying, “Quod non fecerunt barbari, fecerunt Barberini” (What the barbarians did not do the Barberinis did).

To Horace Meyer Kallen 22 October 1928 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: American)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Oct. 22, 1928 Dear Kallen1 The proof of the Sacco & Vanzetti letters2 hasn’t yet reached me, but I can say beforehand that it is out of the question for me to “sponsor” them or to join the committee which you wish to form. Need I give any reasons? I think, if you transfer yourself mentally to my haunts in Rome and forget the agitations which surround you, you will be able to guess them. In fact,

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I am a little surprised that you shouldn’t have felt at once that I was not the right sort of person for such a manifestation. I don’t know whether those men were condemned for what, morally, wasn’t a crime, or whether they were innocent altogether: in any case, it was a scandal to put off their execution so long, and then to execute them. It shows the weakness, confusion, and occasional cruelty of a democratic government: it is more merciful to the condemned, and more deterrent to others, to execute them at once, as do my friends the Bolsheviks and the Fascists.3 But that, I imagine, is not what your book is intended to prove. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Born in Germany, Horace Meyer Kallen (1882–1974) attended Harvard (A.B., 1903; 1908) and taught English at Princeton (1903–1905). From 1908 to 1911 he taught philosophy at Harvard and worked closely with both William James and Santayana. Later he taught at the University of Wisconsin and Columbia. Kallen was one of the founders of the New School for Social Research in New York City. A leading Zionist, he wrote books on philosophy, politics, and education. 2 The Letters of Sacco and Vanzetti, edited by Marion Denman Frankfurter and Gardner Jackson (New York: Viking Press, 1928). In 1927 Italian immigrants Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti were executed in the electric chair for a 1920 robbery and murder in Massachusetts. Characterized as anarchists, both were found guilty. 3 Bolshevism and Menshevism were the main branches of Marxist socialism in Russia from 1903 to 1918. The Bolsheviki (majority members), led by Lenin, advocated immediate revolution and establishment of dictatorship of the proletariat. Fascism was the political and economic system in Italy under Mussolini. It developed after 1922 and lasted until Italy’s defeat in World War II. Use of the Roman fasces as the emblem gave the regime the name Fascist. Ph.D.,

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 24 October 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome Oct. 24, 1928. Dear Cory I am in the midst of Chapter VI on “The Flux of Existence”, and as usual have so completely forgotten the detail of what precedes that I am continually afraid of repeating what has already been said, and perhaps said better. You have the MS of the earlier chapters, and perhaps a type-written copy as well. Would you mind looking it over and telling me whether I have previously discussed the attempt to explain /t movement as a compound of things or intuitions, each of which exists all at once—a sort

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of temporal atomism? I am engaged on that point again, and feel that I have a fresh apprehension of the problem, and of the solution, but I dread that this may be an illusion of spasmodic rejuvenation, and that everything may be simply a restatement of ideas long since expressed. I don’t like to reread the whole myself, because that would distract my attention and interest from the present question, and besides, when I had finished, I might have to begin again—having forgotten the first part before I got to the last! The New Adelphi hardly pays anything for articles: I am not sending you any extra money this month on purpose to leave you a little hungry and oblige you to forage. Your work for me leaves you plenty of leisure for cultivating your own Muse. However, there is inspiration in things and people, and I daresay you have been making new friends in the gay world who may ultimately turn to “copy”. My visit at Fiesole was entirely pleasant, and I mean to go there more often in future. Where are you going now, or are you staying in Paris? Yours ever G.S.

To George Sturgis 25 October 1928 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Houghton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London. S.W.1 Rome Oct. 25, 1928 Dear George Here is the order1 for the $10,000 left me by your aunt Susie. I see that you are still struggling with the legalities connected with her will, and I suppose that Celedonio hasn’t yet received anything. I am glad I didn’t go to Avila: when the affair is settled and they see that they have got the money, the atmosphere will be more favourable and less charged with suppressed thunder. I wrote to him—as I think I told you—about your aunt Josephine needing, in my opinion, a lady’s maid or quasi-nurse to look after her; and I suggested that one of his daughters—I mentioned all three of them, so as not to be invidious—I mean, daughters-in-law, might know of a suitable person; and I also said that I had written to you about the advisability of sending $1000 a quarter to your Aunt, instead of $600, so that she might

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feel that she could afford to pay a good salary to this maid, and also her maintenance, and to make comfortably whatever journeys she wished. Celedonio has replied briefly saying that his servants have orders to attend to all your aunt’s wishes; he quotes something I had written about the difficulty of getting her to take any decided step; and he adds that she talks of going to Malaga—I suppose for the winter—something of which (of course) he disapproves. Doña Josefina Cordovés and my cousin Manuela were then in Avila; and it is they, or one of them, that would go to Malaga with her: I don’t believe that Mercedes would wish to leave her friends in Vigo and Madrid. If Manuela or Doña Josefina Cordovés are with her, no maid is necessary, as they are always on hand: but I don’t like very much that your Aunt should be entirely under their influence. [across] However, how is it to be helped? Your aunt herself seems satisfied. Yours afftly G.S. 1

Not with this letter.

To Wilbur Lucius Cross 29 October 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Beinecke)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Oct. 29, 1928 r

1

Dear M Cross I haven’t seen Madariaga’s book,2 but I know the sort of very good things he says, which in the end leave one empty and unsatisfied, and I am afraid it would be rash to promise to write anything about him. If I find or think of anything that might do for The Yale Review, I sha’n’t forget your obliging expressions of a desire for some thing of mine. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Wilbur Lucius Cross (1862—1948), a scholar, educator, and governor of Connecticut, received his B.A. and Ph.D. from Yale and taught there from 1894 until 1930. He also edited the Yale Review (1911–40). 2 Santayana probably is referring to Salvador de Madariaga (1886–1978), whose works include Guía del lector del “Quijote” ensayo psicológico sobre el “Quijote” (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1926) and La fuente serena: cantos, romances liricos y sonetos a la Española (Barcelona: Editorial Cervantes, 1927).

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To William Lyon Phelps 2 November 1928 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Beinecke)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London. Rome, Nov. 2. 1928 Dear Billy You always bring with you, even if you come only by the post, a sort of Gulf Stream of warmth and kindness. I have said that old sonnet (written in 1884)1 over to myself—I find that I still remember it—and although the words are too much spaced, thinly scattered over an empty waste, like the scrub oaks over a ploughed field, which in Spain are called a wood, yet ^ ^ the whole is perfectly limpid, and I can imagine that emitted in a rotund voice in a hushed religious atmosphere (do people still cough in the Yale Chapel?) it might have a good effect. In any case, I appreciate your appreciation, and I hope our combined exhortation will encourage your young people to have Faith—in themselves! I have been in Spain—no harm resulting—and afterwards at Strong’s in Fiesole: now I am trying to bend all my remaining energies to finishing vol. II. of Realms [across] of Being.—Affectionate greetings to you both from your old friend G. S. 1

“O world, thou choosest not the better part!” [D. C.]

To George Sturgis 4 November 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 4, 1928 Dear George Yes, I think your suggestion that instead of buying legacies for your aunt Josephine’s friends, we, her heirs, should be instructed by her to pay them directly, is altogether excellent. Besides saving trouble and avoiding the awkward question of what to do with these legacies while your aunt is alive, it also leaves us free to do nothing at all in case any of the three ladies in question should not outlive your aunt. I had already asked her, by letter, how much she would like to give to each of them, and how much to

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the Sastre family: but her answer showed that she didn’t understand very well what I was talking about. I will write again soon and send a draft letter addressed to myself for her to sign, if she approves, and which will serve the purpose we have in mind. I didn’t do anything in Spain about my own will, because Vigo wasn’t the place where it would naturally be drawn up and registered, but Avila, since my house is there and also most of the legatees, and the Spanish executors: but I have privately drawn up the document, making several identical copies in English and one in Spanish; and I have left copies with Strong, Onderdonk, and Cory. Onderdonk (who is an expert in international legalities) is going to advise me about the very matter which you mention—my American royalties. I am leaving them to Cory, who is to be my literary executor. As to the Spanish version, I mean for the present to consult the Spanish consul here; perhaps it is he that, until I return to Spain, should give the document its legal sanction. In England, I think an autograph will is legal without any formalities.—I will send you a copy in a few days. [across] Please express my sympathy to Rosamond in her sad loss. Yours affly GSantayana

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 6 November 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Oc — ——Nov. 6, 1928 Dear Cory Thank you for the chapter on the Psyche.1 I have looked at it, and put it aside. It will be a long time, I fear, before I get round to it. A little distraction has occurred in that I have found in an old note book some things that seemed worth printing, on various semi-popular subjects, and I have been copying them out, and cutting them down, with an eye to sending them to Life & Letters under the title A Few Remarks.2 Moreover, Strong arrived yesterday, and my background will not be so clear for a while. And there is a complication which may affect your plans. Margaret and her husband are to arrive at Fiesole this week, in Strong’s absence, and the plan is that he should go back there before they leave. But this is a situation full of tragic possibilities. Margaret, who expects a child3 in January, may not be able or willing to leave, and then Strong will not be able or willing to

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stay. And where is the poor man to go? To Naples, perhaps, and I with him? This is not clearly envisaged as yet, but I have premonitions of that kind, and warn you, so that you may not think of coming to Florence or Rome until you know how things are developing. I am very glad that you don’t like my early books. I read several passages in the Life of Reason last night about “Spirituality”, and except for a phrase here and there, I thought them so bad, that I am surprised people are so patient, and don’t hoot at me in the street. It’s only because they haven’t read those slap-dash, random effusions, or not knowing anything about the subject, can’t feel how impertinent they are. You must help me to be soberer and gentler. I am going on with my new spontaneous treatment of the chapter on the Flux: it is almost done, and now I will begin to collate it with the other versions. Much of the latter will probably drop out, or pass over to the subsequent chapters. Yours ever GS. 1

Chapter VIII of Matter. Life and Letters was a literary monthly periodical founded and edited (1928–33) by Desmond MacCarthy. It continued as Life and Letters Today, and in 1939 absorbed the London Mercury and Bookman. The final issue appeared in June 1950. “A Few Remarks” [On Crime; On Prudence; On Money; On Self-Sacrifice], Life and Letters 2 ( January 1929): 29–35. 3 Elizabeth Strong-Cuevas, born 22 January 1929, is a sculptor. 2

To George Sturgis 9 November 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Nov. 9, 1928 Dear George I am sorry to trouble you with so many letters, but I have heard a rumour from Spain which—although I don’t credit it—makes me wish to have an exact record of that supplementary will of your aunt Susie’s, in which she specified certain sums which she wished to give to various persons, out of the ready money which she had at home. Could you send me a copy of that sheet? I didn’t keep one, and I am afraid my memory is not to be trusted. Yours affectionately GSantayana

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P.S. When you send me a fresh letter of credit, please ask that it be forwarded to Tho. Cook & Son’s,1 not to the Banco di Roma. If, with Hoover’s election,2 business is booming, and my income justifies it, you might make out the new letter for $5000 instead of $4000. I think I see a way of employing the surplus. 1

Thomas Cook started a rail travel business in London in the mid-1800s. He also invented a system of “travellers’ cheques” which devleoped into a banking service. 2 Herbert Clark Hoover (1874–1964), the thirtieth president of the United States (1929–33), had to deal with the economic depression (created by the stock market crash of 1929) throughout his administration.

To Desmond MacCarthy 16 November 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown) Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 16. 1928

Dear Mr. MacCarthy,1 Here are “a few remarks” which I found lately in an old note-book and which I have revised. It occurs to me that you might be willing to publish them in Life and Letters because though rather oracular they are so short. Or you might choose one or two and leave the others. If so, please send the MS. back, as I have no other clean copy. Please tell Berty Russell,2 if you see him, that I was immensely amused at his diagnosis of “Catholic and Protestant Sceptics”,3 and in particular of myself. But I don’t like his saying that I dislike the Founder of Christianity: has he read my “Lucifer”4 or the dialogue about “The Philanthropist”?5 It may be a biassed interpretation, but I take even the eschatology, and the coming of the Kingdom, in Christ’s mouth, to be gently ironical and meant secretly in a spiritual sense. So understood, I accept his doctrine and spirit in toto. Yours sincerely, GSantayana 1

Sir Desmond MacCarthy (1878–1952), an English journalist and critic, was educated at Eton and Trinity College, Cambridge. MacCarthy became literary editor of The New Statesman in 1920 and afterwards drama critic. Later editor of Life and Letters, he wrote several books and contributed to the London Sunday Times. 2 Bertrand Arthur William Russell (1872–1970) was educated at Cambridge and held a variety of posts there. He reacted against idealism with realism in Principles of Mathematics (1903). He adopted the alternative of logical constructions, substituting

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wherever possible constructions out of known entities for inference to unknown ones. Presentation of pure mathematics from logic exemplifies this policy. (See his classic Principia Mathematica, co-authored with A. N. Whitehead, 1910–13.) Our Knowledge of the External World (1914) applies Russell’s logical constructionism to physical objects. Later Russell became interested in social and political issues, publishing Marriage and Morals (1929), Education and the Social Order (1932), and New Hopes for a Changing World (1951). He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1950. He married four times; his first wife was Alys Pearsall Smith (1867–1951), the daughter of Hannah Tatum Whitall and Robert Pearsall Smith. They were married from 1894 to 1921. See Persons, 285–89, 439–44, 475–76, and 485–86. 3 In Sceptical Essays (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1928). 4 Dunster House (Cambridge, Massachusetts) published a revised version, Lucifer, or the Heavenly Truce: A Theological Tragedy, in 1924. The headpieces, initial letters, and end papers were designed by and the typography arranged by Pierre la Rose. 5 Dialogue VIII of Dialogues.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 21 November 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome Nov. 21, 1928 Dear Cory Strong has gone home and—somewhat to his surprise—has found Margaret and George de Cuevas installed in the villa. He had long ago invited M. and Mme de Fontenay1 (you know t he y — is are now in Rome, ^^ ^ ^ he being French /eambassador to the Holy See) to spend Christmas at the ^ ^ villa: they have accepted in general terms; but it is doubtful when, if at all, they will want to make their visit. All this makes it impossible for you to go there at this time. I spoke to Strong about it, and we agreed that, if you want to come to Italy, you had better come first to Rome, to see me, and later to Fiesole. If you are happy in your nest in Paris, and learning French, and not catching pneumonia, stay there as long as you like; or if you find the winter dark and dreary, you might seek a sunnier spot, perhaps on the Riviera, where you could continue to practice your French. Then, when the Riviera became tiresome, you could come on here. I am a little ashamed to have done so little on the R. of M. I sit down to it every morning, but seldom with a clear head, and nothing seems to take a final and satisfactory shape. But I have done something more in “Symptoms” and we might perhaps despatch that, even if the R. of M. drags on into another year.

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I have just read Russell’s Sceptical Essays—more politics than philosophy, but very entertaining. Would you like me to send on the book—it isn’t a large one—or have you got it, or will you wait to read it here? The books arrived safely at Fiesole, and now adorn the passage upstairs, and I expect to send on a box from here when I next leave Rome. It will be, I expect, in May, so as to stay a while with Strong before proceeding to Venice and Cortina; my sister’s affairs are now altogether straightened out, [across ] so that it isn’t likely that I should have to return to Spain soon. Yours ever G.S. 1

Viscount Jacques de Fontenay (1864–1946) was the French Ambassador to the Vatican from 1928 to 1932. Before his service at the Holy See, de Fontenay was the Ambassador to Spain and Denmark. De Fontenay and his wife, Renée Pichon, were known to be good hosts at any event they held. Their two sons, Charles and Etienne, both died in action during World War I.

To Curt John Ducasse 24 November 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Brown)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1

Rome, Nov. 24, 1928 Dear Mr Ducasse There are many points in your letter and article—many thanks for both— with which I feel agreement, especially that separation of beauty from “art” and the psychology of artists which you excuse yourself for making. Nothing could be more different, and nowadays more disconnected. But I am afraid, on the whole, I should make a mess of any introduction to your book.1 Not only am I beyond my depth in other work, but this entire matter of psychology and aesthetics has become remote to me. I still notice and enjoy the beautiful, but seldom in works of art: rather in light, and the effects of light, casual and momentary, on objects, whether the dome of St. Peter’s or the Italian flag hanging in the streets. I also feel as much interest as ever in what literary men and artists are up to: not aesthetically so much, as morally and politically: they express, not a wish or an emotion, but a fatal state of society. When I say “fatal” I don’t mean deadly—it is often quite lively—but inevitable, and historically curious. This human or symptomatic character of the arts makes it difficult for me to take seriously questions of approval or disapproval, pleasure or pain, supposed to be felt by

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casual observers; and much less can I take seriously academic theories about these problematic aesthetic reactions. The artists themselves, in their judgements, are partisans and children: but their works may be good. I say all this—which hardly expresses my reasoned judgement, but only a mood—in order that you may forgive me for not complying with your request to write an introduction to your book. It is more than I could undertake. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

The Philosophy of Art (London: Allen and Unwin, 1929).

To Otto Kyllmann 1 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W.1

Rome, Dec. 1, 1928 Dear Mr Kyllmann It is forty years since I began to write The Last Puritan, and it is yet far from finished.1 I have promised myself, if I ever finish “The Realm of Matter”, to take up the “novel” seriously, and try to leave it in such shape that, even if incomplete, it might be published after my death. Not that there would be any impediment to publishing it earlier—it is quite harmless, at least on the surface—but that I am not confident of my ability to execute some of the scenes, and the most important ones, which it ought to contain. But I have lately hit on a device which will justify me in leaving gaps, no matter how great; because I represent the whole as a memoir of a young friend of mine—I appear in the novel in my own person, as a character in the margin—whose whole life was not recorded or recoverable by his biographer. The reader will be left to guess what the absent chapters should have contained. As you may imagine, I have several times abandoned the project, and then picked it up again under the stimulus of some new event or idea which seemed to me to fit into my subject, and to give it a new interest. Originally this subject was nothing but a contrast between a good boy and a bad boy—Sandford and Merton, or Keddy (do you know Keddy? I think it by far the best of stories of university life).2 But it has grown into the sen-

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timental education of a young American of the best type, who convinces himself that it is morally wrong to be a Puritan, yet can’t get rid of the congenital curse, and is a failure in consequence. It is like the maladaptation of Henry Adams,3 only concentrated in the first years of youth: for my hero dies young, being too good for this world. He is an infinitely clearer-headed and nobler person than Henry Adams, but equally ineffectual. If ever this book—it will be a long book—takes presentable shape, of course I will send it to you: but in this case I think we ought to have an American reprint and copyright, as it might be sold in greater numbers than my other books. Scribner,4 no doubt, would be glad to have it, and you could publish the English edition. It is partly an English book: the nicest part, aesthetically, is English: in the American portions I am afraid I incline too much to burlesque. As you see, this is a subject that lies near my heart, and I have talked to many people about it, perhaps unwisely, as the thing may never emerge from a chaos of manuscript. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Puritan is published in 1935. Thomas Day wrote the three-volume History of Sandford and Merton: A Work Intended for the Use of Children (London: J. Stockdale, 1783–89). Keddy, A Story of Oxford was written by H. N. Dickinson (London: W. Heinemann, 1907). 3 Henry Brooks Adams (1838—1918) was an American historian, scholar, and man of letters. His most important books, Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres (1904) and The Education of Henry Adams (1907), reflect his lifelong quest for order and unity in a world in the process of disintegration. 4 Charles Scribner Jr. (1854–1930) served as president of Charles Scribner’s Sons from 1879 to 1928 and then as chairman of the board. Charles Scribner’s Sons published the marjority of Santayana’s works in America. 2

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 2 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Sunday, Dec. 2. 1928 I have just received an explanation of the parcel at the Paris post-office. It is—as you may already have discovered—an illustrated copy of my Lucifer, which Mr Victor Wolfgang von Hagen imperiously, in bad English, commands me to sign.1 Perhaps, if you simply readdress it, and send it on, you will not need to open it or have it examined: but probably

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you have already done what there was to do.—It is a nuisance, but on the other hand I am rather curious to see the illustrations which they may have perpetrated. G.S. 1 Born in Saint Louis, Missouri, Victor Wolfgang von Hagen (1908–85) was educated in America, England, and Germany, receiving a doctorate at Göttingen. A naturalist, he made expeditions to Africa, Mexico, Central and South America. His many books and articles describe his travels and discoveries.

To Victor Wolfgang von Hagen 2 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown) C

/o Brown Shipley & Co. 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. I am sorry to say that your copy of Lucifer has been stranded at the Paris post-office: but I have asked a friend to look it up and to send it on to me here, where I usually spend the winter, at the Hotel Bristol, Rome. But my only permanent address is the one at the top of this card. The Paris apartment has been given up by the friend with whom I stayed there on occasion. As to Mrs Crowley’s essay,1 I should be glad to see it and make any comments that occur to me. GSantayana Dec. 2. 28. 1

Unidentified.

To George Sturgis 4 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 4, 1928 Dear George Today, all together, I receive your two letters of Nov. 19, and Nov. 22, the new letter of credit, and the receipt for your Aunt Susie’s legacy to me, which I enclose signed and dated. I suppose you are sending to Mercedes, and the other minor beneficiaries by the will, their respective legacies also: if so, many Christmas and New Year’s blessings will be showered on your head.

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I had written yesterday to Celedonio, enclosing my usual Christmas present for the grand children, and I repeated, as you had asked me to do, that you were being subjected to many delays and annoyances in the process of liquidating your aunt’s property, but that you hoped in time to reach a satisfactory conclusion. I think that if you are able to send him a part of the money at once, it will soothe him greatly, and facilitate any other business that may arise between you. The paper which I wanted was one I sent you myself together with the first uncertified Spanish copy of the will. If it is lost, perhaps you may have on file the summary of it, together with a general summary of the will, which I sent you, in English, on the same occasion. All I wish to know is exactly how much, of that ready money, your aunt wished to leave to Mercedes, Juanita Bringas, Manuela, etc. These are gifts additional to those in the old will of 1913, and what troubles me is that the persons in question seem not to have received them. Yours affty G.S. [across] A Merry Xmas to Rosamond and the boys. P.S. I reopen this letter, having just got word from my cousin Manuela that the remittance which she expected in October has not reached her. Her address is slightly changed, being now as below, and this may be the reason of the miscarriage, in any case, will you kindly see that she gets her hundred dollars, for which I am sure she is thirsting. It is too bad to worry you with all these small Spanish matters: you certainly ought to charge our estates a handsome commission for all your trouble. Doña Manuela Santayana 31—33, Augusto Figueroa, 4o No 4, Madrid.

1928–1932

To Charles Scribner’s Sons 8 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Princeton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London

Rome, Dec. 8, 1928 Messrs Charles Scribner’s Sons New York. Dear Sirs, I hope you won’t think it impertinent if I consult you about a private matter that is puzzling me a little. Most of my modest property is in a trust which provides for the disposal of it in the event of my death; but there are some odds and ends which (having reached the age of 65) I ought perhaps to dispose of by will: and among these the only American item is such author’s rights as I may have in consequence of contracts with you. Now, the matter is complicated by the fact that I am (as I have always been) a Spanish subject; and it would seem proper that my will should be Spanish, and registered in Spain, especially as I have a small house there, inherited from my father. Experience, in the case of some members of my family deceased, has shown me how much trouble foreign wills can give: and now I come to the question which I wish to submit to you. What is the simplest way in which I can bequeath my author’s rights? The person to whom I wish to leave them is Mr Daniel MacGhie Cory, whose father1 lives at 133 East 73rd St. New York, but who for some years has lived himself in Europe, and who is to be my literary executor. Need I make an American will for this purpose, or would the Spanish will do just as well? Forgive me for troubling you with this matter, and believe me Very truly yours GSantayana 1 David Cory, Daniel’s father, was a stockbroker who turned to writing the syndicated Jack Rabbit stories for children. He had another son, Rev. David M. Cory, and lived to see his sons reach middle age.

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To Victor Wolfgang von Hagen 10 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown) C

/o Brown Shipley & Co. 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Rome, Dec. 10, 1928. Dear Mr von Hagen Your copy of Lucifer has arrived, and I am sending it back and hope it may reach you safely. You will find my name under your ideal conception of my august aspect—far more august than the divine personages which you paint in the margin of the text; but conscience compelled me to add, before my signature, the words “imaginary portrait”, because in fact I never looked like that. It is true that I had a beard—with grey hairs— between the years 1905–1908 or 9: but never before or after, and it completely changes the look of me as most of my friends have known me, and as I was when I wrote Lucifer. But that is of no consequence: and I think you have done wonderfully well in all your illustrations, considering the extraordinary difficulty of depicting spirits that never existed and bodies you have never seen. Perhaps I ought to stop there, with a compliment; I don’t want to repay your sympathetic interest by saying anything unpleasant; and yet a frank appreciation is a greater compliment to an artist than a perfunctory exclamation: “How very nice!” Your Hera is a beautiful woman: I had imagined her older and more statuesque: and your Aphrodite and Athena are opera-bouffe goddesses,1 not out of key with this sort of burlesque epic: but there was another side to my own conception, a tragic side, perhaps not clearly expressed, for which your figures are not appropriate. The Zeus would have done very well for Saint Peter:2 but Zeus is an eagle, a black cloud, and the perfect blue: he descends: and when he feels old age and destruction awaiting him, it is a sublime tragedy. Not that I made it so: the Milesian3 burlesque deity no doubt predominates in my personage: but your old codger is really too mean-spirited. Your Lucifer at the beginning is also not like my conception: you make him too fat and human: he too should be something of a vulture, and hieratic, Byzantine.4 Perhaps where you depart from my notions, it is because you don’t feel the religious, the Catholic side of these images: your Christ has never been crucified, he is Protestant, feels virtuous, and looks weak. On the other hand I very much like your little devils and your Hermes:5 yes, much as I care for Hermes and feel that I know him, I don’t quarrel at all

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with the Renaissance Mercury—whom you depict—as one of his apparitions: but it isn’t his divine self. The cloak, with its red and blue, is Hellenic,6 and lovely: and I like the suggestion of alighting on a “heaven-kissing hill”, and being a little like a popular angel. But I mustn’t run on for ever: thank you very much for letting me see your sketches, and for the sympathetic way in which you have followed the fun of my fantasy. Yours very truly GSantayana 1 In the Greek Pantheon, Hera was queen of Olympus and sister and wife of Zeus. She was venerated as the protector of marriage and of women. Aphrodite was the goddess of love and beauty, daughter of Zeus and Dione, wife of Hephaestus, and lover of Ares. Athena was the goddess of war and just battle, counsel and wisdom, and of female arts and industries. She was the daughter of Zeus and Metis, springing from Zeus’s head fully armored after Zeus had swallowed Metis to prevent Athena’s birth. Athens, Greece, is named for Athena. 2 Zeus was king of the Greek gods and ruler of Olympus. He was the god of thunder, the weather, and the sky; the thunderbolt was his symbol. Saint Peter was one of the twelve original apostles of Jesus and later became head of the church of Rome. He was martyred during Nero’s reign by being crucified upside down. Catholics hold the pope is successor to Peter as the head of the church. 3 The Milesian school of nature philosophers of the sixth century B.C. were concerned mainly with the basal stuff of which the world is made. Miletus, an ancient city in Asia Minor, was home to the pre-Socratic philosophers Anaxamander and Thales. 4 Lucifer (literally, “light bringer”), the angelic name of Satan before he was cast out of heaven, is the protagonist in Santayana’s narrative poem of the same name. The trading city Byzantium was later called Constantinople, then Istanbul. Founded about 325 A.D., the Byzantine empire was the center of Christianity and was renowned for scholarship and art. 5 Hermes, an ancient Greek god, served as messenger of Olympus, the conductor of the dead to Hades, and as protector of cattle and sheep. The son of Zeus and Maia, in Roman mythology he is known as Mercury. 6 Hellenism is the culture, ideals, and pattern of life of Greece, as represented in Athens at the time of Pericles; any modern attempt to revive Greek ideals is Hellenic.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 12 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Dec. 12, 1928 Dear Cory, Victor Wolfgang von Hagen’s copy of Lucifer arrived yesterday, and after examining it with curiosity, I send/t it back to him this morning duly decorated with my autograph. There is a supposed portrait of me in India

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ink, looking very perfect and professorial in a coal-black beard, like this;1 and there are water colour sketches in the margin of the different personages in the play. The artist is not modern: he makes for the pretty, naturalistic, and conventional, but on the whole less absurd than might have been expected. Christ, Lucifer, and Zeus were the worst, and the ladies looked like opera-bouffe goddesses, but the Hermes was nice—like the flying Mercury—and the little devils like characters in a Midsummer Night’s Dream. But they had rebound the volume in a vulgar red, and cut down the margins! What folly! Thank you for your trouble in finding and sending the parcel, and also for your proposed Xmas present in the form of two masseurs gengivaux Schamb:2 as I told you, I don’t need them now: send them or bring them later, as you prefer. Instead of giving you a present in return I am sending you your cheque a little earlier, and you may expect the next about Jan. 15, so that there will be a small profit. As to work, I am not discouraged as to the substance. I have written a wholly new chapter on the Flux (at least, I think it new) which has several original ideas and terms in it: natural moment, conventional moment, forward tension, lateral tensions, with which I think even a swimmer like you ought to be satisfied as giving a profound feeling of the flux, just as it goes on. It is not intellectualism in the wrong place, as I agree with you that Strong’s is. He has never digested the criticism of knowledge, and says I, for instance, am nothing but a mixture of Bergson and Croce. But his article, at the beginning, is very [across] well considered and expressed, and I agree with what he means, that existence resides in centres. Yours ever G.S.

1

Here Santayana drew a small sketch of his head. Devices for massaging the gums. Schamb is the brand name.

2

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To Thomas Munro 13 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Unknown)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co. 123, Pall Mall, London

Rome, Dec. 13, 1928 Dear Munro: It is very good of you to send me your little book,1 which not only reminds me of you (which is always pleasant) but carries me into an interesting living world from which I am too far removed. I can’t say that your book is good, beautiful, and true, because that would be to substitute thrills for clear thinking: let me say instead that it seems pleasantly reasonable and open-minded, and, of course, highly characteristic of the milieu in which it has taken shape. In so far as this is academic, philosophical, and American it is not so very different from what it was 35 years ago, when I wrote The Sense of Beauty: and I feel for you, caught in the same snags and compelled to thresh the same old straw. But there is another quality in discussion now—not in your book only—which has fallen upon the world since the days of my youth. You must remember that we were not very much later than Ruskin, Pater, Swinburne, and Matthew Arnold:2 our atmosphere was that of poets and persons touched with religious enthusiasm or religious sadness. Beauty (which mustn’t be mentioned now) was then a living presence, or an aching absence, day and night: history was always singing in our ears: and not even psychology or the analysis of works of art could take away from art its human implications. It was the great memorial to us, the great revelation, of what the soul had lived on, and had lived with, in her better days. But now analysis and psychology seem to stand alone: there is no spiritual interest, no spiritual need. The mind, in this direction, has been desiccated: art has become an abstract object in itself, to be studied scientifically as a caput mortuum:3 and the living side of the subject—the tabulation of people’s feelings and comments— is no less dead. You are yourself enormously intelligent and appreciative, and so is Dr. Barnes,4 but like a conservator of the fine arts, as if everything had been made to be placed and studied in a museum. And in your theory of taste—do you mention taste?—you (like Dewey)5 seem to me to confuse the liberty and variability of human nature, which the naturalist must allow, with absence of integration in each man or age or society: for if you felt the need of integration, you would understand that fidelity to the good or the beautiful is like health, not a regimen to be imposed, by the same

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masters, upon men of different constitutions, but a perfection to be jealously guarded at home, and in one’s own arts: and you will never have any arts that are not pitiful until you have an integrated and exclusive life. However, I am far from denying you the possibility of happiness, and wish it for you and Mrs. Munro, with all my heart—even if it be happiness in a museum. Yours sincerely, G. Santayana 1 Thomas Munro (1897–1974), a professor at Columbia University, University of Pennsylvania, and Case Western Reserve University, wrote numerous books on arts and aesthetics, including Scientific Method in Aesthetics (New York: W. W. Norton, 1928). 2 An English author and critic (1819–1900), John Ruskin’s first three books developed the principle that art and architecture are based on national and individual integrity and morality. Later Ruskin attacked economic and social evils and proposed reforms. Algernon Charles Swinburne (1837–1909) was an English poet whose work represents a blending of classical theme with flamboyant romanticism. His literary criticism helped popularize older English dramatists. Matthew Arnold (1822–88) was a Victorian English poet, writer, and educational reformer. 3 Literally, dead head, worthless residue (Latin). 4 Albert Coombs Barnes (1872–1951), a pharmacologist and medical doctor, became wealthy from his invention of an antiseptic. Able to pursue art collecting and the appreciation of aesthetics, he founded the Barnes Foundation (1922), an institution for the study of art and aesthetics. John Dewey was named educational director. 5 John Dewey (1859–1952) was an American philosopher and educator long associated with Columbia University. His philosophy (instrumentalism) is related to pragmatism. In education he argued for learning by experience, motivated by the student’s need. His review of Common Sense and Society was published in Science (9 February 1906): 223–25.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 18 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia) Hotel Bristol, Rome December 18, 1928

Of course, dear Cory, I shall be only too glad to see you whenever you wish to come. My friends, as a matter of fact, haven’t turned up yet this year—not that I mind that, because I am quite capable of entertaining myself, with the help of street sights and French books. But you won’t interfere with my meditations: on the contrary, a little congenial society at lunch and tea, and in the intervening interval, will stimulate my lazy thoughts; and I can give you plenty to do, if you wish to work: but this ^ ^ we can discuss later.

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As to going to Milan, all depends on the quality of your friend Mr. Oxtoby.1 The aesthetes of my day used to despise Milan and its cathedral: but at dusk the interior is sometimes very grand; and don’t fail to go to Sant’ Ambrogio: it will carry you back to early Christianity. Besides there is the Brera and the Scala,2 and the bustle of modern Italy at its maximum. It will be convenient if you learn Italian: I expect to spend most of my days in Italy in future, and I count on you to guide my tottering steps. Yours ever GS. P.S. Thanks for the gum-rubbers, which have just arrived. 1

Unidentified. The best-known building in Milan is the Gothic cathedral (begun 1386, completed 1813), with its stone lacework. Other landmarks include a Romanesque church, which was founded in 386 and dedicated to Saint Ambrose, the great bishop of Milan. Brera palace is an art gallery, and Teatro alla Scala is the world-famous opera house. 2

To Horace Meyer Kallen 23 December 1928 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: American)

/o Brown Shipley & Co, 123 Pall Mall. Rome, Dec. 23, 1928 Dear Kallen, I have now received both Sacco & Vanzetti’s Letters and Upton Sinclair’s “Boston”.1 Thank you very much for both. I have looked at the Letters and am quite ready to believe that the men were innocent, and that this was a sort of American Dreyfus case.2 But if the men had been simple anarchists, still free, I suppose I should never have needed to hear of them: and why should I be condemned to read their thoughts because they were unjustly executed? “Boston” attracts me more, and I mean to read it, when the sun gets warm enough to sit on a bench in the Pincio gardens, and indulge the fancy without danger of catarrh. I once read a book of Upton Sinclair’s—his first book, printed by his own hand—and I believe I wrote to him about it appreciate/ively: it was crude but truthful, and tortured by a sort of passionate unrest, à la Dostoievsky.3 Now I shall be curious to see ^ ^ how a lifetime of experience and authorship has improved his instrument and enlarged his canvas; and incidentally I may learn a thing or two about Boston, of which I only frequented the front parlor, even in my Boston days, and which has probably become much more complicated and much more typical of America in general than it was in its prim and old-maid-

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enly middle age! If I am not disappointed in the book I will write to you again about it. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Upton Beall Sinclair (1878–1968), the great muckraking novelist, produced over a hundred writings during the period 1901–40 and was active in his craft until his death. Sinclair’s novel, Boston, published in two volumes in 1928, was based on the Sacco and Vanzetti case. 2 In 1894 a French artillery officer, Alfred Dreyfus (1859–1935), was falsely accused, convicted, and punished for treason. The resulting conflict engaged all political factions in France for years and resulted in Dreyfus’s release from prison in 1899 and exhonoration from all wrong-doing in 1906. 3 Sinclair began writing dime novels at the age of fifteen to pay his way through college. While doing graduate work at Columbia University, he wrote six novels, among them Springtime and Harvest (1901), which was retitled King Midas. Feodor Mikhailovich Dostoevski (Dostoyevsky, 1821–81), a Russian novelist, is one of the giants of modern literature. His novels are characterized by psychological insight, compassion for all men, and preoccupation with guilt and crime. His works include Crime and Punishment (1866), The Idiot (1869), The Brothers Karamazov (1879–70), and Notes from the Underground (1864).

To Otto Kyllmann 25 December 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 25, 1928 Dear Mr Kyllmann I hardly know what to say in answer to your note about the enclosed communication.1 If Scribner has consented, we might as well consent, since the book is evidently to be American, and the sale will be chiefly there. Please use your own judgement about fees: if you asked the same as that paid to Scribner, it probably would not be insignificant. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Unlocated.

1928–1932

To Charles Scribner Jr. 1 January 1929 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Princeton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London

Rome, Jan. 1, 1929 Mr Charles Scribner, Jr. Messrs Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York. Dear Mr Scribner I am much obliged for your kind reply to my enquiry about the bequest of my author’s rights, and I will act on your advice, and leave the matter to be settled according to my Spanish will. I know that the/is matter, as things now stand, is not of much consequence; but it is not impossible that I may live to offer you a book,1 of which there ought to be an American edition, since it might have a larger sale than my books of philosophy. I like these to be printed in England, because of their aspect, and because I think it helps them to be read in that country, a thing which reacts powerfully even on the American reputation of books: but these reasons would not apply to a work that might be popular enough to justify publication on both sides of the Atlantic. Yours very truly GSantayana 1

Santayana is anticipating the success of Puritan (Scribner’s, 1936). The sales in America, where it became a Book-of-the-Month Club best seller, were much greater than he imagined.

To George Sturgis 1 January 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Jan. 1, 1929 Dear George It is pleasant to have your Christmas greetings, and in particular to hear that Josephine has had a little girl, Joan,1 and that they both are doing well. In fact, I have had a Christmas card from the Bidwells also, and I am going to write to Josephine directly one of these days.

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I enclose a copy of my will, for your information: but the Spanish version, which I suppose ought to be regarded as the original and legal document, has been stranded in its career. I took it to the Spanish consul ^ ^ general here, who was very fino2 (as they say in Spain), said he would look up the law, declared that the document as drafted by me (with some qualms, as my Spanish is rather childish) was claro, clarísimo,3 and that he would send word to me later about settling the business. He did send word; but it appeared that witnesses were required who should know me and be Spanish subjects, “even if they are priests”, said the consul, who can’t be a godly man: and as I don’t know a single Spaniard in Rome, and very few anywhere, there is nothing doing. However, they know in Avila about the house, and perhaps, if I should unexpectedly evaporate, these English versions would be accepted as a guide in all the other points. My idea is to make the Spanish will, with every possible formality, when I am next in Spain. It will be identical with the one I send you, so that as to the substance, at least, there will be no conflict. If you haven’t found the list of legacies which your aunt Susie intended to leave, out of the ready-money which she had at home, it doesn’t matter: Celedonio, without any hint from me, wrote some time ago that everything would be carried out shortly: “en breve todo se cumplirá”. Some of the legatees were squealing, because nearly a year had passed and they had received nothing: and these complaints had reached my ears indirectly, through Mercedes (who, of course, was interested personally too, but spoke only of others); Celedonio evidently knew or suspected that I was being appealed to, and his message was intended to moderate my alarm. He was reported to have said on one occasion that he could pay nothing in my absence; and on another occasion, that nothing could be paid at all, because the sum left was insufficient to cover all the legacies, and they would all be cancelled. These contradictory (and false) reasons made me wonder if Celedonio was really intending to cheat those poor legatees: and that is why I wanted the list. But it can’t be that: he has always been scrupulous; but I daresay he hated to part with the ready cash before anything had arrived from America to make him feel sure that his own inheritance was substantial. I believe now that everything will be settled properly in time. Yours affly G.S. [across ] P.S. I am very sorry to trouble you again, but could you send $25, with the enclosed half-sheet, to the Mayor of Beaumont?

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Last Will and Testament of George Santayana 1. I declare that on the seventh of May, 1928, before the United States Consul in Rome, I executed and signed a Deed of Trust, by which I conveyed all my property in the United States to my nephew George Sturgis; who by the same act pledged himself to pay to me, as I might require, the net income of that property during my life, and at my death to dispose of the capital in the manner therein specified: namely, that after certain gifts or legacies had been paid to Harvard College, to my sister Josephine B. Sturgis, to my cousin Manuela Santayana, and to the sons and grandsons of my brother-in-law Celedonio Sastre, the residue should be divided equally between the said George Sturgis and his sister, Josephine Sturgis Bidwell. This Deed of Trust, covering all my property in the United States, I hereby acknowledge and confirm. 2. My house in the Plaza de Santa Ana in Avila, No 6, together with any other property which I may have in Spain, I bequeath to my said brotherin-law Celedonio Satre, or to his heirs conjointly, to be regarded as part of their family estate. 3. All books and personal effects of mine, existing in the house of my friend Charles Augustus Strong, at Fiesole, near Florence, or in the house of his daughter, Margaret Strong de Cuevas, at Saint Germain, near Paris, I leave to the said Charles Augustus Strong or, if he should not survive me, to his said daughter Margaret, or failing her, to her husband Jorge de Cuevas, or to their issue. 4. I bequeath all my manuscripts, together with such personal effects as may be in my immediate possession in the Hotel Bristol in Rome, or elsewhere, at the time of my death, and in particular the gold medal of the Royal Society of Literature,4 to my friend and secretary Daniel MacGhie Cory; and I leave also to the said Daniel MacGhie Cory all copyrights and royalties due, or that may become due, to me from the publishers of my writings; and I authorize him to destroy, preserve, or publish my literary remains at his discretion. 5. Out of the balance which there may be to my credit in the bankinghouse of Brown Shipley & Co of London, or in any other bank not in Spain. I direct that one thousand pounds (£1000) be paid to my friend Nancy Toy (Mrs Crawford H. Toy)5 of Cambridge, Mass., if she survive me:

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and the remainder, if it be not more than five hundred pounds, to my friend Andrew Joseph Onderdonk, of Vienna; or, if the remainder exceed five hundred pounds, then five hundred pounds (£500) to the said Andrew Joseph Onderdonk, and the residue to my brother-in-law Celedonio Sastre, or to his heirs conjointly. 6. I appoint executors of this Will the said Celedonio Sastre and the said Charles Augustus Strong: or if either or both of them should be deceased or unwilling to serve, I appoint in lieu of Celedonio Sastre his sons Raphael, Luis, and José, or any one of them; and in lieu of Charles Augustus Strong, the said Andrew Joseph Onderdonk and Daniel MacGhie Cory; and I give authority to these persons acting together, or to each of them acting separately, to carry out the provisions of this Will. Made at Fiesole, Florence, on the fourth day of October of the year nineteen hundred and twenty-eight. George Santayana 1 Jane Sturgis Bidwell (b. 1928), second child of Santayana’s niece by her second husband. 2 Courteous. 3 Absolutely clear. 4 In the Santayana Collection of the Butler Library at Columbia University, this medal is stamped 1823, the year of the founding of the Royal Society of Literature. No date of presentation is indicated. 5 Nancy Saunders Toy (d. 1941) was married to Crawford Howell Toy (1836–1919), Hancock Professor of Hebrew and Oriental Languages at Harvard (1880–1909).

To Guy Bogart 1 January 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Dartmouth)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London Rome, Jan. 1. 1929. To Mr Guy Bogart1 Mayor of Beaumont, California Dear Mr Bogart It is pleasant to know that Mr Sadakichi Hartmann thinks of me as an old friend, although we have never seen each other, and I had no idea that he was blessed with a family. Priests, poets, and philosophers shouldn’t marry, but since the children, if not the wives, aren’t to blame for their

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condition, I am glad if I can be of any service in relieving them, even in an infinitesimal degree, from the consequences. Yours very truly GSantayana 1

Guy Bogart (b. 1883) was a poet and also corresponded with Hartmann.

To Josephine Sturgis [Eldredge] Bidwell 1 January 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Bidwell)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Rome, Jan. 1, 1929. Dear Josephine I was very glad to hear through George that you had a little girl to balance the rather masculine tone of your nursery,1 not to speak of George’s own; and I have since received your Christmas card, from all the Bidwells, which it was also very pleasant to get. Without your knowing it, perhaps, I am afraid I have lately played you two horrid tricks: but my intention was all right, and I don’t think it will make much difference — be ——to you in the end. You know that I went to see your aunt Josephine near Vigo, in Spain, during last September, and that I induced her to sign a deed of trust, prepared by George, but so worded (he submitted another version also, less one-sided) that she leaves me half her money, and only the other half to be divided between you and George. However, I promise to leave my share to you and George in my turn, so that ultimately it will all remain in the family. My other trick is of the same kind, but on a smaller scale. Your aunt was leaving nothing, by this arrangement, to her friends in Spain, which seemed a shame, considering that they look after her and are poor: so that after consulting ^ George I suggested that she should ask us to pay certain sums to those ^ ladies, and to the Sastre brothers, out of what she leaves us. This is not a legal obligation, and if you object, when the time comes, I should be perfectly willing to arrange the matter alone, as would indeed be natural, considering that I know those people, and you don’t. Only I couldn’t say that it came from me, but it must [across ] come from your Aunt: that is

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why I put up this little game. With best wishes —— you ——to you and yours for the new year. Your [across text ] affectionate Uncle George 1 Josephine had two sons, Arthur Eldredge Jr. (b. 1923) and David Dudley Bidwell (b. 1926).

To George Sturgis 5 January 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 5, 1929 Dear George The packet with your letter of Dec. 19, enclosing a copy of another to Celedonio, and of your aunt Susie’s Will, with the directions for the disposal of the ready money she had at home, all reached me when I had just posted my last to you, will a copy of my own w / Will in it. I am very glad to have these documents. They give me something definite to guide me if there should be any further trouble. Your proposal to Celedonio to go on looking after his money (as it now is) reminded me so forcibly of your father, that I couldn’t help laughing out loud. I am afraid, living so much alone, I am acquiring the habits of a maniac or of a true poet (which I never was) and keep talking and laughing to myself with a conviction, and a variety of dramatic inflections which, with these thin walls, must be giving a bad reputation to the Hotel Bristol. However, there is a Russian lady next door who isn’t much better. When she can no longer loudly scold her gentleman friend, an Italian, because he leaves the room slamming the door, she instantly seizes the telephone, and never stops talking and ringing until she has to go out herself. I suppose people would say that she is sane and I am mad: but allow me to differ. As to what Celedonio will say to your proposal, I am really curious. It would evidently be greatly to his advantage to let you keep his money; but there is a strong mother-instinct which will make him hate not to have it under his own direction; and besides there is a certain rational ground for bringing the property to Spain, where it will have to be divided soon among various people, who couldn’t very well be for ever

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in communication with an agent, who couldn’t always be you, in America. You ask me about Spanish surnames, which puzzle you. I think I have already explained the matter, but perhaps usage doesn’t always live up to legal exactitude. The principle is that, besides Christian names, (often many, of which only the first counts) every body has a first and a second surname: the first is his patronymic, or his father’s family name (not the whole of his father’s surname, but only the half inherited from his own father). The second surname is the mother’s patronymic, again not the whole of her surname, but only the first half of it, inherited from her father. Thus: Mr Smith + marries Miss Jones + son John Smith Jones mar. Miss Robinson + son John Smith Robinson etc. Now both John Smith Jones and his son John Smith Robinson are known in society as plain Mr Smith. Nobody adds the second surname except on official occasions. But both surnames are on your cédula personal, or card of identification, as in all legal documents: and that is why I gave you Manuela’s name as Santayana Zabalgoitia, because I knew when she first went to the bank, being unknown there, they would ask for her card of identification, where both names would be down. But in writing to you afterwards about her, or giving you her post-office address, I instinctively left out the Zabalgoitia (barbarous Basque name), though I admit that showed in me an unofficial mind. There are complications when it happens, as with us and with Mercedes that the patronymic itself is double, for it is Ruiz de Santayana, and Ruiz de la Escalera. I believe (as this rotundity sounds rather aristocratic) Manuela never uses the “Ruiz de”; Mercedes, on the contrary, who is on good terms with royalties, calls herself Mercedes R. de la Escalera, but leaves out the “e Iparraguirre (another Basque name) which would be legally requisite. So you see there is a certain latitude in usage: but in making out cheques for Manuela, I think Manuela Santayana Zabalgoitia is safest and surest. But, unless these differences confuse you, there is no need of the mellifluous second surname on the envelope.

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The Italians have a different way of naming people legally: you would be called (in this order) “Sturgis George of late Robert”. Would you ^ ^ then know [across ] who you were? Perhaps not: but the Italians would. Yours affectionately G. R. de S. B. of late Augustine.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 8 January 1929 [ postmark ] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome. Jan. 9, 1929 Dear Cory This is a severe winter everywhere, and you will do well to come south as soon as possible. I send you your cheque, so that you may start, and pay for an economical journey. You needn’t be at all afraid of not being welcome here, as far as I am concerned: on the contrary, you will cheer me up, and you are invited to lunch and tea every day, when you haven’t anything to attract you elsewhere. For the rest, you will shift for yourself just as if I wasn’t in Rome, for you know that I don’t leave my nest in the morning or evening. As to work, I will give you two, perhaps three, new chapters to read over, a very long one on “The Flux”, a shortish one on “Temporal Perspectives” and a third, on which I am still at work, on “Tropes”. I expect to make a separate one, not long, on “Teleology”, and then the three final ones, “The Psyche”, “Psychologism”, and “The Latent Materialism of Idealists”.1 It seems to me now that, if we have no illness or other serious interruption we surely ought to finish the book next summer. When you have had your fill of Milan, I advise you to come straight here. The climate is better than in the north; as you may remember, it is mild when it rains and sunny when cold. I read for two hours this afternoon in the sun sitting in the Pincio Gardens. The “Few Remarks” which I hope you have received in “Life & Letters” belong to my long neglected book on “Dominations & Powers”. My idea is to publish it in fragments, making a little money out of it, ^^ and it will always be possible afterwards, if we like, to collect them into the book for which they were first intended.

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Strong, as I think I told you, is expecting M. and Me de Fontenay at Fiesole for the end of this month, so that you must leave any thought of visiting him until later. I shall be glad to see you in your new clothes, and hope they are duly sporting. Yours ever G.S. 1

Various chapters included in Matter.

To George Sturgis 13 January 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 13, 1929 Dear George I will give you an account of your aunt Josephine’s illness, in the words in which my information has come to me, literally translated. First I had a letter from Celedonio, of Jan. 8, saying: “This afternoon Josephine has felt ill after dinner, and we suppose it is an indigestion. She says incoherent things, and what has most alarmed us was that she insisted that her mother1 was in the house looking for her. She has no fever and no pain, only dryness in the mouth. The doctors/ says it is in fact an indigestion, and is passing away. He also says that she has a pronounced case of “arterioesclorosis” and is weak.” The same afternoon, Jan. 11, I received two telegrams, one from Luis, sent at 11.45 a.m. saying “Josephine seriously ill. Father would like you to inform your nephew”. The other, sent at 1 p.m. signed by Pepe, said: “Josephine somewhat worse. Am sending word to Mercedes”. I acknowledge these telegram, and sent you my first message by cable. th th The next day, the 12– , came two letters, both of the 9– , two days earlier than the previous telegrams. They reported that the doctor declared that it was an infection of the bowels which he believed would disappear, and that he saw no danger for the present, as the heart was functioning well. She had two nurses, one by day and one by night, and the wives of the three brothers2 looked in to see her when they had a spare moment. Unfortunately, her greatest companion, doña Josefina Cordovés, (who

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was with her last summer at Bayona, near Vigo) is herself ill in bed with the grippe and a high fever. th This morning, the 13– , another telegram arrived, sent at 10.45 the previous night, saying “Josephine a good deal better” and signed by Pepe. I repeated this to you (although it is Sunday, the telegraph lady in the hotel was hard at work) and wrote to Celedonio and to Mercedes, explaining that I couldn’t leave Rome myself, but that I agreed implicitly to any measures which they thought fit to take. Apparently Celedonio has already paid the small bequests left by your aunt Susie, but with 40% discount, I suppose for taxes; I have heard this indirectly, through a stranger, and it may not be accurate. I have sent Mercedes a cheque for £50, in case there is no ready money of your aunt’s at home, and she is not able to sign cheques, or to cash the draft from you which I suppose will arrive shortly. I am terribly upset: the same symptoms, though milder, as last year when your aunt Susie died: only this time, although I feel that I ought to go to Avila, I know that I sha’n’t; so that the “psychosis” is not so bad. Yours afftly GSantayana 1

Josefina Borrás y Carbonell de Santayana (1826–1912). Pepe’s wife was Isabel Martín, Luis’s wife was Teresa Fernández de Soto (d. 1933), and Rafael’s wife was Adelaida “Adela” Hernández. 2

To George Sturgis 14 January 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Jan. 1. 1929, (evening). Dear George Since my letter of last night I have had no further news from Avila, which is a good sign; this letter will not be posted until tomorrow, and if anything reaches me in the morning, I will add it in a postscript. I write again because I have received confirmation of the fact that Celedonio has paid your aunt Susie’s minor bequests. Mercedes has sent me her account, pre sent ed to her by Celedonio, which is as follows: ^ ^ ^ ^ Amount bequeathed 7,500 pesetas (this includes both wills)1 Government tax 25% 1,875 ''

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pesetas Fees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46.88 Fines for delay 3% per annum 28.13 Interest, 5% '' '' 46.88 Workmen’s Insurance 5% . . . . . . .375.— Total discount 2,371.89 from 7,500 ^ ^ Net legacy due and paid . . 5.128.11 pesetas This is no doubt perfectly legal and scrupulously worked out, but it rather defeats your good aunt’s intentions, reducing her gift by two-fifths: and she probably intended that the taxes and fees should be charged to the estate, rather than to the legatee: it is especially humorous that fines and interest for delay should be charged to the person guilty of being kept ^ ^ so long waiting for the money. I suppose the government imposes these dues on the estate as a whole; and then the executor reapportions them among the heirs: it is intelligible, but grotesque. Mercedes also complains of the contribution to Workmen’s Insurance, which she says is voluntary: but here again, I imagine, Celedonio is taking the safest course, and acting in the spirit of the law. Poor Mercedes, like the others, no doubt, has to be satisfied with what she gets, which isn’t enough to pay for the work of rebuilding the front of her house, in a new alignment of the main street being made in Bayona: but I am sorry that all the legacies could not have been so arranged as to be paid directly by you, in full, out of the estate. I should gladly give up my legacy of $10,000 for that purpose: but it might offend Celedonio, and I suppose that money is no longer free. And this reminds me of a point which your aunt Josephine’s illness makes pertinent: Doesn’t your aunt Josephine’s old will still hold good for her property in Spain? Can you tell me what she left by that will to Mercedes, and to the Sastres? I should like those legacies to be paid to them (out of my money, if necessary) besides the sums we are asked to provide in the letter which she so fortunately signed lately. By the way, I wrote the other day to your sister Josephine, and mentioned this matter, saying (what I should have said to you too) that as the obligation imposed upon us by that letter of your aunt’s is not legal, and as the persons favoured are my friends and not yours, it would be only natural that I, getting the lion’s share of your aunt’s money, should be responsible for those informal bequests altogether: and I should very gladly and joyfully pays/

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the whole myself. But there were two strong reasons for bringing you and your sister Josephine into the bargain: first, that it is absolutely necessary, especially in respect to Mercedes, that those annuities and gifts ———— from should come, and seem to come, from your aunt and not from me: second, that I too any day may ascend heavenward, perhaps before those angelic ladies—indeed, my cousin Manuela is not aspiring heavenward at all; and then it must be left to the good will of you and your sister to continue the payments. It is true you will then have my money, as well as your aunt Josephine’s, to do it with, and certainly the burden will not ^ ^ be laid on you for many years: and I hope you will regard it as a spe^ ^ cial injunction of mine. Of course, when you and Rosamond come to Europe, you will let me know beforehand. Even if Italy is beyond your orbit, I might be able to cross your path elsewhere, in Paris, or even in England. It all depends on circumstances, which we cannot foresee with certainty. Yours affectionately GSantayana P.S. Am I right in thinking that what your aunt Josephine now gives Mercedes (apart entirely from your father’s legacy to her) is $45 a month, so that the $1000 a year we propose to send her instead, will be nearly twice what she now receives? th Jan. 15–

No news this morning.

1

Susan left both a principal will, disposing of her financial properties in America and Spain, and also a second document covering the disbursement of the $20,000 that she kept in a drawer at home. See 6 March 1928.

To George Sturgis 16 January 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 16, 1929 Dear George Many thanks for your letter of Dec. 31, enclosing your yearly account and the sketches for the chapel which Celedonio is building. This last, as I have heard, is not to be exactly in Avila but at Olalla, a farm not far from his old farm at Zorita, which he bought some years ago, and which, ^ ^ unlike Zorita, has no church: so that this will be more than a mere memo-

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rial. They can have mass said there, whenever a priest is available, for the benefit of the family and the peasants of that locality. Talking of mass, Mercedes, who has been to Avila, writes me from th there, on the 12– , that previous to her arrival your aunt Josephine had received the sacraments, making her confession and taking her communion in due order. Of course, you know the confused state of your aunt’s mind; so that this can’t be regarded as a very serious or permanent change on her part: but I think it is very lucky that she has taken this turn instead of a contrary one, as whether she gets well or not, it will smooth things wonderfully for her in that circle, where every one is more or less a pious Catholic. She was a pious enough Catholic herself for many years, until conflicts arising in our family on that subject, led her to revolt; and of late years she has been very free-thinking and anti-clerical. But it is natural that earlier impressions, awakened by her present surroundings, should prevail at the end. I have had no further telegrams or later letters, so that I presume her improvement continues, and it seems she has been very well taken care of by doctor and nurses—who are of course Sisters, called “Servants of Mary”. Your report of my affairs is no less dazzling than usual: I had expected to reform and not save this coming year/s, but I see that my letter of credit still only represents about half of my probable income. I never heard of such an easy way of becoming rich. [across ] I can only say: Thank you. And I see, with amusement and surprise, that Celedonio is of the same way of thinking. Yours affly [across text ] G. S.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 19 January 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Roma, Jan. 19, 1929 Dear Cory. Italy is giving you a cold welcome: I hope before you leave Milan the fine weather will return so as not to leave you with an unpleasant recollection. I don’t want to send you the MS of The Flux because it is bulky and there is no hurry about it. Look about and study Italian: why not take a

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week’s lesson’s to begin with? The pronouns are still a source of infinite trouble to me for having trusted too much to Spanish or French analogies at the beginning, instead of giving them a little serious study. And go to the opera at La Scala if there is a chance, preferrably to hear some old standard opera with a ballet. It is the place for such things, where they are indigenous. I sent Strong a card at the same time that I sent you yours to Paris, saying that you were coming at once to Italy and that if he wanted you to stop and make him a visit now, he could probably still reach you in Paris, where I gave him your address. If he wrote, I suppose the letter would have reached you or been forwarded to Milan; so that if you get nothing you may understand that Strong would as lief that you should go to him later. And the climate ought to be better in Rome at this season: I say so with a qualm, as it has been snowing off and on here for the last three days. However, it is sure to improve soon and be gloriously sunny, as the season is already past the turning-point. A riverderci. G.S.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 27 January 1929 [ postmark ] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Sunday Dear Cory. I shall expect you this week, unless I hear to the contrary. If you arrive early in the evening, you might look me up after dinner: if in the morning, just before lunch, at about 12.45, and we will sally forth to whatever restaurant the weather suggests. Now, when it rains hard, I lunch at the hotel. There may be an old friend of mine, Lawrence Butler,1 here on Thursday or Friday: he sails from Naples on Saturday, so that he won’t make a third long, and I should be glad to have you know him. He is one of the originals of Oliver,2 but not in his present middle-aged phase. The Opera is now excellent here. I will get tickets for next Sunday afternoon. Yours ever G.S. 1 Santayana met Lawrence Smith Butler (1875–1954) during an Atlantic crossing in June 1895. After graduation from Harvard in 1898, Butler studied at the Beaux Arts. A nephew of Stanford White, he too became an architect. He cultivated his fine tenor

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voice, studying with Jean de Reszke in Paris. But, like poor Oliver Alden [of Puritan], he could only sing what he felt and, hence, failed to become an artist vocally. See Persons, 381–82. 2 Butler contributed his trained tenor to Oliver Alden, protagonist of Puritan. See 1 April 1927.

To Sterling Power Lamprecht 28 January 1929 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Amherst)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Jan. 28, 1929 Dear Mr Lamprecht1 Your beautiful article on Me Now and Then2 has just come under my eye: it is so friendly in its criticism and so penetrating in its analysis that I ought merely to thank you for the satisfaction, and very gentle correction, which it brings me. The end in particular is perfect: if you look at my “Dialogues in Limbo”, in which the “Stranger” is simply myself, you will find confirmation of your judgement out of my own mouth. Nevertheless, it may be a more loyal way of acknowledging your interest in my way of thinking, if I attempt to explain one or two points where, without positively misunderstanding what I meant, you seem to be at a greater distance, more foreign, as it were, to my thought, than you [illegible ]are in your so sympathetic interpretation as a whole. 1–st a technical point, on p. 546. “Essence” is more concrete, as I understand it more interior than you suggest, when you say that the essence of beauty is not lovely. That is to substitute names for things: the essence of beauty is loveliness itself. All that can be said is that without animal life and capacity for intuition the essence of beauty could not be realized: and if you had no preference for life, no heart, you would not come within range of the good in any form: not even o f — or the spiritual life as a form of salvation. ^ ^ Perhaps, then, you forget that in analyzing the spiritual life, I do not forget (I hope) that it is life: if it becomes pure Being it ceases to exist. And nd this leads to 2– the relation of the spiritual to the rational life. Suppose that instead of mysticism I was considering ta[illegible ]: the poet or musician may, in moments of ecstasy, lose himself entirely in the intuition of his ideal theme. It is a limit to one movement in the Life of Reason. To revert to humanity and morality he has to consider the healthfulness of such rapture: he has to re-introduce it into the political life. Yet the moral

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world (being animal and spontaneous in its elements) does have those windows. I have been looking out of one lately: but, as you seem to suspect, with no intention of jumping out of it. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Sterling Power Lamprecht (b. 1890) attended Williams College, Union Theological Seminary, and Columbia (Ph.D., 1918). He taught philosophy at the University of Illinois and at Amherst. 2 “Santayana, Then and Now,” Philosophy 25 (1928): 533–50.

To Charles Augustus Strong 1 February 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Feb. 1, 1929 Dear Strong I am ashamed to have remained so long practically silent, and the causes, if not good reasons, would require Freudian analysis,1 which they don’t deserve. But let me give you such news as I have. In the first place, congratulations on your possession of a granddaughter.2 As I wrote to Margaret and George, I think there are many advantages in this sex: a little girl will be a greater and more permanent addition to there ——ir ménage than a boy would be, and all the problems about nationality, religion, and education are simpler. I have had a good deal of anxiety during the last month about the health of my sister Josephine. The events of last year seemed about to be repeated: but she seems to have passed the critical stage of her illness— nervousness, aphasia, dysentery—yet remains weak and almost bed-ridden, so that we hardly know what to hope for. She is 75 years of age. My friend Lawrence Butler has been here for three days, and Cory arrived yesterday, so that I have been having a pleasant change from my customary solitude. I have also been several times to matinées at the Opera: the management is much improved since last year, and some of the singers, especially Muzio and Minghetti3 are excellent. Do you ever hear them by radio? I have finished three more chapters of the Realm of Matter: The Flux of Existence, Temporal Perspectives, and Tropes. There remain four more.

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The weather has been almost continually unpleasant: so cold and windy, even when the sun shines, that reading in the Pincio gardens has been almost impracticable. However, the change for the better can’t be long delayed, and I have managed to keep pretty well, without catching cold at all Is Constable going to publish your Sisyphus?4 I have so many embryonic articles on hand myself that I feel like the old woman who lived in a [across ] shoe. However, I have promised the one on Spengler5 to J. M. Murry, and will finish it first. Yours ever G.S. 1

Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) was an Austrian psychologist and the originator of psychoanalysis. 2 Elizabeth Strong-Cuevas. 3 Both Muzio and Minghetti are unidentified. 4 In Greek mythology Sisyphus was sent to Tartarus for eternity by Zeus as punishment for tricking Death. He was condemed to the fate of continuously having to push a heavy rock up a hill to only have it come rolling down again. No known book has been located by this title or on this subject authored by Strong. 5 Oswald Spengler (1880–1936) was a German philosopher of history. His work The Decline of the West (Der Untergang des Abendlandes, 1918–22) reflects the pessimistic atmosphere in Germany after World War I. He maintained that history has a natural development in which every culture is a distinct organic form that grows, matures, and decays. He believed Western culture was in the last stage of this cycle.

To George Sturgis 12 February 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Feb. 12, 1929 Dear George Thank you for the various enclosures, and for your letter of Jan. 31–st I am glad to have the original of your aunt Josephine’s will; even if she agrees to destroy it, and with the codicil revoking the articles in question, it informs me of what she, with your father’s advice, wished to do in 1920. It relieves my mind about Mercedes, Doña Josefina Cordobés, and the Sastre brothers, because they all come off much better under our present arrangement than by that will, in which the Sastre family isn’t mentioned (unless the enigmatic $5000 left to your aunt Susie was privately intended for them) and Da Josefina Cordobés gets $300 a year instead of our $500, and Mercedes a miserable $200 a year instead of the handsome $1000

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which we provide. I am glad to see also that this sum is much more than what your aunt Josephine now sends her, which seems to be only $220 a year. You must remember that Mercedes is like a member of our family, and is 72 years old. Less would have been shabby. As to the best procedure in regard to your aunt’s will I am seriously puzzled. If she were well enough, I should advise her to make a new will. Reports (I am deafened with reports) will have it that Celedonio has intended to make her make one: it would be as well, since we don’t want those small sums, and if anything was left to us we could make presents of it, if we liked, to anyone or anything that it seemed to us had been overlooked. If your aunt recovers, I might go to see her in the summer—after seeing you in Paris, perhaps—and see what arrangements we could come to. Still, as things stand, apart from the two clauses about Sarah Sturgis,1 which reduplicate the provisions in the Trust Deed now operative, all is left to you and Josephine, representing your father, and to me. I suppose this is just what would happen if she died intestate: and I don’t think the execution of an American will in Spain would present at all the difficulties which you have encountered. You could delegate your executorship to me or to one of the Sastre’s, and we could attend to everything on the spot. Yours affly GSantayana 1

J. P. Morgan made payments to Miss Sarah Sturgis, continuing his wife’s practice ( J. P. Morgan’s letters to George Sturgis from 1925 to 1935 are with the Sturgis Family Papers, Houghton Library).

To Harry Slochower 27 February 1929 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Brooklyn)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Rome, Feb. 27, 1929 Dear Mr Slochower1 May I, in acknowledgement of your kindness in sending me your book, tell you frankly the dominant impression which it has left in my mind? It is interest and curiosity about your own Lehrjahre2 in Germany. Dehmel3 himself is not a person with whom I have much in common temperamentally, and I don’t like his verses; even in the similarity of our systems of the universe there seems to be a profound divergence, since he

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identifies the human with the cosmic spirit, and I could hope at best to harmonize them. But the very strangeness and tumult of his mind, and the glimpses of the turbid currents of opinion in the midst of which he struggled, revives in me an impulse which I had when a young man: that of discovering, as a traveller and wandering student, like Ulysses,4 the ways of many divers men and cities. I, too, went to Germany; but circumstances prevented me from entering deeply and spontaneously into that society.5 I didn’t even learn the language thoroughly, but stopped at the point where German poetry and philosophy became intelligible to me for my own purposes, without (as in your case) proceeding to a hearty participation in them on their own terms. I have consequently remained all my life hungry for that intensive travel and moral adventure which a true student of the world should have passed through: and it is the glimpse your book gives me of what that might have been as far as Germany is concerned, that has most interested me. And I wonder what your “Goethe and America” will contain? Goethe was so mature, America is so raw: what is the point of comparison?—With many thanks, Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Harry Slochower (b. 1900) was an editor and author who visited Santayana in Rome in 1930. He became editor-in-chief of The American Imago, a psychoanalytic journal for culture, science, and the arts. He was a professor at Brooklyn College from 1930 to 1957. Slochower’s works include Mensch und Gott in der Weltanschauung Richard Dehmels (Berlin, 1926) and Richard Dehmel: Der Mensch und der Denker (Dresden: Carl Reissner, 1928). 2 Years of apprenticeship (German). 3 Richard Dehmel (1863–1920) was a German poet. Some of his works lean toward social themes but away from naturalism. 4 In Greek mythology Ulysses, the Latin name for Odysseus, was the king of Ithaca. Husband of Penelope and father of Telemachus, he was a Greek leader in the Trojan War who was famous for cunning strategy and wisdom. After the war he wandered for ten years before returning home. 5 Strong and Santayana shared the Walker Fellowship, which was awarded jointly for postgraduate study of philosophy in Germany.

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To Charles Augustus Strong 7 March 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome March 7, 1929 Dear Strong Almost together with your last letter (of Feb. 27) I had one from George de Cuevas in which he expressed some concern about Margaret’s state of health, or rather of mind. The doctors advise him to humour her wishes in everything, as it might be dangerous to oppose them; on the other hand (as it seems that she wishes to go away from Saint Germain, where everything is still topsy-turvy) he is horribly afraid of taking the child on some ill-defined journey, and no less afraid of leaving her alone at home. As he asked me for advice (probably merely as a polite way of explaining his troubles) I have replied saying that when the baby had quite recovered I didn’t see what danger there could be in taking her to the Riviera or Pau, or any other reasonable place not America: but I am afraid that might not pacify Margaret, and I am not sure whether you would approve even of so moderate a déplacement for so young a child. I accordingly report to you directly, in case you wish to write to them about the matter. I shall be glad to see your Dialogue1—and you—but I don’t think it necessary to wait to read it before debating the question of the choice of publishers. Either Macmillan or Constable would doubtless be glad to publish it if you took all the risks; but if you dislike that arrangement, because publishers prove to be careless about advertising and pushing a book for which the author has paid, it occurs to me that in America you could surely get your MS accepted, like any new book. I shouldn’t advise trying Scribner, because he is cantankerous, and not a philosophical publisher especially: but why not the people that have issued “Critical Realism”,2 or Montague’s book?3 It is just possible that I may go to Madrid in April, should my sister be well enough to go there then, or in May. I suppose you will be coming to Rome [across ] before Easter, and we can then compare our plans for Spring and Summer. Yours ever G.S. 1

Unidentified.

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2 Essays in Critical Realism: A Co-operative Study of the Problem of Knowledge (New York: Macmillan, 1920). 3 William Pepperell Montague (1873–1953), a Harvard-educated philosophy professor, developed his philosophical system in relation to scientific discoveries. His works include The Ways of Knowing; or, The Methods of Philosophy (London: G. Allen & Unwin Ltd.; New York: Macmillan, 1925).

To Maurice Firuski 8 March 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown) Rome, March 8, 1929

1

Dear Mr. Firuski: Perhaps I should have thanked you personally before this for the book you were good enough to send me, but I have written to Mr. la Rose2 about it, and hope he has transmitted my acknowledgement. I will also send him the sheets of Lucifer when I have meditated a little longer on some changes I wish to suggest, but which mustn’t be adopted without his approval and yours, since you are the godfathers of his rebirth.3 I wonder if you could solve a difficulty for me under which I have long laboured rather stupidly? I sometimes write to send an English book as a present to some friend in America, but fear that a duty will have to be paid by the recipient, so that the gift would have an ambiguous character, like a gun that knocks down the gunner by its recoil. May I open an account with you and ask you on such occasions to send the book for me? And to begin with, will you despatch Walter de la Mare’s anthology called Come Hither4 to Mrs. C. H. Toy, 8 Craigie Circle, Cambridge, sending me the bill if you are not in a hurry, or else directly to my nephew, Mr. George Sturgis, 87 Milk St. Boston, through whom I should pay it in any case? Yours very truly GSantayana 1 Maurice Firuski worked at Dunster House, the publishing firm in Cambridge, Massachusetts. 2 Pierre de Chaignon la Rose (b. 1871) was one of Santayana’s Harvard friends (A.B., 1895) and a lecturer in Harvard’s English Department (1897–1902). Santayana described him as a man of excellent taste and talent as a designer (he designed the 1924 edition of Lucifer .) See Persons, 407–8. 3 The project of a new edition of Lucifer was suggested to Santayana by Pierre la Rose. See 21 December 1923.

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4 Walter de la Mare (1873–1956), born in England, worked for a time for the AngloAmerican Oil Company. A poet and novelist, he wrote several volumes of children’s poems as well as Come Hither: A Collection of Rhymes and Poems for the Young of All Ages (New York and London, 1923).

To Victor Wolfgang von Hagen 9 March 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown) C

/o Brown Shipley & Co. 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Rome, March 9, 1929 Dear Mr von Hagen I haven’t thanked you before for your exquisite (and creepy) insects, because I was waiting for Mrs Crowley’s essay. This has now arrived, and I am much pleased with its sympathetic tone and its faithful exposition of my opinions. In some places the argument seems to lose its way, and there are clerical errors here and there—words or phrases missing—which I have no doubt will be corrected in the new version. The only definite assertion to which I demur is that I have always had plenty of money. If that had been the case, I never should have attempted to teach philosophy, but I had to earn my own living, and that was the way that happened to be open. Nevertheless, it is quite true that my family, though poor for its class, were not absolutely penniless, and that I am well off now, for an old bachelor. That is perhaps all that Mrs Crowley needs to justify her observation. I might also say in general that she reports rather the attitude that I had thirty years ago, than that which I have now. Not that I have changed my views, but that poetry and religion have lost that prominent place which they then occupied in my thoughts. If Mrs Crowley will read over my “Soliloquies in England”, she will gather, perhaps, a different impression of the general temper of my philosophy. You needn’t thank me for my comments on your illustrations to Lucifer—on the contrary, you are very modest—for an artist!—to take them in such good part. But you are wrong fundamentally, I think, about Christ: those ravings of Nietzsche’s1 were excusable in him: but why repeat them? Yours sincerely GSantayana

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1 Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche (1844–1900) was a German philosopher who condemned traditional Christian morality as the code of the slavish masses. The will of man must create the superman, who would be beyond good and evil, merely values created by the desires of the majority.

To Charles Augustus Strong 21 March 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome March 21, 1929 Dear Strong Now that the fine weather has set in, I am wondering whether you will come to Rome next week (as you have come in Holy Week1 o/in other years) and in that case I want to warn you that I may not be fit to join you at the Aragno or for your drives, because I am suffering from the worst attack of my bronchial catarrh that I have had since that ill-omened season at Nice, nine or ten years ago. I believe that the worst is over, and am not uncomfortable except when the fit of coughing comes on: but for the moment the doctor says I had better not go out, and at any rate should not expose myself to changes of temperature, dust, wind, etc. So that if it is the same to you, it would be safer, from my point of view, to put off your trip a little. These chronic diseases are very tenacious, and hard to shake off when they once assert themselves. I have been reading—mostly in bed, in the depths of night—“Elizabeth’s latest book, called “Expiation”, which is not very amusing (for her) but rather dramatic. It might make a good play.2 Cory has developed a great admiration for Proust, whom he reads in the English translation: simply carried off his feet by the description of an asparagus. The moral turpitudes described leave him indifferent—vieux jeu!3 I suppose this is the attitude (in both respects) of the young men of the hour. I keep on working, in spite of my cold, for an hour or two in the morning. Yours ever GS [across ] P.S. Your 50 centesimi stamps are no good: I warn you in case you have a great stock of them.

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1 Holy week begins on Palm Sunday and concludes on Easter. In Seville the religious procession celebrating it dates back to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. During the procession there are floats from all of the churches depicting the life of Jesus between the Last Supper and the Resurrection. Any depictions of the Virgin Mary show her in mourning. 2 Expiation (Garden City: Doubleday, Doran, 1929). 3 Old-fashioned, out-of-date (French).

To Walter Lippmann [26 March 1929] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Yale)

Hotel Bristol, Tuesday Dear Mr Lippmann1 The best way for you not to “disturb” me, will be for you to come to lunch, say on Thursday (or on Saturday, if you prefer) at about 12.45, and we can eat here or at some restaurant, according to the weather, etc. It will be a real pleasure to see you and to pick up the threads of so many old interests. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), distinguished American political journalist, was a member of Harvard’s class of 1910 and served as Santayana’s assistant. During his student years and afterwards, Lippmann was a leader among the young socialists. He reversed his political position in the early 1930s and in his later career epitomized the American conservative intellectual.

To Walter Lippmann [27 March 1929] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Yale)

Hotel Bristol Wednesday Dear Mr Lippmann Shall we say, then, next Monday, April 1st? I shall expect you here between 12.45 and 1, unless I hear to the contrary Yours sincerely GSantayana

1928–1932

To Charles Augustus Strong Saturday [April? 1929] • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Rockefeller)

Rome Saturday Dear Strong I have had a relapse of my cold, now rather in a different phase, more in the right lung, and the doctor says I ought to stay in bed for a day or two, although he approves of a change of air as soon as possible. I will th therefore put off starting until Wednesday, the 8– when you may expect me by the train that leaves at 10.30 and arrives at about 4. If there is any change from that plan, I will telegraph Yours ever G.S. P.S. I have already sent the box of books, addressed to you, and prepaid.

To Charles Augustus Strong Monday [April? 1929] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Rome, Monday Dear Strong I am afraid I sha’n’t be fit to travel on Wednesday, as I am still coughing and spitting every few minutes, and feel rather shaken. The doctor is very cool, because I have no fever and a good pulse; today he hasn’t even deigned to appear, and he thought yesterday that I might leave on Wednesday. But let us leave it open—as I suppose it doesn’t put you to any inconvenience, and don’t expect me until I announce my approach more definitely. The worst of it is that I can hardly sleep on account of the wheezing and, as it were, snoring in my bronchial tubes, which at night is quite audible, although painless. Meantime perhaps you could tell me if there is any news of the de Fontenays: it would be the wrong moment for me to appear, if they were coming. And you might also send on any letters—not papers or pamphlets or advertisements—which seem to you to have the air of requiring answers.

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I feel well enough when I am up, and when the cough is in abeyance, but it is all as uncertain as the weather. Here is a letter all about my own ailments without a word of sympathy for yours. I hope there has been no further recrudescence and that coffee and cigarettes aren’t troubling you too much by their absence. I have had a nice letter from George de Cuevas, but he gives me no news of their intentions for the immediate future. Yours ever G. S.

To Lewis Mumford 2 April 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Mumford)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, April 2, 1929. r

1

Dear M Mumford You have done me a real kindness in sending me your book about Herman Melville:2 the pleasure hasn’t been so great as in reading The Golden Day,3 but the profit, I think, has been greater, because in your other book you said things that, in a vague way, I thought or was ready to think myself, whereas in this one you reveal a personage and a judgement about him which are new to me, and very interesting. I will confess frankly that you don’t altogether convince me. I had never heard of Melville when I lived in America, and it was only after reading your Golden Day that I sent for a copy of Moby-Dick and began to read it. What will you think of me when I tell you that I stuck in the middle, and haven’t yet finished it? I liked the salt air and the “beginning at scratch” in the matter of human nature and human races, and above all the descriptions of whales and whaling: but the language! You say nothing about this, except in regard to Melville’s verse: but I find his prose just as false, stilted, ranting and ridiculous as his poetry. It is a perpetual source of irritation and even obscurity that makes the effort of reading too great for the good that is to be got out of it. A person who calls high mountains “exalted mounts” and says he is “a bigot in the fadeless fidelity of man” can’t expect to be listened to. I don’t say this out of literary snobbery, as if man were made for language and not language for man: but isn’t such

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a style a sure sign of second-rateness and second-handness in feeling? Isn’t it an echo of pulpit eloquence? You show, in the last part of the book, that Melville had a fearless and sane philosophy: the moral of Moby-Dick seems ambiguous, and in any case not essential to the story as a story. Still, the question is not one of right opinions but of leadership and symbolic eminence: is America going to follow Melville + Whitman,4 and is it going consciously to accept them for its twin prophets? You can judge better than I; but my feeling is that they are both valiant deep-voiced souls ship-wrecked from the Mayflower, prophets of the past rather than of the future. Be this as it may, I am sincerely grateful to you for your book and your inscription in it. Yours very truly, G. Santayana 1

Lewis Mumford (1895–1992), educated at Columbia University, New York University, and The New School for Social Research, became editor of The Dial in 1919 and in 1920 edited The Sociological Review in London. The author of numerous books and articles on politics, religion, architecture, and literature, Mumford described himself as a social philosopher. 2 Mumford’s critical biography, Herman Melville (New York: The Literary Guild of America, 1929). Herman Melville (1819–91) was an American novelist, short-story writer, and poet. Moby-Dick; or, The Whale (1851) is a story of whaling as well as a symbolic study of good and evil. 3 The Golden Day; A Study in American Experience and Culture (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1926). 4 Walt[er] Whitman (1819–92), an American poet, wrote on themes including love, death, nationalism, and democracy. His most famous work is Leaves of Grass (1855). Santayana was influenced by Whitman, calling him and Browning barbarians in his essay “The Poetry of Barbarism.” Yet Santayana composed two poems subtitled “After Walt Whitman.” “Had I the Choice” and “You tides with ceaseless swell” were published in Complete Poems, 404–5 and 410–11.

To George Sturgis 2 April 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome April 2, 1929 Dear George th —I have been rather Since I received your last letter—that of Feb. 27– under the weather with a bad attack of my eternal bronchial catarrh. It is still holding on, although much less troublesome than a week or two ago; but such things are stubborn in old age, and it may still be some time

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before I can shake it off altogether. I haven’t been in bed, and confined to the house only for two or three days: but the cough is very wearing and I find it hard to get a complete night’s rest. I go into these uninteresting details, in part to excuse my silence, and in part to warn you that I may not be as fit as I had hoped for moving about and “talking things over” when you reach these shores. Send me a line when you /r arrive in England, C/o Brown Shipley & Co– and tell me your exact plans. Very likely I shall then be at Strong’s in Fiesole and can get to Paris comfortably in a day, if I feel up to the journey and to the strain of life in a Paris hotel. I should be very sorry not to see you, but I suppose there is no very positive business pending which we cannot dispatch by letter. As to asking one of Celedonio’s sons to meet you in Paris, I think well of it, but I haven’t mentioned your idea in my letters to Avila, because I wasn’t sure whether you meant it to be an invitation, and also because of the uncertainty of my being there myself to serve as an interpreter. I hear from Avila that your aunt Josephine is much better, goes out for drives, and even talks of making a trip to some other city. Doña Josefina Cordobés, in particular, says that your aunt is very anxious to see you. I don’t take what this lady says for Gospel truth; but if you could spare two or three days, you could yourself run down to Avila (I understand that Celedonio would now welcome you with open arms) and see your aunt and the whole Sastre family [across ] for yourself. It would not be a pleasure, I fear, but it might serve the purpose you have in mind. I suppose your address will be B. S. & Co [across page one ] and at any rate you will let me know what it is in good time. Yours affly GSantayana

To Charles Augustus Strong 9 May 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome May 9, 1929. Dear Strong th Thank you for your note of the 7– . I should like to come at once, but don’t feel at all steady. The cough is less severe, but the expectoration as copious and constant as ever. The doctor says I can’t expect to be rid of it for another ten days. Sometimes I feel so well, that I want to start at once, but then again fatigue and discouragement set in, and I think I ought to lie low for a long long time and make no plans for the future.

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The matter is complicated morally by bad news from Spain. My sister Josephine is ill with a touch of pneumonia, and at her age and in her feeble condition, you can imagine how serious that is. However, I had a telegram yesterday saying she was better. I have written to my nephew George Sturgis, who will be landing in England one of these days, that perhaps I might be at the lake of Geneva in June, if he cared to come so far to see me, but that it seemed impossible to go to Paris. I am sorry about Cory being temporarily disfigured in his most aristocratic feature; he had a pimple of which he seemed to make a good deal, but I thought nothing of it. I have countermanded my letters, by telegraph, so that they may come to me here again directly until I am sure when I shall leave. I should be much obliged if you will have forwarded any that may have arrived or may be arriving for a day or two longer. Never mind the Morning Post. I am rather glad to be without it. Yours ever G.S.

To Charles Augustus Strong 13 May 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome May 13, 1929 Dear Strong Thank you for the two Spanish letters (from Mercedes) and the English one (a cheque for £1 from Dent)1 which arrived this morning. I am a little surprised that there should have been no other letters; is it possible that Dino or Enrichetta2 should have made some mistake—as for instance, by addressing them to the Minerva instead of to the Bristol? The address in these cases was in your handwriting and therefore naturally correct. Mercedes’ letters give me particulars about my sisters condition and confirm the fact that she is better, but they are not later than the telegram I had previously from my brother-in-law, so that I am without recent news. My bronchitis is milder and quite endurable, especially as during the last two nights my sleep has been less interrupted: but I still cough and spit at all hours—even during meals—so that I am not fit for society or for

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travel. The thing is stubborn and slow, and perhaps it would be wiser not to count on moving for the moment. If you are going to Val Mont3 on June 1–st I am inclined to think that the simplest thing would be for me to go at the same time to Glion directly from here. I should be sorry to miss the pleasures of a visit to the villa; but it would be only postponed until the autumn. In that way I should have a minimum of déplacements. Cory has not yet written: he didn’t leave me his exact address, but I will send him a card, on the chance, and await a reply. I hope his trouble, as well as yours, has disappeared without a trace. Today I receive the proof of our Autobiography4: I haven’t yet opened the parcel, but it will supply entertainment (writing disturbed by cough) for a day or two. Yours ever GS. 1

Joseph Malaby Dent (1849–1926) founded Dent & Sons of London, which published Doctrine in 1913. 2 Domestics at Strong’s villa. 3 Strong underwent treatment for paralysis of the legs at Valmont, near Glion-surMontreux. 4 Contemporary American Philosophy: Personal Statements, edited by George Plimpton Adams and William Pepperell Montague (New York: Macmillan, 1930), contains Santayana’s “A Brief History of My Opinions” (vol. II, 239–57) and Strong’s “Nature and Mind” (vol. II, 313–29).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 14 May 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome May 14, 1929 Dear Cory I was grieved to hear from Strong that your pimpled/ had developed into a boil: today I learn that you are about, only with a patch—a substance, not an essence—under your nose. I too have been suffering afresh from matter out of its proper trope. The cough and spitting are persistent, but not painful, and now I can sleep nicely, so that it seems the worst is over. I am afraid there is no chance of meeting in Florence for the present. I expect to go to Glion, over the lake of Geneva, directly from here, in perhaps a fortnight. Perhaps you will join me there later, after having your

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fill of Venice and the Lido.1 The lake of Geneva is probably icy, and not for bathers. I will send you a cheque—not forgetting the 500 lire still to your credit— as soon as I am sure that this address is sufficient. G. S. 1

Lido di Venezia is a beach resort near Venice.

To Charles Augustus Strong 15 May 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome May 15 1929 Dear Strong Your letter, enclosing the prospectus of the Hôtel Victoria at Glion, came after your telegram, but I suppose it was not the letter which the telegram promised: and I am waiting to hear what your plan is of immediate departure. Curious that we should both have been led to think of Glion directly; you see that if you leave at once, you will not be spoiling my plans, as I had already mentally given up the idea of going to Fiesole for the present. My cough, etc, is much better, softened a great deal, but still active. I shall simply wait until I feel fit for travel, and then start. It looks as if there were no way of going comfortably without stopping for a night at Milan? Are you stopping at Milan, or where else? If you will tell me what hotels you are intending to stop at en route it might be amusing to meet for a night at one of them and talk things over. I don’t know Milan well, and my two guide-books are in the box I sent to the villa. ^ ^ However, if I find I have to stop I will get a fresh guide book, and perhaps stop for two nights, so as to travel comfortably. As to the Hotel Victoria, it looks rather second-class, but I will write to them asking for a room, and when I am there we can look about and see if it can offer tolerable accommodation for the Season, or, as you say, go elsewhere. I have sent off the proof of my autobiography this morning. There is no more news of my sister, so that I infer she is convalescent. Yours G.S.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 18 May 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome May 18 1929. Dear Cory I am delighted to know that Florence, and San Lorenzo1 in particular, are stirring you up: it may be indirectly the after-effect of Rome, because the marble severity of San Lorenzo is rather Spanish and seicento;2 whereas the Giotto-Cimabue-Botticelli3 Florence of the English Pre-Raphaelites4 is quite another matter, with which I have less sympathy. Stay as long as you like and go to Venice when you will. I am sorry that I can’t join you there. You know, of course, that Strong is already on his way to Val-Mont, having given the de Fonteno/ays the slip; and Fiesole is thereby cut out of my plans, at least until September. It is a relief in many ways: I rather dreaded the cold floors and the sessions of spasmodic wheezy radio-music. My idea is now to stay here until at least June 1–st, when I hope the remnants of my bronchitis may have disappeared, and then to go straight to the Hôtel Victoria, Glion-sur-Territet, Svizzera. That will be my address: but you will hear from me again when I am ready to start. I will address you in Florence until you send me another address. I feel pretty well, but tired, and have done no more on “Psychologism”. There is still one of the original versions unsifted and uncopied: when that is done, the rest will be merely the work of coordination and polishing, which ought not to take long, if I am fit and in a mood for cruel decisions. I still hope that in the quiet of Glion I shall be able to do the last chapter, while you are at Venice; and then you can ^ ^ come, if you will, to the Lake of Geneva for a fortnight or more, and we can do the great revision. You might carry the MS victoriously to Constable in your luggage! Valli5 wrote me a nice farewell note. If you send [illegible ]him an occasional post-card you might mention that I have been ill, and not fit to see anyone. Yours G.S. 1

San Lorenzo is a church in Venice. Seventeenth century (Italian). 3 Giotto di Bondone (c. 1266–1337), a great Italian painter, helped bring art out of the Middle Ages to its prevalence in the Renaissance. Giovanni Cimabue (Cenni di Pepo) 2

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(c. 1240–c. 1302) was a Florentine painter, “the father of Italian painting,” and Giotto’s teacher. Dante describes him as having “held the field” until surpassed by Giotto. Sandro Botticelli (Alessandro di Mariano dei Filipepi) (1444–1510), a Florentine painter, depicted both religious and mythological subjects. The Primavera and The Birth of Venus, painted for the Medici family and now in the Uffizi Gallery, are his masterpieces. His work also includes frescoes for the walls of the Sistine Chapel. 4 Pre-Raphaelitism was practiced by the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, a group of artists and poets formed in London in 1848. This group stressed rejection of academism which they traced to Raphael and the High Renaissance; they had a religious and moralizing cast. 5 Achille Valli, a young friend of Cory and Santayana. [D. C.]

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 13 June 1929 [postmark] • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland (MS postcard: Columbia) INTERLAKEN

Hôtel Victoria, Glion. Thank you for your letter and the MS of the last chapter. The weather here has been very unsettled, close, and wet, and for the first week I did no work at all. Now I have begun; but the Psychologism isn’t yet ready. I won’t send it to you, because you might as well take it when you pass through here, if we decide that it had better be type-written and revised again.—Strong isn’t very well. He has had another bad turn with palpitations, but is now better, and eagerly awaiting the new car, which of course has been delayed. I am not very much pleased with this place, and find it too hot but mean to stick it out for a while longer, and see if I can accomplish something. Strong says this weather is exceptional, but if it lasts, I don’t care whether it is so or not. G.S.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 20 June 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Victoria, Glion, June 20, 1929 Dear Cory I enclose a cheque which I hope you won’t have any difficulty in cashing. In making it out, I have had a vague feeling that perhaps life on the Lido involves new expenses, and that you may be hard up. If so, tell me

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frankly, because you know that, while I don’t want to spoil you for a good hard-working American life, yet for the present I feel responsible for looking after you decently: and a few pounds more or less make absolutely no difference to my own income, as they come out of the dead fund in London, and not out of my pocket. Here, by the way, I am economizing —involuntarily, but not unwillingly—half of what I used to spend monthly in Rome. My pension costs 18 Swiss francs, or about $4 a day; with all extras it doesn’t exceed $5. They had nothing to give me but a single room without a bath, but with hot and cold water, space enough for my things, and a balcony overlooking the lake from a great height. So I have fallen back into my old habit of living like a monk in his cell, and rather like it. I don’t bathe at all, but wash myself with a nice new sponge. This I am ready to keep up all summer, having once fallen into the pace; and it may be necessary, as poor Strong has developed a new trouble, and is rather shaky. Every few days he has attacks of palpitation of the heart, ^ ^ and his usual pulse is 100. However, on some mornings he discovers “the right way” of beginning his “Introductory Essay”,1 and is happy. Aldo2 has been ill, the new car not delivered until a few days ago, and we have had no motor: it is expected to arrive today, and perhaps Strong may be better when he gets out of his confinement. The chapter on Psychologism is not yet done: I am pegging away, with a definite plan for arranging the successive points; but they are all mixed together in the original MS and it is an endless labour to sift them out and piece them together. However, I am hoping to preserve all the good passages, and to add some new ones, not purple3 but pungent. If at any moment you tire of the Lido you have nothing to do but to come here. There are plenty of hotels, but I think I could get you a room in this one. There is a good deal of coming and going, chiefly of Germans. The English are more constant, and less [across ] offensive.—You would always be welcome, and if we couldn’t finish the book at once, I could send the last chapter after you to [across page one ] London (or Paris) to be type-written and reviewed. Strong and I have plenty of nice books for you to read, and you could spend a pleasant [across page one text ] month or so here. There is even swimming. Yours G.S. 1 Strong’s later books include Essays on the Natural Origin of the Mind (1930), and A Creed for Sceptics (1936). 2 Strong’s Italian chauffeur.

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3 Brilliant or ornate passages. This reference is from Ars Poetica, or Epistle to the Pisos, from c. 13 B.C., written by Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus) (65 B.C.–8 B.C.). A Latin lyric poet, his verse reflects an emancipated Roman cultivation of the arts and the true spirit of the Augustan age. His humor, good form, and polish influenced lyrical and satirical English poetry.

To Alan Harris 22 June 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

(MS: Reading)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W.1 Glion, June 22 1929 1

Dear Sir, It seems to me that the book you suggest is one that you should write yourself, since the idea of it has occurred to you and not to any other person. In any case, I am too much occupied with my own plans, too old, and not learned enough, to undertake it. Yours very truly GSantayana 1 Alan Harris was a nephew of F. Canning S. Schiller of Oxford (an old acquaintance of Santayana) and a friend of the Philip Chetwynd family. The proposed topic was “the books that have been turning points in the intellectual history of Europe.”

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 24 June 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Victoria, Glion. June 24, 1929 Dear Cory I am glad you are ready to come here for a month and I shall be particularly glad to have your company at meals, which are a little dull reading a book between courses. I am afraid that I sha’n’t have much work for you, as the Psychologism is not yet out of the bog: if that is what you mean by being “useful”, feel perfectly free to put off your utility, if you still like Venice: but do just as you feel like doing, without reference ——to of Duty. I am not a Calvinist.1 When you do start, you had better write or wire the exact time of your expected arrival, so that a motor from the

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hotel can go down to Montreux (Montreux is more convenient for luggage than Territet) to fetch you up. Simply ask for the Hôtel Victoria when you get out of the train. I know by experience that it is useless to ask for a room here beforehand: at the last moment they will give you one if they have it, as is probable: but if not, there are several other hotels in Glion where you could sleep, and come here (as my guest) for lunch and dinner. Perhaps this might be the best arrangement; but you can judge for yourself when you see the character of the place. Strong seems to be better. The car has arrived, and we go out daily. Yours G.S. 1

John Calvin ( Jean Cauvin, 1509–64) was a French Protestant reformer whose theological doctrines had tremendous influence, particularly in the Puritan religion of England, Scotland, and later America. Calvinism as a religious system recognized only the Bible as a source of knowledge and authority in questions of belief.

To Charles Augustus Strong 25 August 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

(MS: Rockefeller)

Glion, Sunday Aug 25, ’29 Dear Strong It has been very nice to receive your cards, which you said you wouldn’t send, and to follow you in your interesting journey. I wish I had had a map of France on which to trace it more accurately. Here we have been having warm weather again. Cory has been playing in a tennis tournament in which he—by his partner’s fault, he says—got the booby prize. I have been revising my book: there is still one chapter rather in a mess, but I hope to straighten it out before we leave, probably on Sept. 2 or 3. You might send me word to the Hotel Continental, Milan, when you get home and tell me when I had better join you. Probably I should be quite ready and glad to do so almost at once, if you are willing to have me, and don’t find the villa too warm. Yours ever G.S.

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To Robert Seymour Bridges 29 August 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

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(MS: Bodleian)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Glion, Aug. 29, 1929

My dear Bridges It is a great pleasure to get your letter and to know that your philosophical poem is finished and about to be published.1 Of course I shall read it with the greatest interest, and report at length my impressions of any divergence which I may feel between your philosophy and mine. It won’t be easy, because I expect that the chief divergence is one between two incomparable things, sentiment and doctrine. However, it will be a refreshment to me, after working terribly hard on my “Realm of Matter”— which at last is finished—to find the same thing, or something better, conveyed in a finer medium I am off to Florence, or rather Fiesole, in a few days, and hope your poem may reach me there—a congenial place for philosophical meditation— Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

The Testament of Beauty, Oxford University Press, 1929.

To Charles Augustus Strong 29 August 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

(MS: Rockefeller)

Glion, Aug. 29, 1929 Dear Strong The weather here is now so warm that, if it should continue as it is, I shouldn’t venture to return at once to Italy. I hope you haven’t found in oppressive during the last part of your journey. I will write again when I am really on the point of starting, telling you my exact plan. Cory is thinking of leaving for Paris on Monday, Sept. 2nd. He is taking the MS of my book with him, all save one chapter which I am keeping

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back to revise it, as it seems to be not well arranged. He asks to be remembered to you. The other day we had a casual discussion about “knowledge” and the immediate, and he became surprisingly intense, saying he had a sort of religious conviction that “knowledge” could only be of immediate data. This, in a supposed disciple of mine, was a bit disconcerting: but he said afterwards that it was only a question of words, that he preferred to call “knowledge” with Russell, what I call intuition: because what I call knowledge, being admittedly only “faith mediated by symbols”, was only belief; and belief is not knowledge. You see he is after certitude: and I tell you about it because possibly you may get into trouble together and misunderstand one another on this crucial point, if you are not forewarned of this thirst for certitude in the young mind. I don’t think his divergence from me is a matter of words only: it rests on the axiom that “experience” is of fact, and that its objects are existent states. This, of course, is in part ^ ^ your own contention, so that you may find him, on this point, in agreement with you against me: but I am afraid that in another aspect of the question, he will be recalcitrant to your doctrine, because while you say that the existence of the object is given immediately, you admit, I believe, that its given characters are for the most part only essences imputed to it by the psyche in view of her own reactions. This, if granted, would destroy the axiom of immediate certitude of fact: and I can’t see why the existence of the object is not imputed to it by the psyche as much as its essence. Yours ever G.S.

To George Sturgis 1 September 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

(MS: Houghton)

Glion, Sept. 1, 1929 Dear George You will have seen by my drafts that I have not moved from here all summer. It is not a place I like for itself, and it is not easy to take elderly walks without first making a journey to the water-level; but as you know, at first I came on Strong’s account, and then have stayed on in order to finish my book, an d also because Cory, who had come to help me with ^^ it, liked the place, danced with the neurotic ladies, played tennis with the

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consumptive clergymen, and seemed to be enjoying himself. The book is now done, and Cory is leaving tomorrow with the MS. of the last chapters, which he will have type-written in Paris, so that we may make a final revision of the whole before it goes to the press. The book is called “The Realm of Matter”, and was frightfully difficult to write, as I fear it may be to read. In October Cory is returning to Florence, where he is going to be secretary to Strong, who also has a philosophical work in the slips. I shall probably go to Strong’s myself shortly, and stay until October 15, which is my usual time for settling down at the Hotel Bristol. I am a little afraid of having fresh attacks of my bronchial cold: if so I may go further south, even possibly to Greece or Egypt, as now that the book is done I shall feel more free and irresponsible in my movements. I have no recent news from Avila, but the latest was good. Isabel, Pepe’s wife, seems to have taken the place of Doña Josefina Cordobés as principal friend and adviser to your aunt; and she has a good maid or nurse to look after her as well. She is very well, they tell me, and a little more willing to draw money from the bank. When Mercedes returns to Madrid from Vigo, she will doubtless go to Avila, or stop there on her way, and then we shall have reliable accounts of the situation: for your aunt herself doesn’t write. I am glad to know that family and business matters are all going well. My best love to Rosamond and the boys, as well as to yourself from GSantayana

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 5 September 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

(MS: Columbia)

Glion, Sept. 5, 1929 Dear Cory It is very nice to have news of you so soon, and I am glad you are trying the system of eating out. It is more Parisian, and although I daresay you will like to go back later to your pension, this will give you a taste of the other method, useful for future occasions. Strong has arrived at home, and seems to be happy and idle, for the moment. He says he doesn’t mind the heat, and thinks I shouldn’t.

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Please make my bow to your brother and his wife.1 I wish I were in Paris and that we could have a little dinner all together. I went yesterday to Val-Mont and was thoroughly examined, my urine distributed into several parti-coloured phials, my heart photographed, and my lungs sounded. My superfluous flesh was also pressed down in various places to discover how soon it would rise again. Dr Hannelé ? 2 was agreeable, and said my bronchitis was not of the bad infectious kind, that the bottom of both my lungs contained a deposit, and that it was better to attack the predisposition to bronchial colds indirectly through the heart. This sentimental organ he said was organically sound but sluggish (moux) and he thought there was too much blood in one vessel and not enough in the other: but the photo would make that point clear. In general, he said I might drink wine, there was no harm in that, but that there was too much water in my body. He means to stimulate my heart somehow so as to correct that dropsical (or lymphatic?) tendency: and he ^ ^ said the pleasure of prescribing for such cases as mine was that they might be cured. We shall see. Have a good time, don’t spend all your money at once, get nice clothes, don’t forget the Realm of Matter, and forget, as soon as possible, the Realm of Venus. With “these few precepts in thy memory”,3 remember also your old friend G.S. [across] It remains very warm, and I am not thinking of leaving for the moment. 1 Rev. and Mrs. David M. Cory. He was a Congregational minister in Brooklyn, New York. 2 Santayana drew a wavy line beneath his misspelling of the Swiss physician’s name, Hämmerli. 3 Echo of Polonius’s fatherly advice to Laertes in Hamlet (I.iii.58).

To Charles Augustus Strong 5 September 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

(MS: Rockefeller)

Glion, Sept. 5, 1929 Dear Strong It is very nice to know that you are safely and happily at home again. I have no doubt that it is pleasant in the Villa in spite of the heat, and I shall be glad to join you as soon as possible; but for the moment I am a little afraid of the journey. For the last ten days I have had the beginnings

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of another bronchial attack: it has passed off without reaching the violently spitting stage; but meantime I thought I would consult one of the Val Mont doctors, and (the other young one being away) saw Dr Hannelé(?) who made a careful examination with reassuring results, I will tell you the details later. I must see him again to get his final recommendations; and I must wait for the case (already ordered) in which to send on the accumulated books. By next week I hope to be in readiness to leave, and will write to announce myself as soon as I know the exact date. I think I shall stop in Milan for two nights: probably not more. Cory left on Tuesday evening and is (for the moment) at the Hôtel Stella, rue d’Artois, with his brother and new sister-in-law. He carried off the whole of the MS. of The Realm of Matter, as I had finished revising the last chapter before his departure. I feel a great relief—and new vitality—at being rid of that incubus. Yours ever G.S.

To Charles Augustus Strong 10 September 1929 • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

(MS: Rockefeller)

Glion, Sept. 10, 1929 Dear Strong There is nothing now to keep me here except the great heat. If it moderates a little I am thinking of leaving on Friday for Milan, staying there over Sunday, and reaching Florence at 14.51 on Monday Sept. 16th. ^ ^ Should the weather continue very oppressive, I may put off my departure for two or three days, not arriving in Florence until Wednesday: but in that I will let you know. G.S.

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To John Middleton Murry 17 September 1929 • Fiesole, Italy

(MS: Macksey) Sept. 17, 1929 VILLA LE BALZE FIESOLE

until Oct. 15. Dear Mr Murra/y, I hardly think of Lippmann as a disciple of mine, but he was once my pupil, and I saw him again last winter in Rome. If you will send me his “Preface to Morals”,1 I shall certainly read it with interest; and if nothing should occur to me worth saying about it, I think I can promise to send you something else instead. “The Realm of Matter” is now finished, and it is easier for me to do “odd jobs”. My Introduction to Spinoza2 has a too ambitious title: it was meant only to supply from his life and letters a sort of background to the Ethics and De Emendatione Intelletis which were contained in that popular edition. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

A Preface to Morals (London: Allen & Unwin, 1929). Santayana’s review of this work, “Enduring the Truth,” was published in Murry’s New Adelphi (3 [1929–30]: 120–24) and in the Saturday Review ([7 December 1929]: 512). 2 Baruch (or Benedict) Spinoza (1632–77) was a rationalist philosopher of Jewish descent. He was expelled from the synagogue for his unorthodoxy in 1656, and in 1673 he refused the chair of philosophy at Heidelberg because he was unwilling to give up his independence and tranquility. He earned his living by grinding lenses. Spinoza’s philosophy finds its fullest expression in his most famous work, Ethics (1677). Spinoza maintains one cannot understand the world without understanding it as a whole, a single system that has two names, God and Nature. Together with Plato and Aristotle, Spinoza is one of the chief sources of Santayana’s philosophic inspiration. At the time of his graduation, Santayana published his essay, “The Ethical Doctrine of Spinoza,” in The Harvard Monthly 2 ( June 1886): 144–52. Later, he wrote an introduction to Spinoza’s Ethics and De intellectus emendatione (London: Dent, 1910, vii–xxii). See Persons, 233–36.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 19 September 1929 • Fiesole, Italy

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(MS: Columbia)

Le Balze, Fiesole Sept. 19, 1929 Dear Cory, There is nothing to be gained by sending the two chapters ahead; I shall be quite content if you bring me the whole copied when you come here on October 1—it is only ten days hence. Work is hardly possible here, and I shall have to put off the revision until I am my own master in Rome. Strong is not very well: yesterday he upset himself in his chair when entering the house from the garden, and although he didn’t seem to be hurt, the shock and the efforts he had to make to get going again—for he was alone at the time—seem to have set his heart — g————— oing again ———— ^palpitating . He hasn’t talked philosophy so far, being absorbed in the question ^ of what is to be done with his garden, now that the orange trees are dead and gone. Even the approaching arrival of his daughter and granddaughter don’t seem to interest him. I hope the weather has moderated and that you are having a nice time G.S.

To Frederic Thomas Lewis 30 September 1929 • Fiesole, Italy

(MS postcard: Virginia)

Sept. 30, 1929. VILLA LE BALZE, FIESOLE, FLORENCE.

If I tax my memory, I seem to recall that it was not a book, but a visit to the library of Merton in Oxford that suggested the sonnet which you are good enough to write about.1 It belongs, I think, to 1887, when I was 23 years old. Since then I have become more scholastic myself.—It is very pleasant to hear that one still revisits in Spirit, from this distance, those generous Harvard scenes. GSantayana [front] This is the house of my old friend, Mr C. A. Strong, with whom I am staying. 1 Frederic Thomas Lewis (b. 1875), a member of Harvard’s class of 1897, was associate professor of embryology at Harvard Medical School (M.D., 1901). The sonnet is “On a Volume of Scholastic Philosophy”; it was published in Sonnets, 55, and in Complete Poems, 123. Santayana refers to Merton College, Oxford University.

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To John Middleton Murry 5 October 1929 • Fiesole, Italy /o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1

(MS: Macksey)

C

VILLA LE B— A LZE ———— ————— ———— FIESOLE ——— ———— TEL.— 14 –35 — —

October 5, 1929 Dear Mr Murry Here is an article more or less about Lippmann’s book. I hope it may serve your purpose. Canby, the editor of the New York Saturday Review of Literature,1 whom you probably have heard of, and who is an old acquaintance of mine, has lately written asking for a contribution, and he expressly said that anything I wrote for him might be simultaneously published in England. If it were possible for you to send him, or to send me for him, an advanced proof or copy of this article, so that it might appear in New York at about the same time as in London, I should be glad of it: but regard this suggestion, please, as not made, if it is contrary to your interests or inclination. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Henry Seidel Canby (1878–1961) took a Ph.D. from Yale in 1905 and taught English there for more than twenty years. In 1924 he helped found The Saturday Review of Literature and served as its first editor until 1936. Under his direction the Review became the country’s leading literary weekly. Canby wrote books about American authors and the autobiographical American Memoir (1947).

To John Francis Stanley Russell 20 October 1929 • Fiesole, Italy

(MS: Unknown) Fiesole Oct. 20 1929

Dear Russell,1 Since I received your letter of Sept. 14, I have reread Lionel Johnson’s Winchester letters, including the introduction, which I am interested to know is written by you.2 Apart from the precocity of this correspondence,

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it throws a good deal of light on what we all were in the 1880’s. For a practical man like you, although you have not forgotten Lionel himself, all that must lie now very much in the limbo of almost incredible things. For me it is different, because external things and the fashions of the times make very little difference to my thoughts, and what we were then is almost as present to me, and more interesting, than what we are now. In respect to you in particular, it was you as I first knew you, in 1886, and for five or ten years after that, that have played a leading part in my life, although of course, even then, I was very much in the margin of yours; since then, it has been only the momentum of that youthful attachment, which was very deep on my part, that has kept up what you call in your “Life” our “long acquaintance”.3 You minimize even your friendship with Lionel, in this very book: and I quite understand how you come to do it. You obliterate very soon your own feelings, when the occasion is past, and you never understand the feelings of others—it is part of your strength. But it causes you to make little mistakes which, in some cases, might have unpleasant consequences. I remember that of late years at Telegraph House,4 you several times called me Sargeant:5 that slip of the tongue—natural enough then—showed how completely the past had dropped for you behind the horizon. Perhaps you think now that I am inventing this “past.” Read Lionel’s verses “To a Spanish Friend”6 and you may recover a little of the atmosphere of those days. Do you wish to keep the identity of B and C in Lionel’s letters a secret? If not, I should be very glad to know who they were. Yours ever, GSantayana P.S. I find it increasingly hard to visit England—read “My, not my, England” in the last number of “Life and Letters”—and I haven’t been in America for 17 years.7 1

John Francis Stanley, second earl Russell (1865–1931), was the grandson and heir of Lord John Russell, the reforming prime minister; son of Lord and Lady Amberley; and elder brother of Bertrand Russell. Santayana met Russell in 1886 when Russell visited Harvard after having been sent down from Balliol College, Oxford. Santayana’s emotional bond to Russell, the “most extraordinary of all my friends,” was strong. Their friendship continued throughout the vicissitudes of Russell’s public and private life. At the time of his death at Marseilles, Russell was an undersecretary in the Labour government. See Persons, 290. 2 Lionel Pigot Johnson (1867–1902) was educated at Winchester (Russell’s school also) and New College, Oxford. His published writings include Poems (1895), Ireland and Other Poems (1897), Post Liminium (1911), and Some Winchester Letters of Lionel Johnson (London: G. Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1919). Russell’s friendship with Johnson was intense

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and caused Russell to commit an infraction of the rules of Balliol College—by permitting Johnson to spend a night in his rooms there—for which Russell was sent down in 1885. See Persons, 304 and 308–9, and Russell’s autobiography, My Life and Adventures, 107–9 and 169–70. 3 My Life and Adventures (London: Cassell, 1923), 120. 4 Russell’s house in Hampshire, England. 5 John Sargeaunt (1857–1922), a Latin master at Westminster and translator of Terence in the Loeb Classical Library, was Russell’s friend and an occasional weekend visitor. 6 Addressed to Santayana. 7 Cyril Connolly’s article, “England My Not My England,” appeared in Life and Letters in 1928.

To George Sturgis 2 November 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 2. 1929 Dear George It was very kind of you to cable in order to reassure me about the panic in Wall Street:1 I wasn’t alarmed, because I supposed, as you say, that our incomes wouldn’t be affected, at least not at once, and besides I reflected that I had a good margin before retrenchment would become imperative. The people who may really be worried are the Sastres, as the oscillations of stocks are not familiar to them, and dramatically associated in their minds, I imagine, with Ruin . However, for the moment, they seem to — have other things to trouble them even nearer home. Teresa, the wife of Luis, has just given birth to their fifth child, at last a boy;2 Adela, the wife of Rafael, is expecting ——— her their fourth3 at any moment; and meantime nd Celedonio has fallen ill with a persistent constipation which on the 22– — my latest reliable news—had not yet yielded to the doctor’s treatment. Two days later it was rumoured in Avila that his condition was critical and that Extreme Unction4 had been administered to him in the stealthy watches of the night: but this is probably all fiction, since they would doubtless have telegraphed if the end had really come. They would also telegraph to you, I am sure: so that if you have heard nothing, you may assume that the crisis is past. /I You must be prepared, however, for what at his age can’t be very distant, and I hope you have arranged matters so that Celedonio’s death sha’n’t cause you as much labour as did your aunt Susie’s.

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Your aunt Josephine is very well: I have a recent rather long letter from her; but she leaves out most of the points that it would interest one to know, so that I rely for information on Mercedes, who corresponds with various members of the family in Avila, and sends their letters on to me when they are important. The town-council or ayuntamiento of Vigo has proposed Mercedes’ name to the Spanish government for a distinctionx which will give her great satisfaction, and cause a hullabaloo among her friends—speeches, banquets, flowers, tears, etc. She is expected to receive the “Cross of Beneficence”, a sort of Order of Merit; and I am not sure that there isn’t a pension attached: in any case she is to be congratulated. I spent a month rather pleasantly at Fiesole with Strong. His daughter and her husband also were there at the end, and their little girl, aged eight months, is to remain there all winter with her grandfather, while her parents go to America to see the old man Rockefeller, now 90 years old. He has already treated Margaret generously—she has $75,000 a year—but gratitude is the hope of favours to come, and no doubt they will do their best in Florida to make a good impression, to be passed on from the old gentleman to John D. Jr.5 who now holds the purse-strings. My next book—the “big” one, although it is not longer than my others— is now in the publisher’s hands, and I am enjoying the sense of comparative freedom; but habit is so strong, that I go on working in the morning hours on the next volume!6 Much love to Rosamond and the boys from your affectionate Uncle George [across page three] xOn account of her Evening Schools for Working-men. 1

The stock market crash occurred on 29 October 1929. José Luis Sastre Fernández de Soto. 3 Their children were María Josefa, Adelaida, Rafael, and Juan Antonio (who was stillborn). 4 The rite, performed by a priest from the Roman Catholic Church, in which an ill, dying, or injured person is annointed and prayed for. In 1972 the name was changed to Annointing of the Sick. 5 John Davison Rockefeller (1839–1937) was an industrialist and philanthropist married to Laura Celestia Spelman. Their children were Elizabeth (“Bessie”), Alice, Alta, Edith, and John D. Jr. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Company dominated the United States oil-refining industry, and he founded the University of Chicago (1892). His philanthropies promote public health and further science. 6 Matter completed, Santayana was working on the third volume of Realms, Truth. 2

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To Robert Seymour Bridges 4 November 1929 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Bodleian)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W.1 Rome, Nov. 4, 1929 My dear Bridges The Testament of Beauty has splendidly filled for me the last two days, although the feeling that you were expecting comments on its philosophy somewhat troubled my pleasure, and I shall have to reread many parts of it to enjoy their full savour. You charge me to tell you, not what I approve, but what I fall foul of; it is hard to do, because what I approve of, or rather relish and delight in, is clear: it is the episodes, the pictures, the judgements, the wise reflections; whereas what I fall foul of is obscure: it is the system of philosophy which you say is so much like my own.1 But before I come to that let me confess that besides the qualities which I expected— saturation, abundance, picturesqueness, colour—I — found —————lighted ^on^ one which I didn’t expect at all, and found myself laughing aloud at your wit and naughtiness—for instance at page 48. Your prosody, of which I am not a very competent judge, seemed to me to justify itself, and carried me along buoyantly: I sometimes seemed to hear echoes of Milton2 and Wordsworth,3 and once or twice—you won’t mind, I hope—of Walt Whitman, for instance, “Now like sailing-ships on a calm ocean drifting”, or “Rangeth up here in place for the parley of this book”.4 But to come to business: I am not sure whether you mean to discuss only the life of reason, neglecting the universe in which it occurs, or to identify the two, or to represent the universe as somehow antecedently subservient to the life of reason and exclusively designed to make that life possible. Evidently the universe subserves the life of reason in so far as the latter exists and prospers; and if your “Ring”, and your general ultimate monism, meant only that there was correspondence and harmony there, where and in so far as correspondence and harmony exist, it would be very true, but perhaps hardly worth saying. But if you mean this “Ring” and this preestablished harmony to describe the whole universe, I ^ ^ should decidedly reject that view: because I am convinced that the relation between things natural and things moral is forthright and unreturning. It seems meaningless to me to say that Mind or the Good is at the origin as well as at the summit of things (when they have a summit), because there can’t be intelligence or value before there is a natural world

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with specific animate beings in it to describe and enjoy it in their specific ways. Then, and not till then, a certain segment or strain in the material world (materially and dynamically /eimbedded in much else that remains morally irrelevant or hostile) becomes Parent and Food for the spirit, and a Harmony sustaining the beautiful. But that, in the outer always persistent chaos, is an accident, an islet in a sea of infinite indifference. The case is similar in regard to your transposition of essences into influences. To see them in that light is to see them humanly, in so far as they become important or guiding ideas for us; they are then names for influences of which we do not understand the true mechanism. Indeed, I should go further and say that, in thatt5 relation, they are not even influences, but only impulses or virtues in ourselves: because no idea or goal would be influential unless we were initially directed upon it. Between those particular chosen essences and the effort of life, issuing in beauty, there is evidently the circularity and reciprocity which you describe: but that is not because they are essences, but because they are chosen, so that the marvel is a tautology. I should therefore agree with you completely, if it were understood that you were traversing the life of spirit only, and leaving out all physics and logic: but even then so exclusive an interest in the moral side of things, ignoring [illegible ]their natural basis and ontological surroundings, leads into ambiguities and illusions: the relative becomes absolute and the absolute relative. If you admitted openly, as I do, that the impulses which determine the direction in which the good and the beautiful may be realized are specific, local, and temporal impulses, I think your judgement, for instance, of the Catholic church would be more sympathetic than it is. For why does the church accept a myth (as I agree with you that it is) and pass it off for true history and eschatoly, and for a scientific truth wider than any natural science, and extending natural science on the same level of natural fact? Because without this supernatural environing world, invented to suit the human conscience spiritual and moral life would be ^ ^ precarious, and its forms while it subsisted would be innocently and endlessly divergent. There would be no “Ring”, no far-off divine event, except imperfectly in each case, & relatively to that little creature. Now ^ ^ I accept, and have almost come to prefer and to love, this miscellany of many contrary transitory beauties and virtues: sometimes you seem to me to love it too, and to be content with it; but then again your “Ring” and your “One Eternal” seem to assert a dominant moral unity and Hebraic plan in all creation. If you really demand this, you ought to become a

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Catholic; because The unnaturalness of nature as we find it, its need of a supernatural complement before we can bear to live in it, is implied in any ascription of dominance to the good. The good in nature is not supreme, and it is impossible that it ever should be: in any living thing the beautiful must be involved, and the good partly realized; but it is an omnimodal beauty and a dispersed multitude of contrary goods. If we rest there, we must resign ourselves to our own bird-song, and to an eternal war of contrary virtues imperfectly realized. The vigorous fighting conscience, the dogmatic religious impulse, will not put up with that. Therefore it seems to me that the church, in its preposterous myth, shows a great experience of the world and a deep understanding of what human religion is: and when you speak of “lumen ad emptum”,6 your own light seems to have failed you. I am as well aware as you are of the enormity of subjecting nature to the catechism and making the universe stand on its virtuous head; yet I profoundly pity and reverence the desperate faith which when forced to admit the death of its Beloved invents his resurrection. My “Realm of Matter” is now in the publisher’s hands and I hope before many months to send you a copy, as an inadequate thank-offering. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Bridges’s theistic and monistic philosophical views were, contrary to his own opinion, fundamentally different from Santayana’s. Although Bridges was influenced by Santayana’s books, his understanding of Santayana’s philosophy was imperfect. 2 John Milton (1608—74), an English poet and prose writer, wrote Paradise Lost (1667). He was an unconventional Puritan, and some of his works conflicted with the official Puritan stand. 3 William Wordsworth (1780–1850) was an English poet known for his worship of nature, humanitarianism, democratic liberalism, and interest in the common people. In 1843 he was appointed poet laureate. He is buried in the churchfield at Grasmere. 4 The Testament of Beauty, Book 1, “Introduction;” Book IV, “Ethick.” 5 This word is used throughout Bridges’s poem. 6 Robbed of vision (Vergil, Aeneid, Book III, line 658).

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To William Soutar 5 November 1929 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Scotland)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Nov. 5, 1929 Dear Sir,1 I am not sure, from your note, whether you sent me your ms. some time ago, or are sending it now.2 In the former case, I am afraid it has been lost; I have been travelling about, and have no recollection of receiving it. If it arrives later, I will return it; and I enclose your stamps as they are not good here. I do not habitually live in England. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 William Soutar (1898–1943) was a Scots poet. Soutar’s work, most of it produced during the last thirteen bed-ridden years of his life, is remarkable. Apart from his lively correspondence and his poetry both in English and in Scots, he left a sequence of diaries and journals, as well as a record of his dreams extending over more than twenty years. 2 With his 26 October 1929 letter to Santayana, Soutar enclosed a poetry manuscript he wished to dedicate to Santayana.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 13 November 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 13, 1929 Dear Cory I am very glad to know that tension is relieved, and I am relieved myself to think that you are more at ease in your mind, as well as in your stomach. It is too bad that S.1 doesn’t lend you books, and doesn’t take you up in the motor: he will do great things for one, but hasn’t the gift of doing little things gracefully, because—like perfect eloquence—they don’t occur to him. When I write to him I will again suggest that he might call for you sometimes on the way back from his drive; and if you will say that

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you are going to borrow one of my books—having my urgent invitation to do so—perhaps, the next week, he will offer you one of his own. Somehow the spirit hasn’t moved me to take up the novel. Perhaps it was your hypnotic suggestion that I ought to do the realm of truth: in any case, that is what I am doing, although very slowly, not having yet finished Chapter I, which is (according to the present project) “On Denials of the Being of Truth”—or perhaps simply “Denials”.2 It is an expansion and systematization of notes I had on the comparison with other views; and it seemed to me that, in this instance, that chapter might come at the beginning instead of at the end. I work on it only for an hour or two in the morning, but do so every day steadily: my mind has been occupied rather with all sorts of reading. I have a beautiful Life of Beau Brummel,3 a reprint of an old one in charming stilted English, with lovely coloured portraits; and besides French books and books on religious subjects, and Jean’s “The Universe around Us”,4 which is delightfully free from bad—or from any—philosophy, and very instructive. I have sent off the proof of the article on Lippmann, and the contract for the Realm of Matter. Otherwise nothing official to report. I have been very well; those absurd breathing-exercises—soufflez la bougie5—recommended by Hämmerli seem really to clear my lungs; at least, they remove the consciousness of imminent (or immanent) coughing. It has been raining continually, but mild, and they haven’t yet lighted the central fires—I say that, thinking of the cosmos of Pythagoras: it seems horribly learned, but it comes like that, when the idea is beautiful—the central Hearth of Hestia round which everything revolved.6 I haven’t yet felt the need of it; and the Pincio—where there is sometimes music—is as pleasant as ever. [across ] I am looking forward to seeing you at Christmas, if you still feel inclined and able to come. Yours affectionately G.S. 1

C. A. Strong. Eventually called “Denials of Truth,” it became chapter XIII of Truth. 3 The Life of Beau Brummel by Captain Jesse by William Jesse (London: The Navarre Society Limited, 1927). 4 James Hopwood Jeans (1877–1946), an English mathematician, physicist, and astronomer, is known for his work in the application of mathematics to problems of physics and astronomy. He taught at Princeton, Cambridge, and Oxford, and was knighted in 1928. In 1929 The Universe around Us was published by Macmillan in New York and by The University Press in Cambridge, England. 5 To blow out the candle (French). 6 Pythagoras (c. 582–c. 507 B.C.) was a Greek philosopher who founded a religious brotherhood. His basic tenet was that the essence of all things was number. 2

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Pythagoreans reduced the earth to the status of a planet that revolved about a fixed point. This point they saw as the central fire, “the hearth of the universe.” In Greek mythology, Hestia was the virgin goddess of the hearth and domestic life and guardian of the state’s welfare. From an undying fire in her temple the fires of new temples were kindled.

To Manuel Komroff 24 November 1929 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Columbia)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Nov. 24, 1929 Dear Mr Komroft It is very kind of you to remember me so faithfully and to send me your new book.1 It is dazzling, and I have been dipping into it to see if ^^ I could decipher the philosophy which it is conceived to reduce from Idea to Phenomenon. I am not quite sure that I have got it: for the end and the beginning, which I have read more carefully, seem to be good-natured, and to put the Coronet on the Gilded Pig with a good grace. But you know I am no novel-reader, and I am too far away from the world of today—not to speak of all your historical and polyglot scenes—to be able to form any judgement about the effect which your work may produce on the public, or even about the spirit in which you have planned it. Do you know Alfred de Musset’s Comédies et Proverbes?2 A sense of the picturesqueness and pathos of life in different ages, and of the crossed pos^ ^ sibilities of different souls, seems to me to fill them, and this without any other philosophy than just the fragrance of those different adventures. Your book has made me think of those romantic glimpses; but I understand that your interest is not simply that of a poet, and that it wouldn’t be fair either to judge you by that standard of saturation and of exquisite miniature, or to neglect your more definite political philosophy. You must excuse me from entering further into these matters, especially under the threat of being publicly quoted, because, as I said, I am too much “out of it” to form a pertinent opinion. I am glad Kallen is prospering, at least eugenetically, and hope some day to see both you and him again in these parts. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Coronet (New York: Coward-McCann, 1929).

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2 Alfred de Musset (1810–57), the French romantic poet and dramatist, was a favorite of young Santayana. Santayana translated into English de Musset’s poems “Souvenir” and “The May Night.” His plays, comedies of manners called comédies-proverbes, as many titles were taken from popular proverbs, include fanciful comedies in the style of Shakespeare.

To John Middleton Murry 25 November 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Macksey)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 25, 1929 I expect to remain at this hotel during the winter, and I shall be very glad to get your book,1 if you will send it here. B. S. & Co is also, at all times, a safe address. As to Robert Bridges’ poem, I have read it and written him a long letter about it—you know he is a particular friend of mine. I would rather not return to the subject in print: I shouldn’t feel quite free; and I think other critics will do justice to the work which I enjoyed hugely. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

God: Being an Introduction to the Science of Metabiology (London: J. Cape, 1929).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 4 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia) Hotel Bristol, Rome, December 4, 1929

Dear Cory I send you your Christmas present somewhat early, so that you may cash it before you come to Rome, as I hope you will do towards the end th , and on of the month. The opera begins as usual on the night of the 26– th th Sunday the 29 , and on Sunday, Jan. 5– I suppose there will be matinées to which we could go: without hindrance to you r going on your own ^^ hook1 in the evening if they should give Lucia,2 or anything else that particularly appealed to you. I mention these dates so that, if possible, you may arrange to be here then, rather than earlier. I am thinking only of your own advantage,

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because to me, as you know, Christmas day is like any other, and I don’t care when you take your holiday. Valli wrote me, from a clear sky, saying that he was back in Rome. Afterwards, by word of mouth, he explained that his military service was postponed, apparently till next year. I am renewing our meetings—once a week—and have once given him the coveted bit of paper. He mustn’t expect it every day. But I am glad he has turned up; I find I am less glib in my bad Italian, and should like to brush it up. I wish he were a little less heavy and passive in his mind. Naturally, my subjects and enthusiasms don’t mean much to him. He said he had written, so you probably know that their house is no longer a hotel but they are living there ad interim.3 My idea is that, this year, you should come and stay with me at the Bristol. I will get you a room with a bath if I can; if not, you can have your bath when you like by ringing for the maid and going to one of the general bathrooms. We should go to lunch at the San Carlo and dine in the dining-room at the Bristol. I should then come up at once, as at Glion, and you could go out if you liked. This is my idea: but if you prefer to be more independent, you are perfectly free to go, say, to the Hotel d’Italie, in the Via Quattro Fontane, or anywhere else you like, and I will give you the money to pay your bill there, instead of paying it myself here. It is quite the same to me. I have finished (practically, it needs revision) another chapter of Truth. It almost looks as if it might be possible to despatch that volume this winter. It would be worth while. But I have also done something in the novel, and altogether feel rather agile. It is probably the incubus of Matter removed—although proofs are yet to be read—or else Hämmerli’s traitement,4 which I follow religiously. The weather has been rainy but very mild, so far, and I am very well; better than at Glion. Remember me to Strong. I have nothing in particular to trouble him with at the moment Yours affectionately G.S. 1

To go about one’s own business. Lucia di Lammermoor (1835) is an opera by Gaetano Donizetti based on Sir Walter Scott’s The Bride of Lammermoor (1819). 3 Temporarily (Latin). 4 Treatment (French). 2

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To George Sturgis 9 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 9, 1929 Dear George As I had written just before receiving your last letter—chiefly about the panic in stocks—I have put off replying to it, until I am afraid it is too late to reach you for Christmas. But it doesn’t matter. The enclosed card1 will do just as well for New Years. Please observe, on the back of it, my protest and disproof of all you say about my books being unintelligible. Of course, if you choose the wrong passages, and don’t know the vocabulary nor the context, you may sometimes feel a certain cerebral emptiness for a moment: but that would happen if you were reading an infantile writer like Miss Gertrude Stein,2 and it happens to me when I read newspaper headings. That my books are pellucid is no boast of my own. Here is what Professor Whitehead says of them in his last book, arrived this morning. “He –[ that is, me –] is only distinguished –[ from other great philosophers–] by his clarity of thought … a characteristic which he shares with the men of genius of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries”. “Process and Reality” p. 199.3 I blush, but I quote, because I don’t want you to lose any more money betting that I can’t be made out. I am going to draw the rest of the money in my letter of credit before Jan. 1–st $500 tomorrow, and $1000 at the end of this month. If —— you —— ^we^ are not yet bankrupt, you might send me a fresh letter for the same sum, $5000 for next year; but there is no hurry, as I shall have plenty for the present with these two drafts. I am well, and the season so far has been very mild, though rainy, and Rome is looking very beautiful and busy. The new arrangements at the Vatican are picturesque, the Papal Swiss Guard4 and police being more in evidence, at the new entrances. With love to Rosamond and the boys Yours affly G.S. 1

Unlocated. Gertrude Stein (1874–1946) attended Radcliffe where she studied psychology with William James and knew Santayana, then an instructor. After graduation (1897), she did graduate work in psychology before abandoning scientific study for a literary career. Living in Paris after 1903, she influenced many writers and artists. Her writing has a repetitious, colloquially impressionistic style. 2

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3 Process and Reality: An Essay in Cosmology (New York: Macmillan; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1929). 4 The Swiss constitution of 1874 forbade all military capitulations and recruitment of Swiss by foreign powers. The exception is the Swiss Guard of the Vatican, founded in 1505 by Pope Julius II, which is not a military body but the personal guard of the pope. Its members are recruited from the Catholic cantons of central Switzerland. The Swiss Guard at the Vatican is famous for its colorful uniform, designed in the Renaissance.

To John Middleton Murry 11 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Macksey)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 11, 1929 Dear Mr Murry I have read “God” with much interest, and am happy to think that perhaps my books have been of use to you in your heroic struggles with so many misfortunes and perplexities. My own course has been relatively smooth: I have had no “mystical experience” and have not been obliged to extricate myself from the tangle of Protestantism and Moralism. For that reason, probably, I am not able to share your enthusiasm for D. H. Lawrence,1 Dostojewski, Nietzsche, or even Goethe. They may be invaluable in bringing one to the conclusion that things moral are natural, and simply the fruition of things physical—in which latter the psyche, or principle of life, must be included. But I gathered that in my youth from Aristotle and from my own reflection (as I have described at length in “Dialogues in Limbo”) and those romantic solvents were unnecessary to my own liberty. I see their strength, but I don’t need their influence. Goethe of course is full of wise reflexions, like Bacon;2 but when his romanticism droops, he becomes, like Bacon, a ponderous worldling: not a ray of spirituality in either of them. I am puzzled about what you find in Keats:3 is it there? As to your reconstruction of Christ, you know that I have no faith in such things. Like everybody else, I like to assimilate the sense of the Gospel to my own insights: and I have no objection to poetic interpretations of Jesus, if they continue his legend and are faithful to his sacred character as tradition preserves it—according to the maxim of Horace about fidelity to characters once established by the poets. But these reconstructions have no historical truth: documents are lacking, and the imagination of the modern poet is hopelessly transformed. On single abstracted points we may, of course, have reasons for forming particular

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judgements; and there are ideas which we may study and understand in themselves, apart from the biography of their author, who probably did nothing but adopt them. What you call Christ’s “amazing” idea of God seems to me to be one of these. In substance it is the commonplace of all Eastern religion: you say yourself that it is found also in India and China; yes, and in the Stoics4 and the Mohammedans: in fact in everybody except the unmitigated Jews. It is the universal “sursum corda”—“habeum ad Dominum”.5 If we ventured on hypotheses about the personal context in which this idea existed in Christ we might say that it was merged with that of Jehovah and (as you explain) with that of a Messiah: and there was also a good deal of assimilation of the divine Being to the governing principles of this world. For instance, besides your favourite text about the sun and rain, there are texts about the wheat and tares, the harvest, and the burning. Elevation above human interests did not exclude perception of what those interests required: they required conventional morality, and even an established church. I was glad to see you so bravely identifying genuine Christianity with Rome; but there is one point which, if I had the pleasure of talking with you, I would try to convince you of: and that is that the “supernatural” is the most harmless thing in the world, and not arbitrary. It is merely the ultra-mundane: it is governed by its own principles, of which there is a definite science, and it is the truly and fundamentally natural, of which our conventional or scientific nature is only a local, temporary, and superficial mode. Of course, the revelation of what this ultra-mundane sphere contains is “fishy” and itself inspired from below: it is like our modern Spiritualism; but that doesn’t prevent the general notion of an existing sphere beyond our sphere, but touching it and sometimes penetrating into it, from being legitimate, if only the evidence for it were not drawn from the wrong quarter. You are a modern, an “intellectual”, and I am an old fogey; that is probably the reason why I balk at your emphasis on “newness”. Aren’t you confusing newness with freshness or spontaneity? True religion, true philosophy, like true love, must be spontaneous, it must be fresh: but why should it be new? There is no harm in a new species of rose, if nature drops into it, or horticulture succeeds in bringing it forth under electric reflectors, and by judicious grafting: but surely the beauty even of the new roses, if genuine, and not simply a vile worldly fashion, is independent of the accident that such a form was previously unknown. Evolution is a fact, and we must be grateful to it for the good things it brings forth: but the good in each of these things lies in their own perfection and harmony

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with themselves; and the date of them makes no difference in their happiness. Am I wrong? I have just received Whitehead’s new book on “Process & Reality,” in which I expect to find much instruction. His point of view is in some respects like yours, and you must value so expert an ally. But why such “newness” in vocabulary? Both you and he bewilder us with your pseudotechnical terms, most of which, I am sure, could be avoided by a little precision in the use of old words. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

D[avid] H[erbert] Lawrence (1885–1930) was an English author who wrote of primitive and natural passions, trying to show instinctive forces in man that might bring happiness. His books include Women in Love, The Plumed Serpent, and Lady Chatterley’s Lover. Murry’s book, Son of Woman, the Story of D. H. Lawrence, was published in 1931. 2 Francis Bacon (1561–1626) was an English philosopher and statesman. Inductive method of modern experimental science was his tremendous contribution to philosophy. 3 John Keats (1795–1821), one of the greatest English poets, wrote a large body of poetry before his early death. His works include Endymion, Hyperion, Ode on a Grecian Urn, and Ode to a Nightingale. 4 The Stoics were a group of pre-Socratic philosophers. Stoicism, practiced as a philosophy into the Roman era, wanted to make the personal and political lives of people as orderly as nature. The way to achieve this was to cultivate virtue. 5 Lift up your hearts—we lift them up unto the Lord (Latin).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 13 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Dec. 13, 1929 Dear Cory, I am rather troubled about not receiving an answer to my last letter, which crossed yours, and which contained a cheque for your Christmas present. Are you ill, or was the letter lost? You must do exactly as you like about venturing to come here. My own feeling in your place would be that it would be better to put off the trip until you were more vigorous.1 The diet seems simple, but there might be some difficulty in always getting just those things in a hotel, and always properly cooked. The proofs of The Realm of Matter are coming in in bits, and are almost perfect typographically. As to the argument, my impression is that

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it is good enough: at least, I couldn’t make it better by fussing over it any more. I am going on slowly, but surely, with The Realm of Truth. Whitehead’s new book, “Process and Reality” has just reached me. I haven’t begun the systematic reading yet, but a glance shows that it is more explicitly Bergsonian and idealistic than the previous volumes. I will send it to you, adorned with my notes, as soon as I have finished it— that is, if you shouldn’t soon be coming to Rome. I have been reading Middleton Murry’s “God”, which wouldn’t interest you or Strong particularly; but I have another book, which I should recommend to both of you, “Our Present Philosophy of Life” by Montgomery Belgion”2 (whoever he may be); unfortunately the part on Berty is the least philosophical; but as whole I think the (young?) author shows up the shallow ^ ^ character of the current opinion very convincingly. It has become a little colder these last two or three days, but the sun shines, and the season continues to be pleasant. I had a note from George de Cuevas this morning from Naples. I didn’t know where they were, and haven’t their American address. Let me know, at least by a post-card, how you are feeling, physically and morally. Yours affeely G.S. 1

The previous October, while working for Strong in Florence, Cory had become ill with an intestinal disorder which plagued him for a long time: “I am not certain whether I was suffering from an ulcer or some deep-rooted psychosomatic condition.” (Years, 56 and 61) 2 Montgomery Belgion (b. 1892), French philosopher, historian and critic, wrote Our Present Philosophy of Life (London: Faber & Faber, 1929), which commented on the current philosophy as expounded by Bernard Shaw, André Gide, Sigmund Freud, and Bertrand Russell.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 15 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Sunday, Dec. 15, 1929. Dear Cory I was much relieved to get your telegram yesterday morning. Thank you for sending it, especially as your note, dated Friday, but post-marked “Firenze 15–16, 14•XII.” that is, Saturday afternoon, reaches me only this morning, and doesn’t directly refer to my previous letter.

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I am glad you are coming soon; that shows that you are feeling rather fit; and I think it will be much better that you should come here, where I am an old-established and valuable client, so that any directions you may give about food, etc, are more likely to be respected, especially as this year the former director, who is a friend of mine, has returned to the hotel from an unsuccessful attempt to run some other establishment. I will rd and I speak to him today about keeping a room for you from the 23– expect there will be no difficulty. During the week Jan. 5–11, there might be a greater demand for rooms, on account of the royal wedding,1 but I suppose you will then have to be back in Florence. I am sorry about Strong’s trouble, but is it more than piles, which I suspect he has always suffered from, although delicacy has not allowed him ever to mention them? The trouble with both of you, in my opinion, is that you don’t drink enough—I don’t mean alcohol only but liquids of all sorts—so that your insides are not sufficiently watered and lubricated. Here you may quaff AQVAM•SALVBERRIMIS•E•FONTIBVS•COLLECTAM•2 in the most generous quantities, and I hope then —at you^r^ vino santo,3 whatever that may be, will be also available Last night I began Whitehead’s book, and find it engaging—I mean that I feel that, through a confusion of words and a certain embarrassment of approach from something called “experience”, his eye is fixed on the proper goal. Yours affcty G.S. 1

The marriage of Umberto, who was then Crown Prince of Italy. Water drawn from most wholesome springs (Latin). 3 Literally, Latin for holy wine. 2

To Charles Augustus Strong 17 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Dec. 17, 1929 Dear Strong Here is a sort of Christmas card,1 cut out of The Morning Post, which I hope will amuse you Cory, who is coming next week (I suppose with your approval and the doctor’s) tells me you have had a slight trouble of a new sort. I hope it has passed off, and that you are feeling fit for work and play.

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It was with surprise—which on reflexion I perceived that I oughtn’t to have felt, that I received some time ago a card from George—your son-inlaw—from Madrid; and lately a note from Naples, from the Conte Grande, saying that he had been ill too, and that they were off at last for America I am reading the proof of The Realm of Matter, and Whitehead’s new book, “Process and Reality”, which is terribly scholastic, but with which I feel a good deal of sympathy, when I am able to assimilate and translate it into my own terms. This intensity of metaphysical stimulus has kept me from working on the novel, as I had intended, and I am doing The Realm of Truth instead, and have some hopes of finishing it this winter! It will be very short: but think of the ground covered and the ballast thrown overboard, before beginning, at the end of life, a career of pure pleasure! I have read Middleton Murry’s “God”. It is a terrible chaos of free thought and sentimentality, and only England could produce, or tolerate, such a —— produc ————— medley: but he takes himself quite seriously, and is a good fellow. Do you know who Montgomery Belgion may be? His book on “Our Present Philosophy of Life” is rather good. Yours ever GSantayana 1 The clipping features four sketches: “1877.–Queen Victoria received by Disraeli at High Wycombe on her way to visit him at Hughenden. 1890.–A joyous picture of the Earl of Balfour, then Mr. A. J. Balfour (he was Chief Secretary for Ireland at the time), playing golf on Hayling Island. Golfers of to-day will notice his club with interest. 1870.–A man-propelled dirigible balloon, invented by a French engineer, during the Siege of Paris. 1887.–Madame Christine Nilsson, the famous Swedish singer, in the full evening dress of the day, bidding a fragrant and gracious farewell to her audience at her last concert at the Albert Hall.”

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To Carl Sadakichi Hartmann 20 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Dartmouth)

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/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Dec. 20, 1929 Mr Sadakichi Hartmann, P.O. Box 372, Beaumont, California Dear Mr Hartmann Your letter, and your act of giving away your beautiful prints, seem a little sad and desperate. I wish I could appreciate your gift more intelligently; I like the series very much in a blind emotional way, but the little experience I have of painting is, as you may imagine, in quite another school. I send you a thank-offering, and hope your health and fortunes may improve. Yours sincerely GSantayana

To George Sturgis 20 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 20, 1929 Dear George Thanks for your letter of Dec. 3, with its pleasant information on various subjects. From Avila I have recent news in a letter signed by Celedonio himself—so that he is still alive. He says—and his children repeat in other parts of the same letter—that he is not at all well, but gives no details. Luis has had a little boy, after four girls, but Rafael’s little boy, due at about the same time, was still-born. There are, in all, thirteen grand children at present. I am reading the proofs of my new book, and expecting Cory—you know he is my young disciple, who has been helping me with my work, but is now in Florence, assisting Strong—to spend Christmas with me here. Early in January we are to have a royal wedding, and apparently much festivity. We are having the first spell of cold weather—not very cold—but so far the winter has been pleasant, and I have kept well. It is true that I

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am carrying out various methods of treatment recommended by doctors and dentists in the hope of dying in the remote future in perfect health. Will you please send the enclosed note to Mr. Sadakichi Hartmann, P.O. Box, 372, Beaumont, California, with a cheque for $100? He is—you have sent him money for me before—an impecunious poet, old, and in ill-health; and although I am a little tired of his begging letters, this time he has forced my hand by sending me three very nice Japanese prints. I have no idea of their value, but they are not common, and the least I can do is to supply him in exchange with some bread and butter. I am coming to have a lot of unknown correspondents: not all of them ask for cash; but most of them do, which in view of the spiritual gifts ^ ^ which, as they say, they have already received, is in order, I suppose, to prove that I am not one-sided. Best wishes for the New Year, for all of you, from G.S.

To Frederick Ridgely Torrence 20 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Princeton)

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/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Dec. 20, 1929 Dear Sir,1 This well of poesy is dry. I appreciate your desire to extract something from it, and the alleged thirst of the public, but I am afraid it will have to be quenched elsewhere. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Frederick Ridgely Torrence (1874–1950), an American poet, editor, and playwright, was the poetry editor of the New Republic from 1920 to 1933.

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To John Middleton Murry 21 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Macksey)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 21, 1929 Dear Mr Murry Thank you for your letter which relieves me of a certain feeling that perhaps my own epistle had been impertinent. You are very good to take it in good part. I see that I was vague and obscure about the “supernatural”. What I meant was that, for those who believe in it in some definite form, there is a science of it, as there was of oracles and omens, or of Karma1 and the methods of lightening it, or of sacraments, grace, indulgences, etc. These sciences show that the supernatural is never conceived as anything but the rest of the natural, the background of fact and law behind our human experience and conventions. It seems to me almost certain that such a supernatural sphere must exist, and that our world is an incident in some larger flux of existence; but evidently the difficulty is to learn anything about that ulterior region. We can get on very well without such knowledge: but if we feel unhappy in that ultimate ignorance, we can hardly be satisfied except by some alleged revelation breaking in into our world by miracle. This, I take it, is the way in which belief in the supernatural, and in a definite science of it up to a certain point, can be grafted upon the life of reason. It is so grafted, for instance, in Dante.2 I have not yet made much progress in Whitehead’s book, but if I am tempted to write about it, you shall have the review.3 Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

In Buddhist philosophy Karma is the cumulative results of a person’s actions during a lifetime, which control their destiny in the next. 2 Dante Alighieri (1265–1321), born in Florence, was the first important author to write in Italian. His idealized love for the Florentine Beatrice Portinari (1266–90) was the inspiration for many of his works. His Divina Commedia (The Divine Comedy, 1321) is an epic poem of the progress of the individual soul toward God and of the political and social progress of mankind toward peace on earth. Inferno (Hell) is part one, in which Vergil conducts Dante through the region of damnation, where souls suffer eternal punishments appropriate to their sins. Santayana’s analysis of this work constitutes section three of Poets. 3 No review of Process and Reality has been located.

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To Henry Seidel Canby 24 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Kentucky)

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/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Dec. 24, 1929 My dear Canby It was with some qualms that I suggested to Middleton Murry that he should send you my article, suggested by Lippmann’s book, but I had nothing more suitable, and thought the interest of the subject might make up for the obliqueness of the contribution. Of course, the fee you propose is more than generous: I wasn’t thinking at all of that side of the matter. I am busy reading proofs of “The Realm of Matter”. Later I may be able to send you something better. Yours sincerely GSantayana

To Sidney Hook 26 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Southern)

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/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Rome, Dec. 26, 1929. Thank you very much for your book,1 which I began with high hopes of understanding at last, but soon the impenetrable cloud of abstract language drowned that dawning ray! Poor me, I wish you would call “thinking” brains, and “experience” farming, factories, and railroads. I think if I could get at the concrete subject-matter which you have in mind, I should agree almost everywhere with you about it, and about its relation to the superstructure. You have shaken off the genteel tradition and are bringing the masculine business side of American life into philosophy. I can’t help thinking that this could be done more clearly by sticking to the categories of Aristotle or of Spinoza and being, within that frame, frankly materialistic. I for one could then subscribe to everything, since materialism has always been the background of my ideas. Yours truly GSantayana 1

Sidney Hook (1902–89) was introduced to Santayana’s writings by Morris R. Cohen, in whose course at the City College of New York Reason was read. Hook studied

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Santayana’s works while pursuing graduate studies at Columbia University, where there existed during the 1920s “a veritable Santayana cult,” led by Dean F. J. E. Woodbridge. Hook taught at New York University (1927–68) and in 1973 he became Senior Resident Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. The book referred to is The Metaphysics of Pragmatism, with an Introductory Word by John Dewey (LaSalle, Illinois: Open Court Publishing Co., 1928).

To Charles Augustus Strong 27 December 1929 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Dec. 27, 1929 Dear Strong I meant to /yhave asked you, in my previous letter, for George and Margaret’s address in America, as I wish to send them a word of thanks for their various attentions. Cory seems rather languid and preoccupied with his own condition, but he says he feels better here and is enjoying his holiday. He also says you are expecting him back at once, but I suppose the least possible vacation is from Christmas to New Year’s inclusive, and I don’t want him to leave before January 2nd If he goes then, he will be able to report to you rd on Friday the 3– I am still reading proof, and at the moment in one of those intervals of dissatisfaction which come to an author in reviewing his too familiar work. I hope that ultimately I shall be reconciled to the result, which in any case I can’t change now— Cory says you are rewriting a good deal of your book: it is a bore, but no doubt you will feel repaid in the end for your extra labours— Yours ever G.S.

To Curt John Ducasse 5 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Brown)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, 5–I–’30 Thank you very much for your “Philosophy of Art,” which I have read with much pleasure. We are so well agreed, that it is superfluous for me

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to say ditto to everything. The only direction in which perhaps I feel a possible divergence from you—and from myself when I wrote “The Sense of Beauty”—regards the weight of Liberalism or Individualism. I am as convinced as ever of its correctness: values are relative to natures, and it is all a question of sincerity and self-knowledge whether we organize them rationally or not. Yet there is some difference in weight between a sincere Goethe and a sincere Clive Bell:1 and so different schools of art and of taste have very different rôles to play in the drama of history. Don’t let us let Liberalism make us inhuman! Yours gratefully, GSantayana 1

Clive Arthur Howard Bell (1881–1964), an English critic of art and literature, was a member of the Bloomsbury Group. He married Vanessa Stephen, Virginia Woolf’s sister. His major works include Art (1914), Since Cézanne (1922), Proust (1929), and Account of French Painting for the Winter (1931).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 9 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

ROMA-SPARITA-PIRAMIDE DI CAIO CESTIO

Rome, Jan. 9, 1930 I am glad to hear that you are better, and otherwise more comfortable. I have had a touch of cough, and seen Dr Welsford1 twice, but he has given me up for cured, which I am not altogether: but it has been a slight attack. Saluti all’amico S.2 G.S. 1

Unidentified. Regards to friend S[trong] (Italian).

2

To George Sturgis 14 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 14, 1930 Dear George Just a word to say I have received your yearly account, and am much pleased at the favorable aspect of it. The decline in value seems to be, in my property, only about one percent, which is remarkably little under the circumstances. I gather from what you say, and from the enclosures, that

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this panic was not so much a crisis in industry—and these have to occur sometimes, as now in England—as a reaction from the speculative inflation of the previous year or two. It has been like what I used to see at Harvard dinners in those disgusting old times before prohibition, when people had had some sherry-cobblers in the afternoon, some cocktails before dinner, much champagne with their food, and several whiskeys-and-sodas afterwards, besides some green-mints or other liqueurs, whereupon they “put their lunch”; a loathsome phrase and a loathsome thing which I daresay you have never seen or heard. The market has put its lunch, and probably feels the better for it, even if still a little disturbed. You seem to have piloted us nobly through the storm, and I suppose your aunt Josephine and your uncle Celedonio have also weathered it without serious consequences. As to your aunt, I again have recent news indirectly through Isabel and Mercedes. She is very well, and has become generous, gives (I understand) $40 a month to Adela and as much to Isabel; but unaccountably forgets her old friend Doña Josefina Cordobés, who is almost penniless. I send her something now and then through Mercedes; and Mercedes, too, is never remembered by your aunt, except for the regular remittances which you make to her, and is rather hard up. If your father were living, he would not let things go on like this; I have myself sent Mercedes one or two small presents; but I haven’t the means of stirring your aunt up, as she hardly pays attention to what is said in letters. [across ] I shall have to go to Spain in the Spring, and see if I can arrange matters better. Yours affectionately G.S. [across page one ] P.S. Thank you also for the new letter of credit, which has arrived safely, and via Cook’s.

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To Henry Seidel Canby 16 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Beinecke)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Jan. 16, 1930 Dear Canby That opiferous cheque for $100 which you said you had directed your secretary to send me has never arrived. Isn’t it yet ripe, or has it gone astray? I was a little surprised at the tone of Lippmann’s reply1 to my article. I thought he would be pleased, and certainly I had liked his book very much; but apparently he requires us all to share his vague hopes of “high religious” worldly organization, and is angry if we are attached to some different political ideal. I am sorry. And I was also a little vexed at the preliminary anecdote, not for the tone of it this time, but because it was historically inaccurate and missed the point of the story. I remember the incident very well: it must have been in 1907–8, when I had the beard which you have immortalized in your Review, but which was shaved off some 20 years ago. I enclose my official portrait, in case you wish to exhibit me again when I die, or before. But to return: I said in my lecture that if some angel without a carnal body appeared to me and assured me that he was perfectly happy on prayer and music, I should congratulate him, but shouldn’t care to imitate him. Some of the class laughed: and at the end of the hour, Lee Simonson2 (what has become of him?) showed me a caricature of myself, looking very dissipated and very French, repeating those words to a vast female angel of a very insipid sentimentality in the heavens. These particular youths seem to have found it comic that I should always carry a stick and gloves, and no coat: but I was a good pedestrian in those days and that was natural to me. The point of my lecture was not, as Lippmann says, absorbtion in pure Being, but the relativity of ethical ideals: which I wish he had taken [across ] more to heart. But Simonson’s sketch was amusing, and has made me remember the incident. Yours sincerely GSantayana. 1

“A Footnote to Santayana,” Lippmann’s reply to “Enduring the Truth,” appeared in the same issue of the Saturday Review. 2 Lee Simonson (1888–1967, A.B., Harvard, 1909) pursued a career in art and designed settings for numerous plays. He was also the author of several books, including The Stage is Set and Theater Art.

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To William Soutar 18 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Scotland)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 18, 1930. Dear Mr Soutar This time your poems and your two letters have reached me safely. I am much touched at your desire to dedicate your verses to me,1 and I have read them through once, in order to see if I could discover the bond of sympathy between our spirits; and also to get some impression of your poetic quality. As to this last, you seem to be a poet of reflection, of total inner moods, without much interest in images or passions or theories; even your diction and rhythms seem not to count for much in your own estimation; in this respect you write like a young poet, a beginner, so much interested in his inner emotion or thought that any dress seems to him adequate for it. This is not the case for the reader: unless the story or the idea is very novel or striking, he requires the music and colour of the poetic medium, if he is to be enticed into the poet’s mood. It is a question to my mind whether your verses, in this collection, are saturated, subtle, and sensuous enough to impress as works of art, as music and imagery, apart from their autobiographical interest and sincerity. Your experience itself has apparently not been very varied: there is the contrast between town and country, and love that does not altogether satisfy your heart: and even these themes are not worked out in the concrete. Your poetry in this respect is like my own: you tell your sentiments in plain language rather than reveal and impose them by poetic magic. Yet I think you are a true poet, inwardly; and sometimes this inner tragedy finds words that make us feel its reality. For instance, “Lost Ships”2 has emotion and magic in it: leaving us at the end, perhaps, a little vague. And here I come to the other question which I was asking myself: What is your philosophy, and is it at all like mine? You do not dogmatize or utter maxims: but in “Be thine own world”, and at the end in “Return”, you do express a sentiment which is very much after my own heart: that the rebuffs of fortune are to be accepted bravely, not false ly compensated by fictions, but made the ^ ^ basis of a residual and quite sufficient human happiness, in which humour—don’t f/let us forget that!—has a large part to play. Of course, it would be a great compliment to me that my name should appear in your book: but I am curious to know what it has been in my

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writings that has attracted you; because even after reading your poems I don’t see at all clearly what it has been. Our ways of writing poetry certainly have some traits in common, but I am afraid they are not virtues. And I see no evidence that my discussions of religion and philosophy have especially interested you. Will you write to me about this; and also please tell me if you care for small verbal [across ] criticisms: one or two have occurred to me. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Conflict (London: Chapman & Hall, 1931) bore this Santayana quotation: “Spirit has no native enmity towards the flesh—that comes to it afterwards from the sad flesh itself.” (Platonism, 52) 2 ‘Youth’ is written in black ink above ‘Ship’ (written in blue ink, struck through in black ink) by a hand other than that of Santayana.

To Cyril Coniston Clemens 21 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Duke)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London. Rome, Jan. 21, 1930. Dear Mr. Clemens,1 Rashly assuming that the books in your Society2 Library are going to be read, and not merely to be a beautiful monument to the truth that of making many books there is no end, I will send you two of my productions, “Soliloquies in England”, because I think it is the least unworthy to be offered in homage to the Shade of Mark Twain, and “Character & Opinion in the U.S.” because the title is the most likely to tempt the casual hand to take it from the shelf. You needn’t have sent a cheque with your request; an inscribed book ought not to be paid for: but I send you the extra one gratis to satisfy my conscience on this point. It may be a little while before you receive the volumes, as I have to send for them to London, in order to sign them. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Cyril Coniston Clemens (1902–99) wrote My Cousin, Mark Twain (Emmaus, Pa.: Rodale Press, 1939) and was for many years editor of the Mark Twain Quarterly. Samuel Langhorne Clemens (pseud. Mark Twain, 1835–1910), was an American humorist who

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wrote masterly recreations of his boyhood, The Adventures of Tom Sawyer (1876) and The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn (1884). 2 The Mark Twain Society.

To William Soutar 26 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Scotland)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 26, 1930 Dear Mr Soutar Your reply to my question gives me, as I hoped, a certain hint for the understanding of your own feeling. You like a certain sympathy with the poetry of things which you discover in my prose. That shows that you yourself feel such a sympathy. On the other hand my conception of human history and the relations of nature and spirit leaves you cold: perhaps because those subjects themselves are not vivid to your imagination. “The great world” is not with you: that is what makes your experience seems/ less mature than perhaps it is. The inner man is a great subject: but the disadvantage of subjectivism is that it intercepts and veils the —— nature ———— view of other things, and so, indirectly, even a just view of oneself. ^ ^ As to small verbal criticisms, they are of this sort. Take “The Return of the Cuckoo”—which has a lot of feeling and atmosphere in it—in the first three lines you pass from “you” to “thou” without apparent reason: the two come and go throughout, and “may thou” is not English. “Sad and solemn” is a cliché, a second-hand phrase, when your sentiment is not second-hand. Wouldn’t “melancholy” be just as simple and better? “Surcease” doesn’t ——— seem to mean what you seem to wish it to mean: but ———— ^ ^ perhaps this distortion is itself a beauty. I am not sure whether you intend it or not. “No less”, farther down, is also apparently out of focus. I like rhyme, but it is dreadful when it seems to constrain or to pad.—You see the sort of thing I mean: you are not always scrupulous enough in your diction. Yours sincerely GSantayana

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To Sidney Hook 27 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Southern)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Rome, Jan. 27, 1930. Dear Mr Hook It is very kind of you to send me these three articles of yours, and I have been reading them with much interest and (I hope) some profit. As I said in a post-card which I sent you some time since, I should feel a very general agreement with you—if you put things differently! For instance, on p. 124 of the Marx-Lenin article,1 you seem to contrast “human needs” with material forces. But what efficacy of any sort could a “need,” more than a thought or a prayer, have in the world, if it were not a material impulse in an animal body? So the “ideas” whose power you exalt on p. 142, might find some difficulty in making themselves felt if nobody had them. Yours sincerely GSantayana. 1

Hook’s article in Philosophy (1928), entitled “The Philosophy of Dialectical Materialism,” contained, among other things, a criticism of Lenin’s Materialism and Empirio-Criticism. Karl Marx (1818—83), a German social philosopher and radical leader, became the chief theorist of modern socialism. Most modern forms of socialism and capitalism are derived from his dynamic theory of social change. He adapted Hegel’s dialectical method to his own materialistic position to produce the theory of dialectical materialism. His monumental work is Das Kapital. The founder of Soviet Russia, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1870–1924), gave up his legal practice to study Marx and to return to revolutionary activities. He saw the revolution through to victory. As chairman of the Communist party, he ruled as a virtual dictator. His elaboration of Marxism is called Leninism. Regarded by Stalinists as the liberator of the proletariat, he is considered by others as a despot who betrayed and enslaved the working class.

To George Sturgis 27 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 27, 1930. Dear George There is nothing very important to report, but I wish to keep you posted about your aunt Josephine’s affairs. She has left Avila and is now

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th with Mercedes in Madrid. The cause was that on Jan. 9– Celedonio was again thought to be dying—extreme unction seems to revive him every time—and Isabel (Pepe’s wife) telephoned to Mercedes asking her to come to Avila for Josephine. She did so the next morning, and the same evening took Josephine to Madrid. The fact that they wished your aunt to go away proves (to my mind) that they really expected Celedonio not to live; because it is not for the financial interest of the family that she should leave them. When the end comes there will be a terrible upheaval—and perhaps some rows—in the whole tribe; the sons will be able to lay hands on the old mans cash-box; and I can understand that they would prefer to have your aunt out of the way. Indeed, it will be a great problem where she is to live, and I think it will be necessary for me to go to Spain, say in April, to survey the ground and see what decisions can be made. I shall then, at last, be able to make a will concerning my European belongings; and, if possible, I will get your aunt to do the same. If it should not be possible, I can at least ask her to destroy her old will, which is in my possession, and which I will take to her. You asked me to do so, if possible, some time ago, and I presume you still think it would simplify matters. If you have some better idea, please let me [across ] know. Yours affectionately G.S.

To Charles Augustus Strong 29 January 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Jan. 29, 1930 Dear Strong Now that you are relieved of the strain of having your book under revision, except for proof-reading, your thoughts may begin to turn to travel, and I want to ask you if, and when, you are likely to come to Rome. Holy Week this year runs from April 13 to 20, and by that time it may be necessary for me to start for Spain, because my sister’s affairs rather require my presence there, and May is the only month in which I dare to be in Madrid, earlier being too cold in unheated houses, and later too warm. My sister is already there, with our friend Mercedes, and, as you know, I much prefer to see her there than in Avila. If you count on finding me in Rome, you had better come in the first half of April, or I could go and stay with you for a week or ten days instead, if you didn’t care to come.

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Thank you for George’s letter. I also have had one which I should send you if it were not in Spanish. From both I gather that his visit has been a great success and that all the family are treating him nicely. I am so pleased and relieved at it: besides it is a vindication of our action in accepting the match. As to the grand Spanish title, I can’t say that I like it very much, as a matter of policy or management: it has an air of opéra-bouffe.1 But if they are pleased, what do a few smiles matter? I suppose the world is bound to laugh at all of us in any case. I assume that they will use only the de Piedrablanca and not the de Guana—the latter is unfortunate, especially for a Chilean: it is almost de Guano.2 But don’t say this to George, it might hurt his feelings; and I will explore the ground [across ] prudently when I see them. Yours ever G.S. 1

Comic opera (French). Of bird excrement (Spanish).

2

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 8 February 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia) Hotel Bristol Rome Feb. 8, 1930

Dear Cory On seeing your handwriting I supposed you wrote to say that Whitehead’s book had arrived safely. I hope it has, and that it will interest you. He coincides with Strong in calling substance “feeling”—though admittedly unconscious—and he has a very elaborate sort of physics or physiology in curious psychological terms. I wonder if he expects that such a system can “go down”? But as an oblique commentary on the facts I have found it penetrating in places. I don’t mean to review it because he treats me so nicely, and I should have to be less re s pectful—which is ^^ always unbecoming. But you might review it—perhaps comparing it with Strong and me respectively. If so, I have a Spanish story to communicate about the principle of “vacuous actuality”. Probably you have heard it a dozen times already. It is about a little Andalusian girl who, on hearing that in some countries there were no oranges, observed sadly that there people could never have any breakfast. Tea, buttered toast, and jam were

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but vacuous actuality to her without oranges. So are essence, matter, and truth to Whitehead without “feeling”. Strong had already told me that he was asking you to continue with him until October. I think his ideas extend beyond that, but he doesn’t wish to be rash or to give you expectations that might lead to disappointment. Your letter has a sort of “good-bye” tone about it, but I am far from regarding our own relations—official or personal—as in any sense at an end. I am glad you get on so well with Strong; it has long seemed to me that, for your own stability, it would be well for you to have stronger ties with literary and philosophical New York; but neither of these things interferes in the least with my hope that you may always be near me, ^ ^ both materially [across ] and spiritually. As to next summer, my movements are uncertain, but we will arrange something. Yours affly GS.

To Henry Seidel Canby 18 February 1930 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Kentucky)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W.1 Rome, Feb. 18, 1930.

Dear Canby, The cheque has now arrived, and not for 100 but for 150 dollars. I couldn’t change the sum indicated without committing a felony; but you may deduct the excess, if due to an error, when we have another transaction. You insist on this quarrel which seems to be going on about “Humanism”. I don’t understand what it is exactly that is at issue; from what I have seen about it in The Criterion1 and The New Adelphi, I should suspect that nobody does. “Humanism” to my mind suggests Erasmus2 and the Renaissance: has that mantle fallen on Babbit?3 However, I hope to be instructed by the reviews you are sending me, and if the spirit whispers anything in my ear, I may reveal it in your columns; but I can promise nothing, as I am not only “out of it” in that particular discussion, but generally rather tired and overpowered by a heap of rival and unfinished undertakings. Yours sincerely GSantayana

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1 The Criterion (1922–39), an influential literary periodical launched as a quarterly and edited by T. S. Eliot, became the New Criterion during 1926 and the Monthly Criterion in 1927. 2 Desiderius Erasmus (c. 1469–1536) was a Dutch humanist, Catholic priest, and teacher. The broadest of humanists, Erasmus’s position with regard to the Reformation caused the enmity of Luther. 3 Irving Babbitt (1865–1933) was an American teacher, critic of romanticism, and advocate of new humanism based on classical traditions. Norman Foerster’s (editor) Humanism and America: Essays on the Outlook of Modern Civilisation (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, Inc., 1930) contains essays by Babbitt, P. E. Moore, G. R. Elliot, and T. S. Eliot, among others.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 4 March 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, March 4, 1930 Dear Cory Here is a cheque to patch up the holes in your budget. If it is more than enough for the moment, get a fresh tie, and feel that it is really a present. I have today received $266.40 from Scribner, which I look upon as your special source of supply, so that the fund available will not be diminished. My general yearly account was also very favourable considering the panic in Wall Street; the value of the total was only one percent less than last year; and counting the sum I had saved, it was a good deal more. My nephew is a treasure. I agree that you had better not come to Rome at the same time as Strong. We couldn’t have lunch together, and after the whole afternoon with S. I had rather be alone at dinner. Go to Rapallo or wherever you like. Siena is a nice place, if you are smitten with the Florentine quattro cento.1 Truth has rather stuck in the mud, and is abandoned for the moment; but fiction has been moving. A lovely short chapter—picture of budding friendship—written out in ink, quite original, and I think in the right key. But I have also been at work on something else, which I won’t describe, lest it should turn out to be a wind-egg.2 The season has been very mild here; I have had no more cough; and feel steadier than for some time past. It looks as if I might not need to go to Spain this summer; if that continues to be the case, and the coast is —— free ——clear at Fiesole, I may go there

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for a time, and later to Cortina. It has occurred to me that there is another hotel there, better than the Cristallo, where I shouldn’t have a long steep hill to climb at the end of my daily walk. It is called the Miramonte. If you are not needed in Paris you might come to stay with me there in August. Yours affly G.S. 1

Fifteenth century (Italian). An imperfect or unproductive egg.

2

To Charles Scribner Jr. 4 March 1930 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Princeton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, March 4, 1930. r Dear M Scribner Thank you very much for your letter (of Feb. 21) and the cheque enclosed, from which I gather that some ladies’ college continues to use my early works as textbooks. I am not surprised that you are not wholly satisfied with the method in which my books have been passing from Constable’s hands into yours. Like you, I have had invariably pleasant relations with them in a personal sense, and I am attached to the appearance and binding of my purple squad of grenadiers. When in the case of my little essay on “———— Spiritual ———ism ——— Platonism & the Spiritual Life”, I begged them to make a beautiful book ^ ^ of it, the thing was a failure; and I don’t much care for the general character of the things they publish. However, I don’t want to desert them, nor you; and certainly I shall not consent to having them pass on any future work of mine to another American publisher. As to future arrangements, in the case of any future volume of Realms of Being,1 I should like the edition, whether printed in England only or reproduced by you, to be uniform with the three volumes already written. On the other hand, if my novel The Last Puritan should ever be finished2 (and I have some hopes it may) I have already told you that I should submit it to you directly, to be published and copyrighted by you in America, while Constable could print it separately in England if he liked. Should I meantime get anything else done, I will keep in mind your point of view, and see what seems best to do when the time comes, according to the

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character of the work. But probably I shall have nothing more for a year or two, if ever. I am getting old. I enclose a list of addresses3 to which I should like you to send copies of The Realm of Matter, when it is ready, with the author’s compliments, charging them to my account. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Truth was published in 1938, and Spirit in 1940. Published by Scribner’s in 1936. 3 Unlocated. 2

To Harry Slochower [6? March 1930] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Brooklyn)

Hotel Bristol, Piazza Barberini, Thursday, Dear Mr. Slochower It is too bad that your note had to go all the way to London and back to reach me here. However, it is not too late, and if you will come for me th on Saturday, next, March 15– at about 12.45 we can go and have lunch at a quiet restaurant. I find this the best way of seeing people, as hotels are dismal places in which to receive or to pay calls. Yours sincerely GSantayana No answer is required, if you can come.

To Mary Whitall Smith Berenson 10 March 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: I Tatti)

Hotel Bristol, Rome March 10, 1930 Dear Mrs Berenson1 What! Do you propose that I should make a visit? It is a delusion of your excessive kindness to imagine that I might still be fit for such things. I am not; because although well enough in appearance, and still going

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strong in the solitude of my insides, I am deaf physically and intellectually, and incapable of society. Even Strong has probably complained to you that I am recalcitrant, and no use as material for improvement and conversion. I go sometimes to stay with him because old habit makes life in common easy for us, and we need practically to say nothing to one another: but a world-centre like I Tatti! I should be entirely dazed. Seriously, I have so long and so completely renounced all society that I don’t dare to go anywhere, and say nothing when I do. Please believe in my unaltered affection, and tell Ralph Perry2 that, at this very moment, all the Harvard ashes within me have been stirred into sparks by the portentous History3 of which he is a part-author, and also by the report of Pres. Lowell, which tells wonders of the place, as it now is. I have also read Whitehead’s new book, and, except in language, have found it acceptable. I am myself at work on three different books4 at this moment, which is another reason why, with pleasure at being [across ] still so kindly remembered, I have to remain in hiding, your old friend GSantayana 1 Mary Whitall Smith Berenson (1865–1945), sister to Logan Pearsall Smith, lived with Bernard Berenson for ten years before their marriage in 1900. I Tatti was their villa at Settignano, near Florence. The villa now serves as the Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies. 2 Ralph Barton Perry (1876–1957), an American realist philosopher, attended Princeton University (B.A., 1896) and received his M.A. (1897) and Ph.D. (1899) from Harvard. He briefly taught at Williams College and Smith College, and from 1902 to 1946 at Harvard, where, after 1930, he was the Edgar Pierce Professor of Philosophy. He was Hyde Lecturer at various French universities during 1921–22. 3 The revised edition of Alfred Weber’s History of Philosophy (translated by Frank Thilly) includes Ralph Barton Perry’s Philosophy Since 1860 (New York: Scribner’s, 1925), 458–594. 4 Truth, Genteel, and Puritan.

To Maurice Firuski 10 March 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown)

Rome, March 10, 1930 Dear Mr. Firuski, Two circumstances lead me to write to you after this long interval. One is that I am about to send a copy of my new book, The Realm of Matter, to Pierre la Rose, but am not sure whether he is at the same address or even among the living. Can you give me news of him?

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The other is that the voluminous kindness of several friends has loaded me with more than one copy of Morison’s “Development of Harvard.”1 What am I to do with them, a pilgrim who likes to be almost without luggage? It has occurred to me that books to you are like lady-loves to Don Juan: “additions don’t encumber”, and that, if you are not overstocked, you might find an extra copy useful. I therefore send you one of mine as a present. If you absolutely insist on returning the compliment—which as yet you have not said—perhaps you might send me in exchange the latest official guide to Harvard, if it has illustrations. Except by chance, I have had no real information about the great changes there in these twenty years. As I wrote to Morison in thanking him—it is his copy that I am sending back to you—the multitude of personalities mentioned in it, and the unison in their efforts and ideals, produce an effect of monotony. Persons in an age of foundations are less interesting than things—which is perhaps the reason why they devote themselves to establishing them. It is the material growth of Harvard and of all its organs that would really impress the imagination. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Samuel Eliot Morison (1887–1976), Harvard class of 1908 (Ph.D., 1912), was an American historian and author of The Development of Harvard University, 1869–1929, fourth volume of Tercentennial History of Harvard College and University (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1930).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 3 April 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

April 3, ’30. Glad to hear from you. Will write more at length when I have seen S. who is not coming till next week. My plans will be influenced by his, if not determined absolutely by events in Spain. Both Oliver & Truth have yielded for the moment to a review1 of Babbit & Co’s Humanism. Auguri.2 G.S. 1

This review contributed to Genteel. Best wishes (Italian).

2

1928–1932

To Horace Meyer Kallen 6 April 1930 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: YIVO)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Rome, April 6, 1930 Dear Kallen, Your publishers, no doubt at your request, have sent me your “Indecency and the Seven Arts”,1 which I have been reading with a good deal of pleasure and amusement. It happens that I had just finished “Humanism and America”, so that I could particularly relish your onslaught on the prigs. Sometimes my pleasure in reading you is modified by a qualm of conscience, when I wonder if the example of my early writings could have encouraged you in your intellectual impressionism. It is an inevitable method up to a certain point, since in one sense all our ideas and convictions must have been once intellectual impressions— notions that simply occurred to one; yet there are degrees in the lightness with which we may pick up these views, and propose them as serious representations of the true relations of things. Perhaps I have become to o ^^ systematic and too much disinclined to take up fresh notions; it is a hardness proper to old age; but it seems to me that you are not systematic enough, or at least not conscious enough of your latent system, and that your contentions would carry more weight if the reader were told clearly on what principles they rested. Mere inspection of the alleged facts leaves accidental impressions: one is conscious that almost anything else might have been said instead. For instance, you blame Mussolini2 for the absence of fresh art in Italy; but you say elsewhere that it takes ages for a society to reach genuine expression in the arts; and you might have said— unless your undisclosed first principles forbid it—that a disciplined society, that has admirable and definite artistic traditions, will naturally continue them automatically, as it will continue to speak its old language, and will positively discourage innovations. There is always variation enough imposed by circumstances: new beginnings in the arts are signs either of a previous total ruin or of fashionable impudence. Modern “art” is a matter of one foolish fashion after another. Why have any “art”? What you say about Russia interested me especially: there you feel more at home; and although I know nothing about what is actually brewing there, or what we may hope for, I think it is a splendid experiment. Lenin is as

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good as Lycurgus3 or Pythagoras. Let him have his way! Hurrah for a Russian ballet without religion! Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Indecency and the Seven Arts, and Other Adventures of a Pragmatist in Aesthetics (New York: H. Liveright, 1930). 2 Benito Mussolini (1883–1945) founded fascism in Italy. When King Victor Emmanuel III asked him to form a cabinet, Mussolini transformed his government into a ruthless dictatorship. In the Axis partnership, Mussolini became a puppet of Hitler and in 1940 entered World War II. Overthrown and arrested in 1943, he was freed by a rescue party. Subsequently he was recaptured by Italian partisans and executed. 3 Founder of the Spartan constitution, Lycurgus (c. 7th century B.C.) ruled Sparta and was responsible for the unification of its disparate parts of government. He established the unique system of Spartan military training and organization and the militaristic but effective Spartan educational system.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 21 April 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Rome, April 21, 1930. So glad about the article & sonnet.1—S. has had very bad luck here in the weather and leaves this morning on his return journey. Several days I excused myself from driving with him on account of wind & rain.—My plans are still vague; for the present I remain here, and probably shall go to Le Balze after the family leave, perhaps late in May, unless I am summoned to Spain in the interval.—S. speaks of you with great interest, & doesn’t want to let [across] you go back to the U.S. Che sarà sarà2 G. S. 1

Cory’s article and sonnet were accepted by J. M. Murry for publication in the New Adelphi. 2 What will be will be (Italian).

1928–1932

To Monica Waterhouse Bridges 26 April 1930 • Rome, Italy C

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(MS: Bodleian)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W. Rome, April 26, 1930 Dear Mrs Bridges,1 Let me add my word of sympathy to the many that must be coming to you from every quarter. This inevitable separation can hardly help leaving all the greater void in your life, in that happily it has been put off for so many years. But you have many satisfactions to balance against this sadness, and not the least, which is a satisfaction to all of us also, is that Mr Bridges should have crowned his last years with such a magnificent performance as his Testament of Beauty. I don’t know what judgement posterity may pass—or may drift into—in regard to this poem, and to the rest of your husband’s work, but in any case it is a noble portrait of his mind, so sensitive, brave, open, and healthy; and it must remain a monument to the sentiment of cultivated English people in his time, and in this modern predicament of the human spirit. You doubtless saw a long letter which I wrote to him about it, dwelling (at his request) on the doctrinal side of it, in so far as I could make it out; but that letter didn’t do justice to what I think is the chief merit of the work—its deep sense of citizenship in nature, and its courage and good humour at a moment when the future seems so dubious for England and for the world. You know better than anyone—for I suspect you had a hand in it—that r I owe m / M Bridges a particular debt for his generous recognition of my early writings, when they were quite unknown in England and not much respected in America. His kindness and friendship went even further, and I think he would have liked to domesticate me in England altogether. I too would have liked nothing better when I was a young man; but at the time when the thing might have been possible—during the war and after— it was too late. Neither my health nor my spirits were then fit for beginning life afresh, as it were, in a new circle. The best I could do then was to retire into a mild solitude, and complete as far as possible the writing that I had planned. It is now more than half done; and, by the way, you will soon receive a new book of mine addressed to Mr Bridges. If it is too

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technical to interest you, you might perhaps give it to Edward,2 as a memento of my affection for his father, for you, and for him. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Mary Monica Waterhouse married Robert Bridges in 1884. See Persons, 489–90. Baron Edward Ettingdene Bridges (1892–1969).

2

To Harry Slochower 26 April 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Brooklyn)

Hotel Bristol, Rome April 26, 1930 Dear Mr Slochower Thank you very much for your letter and your little book,1 which I have been reading with much pleasure and profit. You are remarkably fair and well-informed, and it is only the consequence of these merits that the reader is rather lost in the multiplicity of opinions reported, and perhaps doesn’t always carry away a clear total impression of the various persons and philosophies. I think for instance that your account of Pierce and of Royce2 is more telling than that of James or Dewey: these latter become blurred—at least in my mind—by dint of details not —— easy ——always easy to understand in themselves, and disconnected. That is no doubt their fault more than yours; but I think the public would be more helped by a more unified and impressionistic account of their philosophies, even at the cost of leaving out some important points. As to your treatment of me, it is most generous, both in the space you devote to me and in your judgements. Yet here, too, I think more concentration would have been wise. You might have left out those summaries of the various chapters in the Life of Reason, and talked more of my later books which, in my opinion at least, are more important. I have noticed nothing that seemed a misinterpretation, unless it be where you say that my essences have now become a separate world in which imagination may disport itself. That is true in a loose sense: but it is only the themes or patterns that belong (together with all possible themes and patterns) to another non-existent sphere. The actual imagination, the event and the feeling concerned, is a passing fact like any other in the natural world: and the most sublime contemplation doesn’t escape from this

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world in its existence, causes, choice of terms, and effects: it escapes only as any simplest perception or feeling escapes, when it is pure and merely considers its “eternal object”—which is not so much its “object” as its given quality. However, this is nothing compared with the fidelity and appreciative intelligence [across ] with which you have reported me. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Slochower’s essay, “Die Philosophie in den Vereinigten Staaten” (Philosophy in the United States), was published in Reichls philosophischer Almanach (Darmstadt, 1927), 350–458. 2 Josiah Royce (1855–1916) was an English instructor at Berkeley (1878–82) and philosophy professor (and Santayana’s dissertation director) at Harvard (1882–1916). Influenced by the German idealists, Royce held that the world exists only insofar as beings with minds know it and the finite self knows truth only because the individual mind is part of the world-mind. Among his works are The Spirit of Modern Philosophy (1892), The World and the Individual (1900–1901), and The Philosophy of Loyalty (1908).

To Horace Meyer Kallen 6 May 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: American)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London Rome, May 6, 1930

Dear Kallen, Please thank the authorities of the New School1 for their renewed invitation, but you know very well the reasons that make it impossible for me to accept it: 66 years on my back, the climate and society of New York, my work already planned, and the short time left in which to execute it. The fuss which you predict would be made about me is a further reason: my reputation for wisdom and for good temper (if it exists) is much safer in my absence. Together with your letter I have received one from your publishers asking for a puff for your book. I wrote you what came into my mind on reading it, and I am hardly able now to say anything more. Please ask them to excuse me. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 The New School for Social Research, in Manhattan, is a nonsectarian coed institution opened in 1919 for adult education. Its divisions include graduate faculty of political and social science. Founders included John Dewey and Thorstein Veblen; Kallen was one of the first professors there.

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To Charles Augustus Strong 11 May 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Rome, May 11, 1930. Dear Strong I am very glad that my autobiography pleases you, and I am confident that, apart from my agnosticism, you will find yourself in general agreement with The Realm of Matter also. It will be possible for me to judge better exactly where we differ—if we do—when your own book appears.1 I am afraid that your physical space and time will seem to me a little too geometrical, and your substance too psychological, at least in name: but it is a part of my agnostism, or critical realism, to admit that names and ideas must be relative and subjective, although their objects are not. Your science is therefore doing its full duty if it improves its own texture, without abandoning its symbolic relation to fact. I have not received a copy of the Contemporary Americans myself:2 does one have to order it? If so, I won’t; but wait to see the book at your house. Your letters, and one or two I have from George, put a different aspect on our summer prospects, although I am not clear about their exact plans. Are they—I mean Margaret and George—to take the baby and to stay in America all summer, until they can move into their New York apartment? Or are they coming back in July to Saint Germain? In any case, it might be pleasanter for them to stay at Le Balze until it is almost time for them to sail; and in that case, you might be leaving Italy before they do. Let me know how matters stand in this respect, as it may have some influence on my own movements. As yet it is so cool here, and I am so well employed on the novel and on other things, that I am not inclined to move for the moment. The news from Spain is that my sister is remarkably well, and that my brother-in-law, though bed-ridden and ill-tempered, is holding out; so that there is no urgent call for me in that quarter. Yours ever G.S. 1 Strong’s book, Essays on the Natural Origin of the Mind (London: Macmillan) was published in 1930. 2 See 13 May 1929 to Strong.

1928–1932

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 11 May 1930 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Columbia)

Rome, May 11, 1930 Dear Cory I had just written to Strong when your letter came and confirmed my presumption that he would leave for France before the Cuevas family. This settles one point in my own plan, in that I shall certainly not go to Florence this Spring. It is so cool that I can stay comfortably here for some time longer: perhaps when you and Strong are in or near Paris, and tell me whether you are likely to stay there all summer, I may be tempted to join you. There is as yet no need for me to go to Spain. I enclose a present, so that you may take the treno di lusso1 to Paris, or get some new clothes when there. Do be careful about your food. You know Paris now very well, and can speak the language, more or less; let me repeat my constant advice that you take a room in an hôtel meublé2 and go out for your meals. For most of them, when you want only eggs and milk, the laiteries3 are excellent and economical; and the Duvals4 are good enough for the more solid feasts. You would soon know exactly where to go and what to order, and the machinery of life would become automatic, but much healthier than in a boarding-house; and also better adapted for seeing the world in its variety. I am sorry not to see you at once: but even if I should go to Venice or to Cortina, it is not improbable that I should have to pass later through Paris, on my way to Spain; and either going or returning I could stop and join you for a while. Yours affectionately GSantayana 1

The deluxe train (Italian). Lodging house (French). 3 Dairy bars (French). 4 A chain of inexpensive restaurants in Paris. 2

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 12 May 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, May 12, 1930 Dear Cory My brother-in-law in Avila died today at the age of 90. I expect to leave Rome early next week direct for Paris, and to be in Avila before the end of the month. I will send you word, if any change occurs; otherwise my address, after this week, will be C/o B. S. & Co London, (123, Pall Mall): or you may write simply to Avila, Spain, where they will have notified the P. O. of my presence. Yours affly G.S.

To Charles Augustus Strong 12 May 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Rome, May 12, 1930 Dear Strong This afternoon I receive a telegram from Avila saying that my brotherin-law died today. I have made the suitable reply, adding that I will leave shortly for Paris and Avila. It will be as well to allow the confusion of the first few days to blow over before I make my appearance, so that I am not particularly hurried; but I hope to leave Rome early next week for Paris direct, and a few days later to be in Avila. This settles my plans for the immediate future; when I am in Spain I will let you know how I find my sister, and what arrangements seem most convenient to make for her future; she may wish simply to continue living where she is, with one of the Sastre households, and in that case it will not be necessary for me stay long in Spain, and I may still join you in July or August wherever you may be staying. Yours ever G.S.

1928–1932

To Luis Sastre González 13 May 1930 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Sastre Martín)

Roma, 13 de Mayo, 19301 Querido Luis: He recibido con mucha pena tu telegrama de ayer, y te doy a ti, asi como a tus hermanos y a toda la familia, el mas sincero pésame. Teneis el consuelo de haber conservado a vuestro padre por muchos años, y de haberle rodeado siempre del respeto y del cariño que merecían sus virtudes. Por telegrama de Mercedes, algo posterior, sé que mi hermana Josefina se marchaba con ella a Burgos por ocho dias. Me parece que habeis hecho bien de arreglar así las cosas, evitándole a ella impresiones tristes, y dando tiempo a todos para pensar bien lo que conviene disponer en adelante.2 Yo he tomado ya billete para Paris, adonde llegaré, Dios mediante, el miércoles que viene, 21 de Mayo, y el dia 23 o 24 podré seguir el viaje a España. Si Josefina, a esas fechas, está todavia en Burgos, me detendré allí y podré acompañarla cuando regrese a Avila. Da la casualidad de que Jorge Sturgis, mi sobrino, está haciendo un viaje de recreo, en automóvil, por Alemania, y que no regresará a Boston hasta fines del mes de Junio. Lo digo, por si no lo sabeis, para que no os extrañe si no contesta enseguida. Yo le he comunicado tu parte, por si acasó no tuviera noticias directas. Mis señas por el momentos seran: Hotel Royal Hausmann, Paris. Espero recibir alli noticias vuestras y de Mercedes. En particular me alegraría de conocer lo que os parece que debe hacer ahora Josefina. Con cariñosos recuerdos a todos, te abraza Jorge 1

Translation:

Dear Luis: I have received with much sorrow your telegram of yesterday, and I send to you, as well as to your brothers and the rest of the family, most sincere condolences. All of you have the consolation of having had your father for many years, and of having surrounded him always with the respect and love that his virtues merit. By Mercedes’s telegram, somewhat later, I know that my sister Josephine left with her for Burgos for eight days. It seems that all of you have done well in settling things,

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sparing her from sad thoughts, and giving everyone time to think about and agree on how best to arrange things later. I have already reserved a ticket to Paris, where I will arrive, God willing, next Wednesday, 21 May, and on the 23 or 24 I will be able to continue to Spain. If Josephine, by that date, is still in Burgos, I will stop there and I will be able to accompany her when she returns to Avila. By chance George Sturgis, my nephew, is taking a pleasure trip by car through Germany, and will not return to Boston until the end of June. I tell you this, if you don’t know it, so that it doesn’t surprise you if he doesn’t answer soon. I have written to him on your behalf, just in case he hadn’t any direct news. My address for the moment will be: Hotel Royal Hausmann, Paris. I hope to receive there your and Mercedes’s news. In particular it would please me to know whatever seems to you that Josephine ought to do now. With fondest remembrances to all, I embrace you 2 After Celedonio’s death Josephine Sturgis lived with José (Pepe) and Isabel Sastre in Ávila. She remained with them until her death on 15 October 1930.

To Julio Irazusta 14 May 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co. 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Roma, 14 de Mayo 1930.1 Querido amigo: no sabe usted con qué gusto recibo la noticia de su viaje, tanto más que espero tener en breve el gusto de verle. Salgo el día 20 de mayo para París, en route para España, y estaré por algunos días en el Hotel Royal Haussmann. Más tarde espero regresar y es probable que pase una parte del verano en Versalles; si viene usted por allí, paulo majora canamus. Su afectísimo Jorge Santayana 1

Translation: Dear friend: you have no idea with what pleasure I receive the notice of your trip, all the more so as I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you before long. I leave on the 20th of May for Paris, en route to Spain, and I will be for a few days at the Hotel Royal Haussmann. At a later date I hope to return and it is probable that I will spend a part of the summer at Versailles; if you come there, then we will sing all the louder. Your most affectionate

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To Charles Augustus Strong 14 May 1930 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Rockefeller)

Rome, May 14, 1930 Dear Strong The Contemporary American Philosophy has now arrived, and I have read your paper. I find no obscurity in it, at least none in expression, and can see no reason why you shouldn’t be pleased with it. My old difficulties are not removed: on page 321, I asked myself whether the “coincidence” of idea with thing could, in the most favourable instance, be more than a coincidence between the form of the thing and the intuited essence attributed to it. as two persons who agree “coincide” in thought and may ^ be aware of that coincidence: but how should any act in me be existen^ tially coincident with any fact outside of me?* [across ] *I know this is not what you maintain: yet the view that intuition is likely to reveal the ^ ^ essence of substance, when this is my substance, seems to me arbitrary. [end across ] And on p. 323, I asked myself what you conceived by “getting” one thing “out of” another? Is this derivation to be traceable visible/y? Is it to be intelligible in the /s Sense of a dialectical deduction? Or is it merely to be an actual derivation? In this last case, may not anything “come out of” anything else, if it follows upon it? Might not anything “come out of” nothing, if it was a first event? In general I think that the criticism likely to be made of your creed is that, while sober and sound as a whole, it contains certain undissolved dogmatic elements which render it unstable, so that you yourself would probably wish ultimately to revise some parts of it. I have taken my ticket to Paris in the train-de-luxe for May 20, which Cory tells me is the day on which you, too, expect to start in the same direction. I am going for two or three days to the Hôtel Royal Hausmann, opposite the Café Cardinal. There I expect to get letters from Spain which will determine my movements. Our invaluable friend Mercedes was in Avila on the day of my brother-in-law’s death, and was immediately to carry off my sister with her to Burgos for a week. It might easily be for a longer time: so that I don’t know whether my first destination will be Avila, Burgos, or possible/y Vigo.—If I miss you in Paris now, I hope to find you at Versailles or Saint Germain or Fontainebleau upon my return Yours ever G.S.

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To Henry Seidel Canby 22 May 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Beinecke) May 22, 1930

HOTEL ROYAL HAUSSMANN PARIS

Dear Canby I am sending back Miss Parkhurst’s book,1 so that you won’t have to ask for another copy to be reviewed. I am sorry that it comes down upon me when I am in the act of travelling to Spain with a minimum of luggage and with thoughts otherwise occupied. It seems a splendid book: but I will confess that a first peep at — di —it didn’t reveal any theoretical skeleton such as might have neutralized my sense of too too much beautiful flesh. I am writing about Humanism, but can’t tell when the result will be crystallized into printable form: I hope during this summer. I have other things in hand also which make promises rash Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Probably Beauty; an Interpretation of Art and the Imaginative Life by Helen Huss Parkhurst (b. 1887), which was published in 1930 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co.).

To Charles Augustus Strong 31 May 1930 • Ávila, Spain

(MS: Rockefeller)

Avila, May 31, 1930 Dear Strong I have now been here for nearly a week, and another week or ten days will probably suffice to despatch all the business and see all the people that concern me. I am lodged in the same house as usual, which was my brother-in-law’s, but the one of his sons who lives in it is not especially my friend, and his wife is an obstreperous great blonde who rather terrifies me; so that I sha’n’t stay longer than is necessary. While business is pending I hope to make one or two motor trips to the farm and to Salamanca, the latter of which I have never seen. The weather has been rainy and is very cool. We have braseros1 in the sitting rooms.

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I am afraid the same unseasonable weather may have interfered with the pleasantness of your trip. I should be glad to have a line from you, telling me how you have fared and whether you are staying in Versailles. I expect to stop again at the Hotel Royal Haussmann when I reach Paris, th about June 15– My nephew George Sturgis of Boston will then be in Paris, th , so that in any case I shouldn’t join you at Versailles, or elseuntil the 20– where, before that date. My sister Josephine is much as she was two years ago, and it is settled that she is to remain in this house: but in the distribution of our brotherin-laws/’s estate, it is another of the brothers, the youngest, who is to get it, and to live in it with his family. This will be a great improvement, as his wife and children are precisely those with which —om my sister has most affectionate relations. The children are very attractive and cheerful: a girl of 16, two boys of 15 and 14 (but very grown up for their age) and two other girls of 12 and 7 respectively. They all run in and out of her room, and help to vary the monotony of life for her. But she is at an age when quiet and monotony are no longer a bore. I hope I may arrive in time to see Margaret and George before they sail. Please give them my love. Yours ever G. S. 1

Pans to hold coals (Spanish).

To Charles Augustus Strong 13 June 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Rockefeller) June 13, 1930 Friday

HOTEL ROYAL HAUSSMANN PARIS

Dear Strong I arrived here last night and hope to see you soon. My nephew George Sturgis came for two days to Avila, just before I left, and we made a part of the return journey together. He is at the Hôtel Foyot, and leaves for Cherbourg & New York in the middle of next week. I should be very ^ ^ much pleased if you could come to lunch with us (perhaps at the Foyot itself) or else let us come to see you at Versailles (he has a big motor), as

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I should like him to know you, and also Cory (is Cory here?), not that he is an intellectual, but because he is my nearest active relation. You know the good-natured business American: he is very American and very good natured I found my sister well, and settled the various affairs which were pending in Avila, and feel quite satisfied with my journey. If you have an extra copy of your book at hand, the simplest way would be to let me take it when I come to see you; at the same time we can arrange some plan for the immediate future Yours ever GSantayana

To Maurice Firuski 16 June 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Unknown)

Paris, June 16, 1930 Dear Mr. Firuski I received in due time the copy of the Guide to Harvard1 which I had asked you for, and acknowledged it to the immediate sender. I hope the book2 which I had originally sent fulfilled its purpose as thoroughly as that which I got in exchange. I have been to Spain on family affairs, and haven’t yet settled down for the summer: hence the lateness and scrappiness of this note. If it is true, as I hear, that you were prosecuted for selling a copy of Lawrence,3 you have my sincere sympathy. I have read the book, or part of it,—it is to be had anywhere in Christian lands for 60 francs—and see no more harm in it than in the language and drawings occasionally to be seen gratis in privies: but the context hadn’t enough beauty or interest to support those high lights. It is otherwise, for instance, in the Arabian Nights or in Casanova—which I suppose are also forbidden in America.4 I am glad I am not there—and this is not the only reason. It all seems a mighty cataract of the inessential. With many thanks for your trouble and kind attention, Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Probably the Official Guide to Harvard University, first published in 1899. The sixth edition edited by Robert Stewart Mitchell was issued in 1929. 2 Matter.

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3 D. H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover (1928) was prohibited from being published in full in England until 1960 due to its frank sexuality and use of language. 4 Santayana owned the sixteen-volume Le Livre des mille nuits et une nuit (The book of the thousand and one nights ), translated by J. C. Mardrus (Paris, 1918). Giacomo Casanova (1725–98) was an Italian autobiographer whose reputation rests on the posthumously published Mémoires (12 vols., 1826–38), primarily an account of an extraordinary succession of sexual encounters.

To John Middleton Murry 22 June 1930 • Saint-Germain-en-Laye, France C

(MS: Macksey)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Saint Germain, June 22, 1930 r Dear M Murry I have just finished your article in The Criterion, on The Detachment of Naturalism.1 I am delighted with it, not merely because I agree with every word of it, but because you put these things in a personal and moving way which heightens their clearness, and probably will make them intelligible to many who, at another angle, might miss them altogether. The only thing which I should be tempted to add to your exposition is that the detachment of spirit, or of understanding, is itself an inevitable aspect or moment of natural intelligence. To see things as they are, or in their truth, by variously exchanging, balancing, and thereby transcending any one private station or interest, is the condition of seeing them usefully in the larger economy of life. There is nothing anti-natural in reflection, imagination, or impersonal hypothesis. We must discount our personal equation—sensuous organs, passions, etc.—in order to calculate correctly the movement of things, in which our animal existence and passions are interpolated. But in thus serving our natural life our intelligence has detached itself, in idea, from the bias of that life: it has become impartial and disinterested. It can therefore, to that extent and in that relation, constitute a spiritual life detached from the person and lost in the truth: although materially it remains a function of animal intelligence, with its material organs, and its roots in the free play and requisite transpositions of animal fancy.

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Your article is a fresh and eloquent exposition of Spinoza’s “intellectual love of God”.2 Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 “Detachment of Naturalism,” appeared in volume IX, issue XXXVII of The Criterion in 1930. 2 Spinoza explains his notion of “the intellectual love of God” in Proposition XXXII of Part V of his Ethics. The intellectual love of God results from an intuitive grasping of the eternity of God. It is a delight that is accompanied by the idea of God as cause.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 30 June 1930 [postmark] • Saint-Germain-en-Laye, France

(MS: Columbia)

Sunday. PAVILLON HENRI IV T S . GERMAIN-EN-LAYE

Dear Cory, Strong would like you to come out here on Wednesday. You might lunch with me, talk with him afterwards and then (this is his idea) go to drive with us, and to tea at the Cuevas’ house, as he wants to introduce you formally to his daughter and son-in-law. If this programme is too heavy, you needn’t come to lunch, but I hope you will. Strong expects to leave for Havre on Saturday, after which we can meet again and review the situation. I have received, and will pass on to you, the first volume of the American Philosophers, so don’t buy it. Yours affetly G.S.

To Charles Augustus Strong 10 July 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Rockefeller)

Paris July 10, 1930 Dear Strong From your two letters I gather that, while you wish to put a good face on it, you are not really very happy at the Frascati,1 and may not be able to stand it long. I am sorry, but know only too well the difficulty that the

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homeless have in finding a home. It doesn’t seem worth while for me to go to Havre; life there would be very confined; here there is all the freedom and stimulus of Paris, and in spite of the terrific noise at the Foyot I have been able to sleep well and to do some writing both in the morning and the afternoon. However, I am moving tomorrow to a nice large pannelled room, with a bath, at the Hôtel Vouillemont, rue Boissy d’Anglas: although not exactly quiet it will be less thundering and at least I shall avoid the nerve-racking journeys to and fro in autobusses and underground trains. There will be no need of my staying there forever; and if you discover some genuine paradise, I shall be ready to join you almost at any time. As to your fresh statement of your position, it doesn’t help me much. I see how the sense of something going on in me, when I have that sense, should lead me to posit something outside (this is “projection” if I understand it): it might happen if I was addressed in action or watchfulness to the outside, and had only that private feeling within me to distinguish that object by. Images internally bred may thus “be used” to describe objects of intent in the environment, or in parts of my own body. HOTEL RESTAURANT FOYOT PARIS

But I remain incapable of conceiving how a substantial state can be projected. As to introspection, I follow your analysis easily until you come to “rightly in respect to its nature, feeling.” What is rightly known in introspection, as in perception, is that there is something at the point focussed responsible for what I feel and justifying my reaction. It does not enhance the truth of this discovery to add that, at that point, there is something abstractly similar to my present feeling. The pertinent and sufficient similarity in the known object to the knowing organ is that both should exist dynamically, so as to be able to affect and modify one another. I see that this existence would have to be “feeling”, if we accept the idealistic dogma that nothing save “feeling”—meaning conscious feeling—can exist: but for a realist, who believes in the reality of objects posited in action, that argument falls to the ground and only epistemological considerations are pertinent. Since your previous exposition I have an inkling of a deep-lying cause of misunderstanding between us. “Luminosity” to me (and Aristotle) is proper to spirit, not to substance: the notion that

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HOTEL RESTAURANT FOYOT PARIS

a sort of diffused luminosity or potential spirit, should be the substance of the universe is strange to me. Is it a sort of psychological version of pure potentiality or materia prima? If so, I see a difficulty, in that mere potentiality (see Maritain)2 is necessarily resident in something else, which is actual. But what would be the actually formed being which contained the potentiality of —actual ———— ^eventual^ intuitions? Unformed intuitions, feeling without character, would never do: perhaps you would say space and instants—but that is another difficulty. Yours ever G.S. 1

Italian town and episcopal see southeast of Rome. Jacques Maritain (1882–1973), a French neo-Thomist philosopher, converted to Catholicism in 1906. His work broadened the teachings of Saint Thomas Aquinas and applied them to modern life. He taught philosophy at a Catholic institute in Paris, at Columbia University, and at Princeton University, and served as French ambassador to the Vatican from 1945 to 1948. 2

To John Middleton Murry 18 July 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Macksey)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W.1 Paris, July 18 1930 Dear Mr Murry I hope I haven’t missed any numbers of The New Adelphi since I left Rome in May. In any case, I send a subscription for it in its new form, in which I hope it may meet with every success. I am writing a long article entitled “The Genteel Tradition at Bay”1 intended for America, which I mean to send to Canby, who has been sending me books about the “Humanism” now so much discussed there. If you would like to have it—it may be too long for you—I can send you the MS, —— whi —— on the understanding that it is to appear in America at the same time. Perhaps you could have a copy made, as you did before; but in that case please send it to me first, so that I may correct any error s ^^ due to my handwriting. There was one in the last article: the crossing of

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a T was taken for the underlining of the word above, which was a word of no importance. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 The articles constituting “The Genteel Tradition at Bay” were published in The Adelphi ( January, February, and March 1931) and by the Saturday Review: Part I: “Analysis of Modernity” 7 (3 January 1931): 502–3; Part II: “The Appeal to the Supernatural” 7 (10 January 1931): 518–19; Part III: “Moral Adequacy of Naturalism” 7 (17 January 1931): 534–35. These were published later as Genteel.

To George Sturgis 19 July 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Houghton)

Hôtel Vouillemont, 15, rue Boissy d’Anglas. Paris, July 19, 1930 Dear George It was nice to know that you had got home safely and found everything all right. My stay at Saint Germain wasn’t a great success: it is a place for excursions, not for a long residence. Strong soon departed for Havre, but I feared the confinement of hotel life in his company, with all meals at home and a daily drive at just such an hour. I came to Paris, and at first— yielding to the suggestion carried by the fact that you had been there—I went to the Foyot, and took the very room I had had 25 years ago. But I found the noise intolerable. ’Busses in the old days had horses, and there were no horns and no changing of gear, and above all no earth-shaking camions. After looking about a little, I settled upon this place, also known to me of old by Experience; and I am quite comfortable, in a large room in the entresol,1 low-studded but quite beautifully panelled, with a bathroom, and a pleasant sense of being in a stage-box close to all that goes on in the street, yet quite invisible to the actors and to the public. I expect to stay here until Sept. 15, when I shall probably go to stay with Strong at Fiesole. There has been some mistake about my book. None of the people to whom I meant to send the American edition seem to have received it: I have written to Scribner’s asking them to look up the matter. I sent two separate lists of addresses, and they may have thought the second was a substitute instead of an addition.

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Mercedes, to whom I had announced our new arrangements for her benefit,2 was naturally very expressive in her thanks. She felt, of course, that although the money was Josephine’s, the idea had been mine: it was, but there isn’t much generosity in being free with other people’s money. I suppose, when she receives her first draft, she will write effusively to you also, as will the other beneficiaries. I am now working rather steadily—the stimulus of Paris, + Solitude, has a good effect on my brain: the weather, too, has been temperate, though often rainy. It was a pleasure to see you so bou —— —uoyant, and ^I^ hope next year you will come again. [across] Yours affectionately GSantayana [across page one ] P.S. You know I wish to destroy my old will. I find I have only a copy here. Is it in your possession? 1

Mezzanine (French for low rooms situated between the ground floor and first floor of a building). 2 During his recent trip to Spain Santayana persuaded his sister to be more generous in the money gifts she made periodically to Mercedes de la Escalera, Josefina Cordobés, and other close women friends who accompanied her on occasional travel holidays and otherwise looked after her.

To Charles Augustus Strong 24 July 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hôtel Vouillemont 15, rue Boissy d’Anglas Paris, July 24, 1930 Dear Strong The cool weather, with rain every day, had made me fear that you might be finding it rather dull by the sea, and I am not surprised that you are coming away, and curious to know to what place or places in Northern Italy you are thinking of going. As to Sunday, Cory and I were going to the Comédie Française,1 but gave it up on account of the tennis championship which he is very much interested in seeing. We are going to meet this evening, and I will add a postscript after consulting with him. But I think, if you are staying for a few days, we might

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come on Monday, which is better also on account of avoiding the Sunday trippers in the train. Yours ever G.S. Cory would be glad to go on Monday to lunch, but if you prefer Sunday, I suggest that you come to lunch with me at the Régence; it would be easier coming in the motor than for us to go by train. If I don’t hear tomorrow, I shall understand that we are to come on Monday. 1

A theater founded in 1680, the Comédie Française attracted the most talented playwrights and performers.

To George Sturgis 16 August 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Houghton)

Hôtel Vouillemont 15, rue Boissy d’Anglas. Paris, Aug. 16, 1930 Dear George I have your letter of August 7, and the other day I got one from Doña Josefina Cordobés, thanking me for what she supposed was my share in getting her her pension. She was a little confused about the amount on account of the exchange: but I think in my reply I have made the matter clear As you see, I am still at the same hotel: it is comfortable, and the weather has been extraordinarily wet and autumnal all this summer. Poor Strong, in despair, has gone home to Fiesole: I expect to join him there in September. I enclose a letter1 from that old good-for-nothing Sadakichi Hartmann: don’t read it if you are busy; but please send him the $50 he asks for. I can’t very well refuse when he has apparently got, literally and metaphorically, to his last gasp. The address (if I make it out) is P. O. Box 154 Trijunga ——— ———— Tujunga, Cal. If you see Cameron Forbes2 at Naushon please tell him that I always remember him with pleasure, as well as his island. Love to all from your affectionate Uncle George

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P.S. I pass the seductive precincts which you mention in this street every evening, but have never with my grey hairs, dared to enter in. A companion would be indispensable. Thank you for my Will, which I have already destroyed. 1

Unlocated. William Cameron “Cam” Forbes (1870–1959), Harvard class of 1892, served as Harvard’s head football coach (1897–99). He was appointed Governor-General of the Philippines, Ambassador to Japan, and Harvard overseer. In the late 1800s Santayana was a frequent guest at Naushon, an island in Buzzard’s Bay, Cape Cod, that belonged to Cam’s grandfather ( John Murray Forbes), and at the family estate in Milton, Massachusetts. 2

To John Middleton Murry 17 August 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Macksey)

Hôtel Vouillemont 15, rue Boissy d’Anglas, Paris August 17, 1930 Dear Mr Murry I have just finished reading—with great care and delight—your Studies in Keats.1 The y give me much information which I never had, and a ^^ new insight into Keats’ mind. In the days when I read English poetry he was always my personal favourite. I found him warmer than Shelley,2 and liked a certain frank sensuality or youthfulness in him, a certain plebeian innocence of great human interests; I called him the Cockney Genius, and thought him luscious rather than intellectual. I see now how wrong that was, and that he was really intuitive and contemplative. Intuition, as you say, is nearer to sensation than to reasoning thought. It has a spiritual quality, by virtue of its disinterestedness, quite apart from the character of the object contemplated: but the nature of this object—whether it is physical, historical, botanical or dramatic—nevertheless has a great influence on the human value of the poetry expressing our intuitions. I still feel that there was a certain weakness in Keats—not (I [illegible ]now see) in his spirit, or in the elevation of his thought, but in his psyche, in the principle of health and integration in the natural man. And I don’t say this in a niggardly mood, as if I wished to find some fault at all costs in so wonderful a creature: I say it because your discussion seems to reveal to me a theoretical confusion consequent in him upon that weakness. Spiritual insight no doubt transcends moral preference, as it transcends scientific

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dogma: but it does not obliterate either the one or the other. The pure intellect—which is also an animal exercise and carries a joy of its own in merely exerting itself—dominates good and evil, truth and fancy with an equal pleasure: but that contemplation is superadded. It doesn’t in any way correct or remove the judgements proper to the psyche, and imposed on her by her actual relation to the facts. We are not ultimately constrained “to love all Facts” or to say that “all Fact is beautiful”. That would be callous and wicked: just as it would be idiotic to affirm all ideas and to say that all propositions are true. It is only the essences exemplified in evil or false objects that, to a sublimated spirit, may be as interesting and contemplatively as welcome as the essences of objects which, in this world and for the creatures living here, are evil or false. And, in the same way, I should wish to make a distinction about the maxim “Beauty is Truth Truth Beauty.”3 If we define Truth as “Fact that is loved”, Truth would become identical with Goodness, or excellence in existing things: but Beauty extends to much that is not Fact, and is an excellence felt in contemplation, not like Goodness, proper to things in their dynamic capacity or uses. Of course, we may define words as we like, but it seems to me an abuse of language to define Truth as an accident of Love. Beauty is that: but Truth is the eternal form of the Facts, in all their relations, whether anyone loves them or not. That the intellect, in its disinterested contemplation, may understand all facts with pleasure, does not justify us in saying that this pleasure makes the truth of those facts. Would the following be a fair transcription of the passage4 on pp. 35–36?” “I am certain of the Heart’s right to assert the excellence of that which it loves. All the passions create true excellence, whether their objects ever exist or not.” This kind of excellence is evident by the sort that the poet discovers and celebrates: it is Beauty whether it be Truth or not. Beauty is fiction even before it is truth. My article on “The Genteel Tradition at Bay” is getting involved in all sorts of side-issues; but I am in hopes of finishing it soon, and if it too long for one issue you might either abridge it or publish it in two numbers. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Keats and Shakespeare: A Study of Keats’ Poetic Life from 1816 to 1820 (London: Oxford University Press, 1925). 2 Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792–1822) was an English Romantic poet whom Santayana admired. Santayana held regular meetings of undergraduates in his Harvard rooms for the purpose of reading poetry aloud. During 1910–11 the group read “only Shelley,

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from beginning to end, except The Cenci.” (Persons, 345) Santayana wrote “Shelley, or the Poetic Value of Revolutionary Principles” (Doctrine, 1913). 3 The conclusion to Keats’s “Ode on a Grecian Urn” reads, ‘Beauty is truth, truth beauty,’–that is all / Ye know on earth, and all ye need to know. 4 The passage in question is from Keats’s 22 November 1817 letter to Benjamin Bailey. (I have preferred to follow the punctuation and capital lettering of the original MS rather than the more readable transcript in Mr. Murry’s book [page 28].) “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination— What the Imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not— for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime creative of essential Beauty.” [D. C.]

To George Sturgis 26 August 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Houghton)

Paris, August 26, 1930 Dear George Here is the “Declination.” Celedonio’s will was all expressed in very quaint religious language, rather beautiful in the Spanish, but I daresay absurd in the translation. I have no doubt that the Sastre brothers will want you to continue to act for them for the present. The only part of your suggestions which seemed to puzzle them a little was the gradual extinction of your trust, upon the death of each of them. No change here. Yours affly G.S.

To Charles Augustus Strong 27 August 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Rockefeller) Aug. 27, 1930

HOTEL VOUILLEMONT 15, RUE BOISSY D’ANGLAS (PRÈS LA PLACE DE LA CONCORDE) PARIS

Dear Strong Thank you for your letter which shows me that you are rid of those little uncertainties which were more or less spoiling your holiday. Cory was delighted to be able to get to Glion after all, and I have not/ doubt (if there

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are no feminine complications) he will gain in strength and steadiness by his stay there. He seemed to be, philosophically, in a good state of efficiency. I have been working very steadily, apparently without accomplishing anything; but now at last the result begins to appear. I have three articles instead of one on The Genteel Tradition at Bay. I. Analysis of Modernity II Appeal to the Supernatural III Moral Adequacy of Naturalism. ^ ^ The whole now needs only revision; so that I shall have something to show for my summer’s work. The great change in the weather may drive you away again to the sea or mountains. Here I find it tolerable, thanks to the habit of “ponerse a la fresca” or undressing when I return to my room to work. I am deep in your book: but as I read only at odd moments I haven’t yet finished it. We will talk about it later. Yours ever G.S.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 2 September 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Columbia)

Hôtel Vouillemont 15, rue Boissy d’Anglas Paris, Sept. 2, 1930 Dear Cory As you don’t write again, I send you the promised cheque, so that you may have time to cash it before you leave Glion. No change here, save in the weather. My three articles are not yet despatched, but are practically finished and, to my present feeling, satisth factory. I expect to move to Fiesole about the 15 – Yours affly G.S.

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To Charles Scribner’s Sons 6 September 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Princeton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co. 123 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Paris, Sept. 6, 1930 Messrs Charles Scribner’s Sons New York Dear Sirs: I beg to thank you for your communications about the publication of The Realm of Matter and for the one received today with a cheque of Aug. 27 for $225.00. Will you please add to the addresses to which this book was to be sent, with my compliments, the one below? Yours very truly GSantayana One copy of Santayana’s Realm of Matter to The Robbins Library, Emerson Hall, Cambridge, Mass.

To John Middleton Murry 11 September 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Macksey)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W.1 Paris, Sept. 11, 1930 r

Dear M Murry This morning at last I am sending you my article The Genteel Tradition at Bay, which has got so long that I have divided it into three parts, each of which will make a longish article, if you care to print them all. The thing has cost me enormous labour, and I should rather like to have it appear eventually in the form of a booklet, somewhat like Platonism & the Spiritual Life, to which it bears a remote resemblance. Would it be possible to have offprints from The Adelphi, with the pages numbered afresh, so that the three articles could be bound together? Or would it be simpler to have the whole reprinted, which I have no doubt Constable or Scribner would be willing to do?

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As to the American side of the question, when you have sent me the type-written copy (which, by the way, you must charge to my account, as it is not fair to load you with the expense as well as the trouble of this operation—and you know I don’t count on making money by my writings)—when you have sent me the type-written copy, I will write to Canby, proposing that he use the first two parts for one of his leading essays in his “Saturday Review of Literature” without bothering about the third part, which is too philosophical for his public. At least, I think so. I am leaving for Italy in some ten days or so, going first to Florence, and then to Rome in October. It will be simpler for you to address me C/o B. S. & Co 123, Pall Mall, as usual. I shall be interested in seeing the fresh issue of The Adelphi on October 1–st Yours sincerely GSantayana

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 16 September 1930 • Paris, France

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Paris, Sept. 16. ’30 LES PETITS TABLEAUX DE PARIS LA PLACE DE LA CONCORDE.

My compartment is taken for Florence for Sept. 23, and I hope you will turn up there before I leave, in about a month.—My three articles are going to appear in the form of a book, after Murry & Canby have published them in their reviews. This quite reconciles me to the immense labour which I have spent on the thing. How are you? Yours G.S.

To John Middleton Murry 16 September 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Macksey)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W.1 Paris, Sept. 16, 1930 r

Dear M Murry I am glad you think you can make a little book eventually out of my “Genteel Tradition at Bay”, although I am afraid the Sale will be limited

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in England. 10% on the publishing price is the royalty that I usually receive for new or detached books; and as I told you in my last letter, this question is not important for me. There are only two points on which I feel that I am more or less bound: one is that Canby should have a chance to publish the articles simultaneously with you in his Saturday Review of Literature. It was Canby that sent me the books about “Humanism” and asked me to review them in some fashion. The other point is that Scribner, who was the publisher of my early books in America, is very jealous, and I don’t want needlessly to irritate him by publishing in America any book which he can’t control. It would be better, then, either to offer him sheets printed in England to be reissued by him in America, or to let him reprint the whole there, so as to have the American copyright. This second method is rather complicated, since Canby must in any case have the right first: and if Scribner bought the sheets of you—at a low price and grudgingly, as he does with my Constable books—you would, simply by printing a different title-page for the American issue, secure at once a sale of 500 or 1000 copies, perhaps more. On copies sold in this way in sheets, and bound and published in America by Scribner, Constable usually gives me one half of — the —— his net profits, in lieu of a royalty. You might do the same, if you made the same arrangement with Scribner. But he doesn’t like this method, since he then has no copyright. You probably understand all this better than I, and you would do me a great favour if you would manage the whole affair as seems best to you. Yours sincerely GSantayana

To George Sturgis 16 September 1930 • Paris, France C

(MS: Houghton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Paris, Sept. 16. 1930 Dear George Thank you for your letter of Sept. 5, and for sending those $50 to the California poet: I hope this may be the last time I shall have to trouble you with him, as he says he is soon going to receive his reward in the other world for having been so long a beggar in this.

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I am leaving Paris for Florence on Sept. 23rd and expect to remain at Strong’s villa for three or four weeks. When I write to Avila I will mention the fact that you think, if the three brothers are three persons with one substance, a power of attorney would enable you to manage their property jointly as well as the proposed trust. But I don’t often write to Avila more than picture-postcards, and I am not sure how deep the unity of substance goes in that trinity, or how long it will last. They told me in June that their father’s estate was as yet undivided: possibly this common account is only temporary, and they may wish to be independent when the property has been finally allocated. You have probably now received my book The Realm of Matter. If you will read the Preface on a Sunday afternoon you will probably be edified, and perhaps soothed. Scribner delayed publication for three months, so as to catch the tidal wave of professors of philosophy returning to business. I have meantime caught up with my publishers and finished another book, a very little one, made up of an article I was writing, which has grown into three (the opposite of the Sastre brothers) so very long, that the three a/Articles shall be one b/Book, like those brothers and like the Most Blessed Trinity. It will be called The Genteel Tradition at Bay. Yours affly G.S.

To Josephine Borrás Sturgis 16 September 1930 • Paris, France

(MS postcard: Sastre Martín)

Paris, 16 de septiembre, ’301 LES PETITS TABLEAUX DE PARIS LA PLACE DE LA CONCORDE.

Estoy sin novedad y en visperas de salir para Florencia, donde espero pasar tres o cuatro semanas en casa del amigo Strong—Hoy he tenido carta de nuestro sobrino de Boston. Tambien siguen sin novedad en su casa. Muchos recuerdos a todos de Jorge 1 Translation: Things are the same with me and I am on the eve of leaving for Florence, where I hope to spend three or four weeks with my friend Strong—Today I have gotten a letter from our nephew in Boston. Things also remain unchanged in their house. Many remembrances to everyone from

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To Herbert Jacob Seligmann 22 September 1930 • Paris, France

(MS: Morgan)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. Paris, Sept. 22, 1930 Dear Mr. Seligmann1 It is very pleasant to be reminded, after so many years, of the sympathy which existed between us when we were teacher and pupil; and I am glad to see that the Firebird2 that was then already stirring within you has not been smothered by the pressure of circumstances. I remember that your mother secretly wrote to me—I suppose after twenty years or more that secret need not be kept—to express her anxiety about your temperament and inclinations: she feared perhaps that you might be unhappy in the world. I judge by certain indications in this little book that the world has not been too unkind: yet you seem, at bottom, not to be very much interested in it, only in images and in a certain spiritual freedom which transcends all accidental facts. Images, sensual and atmospheric, can’t be well described in words, and you are troubled like all contemporary poets, by a medium which is inappropriate, and of which you haven’t an adequate command: because language is a splendid medium in itself, if you are an artist in it, and if your interests are dramatic or intellectual: but pure images rather require to be preserved in painting or created by music. Your verses, in this direction, are simply so many proofs that images do arrest you, and that things and events do not: there is a philosophy for you, and a characteristically modern one. It is well expressed in your “Brooklyn Bridge”: but it seems to me that, for a poet, this is rather a confession of impotence; because the world if mastered and exploited humanly, ought to be far more interesting to the mind and heart than sensuous images which remain meaningless. When I came to the Firebird proper, at first I supposed that of course it was Love; but after reading, it seemed rather to be Truth: in any case, here is the spirit passing beyond the images and the facts into some abyss where it feels more at home. Every one has his own way of feeling and expressing these ultimate things, but there is much unanimity among mystics of all ages and religions, and we shouldn’t quarrel about vehicles and accidents when it

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is precisely accidents and vehicles that we wish to transcend Thank you for remembering me: you see I haven’t forgotten you. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Herbert Jacob Seligmann (b. 1891), a member of the Harvard class of 1912, was an author and poet. 2 Firebird, and Other Poems (New York, 1930).

To Henry Ward Abbot 4 October 1930 • Fiesole, Italy C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1.

(MS: Columbia) Oct. 4, 1930 VILLA LE BALZE FIESOLE

1

Dear Harry If I send you my books, it is because various little articles of yours in the papers have proved to me that you haven’t forgotten our old confabulations on ultimate things; and I wish you wouldn’t let your attention become entangled in matters of style; — w———— hich style is only a cumbrous ^ ^ vehicle, though an inevitable one, for what I have to say; and without pretending that my views are of much importance measured by the standard of absolute truth, which after all is in nobody’s hand, I think you might be interested in them as confessions and moral insights of an old friend. You say I am hard to read: I have heard that before, yet it surprises me because I take the greatest pains to be clear, not only in language but in thought, and am a very simple commonplace person in my opinions. Everybody ought to say: “Of course: that’s what I’ve always thought, only I didn’t expect a philosopher to see it.” I said this to Strong (with whom I am staying at present among these Tuscan hills) and he explained that the difficulty in reading my books came from the ornaments, which interfered with the attention and made the reader lose the outline of the thought. Is that it? If so I can only say that the ornaments, for me, are a spontaneous concomitant of the sense, like gestures in animated discourse: they are necessary, if you want to reach the true ground and flavour of the ideas. All language is rhetorical, [across] and even the senses are poets. But people compare books with other books, not with experience. Yours sincerely G.S. 1

Henry Ward Abbot (b. 1862) was a member of Santayana’s Harvard class of 1886.

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To Henry Seidel Canby 15 October 1930 • Fiesole, Italy

(MS: Beinecke)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Fiesole, Oct. 15, 1930 Dear Canby After many months the books you sent me about “Humanism” have borne fruit in the form of three articles on “The Genteel Tradition at Bay” /ywhich you have received, or will receive, via John Middleton Murry, who is to publish them in London, but not before you have had a chance to use them, if you wish. I write only to say that you must feel quite at liberty to print only a part, and to make one article out of two, if that suits your arrangements. I suppose there is no possibility of my seeing the proof; but your proof-readers are no doubt intelligent, and I hope they will use their common-sense, if I have made any obvious blunders. There is an inelegance at the very end, which I should like to correct. Where I say (I quote from memory) “The principle of morals is naturalistic. Call it humanistic or not”, etc., read instead “Call it humanism or not”, etc.1 That is, if the rest of the sentence admits of this change, as I think it does. I am relieved at having made some use of your documents: but it was a terrible piece of work, and I fear the result is hardly worth the labour which it cost me. I am getting too old to review books: I am at the stage of merely repeating my good old stories. All the American books that reach me show a great improvement in style, from what used to prevail in the old days, particular ly among pro^ ^ fessors of philosophy. It is a great blessing, and I trust the improvement extends to conversation as well. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

“[T]he principle of morality is naturalistic. Call it humanism or not,” is published in “Moral Adequacy of Naturalism,” Part III of Genteel, page 43.

1928–1932

To George Sturgis 19 October 1930 • Fiesole, Italy

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(MS: Houghton) “Le Balze” Fiesole, Florence Oct. 19, 1930

Dear George You will have heard directly from Avila of the death of your Aunt th Josephine on the 15– . I myself only had news of it yesterday, as the first telegram was addressed to London, and was forwarded here by post, so that I received it simultaneously with a second telegram, also somewhat th delayed, and a letter from Isabel, of the 13– , saying that your aunt had had an indigestion and was very weak, the doctor apprehending heart-failure. I may receive further details today, and will add them if I havent yet sent this letter. My first impulse was to return to Avila, but on thinking things over, and consulting Strong, I have thought it better not to do so, but to return to Rome the day after tomorrow, as I had planned, and leave my visit to Spain until the Spring,1 when the journey will be less risky for my health and more useful, perhaps, if the formalities connected with your aunt’s affairs have been concluded, or advanced to the point where my intervention may be called for. Yesterday I answered the telegrams and wrote to Pepe, enclosing a cheque for £50, to cover the immediate expenses, fees to Juana and the other servants, etc., and offering to send more if required. Probably your aunt had little money at home, and that which is in the banks I suppose isn’t available, until an executor is appointed. I think that, if money is supplied, our friends in Avila may be even secretly relei —ieved to have the management of everything left in their hands. How fortunate that you went to Avila this year, saw your aunt, and got a personal impression of the Sastre brothers and their family life! I expect that Mercedes (who is all gratitude to us for our arrangements in her favour) will have gone to Avila; I mentioned her in my telegram as, with the Sastres, the person to whom I left the charge of everything;)/ and I expect news from her soon. Your letter of Oct. 6th has just arrived. I quite understand that stocks have gone down, and that income may [across ] be reduced: it doesn’t trouble me, and I hope it is not a serious inconvenience to you either. [across text ] Yours affly G. S. 1

Santayana never returns to Spain.

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To Cyril Coniston Clemens 28 October 1930 [ postmark ] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Duke) Hotel Bristol Tuesday evening

Dear Mr Clemens It was very kind of you to think of asking me to dinner, but I never go out in the evening. Instead I will call for you at the Eden Hotel tomorrow, between 4 and 4.30, in the hope that you (and Mrs Clemens, if she is with you) will come with me to tea at Rosati’s. Yours sincerely GSantayana

To Andrew Joseph Onderdonk 29 October 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Oct. 29, 1930 It is very pleasant to hear from you and your mother. My summer has been spent without contretemps1 in Avila and Paris; I have done some work, spent a month with Strong at Fiesole, and am now settled down here, at work on the novel. I have changed one of my heroes name from Maurice (which you didn’t like) to [across] Mario,2 which I hope is better. G.S. 1

Mishap (French). Mario Van de Weyer, a leading character in Puritan, was a composite of several charming young men whom Santayana had known. 2

To José Sastre González 29 October 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre Martín)

Hotel Bristol, Roma 29 de octubre 19301 Querido Pepe: En este momento recibo vuestra carta del dia 25. Me consuela pensar que los últimos meses de la vida de Josefina fueron tranqui-

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los y felices; la pobre se había visto tan sola, y sin recursos intelectuales para ocupar la imaginación, y necesitaba precisamente el ambiente simpático de una familia que, sin acosarla, la animara y distrajera. Ese ambiente lo encontró en vuestra casa, y hay que agradeceros, sobre todo a Isabel, la paciencia y las atenciones cariñosas que habeis tenido con ella. He tenido carta de Mercedes, y dos de Manuela, y la que incluyo de la Superiora de las Siervas de Maria. Es claro que hay que hacerles un donativo, pues Josefina, como ha muerto sin haber hecho testamento, no les deja nada. No me atrevo a mandar un cheque a la Superiora por no saber si le sería fácil cobrarlo y por temor de fijar una cantidad que no pareciera bien. Me harías un verdadero favor si le dieras las gracias en mi nombre por el pésame, y le mandaras lo que a ti te parezca, sin cuidado de agotar las 50 libras que he mandado, porque yo o Jorge Sturgis mandaremos con gusto lo que haga falta. De este acabo de recibir carta, acusando recibo del telegrama vuestro en que le dábais parte de la muerte de su tia. Muchos recuerdos a todos y un abrazo de tu tio que te quiere Jorge P.D. En cuanto a las cositas que ha dejado Josefina, yo no deseo conservar para mi mas que los retratos y el libro de la genealogía de la familia Sturgis. Que diga Mercedes si hay algun objeto que le gustaría tener como recuerdo, y de lo demas que disponga Isabel come le parezca. Me parece bien que se lleve Manuela las cositas que desea.2 1 Translation: Dear Pepe: I have just this minute received your letter of the 25th. I am consoled by the thought that Josephine’s last months were peaceful and happy; the poor thing had ended up so alone and without intellectual resources to occupy her imagination, and needed precisely the pleasant environment of a family which, without bothering her, would encourage and distract her. She found just such an atmosphere in your home, and you, especially Isabel, are to be thanked for the patience and the affectionate attention that you showed her. I have received a letter from Mercedes, and two from Manuela, and the one [unlocated] that I am enclosing with this letter from the Mother Superior of the Servants of Mary. Obviously they must receive a donation, for Josephine, since she died without having made a will, has left them nothing. I don’t dare send a cheque to the Mother Superior because I don’t know whether it would be easy for her to cash it and because I am afraid to fix an amount that might not seem right to her. You would do me a real favour if you thanked her for me for her condolences and sent her whatever you think right, without worrying about using up the 50 pounds that I have sent, because either I or George Sturgis will send with pleasure whatever is necessary. I have just received a letter [from George Sturgis], acknowledging receipt of the telegram from you all in which you notified him of his aunt’s death. Remember me to everyone and an embrace from your uncle who loves you

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P.S. As far as the few things that Josephine has left are concerned, I want to keep for myself only the portraits and the book of the genealogy of the Sturgis family. Ask Mercedes if there is any one thing that she would like to keep as a remembrance, and have Isabel dispose of the rest as she sees fit. I agree that Manuela should take the little things that she wants. 2 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

To George Sturgis 29 October 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton) Hotel Bristol, Rome October 29, 1930.

Dear George I have your letter of Oct. 16. You will have received mine written on hearing of your aunt Josephine’s death. Subsequent news doesn’t add very much to what we surmised. She was well and happy, dining and living with Pepe’s family, until a few days before the end. A colic weakened her and left her incoherent in mind, although she recovered from it physically: and then heart-failure set in. When the priest was called she was not in a mental condition for confession or communion, but he gave her a general blessing and extreme unction, and she has been buried in a new grave (they use graves over and over again in Avila) next to the Sastre family; there had been talk of burying her with my father, but my permission would have been necessary, and there was no time to obtain it, as the first telegrams to me went wrong, or were delayed. Pepe has received my cheque: he doesn’t tell me whether he thinks it adequate or not—I sent £50—but he says he will send me later a list of the expenses incurred. As your aunt left no legacies other than those informally contained in the letter signed by her (how fortunately!) last Spring, I am in a somewhat difficult position in having to decide what she ought to have left, for instance, to the s/Sisters who nursed her. The mother Superior has already written to me asking for something, and I have sent the letter to Pepe, telling him to make the offering which he thinks suitable, and that you and I will supply whatever funds are required. These are points on which I should like to consult Mercedes, and I have done so by letter: but it all takes a lot of time and trouble. I think it would relei —ieve the minds of the Sastres if you would send them as soon as possible the $2000 each which are to go to them, according to the directions contained in that letter signed by your aunt. I am a little ashamed that

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Mercedes should get nothing in particular, save the continuance of her pension. However, she is very great —ateful for that, and understands how the matter was arranged. Doña Josefina Cordobés is ill, and not quite sane, from what I hear; and it is all right with my cousin Manuela, with whom I am in correspondance. As to my own inheritance,1 I hardly know what to do with it. I spend all I care to spend as it is: why should I force myself to spend more? But we can consider these matters at leisure. Yours affly G.S. 1

Santayana inherited about two hundred thousand dollars from Josephine.

To Charles Augustus Strong 30 October 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, October 30, 1930. Dear Strong I am very glad to hear that everything is going on so well with Margaret and her brood, but I still don’t understand how George, who usually writes such frequent and long letters, this time neglected to write at all. I enclose a letter1 of Löwenberg’s which is the most sympathetic I have yet received about my book. There is no need of returning it, but you might let Cory have it, when you have read it. In Avila they are quite content that I should not appear until the ^ ^ summer, so that I am not worried from that quarter, except by begging letters from the Sisters, etc., which for the moment I am asking my “nephew” Pepe Sastre to answer for me, sending whatever alms he thinks suitable. When I go to Avila I know that all those who attended to my sister, or whom she was in the habit of befriending, will flock to “Salute” me with outstretched palm, so that I can easily supplement then any insufficiency of the first contribution. Rome is very pleasant. I have been invaded by a daughter-in-law of Mark Twain and her son, who are Californians & Catholics, with many smiles and an autograph album. Took them to tea at the Pincio. Yours ever G.S. 1 The 4 October 1930 letter is from J. Loewenberg at the University of California at Berkeley, thanking Santayana for The Realm of Matter, discussing it briefly, and mentioning the great influence Santayana’s works have had on him.

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To Cyril Coniston Clemens [2 November 1930] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Duke)

Hotel Bristol Sunday1 Dear Mr Clemens I shall be very glad to come to lunch tomorrow at 1.15. Thank you very much. The immortal thought consigned to your autograph album was not quoted from any of my books, but as original as such a thing can be2 Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Clemens dated the holograph in pencil as “[ca. October. 28, 1930]”. The envelope to the previous letter to Clemens is postmarked 28 October 1930 and dated as “Tuesday evening”. This letter most likely was written 2 November 1930. 2 “One of the best fruits of reason is to perceive how irrational we are: laughter and humility can then go together. / G.Santayana / Rome, October. 29, 1930.” Santayana told me he composed the above especially for the Mark Twain Society Guest Book. (per C. C. Clemens)

To Isabel Martín de Sastre 2 November 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre Martín) Hotel Bristol, Roma 2 de noviembre 19301

Querida Isabel: La adjunta carta de la Superiora de las Siervas de Maria da parte de haber recibido ya de tus manos una limosna en nombre de Josefina. Muchas gracias por todo. Aquí sin mas novedad. Dicen que hubo el otro dia un tere/remoto, pero yo no lo he sentido. Cariñosos recuerdos para todos de tu tio Jorge 1

Translation: Dear Isabel: The enclosed letter [unlocated] from the Mother Superior of the Servants of Mary indicates that she has already received from your hands alms in Josephine’s name. Thank you very much for everything. There is nothing new here. They say there was an earthquake the other day, but I did not feel it. Fond regards to all from your uncle

1928–1932

To Hoyt Hopewell Hudson 3 November 1930 [ postmark ] • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Stanford)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Nov. 4, 1930. Dear Mr Hudson1 It was hardly necessary, after having Scribner’s permission to make the quotation you speak of from my ‘Soliloquies in England’, to refer the matter to me, as I can only be very much honoured by being included in your book. Yours truly GSantayana 1

Hoyt Hopewell Hudson (1893–1944) of Princeton University was joint author (with James Winans of Dartmouth College) of A First Course in Public Speaking, with Debating and Oral Reading (New York: Century, 1931). An excerpt from Santayana’s “The Comic Mask” (The Dial, June 1921) is included in this book on pages 312 and 313. Hudson’s other works include books of epigrams.

To Herbert Wallace Schneider 5 November 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown) Rome, November 5, 1930

1

Dear Schneider, As you know, Oliver died in the War, so that he isn’t able to join me as I attempted to express for him what he would have thought of your account of his philosophy.2 But first let me say how exciting it has been for me, and how instructive: because at every page I was asking myself, “Was Oliver, according to this, a puritan at all, and am I justified in calling him The Last Puritan?” Of course, he wasn’t a believer in the theology of Saint Paul or of Calvin: on the other hand he would have liked what you quote from Willard and Edwards,3 and would have hated what you quote from Franklin and Channing.4 Isn’t there a soul of Puritanism independent of the skeleton of Calvin? I am a little surprised that you should have chosen Franklin rather than (say) Emerson5 to illustrate the survival of puritan morals—the morals of means—after the theology had fallen away. Franklin’s maxims cover the interest in success natural to any

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able and vigorous person beginning at the bottom and feeling his capacity to reach the top. The austerity of it seems rather that of a mediaeval burgher than of a puritan. Emerson retained the speculative habit and a sense of consecration and of union with the total rather than with the local movement of the universe: and he had delicacy of feeling and expression. I admit, of course, that his egotism and smug satisfaction in progress were unworthy of a puritan, and that his optimism lacked the dark background and the fierceness which alone can make optimism tolerable—as, for instance, in Dante. But Oliver had this fierceness and felt this background: moreover, being rich and strong and generally competent and having been brought up on Goethe and Nietzsche by his German governess,6 he had something of the Roman aristocrat or the Brahmin:7 just as clumsy and awkward as Emerson in human society, he was more lordly, and even scornful. It wouldn’t have occurred to him to flatter the vices of the age, as Emerson and the other Unitarians did systematically. Nevertheless, Emerson is much nearer to Oliver than Franklin: and I am a bit troubled at the thought that perhaps he (Oliver) was the last transcendentalist rather than the last puritan. But here is what I think he would have said puritanism was, tabulated, because he was very thorough and systematic (like your Samuel Johnson8 of Guildford, Conn.): 1) Conviction of the infinity and (so to speak) omnificence of God, or the universal creative power. 2) Sense of nullity in God’s presence. God’s necessary victory against me. 3) Sense of union and joy in God. God’s victory through me and in me. 4) Consequent sense of election—in so far as I identify my will with God’s. 5) Consequent stern satisfaction in hugging the facts, and hatred of all mummeries and shams. (Here it seems to me that it was the very soul of puritanism turning against Calvin’s theological imposture, as it had turned against the Catholic imposture before, that appeared in Oliver (and in Emerson, when he wasn’t soft).) 6) Austerity of life and mind, in the midst of work and wealth, not from superstitious fear of pleasure, but from a certain high alienation from it and distaste for it. 7) Fearlessness, no attachment to life, and a total absence of moral prejudice in judging events and people. (This last trait of Oliver’s puritanism, consistent with the rest, nevertheless transcends and destroys

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puritanism, and (but for his inherited temperament) would have turned him into an amiable naturalist: for this reason, and in this sense, I call him The Last Puritan.) If the responsibilities of a professor of religion (which I didn’t know you were) leave you any time to waste, it would interest me very much to hear what you think of Oliver’s synopsis: also if I ought to read any of the books quoted by you. I am now at work on the novel, so that any hints would be most opportune. Oliver was young and led to do what people expected (play football, for instance) so that he was not so strict a philosopher as his theory might suggest. Yours sincerely, GSantayana Herbert W. Schneider Claremont Graduate School 1 Herbert Wallace Schneider (1892–1984) studied under John Dewey at Columbia University, earning his Ph.D. in 1917. His philosophical orientation was similar to that of Dewey; his interest in social philosophy led him to study fascism. 2 Schneider’s account of Oliver’s philosophy was presumably based on an account of it included in an earlier and unlocated letter from Santayana to Schneider. The first magazine publication of excerpts from Puritan did not appear until 1935 (Saturday Review, 24 August 1935), and it is unlikely that Santayana would have sent Schneider any portions of the holograph manuscript or typescript. Schneider’s The Puritan Mind was published in 1930 (New York, H. Holt and Company) as vol. 1 of the Studies in Religion and Culture series. Santayana’s copy of this book is housed at the University of Waterloo. 3 Saint Paul (d. c. A.D. 67), the apostle to the Gentiles, was the greatest early Christian missionary. In The Puritan Mind Schneider writes about Samuel Willard (1639–1707) and his sermons (98–100). Conservative in theology while liberal in practice, Willard was vice president of Harvard (1700–1707); his works include A Compleat Body of Divinity (1726). Jonathan Edwards (1703–58) was an American theologian and metaphysician. His strict Calvinist preaching brought “great awakening” to New England. His The Freedom of the Will sets forth metaphysical and ethical arguments for determinism. See The Puritan Mind, 208. 4 Benjamin Franklin (1706–90) was an American printer, author, philanthropist, inventor, statesman, diplomat, and scientist. The Puritan Mind makes many references to Franklin. William Ellery Channing (1780–1842) was a Unitarian clergyman. His contribution to theology is expressed in the statement “He breathed into theology a humane spirit.” See The Puritan Mind, 233–34. 5 Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803–82), American poet, essayist, and philosopher, settled in Concord, Massachusetts, in 1835, and became the center of a major literary circle. Emerson wrote Nature (1836) and from 1842 to 1844 edited The Dial. His thought is characterized by its reliance on intuition as the way to a comprehension of reality. He was attracted to mystical Indian literature and philosophy. 6 Fräulein Irma Schlote.

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7 An intellectually and socially cultivated and exclusive person; such a person from one of the older New England families. 8 Samuel Johnson (1696–1772) was a minister of the Church of England in colonial Connecticut and president of King’s College in New York (1754–63). He and Jonathan Edwards are the important exponents of idealist philosophy in colonial America.

To Unidentified Recipient 5 November 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Virginia)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Nov. 5, 1930 Dear Sir The enclosed notice1 and portion of a wrapper have been sent to me by the London Post Office. It appears that you were good enough to send me something that has been lost, and I write so that you may understand what has happened and look the matter up if you wish. Yours truly GSantayana 1

Unlocated.

To Adelaida Hernández de Sastre 9 November 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre) Hotel Bristol, Roma 9 de noviembre, 19301

Querida Adela: Las cartas que he dirigido a Pepe eran para todos, y me extraña que tú y Rafael no tuviérais noticia de ellas. Poco importa, pues no contenían nada que valga, mas que las gracias por todas las atenciones que habeís tenido con mi pobre hermana Hoy he tenido una carta firmada, segun parece (porque la letra no está clara,/) por “Juan Lozano”,2 sin mas señas que “Avila”: pero cómo me pide copia del testamento de Josefina, supongo que debe ser del escribano; y he contestado en ese sentido. Incluyo3 la contestación; y si no me he equivocado en la persona, y si os parece que la carta puede pasar, os agradecería mucho que la metiérais en un sobre y la mandárais a ese señor. Si hay algun inconveniente, o si me expresado mal, guardais la

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carta y me lo decís con franqueza. No sé si convendría que yo mandase poderes a Rafael o a sus hermanos para que me representasen en el asunto. Enfín, vosotros me direís lo que hace falta para salir del paso. Por mi prima Manuela he sabido el fallecimiento de la Cordobés. Poco sobrevivió a Josefina. Se me figura que se debe haber perdido alguna carta vuestra o mia: de Mercedes sé que se perdió una; y los partes y cartas dirigidos a mi en los primeros días, tardaron en llegar a mis manos, porque yo estaba todavía en Fiésole Espero que el catarro de Rafael haya pasado y que le pruebe bien la vida de labrador Iba a terminar sin acordarme de los retratos.4 Desde luego tendré muchísimo gusto en que te quedes con uno de ellos; yo, no teniendo casa, no tengo donde colocarlos, y solo deseo conservar el de las dos niñas hasta que se pueda hacer una buena copia de él, en fotografía, para figurar en la vida de mis padres y mía que quiero escribir. Tambien he ofrecido en general a Mercedes cualquier objeto que ella elija como recuerdo de Josefina, y no sé si por casualidad pedirá uno de esos cuadros. En cuanto tenga su contestación volveré a escribir, para que tu elijas con toda libertad el que mas te agrade. Cariñosos recuerdos a Rafael y a las niños; y un abrazo de tu tío Jorge 1

Translation: Dear Adela: The letters I addressed to Pepe were for everyone, and I am surprised that you and Rafael haven’t heard about them. It doesn’t matter much, for they didn’t contain anything important, other than thanks for all the kindness you have shown my poor sister Today I received a letter signed, it seems by “Juan Lozano”, with no other address than “Avila”: but since it asks me for a copy of Josephine’s will, I suppose it must be from the court clerk; and I have answered in that vein. I am enclosing here my answer; and if I am not mistaken about the person, and if you think that the letter will do, I would be very grateful to you if you put it into an envelope and send it to that gentleman. If there is any problem, or if I have expressed myself poorly, you keep the letter and tell me so frankly. I don’t know whether it would be advisable for me to send a proxy to Rafael or to his brothers in order for them to represent me in this matter. In any case, you will tell me what must be done to get out of this. Through my cousin Manuela I have learned of the death of the Cordobés woman. She only survived Josephine by a little. I think that a letter from you or from me must have gotten lost: from Mercedes I know I have lost one; and the reports and letters addressed to me in the first days took a while to reach my hands, because I was still in Fiesole I hope that Rafael’s cold is over and that the farmer’s life suits him.

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I was going to close without remembering the portraits. Of course I shall be most pleased to have you keep one of them; I, since I have no home, have nowhere to put them, and I only want to keep the one of the two girls until a good photographic copy of it can be made, to appear in the life of my parents and of myself that I want to write. Likewise I have in general offered Mercedes any object she may choose as a remembrance of Josephine, and I don’t know whether by any chance she will ask for one of those paintings. As soon as I have her answer, I will write again in order for you to choose with complete freedom the one you like best. Fond regards to Rafael and to the children; and an embrace from your uncle 2 Unidentified. 3 Unlocated. 4 This is a reference to oil paintings by Agustín Santayana. The one of Josephine and Susan is unlocated. The other may be that of Susan holding the infant George Santayana. See Persons, picture number one, following page 249.

To George Sturgis 9 November 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol Rome Nov. 9, 1930 Dear George Yesterday I heard from Spain that Doña Josefina Cordobés died on th November 4– , not a month after your aunt. She had been bed-ridden for some time and not quite in her right mind. This removes one of troublesome legacies which you had kindly undertaken to see to. All you have to do is to cross out her name in your books. She had received the first instalment of her annuity with your letter, and wrote to express her gratitude. I am glad she had the satisfaction of seeing that she had not been forgotten. My cousin Manuela, from whom I have this news, has also received her first instalment on the new basis, and tells me she has written to you directly to give you her thanks. Your Spanish letter seems to have pleased her and to have conveyed clearly the nature of the bequest. At the same time I hear from Adela (legally Adelaida) Rafael’s wife, that the three brothers decided to draw lots for the farm, the favoured one to compensate his brothers in money, and that the lot fell on Rafael. She gives me no reasons for this action, and makes no comments on the result, otherwise than to offer me, so to speak, the freedom of their estate: but I suppose they saw that it would be disadvantageous to divide the property and impossible for one brother to manage it to the entire satisfaction of the others, if it remained common property. It would have been better, perhaps, if it had fallen to Luis, who has managed the place for many

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years. Rafael has more notions, and is not in good health: the gossips said in Avila that he wouldn’t live long: so that further complications are not impossible, but I hope they won’t have any repercussion on your management of their American property. It is a decided rest for me to be settled again in my winter quarters, and without the “big book”1 hanging over me. I am working in a leisurely way on the revision of my novel: it takes lots of polishing and touching up, but it’s entertaining and doesn’t weigh on my mind, like the dangling ends of metaphysical arguments. I see by the papers that the result of the elections has had a depressing effect on shares, but an exhilarating effect on the hearts of the bibulous.2 If this is not a false dawn, I may yet [across ] return to America. A grandson of Mark Twain3 set me up the other day to a cocktail: it was excellent, and revived the sensations of my youth. [across text ] Yours affly G.S. 1

Matter. By the end of 1930 public sentiment against prohibition had become vocal, and several state legislatures announced their unwillingness to continue to enforce prohibition (repealed in 1933). 3 Cyril Clemens was a distant cousin of Twain. 2

To Boylston Adams Beal 19 November 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 19, 1930. Dear Boylston1 It was very kind of you to remember me on the occasion of my sister Josephine’s death. It does leave me entirely alone; but you know that for me that is less depressing than for most people, and less new. Poor Josephine had always lived, so to speak, a secondary life: she needed a family to carry her along, and to supply interests and acquaintances which she could hardly find for herself: and unfortunately our family life had been spoilt by religious and other differences, and she had been much adrift and isolated for years. At the very end things improved greatly: she forgot, especially after our sister Susana died, the old jealousies and quarrels; and one of the Sastre families—there are three surviving sons, with

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thirteen nice children between them—who came to live —in th the san/me house when our brother-in-law died, last year,—was particularly congenial and devoted to her. I was there for some weeks last summer, and my nephew George Sturgis was there too for a few days. We found Josephine quite cheerful and well, though very thin and sometimes vague in her thoughts; and they tell me that she continued apparently very happy, and making absolutely one of that family, until the very end. She had also forgotten her Protestant impressions, and had fallen in with the customs of the people about her—which smoothed things over very much. She had even a spiritual director who understood that her Yankee soul didn’t like to be bullied, and who guided her gently: and he told the family that she was a marvel of innocence (which was very true) and that he thought she had never committed a mortal sin in her life. Sad as this loss is, then, it is not without its sweetness—she was 77 years old—and of course not at all such a parting from life-long sympathy and love as was the death of my sister Susana My bonds with Spain are by no means severed altogether: I mean to return to Avila for a part of next summer to stay with the Sastres, and there remains also our old friend Mercedes Escalera, almost a sister, and a very intelligent active woman, whom I count on seeing. I have also become more and more a member of the Strong family, and curiously enough a link between the father and the daughter, with her Chilean husband. It is a very queer ménage, but interesting to the moralist: I will tell you about it—as far as discretion permits—when you come to the Hotel Bristol. You will find, by the way, a change called an “improvement:” the Barberini terrace and cedars have disappeared, and instead is a great new street leading to the Station, up and down which, before long, the motor-busses will go thundering. I may have to leave, but not this winter, as the upper part is not yet open. 2 I am very sorry to here — ar that Elsie is suffering from the after effects of her operation. It seemed to me—it must be fifteen years ago—that she was restless when I last saw her, as if things went against the grain; an aggravation of that, I can well see, would be very troublesome, and hard to cure. On the other hand, what you tell me about Betty3—of which I had heard nothing—is all very fortunate, and I have no doubt before long you may have her permanently near you. I believe I haven’t sent you my last book: it was not forgetfulness, but a doubt about your address, as in my wanderings I seldom have old letters at hand which I can look up. Have you a house in town, and is it the

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old one? I send this to Manchester4 where I suppose you stay as long as possible. This last book of mine turns the corner, so to speak, in my philosophical writings, and I don’t so much care if I don’t live to finish the rest. I am now revising and rewriting the sempiternal novel. It carries my thoughts, too (as you say yours go) to old times, and it is very entertaining to me to write, tho’ probably it would make dull reading if it evers/ was actually finished [across ] and published. But you would like it, beneath its faults, and you would understand what I meant. Yours ever G.S. 1 Boylston Adams Beal (1865–1944) was a member of Santayana’s Harvard class of 1886 and one of his closest friends during the 1890s. Santayana moved into the pension in Berlin kept by an Englishwoman, where Beal was living. This cost Santayana the opportunity to learn to speak German, a language which he read easily but in which he could never converse effectively (see Persons, 226–27 and 260). Beal was one of the “pure and intense Bostonians of the old school.” (Persons, 224) 2 Beal’s wife was the former Elsie Grew, a cousin of the Sturgis family. 3 The Beals’ daughter. 4 This letter was forwarded from Manchester, Massachusetts, to Beacon Street in Boston.

To Isabel Martín de Sastre 22 November 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre Martín) Hotel Bristol, Roma 22 de noviembre 19301

Querida Isabel: No he contestado antes porque estaba esperando tener noticias del sobrino en Boston; pero tarda su carta, y hoy he recibido dos de Avila, pidiendo dinero: una de la Abadesa de las Gordillas, a quién has dado 100 pesetas en mi nombre, pero dice que se les va a hundir el dormitorio y que necesitan más: y la otra de Eliodora Santos, algo confusa, pero como puedes figurarte, dirigida al mismo fin. Creo, por lo que recuerdo haber oido decir a Susana, que las de Santos2 son personas excelentes, a quién se debe ayudar en lo posible: y tambien en esta ocasión, me parece que podríamos ayudar a las monjas a arreglar sus habitaciones. Incluyo un cheque de 50 libras, que como está hoy el cambio, debe producir mas de 2000 pesetas, y te agradecería mucho que dieras (si te parece bien) 500 a las monjas y otras 500 a las de Santos—que por cierto no ponen señas en su carta y no sé si bastaría poner “Avila” en la dirección. Por eso, y por mi torpeza en escribir cartas de cortesia, no contesto direc-

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tamente. Les dás las gracias a unas y a otras por el pésame, y les ruegas me dispensen [illegible ]no lo haga directamente. Siento causarte tanta molestia, pero para mí no es fácil desde aqui, ni contestar a cartas de ese género, ni mandar dinero: porque estos cheques ingleses su pongo que los podeis cobrar vosotros por tener cuenta en el banco, y por ser amigos, y no sé si esas pobres señoras y religiosas lo podrian conseguir con la misma facilidad. Las mil y pico de pesetas que sobran, las pones en la otra cuenta, donde no creo que estén de mas, porque son muchas la menudencias a que ha habido que atender. Y no os molesteís en darme una cuenta detallada de todo: basta con que yo sepa que quedan cubiertos los gastos principales. No me parece mucho las 100 pesetas que diste a las Siervas pero cuando yo llegue a Avila no dudo que vendrán a saludarme, y tendré ocasion de entregarles otro billetito. Cariñosos recuerdos a todos de su tio3 Jorge 1 Translation: Dear Isabel: I have not answered you earlier because I was hoping to receive news from my nephew in Boston; but his letter hasn’t come, and today I received two letters from Avila asking for money: one from the abbess of the Convent of the Gordillas, to whom you have given 100 pesetas in my name, but she says that their dormitory is going to collapse on them and that they need more; and the other one is from Eliodora Santos, somewhat confused but, as you can imagine, directed towards the same end. I believe, from what I remember hearing Susan say, that the Santos ladies are fine people who ought to be helped as much as possible. It also seems to me, on this occasion, that we could help the nuns to fix up their rooms. I am enclosing a check for 50 pounds, which at today’s rate of exchange ought to yield more than 2000 pesetas, and I should be very grateful to you if you gave (if you agree) 500 to the nuns and another 500 to the Santos ladies who, as a matter of fact, haven’t put any return address on their letter and I don’t know whether it would be sufficient to put “Avila” in the address. For this reason and because of my clumsiness at writing polite letters, I am not answering them personally. Thank all of them for their condolences and beg them to excuse me for not doing it myself. I am sorry to cause you so much trouble, but it is not easy for me to answer letters of that kind or to send money from here: because these are English checks I suppose that you will be able to cash them for me since you have a bank account, and since you are friends, and I don’t know if these poor ladies and nuns could accomplish it with the same ease as you. Please put the thousand odd pesetas that remain into the other account, where I think they will find a use, because there are many little things that have had to be taken care of. And don’t bother to give me a detailed accounting of everything: it’s enough for me to know that the main expenses are covered. The 100 pesetas that you gave to the Servants of Mary don’t seem like very much, but when I get to Avila I have no doubt that they will come to visit and I will be able to give them another small sum. Fond regards to everyone from your uncle

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2

Unidentified. This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

3

To Isabel Martín de Sastre 23 November 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre Martín) Hotel Bristol, Roma 23 de Noviembre 19301

Querida Isabel: Pocos momentos despues de echar al correo mi carta de ayer, recibo una certificada y sellada con lacre, conteniendo las dos hojas que incluyo.2 ¿Que te parece? Si no está Pepe en Avila, te agradecería mucho que dieras estos documentos a Rafael o a Luis, y les pidieras que hicieran el favor de decirme si les parece que se debe contestar, y en ese caso, en qué términos. No lo haré hasta que sepa lo que os parece.3 Jorge 1 Translation: Dear Isabel: Just a few minutes after mailing my letter yesterday, I received one that was certified and sealed with wax, containing the two sheets that I am enclosing here. What do you think? If Pepe isn’t in Avila, I should be very grateful to you if you gave these documents to Rafael or to Luis and asked them if they would please tell me whether they think there ought to be an answer, and, if so, in what terms. I won’t reply until I know what you all think. 2 These unlocated legal documents were received from a lawyer representing Juana Bringas, the maidservant who had cared for Josephine and who attempted to obtain money from her estate. The claim was based upon a written promise; Santayana did not believe the signature was Josephine’s. 3 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 2 December 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome Dec. 2, 1930 Dear Cory— Here we are in the month of December. Let me know when you are coming, and if you would like the same room you had last year, or would prefer one on the street. Also what you can eat: unless you prefer to give your orders directly to the imposing head waiter after you arrive. I

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enclose your Christmas present, so that you may have time to cash it before you leave Florence. How is your essay on Whitehead,1 and how is Strong, and what news is there from New York about the new baby and its parents?2 I am without news from any of you. On the other hand, I have been driving a lively correspondence with Spain, everybody being more or less on the scent of my poor sister’s money. Valli says he will be glad to see you: but that “all Americans” when they have been in Europe for two or three years completely change, and try to be like Europeans—which apparently Valli thinks not so attractive as the unsophisticated Yankee. I shall have two chapters of my novel ready for you to read, or to have typewritten for me (if you will manage that) if you prefer to have it cast into that impersonal medium before you attack it. Yours affectionately GSantayana 1

“Dr. Whitehead on Perception,” Philosophy 30 (19 January 1933): 29—43. George and Margaret de Cuevas’s second child, Johnny.

2

To George Sturgis 7 December 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton) Hotel Bristol, Rome December 7, 1930

Dear George I am glad you sent off those $2000 to each of the Sastre brothers: Luis and Pepe have written to express their satisfaction, and I expect to hear from Rafael also before long. It must be particularly convenient for them at this moment, as they are making (at least Rafael and Pepe) extensive repairs in their houses, which always absorb much more ready money than was foreseen. Pepe says that they agree to accept your judgment about not sending them a part of their funds for the present. The peseta, I expect, will not change much in value now, and may be stabilized at about 8 to the dollar: whereas we may hope that American stocks will recover substantially when the present crisis is past. Hasn’t the whole world been artificially stimulated for years to demand and to spend more than it can afford, and to increase the popu-

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lation, especially in towns, beyond the means of employment and subsistence? I have sent Pepe another £50 pounds for expenses and charities connected with your aunt’s death, but not all the beneficiaries seem to be quite satisfied. Doña Josefina Cordobés, on the very day of her death, got a friend to write to me asking for a copy of your aunt’s will, “in order to be able to withdraw from the Bank of Spain the 45,000 pesetas deposited there.” Why that lady should expect to get that money, I don’t know: but her sudden death seems to remove the problem. Later I have received a formal letter from Juana, your aunt’s maid, evidently written by some solicitor, enclosing the copy of an alleged document, also very official in wording, by which your aunt is supposed to instruct us, her heirs, to pay Juana 15,000 pesetas in recognition of her faithful services. I sent the documents to Pepe, asking if he thought we ought to take any notice of them: and he replied in the negative, so I have simply ignored the letter. We shall see, when I go to Avila, whether Juana or her instigators venture to put in an appearance. T C. — (?) Hood, 140 Will you please send $100 in my name to Frederick / Federal St. Boston, for the 1886 Class Fund?1 I mean to draw the rest of my present letter of credit ($1500) at the end of this month. You might send me another for $5000 at your convenience. If I should want more later, we can easily [across] arrange, but I doubt whether I shall care to spend more. My extras come out of my London account which as yet is not depleted. Best Christmas wishes [across page one] to you and Rosamond and the boys, from your affte Uncle George. 1

Frederic Clark Hood (b. 1865) was a member of Santayana’s Harvard class of 1886.

To Isabel Martín de Sastre 18 December 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre Martín)

Hotel Bristol, Roma 18 de Diciembre 1930.1 Querida Isabel: He recibido la adjunta carta2 de Juana que os mando para que esteis al corriente del asunto, y para que deis cualquier paso que os parezca oportuno. Yo no contestaré ni haré nada sin consultaros.

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Como es natural estoy preocupado en estos dias con los sucesos de España,3 hace falta allé un partido de gobierno como el que existe en Italia. ¿Porqué no se forma? Cariñosos recuerdos a todos de4 Jorge 1 Translation: Dear Isabel: I have received the enclosed letter from Juana which I am sending to you so that you may be abreast of the matter, and so that you can take whatever steps you think wise. I will not answer or do anything without consulting all of you. As is natural, I am concerned these days about events in Spain, what’s needed there is a government party like the one that exists in Italy. Why isn’t one formed? Fond regards to all from 2 Unlocated. 3 At this time in Spain, events were moving toward the civil war of 1936–38. Dissatisfaction with the dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera had become very great, and in January 1930 he resigned as Prime Minister. Republican agitation led to public elections in 1931, which resulted in a temporary weakening of the grip on Spain possessed by the monarchy, the Catholic church, and the military. The second Spanish republic was proclaimed; King Alfonso XIII was deposed and his property confiscated. Church property was confiscated also, and the Jesuit order—which had controlled education in Spain—was dissolved. A land-reform measure designed to redistribute among the peasants the estates of the aristocracy was adopted in 1932, and provoked a violent response from the conservative parties led by the fascists. 4 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 25 December 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Christmas day, 1930 Dear Cory I am sorry to hear from Strong that you have had another relapse and are at the Blue Nun’s Casa di Cura1 in Florence. I had counted on hav^ ^ ing you here at least for the Opera—Lucia—next Sunday afternoon. However, come whenever the doctors think that a change to a somewhat softer climate will do you good. We could even go to Naples if you thought you would feel better there. And of course you must stay as long as you like. Papa Strong, under the circumstances, couldn’t object. Or, if you don’t feel like moving, or risking a change of diet, let me know, and I will try to have Oliver type-written here and send you a copy for your criticisms. Sometimes I am rather discouraged, and fear that the style is common and dull, and the episodes uninteresting. Only here and

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there is there any real flow and vividness in the narrative And you could help me very much by suggesting, at least, what things had better be left out. If you preferred not to come, I might go myself to Florence earlier than usual, and see you there before I go to Spain—which ought to be in May, before Madrid becomes uninhabitable. I have been reading a little book of Jeans, sequel to his large one,2 and also Lutoslawsky on “Reality.”3 The latter is an illuminé,4 but I like the fact that his philosophy is not of the English brand. Yours affectionately G.S. 1 In 1929 Cory suffered from an intestinal disorder. Late in November 1930 “my health began to deteriorate badly, and about a week later I suffered a violent relapse, and my doctor, alarmed by a hemorrhage, had me removed to a nursing home.” (Years, 66) The Piccola Compagna di Maria (Little Company of Mary) sisters were familiarly called “Blue Nuns” for the color of their habits. 2 The Mysterious Universe (Cambridge: The University Press; New York: Macmillan, 1930). 3 Wincenty Lutoslawski (1863–1954) wrote The Origin and Growth of Plato’s Logic (1897), The World of Souls (1924), and The Knowledge of Reality (1930). He corresponded with many intellectuals on Polish national thought and predicted Polish independence. 4 Visionary (French).

To José Sastre González 27 December 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre Martín) Hotel Bristol, Roma 27 de Diciembre 19301

Querido Pepe: Acaban de llegar vuestras cartas, la tuya, la de Isabel, y la de Eduardo y sus hermanos, y contesto enseguida por el asunto del poder que sería conveniente que mandáramos para retirar los fondos que tenía Josefina en el banco. Desde luego se debe mandar ese poder, porque yo dificilmente regresaré a Avila antes de mes de Mayo próximo, y sería dejar las cosas abandonadas por mucho tiempo. Pero no conozco la forma en que se debe redactar ese documento, y te agradecería mucho que me lo remitieras tal como debe estar, diciéndome al mismo tiempo si hace falta que lo copie yo íntegro de mi puño y letra, o si basta que lo firme en casa, o si es menester que sea ante el cónsul de España; y por

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último, si lo deben firmar tambien Jorge Sturgis y su hermana. En ese caso habría que mandárselo a Boston, y se perdería mas de un mes. Sin mas por hoy se despide cariñosamente tu tio2 Jorge 1 Translation: Dear Pepe: Your letters have just arrived, yours, Isabel’s, and the one from Eduardo and his brother and sisters, and I am answering immediately because of the question of the power of attorney. It would be convenient if we sent one in order to withdraw the funds that Josephine had in the bank. Of course that power of attorney ought to be sent because it is unlikely that I shall return to Avila before next May, and it would mean leaving things unattended to for a long time. But I don’t know what form that document should be drawn up in, and I should be very grateful to you if you sent it to me the way it should be, telling me at the same time if it is necessary for me to copy it all over in my own handwriting, or if it is enough for me to sign it at home, or if it needs to be before the Spanish consul; and, finally, if George Sturgis and his sister must sign it too. In that case, it would have to be sent to them in Boston and more than a month would be lost. With nothing more for today, your uncle affectionately takes leave of you 2 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 30 December 1930 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 30, 1930 Dear Cory You mustn’t let Strong’s insensibility trouble you: if you want to give up all pretense to ruminating on sense-data, tell him so. You know you can always come back to me: we could say you were helping me in writing the novel, but you could simply take care of yourself until you spontaneously felt like returning to work—and even then it would be only such work as you liked to do. I am not surprised or displeased that you should be somewhat attracted to the church.1 It is the great, normal, human solution—too human, I think; but I have less need of sustaining faith than most people: animal faith is enough for me. Of course when you are well again, you may feel this attraction less; we will talk over the matter at leisure; and you may be sure that, should you really become a believing and practising Catholic, it wouldn’t in the least diminish my respect for your mind or my affection for you: on the contrary. And though you might grieve at my incredulity, I think you would, on the whole, understand me and my

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philosophy better: so that in this matter too, you mustn’t be afraid of any unpleasant consequences as far as your material future2 is concerned, or your relation to me.x Strong, of course, would be dismayed: but let me repeat that you can always return to me; and I think that perhaps in Strong, too, there may be an attachment to you which, even if shaken for a moment, would reassert itself. I have reverted for the moment to the Realm of Truth, in consequence of a letter from Schneider which set me going on that subject: I don’t know how long it will last, but it might be prudent, perhaps, to finish Truth, even at the cost of delaying Oliver a little. Sometimes I think that the novel isn’t worth the trouble I am taking with it, except as an entertainment /t for myself. I have ordered two of Maritain’s books,3 so that you will find Catholic reading here when you come, if you will do it in French. Yours affectionately G.S. [across page three] x You might come to Spain with me and learn Spanish. They would love you. 1 “At the nursing home in Florence … I suddenly felt an urgent need to introduce some time-tested organization of life into my whole way of thinking and feeling. So from the depths of despair I asked to see Father X [a sympathetic English priest, whose name Cory forgot] and we had several long and rewarding conversations together … for the time being he seemed to offer a solution to all my problems.” (Years, 66–67) 2 Cory served as Strong’s philosophical assistant, for which he received wages; but, unknown to Strong, Cory also received regular checks from Santayana. (Years, 60) 3 His books include Le Docteur angelique (1930), Primauté du spirituel (1927), and Religion et culture (1930).

To Andrew Joseph Onderdonk 4 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Rome, Jan. 4, 1931 Your calendar has greatly enlarged my portable picture-gallery. Thank you and you mother very much for your good wishes. I hope the bad times don’t affect your comfort; like me, you get your harvest somewhat indirectly out of Mother Earth, so that we needn’t suffer much or soon from hard times. At least, I eat as usual. G.S.

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To Charles Scribner’s Sons 5 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS cablegram: Princeton)

WESTERN UNION CABLEGRAM RECEIVED AT

1931 JAN 5 AM 9 18 CDK5 CABLE=ROMEPO 7 5/100P SCRIBNERS (CHARLES SCRIBNERS SONS)= NYK (5 AVE & 48 ST)= VERY WELL GO AHEAD= SANTAYANA.1 1

“Mr Watson / Please draw contract / MrP” is written across the cablegram in a hand other than that of Santayana.

To Charles Scribner’s Sons 5 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Princeton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Hotel Bristol, Rome, Jan. 5, 1931. Messrs Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York. Dear Sirs, I am replying, “Very well, go ahead”, to your cablegram, and am glad you think the proposed little book1 will interest the public. Of course, I should like to have seen the proofs; but I don’t want to interfere with catching the tide (if any) and I trust to you to have the proof-reading done intelligently. There may be errors or awkwardnesses in the text which I should be glad if your reader would correct for me without hesitation. After all, it is the public’s eye and mind that has to be considered, and not the author’s. I have made one or two slight improvements in the text for The Adelphi: when that reaches me I will send you a marked copy, so that you may make the corresponding changes in your proof, if there is still time.

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As you mention my “Platonism”, I infer that you have been in communication with Mr. Middleton Murry, as well as with Mr. Canby. I am not especially attached to the appearance of “Platonism”; it was a hybrid result of my ideal mixed with Constable’s; but I mentioned it to Mr. Murry simply as a precedent to the publication of a very short book. I have no doubt you will issue it in an agreeable form, and the proposed royalty is quite satisfactory. Yours very truly G. Santayana (p. t. o) P.S. I shall be at the Hotel Bristol, Rome, at least until May 1–st 1931, so that you may address me here directly, if there is anything urgent. 1

Genteel.

To José Sastre González 6 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre Martín)

Hotel Bristol, Roma 6 de Enero, 1931.1 Querido Pepe: Aquí tenemos otra comunicación en el asunto de Juana. Tu sabrás si este abogado2 es una persona respetable. En ese caso quizás fuera oportuno contestar, diciendo que no reconocemos el documento que ellos poseen como verdadera expresión de la voluntad de mi hermana; y que si se trata de recompensar con justicia y generasidad los servicios de Juana, creemos haber cumplido ya con ese deber. No es cómo si fuera antigua criada de casa, que hubiera servido a mi hermana o a nuestra familia por muchos años. Ha sido una asistenta como otra cualquiera por poco tiempo, y si bien no tenemos queja de ella, y hasta ahora nos ha parecido honrada y fiel, no le reconocemos ningun derecho al donativo que pretende. Si quieren ponernos pleito, que lo hagan. Preferiría ceder al tribunal, aunque costara mas caro, que no a tal impertinencia. Esto te lo digo a ti para que sepas lo que yo pienso: pero vosotros que conoceis mejor el terreno, hacer lo que os parezca, poniendo el asunto en manos de un abogado, si os parece conveniente. Con recuerdos para todos te abraza tu tio3 Jorge

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1 Translation: Dear Pepe: Here we have another communication in the matter of Juana. You must know whether this lawyer is a respectable person. If he is, maybe it would be wise to answer saying that we do not recognize the document which they possess as a true expression of my sister’s will and that if it is a question of just and generous compensation for Juana’s services, we believe we have already met that obligation. It’s not as though she were an old family retainer who had served my sister or our family for many years. She was a housemaid like any other, and although we have no complaints about her and up to now she seemed to us to be honest and faithful, we do not agree that she has any right to the money she claims. If they want to sue us, let them. I would prefer to yield to the court, even though it cost more, rather than to such impertinence. I am telling you this so that you will know what I think, but you who have a better idea of the lay of the land, do what you think best, putting the matter into the hands of a lawyer if that seems advisable. With regards for all and an embrace from your uncle 2 Don Benjamín Caro was the lawyer representing Juana Bringas. 3 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 7 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, Jan • 7 • ’31 Dear Cory I am delighted that you are well enough to make the journey so soon, and I hope you may not have to attribute any unpleasant sense-data in consequence to your wicked stomach. I have spoken to the clerk who says your old room is occupied for the moment, but promises to give you something else, I hope better; and I will tell the head waiter about your food before you arrive Arrivederci G.S.

To Thomas Munro 7 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Jan. 7, 1931 Henceforward, in the galleries of Europe, it will be easy to distinguish the children of light from the Philistines: they will carry a green book instead of a red one.1—Thank you very much for your Christmas present, and let me congratulate you on the justness, as well as the enthusiasm and the

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knowledge, to be found in your handbook. I have looked up certain key works (like Raphael’s La Disputa del Sacramento, and the Gauguin at the end)2 and I think you are admirably fair in distinguishing the qualities— whether fashionable at this moment or not—which characterize the most different schools. This is all the more admirable when your heart is (or was) so generously set on the love of the ugly ducklings of art; but you have a scientific conscience as well as a fresh enthusiasm, and you have not been willing to blind yourself to the beauties of those works which to you personally may be less appealing. G.S. 1

Munro’s “guide-book” to famous European art museums, Great Pictures of Europe (New York, 1930), had a green binding. 2 Raphael (1483–1520), one of the greatest Italian artists of the Renaissance, spent most of his life in Rome and was chief architect of Saint Peter’s Basilica. The Sistine Madonna is perhaps his best-known work. La Disputa del Sacramento (painted at the beginning of his Roman period) is the first of the Stanza della Segnatura (papal signature room), which he painted from 1509 to 1511. This painting (of the heavenly glory of the hierarchy of the church) marks an important transition from his earlier sacred works. The French artist (Eugène-Henri-) Paul Gauguin (1848–1903) painted some of his finest pictures in Tahiti. His figure compositions, gorgeous in color, place him among the great post-impressionists. He took the colors and emotions of impressionism and imbued those colors with symbolism and new arrangements. His works feature tropical scenes and Tahitian natives. The Gauguin painting Santayana mentions is Woman with a Piece of Fruit (Greatest Pictures of Europe, 283).

To Charles Scribner’s Sons 7 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Princeton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 7, 1931 I send you this corrected copy of the first part of The Genteel Tradition at Bay so that, if it arrives in time, it may be used as a standard in correcting proofs of the book. There is one change, on p. 313, from the MS: but there may be other differences from the article (which I haven’t seen) as it appeared in the Saturday Review of Literature. G.S.

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To George Sturgis 8 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome. Jan. 8. 1931 Dear George I am sorry to trouble you with more Spanish business, but Pepe tells me that he requires our power of attorney, and a Spanish translation of your aunt Josephine’s will, legalized by a Spanish consul in the U.S, in order to be able to draw out of the banks the money and bonds which your aunt had deposited there. I am replying to him that, ( as he may remember was thought best ^^ when we discussed the matter in Avila,/) your aunt died technically intestate. He may have forgotten the exact facts, which at that moment didn’t interest them, or he may mean that the Deed of Trust executed by your aunt at Vigo is equivalent to a will, and that a certified translation of this would at least testify that you and your sister Josephine and I are her heirs, and also her only near relations. In that sense, such a document might serve the purpose desired; and on that hypothesis I have copied and signed a power of attorney, worded as recommended by Pepe, which you and Josephine might sign also, if you have no objection, and return it directly to Pepe in Avila. As to the Spanish translation of the Deed of Trust, it is for you to say whether it can and ought to be despatched; but it seems to me that it would do no harm, and might solve the difficulties of the case. I am writing to Pepe explaining that I have submitted the matter to you. Thank you for the new letter of credit—as well as Christmas card— which I have in my possession. Cory is arriving in a few days to keep me company for a while, while ^^ he recovers from a rather bad attack of his intestinal trouble. I hope, in his honour, the sun will consent to shine, for it seems to me that after raining every day during the Summer in Paris, it is raining every day during the winter in Rome. However, I have kept well, and mild weather prevails when it’s wet, so that on the whole we have little to complain of Yours affectionately GSantayana

1928–1932

To Isabel Martín de Sastre 14 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Sastre Martín)

Hotel Bristol, Roma 14 de Enero, 19311 Querida Isabel: Acabo de recibir tu carta del dia 11, con la cuenta del Banco Hispano-Americano—que devuelvo, para que se reuna con los demás documentos que teneís relativos a los asuntos de Josefina—y la copia de carta dirigida a D. Benjamin Caro por el abogado amigo de Pepe.2 Esta carta me parece admirable, y expresa perfectamente lo que yo opino en la cuestión de Juana. La targeta de este señor no viene en el sobre, de modo que no sé como se llama: pero no creo que vuelvan a dirigirse a mí directamente. Si así ^ lo hicieran puedo contestar dejando en blanco el nombre de esa per^ sona, y mandaros la carta para que vosotros la completeis, antes de remitirsela. Siento molestaros con estas cosas, pero me haceis un verdadero favor encargandoos de ellas, porque yo sólo no sabría salir del paso. Sin mas por hoy, se despide tu tio que te quiere3 Jorge 1

Translation: Dear Isabel: I have just received your letter of the 11th, with the statement from the Spanish-American Bank—which I am returning to you so that it can be put with the rest of the documents that you have related to Josephine’s affairs—and the letter addressed to D. Benjamin Caro by the lawyer who is a friend of Pepe’s. I think this letter is admirable and it expresses perfectly my own opinion on this business of Juana. This gentleman’s card wasn’t in the envelope, so I don’t know what his name is, but I don’t think they will write directly to me again. If they should, I can answer leaving blank the name of that person, and send the letter to you for you to complete before sending it on to them. I am sorry to bother you with these things, but you do me a real favor by taking charge of them, because I wouldn’t know how to cope with it all by myself. That is all for today, your uncle who loves you takes leave of you 2 Presumably, Don Manuel Bernabé. 3 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

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To Charles Scribner’s Sons 14 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Princeton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 14, 1931 Messrs Charles Scribner’s Sons New York The proofs for the second article in The Adelphi have now reached me, and I enclose a copy of my corrections, in case any of the errata are also in the copy which you are to use for The Genteel Tradition at Bay. Yours sincerely GSantayana The Genteel Tradition at Bay, by G. Santayana Author’s corrections to chap. II. The Appeal to the Supernatural Paragraph, line, 2 19 4 16 18 21 7 2 8 10 6

should read “would be an external” . . . . an eternal “must be also” . . . . . . must be so also “not medley” ....... not a medley “External” ...... eternal insert comma after “believe”. “alone should render”. . . . . . . . would “External initiative” . . . . . . internal

To Charles Augustus Strong 15 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome Jan. 15, 1931 Dear Strong Cory arrived three days ago, giving me rather a shock with his thinness and weakness. He seemed yesterday decidedly firmer on his legs, and he seems to eat well and with relish, so that we may hope that he may recover, with time, his normal energy, which is not very great; and the fact that he uses it up so intensively at certain moments, makes him all the more liable to run down afterwards. I think—and he says his doctor in

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Florence thought so too—that he needs a long and complete change, and rest from all persistent work. I am proposing to him that he stay here for the rest of the winter; of course, if he preferred to go to Rapallo or elsewhere later, he would be free to do so; but I should like you to let me take over the responsibility for looking after him for six, or at least three, months, because with me he will know that he isn’t expected to do anything but vegetate. Also the climate is more favourable here for a convalescent, and while he remains at this hotel he will be well look ed after ^ ^ in the matter of food, hot baths, etc. I am sorry if this plan interferes with the discussions which you have been carrying on; but in any case Cory isn’t fit for carrying them on at present. If you obliged him to do so, I am afraid it might have consequences for him, nervous and religious, which you would deeply regret. He is getting desperate about technical details, and inclines to becoming a Catholic. He needs to be left free to recover his balance. Irwin Edman1 is here, very enthusiastic. I have caught a cold, and am staying in the house to try to avoid complications. Yours ever G.S. 1 Irwin Edman (1896–1954) received his degrees from Columbia University, where he spent his career teaching philosophy. His most popular book is Philosopher’s Holiday (1938). Philosophy of Santayana, edited and with an introductory essay by Edman, was published in 1936.

To Charles Augustus Strong 17 January 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome Jan. 17, 1931 Dear Strong I am very glad that you agree to letting Cory stay here for the present. It seems to be doing him good, and I hope he will find enough congenial people and entertainments to keep him in good spirits. Yesterday he went th century music and instruments, with Edman. to a superior concert of 18– I am still staying in the house, but the attack hasn’t been severe, and I hope soon to be all right again. Excuse me for having forgotten to answer your Christmas letter, but one day for me is much like another, and my first reaction had been to

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write at once to Cory, whose being ill you informed me of; and perhaps that made me feel that the letter had been attended to. It is not only Miller,1 but I also, that agree with your theory of perception, if I understand your present distinction between the attributed and the unattributed datum. This last phrase is good to designate the manifest essence, in the setting and from the point of view of physiological psychology. It is true that the manifest essence is, per accidens,2 an unattributed datum: my only contention, in addition, would be that in itself the manifest essence is innocent of that circumstance. And of course I shouldn’t agree that, in itself, it is a particular, since it has no place in space or time; that which is particular is the intuition of it, with the movement of the psyche carrying that intuition. These have a date and an occasion; but they are out of the picture. “Datum” now seems to me to have been an unfortunate word altogether, because it suggests that the manifest essence has been transmitted, conveyed as a gift, and then received into a preexistent setting. All this give and take is material, and should be conceived behaviouristically. Nothing of it lies in the manifest essence, when this is contemplated without distraction or arrière pensée.3 I had some time ago a rather disturbed letter from George, who seems to be reaching the point of exasperation and desperation in his New York environment. I hope they may be able to come away without offending the old gentlemen or injuring their own prospects. Yours ever G.S. 1 Dickinson Sargeant Miller (1868–1963) studied philosophy at Harvard (A.M., 1892) and earned a Ph.D. (1893) from Germany’s Halle-Wittenberg University. He taught in the Harvard philosophy department from 1899 to 1904. Miller wrote under the name R. E. Hobart. 2 By chance, accidentally (Latin). 3 Mental reservation, hidden motive, underlying design (French).

1928–1932

To John Hall Wheelock 5 February 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Princeton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Feb. 5, 1931 Dear Mr Wheelock1 I need hardly say that I am highly gratified at the kind expressions in your letter, and at the prospect of a nice edition of my little book. Although the articles in the Saturday Review of Literature are almost perfect typographically, I enclose a copy of the three complete, with a few corrections in red ink. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

John Hall Wheelock (1886–1978), a member of the Harvard class of 1908, was a poet. He succeeded Maxwell Perkins as senior editor of Charles Scribner’s Sons, Publishers, and in 1932 became director of the company.

To George Sturgis 8 February 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Feb. 8, 1931 Dear George I have your letter of Jan. 26, and previously I had received the double yearly account of my property and your aunt Josephine’s. I notice for the first time considerable sums going in taxes; as to the expected fall in values, it isn’t very clear, since by virtue of the inheritance, the estimated value of my property has increased by about $200,000: but by making a rough calculation of what the capital ought to have been, in order to produce $25,000 income (11,000 of mine and half of your aunt’s 29,000) I gather that stocks must have fallen, on the average, between 20% and 30%. Even if no great recovery takes place, and there is eventually a corresponding reduction in the income, I have no cause for worry, since my needs are covered several times over; but I hope you haven’t had any losses that affect your comfort or your plans for the boys.

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No doubt you and Mr. Gardiner1 are quite right about the uselessness of sending a copy of your aunt Josephine’s Deed of Trust to Avila. I suggested it only because they asked for a will, although they should have known that there was none. Probably Pepe paid little attention to our discussion on this point last year, being then interested only in clearing his own affairs; and perhaps the brothers don’t consult one another very much. I suspect—though I don’t know it positively—that there is some tension between them. We will see what happens, if not before, when I go to Avila in the early summer. There may be some difficulty in proving that any of us are the natural heirs of your aunt, granting that she died intestate. I have my birth certificate: but have they got your aunt’s, I wonder? My young friend Daniel Cory is now here, and goes to lunch with me every day, and we have philosophical and literary talks (mainly, giggling like school-girls) at other times also. He is trying to recover from a serious weakness of the bowels, and hard work is forbidden. Yours affectionately G.S. 1

Robert Hallowell Gardiner Jr.

To Cyril Coniston Clemens 10 February 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Duke)

Rome, Feb. 10, 1931 Thank you very much for your letter. I hope my articles are not the cause of so many headaches as you suppose. They are to reappear in the form of a little book, which I will send you for the library of the Society. Yours sincerely GSantayana

1928–1932

To José Sastre González 18 February 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Sastre Martín)

Hotel Bristol, Roma 18 de Febrero, 1931.1 Querido Pepe: tengo a la vista vuestra carta del dia 15, con las indicaciones dadas por D. Manuel Bernabé sobre el asunto de Juana. Yo no pienso contestar a la última carta de ésta, ni tratar con ella directamente por escrito ni de palabra mientras ella mantenga sus pretensiones. Para eso están los abogados. Comprendo que tampoco D. Manuel debe contestar a esa última comunicación, que representa un cambio de táctica por parte del enemigo, encaminado precisamente a conseguir que se reconozca su derecho a una parte, por lo menos, de la cantidad que exige, sin llegar a entablar acción judicial. No me parece que debamos entrar por ese camino. Sería premiar su atrevimiento. En cuanto al fondo de la cuestión, es evidente que ese documento lo prepararon ellos entre si sin que mi hermana tuviera nada que ver con el asunto. Si despues le arrancaron la firma, fué sin que ella se diera cuenta de lo que firmaba. Hay que fijarse bien en esa firma, si llega el caso. En la copia que me mandaron pone “Josefina Sturgis Borrás”2 forma en que no ha firmado nunca mi hermana, y que no hubiera entendido, si se la hubieran querido explicar. Ella ponia, a la inglesa, “Josefina B. Sturgis.” Hay tambien un error en su edad, que era de 77 y no de 75 años. En fin, la consideración principal, que desautoriza toda esta intriga y al mismo tiempo ha podido facilitarla, es que la cabeza de la pobre Josefina no regía, y que ella no ha podido fijar la cantidad de 15,000 pesetas, ni entender bien lo que eso representa. He estado estos dias sin salir de casa, con el catarro de siempre, pero ya va pasando, y estoy acompañado del amigo Cory, que fué mi secretario y lo es ahora de Strong, y que ha venido de Florencia por una temporada. Leo con interés lo que dicen los periódicos de la crisis en España. Me gustaría ver algun número del ABC3 que explique bien lo que ocurre.4 Os abraza Jorge

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1 Translation: Dear Pepe: I have before me your letter of the 15th, with the instructions given by Don Manuel Bernabé on the matter of Juana. I do not intend to answer her last letter, or deal with her directly in writing or orally as long as she persists with her claims. That is what we have lawyers for. It is my understanding that Don Manuel ought to answer the last communication, which represents a change in tactics on the part of the enemy, aimed precisely at getting her right recognized on the one hand, at least for the amount she demands, without going so far as to start legal proceedings. I don’t think we ought to take that road. That would amount to rewarding her effrontery. Insofar as the essence of the matter is concerned, it is obvious that they prepared that document between them without my sister’s having had anything to do with the matter. If later they managed to get her signature on it, she certainly did not know what she was signing. We have to look closely at that signature, if it comes to that. On the copy that they sent me, she puts “Josefina Sturgis Borrás” a way that my sister never signed her name, and that she would not have understood if they had tried to explain it to her. She used the English form “Josefina B. Sturgis.” There is also an error about her age, which was not 75 but 77. Finally, the principal fact that unmasks this whole intrigue and at the same time has made it possible, is that poor Josephine wasn’t right in the head, and that she wasn’t able to set the amount of 15,000 pesetas, or even really to understand what that meant. I have stayed indoors these last few days, with the same old cold, but I seem to be getting over it, and I am accompanied by my friend Cory, who was my secretary and is Strong’s secretary now and is now in Florence for a while. I read with interest what the papers say about the crisis in Spain. I would like to see one or another issue of ABC that explains clearly what is going on. An embrace from 2 In Spain Josephine’s legal name was Josefina Sturgis Borrás. 3 A Spanish periodical. 4 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

To Andrew Joseph Onderdonk 26 February 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol Rome Feb. 26, ’31 I had an impression that I had already replied to your last letter, but perhaps I forgot it. Of course, I should be sorry to have you and your mother pass by without stopping, but I am afraid I am too lazy and busy to go to Naples at present. G. S.

1928–1932

To Charles Augustus Strong 11 March 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, March 11, 1931 Dear Strong It happens that Lord Russell and I had been exchanging letters during the last fortnight before his death, and this renewal of friendliness at the end softens very much for me the close of an enormously important chapter in my life. On Feb. 14 he wrote: “All that is the real part of me and my very extensive external activities are to me of the nature of Maya,1 or an illusion. They interest me, they are my —— life job, and I do them, but they are not a part of my real life … I seldom take the public into my confidence about my real feelings. I received two great shocks in my life: the first being when Jowett2 sent me down. My rage and mortification at being so wronged produced a bitterness and permanently injured my character. Finally, when Elizabeth left me I went completely dead and have never come alive again. She never realized how I worshipped and loved her and how I idealized what is in essence a worthless character, and her light-hearted cruelty killed something in me which has never revived.” I replied giving what I suppose to be her view of the matter: that she is a clever satirical woman who likes to sit laughing at her own thoughts, that he didn’t leave her enough to herself, got on her nerves, and at last she couldn’t stand it. On Feb. 25 he wrote in answer to this: “What you say about Elizabeth is of course nonsense, she having been careful to show you only the most attractive side. She has never loved anybody including her own children. She enjoys cruelty for its own sake, as some people enjoy seeing a butterfly wriggling on a pin. You are also quite wrong as to her having explained to me a thousand times, or for the matter of that, once. On the contrary, she objected to my playing bridge –[ because he lost too much money –] or dining at the club, and I was only allowed one night out a week.” The firm exclusion of any point of view except that of his own centre is characteristic: but he was very intelligent within that perspective. However, he couldn’t achieve even his own happiness, because he constantly cut his own nose off. Our perspectives are not our Self. Cory is better, I think, but excitable, and several things have happened to worry him, besides the rather wet and cheerless weather. We have had

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a quarrel with the dentist, too much of a good thing with Edman, and now Fuller3 is here, who also is not an unmixed blessing. He seems to have lost all intellectual interests and to like nothing but old ladies’ gossip and Bohemian scandals. However, the sequel to his History of Greek Philosophy is in the press—two volumes on Plato and Aristotle.4 Cory talks of going before long directly to Glion, in the hope of getting more fresh air and exercise. He is very keen, as usual, on the book that he is in love with for the time being, and I find his insight, when he once takes something in, as wonderful as ever.—A lady in this hotel has made him a proposal of marriage.5 She confesses to 29 summers, is said to be very beautiful and plump, has three fur coats, and is the daughter of a rich wine merchant at Bergamo. She speaks only Italian, so that Cory has made great progress in pronunciation, can say “simpaticissimo”6 (which is what she delcares him to be) and has been invited to spend a week-end at her parents’ villa on his way north. However, the lady has now departed, almost without hope. Nevertheless, Cory confides to me that Maria is a very beautiful name. The way to address a letter to Bertie now is simply Earl Russell, on the outside. “The Earl R”, or “The R E. Hon. the Earl R” are only official or trades-people’s ways of addressing envelopes. Inside, if you said “Dear Mr. Russell”, it should now be “Dear Lord Russell”, and if you said “Dear Russell”, no change. I am afraid he is too poor to carry off his title (and his son’s too, who is now Lord Amberley); but when he takes his seat in the House of Lords, if the Labour government is still in office, or when it returns, I suppose they will give him some office—say Education! I look forward to seeing you here soon Yours ever G.S. 1 Maya is the powerful force that creates the cosmic illusion that the phenomenal world is real. 2 Benjamin Jowett (1817–93), a Greek scholar at Oxford University, was named Regius Professor in 1855, Master of Balliol College in 1870, and served as University Vice-Chancellor (1882–86). His translations of the dialogues of Plato are famous. 3 Benjamin Apthorp Gould “Bags” Fuller (1879–1956), a member of the Harvard class of 1900, pursued graduate study (Ph.D., 1906) with Santayana and later was appointed to the Harvard faculty. 4 History of Greek Philosophy (New York: Holt, 1923 [Thales to Democritus, Vol. 1] and 1931 [The Sophists, Socrates, Plato, Vol. 2; Aristotle, Vol. 3]). 5 Unidentified. 6 Most likeable (Italian).

1928–1932

To José Sastre González 15 March 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Sastre Martín)

Hotel Bristol, Roma 15 de Marzo, 19311 Querido Pepe: Jorgito me escribe, remitiendo tu carta del 15 de Febrero, que recibió a su tiempo, pero sin que viniera en ella el poder firmado por nosotros, el cual decías que le devolvías por no ser suficiente, y que le rogabas mandara de nuevo por via diplomática. Ni él ni yo entendemos bien de qué procedimiento se trata, y te agradeceríamos nos explicaras lo que se debe hacer. Muchas cosas a todos de parte de tu tio2 Jorge 1 Translation: Dear Pepe: George has written to me, sending along your letter of February 15th, which he received in good time, but without finding in it the power of attorney signed by us, which you said that you were returning because it was not sufficient, and that you asked him to send again through diplomatic channels. Neither he nor I really understand what the procedure is, and we would be grateful to you if you explained to us what must be done. Many regards to all from your uncle 2 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

To John Hall Wheelock 19 March 1931 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Princeton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co– 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, March 19, ’1931 Dear Mr. Wheelock, I have received with pleasure your two notes of Feb. 26 and March 2, and also the two copies of The Genteel Tradition at Bay. The book presents a very nice appearance, is easy to read, and, as far as I know, has no errors in it. Thank you very much for taking so much pains with it. As to the other four copies which normally would be sent me, they are not enough to cover the long list1 of persons to whom I have already asked you to send the book in my name—I suppose that list was duly received and acted upon. Perhaps the simplest thing would be for you to send those four copies to me here—Hotel Bristol, Rome—as touring friends

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are always turning up to whom I might like to distribute them. I should be much obliged if you would have this done. I am now at work revising and extending my so-called “novel”; but I doubt whether it will be ever finished or quite ready to publish during my life-time. Perhaps Cory (to whom I am bequeathing my MS.) and you will attend to it afterwards. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Unlocated.

To William Soutar 31 March 1931 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Scotland)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall. London. S.W.1. Rome, March 31, 1931 Dear Mr. Soutar Many thanks for your book of poems,1 in which I find the same force and reality of feeling as in those which I had seen earlier, with a greater unity of effect and more verbal mastery. You are still troubled (if the schoolmaster may speak) by the archaic 2nd person singular of the English verb: “Thou mus’d”, “thou grew”. Why not say “you” and be natural? You also seem to me obscure in places: not merely intellectually obscure, which might be a poetic virtue, if the symbolic or mystical burden of the phrase was thereby increased; but obscure in the sense of not conveying the intention of the poem unequivocally. But these are technical trifles. The point that naturally interests me most is the philosophical sentiment or confession dominating the whole. You r title “Conflict”, and the sen^^ tence you quote from me as a motto, suggest love vs. dissatisfaction with love. Is that the end? Your powers of spiritual reaction and recuperation are evident: you have doubtless found, or will find, that which you seek in turning away from love with dissatisfaction: the light of “Dawn”. I myself have found it in a rather humdrum, intellectual, old man’s philosophy: your temperament will discover, I expect, something more vehement and sublime. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Conflict (London: Chapman & Hall, 1931).

1928–1932

To Charles Augustus Strong 8 April 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome April 8 1931 Dear Strong Cory has been much better physically since certain people who were worrying him have left the scene, but he remains super sensitive to all sorts of influences. Now he has dropped Leibniz1 and keeps his nose, even at meals, stuck into a book by a certain Edmund Wilson,2 of which you may have heard. He has been for some time on the point of leaving Rome, but now will stay on in order to see you, even if only for a day or two. I am glad you have put your theory of perception into its final shape, and shall be interested in seeing—and hearing—the terms in which you now express it. As to Relativity, I may not be able to follow your arguments and am, in a sense, less personally interested, because I have come to a quietus of my own on the subject. When you are here, if you still want to work, I can give you a book of Maritain’s in which Einstein3 is treated intelligibly and intelligently, though of course from a far distant point of view. I am, in my old age, acquiring the faculty which Leibniz said he had of agreeing with Everybody. I agree with Maritain, but I agree with Einstein also: it is only a question of the place which one assigns to certain sorts of science or speculation. Maritain thinks what I call “specious” absolute: and it is, for the moralist or the poet: it is the spiritual reality. But the test of material Existence is practical: so that the tables are turned when you approach cosmology. The cosmology of Maritain is pure myth, as that of Einstein is sheer mathematics. I am diligently occupied with the novel. The first Chapters are already typed. It will be very pleasant to see you and to drive out again to our old points of interest. Yours ever G.S. 1

Gottfried Wilhelm Freiherr von Leibniz (1646–1716), a German philosopher and mathematician, studied science, history, and law. 2 Edmund Wilson (1895–1972) was an American literary critic, novelist, poet, and editor.

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3 Albert Einstein (1879–1955), the German-American theoretical physicist known for his theory of relativity, won the 1921 Nobel Prize in physics for his theory of photoelectric effect.

To Curt John Ducasse 10 April 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Brown)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall London S.W.1 Rome, April 10, 1931

Dear Professor Ducasse In a letter to M / my old friend Mr. Roelker,1 who has written repeating your kind invitation to Brown University, I have explained the reasons which prevent me from accepting it. I am very sorry, and hope you will accept my best thanks, and convey them to the other authorities. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

William Greene Roelker (1886–1953), Harvard class of 1909, was the author of Francis Wayland, 1796–1865, President of Brown University and Citizen of Providence … (Providence, RI, 1939) and other New England history books.

To José Sastre González 10 April 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre Martín)

Hotel Bristol, Roma 10 de Abril, 19311 Querido Pepe Hay ahora en Roma un nuevo cónsul, el Conde de Eril, que dice ser pariente del dueño del Pinar, cerca de Mingorria.2 Ha estado muy amable, interesándose por el asunto que nos ocupa; me asegura que el poder debe estenderse en la forma del que incluyo, y que se necesita otro parecido, hecho en Bóston, y autorizado allí por el cónsul de España. Me pidió algunos datos, tal como tu profesión, que no sé si he referido bién; y también quedo yo con algunas dudas sobre un punto importante. Habiendo fallecido mi hermana sin hacer testamento, ¿quienes son sus herederos legítimos? ¿Yo sólo, o tambien Jorge Sturgis y su hermana, en representación de Roberto?3 Se lo pregunté al cónsul, que respondió en seguida que los sobrinos tambien heredan; pero luego, por otras cosas

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que dijo, ví que la cosa no era segura. Me parece que se debe aclarar este punto, antes de pedir a Jorgito y a su hermana el porder correspondiente: porque seria lástima molestarles, y perder tiempo, si por fin había de resultar que ese poder no hacía falta. Haz el favor de preguntárselo al abogado, y si opina que se necesita tambien un poder concedido por Jorgito y Josefina, se lo pides tú directamente a Boston. Yo hoy mismo escribo a Jorgito, explicándole lo que ocurre, de modo que con dos letras que tú le pongas, entenderá lo que debe hacer. Estamos ya en plena primavera, y se empieza a buscar la sombra en las calles y paseos. Esta semana viene mi amigo Strong a pasar unos días en Roma, y daremos los paes —seos de siempre en su automóvil. Espero que tambien en Avila sigais todos sin novedad, y que hayan pasado las elecciones sin causar desgracias. Un abrazo de tu tio4 Jorge 1 Translation: Dear Pepe There is a new consul in Rome now, the Count of Eril, who says he is a relative of the owner of El Pinar, near Mingorria. He has been very kind, taking an interest in the matter that concerns us; he assures me that the power of attorney must be drawn up in the form of the one I am including here, and that we need another one like it, done in Boston, and authorized there by the Spanish consul. He asked me for some information, such as your profession, which I didn’t know whether I was right about; and I also still have doubts on one important point. Since my sister died without having made a will, who are her legitimate heirs? I alone, or George Sturgis and his sister as well, representing Robert? I asked the consul, who answered immediately that nephews and nieces also inherit; but later, in other things he said I saw that the thing wasn’t certain. It seems to me that this point should be cleared up, before asking George and his sister for the corresponding power of attorney, because it would be a shame to bother them and lose time if in the end it turned out that that power of attorney wasn’t needed. Please ask the lawyer about it, and if he thinks that we also need a power of attorney granted to George and Josephine, you can ask them for it directly from Boston. I am writing to George today explaining what is happening so that with a note that you send him he will understand what he must do. We are already in the middle of spring and people are beginning to seek the shade in the streets and walks. This week my friend Strong is coming to spend a few days in Rome, and we shall take the usual drives in his automobile. I hope that in Avila too everything is as usual and that the elections have come and gone without causing any misfortunes. An embrace from your uncle 2 Erill is a Catalan name which speakers of Castillian normally would pronounce as Eril. The Pine Grove was near Mingorria (a town just north of Ávila, Spain). The consul and the owner of El Pinar are unidentified. 3 Santayana’s late half brother, Robert Shaw Sturgis. 4 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

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To George Sturgis 12 April 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol Rome April 12, 1931 Dear George, On receiving your last letter, I wrote to Pepe saying that you hadn’t found that power of attorney in his letter, and wished to know what was meant by sending such a document “by the diplomatic channel”. After some time (you know Pepe is employed in a government office at Leon, and is often absent from Avila) he replied expressing surprise at the loss of that paper, as he couldn’t find it in his desk, and saying that the “diplomatic channel” was simply the witness or visa given by the consul. According I went to the Spanish consulate here and explained the case. There is a new consul, the Conde de Eril, who has relations in Avila, and was very civil. He told me that I must make a separate declaration to him, and you and Josephine another declaration before the Spanish consul in Boston. The power of attorney so signed by us then remains in the archives of the respective consulates, and each consul makes out a second document, in his own name, and signed and sealed by him, containing a copy of the power of attorney which we have given: and it is this second consular document that must be presented in Spain. I have done this here, and my power of attorney is already on its way to Avila—a beautiful imposing document for which I paid 178 lire=$9. Now there is a previous question which hasn’t really been cleared up. Who, according to Spanish law, are your aunt Josephine’s heirs, she having died intestate? Is it I alone, or you and your sister also, in lieu of your father? I have asked Pepe to find this out definitely before he troubles you with a second request for this power of attorney: because it would be inexcusable to bother you and Josephine with this affair, if after all your intervention was not necessary. I assume, however, that it is: and in that case, the thing for you to do, if you are willing to help us out of this difficulty, is to ask the Spanish consul to prepare a document, in legal terminology, covering the points which I enumerate in the sheet enclosed,1 and then to make out the authorized report and copy of it which you can send to Spain. Don’t do anything about it unless you hear from Pepe directly. I

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write only to prepare the [across] way, and explain beforehand what will probably be required. Yours affly G.S. 1

Unlocated.

To Mr. Wechsler 21 April 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Southern)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co, 123 Pall Mall London S.W.1 Rome April 21 1931 Dear Mr. Wechsler1 I am sending you a more recent portrait2—from a N. Y. daily paper—as well as the fancy one which you submit, and which never looked very like me. It is always pleasant to hear that one has invisible friends, especially young ones, in whom the better part of oneself may live again. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Unidentified. Unlocated.

2

To Andrew Joseph Onderdonk 25 April 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Houghton)

Rome, April 25, 1931. It is quite possible that I may go to Venice myself in June and stay there until the heat drives me to the mountains. In that case, if you came there for your Italian, we could sometimes have an ice together in the Piazza of an evening. It would be very pleasant. Best regards from G.S.

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To José Sastre González 9 May 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Sastre Martín)

Hotel Bristol Roma 9 de Mayo, 19311 Querido Pepe: Estoy pensando suspender el viaje a España hasta que se aclare algo la situación, tanto la politica como la del asunto de las cuentas de Josefina. No dudo que en Avila haya tranquilidad completa, es decir, tranquilidad material; pero sin embargo me disgusta el ambiente de es/xpectación y de incertidumbre por lo que pueda ocurrir en otras partes. Estoy muy ocupado con mis cosas—ahora principalmente “la novela”—y deseo estar solo y viajar lo menos posible. Tu me dirás si conviene, por lo de Josefina, que me presente yo antes de que se cumpla el año desde su fallecimiento.2 En ese caso, puedo ir en Septiembre, por pocos dias. No sé si los poderes que hemos mandado, o vamos a mandar, bastaran, sin testamento, para que tu retires ese dinero. Si no bastan, ¿que procedimiento se debe seguir, a fin de que se resuelva el asunto? El tiempo sigue muy fresco, y pienso quedarme aquí, hasta entrado el mes de Junio, y luego ir a Venecia, al Hotel Danieli, donde he estado en otras ocasiones. Desde la misma puerta de esa fonda se puede tomar el vaporcito que va en media hora a la playa del Lido, lugar de moda, ^ ^ donde se puede refrescar y respirar el aire del mar. Sentiré mucho no veros a todos tan pronto cómo yo lo habia esperado, pero será mas adelante, si Dios quiere, y en momento mas oportuno. Mercedes, como es natural, está muy intranquila; dice que parece que el marido de María Luisa3 se queda sin carrera, y que todo va de mal a peor. Esperemos que la situación se normalice, y que no haya que lamentar desgracias mayores. Cariñosos recuerdos de tu tio que te quiere4 Jorge 1

Translation: Dear Pepe: I have been thinking of putting off my trip to Spain until the situation is a little clearer, both the political situation and the business of Josephine. I am sure that there is complete calm in Avila, that is to say calm in day-to-day life, but nevertheless I don’t like the atmosphere of expectancy and of uncertainty because of what might happen elsewhere. I am very busy with my own things–now mainly “the novel”–and I want to be alone and travel as little as possible. You will have to tell me if it would be a good thing, as far as the matter of Josephine is concerned, for me to show up before the first anniversary of her death. If so, I can go in September, for a few days.

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I don’t know if the power of attorney that we have sent, or are going to send, will be enough, without a will, for you to withdraw the money. If it isn’t enough, what procedure should be followed so that the matter is resolved? The weather is still cool and I intend to stay here until well into the month of June, and then go to Venice to the Hotel Danieli where I have stayed on other occasions. Right from the door of this inn, you can take a little steamboat which takes half an hour to go to the Lido beach, a fashionable place where you can cool off and breathe the sea air. I shall be very sorry not to see you all as soon as I had hoped, but that will be later, God willing, and at a more opportune time. Mercedes is naturally very upset. She says that it seems that Maria Luisa’s husband’s career has been disrupted, and that everything is going from bad to worse. Let us hope that the situation settles down to normal, and that we have no cause to regret greater misfortunes. Fond regards from your uncle who loves you 2 15 October 1930. 3 María Luisa del Rio and her sister, Pilar, were close friends of Mercedes de la Escalera. 4 This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 10 May 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, May 10, 1931 Dear Cory You must make the best of this accident.1 The fact that it is so unpleasant for you in every way, and so unexpected, will serve to sober you a little and make you cry a halt—I don’t mean lead you to give up the cult ^ ^ of Venus altogether, which might not be possible or desirable, but cause you to regard it as a weakness and not as something to be proud of. It has seemed to me sometimes that you encouraged yourself to pursue the fair sex even when there was nothing inevitable or romantic about the affair: and you are old enough and experienced enough not to need that sort of self-challenge, to prove to yourself that you are a little man. In one way I prefer that you should flutter in this manner De fleur en fleur et d’objet en objet2 rather than form a permanent connexion; it may be more dangerous, but on the whole it is less of a drag, and less expensive in the end. But I should be glad if this experience led you to be less pleased with the Don Juan in your organism. It is not your Strong side. Of course our worthy friend must hear nothing of it, and you must tell me o/if this cheque isn’t enough to tide you over. I don’t quite understand how the cheapest room at the Victoria can absorb £30 a month;3 I

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thought a room with a bath was only 26 francs a day. Nevertheless, don’t stint yourself in any way that can be bad for your health or spirits, and you know I am always glad to come to the rescue: in fact, there is hardly any other function left for me to perform in the realm of matter—the rest belongs to spirit. Strong is returning Les Faux Monnayeurs of Gide4 “for sanitary reasons”. Apparently he was afraid it might poison his servants. His family, at least, has nothing to learn— Yours affectionately G.S. 1

A case of gonorrhea. (Years, 74) Flower after flower and sweet to sweet. From the French poem by La Fontaine about a poet-butterfly, later translated by Santayana as “Amiable Satirist.” See Complete Poems, 435. 3 Cory’s monthly allowance from Strong. (Years, 60) 4 André Gide (1869–1951), a French writer and editor, reacted passionately against the prohibitions of revealed religion. His works address the problem of reconciling personal freedom and responsibility. Gide is as well known for his influence as a moralist and a thinker as for his contributions to literature. He was awarded the 1947 Nobel Prize in literature. In Les Faux-Monnayeurs (The Counterfeiters, 1925) the novelist keeps a journal of events in order to write a novel about the nature of reality. The intrigues of a gang of counterfeiters symbolize the counterfeit personalities with which people disguise themselves to conform hypocritically to convention or to deceive themselves. 2

To Morris Raphael Cohen 11 May 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown)

Rome, May 11, 1931 My dear Professor Cohen,1 Let me send you my best thanks for your Reason & Nature. I find nothing in the book with which I don’t agree, and a great deal that demolishes prevalent idols of the cave and of the theatre. You exhibit most valiantly the weaknesses of James, Dewey & Co. and honourably defend good sense and clear thinking against often cowardly, because convenient, confusions. Living as you do in the midst of morally rather intolerant currents, it is wonderful that you can swim so stoutly and successfully against the stream. Where you seem to me—I stand on the shore—to yield a little to insidious academic influences is in the distribution of your subject-matter. You discuss many points which—though perhaps socially worth

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straightening out—are of no importance in themselves. And your book in consequence takes rather the form of a running review or mise-au-point2 of contemporary disputes, and misses the architectural impressiveness which greater concentration might have given it. For instance, I hope you may find occasion before long to clear up and emphasize the ubiquitous directness of the dependence of mind on organic life, and the non-existence of mental machinery. Isn’t it grotesque to suppose one idea capable of generating another, as if in music one note were asked to produce another note? On pages 70 and 71 you seem to me to accomodate your language too much to popular metaphors. In discourse relevant ideas are “chosen” because, the bodily and psychic (not mental) reactions being determined by inheritance, training, and circumstances, only relevant ideas can arise. And it is the physiological incidence of relaxation and play that brings with it innocent, wild, and perhaps pleasant fancies. It would be gratuitous in a pure spirit either to like rest or to indulge in vagaries. Another point to which I should be glad to see you return is the “reality” of universals. When an essence or a trope (if I may use my lingo) is exemplified in events, it becomes a part of their essence; but I should hardly say (would you?) that even the whole essence or description of a natural fact was that fact. The universal merely defines the fact, and is true of it; but the fact is more than its essence; it exists by being generated, situated, and sustained in the midst of nature by the flow of substance into that form at that juncture. Otherwise, your universals couldn’t define existence, but only themselves. Am I wrong? Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Morris Raphael Cohen (1880–1947), an American philosopher born in Russia, taught at the City College of New York and at the University of Chicago. He is known for his use of Socratic irony; his influential books are Reason and Nature: An Essay on the Meaning of Scientific Method (1931) and Law and the Social Order (1933). Although they never met, Cohen admired Santayana, referring to him as a “great and neglected figure” (in Chance, Love, and Logic [1923]) and used Santayana’s books as texts in his courses. 2 Restatement of a question (French).

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To Charles Augustus Strong 11 May 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Rockefeller)

Rome, May 11, 31 Not sorry to have the unsanitary book back, as it is a special first edition, and may interest posterity—I have written to my relations in Spain saying that I am suspending my journey. It is hardly likely that I shall leave Italy at all, but if I pass thro’ Paris, I will come to lunch one day with pleasure at St. Germain. Cory is at Glion. G.S.

To George Sturgis 23 May 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Rome, May 23, 1931 Dear George I have given up the idea of going to Spain for the present, and am leaving in a week or ten days for Venice, where I mean to spend the summer. If it gets too hot at the Hotel Danieli, I can move to the Lido or even to Cortina, although I am a little afraid that I might find the latter too cool. No doubt at Avila there will be little or no material disturbance, no matter what happens in the country at large: but I dislike the feeling of excitement and apprehension, and in fact am not sorry of an excuse for putting off the trip, and the visit to the family, and lying low for a season, as I have plenty to do and to keep me amused in revising the novel. The Prologue and Part I (seven short chapters) are already neatly typed, and I hope to make great advances during the summer months. Strong will be again near Paris—on account of his daughter and her children, and Cory, who is now at Glion, I believe is going to England I am glad to see that you are doing all that is possible to settle the matter of your aunt Josephine’s bank account. The procedure you are following is not exactly like that adopted for me here by the new Consul (already resigned!) but probably the fact that you and Josephine and Ray Bidwell are not Spanish subjects—I should now say “citizens”— — peo makes a different method appropriate. If Pepe is able to get the money, there will be nothing lost by my not turning up. I have left the matter of my jour-

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ney open, and could go in September if it was necessary and the coast was clear. I am not in sympathy with Spanish republicans; but things probably will have to be much worse before they begin to be better. The dictatorship in Spain had the misfortune of being associated with military, royal, aristocratic, and clerical interests—all Fascism is not. It therefore couldn’t attract the popular and socialistic currents, which can’t be safely ignored. They have now overflowed; but there may not be much left except mud when they subside. Provincial independence may survive: and that may be a good thing morally. Yours affly G.S.

To Ralph Barton Perry 25 May 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co, 123 Pall Mall London. S.W.1 Rome, May 25, 1931

Dear Perry I am perfectly willing that you should include as much of these letters in your book1 as you think might interest the public. The earlier ones are rather official, but there is some philosophy in spots. I have marked in pencil one or two passages, favourably or unfavourably: but of course it is for you to decide. I am extremely sorry that the most interesting of James’s letters to me has been mislaid. I hope, from what Mrs. Toy says, that it may turn up some day. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 The Thought and Character of William James: As Revealed in Unpublished Correspondence and Notes, Together with his Published Writings (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1935). The dates of letters from Santayana to James included in this book are 18 December 1887, 28 January 1888, 3 July 1888, Easter 1900, 29 November 1904, 5 December 1905, and 6 December 1905.

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To Benjamin Apthorp Gould Fuller 26 May 1931 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Houghton)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123 Pall Mall. Rome, May 25/6, 1931

Dear Fuller After I had finished the proofs of your Aristotle, the two volumes arrived, and I have now read the Socrates1 and Plato. I am partly reconciled to your intentional American and jocular medium; for I see that really you are not writing a history of Greek Philosophy at all, but a review of what the professors—chiefly English or Scottish—now say about it. You might have carried the joke out, and composed a perfect satire on all these controversies, on the theme which you indicate in several places, that the two and seventy sects come out by the same door wherein they went. And this is always the back door. All these professors are outsiders and interlopers, and the first thing to do if you had wished to study the ancients themselves should have been to become a believer in them, and to have let all these modern egotistical critics lie buried in their own dust. Plato and Aristotle speak for themselves, if you trust them, and if you want guidance, you have it, within the school and its living traditions, in the Neo Platonists, the Arabians, and the Scholastics.2 Two points, for instance, would at once drop out of the discussion, 1–st the supposed transformations and contradictions in the systems, with the whole trivial quesnd tion of dates; 2– the importance of the problem of evil. As to the first, I found it more annoying in Aristotle than in Plato, in whom (especially if you accept the letters) some chronological variations may really be traced; but in either case, it is impossible for any author to say (or to develop) everything at once: he must study one subject first and then another, and the order of these subjects, and his age, may naturally colour the discussion, and give it a different emphasis or point of approach: but to speak of an evolution or self-contradiction in mature masters like Plato and Aristotle is a piece of modern insolence and pedantry. As to the other point—the origin of evil—I came the other day in Maritain on the observation that this is not an important subject in philosophy: and naturally not for a Platonist or Aristotelian, because in that system the creativity of the One is accidental to Him. He may be the absolute good in himself and our ultimate good also: but the fact that there is evil too, and separation from the good, is our business and misfortune, not a blemish or a fault in

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Him. So the attribution of evil to matter or to accidental wilfulness or ^ ^ to malice is a question of history: and your argument about God “let^ ^ ting go” loses all its urgency if we remember that “matter” is by definition indeterminate. When any essence “lets go”, matter (or the contingent, whatever you may call it, which is crucial for existence,) is ready to become anything: i.e. matter, left alone, will deviate or go wrong of itself— wrong, I mean, from the point of view of the essence which we happen ^ to look to. You may then say that matter is attracted by the devil, or the ^ seat of free-will, or simply chaotic: these are all ways of describing the same earthly fact. God lets go when we lose Him. I shouldn’t have bothered you with these old carpings, which you will think wrong-headed, were it not that in reading your Plato I have more than once been arrested by the extraordinary sympathy and understanding which you display in revealing the true inwardness of the system, for instance, at the end of the chapter on love. Page 201 is sublime. Why then not have interpreted Plato in this fashion throughout, paraphrasing and re-thinking his own thoughts? You could do it, if you cared. But the confounded Protestant professors have got you to paraphrase them instead. I hope you will have a good press and a good sale. You are modest in your professions, and really do much more than you propose and promise to do. But merely as a review of reviews or set of lectures about all other sets of lectures, your books may be useful: and certainly they will keep the reader awake. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Socrates (469–399 B.C.), a Greek philosopher, dedicated himself to combating scepticism and arousing love of truth and virtue. The Socratic method is to question someone, then to show skillfully the inadequacy of the answer through further questioning, with the objective of attaining a more sound answer. 2 Neoplatonism absorbed virtually all nonmaterialist and religious doctrines of earlier systems. It is the only significant school of antiquity since the beginning of the fourth century, a school that undertook to satisfy all intellectual and religious aspirations of man. In the nineteenth century Platonism became sharply distinguished from Neoplatonism. Arabians, a group of third century heretical Arabians, believed that the soul perishes along with the body. The Scholastics seek to answer the questions of similarity, difference, and constancy among things. Borrowing heavily from Aristotle, these questions typically are answered by reference to a prime substance or being and its actualization into particular forms.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 29 May 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, May 29, 1931 Dear Cory After some vacillation I am sending you only your ordinary extraordinary budget for June. If the doctor’s bills, etc, make this insufficient, you will tell me frankly. I don’t want you to be skimped, but at the same time, if you have too much at once, you are tempted to make a splurge. On the other hand, this habit probably comes from the very fact that you have always been fed from hand to mouth, lived on the dole, as it were, which at your age is hardly normal. It would be better if you could have a fixed income and a bank account of your own, so that you could feel you were your own master. Can you tell me whether “Edna St. Vincent Millay”1 is Miss or Mrs. and if the latter, what Mrs, or whose Missus? She has sent me a book of 52 sonnets, rather fluent, and only letting the cloven hoof peep out here and there from under the Elizabethan2 petticoat. But there are goodhumoured inscriptions and comments of her own in pencil, which make me wish to write and thank her. Would you care to see the book? “Babette Deutsch”3 hasn’t been content with my politic epistle, and has written a reply, explaining what her poem means. But I don’t understand the explanation and fortunately can let the matter drop. th I expect to move to Venice, Hôtel Danieli, on June 9– It is warm here, but not unpleasant. Two more chapters of the novel are done, covering Oliver’s childhood. The next—the paean on food4—is also complete, so that we are marking progress. Yours affly G.S. 1

Edna St. Vincent Millay (1892–1950), an American poet, is noted for her verse of the 1920s celebrating life, love, and moral freedom. She was married to Eugen Boissevain. Fatal Interview (New York: Harper, 1931) is a volume of sonnets in the Elizabethan manner. 2 Elizabeth I of England (1533–1603) was the daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn. 3 Babette Deutsch (1895–1982), a New York poet, wrote intellectual, emotionally charged verse, concerned with social issues. She also wrote novels, biography, and literary criticism. 4 Part II, chapter V.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 2 June 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS postcard: Columbia)

Rome, June 2, 1931 I am sending you Edman’s book on the alleged need of saving the modern man’s soul.1 Give it away, if you have your own copy. You will find a few pencil-notes.—I liked the end of Jennings’ book better than the beginning.2 He is a good fellow, only his concepts are uncriticized. Science as a whole is not a description of experience, but of nature; only literary ^ ^ psychology describes experience, or rather the way in which experience emerges in nature. “Emergent evolution” is all right, as J. understands it: he merely stops at the animal tropes, as natural history must. His sympathies are not obscurantist, e.g. in regard to final causes and inherited qualities.—I have been to see Conway Davies,3 to ask him if he thought my heart too weak to stand the altitude of Cortina. He says no. But I weigh 210 lbs.! C’est dégoûtant.4 What is Edman’s address? G.S. 1

The book mentioned is The Contemporary and His Soul (New York: J. Cape and H. Smith, 1931). 2 Herbert Spencer Jennings (1868–1947), a Harvard graduate (M.A., 1895; Ph.D., 1896), was a noted biologist. He wrote The Biological Basis of Human Nature (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., Inc., 1930), as well as many other works. 3 An English physician practicing in Rome. 4 It’s disgusting (French).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 3 June 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Rome, June 3, 1931 On picking up Miss Millay’s Sonnets, in order to send them to you, I see that they weren’t sent me by the author at all, but by an old Harvard friend, Henry Abbot. I have re-read the book; and certainly the diction and movement (with a few breaks) are quite magnificently Shakespearian: but one feels that it is a fancy-dress ball or a “Pageant”. Much as if a man wrote admirable Latin verses. When it comes to the experience & spirit, it is less grand.—I am beginning to prepare for departure next week: the cooler weather makes it pleasant here. G.S.

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To Charles Augustus Strong [6 or 13 June 1931] • [Rome, Italy]

(MS postcard: Rockefeller)

Saturday I hope to arrive in Florence on Tuesday, June 19, at 14.48 o’clock. th I have made an appointment with the dentist for Wednesday, the 20– , at 6 o’clock; he is in the Lungarno Corsini, so that I shall be able to reach the appointed place for dinner, which I suppose will not be before 7 o’clock. G. S.

To Louis Sacks 8 June 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Stroup)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome. June 8, 1931 1

Dear Mr Sachs, You are very young, I suppose, and I understand your enthusiasm at first conceiving nature naturalistically: I felt it myself, at what I suppose to be your age, on first studying Spinoza and Lucretius.2 But the general view is old and familiar: the interest lies entirely in the particular colour and illustrations which each new philosopher or poet may give to it. A system has the value of the perceptions and emotions which a man may put into it. The bare outline of naturalism or pantheism—though true, I think, as far as it goes—is nothing but the stretched canvass on which he must paint his picture. But why do you attempt verse? Let me advise you warmly to stick to prose Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Louis Sacks was born in 1879. Titus Lucretius Carus (c. 99 B.C.–c. 55 B.C.) was a Roman poet whose celebrated work is De rerum natura (On the nature of things). In hexameter verse, it sets forth arguments founded upon Epicurean philosophy. 2

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To Henry Ward Abbot 10 June 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Columbia)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, June 10, 1931 Dear Harry Many thanks for introducing me to Miss Millay. I had seen her name, and possibly (if she ever wrote for The Dial) I may have read some piece of hers before: but all was lost in that terrible bog of false poetry into which I hate to step. Poetry, in the sense of versified passionate eloquence, seems to be a thing of the past. But I see that Miss Millay takes the bull by the horns and dresses up her poetry in the magnificent ruff and pearls of Queen Elizabeth. It is a wonderful performance: very rarely did I feel that the sawdust of modern diction was trickling out of the beautiful fancy-dress doll. The movement, and in particular the way of repeating and heightening a word, like a theme in music, are unexampled, as far as I know, in any contemporary performance. When it comes to the thought or the morality, just because it is somewhat genuine and modern, there is less nobility: a woman who was really in love and gave herself too freely to a lover who, liking her well enough at first, got tired of her in the end. The case demands repentance and sublimation, both of which Miss Millay avoids, in her evidently pragmatic philosophy. But without sublimation or repentance the feeling could not rise to the level of the versification. It is like very good Latin versification, such as is still occasionally produced by the well-educated. I am at work on The Last Puritan and often wish I could show you a passage and ask you if it seems to you true to the life—to the inner life ^ ^ especially—of our old-fashioned friends. I agree that the last years of life are the best, if one is a philosopher. Yours sincerely G.S.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 18 June 1931 • Venice, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Venice, June 18, 1931 I expect to leave on the 22nd for Cortina d’Ampezzo, Hotel Miramonte, because although the heat here isn’t sensuously unpleasant, it keeps me from walking or writing. I have done nothing but read novels, one of which I am sending you—very cynical, but perhaps a hint of what you may find in England now-a-days, if you go there. I have also read Babbit, not the professor but the old novel by Sinclair Lewis.1 I like it: on another plane, it is very much in the spirit of The Last Puritan: but of course I make no attempt to rival the speech of his characters. As diagnosis, it seems fair. G.S. 1

[Harry] Sinclair Lewis (1885–1951), an American novelist, graduated from Yale in 1908. He was the first American to be awarded the Nobel Prize for distinction in world literature (1930). It Can’t Happen Here (1935), a warning about the possibility of fascism in the United States, was his most vigorous work of the 1930s. Babbitt, a satire of the American businessman, originally was published in 1922.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 23 June 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Miramonti Cortina d’Ampezzo June 23, 1931 Dear Cory Here I am at last comfortably established, in a very clean quiet hotel. As yet there are only two or three clerical-looking English families, but even in August, when the Italians arrive, I expect that I shall be able to stand it. It is pleasantly cool, and the mountain air doesn’t seem to affect me. I have a bathroom (without a window) but the bedroom is largish and I have arranged the chaise-longue and the table in such a way that I am sure of being materially encouraged to work. It is like the quarters we had at Glion, only a good deal more spacious—and of course the landscape is more idyllic, a village in the heart of the Alps become a centre for tourists. Miramonti, however, is a mile or more from the village.

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Strong has been cheated by his family, who after all are to remain in America, and the poor man doesn’t know where to go—is even thinking of coming here. I enclose your monthly cheque a little in advance, which I suppose you won’t mind1 Yours affly G.S. 1

This letter is written on black-bordered stationery.

To Herbert Jacob Seligmann 26 June 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Morgan)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London Cortina, June 26, 1931 Dear Mr. Seligmann It was very good of you to send me one of the limited copies of Marin’s letters.1 I have read them through, and feel that they are an instructive document. The dialect at first rather disgusted me—except when I could see the humour of it—but in the end I s/think that it is justified. It helps to enforce the Go to Hell which animates the perfectly Spontaneous Me. I’ll talk as I damn please, and paint as I damn please, and live—as miserable circumstances compel me to live. Here is a brave artist dependent on a rich patron. Is that to be the status of all “free” art or thought in America? Or is there another current, more deeply native, but not less “free”, which expresses the volume of the American Niagara? I am a little afraid that quite anarchical art and thought may be sterile, and may become more and more an hors-d’oeuvre in the modern hurly-burly. I suppose genius and intuition exist about equally in all ages and countries. The point is that they should take root and bequeathe a recognizable heritage Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 John Marin (1870–1953), American landscape painter, is best known as a watercolorist. Seligmann privately published 400 copies of the Letters of John Marin (1930).

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To Mercedes de la Escalera 3 July 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Unknown)

Hotel Miramonti, Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italia. 3 de julio, 1931.1 Querida Mercedes, Esta revolución es cosa triste para nosotros, que vemos deshacerse el mundo en que hemos vivido; pero hay que desengañarse. Todo lo humano cambia sin cesar, y ninguna civilización puede sostenerse en la forma que tenía, ni volver a ella. La sociedad moderna, en su parte viva y eficaz, es industrial y mecánica: no conoce religión ni patria; estas cosas para ella son lujos que se pueden permitir los individuos, en sus momentos de ocio, pero no tienen nada que ver con la economía pública. Es verdad que hay una forma de patriotismo moderno, parecido al entusiasmo de los equipos de foot-ball, cada uno por su parte; pero es un juego de pura rivalidad en las mismas empresas materiales (como se vió en la última guerra) y no se funda, como el amor a la patria verdadero, en la historia y en la índole moral de los pueblos. En cuanto a la persecución de la iglesia, por injusta que parezca, creo que puede compensarse bajo el punto de vista espiritual, con la mayor sinceridad y fervor de los católicos verdaderos. En la sociedad moderna las religiones serán filosofías, contando sus adictos en todos las naciones, sin dominar en ninguna de ellas. Así fué el cristianismo en los primeros siglos, y lo es hoy día en casi todas sus partes. No por eso deja de florecer la iglesia, por ejemplo en los Estados Unidos; pero la sociedad cristiana, tal como existía en España en otros tiempos, no se puede restablecer en esta época. Por lo menos, eso es lo que yo pienso, cuando veo cómo marchan las cosas. Muchas expresiones a esa familia y un abrazo de tu antiguo amigo Jorge 1

Translation: Dear Mercedes, This revolution is a sad thing for us who see the world we have known coming apart; but one must shed one’s illusions. Everything human changes ceaselessly and no civilization can sustain itself in the form it had, or return to it. Modern civilization, in its living and effective part, is industrial and mechanical: it knows no religion or fatherland; for it, those things are luxuries that individuals may allow themselves in their idle moments, but they have nothing to do with public economy. It is true that there is a form of modern patriotism, similar to the enthusiasm of foot-ball teams, each by itself; but it is a game of mere rivalry in the same material enterprises (as one saw in the last war) and is not based, as true love of country is, on history and the moral character of

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peoples. As far as the persecution of the church is concerned, however unjust it may seem, I think it can be compensated for from the spiritual point of view by the greater sincerity and fervor of true Catholics. In modern society religions will be philosophies, with adherents among all nations, without being dominant in any of them. That is the way Christianity was in the first centuries, and it is today in almost all of its parts. The church does not therefore stop flourishing, for example in the United States; but Christian society, as it existed in Spain in other times, cannot be reestablished in this era. At least that is what I think when I see how things are going. Many regards to your family and an embrace from your old friend

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 11 July 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Miramonti, Cortina d’Ampezzo, July 11, 1931 Dear Cory Strong arrived safely a week ago, having been driven from home by the unusual heat of the season. At first he seemed pleased, and felt no effects of the high altitude, (1200 metres). But today, during our drive, he said he wasn’t very happy, felt nervous and weak, and thought he wouldn’t stay very long. Doesn’t want to leave Italy again, on account of delay in getting his trunk! I think he will end, however, by going to Val Mont, and you may see him before long if you are still at the hôtel Victoria There has been no unpleasantness or even awkward tension between us. We have talked of nothing but the weather and the views, incidents at the hotel, current politics, and a few anodyne books. This system is easy to practise because I see him only for a few minutes in his room before we go out, and then during our drive, when we are not tempted to enter into any serious subject. Margaret seems to be stranded at Lakewood, New Jersey (Strong’s old house, which Mr. R.1 has given her); they haven’t the money, apparently, to get away. The old gentleman lives near by: they dine with him every evening and have to play a childish parlour-game with him, which bores them to death. And all to no purpose, because in financial affairs he has resigned control altogether to his son, who is their enemy—at least so George de Cuevas says. They have a coronet on their note-paper: but I understand that the grant of the marquisate had not been published in the Gazette before the Spanish revolution, and now all titles are going to be abolished in Spain:

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but of course this won’t prevent them from sporting there —irs in the international vanity fair of Paris. I am glad to hear that you are playing tennis, and hope your partner (I assume a partner) will do you more credit than on a former occasion. Strong would doubtless be pleased if you sent him a part of the essay on Whitehead, actually in shape. He has only once talked about you, wondering at your unwillingness to have your style corrected. He says that should have been done for you at school, and that if you don’t learn to write like The Times, it will prevent your reputation from being established among the professionals. So look out! No wonder you didn’t like Marin. I only sent [across] you the book because I didn’t know what to do with it in Venice. I had already (very tactfully) thanked the Editor for his gift. Yours affly G.S. 1

John Davison Rockefeller Sr.

To George Sturgis 12 July 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Miramonti Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy, July 12, 1931 Dear George Pepe has written to explain his telegram asking us not to send money for the payment of the inheritance tax on your aunt Josephine’s funds. He had been able to make an arrangement with the banks, by which the tax should be paid out of the funds themselves, before they were handed over to the heirs. This, I suppose, is done automatically in business-like countries; but in Spain it seems to be a matter of favour and personal confabulations: so much so that Pepe wasn’t quite sure, at the time of writing, that the thing would come off; but he hoped so. I have heard nothing more from him, so I suppose it is all right. Strong has come here, and we take drives in his motor: but on the whole I have been a little disappointed in the views that can be got within a short radius of Cortina: Strong never wants to be out for more than two hours. He says he isn’t very well here, and I expect he will leave before long for his favourite refuge at Val Mont. As for me, I am as usual and manage to do a little writing every morning, and to read a great many books. The place agrees with me, and it is

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a great blessing, in spite of the exceptionally warm summer we are having, to be rid of mosquitoes, flies, and (unprovoked) perspiration. The nights are always cool and silent, the food good, and the house comfortable. What more can a philosopher ask for? Love? No: not at the age of 67; except a general diffused affection for everybody who is decent, and a corresponding sense of not being often cursed or maligned by other people. I expect to stay here until September 15, or so, and then go back to Venice and ultimately to Rome, as usual. There seems to be no reason why I should go to Spain, and the state of affairs there is not such as to tempt me. Perhaps next summer I may venture. You have said nothing of coming to Europe youse —rself this year. Perhaps you too are putting off your trip for a twelvemonth. In that case, we may meet again in Paris, as on former occasions. Yours affectionately GS

To George Sturgis 19 July 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Miramonti, Cortina d’Ampezzo July 19, 1931 Dear George I did go to Venice early in June, and staid at the Danieli for a fortnight; but it was too warm for comfort or for literary work, and I came on here, where I am comfortably settled for the summer. Strong has also been here for two weeks, and I have had a chance of seeing these mountains from a somewhat higher point of view that my feet nowadays can reach; but there isn’t much variety in the shorter drives possible from here, and I am not sorry, now Strong is gone home, to return to my daily pedestrian round in the valley. It sometimes occurs to me that, since now I could afford it, I might indulge in an automobile of my own: it would be pleasant for travelling and seeing many architectural things of interest, which have hitherto never been within my radius. On the other hand, I don’t like motoring for its own sake; the dust is a terrible nuisance and bad for my throat; and the noise and slight constant tension in passing this road-hog or rounding that steep turn, makes the thing rather tiring. Moreover, what should I do with

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a chauffeur, idle most of the time? Perhaps next year, or even this autumn, if I can get Cory or some other youngish friend to come with me, and look after the business trifles involved, I may try hiring a motor for a long trip—say to Naples and Sicily: and that experience would show me whether a motor of my own would be desirable. As to the matter of your aunt Josephine’s money in Avila, I gather from your letter of July 6th that you were doing nothing at once: and I suppose a few days later you received my second letter, reporting that Pepe asked us not to send any funds. Although I haven’t yet heard that the business was settled and that he has actually got the money, I understand that he expected to. No doubt he will eventually send us an account and ask for instructions. Certainly, you and Josephine have no moral obligation to surrender your shares. In my case, besides having promised, it is pleasanter to do so; — but I have no use for the money and much greater reason than you for wishing to show interest in the Sastres. As I said in a previous letter, my only regret is that Mercedes shouldn’t get a share. Perhaps, if you and Josephine feel generously disposed, you might make Mercedes a present of a part (say a part equal to what each of the Sastres will get) or of the whole of your shares, on the ground that, taking your aunt’s residence in Spain since the beginning, she lived with Mercedes as much as with the Sastres. You might even say this—tactfully expressed—in giving your instructions to Pepe, if you felt that there was something invidious in drawing your little inheritance while I was abandoning mine. It is all a question of feeling, not of right or justice, and you and Josephine should act as your own sentiments suggest, without being coerced by my example, which has very special grounds not applicable in your case. I know Wareham: I once went there for a winter sporting excursion with Reginald Bangs, and wrote a melancholy romantic poem about it.1 I hope Rosamond and the boys will enjoy it as much —with in more sunshine and sunbaths. Yours affectionately G.S 1

Francis Reginald “Swelly” Bangs (1869–1939) was center of the Harvard varsity football team and a prominent Boston lawyer and civic leader. “Cape Cod” was written during an 1890s Easter vacation when Santayana, then a young Harvard philosophy instructor, was invited to join an angling party at Bangs’s parents’ country house near Wareham, Massachusetts. (Persons, 344; Complete Poems, 160—61; Sonnets, 90—91) In 1994 Luis de Pablo (b. 1930) composed a musical score entitled “Cape Cod”: sobre texto homónimo de George Santayana.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 23 July 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy Cortina d’Ampezzo

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(MS postcard: Columbia)

Hotel Miramonti July 23, 1931

There is now an English translation of Hussl1, entitled Ideas. I don’t want it for myself, as I have the German, but I will have it sent to you, if you care to read it. Do you? I am expecting another book The Unrealists, about “Wm James, Bergson, Santayana, Einstein, Russell, Alexander, and Whitehead”.2 This I will of course (after reading it) send you: it will ^ ^ amuse us, even if it is trivial.—I thought S.’s testimonial was due on the 1–st th not the 15– of the month. We oughtn’t to tread on one another’s heels and perhaps upset you. Tell me at what date you would rather have mine.—It has become cool here, almost too cool; but I am working with enthusiasm and reading a great many (French) books. How about French books for you? Sour grapes still? G.S. 1 Edmund Husserl (1859–1938) was a German philosopher whose theories on the relationship of the conscious mind and objects—the basis of the system of phenomenology—influenced the existentialists. His works include Logical Inquiries (1900—1901) and Ideen zu einer reinen Phänomenologie und phänomenologischen Philosophie (Thoughts toward a pure phenomenology and phenomenological philosophy, 1913). 2 The Unrealists: James, Bergson, Santayana, Einstein, Bertrand Russell, John Dewey, Alexander and Whitehead was edited by Harvey Wickham (New York: L. MacVeagh, The Dial Press; Toronto: Longmans, Green and Co., 1930). The section on Santayana is entitled “A Tilt with Windmills.” Samuel Alexander (1859–1938), an Australian-born philosopher, studied mathematics, classics, and philosophy at Oxford, and later psychology at Freiburg. He opposed the prevalent idealistic systems. His realist epistemology was spelled out in Space, Time, and Deity, 2 vols. (1920). He held that knowledge consists in the ‘compresence’ of a mental act and an object. The world therefore contains a mind-independent reality.

To John Middleton Murry 23 July 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy C

(MS: Macksey)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, S.W.1 Cortina, July 23, 1931 Dear Mr. Murry I am exceedingly sorry to hear that you have again had such grievous misfortunes. In my hermitage, I had heard nothing. At least these sorrows

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will give to anything you may tell us about the inner life the authority of a profound experience.1 As to my little book, I had supposed that, after the appearance of Scribner’s edition, you had found that it wasn’t worth while to issue another in England. I am glad this is not so: but I had the American issue sent to most of my friends: if I think of any others who might be interested, I will send you the list later. Some time ago Mr. Kyllmann of Constable & Company, made enquiries about The Genteel Tradition.2 I explained to him what the arrangements were with you and with Scribner; and he replied that he would try to get sheets from Scribner to publish in England under their name—I mean, Constable’s. I also asked him to consult the Editors of The Adelphi: I don’t know whether he did so. In any case, I have heard nothing more from him about his project, and I imagine he has abandoned it. I mention it, only to prevent any surprise or misunderstanding in the matter, if two English editions (one printed in America, but issued by Constable, and yours) should appear at the same time. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Probably referring to the death of Murry’s second wife, Violet (d. 30 March 1931). Genteel was never published by Constable.

2

To Charles Augustus Strong 1 August 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Cortina, August 1, 1931 Dear Strong I am so glad that you are comfortable at home and happily occupied. Your lines after Schubert1 move trippingly, and I don’t see that they require much change. Doubtless the effect presupposes the music; they are the words for a song, like the poetry of librettos. If read as a pure poem, they might seem monotonous and disjointed. The variations in mood do not seem to flow intelligibly out of one another. You echo Shakespeare’s “Journeys end in lovers’ meeting.”2 Perhaps the same song might suggest other felicities. As to your option in the first line, I prefer “faces” to “eyelids”. The latter can’t comfortably meet, at least if the nose is Caucassian. Faces, in con-

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temporary dances, do meet, I understand, and remained — nestled against one another: but it wasn’t so in Schubert’s day. What meets in a minuet, besides hands, is evidently not faces but—another thing expressed by a perfectly proper word of two syllables which your injunction forbids me ^ ^ to mention. Yours ever G.S. 1 Franz Peter Schubert (1797–1828), the Viennese composer, is well known for his “songs” or poetry put to music including works of Goethe and Schiller. 2 Twelfth-Night; or, What You Will (II.iii.43).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 2 August 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Miramonti, Cortina d’Ampezzo, August 2, 1931 Dear Cory Thank you very much for sending the review of Strong,1 which I return. On the whole, it is appreciative; but the reviewer has put his finger on one of the weak points; if he had been a physicist he might have put his finger on the other weak point—I mean on the point-instants composing matter. Both, I think, are consequences of a fundamental confusion in not distinguishing the specious or given from the physically real which is only posited. . ^ ^ If Strong is usually a little late in his remittances, your empty time (?) th th will usually be about the 15– If I sent mine punctually on the 10– of each month, it would be, I should think, the most welcome moment. I meant to advance a little gradually, but I will send you another cheque about the th th 7– of August, so as to arrive on the 10– If you are leaving for England this will help towards travelling expenses. Yours affty G.S. As to books, I won’t have any more sent you unless you positively ask for it. I think I have Lovejoy2 in Rome: but I will order another copy for you if you desire it. But hadn’t you better get it yourself, if and when you are in England? It is rather bulky.

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1 The review of Essays on the Natural Origin of Mind (London: Macmillan, 1930) in The Times Literary Supplement complimented Strong on his elegant style but denied the significance of an essential aspect of his theory of perception. Strong sent Santayana and Cory copies of the review and his reply to the reviewer. (Years, 80–81) 2 Arthur Oncken Lovejoy (1873–1962), born in Germany, was an American philosopher and historian of ideas who taught at Johns Hopkins University. In 1912 Santayana recommended Lovejoy for a position in the Harvard philosophy department. A critical realist, his works fall into two main groups—those on epistemology and those on intellectual history. In his major work, The Revolt Against Dualism: An Inquiry Concerning the Existence of Ideas (1930), he defended epistemological dualism against the reigning modes of monism. “Santayana always thought very highly of Lovejoy’s critique of Pragmatism.” (Years, 130)

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 5 August 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Miramonti, Cortina d’Ampezzo August 5, 1931 Dear Cory, There is nothing to worry about. Strong is not mad, and he isn’t trying any game on you. He is innocently and happily amusing himself, and we ought to be glad of it.1 Of course those “comments” on his “poem” are a jeu d’esprit:2 Strong at this moment feels very skittish and witty—and very superior. It is a blessed compensation for his physical inabilities and his intellectual cramp. We must encourage him by treating the things he says as matters of course, and making light of them without offending him. For instance, you might (if you are in the humour) send him other “comments”, by Oscar Wilde,3 Keats, Joyce,4 and Lawrence, all finding his verse too warm too rich and too free. I have thought of some “com^ ^ ments” myself—only they are unkind, and not for his ears. Thus: Shakespeare— “Journeys end in lover’s meeting” (I/An old sheep I hear a-bleating) “youth’s a stuff will not endure.”5 Hast a drop of physic, sweeting, agèd folly for to cure? Dr. Johnson6— The pox at seventy! Sir, I might have it too; we be all sinners: but, by God, I would not publish my shame.

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As to his plans for you during the next winter, I hope you will be able to circumvent his desire to have you at hand too long; whether you could persuade him better by going to Florence in the autumn, for a short stay, or by avoiding a meeting, you can best judge for yourself. He wants two things: 1–st to have someone to impress his philosophical thoughts upon: nd to give you lessons in English composition. The second object could 2– be attained, without any irritating interviews between you, if you would ask him to mark in your papers the phrases which he thinks would damage your reputation among the readers of The Times and of Mind .7 You ^ ^ could disregard these corrections, or profit by them, at your own leisure and convenience. As to being near him, to fill Miller’s place, you might invoke your health and nerves as an excuse for not being near him all winter: and as the plan to go to London had his previous approval, I think you could very well put off your visit until the Spring—at least until February or March. I may be able to help, by telling him that being in England will improve your English, and enlarge your acquaintance among literary people and philosophers: and as he has a really fatherly and disinterested hope that you may be a great man and a great apostle in future of his (or nearly his) philosophy, I am hopeful that he will have no objection to this arrangement. I don’t see how else you can very well avoid returning to Florence. It wor/uld be worse if you were with me: in his present mood that would embitter him against both of us. Yours affly G.S. 1 “Strong … suddenly took to composing rather amorous little verses, addressed to ‘three lady-loves’ of his youth. He would send these exercises to Santayana and me, but what worried me a bit were the inane ‘comments’ he appended to his verses. I have a horror of older people becoming flippant, and I asked Santayana if he thought everything was all right with Strong.” (Cory, Years, 79) “In his old age Strong sometimes amused himself by writing ‘poetry.’ The most interesting of these effusions recounts how he loved five times, and Bessie [Elizabeth Rockefeller], his wife, is one of these lady-loves, but evidently not the one secretly preferred.” (Persons, 372) 2 Witticism (French). 3 Oscar (Fingal O’Flahertie Wills) Wilde (1854–1900), an Irish-born poet, dramatist, and novelist, was the leader of an aesthetic movement which advocated art for art’s sake. His works include The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891) and The Importance of Being Earnest (1895). 4 James Joyce (1882–1941) was an Irish novelist, short-story writer, and poet. His works include Dubliners (1914), Portrait of the Artist As a Young Man (1916), Ulysses (1922), and Finnegan’s Wake (1939). 5 “Journeys end in lovers’ meeting” and “Youth’s a stuff will not endure” are lines from Twelfth-Night.

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6 Samuel Johnson (1709–84), a prolific author, is known as a biographer (The Lives of the English Poets [1779–81]), political essayist, and literary critic. He published the first dictionary of the English language (1755). 7 Mind: A Quarterly Review of Psychology and Philosophy was founded in 1876. From 1921 to 1948 it was edited by G. E. Moore.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 8 August 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Miramonti, Cortina d’Ampezzo August 8 1931 Dear Cory, Here is the cheque, as previously agreed. For the first time in my life I am reading a thick book in two volumes published in Avila. It is by a young Father Crisógono, Carmelite, about St. John of the Cross,1 and very suggestive for the realm of Spirit. I have written a part of a new chapter for the realm of truth, but it may contain little but repetitions. Perhaps it might be well to finish off Truth next winter, before the novel is completed. In the latter, I am now on chapter XI of part II, and proceeding satisfactorily, but slowly. I am also reading Balzac2—two stories left here by Strong—and although I am compelled to skip here and there, I am lost in admiration of the vast knowledge of various strata of life, and of human wickedness, which — he Balzac de/isplays. The thoroughness of his presentation is like what I should like to achieve in The Last Puritan. I have also read an American book on Hawthorne: “The Rebellious Puritan”:3 but Hawthorne apparently was only a Puritan by accident and incapacity. Not so Oliver. Yours affly G.S. 1

Crisógono de Jesús Sacramentado, O.C.D. (1904–45) wrote San Juan de la Cruz: su obra científica y su obra literaria (1929). Crisógono was a Spanish priest, prolific author, historian, and philosopher. He was trained in philosophy in Ávila and in theology in Toledo and became a professor at the Carmelite house in Salamanca. Saint John of the Cross (San Juan de la Cruz) is the religious name of Juan de Yepes y Alvarez (1542–91) who was a Spanish mystic and poet. He took an active part in Saint Theresa’s efforts to reform the Carmelite order. 2 A founder of the realistic school, Honoré de Balzac (1799–1850) was a French novelist whose masterpiece is La Comédie humaine (1841). This work is divided into manners, philosophy, and marriage.

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3 Nathaniel Hawthorne (1804–64) was an American novelist and short-story writer. His works include Twice-told Tales, The Scarlet Letter, The House of the Seven Gables, and The Marble Faun. His novels deal with the gloomy, brooding spirit of puritanism. Lloyd R. Morris (1893—1954) wrote The Rebellious Puritan: Portrait of Mr. Hawthorne (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1927).

To Charles Augustus Strong 13 August 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Cortina, Aug. 13, ’31 Dear Strong I am delighted to see that you are having so many pleasant excitements, and now that the weather is cooler I have no doubt you will be quite happy at home. It is also pleasant to hear that Cory’s essay seems satisfactory: he certainly has keen perceptions, if he is only able to organize them, and give them steady expression. I am now rather absorbed in my writing and, if this spell of work continues, I think I had better not come to Florence this autumn, but go straight to Rome, or possibly to Naples for a month, to realize the expedition so many times put off. You might come to Naples too, if you wanted a change. Yours ever G.S.

To Charles Augustus Strong 14 August 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Cortina Aug. 14, 1931 Dear Strong Thank you very much for sending me these clippings. I had seen the review but not your reply. Both will help to advertise the book, whatever be the rights of your little controversy. I return the clippings in case you want to keep them or to show them to someone else. Yours ever G.S.

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To Charles Augustus Strong 19 August 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Cortina Aug. 19, 1931 Dear Strong Thank you for letting me see this interesting picture. George de Cuevas writes me that their constant devotion to the old gentleman is without the least expectation of earthly profit: but after reading your two volumes of Balzac, I can’t believe it. As to the date of our journeys, I mean to remain here as long as the weather permits: then, if it isn’t too early in September, I should go directly to Naples, without stopping anywhere, and I should stay there until late in October. Don’t think of me for travelling in the car: you have only just room enough as it is: but I should very much enjoy going with you for excursions from Naples, if you decide to go there. It is almost inevitable for me to stop a night or two in Venice: and if it should become too cold here early in September, it is in Venice that I should stop until, say, Sept. 20, when perhaps one might venture to go to Naples. My object is to make through journeys, as much as possible by night, so as to avoid the serious discomfort and crowding of the day trains, and the starting and leaving hotels, and arriving at them. Yours ever G.S.

To Henry Ward Abbot 20 August 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Cortina, Aug. 20, 1931 I am afraid I haven’t yet thanked you for the new (older) book of Miss Millay’s poems. It hasn’t the beauty of language and rhythm which I admired so much in the Sonnets, but the title-piece makes its effect, and the whole is what a good modern poetess might be expected to produce: not the splendid paradox of the other performance. But the atmosphere seems to me hardly American. Is she originally English or perhaps Irish?

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I have now found B. A. B.’s1 address (in the Class Catalogue of ’86) and in future I shall be able to send him my effusions.—Novel advancing, also other works. Yours sincerely G.S. 1

Boylston Adams Beal.

To Henry Ward Abbot 29 August 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Cortina, Aug. 29, 1931 Yes, I remember receiving and reading with interest a book on Poe:1 but I never knew it came from you. Accept my tardy thanks. The picture wasn’t very pleasing, I thought, and the book didn’t answer my eternal question about Poe: why the French think so much of him. Only yesterday I was reading in Paul Valéry2 (how he understands our times!) that Poe had been one of the first to dislike “progress”, while introducing mechanical calculation into fiction and poetry. Is this his greatness?3 As to the Book of Sonnet Sequences,4 I have forgotten ever hearing of it; occasionally people write asking for permission to include a sonnet in some pious anthology, and I always say yes and refer them to my publishers, who collect a fee. That is the last I ever see or hear of the matter. I take no great interest in being “classed”, or in the arrangement of people in the order of “goodness” like boys in a class at school. It is a judgement on the critic, not on the works criticized or the authors.—Tell Mrs. A. that I am quite well. G. S. 1 Edgar Allan Poe (1809–49) was an American poet and short-story writer famous for his macabre imagery in such works as “The Fall of the House of Usher” and The Raven and Other Poems. 2 Ambroise Paul Toussaint Jules Valéry (1871–1945) was a French poet, essayist, and literary critic. His works include Regards sur le monde actuel (1931), Propos sur l’intelligence, and Variété, a collection of essays in five volumes. 3 The writings of Poe were discovered in France by Charles Baudelaire (1821–67) and other members of the French Symbolist school of poets. These works were revered for their profound symbolic depths. Valéry was influenced early on by the Symbolists. 4 The Book of Sonnet Sequences (London and New York: Longmans, Green, 1929) was edited by Houston Peterson.

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To Charles Augustus Strong 2 September 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Cortina, Sept. 2, 1931 Dear Strong It is very beautiful here now. Today I was taken by Mrs. Bush1 (of Columbia) and another American lady2 on an all-day motor trip which was truly wonderful: I don’t know when I shall leave, but in any case I th hope to be in Naples on the 18th or 19– of September and perhaps to find you there. Don’t bring The Unrealists because I have read the book and sent it some time ago to Cory, who calls it cheap. Much of it is: for instance on Einstein and Whitehead: but I thought he was very good about me, especially on the personal side; although it is inexcusable to represent me as making the realm of essence a power, or to assert that to believe in the relativity of morals is to deny the reality of absolute truth. I think Cory rather dreads being in Florence in mid-winter. Couldn’t you put off your discussions with hii/m until the Spring, and let him spend the cold months perhaps at the Riviera? Yours ever G.S. 1

Mary Potter Bush was the wife of Wendell T. Bush (1867–1941) who received his from Harvard (1908) and a Ph.D. from Columbia. He was professor of philosophy at Columbia University and co-founder and editor of The Journal of Philosophy, Psychology, and Scientific Methods. 2 Unidentified. See 8 October 1931 to Mary Potter Bush.

M.A.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 7 September 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Cortina, Sept. 7, 1931 Dear Cory I am always glad to get your letters and post-cards and to see that you are well. The ups and downs of one’s relations with Strong are nowadays a little troublesome, but I think with prudence and forebearance we may weather all storms. I feel rather as if my friendship with him were a family corpse, to which nevertheless it is right to show respect and consideration. He never writes without saying something unpleasant; but I think

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he doesn’t perceive the effect which his attitude must have on others, and he expects everything to go on as usual. I am perfectly willing to let it do so: only one has no sense of security with a friend in so hostile a mood. He sent me a letter of yours about his reply to the reviewer in The Times, and also a copy of his reply. I didn’t enter into the argument in replying; but I thought you might have put your point less ambiguously, if it is the point which I should also make. The processes in the eye, etc. are not themselves sense-data: and if they were, or if we mean our intuition of them, or of pictures of them in books, we could very well compare these sense-data with those supplied by the landscape. It seems to me that the irrelevance and nullity of Strong’s problem comes from the fact that objects in different spaces have no spatial relations to one another. One pictorial space has no spatial relations to any other pictorial space, or to physical space. The relations are only genetic, essential, or cognitive. Let me know, when you move, whether you need extra money for travelling or clothes. I will send you my address in Naples as soon as I know what it will be Yours affly GS.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 11 September 1931 • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy (MS postcard: Columbia) BEC E DENT DE MESDI

Cortina, Sept. 11. ’31 Am leaving tomorrow for Venice (Danieli’s) and expect to reach Naples th on the 18– My address for the moment will be Hôtel de Londres, but it may prove too noisy. I wanted to be in the town for a change from nothing but Alps & Tourists. G.S.

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To Charles Augustus Strong 13 September 1931 • Venice, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Sept. 13. 1931 HÔTEL ROYAL DANIELI VENISE

Dear Strong (This change in my handwriting is caused by the hotel pen.) I was surprised and pleased to find your letter. I am afraid we may find the Hôtel de Londres a bit shabby: they are charging me 55 lire a day for half-pension, with a “good” room and bathroom: but we shall see. I came here yesterday by motorbus and motor launch: not a bad trip: and I found Venice en fête1 on account of the King’s visit, of which I was ignorant. I have a room in the entresol of the old building, almost on the quay, and it is amusing after the Alpine solitudes of Cortina. I had been left at the hotel with half a dozen ladies, some of which had an odd look and very blond hair. Perhaps they were friends of the proprietor and clerks, being entertained in the absence of the Herrschaften.2 Yours ever G.S. 1

In celebration (French). Master and mistress (German).

2

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 25 September 1931 • Naples, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel de Londres, Naples Sept. 25, 1931 Dear Cory I am glad to know your address in Paris—I might have guessed it!—and I foresee that with your Aunt and your friend Saunderson1 there you won’t be tempted to cross the Channel. Indeed, you would gain nothing by the journey, if your stay in any case was to be so brief. What I had desired for you was a chance to form fresh associations with cultivated people of your own generation. Strong has been here for five days. Nothing unpleasant has occurred. On the contrary, the tension between us seems to be relieved. I have

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praised his poetry, and told him (what is perfectly true) that it has given me a new insight into his hidden character, because he is like Herculaneum,2 a buried life preserved under a thick coating of ashes (of which ashes I am a part) and covered externally by a foreign veneer without any real effect on his moral nature—the buried town might be called Rochester, N.Y, and the superficial one, Fiesole. I pointed, as a proof of this, to his lines on the Pope3 and Mussolini, which I said might have been written by him, just as they are, if he had never left Rochester in his life; and that the moral sentiment which he pats the Pope on the back for expressing pleased him because it sounded like what his father4 might have said in one of his sermons. Strong laughed at this and was positively pleased, and acknowledged proudly that he hadn’t budged in his moral feelings since his youth: those who had (like Pearsall Smith & Mrs. Berenson)5 were corrupt. This explanation rather clears the air, and the philosophical discussion which he had threatened me with was called off: he said he could look up my position on those points in my books! Happy thought. Why are you so angry about point-instants and natural moments? They are both of them inevitable concepts: the question whether they describe constituents of nature fully is necessarily left open. For my part, I conceive a natural moment as a description rather than a constituent; it is the flux in so far as any particular essence is maintained in it, so long as it is maintained. The substance and its movement [across ] are not governed by these essences, which in turn define the “natural moments” in it. Yours affly G.S. 1

The aunt was Cory’s father’s sister, who married a British colonel. Saunderson was a young English friend living in the same Paris pension with Cory at 123, rue du Faubourg, Saint Honoré. 2 An ancient city in southern Italy at the foot of Mount Vesuvius which was buried along with Pompeii by the A.D. 79 eruption of Vesuvius. 3 Pius XI (Achilles Ambrose Damian Ratti, 1857–1939) became pope in 1922, chosen as a compromise between the candidates of conflicting groups of cardinals. He negotiated the official independence of the Holy See by the Lateran Treaty (1929) and was outspoken against Mussolini and fascism. 4 Augustus Hopkins Strong (1836–1921), a Baptist clergyman and theologian, served as pastor of the First Baptist Church, Haverhill, Massachusetts (1861–65), and of the First Baptist Church, Cleveland, Ohio (1865–72). He became president and professor of biblical theology at Rochester Theological Seminary (1872–1912). His works include Systematic Theology (1886, 1907–9) and Philosophy and Religion (1888). He persuaded his one-time parishioner John D. Rockefeller to found a university under Baptist auspices, which eventuated the refounding of the University of Chicago.

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5 Born into a wealthy Quaker family, Logan Pearsall Smith (1865–1946) was educated at Haverford College and Harvard University. After working in the family glass manufacturing business, he went to England and entered Balliol College, Oxford University (B.A., 1893; M.A., 1906). He remained in England, where he took up a literary career. Smith’s sister Alys was Bertrand Russell’s first wife, and his sister Mary married Bernard Berenson. Robert Gathorne-Hardy’s Recollections of Logan Pearsall Smith describes the decline into insanity that occurred in Smith’s later years.

To George Sturgis 4 October 1931 • Naples, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Naples, Oct. 4, 1931 Dear George Since your last letter, which reached me here the other day, things have got more mixed up than ever in the financial world. I am not frightened, as I have no real desire or intention to have a motor, and I suppose there will always be enough left, of our fabulous wealth, for me to pay for spagghetti. Long ago I wrote you some philosophical reflections on the absurdity of living well on invisible property: but you said I must have been talking with Bertrand Russell—I don’t think I had, at least on that subject; I am not a modern or liberal socialist: but I feel in my bones that our form of industrial society is very precarious, and that it will disappear, perhaps rather soon, as completely as the mediaeval or the GraecoRoman civilization s have disappeared. I went the other day to Pompei, ^^ where there is a well-preserved Roman house now to be seen. It made me wish I had lived 2000 years ago: it was so very beautiful and so very intimate: all the sources, and all the ultimate objects, of life were then close at hand, visible, and obvious. Shouldn’t it always be so? We live lost in a spider’s web of machinery, material and social, and don’t know what we are living for or how we manage to live at all. Your prophetic uncle George

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 6 October 1931 • Naples, Italy

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(MS: Columbia)

Hotel de Londres, Naples, Oct. 6. 1931 Dear Cory I am sending you £5 more this month in order to make up for the depreciation of sterling—a strange sign of the times to a person of my generation, accustomed to think of British credit as the bed-rock of all finance. My nephew George Sturgis writes that the nominal value of our property is terribly diminished, although the income, so far, has suffered little. In all [illegible ]events, I have such a large margin that I hardly think I shall suffer any inconvenience. Twenty per cent. of my London bank account has suddenly evaporated, however: as yet this doesn’t trouble me because I still have enough for my uses, and the American cheques coming in in future will replenish the fund faster, in £, than when British money was at par. You quoted, with approval, in your last letter a dictum of Whitehead’s about only “experience” being knowable. Does his “experience” include what is posited (not really “given”) in the mode of causal efficacy?1 This positing is no doubt experienced: we do it and trust it implicitly: but the objects posited are substances assumed to act upon us. Our actual experience is only the description we make of these substances and their accidents. How literally true this description may be is another question. Yours affectly G.S. 1

Santayana was interested in this question about Whitehead’s “mode of causal efficacy.” Santayana had been “rather surprised (and flattered)” to read in Process and Reality that Whitehead regarded Santayana’s theory of perception to be in accord with his own organic philosophy. However, there was greater difference between the two theories of perception than Whitehead realized, owing to Whitehead’s failure to understand accurately what Santayana meant by “animal faith.” (Years, 83)

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 7 October 1931 • Naples, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel de Londres, Naples Oct. 7. 1931 Dear Cory I am glad to have news of you and to see that Paris, your aunt, and Simone,1 with their united charms, don’t altogether wean you from divine philosophy. That being so, let me add a few words about “natural moments”. When I say they are elements of description, I mean that I don’t conceive the flux to be composed of solid temporal blocks, with a click in passing from one to the next. That may be Strong’s conception, but although I should say that points and instants are necessary elements of description (geometry is an excellent ——— element ————^method^ of description in regard to the realm of matter) I don’t think points or instants are natural units. Natural moments, on the other hand, though they /re need be no click between them (sometimes there is a click, as when a man dies, a man’s life being a natural moment) yet supply the only possible, and the most intimate, units composing the flux. For how describe the flux except by specifying some essence that comes into it or drops out of it? And the interval between the coming and the going of any essence from the flux of existence is, by definition, a natural moment. Be it observed also that these moments are not cosmic in lateral extension; they are not moments of everything at once: so that when one comes to an end, almost everything in the universe will run on as if nothing had happened. Spring every year and youth in every man are natural moments, so is the passage of any image or idea in a mind; but the change (so momentous in that private transformation) is far from jarring the whole universe, but passes silently and smoothly, removing nothing ponderable, and adding noth^ ^ ing in the way of force to the steady transformation of things. I am curious to see how you refute Whitehead on causation. Didn’t [across ] that seem to us to be one of his good points? Yours affty G.S. 1

Simone is unidentified.

1928–1932

To Mary Potter Bush 8 October 1931 • Naples, Italy

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(MS: Columbia)

Hotel de Londres, Naples Oct. 8. 1931 Dear Mrs. Bush This heading will explain why I haven’t answered your kind letter before: the previous one, too, found me in perplexity, as you gave no address, and it seemed a long way round to reply by way of New York. th I expect to return to Rome about the 20– of this month and hope to find you and Mr. Bush still there, and his cough completely gone. I will inquire at the Russie as soon as I arrive, and I hope you will come to lunch with me—I never go out in the evening: a practice I recommend to Mr. Bush if he, like me, is subject to bronchial ills. The most interesting restaurant in Rome is unfortunately improved away: but there are others left, between which we can choose according to the weather. I retain the pleasantest memories of our meeting and trip with Mrs. Pierce at Cortina. I staid on to the bitter end and then came here to see the new excavations at Pompei. It is worth while, and Naples is agreeable Yours sincerely GSantayana

To Mary Potter Bush 13 October 1931 • Naples, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel de Londres, Naples Oct. 13, 1931 Dear Mrs. Bush We seem to be playing hide and seek, but as soon as you return to Rome I hope you will give me the pleasure of coming to lunch on the first day when you are free. I have no engagements, and any day will do perfectly if you will let me know in the morning, so that I may come and fetch you. I have laughed at your picture of the too genial Pope inviting the young Fascists to twelve hours’ indulgence—I suppose in wine, wome/an, and song—when probably the poor chaps hadn’t money enough in their pockets for a single hour of it. In sad reality, the twelve hours must have

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referred to the period within which the “indulgence” could be gained by doing the prescribed pious exercises which sometimes include giving alms (whence the famous “sale of indulgences”) and always confession and communion duly received—for which our black-shirted bicyclists can hardly have been in the mood. But the mention of Lepanto does,1 I think, have some political significance. They are trying to identify the new Italy with traditional Christendom. Yours sincerely A rivederci. GSantayana 1

The battle of Lepanto took place in the Gulf of Patras (Greece) between the Christian and Ottoman fleets on 7 October 1571. The Christians were victorious but both sides suffered heavy losses.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 15 October 1931 • Naples, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Naples, Oct. 15, 1931 I am leaving next week for Rome, so that you had better address the copy of your essay to the Hotel Bristol. Send as much of it as you can, it will all interest me, and I will make no comments whatever, if you think that best.1—The relation of feeling to essence is difficult to state, because we give the same name to the quality of feeling—which two people may share (when they have “the same feeling”)—and to the event, which can’t be repeated. The latter has an essence illustrated by it, but not given to it ^ ^ or in it—the essence of consciousness or spiritual actuality—without which it couldn’t exist. But this doesn’t distinguish it from any other feeling, since all feelings must have it. The event is the historical realization of ^ ^ this second essence by the spiritual realization of the first: i.e. of a special [across ] quality of feeling. Yours affly G. S. 1 Cory wished Santayana to give his general impression of his essay on Whitehead’s philosophy, but he asked him not to make any detailed comment. (Years, 84)

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To Mary Potter Bush 18 October 1931 • Naples, Italy

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(MS: Columbia)

Hotel de Londres, Naples Oct. 18, 1931 Dear Mrs. Bush Thirty-five years ago I used to see a lot of Mr. Lowes Dickinson,1 and he even very kindly let me have his rooms at King’s College during one long vacation. I liked him, his poetry, and his Greek view of life, but not so much his politics or philosophy, which seemed too sentimental. I expected him, at this crisis, to be for increasing the dole and punishing the financeers. His conventional attitude surprises me. I suppose it is the consequence of old age. He is true to what was radicalism in his youth, but can’t swallow the radicalism of today.—I haven’t seen him for many years, as he no longer lives at Cambridge. rd I sha’n’t be in Rome myself until the evening of the 23– We are crossing one another—it is what I meant by saying that we seemed to be playing at hide and seek. Please send word to the Hotel Bristol when you return to Rome, and we can easily agree on a day for our luncheon. Do you know this hotel? It isn’t of the same sort as the Miramonti or the Russie, but old fashioned and more Italian. I like it, and don’t mean to dissuade you from coming: besides you will save money: only I thought perhaps you had better be warned. Yours sincerely GSantayana2 1 Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson (1862–1932) was a fellow of King’s College (1887–1932) and lecturer in political science (1896–1920). An agnostic interested in mysticism, his favorite subjects were Plato and the Greeks. A pacifist during World War I, he became president of the Union for Democratic Control, which advocated “peace without victory.” His writings reflect both of these primary interests and include The Greek View of Life (1896) and essays dedicated to furthering the cause of peace. See Persons, 438. 2 An olive branch (with leaves) was enclosed with this letter.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 24 October 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Oct. 24, 1931 HOTEL BRISTOL ROME

Dear Cory My first employment after reaching Rome last night was to read (in bed) your remarkable essay. I want to read it again before sending it back, and according to agreement I will make no comments further than to say that it is very solid, and that I hope the improvements you will make in it will tend to clarify and enforce your points and not to change them. You must not worry about Strong. His letter (which I return) is nat^ ^ ural and friendly enough. You could reply, I should think, quite easily by saying that you would very much prefer that he should come to Rapallo, as he had proposed, but that if he can’t do that, of course you will go to see him at Fiesole for a few days. I think, in that case, he ought to ask you to stay at the villa: and if you don’t dare suggest it, I can do so. It would be more comfortable for you, it would lead him to finish the discussion quickly (because he doesn’t really like guests, although he likes the idea of having them) and it would be a test of an arrangement which might, some day, become more or less permanent.—I think, in your position, you can’t very well refuse to go if he insists on it. Take it all as a matter of course and there need be no trouble. Yours affly G.S.

To Carl Sadakichi Hartmann 24 October 1931 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Dartmouth)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, Oct. 24, 1931 Dear Mr. Hartmann Your Mohammed1 didn’t shock me, much less offend me. Certainly your taste, your diction, and your whole literary atmosphere are very remote from mine, but that is not in itself a reason for disregarding you in your ill-fortune, and I have not disregarded it. In spite of the fact that I have never seen you and that there isn’t much artistic or philosophic sympathy between us, your figure appealed to me by virtue of its com-

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posite character—somewhat like my own, but running deeper, since it concerned blood as well as circumstances. And I am really sorry for you, not only because you are not well or rich or famous, but because in one sense you couldn’t be well: because the divine curse of seeing more than one side of things had pursued you. But, having yielded more than once to that impulse of imaginative sympathy, I don’t like to be dunned. You must have friends and acquaintances who know your case and—in generous America—will come to your assistance. I must therefore ask you to excuse me from helping you further: because the distance between us, material and moral, makes me feel that it is not for me, in this instance, to be more than an occasional and fantastic helper, coming out of nowhere and disappearing into nothing. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Mohammed: A Dramatic Poem in Three Acts, a play written in 1896, was not published until 1970.

To George Sturgis 25 October 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Oct. 25, 1931 Dear George Will you kindly pay the enclosed bill for me? It is for a book on Immortality which the author has compelled me to buy.1 I returned here a day or two ago from Naples, where I had spent a month pleasantly. The proprietor2 of the Hotel Bristol—whether love or fear moved him I won’t inquire—has offerred me other far grander rooms for the same price, and I am now installed in the front corner of the third floor with large rooms and vistas extending half across Rome. I don’t find the noise troublesome; at this moment, 11 a.m., I hear only a distant rumble with an occasional motor-horn, not at all disturbing; and I am hoping to finish a new book3 (not the novel) this winter. Yours affectionately G.S. 1

Unidentified. Cesare Pinchetti. 3 Truth. 2

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To Andrew Joseph Onderdonk 30 October 1931 • Rome, Italy NAPOLI

(MS postcard: Houghton)

PIAZZA MUNICIPIO

[on front with arrows: ] My room Hotel Bristol Rome. Oct. 30. ’31 A week ago I returned here, to new rooms on the third floor from which I can see half across Rome, to the Janiculum.1 It was pleasant enough at Naples, but I was a bit disappointed with Pompei—not in the quality but in the quantity of new objects. G.S. 1 Across the Tiber from the hill of Palatine, this is a ridge running north and south that was fortified in early times. The Janiculum is the highest of the seven hills of Rome.

To Mary Annette Beauchamp Russell 10 November 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Huntington)

Hotel Bristol Rome Nov. 10, 1931 Dear Lady Russell Our late friend’s1 residence at the Riviera was at S. F. Van Oss, Esq.’s2 De Casa, Pont St. Jean, Cap Ferrat. In his letter of Feb. 14, 1931, from –– that place –^London^, a propos of something I had written3 about Lionel Johnson, he says: “It is not really the case that Lionel lies in the limbo of almost incredible things. On the contrary, all that is the real part of me and my very extensive external activities are to me of the nature of Mäya, or an illusion. They interest me, they are my job, and I do them, but they are not a part of my real life. I am surprised that you should say I minimize my friendship of Lionel. To all my intimate friends I have always admitted that he was my dearest friend, and the greatest influence in my life, but I seldom take the public into my confidence about my real feelings. I received [illegible ]two great shocks in my life; the first being when Jowett

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sent me down.4 My rage and mortification at being so wronged produced a bitterness and permanently injured my character. Finally, when Elizabeth5 left me I went completely dead and have never come alive again. She never realized how I worshipped and loved her … .6 Since 1918 I have had neither ambition nor enthusiasm nor interest nor the will to live and I ascribe my bad heart entirely to the year’s anguish I suffered after she left me and her betrayal with a kiss of Judas. Still, as you say I obliterate my feelings so easily, no doubt you will not believe this. All the same if you happen to be in Paris it would interest me to have another talk with you, since it may be the last opportunity.” Need I say that, as always, it was a great pleasure to see you this afternoon, and the idea of finding you at Mas-des-Roses7 will contribute to take me before long to the Riveria I am sending you the pamphlets. Do read the last paragraph of the Spencer lecture. It applies eminently to yourself.8 Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

John Francis Stanley, 2d Earl Russell, who died 3 March 1931. Salomon Frederik van Oss (b. 1868) wrote Stock Exchange Values: A Decade of Finance 1885–1895 (London, 1895). He founded and for years edited Van Oss’ effectenboek. Buitenlandsche fondsen, a securities and stocks periodical. Cap Ferrat is on the Mediterranean coast of Algeria. 3 See 20 October 1929. 4 Russell had been suspended from Balliol College, Oxford University, for a year in 1886. He refused to return on principle. 5 The recipient. 6 In Persons, 307, Santayana supplies the section represented by ellipsis: “and how I idealised what is in essence a worthless character, and her light-hearted cruelty killed something in me which has never revived.” 7 Countess Russell’s house at Mougins, France. 8 The final paragraph of Santayana’s Herbert Spencer Lecture, “The Unknowable,” deals with the fascination of jewels, the eternal feminine substance, and the world. 2

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To Charles Augustus Strong 10 November 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol Rome Nov. 10, 1931 Dear Strong I had tea with “Elizabeth” yesterday at the Hôtel de Russie. She is blonder than ever, and has built herself a house: Mas-des-Roses, Mougins, Alpes Maritimes. She says her late husband left all he had— which was only two mortgaged houses,/—including her old love letters, to the female who was his secretary etc. in his last days: but that Bertie has so far profited in that this lady has reduced the rent of the house where he has his school, so that he has been able to keep it going a little longer. Also, it seems that he presented himself at the House of Lords, but was curtly shown to the door, the law in such a case requiring the brother of the deceased peer to wait for eleven months, in case the widow should meantime give birth to a male child. Lady Russell still has, she observed, several months in which to fulfil these requirements, provided she has made the necessary preparations, and nature hasn’t turned a deaf year to her hints. But I think, in spite of her blond side-curls, her age makes it a dead sure thing for Bertie “Elizabeth” also says that she wrote to the legatee lady for her old love- letters, and the reply was that they had all been ^ ^ burned I hope Cory is behaving nicely, and that your discussions are leading to unanimous and important conclusions. Yours ever G.S.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 11 November 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 11, 1931 Dear Cory Will you do me a favour? Look among the books in the upper corridor1 to see if the Summa Theologica of St. Thomas Aquinas,2 in five or six black volumes, is there. There is also a thin volume containing the

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Index. If you find it, I wish you would send me the volume containing the questions De Angelis.3 It would probably be the Second, but I suppose your Latin will be sufficient to discover the subject treated, or else the Index will guide you. I am afraid all this is in vain, and that the Summa may be at Saint Germain, waiting for Margaret to be converted, or for George de Cuevas to study theology. I want to read this part because I hear that it is an excellent analysis of pure spirit. I also wish to read St. Thomas De Veritate,4 but that is a separate treatise, which I may be able to obtain here at a Catholic publishing house. At last the coast is clear: the Bushes are gone, also “Elizabeth,” and I begin to see light. Surely you mustn’t come to Rome, either now or in the Spring. You must avoid challenging Strong: I am afraid those phrases about “disciple,” “great book”, and “essence”, were not merely an expression of your generous feelings towards me, which I appreciate and (though it is hardly becoming in me to say so) I think just; but that they were also digs at Strong. Now that would be a mistake. His desire to discredit and disregard me is perfectly natural: he doesn’t like to be overshadowed and would rather toss about in his own confused way than seem to be my follower, even into the realm of light. If his early religion had taught him humility, how much happier his life would have been! I think you ought to remember that he is suffering from all sorts of painful complexes, and you shouldn’t prod him with odious pricks. You will have plenty of time when we are both of us dead to praise me or him according to your breezy Irish conscience: during the few years that we may still have to live, you must be patient with our travers.5 In particular, perhaps you would do better not to report to either of us any nasty thing that the other may say, or do, in regard to his good old friend. It makes it harder to keep Yesterday up the amicable tone of our relations. Yesterday I wrote ———— ————^ ^ ^ ^ Strong a letter about “Elizabeth” which probably he will find interesting: if I had received your information about “disciple” “great book”, and “essence” before that letter was e/written, it probably would have remained in the Realm of Essence for ever. Do help us to remain friends.— Your new plans are promising, and when you are free again you will doubtless feel fresh inspiration. Yours affly G.S. 1

Of Strong’s villa, Le Balze, at Fiesole. Canonized in 1323, Saint Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225–74) was an Italian scholastic theologian and philosopher whose Summa Theologica (1265–73) defends “the truth of the 2

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Catholic faith against the pagans” by making clear the distinction between the realms of reason and of faith. His synthesis of theology and philosophy forms a cornerstone in the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church. 3 On angels (Latin). 4 On truth (Latin). 5 Eccentricities (French).

To Nancy Saunders Toy 12 November 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Nov. 12, 1931. Dear Mrs. Toy On rereading your last letter, I am shocked to see that it is of July 10, and presumably unanswered! Four months gone by insensibly, every day very like every other. I didn’t stay in Venice long, my room at the Danieli being uncomfortably hot and the difficulty in taking walks—which I had overcome on other occasions—proving insuperable. I moved almost at once to Cortina d’Ampezzo, and found it pleasant and, after the month of June, cool enough for walking and writing. I have rewritten and (I say to myself) finished the Prologue and the first two parts of the novel, “Ancestry” and “Childhood”,1 bringing Oliver down to the end of his seventeenth year. This is perhaps a third—possibly more—of the whole in length, but not in importance; for I am discovering that the novel, like Lucifer, really turns out to be dramatic, although I had conceived it as merely philosophical. Even the second part, on Boyhood, seems to move with some acceleration, and to have a perceptible, even if yet not violent, wind running through it. At least, this is the impression it makes on my own mind, as the condemned portions are chipped off gradually, and the statue appears. It may be only the fond fancy of a parent, or of an amateur sculptor. Being tolerably satisfied with this result, I am thinking of suspending work on the novel until next summer, when very likely I shall go to Cortina again, and of devoting this winter to the Realm of Truth, which is so far advanced already, and so short, that I hope to be able to finish and publish it in 1932. The novel in any case will take much longer, if it is ever finished at all. Of course incidental things always arise to distract one from one’s plans. Now I have got an irrepressible desire to write an article on The Good versus The Infinite, or the Difference between Western

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and Eastern Mysticism.2 The cause of this rash plan is double: a book by Julien Benda3 (do you know of him? A French Jew who dislikes Bergson) on the relations of the World to (the infinite) God, and a Spanish book by a Carmelite friar on Saint John of the Cross. The article is begun: it is an interruption; but how can I help it? The Bushes (of Columbia) have been here; also “Elizabeth” of the German Garden. The latter told me some interesting things about her late husband, my old friend Lord Russell. In the first place we both agreed that it was most satisfactory—much more so than anyone could have hoped—that he should have been rehabilitated and rewarded at the end with a place in the government: you know, I suppose, that he was successively under secretary for Transport and for India in the late Labour government. But he and “Elizabeth” had had the most bitter quarrels and had long been separated. She says marriage is a horrid thing, and that nobody ought to be bound to anybody else. Have you read her last book, Father? It is another picture of the evils of domestic tyranny, although in this case neither of the two domestic tyrants pillaried is a husband.4 She has built herself a house, with a garden in which things at last are able to grow, on the hills behind Cannes: and one of her husband’s relations was coming to stay with her, and was being greeted with waving scarves and eager smiles at the garden gate, when the visitor’s long face and solemn air made the hostess ask what was the matter. “Frank!” cried the new comer, with tragic brevity. “What about him now?” “Dead and cremated!” And this was the way in which “Elizabeth” received the glad tidings that she was once more a widow. She says she was never happier in her life. She also told me that Bertie had presented himself at the House of Lords to take his seat, but had been rudely shown to the door: a brother must wait eleven months for the succession, in case his bereaved sister-in-law should have a posthumous male child. This law, with modern manners and morals, opens vistas of curious possible plots: I shouldn’t wonder if “Elizabeth” took advantage of one of them. All this merriment may seem heartless at the death of a husband and an old friend: but “Elizabeth” and I are known to be heartless: at least, for my own part, I feel so much the continual death of everything and everybody, and have so learned to reconcile myself to it, that the final and official end loses must of its impressiveness. I have now lost almost everybody that has counted for much in my life. You are almost the sole

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exception: because Strong, a lifelong if not at all a romantic friend, has developed an attitude towards me which is as unpleasant as it is unexpected. I have become, philosophically and intellectually, his bête noire.5 Personally we are still good friends: we keep up — the appearances, and this summer and autumn he has actually followed me to Cortina and to Naples (where I have been for a month) and spent a few days near me at each place. But there is always a tension beneath. He has reverted to strict Puritanism in his moral sentiments, and regards his father (who had a very red nose and married again at 85) as a model of human character. And he has recovered also all his American pride, and feels that it is unseemly and unworthy that I shouldn’t endeavour to think and write like other American professors. My theory of “essence” is anathema to him, although for some years he innocently adopted it: he doesn’t like my last little book on The Genteel Tradition: and as to the novel, of which at his request I showed him the first three chapters, he told Cory that it ought to be burned. Cory has no doubt been the accidental cause of a part of this transformation. Cory at first was my friend only, and helped me with The Realm of Matter. When this was finished I was going to let him go home and look after himself: but Strong said he envied me such a secretary, and asked him to stay and work with him. And quite naturally, I suppose, — he Strong began to resent the fact that, in our technical divergencies (which have always existed, and not caused any serious trouble) Cory should follow me rather than himself: and he began to work to convert Cory, partly by persistently and overbearingly imposing his own view, and partly by doing all he could to disparage and condemn me. Isn’t it sad? Let me give you a sample of the process. In one page of an essay on Whitehead which Cory has written,—he is partly Irish and has warm feelings—he had said that he was a “disciple” of mine, had called The Realm of Matter a “great book”, and had used the term “essence” once. Strong, in reviewing the essay with him, didn’t rest until “disciple” was changed to “person influenced by”, “great book” to “recent work”, and “essence” to “datum”. If you asked Strong how he could be so mean and ungenerous to his oldest and almost his only friend, I think he would say that he felt it his duty to protect Cory from making unfortunate slips which would discredit him as a critic among the professional philosophers: and that nobody would take him seriously if he began by saying that he was simply following me. There may be some truth in this, and I don’t regret at all that Cory should correct his essay as required. But what do you make out of such want of feeling, and such a bitter undercurrent of tyranny?

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Poor Margaret! I understand now better than ever what she must have suffered. Cory himself is very unhappy about it all: but what is he d/to do? Strong is supporting him, and has put him in his will. ^ ^ [across ] I hope I am not indiscreet in telling you all this, but it is very much on my mind, and as I said, you are the only true friend left to G. Santayana 1

Renamed “Boyhood.” “The Prestige of the Infinite” is a review of Julien Benda’s Essai d’un discours cohérent sur les rapports de Dieu et du monde (Sketch of a consistent theory of the relations between God and the world [Paris: Gallimard, 1931]) in Philosophy 29 (1932): 281–89. 3 Julien Benda (1867–1956), a French philosopher, essayist, and novelist, and a violent defender of strict rationalism, wrote Le Bergsonisme (1912), a controversial attack on Bergson’s philosophy. 4 Domestic tyranny is a favorite theme of Elizabeth’s novels. Vera (1921) presents a thinly disguised portrait of Lord Russell. Father, by Elizabeth (Garden City, N.Y.) was published in 1931. 5 Pet aversion (French). 2

To Mary Potter Bush 14 November 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome Nov. 14, 1931 Dear Mrs. Bush Your kind letter, containing an address, enables me to thank you for Death Comes to the Archbishop,1 and to say what a pleasure it has been to see you and Mr. Bush and your niece. I so seldom see my old friends, and never the young girls of the period. It is a pity, because I think I should like them. It has been raining here as much as it is possible to rain, and you have missed nothing by going away. I will write again when I have read the book, which looks interesting and about a fresh subject. Yours sincerely GSantayana2 1

Death Comes for the Archbishop, a novel by Willa Silbert Cather, was published in 1927 and is regarded as the author’s greatest literary accomplishment. Cather (1873–1947) wrote many novels and short stories and was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for the novel One of Ours (1922). 2 Three sketches (self-portraits) of Santayana’s head are enclosed.

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To Horace Meyer Kallen 20 November 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: American)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 20, 1931 Dear Kallen During two sunny afternoons on the Pincio I have absorbed your counterblast to religion.1 As a popular tract it is capital, beating the eloquent parsons at their own game. But isn’t it a bit discouraging that the work of Voltaire,2 which he did so thoroughly, should need to be done all over again after two hundred years? Is reason in the same parlous position as faith that it has to be dinned into the ears of each generation, or it will die out? From my own point of view, if you were here, I should have some observations to make upon your presuppositions. You seem to regard “Religion” as merely myth and magic, that is, bad science: and of course you have a clear case in proving that bad science is worse than good science. But is religion merely bad—hasty, poetical, superstitious—science? I should say religions (because each religion seems rather irreligious to the others) often had at least two important ingredients besides magic and myth. They were the intellectual and ritual expression of a particular ethos, nationality, or civilization; and they were also forms of “spiritual life”. Now I like very much what you say about science, if it became a religion, losing all its scientific virtue. A philosophy more or less inspired by science, like Epicureanism3 or Stoicism, may be a religion, or a substitute for religion: it may sanction a particular morality, and it may be refined into a form of spiritual life—I mean, into a great life-long dialogue between God and the soul of man. But science, as you conceive science—à la Dewey—is only experiment and invention; it is not a philosophy: and if any speculative ideas more or less illegitimately associated with it were set up as eternal truths, science would cease to be science to become bigotry. One of the happy, if somewhat disconcerting, discoveries of our—or my— later years has been precisely this: that science is intellectually blind and dumb, and that you may be a leading scientific expert without knowing ^ ^ what you think on any important question. It seems to me, therefore, that you ought not to pit “religion” and “science” so squarely against each other, as if they were rivals in the same field. A scientific philosophy might be a rival, or an ally, of certain religions or religious philosophies;

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but what chiefly attaches mankind to its religions is precisely the need of completing their traditional ethos, and their spontaneous spiritual life, with an appropriate speculative doctrine: and science is dumb on that subject and, in its scientific domain, ought to be dumb. Perhaps this explains in part why, in spite of you and Voltaire, religions still exist in the world. Bush and Mrs. Bush have been here, and they have kindly given me some book s by Jérome & Jean Tharaud (have you read them?) about ^^ Jewish life in Hungary and Poland.4 They have revealed to me many things that must be familiar to you, but which lead me to wonder if I hadn’t overestimated the pagan element in Christianity, and whether much of this was not also Jewish. Here is a religion that is surely not merely ^ ^ bad science, but a traditional life. ^^ I am at work on the Realm of Truth. You won’t like it especially, but if you ever read it, it will [across ] do you good and partly repay you for your many stimulating communications. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Possibly The Warfare of Religion Against Science (Girard, Kansas, 1931), which was number 1681 in the Religion and Science series of Haldeman-Julius Publications. 2 François Marie Arouet de Voltaire (1694–1778) became the leader of the Enlightenment, arguing for freedom and tolerance. He disseminated the ideas of Locke and Newton in a land dominated by Cartesianism and the speculative metaphysics of Leibniz. Most of these observations are in his Letters Concerning the English Nation (1733), the work responsible for bringing the social and political ideals of the English to the continent. His Candide (1759) attacks Leibniz’s optimism. Though a militant theist, Voltaire opposed Christianity. 3 A Greek, Epicurus (341–270 B.C.) defined philosophy as the art of making life happy, with intellectual pleasure or serenity the only kinds of good. His teachings (Epicureanism) were later debased to the “eat, drink, and be merry” formula of life–opposite of his belief. 4 Jérôme (1874–1953) and Jean (1877–1952) Tharaud coauthored many books on Jews and their culture in Europe and the Middle East including L’Ombre de la Croix (1917), Un royaume de Dieu (1920), Causerie sur Israël (1926), Petite histoire des Juifs (1927), and The Chosen People: A Short History of the Jews in Europe (1929).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 21 November 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Don’t give the matter of the volume of the Rome, Nov. 21, 1931. Summa another thought, unless you would like to go to Saint Germain – in and search for it. I am not sure that the house is still inhabited, or that the

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book would be easy to find. Here, on the other hand, I can readily get the works of St. Thomas, probably cheap, and keep them for future reference. You know I have larger rooms this year, in the front corner on the third floor, and books are less in the way than in the old boudoir.—S. writes that your visit was a success and your future bright as a philosopher. But he himself, for the moment, is absorbed in writing poetry, of which he sends me one or two specimens. Take good care of yourself. GS

To Wendell T. Bush 22 November 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, Nov. 22, 1931 Dear Mr. Bush I have received the three volumes by Jérome et Jean Tharaud, and have read the first, L’Ombre de la Croix. Thank you very much: it is a real kindness to introduce me to these books: they are not only interesting and entertaining but most informative. I have acquired an entirely new sense for the life of orthodox Jews among us, and I begin to think that I have always overestimated the Pagan element in Christianity, not knowing how much of it was also Jewish. This is the interesting side of the books to me: the story and pathos in L’Ombre de la Croix, as well as the moral, appealed to me less. I have also read a part of The Archbishop, but here I have made less progress because—I hope it is not a crime—I have cut the book up into sections to carry in the pocket and read on the Pincio: but few days have been sunny enough for much sitting in the open, and the half-hour at teatime is often interrupted—in the first place by tea itself. However, I have read enough to see that there is great accuracy and tenderness in the pictures, which also are rather exotic, yet not so much so to me, of course, as the Jewish ones. I hope you are all three of you enjoying Florence, and that you and Mrs. Bush will have a prosperous voyage. If it is books like these that you and Schneider give to your pupils in “Religion” to read, I wish I were young enough to go and take your courses. It would be a splendid subject to which to dedicate a second lifetime, winding it up, from 60 to 70, with a treatise on The Religious Phenomenon. Kallen, by the way, has sent me a little anti-God pamphlet

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of his which is quite Voltairian, in the key of Écrasez l’Infâme!1 In thanking him, I couldn’t help asking if it wasn’t a bit discouraging that after two hundred years the work of Voltaire—so thoroughly done then—should need to be done over again. He forgets, I think, that religion is not merely bad science, mythical or magical: it is also a poetic garment for a particular traditional morality, and for a particular form of spiritual life—I mean, of the perpetual dialogue of the human soul, in its solitude, with the God or the sense of fate which seems to people that solitude. These functions keep alive the religions necessary to rationalize them. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Voltaire adopted this motto (demolish the infamy!) when he realized that every idea and every reform that he had suggested for the good of humanity met the instant opposition of the established church of his day. By l’infame he meant superstition and fanaticism, which led to such repressive measures as the Inquisition. He said, “Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities.”

To George Sturgis 22 November 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 22, 1931 Dear George Just a line on business. 1. Mercedes has asked me to say that, as she has returned to Madrid, she would be much obliged if you would send her next draft there, as you did formerly, instead of to the Vigo bankers. (Effusive gratitude). 2. Will you please send $1.75 to Wm A. Slimer,1 145 W. 55th St, New York to pay for increased price of the Phi Beta Kappa magazine. 3. I enclose a second bill from Richard R. Smith2 for a book, but I think you have paid the first already as requested in one of my recent letters. In that case, nothing. There is no change here. Some friends, English and American, have passed through Rome, so that I have had a little (unnecessary) society. Your last letter has been received: you repeat what you had said before about the crisis, but don’t tell me how much prices have fallen. I shall be curious to see your yearly account when it arrives.

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I am glad to learn, by your ——— account ————^description^ of your holiday trip, that there are still wild spots in North America, near the Pole. Yours affcly, G.S. 1

Unidentified. Unidentified.

2

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 3 December 1931 [ postmark ] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia) Dec. 4, 1931

ANGLO

• AMERICAN NURSING HOME 311 VIA NOMENTANA ROMA (37)

Dear Cory Don’t be alarmed at this heading, or my writing in pencil in bed. I am all right, and returning to The Bristol in a day or two. But Dr. Davies has brought me here in order to give me a complete rest and change of diet, as I had had a curious attack of dizziness and nausea on three successive nights, without apparent reason. It has passed off, and he thinks it may have been due to too many gouttes camphrées,1 although he himself last year advised me to go on taking them. Also, perhaps, having worked a little too closely in the last week or two. I lost 10 pounds weight last summer, and am, in general, feeling better than ever. I send you a cheque which includes your Christmas present. I hope you will spend the holidays pleasantly, wherever you are, and that you have finished the revision of your essay, and can get it published. What will you go to work on next, Du côté de chez Strong?2 Yours affly G.S. 1

Camphorated cough drops (French). Proust’s A là recherche des temps perdues (Remembrance of things past) had been discussed by Santayana and Cory in 1929. (Years, 51–52) This reference is to the section entitled Du côté de chez Swann (Swann’s Way). “To tell [Strong’s] whole tragic history, and that of his daughter, would require volumes, with profound knowledge of families and circles that I have never frequented … . I therefore bequeath the subject to any novelist that it might tempt; for it would be a great subject.” (Persons, 377) As Santayana put it: “It would take a Marcel Proust to do full justice to his fantastic story.” (Years, 26) 2

1928–1932

To Nancy Saunders Toy 13 December 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Houghton)

Rome, December 13, 1931 Dear Mrs Toy With some hesitation I am sending you a book1 which you may have read already, which you may think horrible, and for which they may make you pay duty, because although the book spiritually speaking is intensely American, this is an English edition. The author is a young graduate of Princeton, and I (being very stupid at catching authors’ intentions) can’t quite make out what he is after. Is it a realistic study, or is it a bitter denunciation with a latent summons to repentance? In spite of the awful dialect his characters speak—(always “home”, for instance, for “at home”)—and their pitiful moral impotence, I have read the thing through with great interest. Tell me, are people nowadays really like that? And is America really so helpless and distracted? I don’t know whether I have told you that last summer I read “Babbit”—not the Harvard Babbit, but the true classic; there the prophetic intention is evident, although no suggestion of the direction appears in which salvation may come. You asked me in a previous letter whether I liked the idea of building a chapel at Harvard for a war-memorial.2 Yes, I like it. A chapel isn’t a meeting-house; it is, or may be, just a shrine or a monument. Here in Rome there are often two or three churches in the same square; they are not needed for popular worship; they are acts of homage in themselves, as public statues would be. And at Harvard, where the existing Chapel is so hideous, the new one might serve its commemorative purpose and at the same time (in one transept, perhaps, or in one corner) supply a place in which morning prayers could be recited for those who wish to hear them. The main part could be left open, without pews, and could be a sort of Harvard Westminster Abbey3 for monuments to her distinguished sons. They might set up even a bust of ME there some day, in the philosophers’ corner. By all means, a Memorial Chapel!—but not in the style of Memorial Hall.4 To return to This Our Exile, I notice what must be a deliberate practice of mentioning insignificant details—how people sit, whether it takes two matches or one to light a cigarette, etc—and this, apparently, quite passively, in a sort of realistic effort to record experience just as it flows through one man’s consciousness. Proust—as you must have heard, even

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if you haven’t read him—also made a point of introducing infinite details: but his had two qualities not found here, nor in Joyce: the medley of impressions and memories has, with him, a poetic quality, you feel the sentiment, the guiding thread in the labyrinth; and in the second place the details themselves are beautiful or interesting, they are selected by an active intellect. What appals me in this picture of young American life is the passivity of it, the incapacity of everybody to swim against the stream of mechanical automatisms carrying the world along. It is life in a luxurious inferno: everybody rich, ignorant, common, and unhappy. Or am I quite at sea, and have I missed [across ] the point? Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

David Burnham (b. 1907) wrote This Our Exile (London, 1931). Through alumni gifts to the University, Memorial Church was built and dedicated in 1932 in memory of “Harvard men” who died in World War I. 3 Westminster Abbey, in London, is a national shrine and one of England’s finest Gothic buildings, the scene of coronation of all English kings since William I. The burial place of many kings and distinguished citizens, the Poets’ Corner in the south transept contains tombs of great English poets. 4 Dedicated in 1874, Memorial Hall is a memorial to the Harvard men who died to preserve the Union. “A gloomy brick pile put up to honor Harvard’s war dead” became a dining association managed by the members (Richard Norton Smith, Harvard Century [New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986], 48). 2

To Wendell T. and Mary Potter Bush and Irwin Edman 19 December 1931 • Rome, Italy (MS: Columbia) Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 19, 1931 Dear Mr. & Mrs. Bush & Edman, It was a great surprise to get your kind message on my birthday morning. Seeing a cable, I thought somebody must be dead or at least born in the family; I am not usually treated to telegrams on my own anniversaries, but your niece in Florence also seems to have taken note of the 16th of December, and wrote to cont/gratulate me on my involuntary achievement. I also have to thank you for Schneider’s book on the Fascists:1 I won’t say anything about it until I have finished it, except that the documents it quotes are most instructive, and enable the reader to form an opinion apart from that of the author—a very self-less and admirable method.

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I didn’t like the Little History of the Jews so much as the other two books of the brothers Tharaud. The idea that the Jews first kept together voluntarily, and then were forced to do so, and the idea that if they gave up the irksome or even absurd part of their traditions their separate existence would soon disappear seemed to me, both of them, capital themes on which to have told the whole story of the Jews in the Christian world: but the working out seemed inadequate, and lapsed into repetitions of what the authors had observed personally in Hungary. I think that the great eminence and influence of the Jews among us — is are due to very much the same causes as the recently established eminence and influence of America: to their modernness, free from both the good and the evil heritage of Christendom. The old Christian world doesn’t like this domination of the merely recent and merely scientifico-worldly side of their own civilization: but they can hardly resist it, because the contrary forces in themselves are dormant and hard to bring to effective expression in the modern world. Fascism, and French nationalism and neo-Catholicism are efforts to do so; but can they succeed? I am writing an elaborate article on St. John of the Cross and Julien Benda’s God: if it is ever finished, and not too long, I will send it to you for the Journal of Philosophy.2 With best wishes for the New Year from GSantayana 1

Herbert Wallace Schneider and Shepard Bancroft Clough coauthored Making Fascists. Published in 1929 by the University of Chicago Press, the book is number five in the University of Chicago Studies in the Making of Citizens series. 2 The Journal of Philosophy, issued fortnightly, was founded by Frederick J. E. Woodbridge and Wendell T. Bush (New York, 1904). From 1933 to 1936 the Journal published annual worldwide bibliographies of philosophy.

To Charles Augustus Strong 22 December 1931 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 22, 1931 Dear Strong Thank you for your letter and your new poem.1 What interests me in your “poetry” is the self-revelation: you go native in it (as also a little in your corrected epistemology) and there is a niceness about pure and undefiled Americanism which is very appealing. There is a little of this in

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your new lines, but not so much as in your negro melodies and in the poem about the five ladies: those two are — t———— hose the ones I like best. ^ ^ I haven’t made much progress with the Realm of Truth; I had a touch of illness—vertigo and nausea—a month ago and spent a week at the Anglo-American Nursing Home—horrid place, don’t want to go there next time: especially not to die there. Dr. Conway Davies, a nice youngish Englishman from Cambridge who is my doctor now, thinks the cause was taking too steadily those drops containing digitalis: it is said to accumulate slowly and to derange the brain. Anyhow, I seem to be all right again, and a good bit thinner, which is an advantage. Another interruption has been a long article which I have not been able to resist writing on two mystical books which have interested me lately: one in Spanish on St. John of the Cross and the other Julien Benda’s Essai d’un Discours cohérent sur les Rapports de Dieu et du Monde. I have allowed myself this distraction because what I have been thinking out and writing is important for the Realm of Spirit, to which my thoughts turn with more real interest than to the Realm of Truth. I have little that is new to say about the latter. It will disappiont you, because I don’t treat of the question what is true, that is what true knowledge we possess, but only what is, or would be, the meaning of anything being “true”, e.g. in morals. You needn’t regret disagreeing with me about the datum and universals: in so far as the disagreement is substantial, and not merely a difference of outlook and subject-matter, it belongs to your natural and genuine philosophy, and always subsisted even when, for a moment, you adopted some of my terms. I always felt that you didn’t understand them, and I should very much prefer that you should use others, more congruous with the tradition of English psychology. [across right margin ] You are more ^ interested in the substructure of the mind, and I more in its efflorescence. ^ [end across ] My news from Cory is recent, but rather vague. Is he going to London? I don’t know where to address the Magazines that I usually send him after reading them myself. Of course he will return to see you, but perhaps the early Spring would be a better time than [across ] mid-winter. I don’t mean to ask him this year to come to Rome. Yours ever G.S. 1

Unlocated.

1928–1932

To James Haughton Woods 26 December 1931 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Unknown) Rome, December 26, 1931

1

Dear Woods Your invitation2 (apart from the honour of it, and in such company!) is tempting in many ways, and if anything could bring me to plunge again into academic life, it would be your letter. But there are insuperable obstacles, the most easily stated of which is this: that, as you know, I am trying to write a system of philosophy of which two parts are still unpublished, and I am 68 years old. If the eight or ten lectures required for the William James foundation could have been carved out of these two books, now in preparation, I think that would have decided me to accept—in spite of the social and other commitments to which such an acceptance would lead. But the Realm of Truth and the Realm of Spirit are not possible lecture-quarries: and it would be rash, if not impossible, for me to turn away from them now, and compose a book—and it would need to be a careful and a lovingly-written book for such an audience—in an entirely different key. That is only one difficulty; there are others with which I won’t bother you. It is most regretfully that I sum them all up, and ask you to look to some younger and fresher quarter. Please thank the Department in my name for the honour they have done me, and believe me Sincerely yours GSantayana 1

Chairman of the Harvard philosophy department, James Haughton Woods was an educator and student of Indian philosophy. Though he taught at Harvard from 1903 until 1934, he continued his travel in and study of the Orient. He edited and wrote texts and translations in his field. 2 To become William James Professor of Philosophy for three months with a stipend of five thousand dollars.

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To Charles Augustus Strong 3 January 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Rome, Jan. 3, 1932 Dear Strong I don’t know which is more surprising: your audacity in trying to translate Ueber allen Gipfeln1 or your success in doing so. As verse, this is altogether superior to anything else you have done. There is nothing flat in it: I am not sure I like “tips”, but that may be a mere accident in my associations. As a whole the thing is very nice. Of course, to render those u’s and au’s,2 and that sensation of hush (a word you don’t use, [illegible ]although it is the only one I can think of that suggests the tone of the original) is simply impossible in another language. And I think you have made a mistake about the meter or tempo. It is not anapaests in the original: it is spondees, very slow heavy spondees, with pauses. Your tripping measures are pretty: but they don’t render the sleepiness, the fatigue, the deathly peace of the woods: yours is an aubade.3 The birds are going to begin to twitter. Did I mention that the Beals are here for the winter —my old friend ^ ^ his wife (a cousin of my family’s) and a Miss Munroe as companion?4 They bring a very thick atmosphere of Boston: but Beal himself, when I see him alone, is enlightened, though perhaps too much discouraged. After all, the new age has a right to try its own way of being foolish. Thank you for your offers in case of my illness, etc. but don’t ever trouble to ask Pinsent5 to come and look after me. There isn’t any hearty sympathy between him and me. In case of serious illness or death, the person I wish you would send is Cory: in any case I am asking him to take over my papers and other personal belongings, so that he would have to make the journey in any case. And he would be sympathetic on the religious side. I don’t want Protestant surroundings or a Protestant funeral or burial besides Keats and Shelley6 and the Andersen angels. If the priests don’t want me for a Catholic, let it be a civil affair, through the back door, as unobtrusive as possible If Cory couldn’t come, Aldo or even Dino would do. But short of extremities, I [across ] can get on very well with the people here and the doctor. They are all very attentive. Yours ever G.S.

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1 Über allen Gipfeln (Berlin: Hertz, 1895) was written by Paul Heyse (1830–1914). Heyse was a prolific writer who became the first German to be awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature. 2 Santayana has made a short-vowel symbol above the ‘u’ in ‘au’s’. 3 Dawn song (French). 4 Unidentified 5 Possibly related to the Pinsent family of Birmingham, England. Hume Chancellor Pinsent’s great-grandfather was the nephew of David Hume. Hume Pinsent’s oldest son, David, was at Trinity College in 1910 and attended the meetings that Bertrand Russell hosted. 6 Keats and Shelly are buried in the Protestant Cemetery of Rome.

To William Lyon Phelps 4 January 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Beinecke)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 4, 1932 Dear Billy Much better than a hurried cruise in a moving, rolling, smoking and crowded boat would be a quiet luncheon on one of the Eternal Hills (we may forget that the Viminal has been removed) of Rome, namely, the Aventine,1 to which I invite you both in advance, without prejudice to other meetings. All that is necessary is that you should come here, on your way to Naples as I presume you would in any case. Your journeys are so many and so energetic that you must often have been in Rome before: but you will find the old sights probably mellowed in an eye that has kept watch over New Haven, Conn. (you see I can quote poetry too, and better than Browning’s)2 and also many new improvements. I confess I envy you going to Athens and the Greek islands: but not in the Queen Mary. If I were younger I should go, alone and solitary, for several months; but as it is, I try to make up in memory and fancy what is wanting in leg-power. I will not give you any news of myself, or ask for any of you, in the hope of soon seeing you Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

The Viminal and the Aventine are two of the seven hills of ancient Rome. Robert Browning (1812–89) was an English poet noted for psychological insight into character and motivations, his abrupt but forceful colloquial English, and his perfection of the dramatic monologue in which the speaker reveals something of himself and sometimes reveals more than he realizes. 2

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 5 January 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, Jan. 5. 1932 Dear Cory What you said about receiving your cheques from Strong on the first of each month suggests that my contribution ought to fall at a different date: just before the end, perhaps. But I am sticking to our last arrangement, and if you find yourself flooded with money at one moment, perhaps that will initiate you into the pleasure of feeling rich, which is almost as nice as that of spending, and is apt to grow on one with age. I am working steadily, but not according to plan, so that for the moment I have nothing to show for my labours. Incidentally, I am doing a bit of autobiography, because 50 years ago I was first editor of the Latin School Register,1 which still exists and has asked me for a contribution to their anniversary number. I couldn’t very well refuse, and have got interested in the thing for its own sake, going far beyond what is required for the occasion: but I am not thinking primarily of that, and will send them only a pale extract.2 Did I tell you that I have friends here this winter, Boylston Beal and his wife? He is very civilized, and I should enjoy seeing him if I could see him alone. Sometimes we meet by chance in the Villa Borghese and have a walk and tea together, as we did daily 35 years ago. You see I am getting very reminiscent. Glad you are reconciled to circumstances and pleased with the final version of your essay. Yours affly G.S. 1

During his senior year at the Boston Public Latin School, 1881–82. “Glimpses of Old Boston,” The Latin School Register 51 (March 1932): 8–10.

2

1928–1932

To Wendell T. Bush 10 January 1932 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 10, 1932 Dear Mr. Bush I have been spending a pleasant afternoon in the Pincio Gardens, sitting in the sun and reading your two articles of/n Art & Other Things.1 In spite of your efforts to eschew dialectic, I think I have got some idea of what you are driving at. You wish to trace the interplay of religious and artistic motives in the human mind, and in particular the influence which the artistic motives may have on religion and on manners. I am surprised that you should call this second part of the subject new, considering how lengthily the second of the Ten Commandments2 discusses it, and how Plato banished the poets and the Puritans ravaged and spoilt all the churches in England for fear of just that influence. It is true that it was a type of religion, idolatry rather than pure art that they wished to suppress: but this fact only shows how hopelessly intertwined, overlapping, and interfused the two strains are. Both are phenomenal: if you wished to dig down to the dynamic woof of causes that presumably produces these shifting sentiments in both spheres at once or alternately, you would find yourself in the obscure depths of physiological and industrial evolution: and probably would get little light on the moral variations that really interested you. Perhaps if we had a good biography or autobiography of men like Michelangelo3 or Milton, we might get hints of how far a sincere religion might be coloured by the aesthetic emotion of sublimity, and how far the sublimity darkened by a morbid sense of sin. But there are instances nearer home that perhaps you might ask your pupils to write theses upon. For instance: “The Influence of the English of the Bible in ^ ^ Maintaining Belief in Revelation”, or “Could a/Anything, e/Except the Noble Language of the Prayerbook, Keep the Anglican Church Any Longer Together?” I am inclined to doubt a little the common opinion that the art of the Middle Ages was particularly religious. The overt or literary subjects, the stories illustrated or the objects constructed, may have belonged to the religious tradition: but were the feelings of the workmen or the admiring public or the competing bishops, abbots, and towns, more religious than in other periods? The cathedral builders seem to me to have been tremen-

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dously in love with geometry and colour and problems of construction, and novel sensational effects. They loved foliage and folds and grinning monsters: and if their representations of sacred subjects were sometimes tender and moving, it was because they had a naive sensibility for all human and natural things, not because religion, in any deep sense, really dominated their minds. The Byzantines and the Puritans (including the th century) seem to me to have subordinated austere Catholicsx of the 17– ^ ^ their arts more strictly to metaphysical ideas. But what a labyrinth the whole thing is!4 Yours sincerely GSantayana [in margin] xRacine & Bossuet, for instance.5 1

Note in pencil by Bush reads “In re my articles in Jnl art & culture & Religion & art.” The second commandment is “You shall have no other gods before me. You shall not make for yourself a graven image …”. 3 Michelangelo [Buonarroti] (1475–1564), an Italian artist, is renowned for his paintings on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel. The depiction of the Last Judgment, which adorns the rear of the Chapel, is widely regarded as Michelangelo’s masterpiece. 4 Note on envelope by Bush reads, in part, “I think he misses my whole point.” 5 Jean Racine (1639–99), a French dramatist, based many of his tragedies on the literature of ancient Greece and Rome. Reared by a Jansenist grandmother, he acquired a thorough education in doctrine and in classical literature. The combination of the Jansenist concept of original sin with the Greek concept of Fate influenced his work. Jacques Bénigne Bossuet (1627–1704) was a French preacher, orator, and writer. His literary style is noted for purity, simplicity, and eloquence. 2

To Otto Kyllmann 14 January 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Unknown)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 14. 1932 Dear Mr. Kyllmann, You must regard all four of the manuscripts1 in your possession as yours to keep or dispose of as you choose. If you said that any of them were still mine, I should have to offer them, as a gift, to the person asking for them, or to the club in question. It is for you to consider whether you would like to keep the four manuscripts (there will probably be no more, because now I have them copied by the type-writer); or whether you don’t mind parting with one or more of them, and in that case, what you think it fair to charge for them. Very little, I should say: because the probable motive of my American friends—I know Mr. Edgar Wells and suspect

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that his client may be Senator Cutting or Mr. J. P. Morgan2—is not that they think the manuscripts may one day be of commercial value, but only a sort of collector’s mania and club spirit, as people collect autographs and book-plates and theatre-programmes. I always send my books to the club in question, but I doubt that the present under-graduates read them, or would prize the manuscript of one of them, otherwise than as just one more item in their library catalogue. Don’t hesitate to reply, then, that the manuscripts are not for sale, if you really like to have them: or if you don’t care particularly, you might offer all four in a batch, which I suppose would make them more valuable. I am busy about many things, like Martha,3 at this moment, and don’t know when anything fresh will be finished: but I hope to send you something before the end of 1932. Yours sincerely, GSantayana 1 Soliloquies, Scepticism, Platonism, and Essence. The last three of these now are housed at the University of Virginia. 2 Wells is possibly Edgar Huidekoper Wells (A.B., 1897, Harvard), who attended Harvard Law School and pursued a career in finance. Bronson Murray Cutting (1888–1935), brother of Bayard Cutting, attended Harvard (1906–7, 1908–10) and afterward had a career in journalism and publishing. He also served as United States senator from New Mexico (1927–35). Multimillionaire John “Jack” Pierpont Morgan Jr. (1867–1943), a member of the class of 1889, had, like Santayana, belonged to the Delta Phi Club at Harvard. 3 Martha, a sister of Lazarus of Bethany, was an intimate friend of Jesus, who stayed at their house whenever he came to Jerusalem. Martha epitomizes the active, and not the contemplative, life. The hospitality of the Orient, however, requires the housekeeper to be over-busy. See Luke 10:38—42.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 16 January 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Jan. 16. ’32 Dear Cory I am sorry about Saunderson: can’t you patch it up? In general I think you are wise not to mix up friends of different categories. People won’t stand it, and it alienates all the different groups from you, without making them more sympathetic to one another. On the other hand, you oughtn’t to talk about one set in the other: that is a beginning in mixing them up.

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The prudent way is to keep the different compartments water-tight in your own mind and heart. You shall have your next cheque before February 1–st I suppose in Paris it doesn’t take very long to get cheques cashed. Allowing four days for that, and three for the journey from Rome, I will try to send them punctually a week before the end of the month. Edgar Wells, you should know, is rather a swell in his own person, and represents some even greater luminary, perhaps Bronson Cutting (Senator from New Mexico, but brother-in-law to Lady Sybil1) or J. P. Morgan, or possibly a man named Sheffield2 who was at Cortina last summer. I sent ———Wells him your name and that of Mr. Kyllmann of Constable & Co Kyllmann too has written to me: he has four MS. of which he says I have given him only one; but I have asked him to consider all four his, to be disposed of at his pleasure, because if he said that any of them were still mine, I should be obliged to offer them gratis to the Delphic Club.3 Better that you and Kyllmann should turn an honest penny on this occasion. The MS. of the novel is not destroyed:4 and I expect that Middleton Murry has that of The Genteel Tradition. Yours affly G.S. 1 Lady Sybil Marjorie Cuffe Cutting (1879–1943) was the widow of Santayana’s old friend, William Bayard Cutting Jr. Later she was married to Geoffrey Scott (Bernard Berenson’s secretary) and to Percy Lubbock. 2 Unidentified. 3 Also called the Gas House, the Delta Phi Club occupied a house in Mount Auburn Street. It was originated by Thoron, Lyman, and Beal of Santayana’s class of 1886. Santayana had no money for dues as an undergraduate and did not become a member until he returned from Germany in the fall of 1888. About 1898 it became a final club, changing its name to the Delphic Club. 4 The manuscript of Puritan is unlocated.

To George Sturgis 18 January 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 18. 1932 Dear George Your letter, accompanying your yearly account, sounds rather serious, and I am afraid you have been having an anxious year and are still feeling the strain and uncertainty of the crisis. I hope you will soon be able

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to feel secure, even if not so well off as you were formerly. As for me, the fall (of about one half, as I calculate it) in what would have been the value of my property at the top prices, leaves me perfectly happy. I seem to have saved $15,000 during this calamitous year, after spending all I wished to spend: and unless the decline should continue and income be reduced to less than a quarter of what it now is, I should suffer no inconvenience. Even if I lost everything, and became a pauper, I should be all right, if my health continued to be good. I could easily earn my living by writing and lecturing. Harvard College has just invited me to be the Wm James professor for 3 months, receiving $5,000, and I have declined, because I prefer to go on with my writing, as planned: but in “case of push” I might have accepted. And I have recently declined several other profitable engagements to lecture in America. I see you take my political speculations seriously: I hope they deserve it, but am not quite sure. The collapse of “capitalism”, or what I call invisible wealth would not involve communism: people might still own houses and land, ships and merchandise, as people did in antiquity, and down to recent times. Private property is a natural thing, because men like to possess, and are unequally capable of creating or holding their possessions: so that there are naturally rich and poor people. Communism has a great theoretical attractiveness: but it can be established and maintained only by a deliberate effort and a very strong government, as now in Russia, or in the Catholic religious orders. I think it would be a good thing, if it could be made to work, but I don’t believe it can in the long run, or over a mixed population. I understand that in Russia many of the peasants are not yet “socialized”: and if they were it would become a delicate matter to distribute the various kinds of occupations on a basis of equal wages. I don’t think there is much danger of communism in the Western world: but the enormous production of rubbish (which I believe is the cause of the present trouble, because why should anyone buy rubbish, simply because it is offered for sale?) renders trade insecure: the demand can stop at any moment: and what [across ] can the producer do then?—The photo of the 3 kids is charming. But I’m afraid we shouldn’t all look so nice if we adopted that costume. G.S.

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To Nancy Saunders Toy 18 January 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Jan. 18, 1932 Dear Mrs. Toy What you say about Miss Hopkinson1—anent my trouble with Strong, about which you are most sympathetic and wise—reminds me of something in one of the Trivia booklets2 of Logan Pearsall Smith: namely, that when people have been friends for forty years, distance and mercy alone can save the situation—or something to that effect: I am not quoting his words. We old people (though you are evidently an exception) live more and more on our old stock of principles and impressions: anything else— including our best friends—seems wrong and unnecessary. We haven’t vitality enough to lend to a life at all different from our own: we hate it, and malign it. Hence this strange hostility in our old friends. As you say, it needn’t kill old affection or produce a rupture: we too can get on without that inner sympathy which seemed so precious when we were younger: we can get on very well alone with the Alone. (You know these are the last words of the Enneads of Plotinus.)3 Since I wrote about the matter, my relations with Strong have become more normal again. He keeps writing about his own achievements, which now include poetry. I enclose his last,4 which I think is also the best. What do you think of it? But I am afraid I must have said something misleading about Cory. He wasn’t at all to blame: perhaps not guarded enough in repeating things said to him unguardedly, but otherwise not at all treacherous to either of us. On the contrary, I think it is our fault if his position is rather difficult and he isn’t earning his own living. Thank you for not encouraging my would-be biographer5 from Pennsylvania. Why not wait till I am decently dead? Or will it then be too late for the public to take any interest? I am sorry to have bothered you with that horrid book about Chicago & Princeton. I like to read books about college life—though my novel now has little college life in it—and saw a rather favourable review of this one in The Morning Post;6 so I sent for it. And on reading it I was at once disturbed by the style and the manners depicted—not so much by the polyan-

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drous nature of “Peter” as by the general unseemliness and emptiness. However, let us forget that, and hope for better things. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Miss Leslie W. Hopkinson of Petersham, Massachusetts, had been a pupil of Santayana’s at Radcliffe College in the 1890s and was a friend of Mrs. Toy. 2 Trivia was Smith’s first book, originally published in 1902 at his own expense. In 1917 it was published in New York by Doubleday, Page. 3 Plotinus (c. 204–c. 270) was a Greek philosopher of Neoplatonism. His treatises were arranged into Enneads (groups of nine), which were written during the last seventeen years of his life. 4 Unlocated. 5 George Washburne Howgate (1903–50) wrote the first book-length critical biography of Santayana: George Santayana (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press; London: Oxford University Press, 1938). 6 The Morning Post, a London daily newspaper founded in 1772, was amalgamated with the Daily Telegraph in 1937.

To George Sturgis 28 January 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Jan. 28, 1932 Dear George There is no hurry about my next letter of credit, but you might have one sent me at your convenience for $5,000, as usual. I see no reason why I should want more, but if anything unforeseen should arise, there will be time to make arrangements. I still have a nest-egg in London (reduced one third in value by the fall of the £) and can easily cash cheques drawn on B. S. & Co– in any emergency. I deposited the other day 20,000 lire at Cook’s, when I drew my last draft, and that will last me probably until May. Last year, under the same circumstances, I didn’t use my new letter of credit until April, and then I had Cory staying here, which almost doubled the expense of life. This year he is not coming to Rome, but I may ask him to stay with me at Cortina for a part of the summer if I go there, as I rather expect I shall You may not know that one of my oldest and best friends is here this winter, Boylston Beal, with Elsie and a companion, Miss Munroe. And (unless you keep up the Family Book)1 you may not know that Betty Beal (Mrs. Hinds) is the happy mother of twin boys. One has the Roman cast

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of countenance observable in Jews, but the other looks Irish. I speak from a photograph: Betty and her husband are spending the winter at the Beal’s house in Beacon Street. I don’t see Boylston or Elsie very often; she has been ill, and we never particularly liked each other: but she seems to me mellowed and sweetened by age, although her voice and her nervousness still rub me the wrong way. Boylston is disconcerted by the way the world is going, not in business so much as in general manners, morals, and ideas. He is a conservative by temperament and would like to live under Queen Anne, as I under the Emperor Augustus:2 but my aspiration, being more speculative and distant, gives me less trouble. I am not a conservative at all. Things as they are now please me much better than things as they were fifty years ago: and the future, though we can’t tell what it will be, doesn’t scare me. In fact, if I couldn’t have been born 2000 years earlier, I shouldn’t mind having been born 100 years later. It’s running a risk, but worth it. By the way, I have written an article for the Latin School Register, th which is getting out a special anniversary number to celebrate the 50– year of [across ] it’s existence. I was the first Editor, and couldn’t refuse: and this has started me again on my autobiography,3 which I have been writing with gusto. [across text ] G. S. 1

George Sturgis was editor of the Sturgis Family Book. Queen Anne (1665–1714) was queen of England (1702–14) and daughter of James I. Her reign was marked by support of Protestants. She had no children to live to adulthood, with most dying at birth. She appointed George I as her successor. Augustus was the title given by the Roman senate to Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus (63 B.C.–14 A.D.), making him the first Roman emperor. After defeating Antony in Egypt in 30 B.C., he had the entire Roman Empire under his control. For fourteen years he stabilized the empire and carried out domestic and political reforms. Criticized for crushing liberty, he brought order and stability, allowing the empire to continue for over 200 years without challenge. 3 Persons. 2

1928–1932

To Charles Augustus Strong 14 February 1932 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Rockefeller)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Feb. 14, 1932 Dear Strong George de Cuevas had written me much the same complaints of the R. family as he writes to you. I answered at once, without venturing on any advice, but simply saying I hoped matters would soon take a more favourable turn. I have no doubt that this sfogo1 on his part to us does not imply that he is inclined to quarrel with the higher powers: as he says, he is used to feigning and making his way among people who can be useful to him (he calls it diplomacy) and he will be very careful in this supreme instance. It is too bad that they should be saddle with an expensive apartment in N. Y. and kept there against their will: and I am truly sorry at the annoyance and ignominy of it, as well as at the waste of their nice house at St. Germain: but if his concern is really for the children, the R’s seem to have taken precisely the course that will safeguard their interests: for aren’t they paying off a huge debt which they might (I suppose) have deducted from the capital? The ultimate result will be that the capital will remain entire, and if no more debts are incurred, the full interest, in a few years, will be again available. This is on the hypothesis that such things as capital and interest will still exist in a few years. My yearly account, lately received from my nephew George Sturgis, shows that the nominal value of my property has sunk to one half: but with the inheritance from my sister, I stand where I stood before: in reality much better off, because the interest hasn’t come down nearly as much as the capital. I hope you, too, have escaped any inconvenient losses. It has never been easy for me to decide whether your view fell rather on the side of the line which I call panpsychism (or panpsychologism)2 or on the side which I call the mind-stuff theory. Of course, you are under no obligation to adopt just these categories, and may perfectly well put the lines of cleavage elsewhere: but I am talking of my own attempts to understand your position. You say now that I ought to have seen that you take the second view: very well. But in saying that “feeling” is “that in the nature of matter which makes it possible for it ever to be aware” I am still

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in doubt as to your meaning. What is your criterion of possibility in such a case? The previous existence of something like awareness? The previous existence of the “luminosity” which in awareness is focussed into conscious feeling? Or rather, into the qualities of experience? Or do you mean merely such qualities or arrangements as give a normal occasion for conscious feeling—in a word, matter capable of being organized into living bodies? If you meant only this last, I should [across ] entirely agree. But I don’t think it helps at all to produce awareness that there should have been awareness, or a/ something like awareness, earlier. Yours ever [across text] G.S. 1

Outpour, or vent (Italian). Panpsychism is the theory according to which all objects in the universe, not only human beings and animals but also plants and even objects usually classified as inanimate, have an inner or psychological being. 2

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 15 February 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome Feb. 15, 1932 Dear Cory In a fortnight let us hope that the wintry weather will be over, and that Florence will receive you kindly. Strong has written to me twice, evidently trying to be comple/imentary, but covertly referring to the ill opinion which the public has, and will have, of me (and of you) if we don’t agree with him. But you have enough points of contact with the modern world at large not to be over-impressed by the professorial genteel tradition. I see that Aldous Huxley has a new book—Brave New World1—in which he turns conservative: I mean to read it. I also have a French essay by Du Bos2 on Walter Pater’s Marcus, which might interest you: but Du Bos is writing a whole book on Pater and perhaps you would rather wait for that. The prospective French translator of my Opera omnia3 is a professor against his will, and writes like a long-haired symbolistic poet. He has sent me a palpitating poetic effusion of his on Dying in order to Become. You know of him? His name is Duron, and he teaches in a lycée at Metz.4

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I send you your cheque in advance so that you may cash it before leaving Paris—I am very glad you are reconciled, at least externally, with Saunderson, like the Pope with Mussolini. Yours affly G.S. 1 Aldous Leonard Huxley (1894–1963) gained early fame with satirical novels and short stories. Brave New World (1932) depicts a repulsive Utopia; it expresses Huxley’s concern over the dangers of scientific progress. He also wrote travel books, biography, and essays. 2 Charles Du Bos (1882–1939), a French critic, combined Catholicism with Pater’s influence to become a leading commentator on the literary production of his time. Much of his thought is collected in Approximations (7 vols., 1922–37) and his Journal (9 vols., 1946–61). Du Bos included an essay on Pater’s book in volume four of Approximations. 3 Complete works (Latin). 4 Jacques Robert Duron (1904—52) wrote La Pensée de George Santayana: Santayana en Amerique (Paris: Nizet, 1950). His Poèmes retrouvés was published in Geneva in 1954. Metz is a city in northeast France, and lycée is a grammar- or high-school supported by the state.

To Charles Augustus Strong 1 March 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Rockefeller)

Rome, March 1, 1932 Dear Strong I return your latest manifesto1 with a few notes on the parts put into my unworthy mouth. Though I should have used different word’s, like Gretchen’s parson,2 I might perhaps not have said anything more valuable. I am vaguely conscious that in our verbal discussions, of late years, I have been a good deal of a dummy. As for your elucidations, I find the word luminosity in them, but not the thing, and I had better abstain from commentaries which would surely seem to you only blind and irritating. I am having a slight attack of catarrh, but without cough to speak of, only a little clearing of the throat and spitting: and it hasn’t interfered at all with work. On the contrary, I have finished an article on Benda, and pushed on in one or two other works-in-hand, without loss of interest. I have been reading Bainville’s Napoleon3—very instructive and tragic: but ——y a sort of reiteration of certain motifs he produces an effect of doom and fatality which is most impressive. And how unhappy his Napoleon is, even in his hours of triumph! Wisdom inculcated without preachments.

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I hope Cory has not arrived before a change in this bad weather. We had snow in Rome yesterday, more than I had ever seen here. Yours ever G.S. 1 Enclosed with this letter are seven single-spaced typewritten pages with the heading “A Converstaion, Partly Real & Partly Imaginary.” This “conversation” is a philosophical discussion between Santayana and Strong, and Santayana has written comments in the margins. (See Overheard in Seville: Bulletin of the Santayana Society 19 [Fall 2001]: 31–33.) Another enclosure, consisting of one and one-half pages in Strong’s hand, is entitled “S.’s Notes on My Dialogue with Him.” 2 In Goethe’s Faust, Gretchen is the young, simple, lower-class girl whom Faust seduces with the aid of Mephistopheles’ magic. 3 Jacques Bainville (1879–1936), a French journalist and historian, helped establish and served as the foreign editor for Action française, a royalist daily newspaper. Napoléon was published by Fayard, in Paris, in 1931.

To Cyril Coniston Clemens 2 March 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Duke)

Hotel Bristol, Rome March 2, 1932 My dear Clemens Your imaginary interview1 is very pleasant; I have made one or two small changes in diction in what you put into my mouth, because after all it is better that you should get the note of an old fogey as full and accurate as possible. Also a very slight error about my “parents” settling in Boston: it was only my mother, on account of her American children. My father was there too for one winter: but he never went to fashionable or other parties. He didn’t speak English. However, that doesn’t matter, ^ ^ and the point of your anecdote is true and well made. What you make me say about psychology seems to me a little strange. Is it perhaps your view, which you are too modest to publish in your own name? There is no serious objection, only as I have definite theories about psychology, (that there are two distinct kinds, the scientific or biological kind, medical and behaviouristic and the literary kind, just intuition of what goes on in people’s minds, which Wm James excelled in, and in which ladies in future ought to be pre-eminent) I think it might seem odd that I should be vaguely fault-finding. Also the sentence or two after the mention of Aristotle, (which I have bracketed) might be left out, if you don’t mind.

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I like the quotations which you smuggle in very much, and I think you leave a very pleasant impression at the close. It has occurred to me that the public might almost take your first paragraph seriously (forgetting who you are), and I suggest that you pile on the fun a little so that there may be no mistake. For instance you might add, “In passing the Morgue in Paris I looked in just on the chance. But no: it would have been too great a coincidence. I enquired of the prison commissioners; he was not living under their care. I question ed the doc^ ^ tor s of the principal Insane Asylum; no again. Santayana’s fame had not ^^ yet reached them.” I am afraid I never sent you the Genteel Tradition. I do so now, with apologies, and also a short autobiography2 [across ] from which you might cull something if you chose. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

“An American Philosopher in Exile, George Santayana,” Mark Twain Quarterly 1 (Fall 1936): 10–12 and 18. (Also published as a pamphlet by the International Mark Twain Society, Webster Groves, Missouri, in 1936.) 2 Unlocated.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 10 March 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, March 10. 1932 Dear Cory You say nothing of your health, about which I have felt some doubts during this bad weather; don’t be ill again, because even from the point of view of your strictly professional future, that would be a bad plan. I don’t wonder that you are short of cash, or that Strong is intolerant: all this happens according to the laws of nature which, if we wish to be happy, we must begin by acquiescing in whole-heartedly. This is what I have just been reading in Spinoza. I have taken him up suddenly, because I have received (and accepted) a magnificent invitation written in German, and signed by Brunschwieg (Paris) Gebhardt (Frankfort) Oko (Cincinnati) and Carf (The Hague)1 to give an address2 in the Domus Spinozana at the latter place in September next, when they are celebrating the 300th anniversary of the philosopher’s birth. This incidentally settles my plans for the summer. I shall go to Paris, perhaps to Ostend, and

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then to the Hague. I have my address [across ] already half written. It is about “Ultimate Religion” and of course a part of the R. of. S. Yours aff–ly G.S. [across page one ] P.S. I sent “Brave New World” to the Villa before knowing your address. Tell me what you think of the book. 1

Léon Brunschvieg (1869–1944) was a French idealist philosopher best known as an interpreter of the French philosophical tradition and as a leading spokesman for the life of reason and the value of science. Carl Gebhardt (1881–1934) edited the four volumes of Spinoza Opera (Heidelberg, 1925). Adolph S. Oko (1883–1944) compiled The Spinoza Bibliography which was completed under the direction of Dorothy Kuhn Oko (Boston, 1964). Henri Carf is the pseudonym of Henk van Kemper (1899–1984), a Dutch composer, flutist, and architect who wrote Vision de Teyler for flute. The letters in the name “Carf” stand for composer, architect, and flutist. 2 “Ultimate Religion” in Septimana Spinozana: acta conventus oecumenici in memoriam Benedicti de Spinoza diei natalis trecentesimi Hagae Comitis habiti: curis Societatis Spinozanae Edita (Hagae Comitis: Martinus Nijhoff, 1933): 105—15. Reprinted in Obiter Scripta, 280—97; Triton Edition, vol. 10, 245—57; and Philosophy of Santayana, 572—86.

To Sterling Power Lamprecht 10 March 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Dartmouth) Hotel Bristol Rome March 10, 1932

Dear Mr. Lamprecht It will be a real pleasure to see you and Mrs. Lamprecht again. You will find me here as usual, and if you will let me know on what day you can come to lunch (not by telephone, please,) it is almost certain that I shall be free, as I go nowhere. Yours sincerely GSantayana

1928–1932

To Curt John Ducasse 11 March 1932 • Rome, Italy

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(MS postcard: Brown)

OPERE DEL REGIME – ROMA VILLA CELIMONTANA

Hotel Bristol, Rome, March 11, 1932 Thank you very much for your pamphlet,1 with which I am in general agreement. Especially at the end, I think you hit the nail on the head about the “social” intention of the artist. When he is pleased with his work he cries, Oh, look! like a child pointing at a donkey.—The only point on which I feel some doubt is about the expression of any previous definite feeling. My experience of drawing and writing is that my feeling and my design come to me as I work. No doubt there are general tastes beneath, and (at my age) a very limited range of effects to be expected; but this fertility of the artist is automatic: he is a consumer, at closer quarters, of his own work, and only in a physical sense their creator. In correcting and guiding a composition after it is begun, the same automatic fertility, and helplessness, —are is repeated. You [across ] can’t tell what you want to say till (at least mentally) you have said it. Yours, ^ ^ G. Santayana 1

Unidentified.

To Nancy Saunders Toy 12 March 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Rome, March 12, 1932 Dear Mrs. Toy You said in your last letter that you wished to make Oliver’s acquaintance. I am sending you his biography as far as his sixth birthday. The rest, though for the most part written, has not been revised or typed as yet. I have another copy of this part, but perhaps if it isn’t too much trouble you might return these sheets when you have done with them, as I might like to show them to some one else. Any hints you can give me— short of burning it all up—will be most appreciated. I feel like a swimmer for the first time beyond his depth. And this part is so feminine—all about ladies and children,—whereas most of the book is about young men, that

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your corrections would be particularly welcome. Of course, there is the whole first part presupposed, concerning the child’s parents1 and their relations: but Oliver begins here: and as you asked for him, it is he that comes to make his bow. Have I put in too much psychology? I think not, when you remember that this is not supposed to be a novel but a memoir, so that description of the characters by the author is legitimate in itself, if it is not tedious or pedantic. I have had—for me—a little excitement—an invitation to read an address in the Domus Spinozana at the Hague in September, on the occasion of th anniversary of Spinoza’s birth. I couldn’t refuse, especially as the the 300– invitation was couched in German in most flattering terms. It was ^ ^ signed by four persons. Brunswieg (Paris) Gebhardt (Frankfurt) Oko (Cincinnati) and Carf (The Hague). Do you know who this Oko is? Not Japanese, I suppose. Can he be of Finnish origin? Anyhow, the idea of actually holding forth under the very roof which sheltered Spinoza as he wrote his Ethics, is very stimulating. I have already got my address half written. The subject given me was Philosophy and Religion; but that is a general heading for one whole group of lecturers—the other group being assigned to Physics and Metaphysics: so that I feel free to give my paper a special title—Ultimate Religion—and make it an integral part (with a few modifications) of the Realm of Spirit, on which I have been doing a little work this winter, as well as on the Realm of Truth. We have had a bad winter and it has given me one or two little jolts, but not serious enough to stop my work. On the contrary, although I have accomplished very little that is visible, I have been very assiduous, and covered reams and reams. But I am afraid the quality is rather mediocre, and perhaps I need a little change to refresh my wits. I have just read Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World, on top of Benda’s disparaging view of all worlds, old and new. There seems to be a general change of tone, among the modern school, from the optimism of our time. It is not our old pessimism, either, but a sort of horror of mechanism, which I don’t feel, perhaps because I have always believed that the universe is mechanical, and that nevertheless the spirit can be, I won’t say at home in it, but supported by it. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Harriet Bumstead and Peter Alden.

1928–1932

To George Washburne Howgate 14 March 1932 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Howgate)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London Rome, March 14, 1932 Dear Mr. Howgate I am not used to being treated like a public character and your casual observation that “there are many excellent studies” of my writings surprises me. I don’t hear of these things, which the authors seem to be too modest to send me. They probably think it inconceivable that I shouldn’t be better informed. You have taken time by the forelock and your letter shows such a perfect understanding of the categories which I use (except perhaps the “psyche” and “spirit”) that I don’t think you will need much help in preparing your thesis.1 As to bibliography, I can’t help you, beyond perhaps completing any list you may have of my published articles, which I believe I have preserved complete. But as to personal matters, or special points of doctrine, I shall be glad to answer your questions briefly by letter, or by word of mouth. It is most improbable that I shall ever return to America: but this summer I expect to be in Paris, perhaps in Ostend, and later at the Hague, where they have asked me to give an address at the Spinoza anniversary; and though I avoid congresses in general, I could not refuse in this case. If you are by chance in the same parts, and send me word C/o B. S. & Co– in London, I shall be very glad to see you and to satisfy your learned doubts; although I think your intuition is not likely often to mislead you. Yours very truly GSantayana 1

“George Santayana: Man of Letters,” Ph.D., University of Pennsylvania, 1933.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 18 March 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, March 18 1932 Dear Cory I am sending you the last number of the Cornell “Philosophical Review”,1 with an article by Whitehead that you may like to see—in case Strong’s copy is not available

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If my copy of Spinoza2 is at the villa—two thick black volumes in the original—would you ask Strong to have them sent to me here, or purloin them and send them yourself, if you prefer? I find the translation that I have here so blind that I should like to be able to look up the text. Yours affly G.S. A young Spaniard3 who is at the Spanish Academy4 here came to lunch yesterday. He is a surréaliste and thinks the reaction of the mind, the splash, everything, and the material impression nothing, so that the ideal would be blank pages for poetry and paintings admired in the dark. 1 The Philosophical Review (Ithaca, N.Y., 1892) is issued quarterly. Previously it was issued six times a year. It is published by the Sage School of Philosophy at Cornell University. 2 Santayana’s copy is housed now at the University of Waterloo: Benedicti de Spinoza opera, quotquot reperta sunt edited by J. van Vloten and J. P. N. Land (Hagae Comitum: M. Nijhoff, 1882–1883), 2 vols. 3 Unidentified. 4 Academia Española de Bellas Artes (Spanish Academy of Fine Arts).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 24 March 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome March 24, 1932 Dear Cory The two old volumes of Spinoza have arrived safely. Thank you very much. I am pleased to possess them de facto as well as de jure,1 and it will be a pleasure (I have just been trying it) to read the nice strong Latin instead of the bad English which I am sorry characterizes the version in the Everyman’s Library,2 where my Introduction is. Now that I have a larger sitting room there is no reason why I shouldn’t be surrounded by a few more books, such as I may like to see about me, even if I don’t often open them. It is one of the pleasures of old age. The lecture is progressing well: I have a suitable end—eloquent but not too eloquent, and quiet, but not too quiet. It was one of the first things that occurred to me. I also have some new ideas, and a general argument which I think will be intelligible, if not to the audience, at least to the eventual reader. I have also gone into some points that will have to be left out,

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but may be used in the R. of S.—I enclose a cheque for April 1–st We will [across] regard the last one as an extra, for breaking camp. Yours affly GS. 1

In reality as well as by right (Latin). Everyman’s Library is a series of reprints of the world’s masterpieces in literature founded in 1906 by Joseph M. Dent and initially edited by Ernest Rhys (1859–1946). 2

To Gerald William Bullett 11 April 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Pennsylvania)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London. Rome, April 11, 1932 Dear Sir,1 Your preface, and the choice you have made of passages from my writings, assure me that your anthology will be full of things to my mind. When people ask me for permission to quote something, it is usually from a thin Sonnet—which they entitle Faith—written when I was eighteen. It is a pleasure to find something selected which represents my central and mature convictions. I need hardly say that I feel much honoured at being included in your book. It may be necessary to ask for Mesrss. Constable & Co’s permission, and they may charge a fee, but you may say that you have my hearty consent. Yours faithfully GSantayana p. t. o. P.S. I send you a biographical article2 which is taken from a ponderous work (which you probably have not seen) and which may explain some peculiarities of my history. I resigned my Harvard professorship and left America in 1912. 1

Gerald William Bullett (1893–1958), an English novelist and essayist, also reviewed works for the Times Literary Supplement and other literary periodicals. His Testament of Light includes Santayana’s Sonnet III (“O world, thou choosest not the better part!”) of the First Sonnet Sequence. See Complete Poems, 92. 2 “A Brief History of My Opinions” in Contemporary American Philosophy, vol. II, 239–57.

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To Daniel MacGhie Cory 23 April 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome April 23, 1932 Dear Cory I said goodbye to Strong this afternoon after a decidedly smooth passage over the shoals and rocks of our present relations. He talked less than usual, whereas I was full of safe matter for discussion—a lot of books I lent him and at the end the new book of Bergson’s1 which I am reading with great interest. I will send it to you if you care to read it. I will also send you in a day or two five chapters of Part II of the novel. I have not had more copied because the rest of Part II contains important and delicate matters which I wish to leave in MS for the present, so as to be free at any moment to make corrections, as they occur to me. But this summer I will go on with rewriting Part III (Oliver’s first visit to England)2 and I will let you see it when we meet. I should have submitted these five chapters to your scrutiny before, except that I sent them to Mrs. Toy in America, who has only just returned them. Yours affly G.S. 1 Les Deux sources de la morale et de la religion (The two sources of morality and religion [Paris: F. Alcan, 1932]). 2 “First Pilgrimage.”

To Cyril Coniston Clemens 24 April 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Duke)

Hotel Bristol, Rome April 24, 1932. Thank you for the Life of Ste. Thérèse de Lisèeux1 and for the pamphlet, in which I am interested to find evidence of the abominable method of brow-beating bereaved persons—“it is your Duty to consult a medium”—to which the Spiritualists resort.2 This sort of thing ought to be exposed further. I hope you will send me your book when it appears. Yours Sincerely G.S.

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1 Possibly St. Teresa of the Child Jesus: Story of her Life, with Mysticism of Spiritual Childhood (1925), or A Compendious Critical Life of St. Thérèse of Lisieux, the Little Flower (1928). 2 Spiritualists are those who maintain the doctrine that all that exists is spirit.

To George Sturgis 25 April 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome April 25 1932 Dear George The other day I received a letter from Pepe Sastre saying that your aunt Josephine’s affairs were finally settled, and that you had charged the sum which was due to you and your sister Josephine to his account, as if that sum had been sent to him from America. I am glad this troublesome business is over: but I am not quite satisfied with the result. As I explained to you in other letters, I regard the money which your aunt had in Spain as intended by her and by your father to remain there, for the benefit of the people with whom she lived since 1913. It is true that we have made arrangements for their benefit otherwise, and that the Sastre brothers received a legacy of $2000 each, Mercedes an annuity of $1000, and Manuela one of $200. Substantial justice is thus attained; and I think you are perfectly justified in feeling that the money your aunt had in Spain thereby reverted to the general fund to be divided by her legal heirs. Nevertheless, my position personally is somewhat different. I don’t need this money; and I had (in your presence, although you may not have fully understood what we were saying)1 promised my share of it to the Sastres. I have now fulfilled that promise by telling them to keep my part and divide it among themselves, one third for each of the brothers; and this has been done. But the result is that Mercedes gets nothing: and I am afraid (in spite of her $1000 a year and an occasional present which I have sent her) she is not very well off, and may wonder why she has been passed over on this occasion. The same is true of my cousin Manuela, although she hasn’t the same claims, as your aunt never lived with her. I don’t want these old ladies to feel hurt, or to think that we are forgetting them. Therefore I should like you to send them, charging the amount to me, whatever each of the Sastre brothers has received. How much was it? Assuming that my share was one half ( I am not sure of this) each of them

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has got one sixth of the total property left by your aunt Josephine in Avila: which (after taxes and expenses are deducted) I understand was 23,191.80 pesetas in cash and 25,000.— '' '' (nominal) in bonds. One sixth of this would be 8,032.30 pesetas: but what were those bonds actually worth? If you will look up the amount in dollars which you have actually charged to Pepe’s account, one third of that amount would be what I should like you to send to Mercedes and to Manuela, or if you prein their favour, to me, and I will fer you can send the drafts, made —out in forward them with a word of explanation. All I should say is that your aunt Josephine’s money in the banks in Avila has been finally liquidated, and that you are sending them the share of it which we believe your aunt would have wished them to receive. I am much impressed by the altered tone of some (not all) of the Americans who come here this year. The “crisis” seems to have had more effect on them than the preaching of Saint John the Baptist,2 and they are on the verge of total repentance and a change of life and philosophy. Are things really as bad as that? I suppose there is no chance of you and Rosamond coming to Europe this year; but if you do, you will probably find me in Paris. I had expected to go again to Cortina; but I have been invited to give a lecture at The Hague, about September 10th, on the occasion of the third centennial of Spinoza, the philosopher. It will be a (liberal) Jewish feast: but I am too great an admirer of Spinoza to decline the honour, especially as what I shall say will do beautifully for a part of my next book. I am therefore going to Paris, and possibly to Ostend, instead of to the Dolomites.Yours affly G.S. 1

Santayana’s final visit to Spain was in the spring of 1930. George Sturgis was then in Europe; he and Santayana met with the Sastre brothers in Ávila. See Persons, 335–36. 2 John the Baptist, cousin to and forerunner of Jesus, was a prophet whose principal message was the imminent arrival of the Messiah. He practiced baptism and baptized Jesus in the Jordan River. He lived as a hermit, residing in the wilderness of Judea, and was beheaded by Herod about 40 A.D.

1928–1932

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 8 May 1932 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Columbia) Hotel Bristol, Rome, May 8, ’32

Dear Cory You are not enthusiastic about it, but I agree with Strong that a good long visit to England will be likely to set you up in every way, and that it is nearer home, nearer to the sources of genuine poetry and feeling for you, than either Paris or Florence. I had always thought of New York as an alternative for you, and possibly a better one, though —I shouldn’t like it so well either for myself or for you: but England will do nicely as a halfway house. It will refresh your language and perhaps enable you to make pleasant acquaintances. You will be surprised to hear that I am going to England too, after The Hague. The Royal Society of Literature (the one that gave me the gold medal) has asked me to address them on the occasion of the tercentenary of Locke.1 It is a terrible come-down after Spinoza, but a much easier thing to do (I have already written 12 pages of my paper) and pleasan^ ^ ter, since I can count on an audience who will understand fine points and enjoy a little philosophical banter. I can tell them, for instance (what is already down in my lecture) that two hundred years before Queen Victoria, Locke was a Victorian in essence.2 I don’t know when I shall leave Rome. With so much on hand I should like to stay as late as possible into June. But you will surely be still in Paris when I arrive, and if not we can meet in England in [across] September. I don’t know when my London lecture will be but probably not before late in October. G.S. 1 John Locke (1632–1704) was an English philosopher and founder of British empiricism. The Declaration of Independence echoes his contention that government rests on popular consent and that rebellion is permissible when government subverts the ends for which it is established. Santayana’s lecture “Locke and the Frontiers of Common Sense” (which became Part I of Turns ) was presented before the Royal Society of Literature in Bloomsbury Square in London on 19 October 1932. 2 Much loved by her subjects, Victoria (1819–1901) was queen of England from 1837 until her death. Her reign, the zenith of the English empire, was called the Victorian era. It marked the return of dignity, virtue, and honor to the crown. Her reign was a time of increased industrialization in England, of general prosperity, and of English pride.

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To Henry Seidel Canby 10 May 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Beinecke)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, May 10, 1932 Dear Mr. Canby Here is an article—a long article1—in answer to your request for a short one, but even this is only a fragment of the many things which the subject has suggested to me. I am afraid my views are not exactly like those I find in the recent numbers of the Saturday Review: but you wanted, I suppose, a somewhat different point of view. Would you object to letting this article—assuming you accept it—appear also in some British review? I think perhaps it would seem more real there than in the U.S. and I should rather like to have it published in England, but of course not now in The Adelphi. Have you any British partner or correspondent? I myself have thought of “Scrutiny”, the editor having long ago asked me for some contribution.2 I am sending another copy to Mr. Daniel Cory, 52, Cranley Gardens, S.W.7, who sometimes acts as my secretary, and who could make the necessary inquiries on the spot, if you approve of my suggestion; and you might communicate with him directly, if you have any suggestion of your own to make. The article was written for you, and is to be regarded as altogether at your disposal. I enclose also my latest photo;3 not with the desire that it should appear, but with the fear that a bearded ancient should [illegible ]figure under my name, if not on this occasion—for I suppose it is the subject of articles rather than the author that is usually depicted—perhaps in my obituary notice Yours sincerely GSantayana P.S. If you wish to save time, you needn’t send me the proofs. I have no doubt your own proof-reader would do the work perfectly. I think there are no obscurities. 1 Possibly “Alternatives to Liberalism,” Saturday Review (23 June 1934): 761–62. Also in Life and Letters 10 (1934): 541–45.

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2 Frank Raymond Leavis (1895—1978) graduated from the University of Cambridge, where he taught English until 1964. From 1932 to 1953 he was chief editor of Scrutiny, a literary quarterly published at Cambridge. Leavis was known as a literary critic and a principal figure of the New Criticism. 3 Unlocated.

To George Washburne Howgate 10 May 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Howgate)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 The above address is always safe, and if you will let me know when and where you reach Europe, I hope we may be able to arrange a meeting. I have promised to take part in a Spinoza celebration at The Hague early in September, and later at a Locke celebration in London. Otherwise my plans are not definite, nor likely to become so until the last moment. GSantayana Rome, May 10, ’32

To Mary Annette Beauchamp Russell 10 May 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Huntington)

Hotel Bristol Rome May 10, 1932 Dear Lady Russell It is very kind of you to encourage me to visit you in your new garden. This summer, unfortunately, I have been roped in by the professional philosophers, and have promised to read papers at The Hague and in London, at the celebration of the tercentenary of Spinoza and Locke respectively. I tremble—with a pleasing terror, as if I were to begin my first travels—at these last journeys and last, positively last, appearances in public. The idea of going to live near you is firmly lodged in my sub-consciousness, and it will not take any great revolution in the state of my anchorage here for me to try that new port. But for the moment I am rooted and busy, and can’t pull myself out.

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I look, when the monthly announcements arrive, for something of yours, and hope that I shall not always be disappointed Yours sincerely GSantayana

To Nancy Saunders Toy 13 May 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, May 13, 1932 Dear Mrs Toy Here are two beautiful letters of yours unanswered and unanswerable, because you touch on so many things that it would be beyond my mental agility to say anything apropos of all of them. Thank you for all your pleasant news and many-sided sympathy, and also for the prompt return of Baby Oliver. Before r/coming to him, let me say that I was rather alarmed to hear that your business man said discouraging things about the future; but I was reassured on reading that you were giving dinner parties and were ready to give more. So far, at least for me, the bark of this crisis has been worse than the bite. My account on Jan. 1–st showed a drop of half the nominal value of my property (but made up by the inheritance from my sister Josephine) but the interest had hardly diminished at all, so that, for the moment at least, I am free from all anxiety. But the change of heart in my nephew, and in many Americans that have turned up here, is astonishing. St. John the Baptist would not have to cry today in the wilderness. People are quite ready for repentance and a change of heart. Your comments on Oliver & Co are none the less pleasant for being (I am well aware) biassed by kindness and tact: but I like to believe that my personages are alive: they are certainly living in my own imagination; so much so that I am a little at a loss to explain of/r justify them, because it simply is a fact, to my mind, that Irma said this or Mrs Alden did that or Oliver felt in that way. The characters have grown up of themselves during these forty years (all of them aren’t quite so old) and I don’t know enough archeology to account for their composition. When you say that Mrs. Alden is “impossible”, I hope you mean that you don’t like her. I don’t like her myself: but you don’t think she is improbable, do you? To me she seems elemental and rooted in nature like the hills: but this may

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be my illusion, because she may have incongruous sources in my experience. I can mention four or five persons that have sat for the portrait, and there may be more that have left their impress without my knowledge. I will send you later Part I, in which her household and the circumstances of her marra —riage are described, chiefly in her own words, and also the whole history of her husband, whom you may not like so much on better acquaintance. It is indeed a great compliment to be told that Irma seems written by “Elizabeth”. My experience of Germans is limited, and of novel-writing nil, whereas “Elizabeth” is an old hand in both respects. But I did have some thought of combining sympathy with satire in all my snap-shots, as “Elizabeth” does so well. And perhaps this is what makes you feel that at first Irma is “designing and ridiculous” and afterwards “humorous and intelligent”. Now, whatever unlucky strokes I may have been guilty of in my sketch, the real Irma, I assure you, is always intelligent and ridiculous, but never designing or humorous. Her naïve and continual desire to find a lover and a husband may be humorous to us: it is the deepest sigh of earnestness in herself. Hopefulness is not intrigue. She never designs, but she is always ready to accept. So too with her position, good food, etc. This being so, I shall be particularly watchful in future revisions for any wrong notes that may have crept in, suggesting that she has any humour of her own, or is designing. She is as good as gold, but a “higher snob” (since you read Soliloquies in England1) with a vengeance. As to Oliver, he will develop very slowly, and not very much. There is no loud or obvious tragedy coming, only a general secret failure in the midst of success. But he is a wonderful noble boy, if only I am able to make the reader see it. The year 1632 saw the birth of John Locke as well as of Spinoza, and I have been asked to read a paper in London in commemoration of Locke also. Being in for it, and my Spinoza lecture practically finished, I have accepted and expect to go to England in September, by the Hook of Holland-Harwich boat, immediately from the Hague. Locke is a terrible come-down after Spinoza; but it is an easier and pleasanter theme. At the Royal Society of Literature (of which I have the honour to be a member, though I have never been at their place, 2 Bloomsbury Square, nor know even the name of any other member) the audience too will be easier and pleasanter to address. They will understand a little philosophic banter: because Locke, like Irma, is intelligent and ridiculous. This will be the comedy after the high tragedy of Spinoza.

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Among the people who have been here this winter was Robert Herrick,2 who seemed rather a wreck, as I suppose we all are more or less, and who has now sent me his brother-in-law’s translation of Dante.3 Fletcher was a friend of mine, and a nice person: his preface too is nice: but the translation—! I have read the beginning, and the Francesca episode, and meant to read the Piccarda:4 but my courage gave out. It gives line for line: but ten English syllables are very much more than eleven Italian ones. The lines have to be horribly padded: and what can th a man who is not a poet nor an Italian of the 14– century, nor a Catholic pad his lines with? Only pedestrian circumlocutions. [across ] And Dante is so simple, so familiar, so clear! His mind is so entirely on what he has to say! Only an inspired poet could translate him. [across right margin ] Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

“The Higher Snobbery,” Soliloquy 15 in Soliloquies. Robert Herrick (1868–1938) was an American author and professor of English at the University of Chicago from 1893 to 1923. 3 The Divine Comedy of Dante Alighieri, a limited edition of 200 copies (New York: Macmillan, 1931), translated by Jefferson Butler Fletcher (1865–1946) of the Harvard class of 1887. [D. C.] 4 Francesca was given in marriage by her father to Giovanni Malatesta of Rimini, in return for his military services. She fell in love with her husband’s brother. Their relationship discovered, the two lovers were put to death in 1289. Dante, at the end of the fifth canto of the Inferno, relates his conversation with Francesca, who told him how her fall was occasioned by the reading of the tale of Lancelot and Guinevere. In the sphere of the moon Dante and Beatrice meet Piccarda who explains that this realm of Heaven is assigned to those who have broken their vows with God. Piccarda, once a nun, was forced to leave the convent because her brother wanted her to marry. 2

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 14 May 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome May 14, 1932 Dear Cory I am glad that your arrangements are putting on a pleasant aspect, and that the prospect of England begins to attract you. I wish I might be there in the summer instead of in the autumn, but the Spinoza episode has its advantages, moral and perhaps even from the point of view of advancing my R. of S. The lecture is, in one sense, finished: I have written much

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more than is required: but this involves the further very hard problem of condensing and selecting and soldering together the parts that are fit for the address, and relegating the rest to the formless MS of the R. of S. No: I don’t want my old Locke.1 In Paris I will send for a school copy, to cut up into parts to carry in my pocket. The scheme of the Locke lecture, and a good portion of it, is also done; but I must refresh my mind by rereading the Essay, to get a suitable precision in quotations, epithets, and tone. Did I tell you that I have a magnificent edition of Shakespeare in which I read [across ] an act a day? I got it with the idea that some day you too might enjoy reading it. [across text ] Yours G.S. 1 Santayana’s copy of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (London and New York, 1825) is housed at Georgetown University Library.

To Mary Potter Bush 16 May 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome May 16, 1932 Dear Mrs. Bush I hope you may have to return to Rome, and then we can discuss at length these perplexing matters. As to Henry Adams, how could he combine his Ruskinian admiration for “Gothic” things with his sceptical philosophy? As to Couchoud’s book,1 I read it with the greatest interest, devoured it, and felt more reconstruction going on in my mind than any book on this subject had ever caused before. I think he must be right essentially; I mean, in respect to everything that matters in Christianity. He sees it from the inside, in its true traditional imaginative growth. The New Testament is a miscellaneous collection of Church tales, the sediment of early Christian tradition. It is not the foundation of any living faith, and never could be. The figure of Christ is just like that of the ^ ^ Virgin Mary, a mythological figure. The dramatic, life-like, and personal notes are just as frequent in St. John as in St. Mark: they are the product of prolonged, intense, cumulative dramatization. The Magnificat is no less genuine than the Sermon on the Mount,2 which last is evidently not a verbatim report of a real “sermon” but a disjointed collection of maxims,

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very like those of Hillal3 and the revolutionary late Jews. All this, however, does not militate in my mind against the existence of a historical Jesus, about whom we know next to nothing. I believe in general in a dualism between facts and the ideas of those facts in human heads: and nothing seems more normal than that a religious Risen Christ should have been identified with an earthly dead Jesus. I have put aside the books and will send them—to America?—if you don’t turn up. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Paul Louis Couchoud (1879–1959), a French scholar, denied the existence of a historical Jesus. He wrote many books on the Gospels and Chritianity including Le Problème de Jésus et les origenes du Christianisme (1932). 2 The Magnificat is the song of praise of the Virgin Mary, her response when she was greeted by her cousin Elizabeth in the house of Zacharias (Luke 1:46–55). Given by Christ to the multitudes and his disciples (Matthew 5—7), the Sermon on the Mount explains the essence of the true disciple and enunciates the teachings of love and righteousness. 3 Hillel (30 B.C.–A.D. 10), a Jewish scholar born in Babylon, became a progressive interpreter of Jewish religious law. As a patriarch in Jerusalem he found the essence of Judaism in the maxim, “Do not unto others that which is hateful unto thee,” thus anticipating this essential teaching of Christ.

To George Sturgis 20 May 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Hotel Bristol, Rome May 20, 1932 Dear George Thank you for sending the drafts so promptly: I am sending them on, with judicious explanations, to Mercedes and Manuela, who will be not a little pleased and perhaps surprised to receive them. Certainly there is not the least reason why you should reimburse me for this arrangement: you are not getting any too great a share as it is, I mean of your aunt Josephine’s fortune, considering that she owed it mainly to your father’s good management, and to yours. My own case is different, because (so far, at least) I have much more than I need and (if you consider past favours one way or the other) I got $10,000 of your aunt Susie’s money, which I suppose they think in Spain had much better have gone to them there. As I said in my last letter, our moral obligation to Mercedes and the Sastres, in respect to your aunt Josephine’s inheritance, was fully dis-

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charged by the gifts and the annuities which we agreed upon in Avila, at our famous conference. But I thought Mercedes might wonder, if she heard of this final liquidation, why she didn’t get anything: and if my income still warrants it, I would much rather let her have the same sum ^ ^ as the Sastre brothers: and (since everything gets noised abroad, if not exagerated) I felt that Manuela, being a cousin and the poorest of the lot, ought to be remembered too. Talking of things noised abroad and exagerated, what a scandal this Lindbergh affair is in every way!1 It seems almost as serious a symptom of some radical trouble in the state of Denmark2 as the financial crise/is. A friend of mine here—wife of a Columbia professor—says that, besides, automobiles and birth-control have debauched the young. Let us hope that, having had their fling early, they will become philosophers in thee/ ir old age. Since I last wrote I have received another invitation to lecture, this time in London, at the Royal Society of Literature, (of which I am a member, with a gold medal!) apropos of the tercentenary of John Locke. I have accepted, and will go to England in September directly from Holland. I regard this rashness as my last. Yours affly G.S. 1 Anne Morrow and Charles Lindbergh’s infant son (Charles Jr.) was kidnapped on 1 March 1932 and his body discovered on 12 May 1932. 2 In Shakespeare’s Hamlet (I.iv.90) Marcellus says to Horatio: “Something is rotten in the state of Denmark.”

To Max Forrester Eastman 4 June 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Indiana)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Rome, June 4, 1932

Dear Mr. Eastman1 I often recall your figure with pleasure, although I have read little of your writing, and remember the sonnet about the Stoics and Spinoza which your muse once produced in my lecture-room. Thank you very much for your friendly impulse in sending me your book.2 Yes, I heartily agree with the gist of your “definition of poetry”, although technically and also temperamentally, I should have to make

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some reservations. “Definitions” can apply only to terms, or essences: facts or feelings can only be indicated and characterized more or less incidentally. About “poetry” we may say a lot of different things, one as apt as the other. The word “poetry” itself is ambiguous, since it may mean poetical works, poems,—which is what I had in mind in calling it “metrical discourse”—or it may mean poetical magic, a spiritual transport not invariably felt in reading poetical works and hardly distinguishable from the sense of beauty in general. I also agree with you (and with Schopenhauer)3 in thinking that aesthetic feeling involves the inhibition of action and of transitive intelligence. It is the possession of “experience”, if by this scandalously ambiguous word we may sometimes mean intuition. And I quite agree that such intuition is not “science” nor “literary truth”: it is not about anything else, but is arrested on the given essence. I agree further that intuition and free conception corrupt “science”, when they are impose d by ^ ^ the mind on nature, as if nature were built out of human sensations and on the human scale: yet literary psychology (as opposed to biology and behaviorism) draws its materials from intuition, memory, hearsay, history, prophecy, and dramatic imagination: and it is this literary psychology, all sympathy and imagination on the human scale, that on occasion may be absolutely and literally true of “experience”, since, unlike physical science, it describes experience in the very terms native to experience itself. Indeed, only a literary philosophy, like transcendental idealism and the “historiography” of Croce, Hegel,4 and Dewey, could have conceived that “experience” was the one and only reality. For science, experience has conditions: for poetry, it is the stuff all the worlds are made of. I am glad to see there is so much liveliness between you and the professors: but don’t you hit below the belt when you accuse them of wishing to [across ] safeguard their professorships? Literary psychology shouldn’t be malicious. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Max Forrester Eastman (1883–1969), an American critic, poet, and essayist, taught philosophy and psychology at Columbia University. Initially occupied with aesthetics, he then turned to political and social controversy. He helped found the magazines, The Masses and The Liberator. 2 The Literary Mind (New York and London: Scribner’s, 1931). 3 The German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860) presented his philosophy of pessimism with clarity and skill in his books. He held that true reality is a blind impelling force, appearing in individual man as will.

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4 Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831), a German, formulated an influential idealistic philosophy. His idealism welded together a world view with theories of ethics, aesthetics, history, politics, and religion.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 6 June 1932 [ postmark ] • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome June 7, 1932 Dear Cory The weather here is still not uncomfortably warm, and I mean to stay on as long as possible. These quarters—in spite of the new street, now open—are more comfortable than what I can easily find elsewhere; and I am also glad to let Strong see his family, and make his further plans, before I appear on the scene. He writes that he means to try living with them at the Hôtel Cou r tomer: it won’t last long. ^^ I shall be sorry to miss you: but if you are not happy or settled in England, perhaps you might make a trip to Ostend—you don’t mind the sea, and it is only three hours from Dover—some time during the summer: this in case I go there myself, which is not certain. My London address is th fixed for Oct. 19– That gives me about six weeks in England from Sept. th 10–. The lectures are not completed, but already too voluminous: I shall take the MS with me for pruning and finishing, as well as Part III of the novel—and nothing else. The Realms will remain here for next winter’s work, Deo volente.1 I have been having a pleasant correspondence with Gerald Bullett: did you ever hear of him? I suppose you won’t mind getting your cheque before you leave Paris; I will also send you this month’s Life & Letters. The Adelphi has become almost exclusively communist, and I don’t think you would care for the recent numbers. Yours affly G.S. 1

God willing (Latin).

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To Henry Ward Abbot 7 June 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia) Hotel Bristol Rome June 7, 1932

Dear Harry I see that your seventy years leave you still full of vigorous indignation and a proselyting spirit. You won’t allow America to repent at leisure and you won’t allow me not to be enthusiastic about Poe. It was no doubt American sin—I mean worldliness, optimism, and self-satisfaction—that made people disapprove of Poe: even your “great poet” Edwin Markham1 seems to apologize for Poe for not “whooping her up” with the crowd. I never disliked Poe for that: on the contrary, that was the side that allied him to genuine poets and brave minds. I remember that Frank Bullard2 once asked me whether I preferred Poe’s works or Lowell’s3 works for a Christmas present, and seemed to be surprised when I said: Poe’s. I felt there was something of the consecrated spirit about him, although very meagrely fed by tradition or learning or experience of the larger world: it was puerile love, puerile sorrow, and puerile love of beauty: yet these things were there; and I have always myself rather liked the young view of spiritual life, for being less entangled with shams and false compensations. But I could never stand Poe’s versification: and as a prophet of romanticism what could he say to a person who fed, by day and by night, on Shelley and Leopardi4 and Alfred de Musset? Besides, I am myself romantic only north-north-west: all that grief seems rather an idle private indulgence. It is in steady comprehensive imagination, surveying the real world in its complexity, that the stuff is found for a true elevation of spirit: elevation away from, and against, all that medley, if you like, but raised to a real greatness by that total contrast and renunciation. I gave Frank Bullard’s present away again when I left Harvard: it is probably now making converts to Poe-worship at the Delphic Club: but not within reach of my hand, and, if it were, I should probably prove deaf to the call of grace. It is increasingly hard for me to read poetry: I relish it only in snatches; as it comes in Shakespeare’s plays, for instance. I have got a big edition of Shakespeare—for years I was without a copy—and am reading the whole through systematically. How wonderful! Yet how horribly impure, occasional, only half-lifted out of some vile plot and some ranting theatrical tradition. The best of it is that entrancing fusion of music in lan-

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guage with passion, colour, and homely saturation of every word in the humours of [across] life. Just what Poe didn’t, and couldn’t, have. But why send me Bliss Carman?6 Life is too short for that. Yours sincerely G.S. 1 Edwin Markham (1852–1940), an American poet, is best remembered for his protest against exploited labor in “The Man with the Hoe” (1899). 2 Francis Bullard (1862–1913) was a member of Santayana’s Harvard class of 1886. See Persons, 224–26. 3 James Russell Lowell (1819–91) became a poet, editor, critic, and diplomat. Educated at Harvard (A.M., 1838; LL.B., 1840), he later was Smith Professor of French and Spanish and professor of belles lettres there. 4 Count Giacomo Leopardi (1798–1837), an Italian poet and a self-taught prodigy, was affected by physical deformity and spinal disease. His poetry is distinguished by its lyrical beauty and intense melancholy. He asserted that imagination rather than reason is the true source of poetic inspiration. 5 William Bliss Carman (1861–1929), although Canadian-born, resided in New York and Connecticut after graduation from Harvard in 1888. A prolific poet, he is known for his simple lyrics.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 20 June 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, June 20, 1932 Dear Cory I leave for Paris the day after tomorrow morning, and expect to be for a week or two at the Hôtel Royal Haussmann. Glad to hear from you and to know you are more or less at home in your old quarters and in the “hectic” bosom of your family.1 Strong—in a most characteristic post card—tells me you don’t like it. I await the interpretation of this oracle in your own words. I didn’t expect that Strong would remain long at Saint Germain; but the inevitable has come more suddenly than I expected, and we sha’n’t see each other at all this summer. He says he has had a “very successful visit”, that the children are “vigorous” and their parents “well”: but that that is “no place for work”, and that he is leaving at once for Fiesole. Then, after a word about you in England he adds: “What a dreadful table to write at this is!” Have you heard of poor Conway Davies’ misadventures? First a taxi ran into his car and smashed it: a lady in the cab lost her furs in the confusion, and accused him of stealing them. Then, he himself knocked down a lady, who turned out to be the wife of the head of police! He then

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decided that Rome nowadays was only the seat of a highly centralized beaurocracy, gave up his apartment (into which he had just moved with great trouble) and went home to live in London. And the question now is, who is to give me those injections in the autumn? Is there anyone besides Dr Ge/reene?2 Yours affly G.S. 1

Cory’s aunt had lived in London for several years. Unidentified.

2

To [Henry Ward Abbot] [Summer 1932] • [Rome, Italy, or Paris, France]

(MS: Columbia)

[…] pessimism, questioning s about a future life, or the desirability of ^^ death. Somehow I seem not to feel the edge of those uncertainties, as I did fifty years ago: but, more objectively considered, the moral anarchy of the world is no less interesting. I am reading an excellent book by Papini, “Gog”:1 the Catholics seem now to be the best critics: Maritain, Papini, T. S. Eliot2 (an amateur Catholic): it is not their faith that makes them clear-sighted, but their remoteness from the delusions of the age. In America, Edmund Wilson seems rather good: but he is academic; has learned his authors. I have been rereading John Locke, for a lecture I am to give in Bloomsbury in October: a bit prosy, and speculatively poor, but pungent and genuine in his common sense. You keep asking about my novel: it is not finished, perhaps never will be, and is not likely to be published in my life-time. Don’t think of it. I will send you my lectures of/n Spinoza and Locke when they are printed— my last appearances in public! Your old friend G.S. 1

Giovanni Papini (1881–1956), an Italian writer and philosopher, was one of the founders of the philosophical journal Leonardo. A bitter opponent and critic of Christianity, he was converted after World War I to Catholicism and became an exponent of religious orthodoxy. His works include Gog (1931), a satire on modern society. 2 T[homas] S[tearns] Eliot (1888–1965), an American-born poet, dramatist, and critic, became a British subject in 1927. He was awarded the 1948 Nobel Prize in literature for his contribution to poetry.

1928–1932

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 26 June 1932 • Paris, France

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(MS: Columbia) Sunday, June 26, ’32

HOTEL ROYAL HAUSSMANN PARIS

Dear Cory I agree with you that you are more charming after you have been among English people, because you catch a certain amiable calmness and talk more with the soft pedal on: just the insularity and dryness which you feel in them at first, but which —comes is really, in nice people, from having one’s centre of gravity a long way off, if not quite in the realm of essence, at least in the reign of Queen Anne. It puts the little worries of life and philosophy in the right perspective: you don’t mind the absence of running water, if there are servants, and the eccentricities of mortals only add to your pleasure in observing them. As to your allowance from Strong, I don’t think there is any reason why it should be diminished. I asked him some time ago whether the “crisis” had affected him, and he said no: some dividends might have been skipped, but on the whole everything was as usual. He hasn’t talked to me lately very much about you, but the little he has said suggested that he was more concerned about your remote future—five or ten years hence, when he wants you to be an established contributor to Mind—than about the present; and so long as you follow the general line of which he approves, I think he means to continue your allowance. In my own case, the nominal value of my property has fallen about one half; but as / I it had just been doubled by the inheritance from my sister, it stands about as it did before, while the interest, so far, is much as it was: so that I need not be economical yet. My nephew, however, is horribly depressed, and sees the end of the world approaching. When it comes, we can talk things over. Yours affly G.S. [on back of envelope] Do you want B. S’s “Scientific Outlook”?1 1 The Scientific Outlook by Bertrand Russell (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1931).

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To Charles Augustus Strong 30 June 1932 • Paris, France

(MS: Rockefeller)

Paris, June 30, 1932 Dear Strong I am sending your letter to Cory, whose address is 52, Cranley Gardens, London, S.W.7. I went the day before yesterday to lunch with Margaret and George, and saw the children. They were very attentive, sending for me and sending me back in the motor, but I don’t wonder you couldn’t stay long there. Yesterday I went to Versailles to look for quarters in which to spend the next two months and finish my Spinoza and Locke lectures, because the idea of travelling more than is absolutely necessary is becoming unpleasant to me. I looked first at various rooms in the Hôtel Trianon Palace; but the air of the place is too smart and not private enough for me; and I have engaged a room at the Hôtel des Réservoirs, although that suffers from the opposite defect, looks dingy and neglected, and I am afraid there may be flies and mosquitoes. If so, I will change to the Trianon, which at least is clean. If you find Fiesole too hot later, why don’t you give Cortina a second trial? It might be just the thing. Yours ever G.S.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 30 June 1932 • Paris, France

(MS: Unknown)

HOTEL ROYAL HAUSSMANN PARIS

June 30, 1932 Dear Cory The enclosed1 explains itself. I have sent S. your address, and hope the fruits will mature quickly. I have taken a room at the Hôtel des Réservoirs, Versailles, but without feeling at all confident that I shall be comfortable enough there to remain for the next two months. If not, I will move to the Trianon Palace Hotel where I made enquiries in the first place; but there is an air of smartness, with too many flunkies and too little privacy, about the estab-

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lishment which made me prefer to try the dinginess of the old hotel: and it may turn out to be just the thing I wanted. Reading the guidebook about Ostend dissuaded me from going there: also the disinclination to travel more than is absolutely necessary. Yours affly G.S. 1

Unlocated.

To Charles P. Davis 7 July 1932 • Versailles, France C

(MS: Columbia)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 1 Versailles, July 7, 1932 Dear Davis2 Alas, a prolonged failure to respond to letters, and to everything else, has an easy explanation at our age. My sister died in February, 1929,3 after an illness of five days: but, as you know, she had suffered for a long time from some sort of gout or dropsy (we never understood what it was) which made it difficult and painful for her to move. She had also suffered a great deal morally, in the last years, from her husband’s avarice and other crotchets; but she had successfully maintained her American independence in money-matters, and had the consolation of being at last appreciated and even loved by her step-children and their wives and young ones, because she helped them out of the straits in which their father left them, and was the Providence of the whole family, as well as of many other poor people in Avila. Her husband himself died the following year, and my sister Josephine, who had lived with them since 1912, died in October 1930, on St. Theresa’s day.4 She had, by the way, reconciled herself in a half-concious way with the Church; her confessor said he thought she had never committed a mortal sin: so that her end was peaceful also, and there were no unpleasant complications in the matter of religious rites. We had also arranged her money-matters nicely. Our nephew George Sturgis (who is our business man, in lieu of our brother Robert, his father) and I had been in Avila the previous summer, that is, in 1930; and I had seen her often in the intervening years, whenever I went to Spain; and the fact that, spending very little, she had become

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rather rich, has been a Godsend to us in the “crisis”, since it has helped us practically not to feel the pinch—at least not yet. My sister Susana’s money went to her husband and his family; and they have since modernized their houses, and even got automobiles—not so common in Avila as in the U.S. Altogether the memory of my sister is sweet to everyone now, although we didn’t make her life particularly sweet to her while she was in this world. I don’t know how frankly she spoke her thoughts to you: but in spite of her religious fervour and experience, she remained always passionately attached to people and circumstances and events in her surroundings. She was full of plans, even at the age of 77, about what she would do when she was free, and could rebuild their house, and make a different will, and get me to come and live with her. I should have done so with pleasure, if she had survived her husband: but human projects are seldom realized—never, perhaps, as we had formed them. I have sometimes felt an impulse to write to you and learn how things had worked themselves out in your life. Your address gives me a hint, but I shall be glad to hear more details, if you are inclined to communicate them. My own existence is absolutely monotonous. I live only in hotels; work every morning for two or three hours in a dressing-gown: I am worse than an arm-chair philosopher: I am a poet in slippers. In winter, I am in Rome: in summer often in Paris or at Cortina in the Dolomites; and I hardly see anybody. But I have more literary projects than I shall live to execute; I read a lot of beautiful and interesting books, old and new; I take a daily walk in the most approved and quiet places, wherever the priests walk; and I am, Deo gratias,5 in good health and in easy circumstances. What more can one desire at seventy? Love? Faith? If I am without faith or love, I am not without a certain amused connivance at the nature of things which keeps me tolerably happy. Your old friend George Santayana 1

“first letter” is written in front of the date in a hand other than that of Santayana’s. Charles “Charlie” P. Davis had been Santayana’s boyhood friend who occasionally corresponded with Susan Sastre (see Persons, 173). This letter was addressed to him at the Registrar’s Office at Fordham University’s Law School. 3 Susan died on 10 February 1928. 4 Saint Theresa (Teresa de Cepeda y Ahumada, 1515–82), born near Ávila, was a Spanish Carmelite nun and mystic. She became Mother Superior and founded seventeen convents. Josephine died October 15. 5 Thank God (Latin). 2

1928–1932

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 16 July 1932 • Versailles, France

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(MS postcard: Columbia)

Hôtel des Réservoirs SPLENDEURS ET CHARMES DE VERSAILLES

Versailles.

16 • 7-’32 TERRASSE DE GRAND TRIANON THE GREAT TRIANON TERRACE

Glad that, if one apple could cause the Fall two can restore Paradise.—Have just finished Gibson1 on Locke: expert, but egotistical and sectarian. Locke himself, whom I am now reading, is a fountain of life in comparison:—Am comfortable and mean to stay [across] here until September. G.S. 1 James Gibson (b. 1864) wrote Locke’s Theory of Knowledge and Its Historical Relations (Cambridge, England: University Press, 1931).

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 25 July 1932 • Versailles, France

(MS: Columbia) Hôtel des Réservoirs Versailles, July 25, ’32

Dear Cory My copy of Gibson’s Locke shall be yours, but it is rather shabby, doubly second-hand, and scribbled all over besides with my pencil-notes. I will send it before I leave Versailles, when I hope that the Locke lecture will have been completed, at least as regards materials. The Spinoza lecture now needs no additions, but may still be cut down here and there. I hope you will like it, as I have followed your advice and “let myself go” (perhaps you were talking of the novel) and made it as much my own, with as little conventional professorial philosophy, as possible. What do you do, by the way, with so many books? It is a nuisance to have them scattered in different places, as mine are, and out of reach. I have now got hold of my copy of the Summa, six volumes, and have begun reading about the angels. It is admirable. I mean to send the Summa (and some other books) to myself in Rome, so as not to lose possession of it again. Yes, Cambridge is very beautiful in places, and some things, like King’s Chapel, will grow on acquaintance, but the climate in winter is cheerless

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and the spirit very conceited and omniscient: I doubt whether you will be able to stand it, unless you find something or somebody to absorb you and make you forget details. I count on going to see you in September, wherever you may be; but I shall want to settled/ down in one place perhaps London [across] (save for ^ th ^ . Yours affly G.S. one or two Oliver-Mario excursions) until October 19–

To Nancy Saunders Toy 27 July 1932 • Versailles, France

(MS: Houghton)

Hôtel des Réservoirs, Versailles, July 27, 1932 Dear Mrs. Toy You have no idea with what reluctance I tore myself from my Roman diggings and undertook what now seems a great and troublesome adventure: for I don’t know if I have told you that I am to go to England as well as Holland, and to read a paper on Locke before the (Bloomsbury) Royal Society of Literature. It is not only my elderly self that is changed: the good train from Rome to Paris has been taken off; the rapide that remains is as quick or quicker, being now largely electric, but the carriages are inferior, the dining-car occasional only, and altogether there is a feeling everywhere that the good old capitalistic days are over, and the/at the world is going native, that is, common. However, my trip so far has been easy and simple enough. Poor Strong had gone to stay with his daughter, who has just returned from America, for the summer, to her house at Saint Germain: but after a week he found the arrangement impossible and went home to Fiesole. When I arrived in Paris, he was gone. It had more than once occurred to me, in previous years, that Versailles would be a good place to live and work in Summer: and here was I with a free field, two lectures to prepare, and two months to spend somewhere before going to The Hague. So I looked up rooms in the swagger Trianon Palace Hotel: not very attractive; too “first class” for a person who feels old, shabby, and ugly. So I took rooms at this Hôtel des Réservoirs, which matches such a battered personage perfectly. It was once an excellent hotel, and retains a certain air of faded gentility: reminds you of the Paris Opera House and the ballets of the Second Empire.1 I have been alone, or almost alone, in the place, but for the Sunday trippers and an occasional old-fashioned party for lunch; but I am comfortable, have done

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good work, and am training by walking vigorously in the magnificent park, to which this hotel has a private gate. Spinoza is finished and Locke well advanced. My nephew George Sturgis, and other people who write to me from America, seem to be fundamentally alarmed, shocked, disconcerted by the CRISIS—such is the way my nephew says the word should be written. How wonderful if a first touch of adversity should convert the U.S, not only back to liquor, but back to God! I had once written a squib to that effect, inspired by Maritain (you know who Maritain is: a leading Thomistic Catholic critic) which of course was not to be published: but I am beginning to think that the idea (that Industrialism is diabolical) may have some truth in it. But the world seems to be so confused morally and [across] politically, that one doesn’t dare to form any opinion about it. What do you think, or at least feel, to be the drift of things? Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

The reign of Napoleon III (1852–70).

To George Washburne Howgate 28 July 1932 • Versailles, France

(MS: Howgate)

Hôtel des Réservoirs, Versailles July 28, 1932 Dear Mr. Howgate Nothing easier than to arrange an interview if you are to be in Paris during the last week of August. I could meet you there, as I shall have some errands to do before I leave for Holland, early in September; but it will be worth your while, as a sightseer, to come to Versailles, and easier for me. You could see the Palace1 in the morning, and then come to lunch with me in this hotel, at about 12.45. You probably will have a map in which it will be indicated; but if not, it is easy to find, being close to the Palace. In the middle of the fore court you will see an equestrian statue of Louis XIV. If you stand by it and look to the Monarch’s left, you will see a half-open iron gate leading down steeply to a long straight street, with a white church closing the vista in the far distance. Take this street (if you don’t mind cobble-stones) and the first house on the left, after the Réservoirs, is the hotel of that name.

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I shall be glad to see you any day, but don’t come if it rains, as that would spoil your impressions. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 Versailles Palace, where Louis XIV (1638–1715) died in his bedroom, is in Versailles, France. At the highest point in the great court is an equestrian statue in bronze of Louis XIV. The pomp and etiquette surrounding his life at Versailles symbolized the almost divine dignity to which he had raised the office of king.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 18 August 1932 • Versailles, France

(MS: Columbia)

Hôtel des Réservoirs Versailles, Aug. 18, 1932 Dear Cory Love is expensive in all its forms.1 I don’t expect you to get on—yet— entirely without it, and don’t mind an occasional appeal for a little extra cash, especially as it has always been, so far, a mere trifle. But I think you oughtn’t to overdo the part of the spoilt grandson: not that it matters as far as I or Strong are concerned, but that it encourages a sort of weakness in yourself. I told you in a previous sermon that you ought, at your age and with your experience, to consider love a weakness, and not to be proud of it. The Spinoza lecture was finished long ago but I am still in the middle of the Locke paper: there are a lot of troublesome technical issues that I don’t know whether to go into, or leave out, or perhaps relegate to a sort of appendix, when the addresses are published. It has occurred to me that they might be published together in a little book. The contrast, in style as well as subject, might be illuminating.2 Mr. Edgar Wells has written, informing me that the person who bought my MS was Chauncey Stillman,3 of the class of 1930; and that the documents, although the property of the Delphic Club, are deposited in the Harvard Library. They have Platonism, Dialogues in Limbo, Scepticism, Essence, and Matter. I mean to return to Paris for a few days before going to The Hague, where I shall be from Sept. 4/6 to 10 at the Hôtel des Indes. It will be possible for me to reach London by Sep. 12 or 13; and I think it would be simpler for me to settle down there at once, and reduce my trips to Windsor and Oxford to day excursions. If you know of any suitable bachelor’s fur^

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nished flat that can be had by the week, I should be glad to hear of it. If ^ not, I think I will write to the manager of 3, Ryder Street, St. James’s, where I used to go in old times4 and see if they have anything available there. It is a bit shabby, and not very respectable; but convenient and comfortable enough. Yours affly G.S. 1

Cory had an affair with the manageress of his hotel after staying only a few days in Rottingdean, England. (Years, 99) 2 The notes were included in Turns at the end of the Locke chapter as “Supplementary Notes.” The Spinoza paper does not appear in Turns. See 10 March 1932. 3 Reginald Chauncey Stillman. 4 1912.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 23 August 1932 • Versailles, France

(MS: Columbia)

Hôtel des Réservoirs, Versailles. August 23, 1932 Dear Cory Yes, I should be much obliged if you would look at this establishment at 7, Park Place, St. James’s, and if you think well of it, engage a suite (not a bed-sitting room) for me for the week beginning Sept. 11; if I liked it I should stay six weeks, until Oct. 21. I must have a sitting room where I can dine alone, so as not to have to go out (or down stairs, if there is a restaurant) in the evening. I am willing to pay 6 gineas a week to be comfortable. Not Brown’s Hotel: I should meet too many Bostonians. Of course I concur about primary and secondary qualities, also about your “transcendent source of control for experience” “Experience”, analytically, means controlled, externally controlled, perceptions and predicaments: a dream or a meditation is not “experience” in the explorative sense: it is indulgence. My chapters on Indispensable and Presumable properties give what I think the essentials of the matter:1 but perhaps the wood is not seen at once for the trees. My Locke paper is to have a sub-title, “and the Frontiers (or Boundaries) of Common Sense.”2 I try to show where Locke went too far, for common sense, in the direction of psychologism.

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I return to Paris, Hôtel Royal Haussmann, on Sept. 1; go to The Hague, th th Hôtel des Indes, on Sept 6– and to London, I hope, by the 11th or 12– ly Yours aff G. S. 1

Chapters II and III in Matter. The title used was “Locke and the Frontiers of Common Sense.”

2

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 25 August 1932 • Versailles, France

(MS: Columbia)

Versailles, Aug. 25, 1932 Dear Cory Thank you very much for looking at the rooms at 7, Park Place, St. James’s. From what you say and from the Manageress’s letter I judge that it is just the thing I wanted, and I have written engaging the rooms for the th week beginning Sept 11– and saying that probably I should wish to keep them until Oct. 21–st This makes it possible for me to arrive in London and settle down with a minimum of friction. Of course the 6 gineas are for the rooms alone: as exchange is now, that is only $3 a day, for 3 rooms: I count on paying service (fees at least) and food extra. My idea is to have breakfast and dinner in my rooms, as in Rome, and to go out for luncheon and tea. It will be very pleasant to revisit my old haunts (if they still exist) and I hope you will join me for lunch as often as you find it convenient. I can offer you Italian food, more or less. A man named George Howgate, who is writing a doctor’s thesis about me, was here yesterday, with a frightening list of all my writings, including articles and reviews—and yet not complete. I have been doing a little work on the novel, although Locke is not finished, but I am not alarmed about Locke: the only thing that would prevent me from finishing the paper in London would be illness, and in that case I could beg off the lecture altogether. I feel myself already walking in Hyde Park. Unfortunately, it will be getting too chilly to sit down. Yours affly G.S. [across ] Address. Sept. 5—10, Hôtel des Indes, The Hague. I go to Paris, Hôtel Royal Haussmann, on the 1–st

1928–1932

To George Washburne Howgate 27 August 1932 • Versailles, France

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(MS: Howgate) Versailles, Aug. 27, 1932

Dear Mr. Howgate Did you have, in your list of my articles, “Revolutions in Science,” and “Fifty Years of British Idealism”? They came out in “The New Adelphi”, three or four years ago. The second is about Bradley,1 and might put my view of German philosophy in a fresh light. I also forgot, in the haste of your departure, to tell you what I chiefly had to say, which was that the antinomy MacStout-Van Tender2 has always had a clear solution—a Spinozistic solution—in my own mind. All my oscillations are within legitimate bounds. For the solution is this: ^ ^ Moral bias is necessary to life: but no particular form of life is necessary to the universe (or even to the human intellect, except the form of intellect itself). All contrary moralities are therefore equally acceptable prima facie:3 but the one organic to any particular species, or nation, or religion, or man must be maintained there unflinchingly, without compromise or heresy. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Francis Herbert Bradley. McStout and Van Tender are interlocutors in Santayana’s “Walt Whitman: A Dialogue,” first published in The Harvard Monthly 10 (May 1890): 85—92. See Howgate’s George Santayana, 90. 3 At first sight, before further consideration (Latin). 2

To Charles Augustus Strong 3 September 1932 • Paris, France

(MS: Rockefeller)

Hôtel Royal Haussmann Sept. 3, 1932 Dear Strong It is rather unfortunate that things are so crowded. I have the dentist on Monday morning and leave on the morning of Tuesday: but, unless the weather should be bad (because I mustn’t catch cold, with these trying journeys before me) I will come to St. Germain in the afternoon, and

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go first to Margaret’s, between 5 and 6 o’clock, where perhaps I shall find you. In any case, I want to say good-bye to them; and then, if you are not with them, I will come to the Pavillon Henri IV, but not stay to dinner, as that would prolong the trip too much, and I want to get to bed early. I am not ill, but tired and feeling (and looking) very old; in part because I am a little thinner, which in itself is an advantage You are very energetic to come all the way again to Paris; I know the journey is a pleasant change for you in itself, the routine of it being ^^ familiar, but twice in one summer seems a lot. Doubtless you have chosen a different route Au revoir. G. S.

To Charles Augustus Strong 5 September 1932 • [Paris, France]

(MS: Rockefeller)

Sept. 5, 1932 Dear Strong I am very sorry that I find it impossible to go to see you this afternoon, but little things have piled up, and especially the need, which I suspected but had not definitely discovered, of cutting down my Spinoza lecture, which was too long; and after doing so this afternoon a/ I find it is too late, and I am too tired, to undertake that excursion. I shall hope to see you in Rome in the autumn Yours ever G.S. P. S. I am writing to Margaret and George to say good-bye, and I am suggesting that they stop some day at the Hôtel des Réservoirs to get a box of books which I left there, addressed to George. I had meant to send it, but found the business too difficult. It contains the Summa of St. Thomas which I had taken from their house and also some other books which I intended for you, especially Papini’s “Gog”, if you haven’t read it. The successor of Souday1 in the Temps says it is one of the most important books of our time! 1

Paul Souday (1869–1929) was a French philosopher and critic whose works concentrate on Gide, Molière, Proust, and Valéry.

1928–1932

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 12 September 1932 • London, England

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(MS: Columbia) 7 Park Place, St. James’s. London, A /Sept. 12, 1932

Dear Cory These rooms are all right—they have the worn middle-class comfortable air of English lodgings, and they are in the neighbourhod/od which I affect. My Spinoza lecture went off well, seemed to be well received by those who understood it. I saw Edman continually and we had many of our ^ ^ meals together. But I am glad to be rid of The Hague, and of the anxiety about crossing the North Sea on a windy night, as I found it almost inevitable to do. However, I took a cabin de luxe and a pill, and slept through the motion without discomfort. London is externally less changed than I anticipated, but the life and tone of the people seems somehow industrialized and vulgarized. I looked yesterday at everybody in the Park to see what kind of hat and coat I ought to provide myself with: but I could find no models. I hope you will come soon, and give me a tip, or perhaps you will do it by letter. Yours affly G.S.

To Charles Augustus Strong 12 September 1932 • London, England

(MS: Rockefeller)

7 Park Place, St. James’s, London, S.W.1 Sept. 12, 1932 Dear Strong I arrived here yesterday morning after weathering a rather windy crossing from the Hook of Holland: I took a luxurious cabin and a pill, and wasn’t at all disturbed in my sleep: it is a night crossing. Here I am established in not uncomfortable and very sunny rooms which Cory found for me, and a walk I took about the West End and Hyde Park yesterday made me feel that materially London was less changed than I had expected. There are a few new not very high concrete

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buildings, very pleasing on the whole; otherwise the same extent of the commonplace. This is the off season, and it may not be fair to judge, but what looked to me changed was the people. They all seemed to belong to the Labour Party.1 Also, the Italian restaurant to which I went to lunch ^ ^ was no longer Italian, and today I shall have to explore Soho in quest of some spaghetti. Thank you for getting my books back to Margaret’s house, as George writes me that you did, but he adds that the box was still unopened, so that I am afraid you went away without reading the Papini, Benda, and Maritain which I had set apart for you. But you can get “Gog” in Italian in Florence: mine was a French translation I believe Cory is in the country, but I suppose he will turn up soon. I have to stay six weeks, as my Locke lecture, set for the earliest [across ] date th admissible, is to be on October 19– Yours ever G.S. 1 This British political party was formed in 1906 in order to support labor interests in Parliament.

To Wendell T. Bush 20 September 1932 • London, England

(MS: Santayana)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Sept. 20, 1932 Dear Mr. Bush I have written to Dr Carl Gebhardt, who is the leading spirit of the Societas Spinozana, and he says that they intend to publish, at The Hague, a volume containing all the contributions to the recent commemoration, and that they hope that zunächst1 they may not appear in any other form. It won’t do, therefore, for me to send you my paper for the Journal, much as I should like to do so. Eventually I have an idea that it might be published in a little book, with my other commemorative address on Locke—tragedy followed by comedy—and with some notes containing developments which I have had to cut out of the lectures, for the sake of brevity and unity of effect, but which might help to clear up certain technical points.

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The Royal Society of Literature also publish the lectures given under their auspices in occasional volumes; so that I sha’n’t be able to send you my Locke paper either. I hope you have quite recovered your usual health, and that you and Mrs Bush will come nexts summer to Cortina, to breathe out the last vestiges of lowland air. Yours sincerely GSantayana P.S. I should be immensely obliged if you would now have the off-prints [across] of my review of Benda sent to the Hotel Bristol, Rome. 1

Above all (German).

To Nancy Saunders Toy 23 September 1932 • London, England

(MS: Houghton) 7 Park Place, St. James’s, London, Sept. 23, 1932

Dear Mrs. Toy You find me—or rather I find myself—once more in England after nine years’ absence, and with strangely little emotion, pleasurable or otherwise. London is very much as it always was: a few Babilonian white buildings, and a little more motor traffic, is all that distinguishes it materially from what it was, even forty or fifty years ago. Morally and socially no doubt there has been a revolution; but I never knew London society, and now I don’t know a single Londoner; so that I am not much troubled by the change. I mean, I don’t know a single Londoner of those I see in the street: I might perhaps hunt up one or two old acquaintances; but I am little tempted to do so; I am sufficiently occupied with finishing my Locke lecture, reading various things that turn up, and walking in Hyde Park, which seems greener and grander than ever. Your insistence on the designing nature of my poor Irma has given me a subject for many a nightly meditation: and while I know by creative intuition that she was not designing, I see very well why she seems to be so in my unintentionally unfair account of her little flirtation. Of course she was loving, sentimental, thirsting for romantic adventures; and my constitutional tendency to be a little satirical made me dwell perhaps too openly on these latent qualities in my little lady. You must remember that

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it is I that tell the story of her affair with Oliver’s young uncle;1 whereas it is she that writes to her sister about the other matters: naturally she doesn’t bring out the absurd side of her character as much as I do. However, you have convinced me that the scene in the tower must be changed and elaborated, so as to show her psychology (which I have clearly in my mind) less ambiguously and unsympathetically. I am going to have her recite “Zum sehen geboren, zum schauen bestellt 2 (if that is correct: I am quoting from memory) and actually lean, in her enthusiasm, rather too far out of the turret, so that her cavalier is impelled chivalrously to snatch her from a horrid death: and then a real dizziness and half-faintness can very naturally ensue—wholly unpremeditated, but not wholly undesired. Will that do to restore the harmonious honourable sentimentality of my Fräulein? The Domus Spinozana at The Hague is very pleasing, with an open door from the large room, occupying the whole ground floor, into a small garden, and upstairs, under the sloping rafters of the roof, the nook where the philosopher slept and died. They have collected a few books and M.S. belonging to him, but the furniture is rapportée.3 The meetings were like all meetings and international conferences, rather tiresome and futile. My own lecture was kindly received and apparently rather well understood by the polyglot audience; and my eloquence transported at least one, and the most distinguished, of my audience, Sir Frederick Pollack,4 aged 92, into Nirvana, for (it being after dinner) he slept peacefully through the whole. Prof. Edman of Columbia was my only friend there: but I weathered the occasion, and the night crossing from the Hook of Holland, better than might [across ] have been expected Yours sincerely GSantayana 1

Harry Bumstead, Oliver’s mother’s brother. This is a quote from Goethe’s Faust, Second Part, lines 11288–89: “To seeing born, to observation called.” 3 Not original to the house (French). 4 Sir Frederick Pollock (1845–1937) was an English legal philosopher, Oxford professor, and author of Spinoza: His Life and Philosophy (1880). 2

1928–1932

To Charles Augustus Strong 27 September 1932 • London, England

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(MS: Rockefeller)

7 Park Place, St. James’s London, S.W.1 Sept. 27, 1932 Dear Strong Your letter about Cory came at an unlucky moment when he was laid up with a touch of the “flu”, and had received a nice letter from the Journal of Philosophy, saying that his paper on Whitehead was accepted and that Whittredge1 had read it and liked it very much.2 Thus, for the moment, two of the points of your dissatisfaction were a little blunted, in that he seems to be really delicated/, and to have advanced one step towards establishing himself in the public eye as a philosopher. I feel hardly competent to advise you, from your point of view, about the wisdom of continuing to support Cory. If you regard him merely as a philosophical investment, I am not at all confident that he will ultimately justify your confidence: he has perception and an occasional intense spurt of industry, but on the whole his temperament is Irish and poetical, he is self-indulgent and capricious, and resents any attitude towards himself that is not one of complete disinterested sympathy and trust. For my own part, I feel perfectly willing to take him at his own valuation, and run the risk of wasting my sympathy—not entirely in any case, since I find him a pleasant companion, and an/ link with the younger intellectual generation. It seems to me that, in your place, I should wish to continue to encourg/age him, in the hope that, as the years go by, he may prove more and more valuable to you as a disciple and friend. But I think, in that case, the experiment is more likely to be satisfactory if you leave him free to choose his residence and way of living, and above all the tone of his opinions, as his own temperament dictates. A check-rein is the worst possible harness for a colt of his mettle. Of course you should expect him to come and see you frequently, and to continue studying philosophy with a serious mind. But beyond that, I think pressure will be rather wasted on him. For instance, he might go on living in England, but remain shut up in his bedroom, reading Proust and Pater and T. S. Eliot: evidently he might as well have read them sitting in the sun in the Riviera. I myself have always wished that he should mingle with refined English people of the intellectual type—like old Bridges, for instance, or Bertie Russell But it has to be,

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if at all, in his own way: and you and I are too old, and too much out of the world, to expect him to choose his best friends in our small circle. As to his returning to New York—that too was originally my idea of what might be best for him. But isn’t it rather too late now? If you drop him, and he has to do that, it might be the making of him: but I certainly should still feel responsible for his future after having tempted [across ] him to remain so long out of his country and almost idle. Yours ever [across text ] G.S. 1 Possibly Santayana is referring to Frederick J. E. Woodbridge. The editors were unable to find anyone named Whittredge connected to the Journal of Philosophy. 2 See 2 December 1930 to Cory.

To Louis Sacks 8 October 1932 • London, England

(MS: Columbia)

C

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London. S.W.1 Oct. 8. 1932 Dear Mr. Sachs Your prose will do, I think, more good than your verse, and in the end it may give you just as much pleasure. “Your “Layman’s Philosophy”1 belongs to a well-known type—that of the “Left”—but you avoid ill-temper and adhere to Spinoza, for which you are to be congratulated. I have just returned from a celebration of the Centenary of his birth, and actually read a paper in the house where he lived, which had been a brothel, but has now been purified and dedicated to his memory. Yours sincerely GSantayana 1 A Layman’s Philosophy (Boston, 1934). Sacks dedicated his book to Santayana, “I dedicate these pages to George Santayana, who inspired their philosophic direction ... .”

1928–1932

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 25 October 1932 • Paris, France

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(MS postcard: Columbia)

Paris, Tuesday, Oct. 25, 1932 I waited three days in Dover and was rewarded yesterday by a very smooth passage. But I find I must wait here until Thursday, as trains are full. The first day at Dover, although it was blowing a gale the sun was shining, and I improved the occasion to go by motorbus to Canterbury: pleasant trip, one hour: but the Cathedral and School look (as they are) like a moral ruin: as if a magpie had gone to live in the skull of a giant. Nothing very beautiful structurally, and the life & ornaments gone. G. S.

To Charles P. Davis 8 November 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol Rome November 8th 1932 Dear Davis, nd Your letter of July 22– has accompanied me from Versailles, where I received it, to the Hague and to London and back to Rome; because I hoped, when I got back here, to be able to look up, in old letters and telegrams, the date for which you asked. You may wonder that it should not be stamped in my memory; but what is stamped there is rather the whole series of telegrams and the confusion into which I fell when, having taken my ticket to Paris, in the thought of going at once to Avila, I fell ill and had to give up the journey. However, by the letters I have found— most of them, and the telegrams, I had destroyed—and by my recollecth tion, I think the date of my sister’s death was February 9– 1928: my th – memory is that the first telegram came on the 5 , which, although cautiously worded, made me at once expect the worst. If you care to be absolutely sure of the day, you might ask my nephew, George Sturgis, 1, Federal Street, Boston, who would either remember it or easily find it out, as he has all the official documents, and besides has been editor of the Sturgis family genealogy, where it ought to be recorded: although per-

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haps before that time the interest in genealogy may have waned, and the record may have been left imperfect. After all, if what you wish (as I suspect) is to have a mass said for my sister on her anniversary, the exact date oughtn’t to make any difference. The chronology of the other world is not dependent on ours, and prayers may (I am sure) be retro-active or pre-active (if there is such a word) so that in strictness any day is equally appropriate for intercessions for any soul. I have given two semi-public lectures this autumn, the last I shall ever give: have been for the last time (probably) to England, and have sworn never to write another book-review or casual article, in order to devote whatever time may be left to me to my formal literary [across ] projects. I am well, but shall be 69 next month, and those projects will hardly be realized in their (p.1) [across page one ] entirety. But be it as God will: I have perhaps already written too much Your old friend [across text ] GSantayana

To Horace Meyer Kallen 8 November 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: American)

Hotel Bristol, Rome, Nov. 8,’32 I have spent a pleasant hour sitting in the Pincio and reading “College Prolongs Infancy”.1 Your facts are probably accurate and your descriptions certainly pungent: but, alas, I am a lover of youth, and would like to see it prolonged through life pour réparer des ans irréparable outrage.2 But apart from preferences, don’t you think it would be safer to adjust industrialism to human nature rather than human nature to industrialism? And isn’t industrialism petering out anyway? If your ideal is that all boys and girls should earn their living, and marry, at 15, I am glad I was born before the millennium. Always your old friend G. S. 1

College Prolongs Infancy (New York, 1932). To repair the irreparable damage wreaked by passing years (French).

2

1928–1932

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 11 November 1932 • Rome, Italy

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(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 11, 1932 Dear Cory I was going to send you your cheque today or tomorrow, so that you th should have it by the 15– , although you are likely to be harder up just st – before the 1 than in the middle of the month: but next month you shall have a Christmas present to help you square your accounts. I don’t disapprove of your lunch-party: at your age I used to spend all my income on being beautiful and surrounding myself as far as possible with beautiful people and beautiful things: that was in the 1890’s. I don’t regret those th little extravagances: the dinner I gave to seven young friends on my 29– birthday is one of the pleasantest memories of my life. I remember it vividly: those present were Bangs & Barlow, Warwick Potter, Boylston Beal, Jay Burden, Julian Codman, and Gordon Bell.1 You would not have such a clear sky if you invited seven ladies: they would be jealous and peck at one another: but you could have seven happy parties with each alone. I am today taking the notes on the Spinoza paper to be typed, and hope soon to have the Locke notes ready also. Then my work, for that book, will be done. The Royal Society of Literature wants to publish it, with the Spinoza lecture included: but I have explained the complications. — It The Spinoza will come out first, in any case, towards the end ^ ^ of this month at The Hague, in a polyglot volume. As soon as I can, I want to return to the novel. I think I should be happier, and perhaps, freer for other things, if I felt that the novel was done, and secure. There is no need of publishing it: but other people might do my philosophy—you, for instance—as well or better, whereas absolutely nobody could do Oliver and Mario. Yours affectionatly G.S. 1

Robert Shaw Barlow (b. 1869), Harvard class of 1891, practiced law in New York, serving as assistant corporation counsel of the City of New York (1891–98). After returning to Boston in 1898, he practiced law with several different partners including (1898–1907) “Swelly” Bangs (see Persons, 341–42). Warwick Potter (1870–93) was a student of Santayana’s at Harvard who graduated in 1893. Potter had been a very close friend whose death was unexpected. He served as inspiration for some of Santayana’s

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poems. James Abercrombie “Jay” Burden Jr. (1871–1932) graduated from Harvard in 1893; two years later he married Florence Adele Sloane, great-granddaughter of Cornelius Vanderbilt. Burden managed his family’s iron-works at Troy, New York. Julian Codman (1870–1932), son of Lucy Sturgis and Charles Codman, had been Santayana’s student and a member of Harvard’s class of 1892. Later a corporate and real estate lawyer, he was a leader in efforts to repeal Prohibition. Gordon Bell was a member of Harvard’s class of 1893.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 13 November 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

Nov. 13, 1932. I am reading Adrian Coates on Contemporary British Philosophy.1 I have an idea you know it, but will send it if not. It is very good. Meantime you will receive some things which have come anonymously. There are nice quotations in the book about modern poetry: but what a mess of ideas! Notice, at the end, my “perfect –professorial– [ ] eloquence” in 1896! G.S. 1 Adrian Coates, A Sceptical Examination of Contemporary British Philosophy (London: Brentano’s, Ltd., 1929).

To Henry Ward Abbot 21 November 1932 • Rome, Italy C

(MS: Columbia)

/o Brown Shipley & Co 123, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1 Hotel Bristol, Rome Nov. 21, 1932 Dear Harry The porter of this hotel has just come up in some agitation, holding a letter of yours in his trembling hand, his whitening Jewish beard shaking in tempo; and he protests that he never rejected any book of yours ^ ^ addressed to me. I often send books to myself during the summer, to get rid of encumbrances, and the porter has orders to keep them till my return. But he may have a holiday in mid-summer, or one of the underlings may have been officiating, and may have told the postman—what was quite true—that I was not living in the hotel at that time.

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I am sorry this matter has — g———— iven caused you so much annoyance, and am not sure whether, in telling me all about it, your idea was that I should send you the $1.11 required to rescue that book from limbo. I don’t venture to do so, until I get my yearly account, and see how near you come to the truth in suggesting that George Sturgis may have lost most of my savings for me. Last year I inherited enough from my sister Josephine to double the amount of my property: but as the nominal value of the whole had shrunk by about one half, I stood on January 1st just where I stood a year or two before: better, in respect to income, which had not shrunk as much as the nominal capital. I don’t know what has happened since: but if I am completely ruined, it might be an occasion for a fresh spurt in my literary life. I have a lot of unpublished stuff that might do for articles, and I might hurry up with the novel! Yours G.S.

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 10 December 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Rome, Dec. 10, 1932 Dear Cory Your friend Lawrence seems to be occupying the stage for the moment. I will send you in a day or two a number of Life and Letters in which he is much discussed. The Spinoza volume has not yet reached me. As the Dutch editor doesn’t pay the contributors perhaps he doesn’t send them a comple/imentary copy of their works. I shall have to inquire. On the other hand, the Royal Society of Literature is behaving very handsomely. Disappointed at not being able to secure my Spinoza address (without having seen it) they have proposed to publish the Locke together with any other essays of mine which I might think suitable; and I have sent them the Bradley, the Revolutions in Science, the Long Way Round to Nirvana, at the review of Benda. I propose to call the whole: Some Turns of Thought in Modern Philosophy: Five Essays by G. S. So that we are likely to have a book out after all early next year. Yours affly G.S.

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To Mary Potter Bush 16 December 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

Hotel Bristol, Rome Dec. 16, 1932 Dear Mrs. Bush Thank you very much for your good Christmas wishes, which I reciprocate, and also for your address, which has enabled me to send off this morning three books of yours which I ought to have returned long ago. The Couchoud has made a great impression on me, and I have sent for others of the same series, to see what backing his views may really seem to have. I believe he is right in his religious psychology, that Christianity is an eschatological prophecy, not a personal morality corrupted into a theological system; but I am doubtful about the historical mixture of trath birthday, I dition, legend, & myth. Were it not that today being my 69– have made a good resolution to write no more articles and give no more lectures, at least until all my projected work is done, I might be tempted to write something on Couchoud & Co–: but I must abstain. I myself have not seen the Septimana Spinozana, as the Hague volume is to be called. I have been waiting to receive a complimentary copy; but that may not enter into the Dutch way of doing business, so that now I have written ordering one: and heaven knows when I shall be allowed to reprint my article. The idea of publishing it together with the one on Locke has fallen through: on the other hand, the Royal Society of Literature (for whom the Locke was written) have been very kind and appreciative, and have asked for other papers of mine to join with it in a volume to appear under their auspices. I have fished out the best of what I had intended for “Symptoms”; the rest of “Symptoms” can be neglected; and in this way one item in my literary programme is actually executed without any further labour! I feel a great relief: but I am sorry to see the Spinoza floating hopelessly down stream, out of my range, in the international Noah’s Ark of the Septimana Spinozana. And yet, who knows: perhaps that Ark alone may survive the Deluge. I am at work for the moment on the novel, with much amusement to myself, but little hope: it is too difficult and too complicated. When I tire

1928–1932

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of it, I shall take up The Realm of Truth, which ought to be soon brought to the boiling point. Are you coming to Europe this winter or Spring? Yours sincerely GSantayana

To Henry Ward Abbot 20 December 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Columbia)

20—XII—’32 I have just heard from the Dutch publishers that Septimana Spinozana, the book in many languages in which my Spinoza lecture (or rather sermon) is to appear will not be issued until next month. I will have a copy sent you, if the volume is not too forbidding.—My Locke lecture, together with other articles of mine, is to be published later by The Royal Society of Literature: this I will surely send you because it attacks the Anglosaxon mind.—I am very much pleased that Judge Holmes1 should agree about common sense being faith. I knew he was something of a philosopher, but perhaps too much inclined to follow Nietzsche. Romanticism & egotism are all very well as a mood; but absurd when turned into a doctrine. The doctrine implied in them is pure naturalism or Spinozism. G.S. 1

Oliver Wendell Holmes (1841–1935), Harvard class of 1861, was appointed to the United States Supreme Court by President Theodore Roosevelt. He served there from 1902 until his death. He was a true liberal and greatly influenced many of the foremost lawyers and jurists.

To George Sturgis 20 December 1932 • Rome, Italy

(MS: Houghton)

Rome, Dec. 20, 1932 Dear George Bangs & Barlow (you know who they were, or rather are, for I believe both are still living) used to say they wouldn’t study psychology, because they didn’t want to be told what they did. They knew that already. I was reminded of this ancient bit of wisdom on reading in your last letter that I wasn’t feeling the pinch. I know I am not feeling the pinch; but what it

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would relieve me to learn is whether I am not being pinched without knowing it. However, in about a month I may hope to receive your yearly account, and then my doubts will be solved, I hope agreeably. Yesterday I received and read the report you sent me about war debts. I had gathered most of those points already from various quarters, but I was glad to see them brought together, with figures, under the authority of so many professors. Wouldn’t their opinion have carried more weight with the public and the politicians, if they hadn’t been professors, but business men? I am not a professor—at least not of economics, history, or politics—and my materialistic mind always asks what actual objects and visible processes people are talking about when they speak of capital or riches or debts or payments. And I have a shrewd suspicion that Aristotle and the Church were right in condemning usury: and isn’t usury—the extortion of money for the lending of money—the fundamental absurdity of our whole system? Especially when the money is not specie but vast imaginary sums in ledgers: I am sure that the hocus-pocus that goes on about it has very little to do with reality, except that it confuses, and makes unreal, the economic position of everyone concerned. However, if I went on in this strain, I should soon become a professor of economics, or deserve to become one. I will content myself with hoping that all will straighten itself out soon, and that we may all know where we stand. My journey to Holland and then to England went smoothly—even at sea: and I gave my two lectures to polite audiences that showed no impatience or hostility, whatever they may have felt. My most distinguished auditor was Sir Frederich Pollock, aged 92; being a little deaf he sat close at my side, and through the corner of my eye I could see him close his own (to concentrate his attention) & begin to nod (to express his agreement): and he didn’t wake up until the end, when hearing a little applause, and [across ] supposing it was for him, he roused himself to bow pleasantly, and saw where he was. Wisely, he went home to bed, without telling me [across page one ] how very much he had been interested—This is too late to wish you a merry Christmas but let it be at least a happy new year G. S.

EDITORIAL APPENDIX

Textual Commentary I. Summary Statement of Textual Principles and Procedures for The Works of George Santayana A. The Works of George Santayana and Editorial Scholarship The volumes of The Works of George Santayana are unmodernized, critical editions of George Santayana’s writings. This scholarly edition is “unmodernized” because it retains original and idiosyncratic punctuation, spelling, capitalization, and word division in order to reflect the full intent of the author as well as the initial texture of the work; it is “critical” because it allows the exercise of editorial judgment in making corrections, changes, and choices among authoritative readings. The editors’ goals are to produce texts that accurately represent Santayana’s final intentions regarding his works and to record all evidence on which editorial decisions have been based. Except for the Letters and Marginalia volumes, The Works of George Santayana pertain typically to materials composed by Santayana that he intended for publication and dissemination in a printed form. For these writings there may exist a holograph manuscript, a typescript, printers’ proofs, two or more editions, and multiple impressions of editions. In such cases the term “critical edition” indicates the task of comparing these various forms of the text in order to ascertain and perpetuate the author’s “final intentions” regarding his work. When the genealogy of the text has been established and the relationships of all pertinent documents determined, the editors choose the document that will serve as copy-text for the critical edition. In the absence of the holograph manuscript, this is normally the document which is closest to the author’s hand. Two independent sight or machine collations are performed against the copy-text for each form of the text produced by Santayana or published during his life-time.

B. Transcribing, Editing, and Typesetting The Works of George Santayana Transcribing, editing, and typesetting the copy-text(s) to reproduce a critical text as accurately as possible is the primary goal of the Santayana Edition. This reproduction of The Works of George Santayana is, therefore, done electronically and, beginning with Volume Five, the books are produced with QuarkXPress, a commercial electronic typesetting program. First the text is

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carefully transcribed (a literal transcription indicating internal variants is produced if the copy-text is the holograph manuscript or a typescript corrected by Santayana). As part of the initial transcription the editors identify the various text elements (chapter headings, subheadings, marginal headings, standard paragraphs, extracts, poetry lines, footnotes, and the like), each of which is rendered visually distinctive with the help of QuarkXPress, making systematic use of the program’s template features. Each transcription then receives at least two independent sight collations against the copy-text to ensure its accuracy. Various software programs aid the editors in locating, counting, and compiling material needed in making editorial decisions. Together with a “Word Book” indicating Santayana’s usage and spelling of problematic words, they are used to identify patterns of punctuation and spelling and all line-end hyphens in the copy-text. In addition to the copy-text, files consisting of the front matter, textual notes, various appendixes, references, and index are compiled and organized using a variety of software programs. These files are placed into the QuarkXPress program and the pages produced are proofed twice for accuracy and checked against the text as necessary. Use of the QuarkXPress desktop publishing program enables the editors to send proofed pages to MIT Press for printing. Before the book is printed, a check of the blueprints (contact prints of the negatives) is made. At this stage, alterations to the text can quickly be identified by focusing principally on a comparison of line and page breaks. Differences in lineation or pagination signal changes within the lines that must then be scrutinized carefully. The desktop typesetting employed in The Works of George Santayana greatly facilitates the editing and publication processes because it maintains the accuracy of the textual record, keeping it free from the errors or alterations almost invariably arising from retyping a document. In having direct control over the printing process, then, the editors also safeguard the integrity of the critical edition text. The final critical edition of a text is, except for emendations dictated by editorial policy, identical to the thoroughly proofread transcription of the copy-text.

II. Publication History of the Letters Santayana probably never intended his correspondence to be published, and did not write letters as he wrote works for publication. The intent of this volume is to present the letters in a form that will give the reader an experience close to that of reading the original letter. Therefore, these published letters are, as much as possible, exact copies of the holograph original. That is, they are diplomatic (or “noncritical”) transcriptions, reproducing all of the characteristics of the autograph letters, including misspellings, mispunctuation, grammatical errors, slips of the pen, and such alterations as cancellations and

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insertions. The printed form of the letters adheres to the characteristics of the originals in all of these particulars. The exceptions to this practice of exact transcription and reproduction are lineation, pagination, and other physical features of his letters which it is clear Santayana did not intend to carry any meaning. The editors subscribe to the view of modern epistolary scholarship that “a scholarly edition should not contain a text which has editorially been corrected, made consistent, or otherwise smoothed out. Errors and inconsistencies are part of the total texture of the document and are part of the evidence which the document preserves relating to the writer’s habits, temperament, and mood.”1

A. Earliest Publications A few hundred of Santayana’s letters have appeared unsystematically, in whole or in part, in a number of periodicals and books. Recipients of the letters, editors of periodicals, and authors of books on Santayana recognized the quality and interest of the letters and were desirous of putting them before the public, but it was not until 1955 that a book-length collection of Santayana’s letters became available. The first volume of Santayana’s letters was collected and edited by Daniel Cory and published by Charles Scribner’s Sons in 1955. The idea for a collection of Santayana’s letters began to take shape in the autumn of 1952 when, in a 21 October letter to Daniel Cory, Scribner’s editor John Hall Wheelock suggested the undertaking of such a project.2 Cory agreed to edit the collection and write an introduction for it, and he and Wheelock worked together at the task of gathering the letters. The Scribner’s edition of The Letters of George Santayana is a handsome and well-made volume and an excellent selection of Santayana’s letters. Cory and Wheelock made every effort to present the 296 letters to 86 recipients (constituting a wide variety of persons) as Santayana wrote them. A deliberate effort was made to preserve Santayana’s spellings (American in the earlier letters and British in the later ones) and punctuation. Except for a few mistranscriptions from the holographs, the text of the 1955 edition is accurate (for a more detailed description of the Scribner’s edition of The Letters of George Santayana, see Letters, Book One, [MIT], 424–25).

B. The Comprehensive Edition of Santayana’s Letters: Origins and Development The project for a comprehensive edition of Santayana’s letters was originated by Daniel Cory (for a more detailed version of this section, see Letters, Book One, 426–28). His association with Santayana began in 1927, when the philosopher engaged the young man to serve as a literary secretary or assis-

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tant, reading his manuscripts and advising him on technical and compositional elements. This relationship—with many separations and interruptions—lasted until Santayana’s death on 26 September 1952. Santayana bequeathed to Cory his remaining unpublished manuscripts—and the rights to his literary properties generally—and named him his literary executor. Cory placed Santayana’s manuscripts in four university libraries that were to become principal centers for Santayana manuscript materials: the Butler Library at Columbia University, the Houghton Library at Harvard University, the Humanities Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin, and the Alderman Library at the University of Virginia. He also began editing and publishing the essays, poems, and plays not published during Santayana’s lifetime. In July 1971 Cory began to make arrangements with an American university press for a new and enlarged edition of Santayana’s correspondence. He then had on hand about 700 letters not included in the Scribner’s volume, and a new two-volume edition was envisaged. At the same time William Holzberger was working on a critical edition of Santayana’s poetry (published as The Complete Poems of George Santayana by the Bucknell University Press in 1979), and, while doing his research, he located and collected copies of approximately four hundred unpublished Santayana letters in twenty-one libraries. In 1972 Cory entered into a collaboration with Holzberger to produce the new edition. After Cory’s sudden and unexpected death later that year Margot Cory succeeded her husband as literary executor and approved the idea of continuing work on the letters edition. Early in 1977 Holzberger joined the project initiated by members of the Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy to produce a critical edition of all of Santayana’s writings. Subsequently it was decided to incorporate the letters edition into the Critical Edition of The Works of George Santayana.

III. Textual Principles and Editorial Procedures for The Letters of George Santayana A. Collection of the Letters The goal of the editors has been to identify and collect all of George Santayana’s correspondence for publication in The Works of George Santayana. Although substantial numbers of his letters have been found, many more are missing, some known to be destroyed, and others unlocated (for a list of unlocated letters, see pages 489–92). The search for Santayana’s letters, begun by Daniel Cory in the early 1950s and ongoing by the present editors, has resulted in the location of more than

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three thousand pieces of correspondence. These include letters, notes, postcards, and a few telegrams and cablegrams; the texts of all of these are contained in this edition. Daniel Cory’s method of locating and collecting the letters was to publish advertisements in leading journals and reviews, to visit libraries known to contain principal collections of Santayana manuscript materials, and to write to individuals who he believed might have corresponded with Santayana. Later, in the 1970s, William Holzberger consulted both the first and second editions of American Literary Manuscripts: A Checklist of Holdings in Academic, Historical, and Public Libraries, Museums, and Authors’ Homes in the United States 3 to generate a list of institutions reported as holding Santayana manuscripts. Letters of inquiry were sent to libraries at sixty-three institutions. In addition, fresh advertisements for Santayana letters were run in a number of leading literary publications, including The Times Literary Supplement (London), The New York Times Book Review, The New York Review of Books, and American Literature. Letters of inquiry were sent to more than fifty individuals believed to have received correspondence from Santayana. Also, scholars familiar with this project have kept an eye out for Santayana letters in the course of their research efforts, and this has resulted in the acquisition of several valuable pieces of correspondence that otherwise might not have been acquired. This continuous effort to locate Santayana letters in the libraries or files of institutions and in the possession of private individuals has resulted in the identification and acquisition of over two thousand more letters than the original thousand that Daniel Cory and John Hall Wheelock had accumulated at the time the selection was made for the 1955 Scribner’s edition. The title of the present edition, The Letters of George Santayana, is the same as that of Cory’s selected edition. It is the best title for such a collection because it suggests comprehensiveness without implying absolute completeness. Although every effort has been made to locate and acquire all of Santayana’s letters, that remains a goal impossible to achieve. We know that Santayana himself destroyed the letters he had written to his mother, and he made references to other letters that remain unlocated. However, this comprehensive edition is as complete as many years of work can make it, and it certainly represents the principal corpus of Santayana’s correspondence.

B. Arrangement of the Letters The letters are arranged chronologically, from earliest (to Susan and Josephine in 1868) to latest (to Daniel Cory, 3 August 1952), a period of about eighty-three years. This chronological progression, together with division of the letters into books of approximately equal length, constitutes the sole organizing principle for the edition. Except for the period covered in the first two books (1868–1920), Santayana’s history is not clearly marked either by a sequence of periodic res-

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idences or dominating events. Therefore, any division of Santayana’s life and letters into episodes seemed artificial and undesirable. Because of the gap between the earliest extant letter and the next earliest one (21 August 1882) and the fact that, as would be expected, fewer of the early letters have survived, the first book covers a much longer period than subsequent books. The organization of the letters in Volume V of The Works of George Santayana is as follows: Book One, [1868]–1909; Book Two, 1910–1920; Book Three, 1921–1927; Book Four, 1928–1932; Book Five, 1933–1936; Book Six, 1937–1940; Book Seven, 1941–1947; and Book Eight, 1948–1952.

C. Transcription of the Letters 1. Transcribing the Texts from Originals or Photocopies of the Original Holograph Letters In the case of correspondence the original handwritten document (holograph manuscript) is the only extant authorial form of the text (the boards of this book provide a typical example of Santayana’s letters). This holograph manuscript, therefore, constitutes the copy-text for the vast majority of the letters included in this edition. In those instances where no holograph is extant, the editors have had to choose a form of the letter which seems to be the closest and most likely to reproduce the missing original. For some letters this is a transcription typed by the recipient specifically for an earlier edition of the letters or for deposit with a library or another individual. For others it is a typed transcription prepared by Daniel or Margot Cory or William G. Holzberger for the edition of letters which Cory, and later Holzberger, anticipated publishing; these transcriptions were done against originals borrowed from the recipient or photocopies thereof. And for some letters the only extant form is a previously published version. Fortunately, most of these “published version” letters are included in the 1955 edition of Cory’s The Letters of George Santayana, where, for the most part, it was Cory’s intent to publish them without alteration. When using these alternative forms in lieu of originals, the editors still have been conservative in making emendations. Based on the editors’ careful comparisons between transcriptions of letters where the original or photocopy survived and those where the letter was lost, the attempts at making the transcriptions more standardized for an earlier publisher (i.e., underlining titles rather than leaving the quotation marks used by Santayana, deleting or standardizing the format of addresses, dates, or signatures) are considered to be earlier editorial alterations and thus not part of the original letter. Also those errors in transcription or typesetting which seem to be merely typographical in nature are not reproduced as part of the critical text. Since the editors’ aim is to provide the reader with a literal, or diplomatic, text, their task lies in correctly reading and transcribing this copy-text first and

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379

then in assembling and reproducing the letters critically in printed form. Wherever possible, exact transcriptions were made from original holograph manuscripts or photocopies of them. All transcriptions were made by members of the editorial staff of the critical edition. The essential principle guiding transcription was to record everything that Santayana wrote on the holograph. This meant that any revisions that Santayana made—cancellations and insertions—were noted. The 155 letters for which original holographs have not been located are noted as ‘(MS: Unknown)’ in the headnote.4 The textual notes contain more specific information about the actual source for the letter.

2. Plain-Text Transcription This edition of Santayana’s correspondence is a “plain-text” edition. As the editors of Mark Twain’s letters (1988–) explain, “plain text” differs in intent and in form from the two other principal types of transcription of texts: “clear text” and “genetic text.”5 Transcriptions in “clear text” are devoid of editorial symbols; information regarding authorial revisions is provided in footnotes or in appropriate sections of the editorial appendix. Transcriptions in “genetic text,” through the use of arbitrary symbols (such as angle brackets and arrows), attempt to report any and all revisions that the author made on the holograph. “Plain-text” transcription is like “clear text” in avoiding arbitrary mechanical symbols, but like “genetic text” in presenting the creative process at work within the original document. The concept of “plain text” is to represent authorial revisions by signs more natural and less arbitrary, thus making a clearer and more immediately intelligible text for the reader. The editors, by means of plain-text transcriptions, have attempted to represent the original holograph letters as nearly as an efficient printed format will allow. The goal has been to enable the reader to approximate the experience of reading the original holograph letters. To this end, the texts of the letters have not been altered (except in rare instances, where meaning would otherwise be obscured): misspelled words are left uncorrected; no changes are made in grammar; and punctuation is neither altered, added, nor deleted. The letters for which an alternative form of a letter is copy-text are carefully reproduced, though without any plain-text transcription, with appropriate emendation and regularization based on the editor’s familiarity with Santayana’s style of writing and composing letters. Whatever the copy-text for a specific letter, any changes or emendations of it are reported in the textual notes, and errors are listed and marked ‘[sic ] ’ to provide assurance that they represent accurate readings of the copy-text, not editorial inattention. Cancellations: single-character words, or single characters within words, cancelled on the holograph letter are indicated by slash marks. See 1 January 1929 to Charles Scribner Jr. (‘the/is’), where Santayana wrote the ‘is’ over the

380

Editorial Appendix

‘e’, or 8 August 1931 to Daniel MacGhie Cory (‘de / isplays’), where ‘i’ was written over ‘e’. Cancellation of two or more characters as words, word fragments, or within words is indicated by a horizontal rule through the cancelled matter. at where ‘and’ was See examples at 6 January 1928 to George Sturgis (‘—and’), written over ‘at’; at 31 May 1930 to Charles Augustus Strong (‘which —om’), in where ‘om’ was written over ‘ich’; and at 19 July 1931 to George Sturgis (‘— with’), where the ‘wi’ was written over the ‘in’. Insertions: single characters, word fragments, words, or phrases inserted on the letter are indicated by the use of inferior carets. See for example the letter of 3 January 1928 to John Livingston Lowes (‘regrets & thanks ’), 24 May ^ ^ 1928 to George Sturgis (‘last, particular ly cheerful’), or 4 November 1929 to ^ ^ Robert Seymour Bridges (‘describe the whole universe,’). Both linear and ^ ^ marginal insertions are indicated in this way, with marginal insertions further described in a textual note. Insertions above cancellations: words written above cancellations are indicated by a combination of the horizontal rule and the inferior carets (‘———— Spiritual ———ism ——— ^Platonism^’, 4 March 1930 to Charles Scribner Jr.), and the revision is also further described in a textual note. Cancellations within insertions: are indicated by the combined use of slashthe thro— ugh the’, 15 September es or horizontal rules and inferior carets (‘—— — ^— ^ 1924 to John Boynton Priestley). It should be remembered that although plain-text transcriptions, through the employment of type-identical signs, bear a greater resemblance to the original handwritten letters than do transcriptions using the traditional editorial symbols, they are not in fact type facsimiles of the holograph letters. Plain-text transcriptions do not reproduce the original lineation, pagination, or any nonverbal characteristics of the manuscript unless the author intended these features to bear meaning, as for instance in quoting poetry. (The purpose of plain text is not to reproduce the holograph letters pictorially, in the way of facsimiles.) The plain-text transcriptions of Santayana’s letters in this edition are intended to represent the original holograph letters in type in such a way that any revisions are immediately identifiable and the texts completely legible. Other signs used in this edition for transcribing Santayana’s correspondence include: —[ —] Broken brackets: indicate matter bracketed by Santayana on the holograph. [ ] Editorial brackets: supply text the editors think necessary for sense or describe textual conditions (the latter signaled by italic type). * or x Asterisks or superscript ‘x’: designate Santayana’s footnotes. 1 Superscript numerals: indicate editorial footnotes.

Textual Commentary

381

D. Emending and Regularizing the Letters Although the editors’ aim is to publish the original document unchanged, some emendations are made in the copy-text. With certain exceptions corrections and alterations of words or spelling or punctuation are recorded in the textual notes. Santayana’s nonlinear placement of text along the margins of his manuscript pages has been standardized, with appropriate editorial explanation. See, for example, the letter of 9 November 1930 to George Sturgis, ‘may

yet [across ] return to America’, where the text beginning with ‘return’ is written cross-wise in the blank margin; that of 7 December 1930 to George Sturgis, ‘Christmas wishes [across page one] to you’, where Santayana returns to the first page of the letter and writes in the blank margin; and that of 20 June 1929 to Daniel MacGhie Cory, ‘a pleasant [across page one text ] month or so’, where Santayana has actually cross-written over words already on the page. Accidentally repeated words are removed from the text, and such emendation is further described in the textual note. Santayana very often did not close a paragraph with final punctuation, particularly at the end of a letter. This has not been altered, and since it is so common the editors have chosen not to note every instance in the textual notes.

1. Santayana’s Spelling Santayana generally preferred British spelling forms, although American spellings are common in his early letters and manuscripts. No effort has been made to standardize spelling; words are reproduced as Santayana wrote them. He was a good speller and only rarely misspelled a word. (A curious exception is his repeated misspelling of the word ‘parliament’, in which he regularly metathesizes the ‘ia’ to ‘parlaiment’.) Notwithstanding Santayana’s competency in spelling, one of the idiosyncracies of his handwriting makes it generally impossible to distinguish between ‘s’ and ‘z’ in words that contain the letter sequence ‘is’ or ‘iz’. In those cases the editors provide the spelling that reflects Santayana’s unambiguous use of the same word elsewhere and the rules observed by British scholarly presses at the time (Rules for Compositors and Readers at the University Press, Oxford, by Horace Hart, nineteenth edition, 1905, and thirtieth edition, 1936) in accordance with his stated preference for British spelling.

2. Santayana’s Punctuation The letters are generally conscientiously punctuated. But certain marks of punctuation used by Santayana have always troubled his editors, partly because of the difficulty of determining the specific mark of punctuation represented in his handwriting, and also because of certain idiosyncratic usages. For instance, Santayana’s colon and semicolon are frequently indistinguish-

382

Editorial Appendix

able. That, of course, is characteristic of many writers’ handwritten manuscripts; but sometimes Santayana also used the colon where the semicolon is generally called for (as shown in his published writings for which he had read and approved proofs). Daniel Cory said that Santayana once told him that this unorthodox use of the colon was due to a habit of “thinking in opposition.” The procedure of the present editors has been to read a colon where clearly indicated on the holograph letter and commensurate with Santayana’s habitual usage; but where the punctuation mark is unclear on the holograph and is situated where a semicolon would be standard usage, we have read the mark as a semicolon. (Thus, our practice sometimes differs from that of Cory in Letters [1955] and The Later Years [1963], where he has in certain instances read colon and we have read semicolon.) One or two other punctuation problems have bedeviled Santayana’s editors. Santayana’s period frequently resembles a hyphen, and it has been read, by Daniel Cory and Bruno Lind, as a dash. Santayana’s dashes, however, are generally longer than this “sliding period,” which perhaps resulted from writing rapidly with an old-fashioned, holder-and-nib-type pen. Santayana also appears to vacillate in the letters between the British custom of placing on-line punctuation either inside or outside of quotation marks depending upon whether or not the on-line punctuation is part of the meaning of the matter quoted, and the American practice of uniformly placing it inside except for semicolons and colons, which are always placed outside the quotation marks. In every clear instance, we place the on-line punctuation either inside or outside the quotation marks, according to where it occurs on the holograph letter. However, when—as often happens—the on-line punctuation falls directly beneath the quotation marks, we place it inside the quotation marks. Except for this practice, no effort has been made to standardize the form.

3. Letters in Languages Other than English The comprehensive edition of Santayana’s letters contains forty-six items of correspondence by Santayana written in a language other than English. Santayana wrote in Spanish to members of the family of his half sister, Susan (her husband, and her stepsons and their wives in Ávila). There is also a formal letter in Spanish to Miguel de Unamuno. There is one letter in Italian to Dino Rigacci of 29 April 1945. Letters written in a language other than English appear in the original language of composition in the letters text, with a fairly literal English translation given in a footnote.

4. Recipients, Provenances, Addresses, and Dates A headnote is added to each letter, indicating the recipient, date and place of composition, and manuscript location (typically giving the name of the institution of higher learning if it houses one collection with correspondence by

Textual Commentary

383

Santayana, but giving the name of a particular library or collection if the institution serves as repository of Santayana materials in more than one place):

To Daniel MacGhie Cory 19 September 1929 • Fiesole, Italy

(MS: Columbia)

A key to the manuscript location is found in the List of Manuscript Locations. ‘MS: Columbia’ means that the original holograph letter is in the Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. The textual notes give more information about particular collections. If the correspondence is a postcard or telegram, that will be indicated following ‘MS’.

To Curt John Ducasse 15 May 1928 • Rome, Italy

(MS postcard: Brown)

Also, an effort has been made to identify many, if not all, recipients with short biographical footnotes. Dates editorially supplied are placed in square brackets, uncertain dates being followed by a question mark. When the letter is written on printed stationery, the printed address is included in small capitals. Printed postcard captions are handled the same as printed stationery (SMALL CAPITALS), with no distinction being made. No account is taken of envelopes, except when used to establish the date of a letter, the recipient thereof, or Santayana’s address. If a letter is dated by a postmark, that date is given in the header followed by ‘[postmark]’.

5. Signatures The usual signature on the letters is the writer’s standard ‘GSantayana’. The early form of his signature was ‘G. Santayana’ (as found, for instance, on the holograph of the letter to C. A. Strong of 26 February 1917). Later, he dropped the period following the first initial, carrying the stroke from the G to join the first letter of his last name.

E. Editorial Footnotes to the Letters The policy of the comprehensive edition of Santayana’s letters regarding annotation is essentially to limit explanatory footnotes to supplying factual information likely to make the letter more intelligible or meaningful to the reader. However, some effort has been made in the case of letters dealing with

384

Editorial Appendix

events of great historical importance (e.g., the First and Second World Wars, or the Spanish civil war) to provide historical information that will help the reader place the letter in the historical context and for that reason perhaps better understand it. This principle of a fuller understanding has also informed our practice in regard to providing translations of foreign words or expressions in footnotes. Santayana read and spoke several languages, and he makes frequent use of words, phrases, or quotations in the letters from these languages, including Greek, Latin, French, German, Italian, and Spanish. In order to facilitate the fullest possible understanding of the letters, we have included translations of foreign terms and phrases in the footnotes except in those instances where the foreign term or phrase is very commonplace or its meaning completely obvious. English translations of titles of books or articles in foreign languages are also provided in the footnotes if the work was translated. We have made fairly extensive use of information about Santayana’s life supplied by Daniel Cory in his book, Santayana: The Later Years: A Portrait With Letters (New York: George Braziller, 1963), frequently quoting directly from the book in footnotes. Any footnotes by Cory included in this edition are identified by the bracketed initials ‘[D. C.]’. The procedures for identifying persons mentioned in Santayana’s letters follow a standard routine. Full identification in the footnotes occurs at the first mention of the name. Subsequent occurrences of the name are noted in the index, which allows for cross-referencing. Names are first checked in authoritative dictionaries and encyclopedias (including the Dictionary of American Biography, the Encyclopedia of Philosophy, The Oxford Companion to American Literature, The Oxford Companion to English Literature, and the Quinquennial Catalogue of the Officers and Graduates of Harvard University, 1636–1925) and also in the “WorldCat” database of “FirstSearch” in the Online Computer Library Center (OCLC). In those instances in which no reference could be found, the notation “unidentified” appears in the footnotes and index. Lists of errata in Santayana’s published works, sent by him in or with letters to his publishers, are included with the letters with which they were transmitted. Such information may be useful to the reader of these letters in correcting his or her own copies of Santayana’s works. W.G.H. H.J.S. M.S.W.

Textual Commentary

385

Notes 1

G. Thomas Tanselle, “The Editing of Historical Documents,” Studies in Bibliography 31 (1978): 48. 2 Wheelock to Cory, 21 October 1952, Scribner Archives, Princeton University Library. 3 Edited by Joseph Jones, Chairman of the Committee on Manuscript Holdings, American Literature Group, Modern Language Association of America, et al. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1958). Second edition edited by Professor J. Albert Robbins, Chairman (Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1977). The editors are grateful for the kind assistance provided by Professor Robbins in 1977 before the second edition of American Literary Manuscripts went to press. 4 Among the letters for which no holograph could be located and for which no photocopy is extant are twelve letters to Daniel Cory that Margot Cory copied by hand. These are not among the rest of Santayana’s letters to Cory in Columbia University’s Rare Book and Manuscript Library. They are dated 18 November 1927, 13 June 1933, 2 September 1933, 5 December 1934, 7 December 1934, 9 June 1935, 26 September 1935, 20 September 1936, 14 October 1937, 30 April 1938, 11 May 1938, and 18 May 1938. Similarly, we have not been able to locate the original holograph of the letter to Cory of 13 September 1950 and have had to transcribe the extract from it printed in Santayana: The Later Years (1963). 5 Mark Twain’s Letters, ed. Edgar Marquess Branch, Michael B. Frank, and Kenneth M. Sanderson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), Vol. 1, xxvi-xxvii, and xlv, footnote 1.

Short-Title List The following short-title list includes the works most frequently cited in the footnotes. Primary Sources Beauty The Sense of Beauty: Being the Outlines of Aesthetic Theory. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: A. and C. Black, 1896. Critical edition edited by William G. Holzberger and Herman J. Saatkamp Jr. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988. (Footnotes refer to critical edition page numbers.) Character Character and Opinion in the United States: With Reminiscences of William James and Josiah Royce and Academic Life in America. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd.; Toronto: McLeod, 1920. Complete Poems The Complete Poems of George Santayana: A Critical Edition. Edited by William G. Holzberger. Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press; London: Associated University Presses, 1979. Dialogues Dialogues in Limbo. London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1925; New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1926. Doctrine Winds of Doctrine: Studies in Contemporary Opinion. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: J. M. Dent & Sons Limited, 1913. Dominations Dominations and Powers: Reflections on Liberty, Society, and Government. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd, 1951. Egotism Egotism in German Philosophy. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1915; London and Toronto: J. M. Dent & Sons Limited, 1916. Essays Little Essays: Drawn From the Writings of George Santayana by Logan Pearsall Smith, With the Collaboration of the Author. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1920. Genteel The Genteel Tradition at Bay. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: “The Adelphi,” 1931. Gospels The Idea of Christ in the Gospels; or, God in Man: A Critical Essay. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; Toronto: Saunders, 1946. Hermit A Hermit of Carmel and Other Poems. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1901; London: R. Brimley Johnson, 1902. Interpretations Interpretations of Poetry and Religion. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Black, 1900. Critical edition edited by William G.

388

Editorial Appendix

Holzberger and Herman J. Saatkamp Jr. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1989. (Footnotes refer to critical edition page numbers.) Letters The Letters of George Santayana. Edited by Daniel Cory. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1955. Lucifer “Lucifer, A Prelude.” In Sonnets and Other Verses. Cambridge and Chicago: Stone and Kimball, 1894. With changes becomes Act I of Lucifer: A Theological Tragedy. Chicago and New York: Herbert S. Stone, 1899. Obiter Obiter Scripta: Lectures, Essays and Reviews. Edited by Justus Buchler and Benjamin Schwartz. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1936. Persons Persons and Places: Fragments of Autobiography. Critical edition edited by William G. Holzberger and Herman J. Saatkamp Jr. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1986. Background Span Host

Persons and Places: The Background of My Life. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1944. The Middle Span. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1945; London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1947. My Host the World. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Cresset Press, 1953.

Platonism Platonism and the Spiritual Life. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1927. Poems Poems: Selected by the Author and Revised. London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1922; New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1923. Poets Three Philosophical Poets: Lucretius, Dante, and Goethe. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: Oxford University Press, 1910. Puritan The Last Puritan. London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1935; New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1936; Critical edition edited by William G. Holzberger and Herman J. Saatkamp Jr. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1994. (Footnotes refer to critical edition page numbers.) Realms Realms of Being. Four volumes. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1927-1940. Essence Matter Truth Spirit

The Realm of Essence: Book First of Realms of Being, 1927. The Realm of Matter: Book Second of Realms of Being, 1930. The Realm of Truth: Book Third of Realms of Being. Scribner’s, 1938; Constable and Toronto: Macmillan Company, 1937. The Realm of Spirit: Book Fourth of Realms of Being, 1940.

Realms (1 vol.) Realms of Being. One-volume edition, with a new introduction by the author. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1942.

Short-Title List

389

Reason The Life of Reason: or, the Phases of Human Progress. Five volumes. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd, 1905–1906. Common Sense Society Religion Art Science

Introduction and Reason in Common Sense. Volume 1, 1905. Reason in Society. Volume 2, 1905. Reason in Religion. Volume 3, 1905. Reason in Art. Volume 4, 1905. Reason in Science. Volume 5, 1906.

Scepticism Scepticism and Animal Faith: Introduction to a System of Philosophy. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1923. Soliloquies Soliloquies in England and Later Soliloquies. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1922. Sonnets Kimball, 1894.

Sonnets and Other Verses. Cambridge and Chicago: Stone and

Testament The Poet’s Testament: Poems and Two Plays. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1953. Truce Revised limited second edition published as Lucifer, or the Heavenly Truce: A Theological Tragedy. Cambridge, MA: Dunster House; London: W. Jackson, 1924. Turns Some Turns of Thought in Modern Philosophy: Five Essays. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1933.

Other Works Harvard Morison, Samuel Eliot. Three Centuries of Harvard 1636–1936. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: Oxford University Press, 1936. Philosophy Journal of Philosophy, Psychology, and Scientific Methods (later The Journal of Philosophy). New York: Journal of Philosophy, Inc. Santayana McCormick, John. George Santayana: A Biography. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987. Years Cory, Daniel. Santayana: The Later Years: A Portrait with Letters. New York: George Braziller, 1963.

Textual Notes 

3 January 1928 • John Livingston Lowes • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1493), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 231. Emendations and textual notes: none.



6 January 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

4.5 4.24 4.26 

photograph • photo- / graph Fellowship. • Fellow- / ship. at and • [‘and’ over ‘at’] —

12 January 1928 • Manuel Komroff • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Manuel Komroff Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



24 January 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

7.14 7.14 

Bernano’s • [sic]

/l L’Imposture • [‘L’ over ‘l’]

9 February 1928 • John Middleton Murry • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: Letters, 232. Emendations and textual notes: 

8.9 9.1 

non-existence —t • [‘t’ over ‘ce’] republished • re- / published

10 February 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

9.11

somebody • some- / body

4:392 

The Letters of George Santayana

11 February 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



14 February 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

11.9 11.12 11.14 

undertaking • under- / taking o/it • [‘i’ over ‘o’] /l the • [‘t’ over ‘l’]

14 February 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

12.32 13.1 13.3 13.6 13.29 

re to • [‘to’ over ‘re’] —

/i was • [‘wa’ over ‘i’]

Spanish-speaking • Spanish- / speaking without • with- / out preceeding • [sic]

21 February 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

15.6 16.2 16.7 

starting-point • starting- / point brother-in-law • brother-in- / law your hear • [sic]

21 February 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

16.17 16.23

sh’an’t • [sic] without • with- / out

Textual Notes 

4:393

6 March 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

17.18 17.29 18.9 18.28 18.29 

draw • [sic] to for • [‘for’ over ‘to’] — Propand —ganda • [‘ga’ over ‘nd’] had — in at a/ home• [‘at’ over ‘in’ and ‘h’ over ‘a’] additions/al • [‘al’ over ‘s’]

13 March 1928 • Manuel Komroff • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Manuel Komroff Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



13 March 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

20.19 20.23 20.30 20.33 

background • back- / ground international • inter- / national bank-account • bank- / account However • How / ever

16 March 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

21.11 21.15 

post-office • post- / office fathers’ • [sic]

18 March 1928 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

22.2 

March 19 • [sic]

24 March 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

22.22

Cornwall • Corn- / wall

4:394 

The Letters of George Santayana

24 March 1928 • Ottoline Cavendish-Bentinck Morrell • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas, Austin. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

24.7 24.10 

revisit • re- / visit 1928/ 9 • [‘9’ over ‘8’]

27 March 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



28 March 1928 • Alejandro Tapia • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Published version is copy-text. Previous publication: “El filósofo Santayana opina,” Indice (13 Feb 1930): 169. Emendations and textual notes:



26.5 

poces • [sic]

30 March 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

27.5–6 

April 4th The • [sic]

14 April 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

28.16 28.17 

authorative • [sic] anything • any- / thing

17 April 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

30.15 30.33 31.6 

you, • [in margin] ^ ^ tipl/pler • [‘p’ over ‘l’] on well • [‘we’ over ‘on’] –

18 April 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

32.14

commonplace • common- / place

Textual Notes 

4:395

19 April 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



21 April 1928 • Carl Sadakichi Hartmann • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections, Dartmouth College Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





21 April 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

34.12 35.4 

an end • [in margin] ^ ^ anybody • any- / body

4 May 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

35.17 

without • with- / out

7 May 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



7 May 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 232–33. Emendations and textual notes: 

37.3 37.9 

chimney-sweep • chimney- / sweep t— o use of using • [‘of using’ over ‘to use’] —

10 May 1928 • Robert Seymour Bridges • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Dep. Bridges 115, fols. 76–77, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. Previous publication: Letters, 233–34. Emendations and textual notes: 

38.8

the “The • [sic]

4:396 

The Letters of George Santayana

15 May 1928 • Curt John Ducasse • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, Brown University Archives. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





16 May 1928 • Curt John Ducasse • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Brown University Archives. Previous publication: Letters, 234–35. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



18 May 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

41.9 

m / putting • [‘p’ over ‘m’]

21 May 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 28–29. Emendations and textual notes:



41.27 

old-fashioned • old- / fashioned

21 May 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



24 May 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

44.2 

loosing • [sic]

29 May 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 30–31. Emendations and textual notes:



45.13 45.15 45.15

But Thus • [‘Thus’ over ‘But’] — “Hamlet!) • [sic] is are • [‘are’ over ‘is’] —

Textual Notes 

4:397

2 June 1928 • Otto Kyllmann • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections, Temple University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





5 June 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

47.1 

household • house- / hold

5 June 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

47.27 47.29 

smoothe • [sic] born • [sic]

6 June 1928 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



13 June 1928 • Otto Kyllmann • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections, Temple University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



49.8 and 10 

U.S”, • [sic]

26 June 1928 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

49.20 

photograph • photo- / graph

30 June 1928 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

50.6

Crew • [sic]

4:398 

The Letters of George Santayana

30 June 1928 • Otto Kyllmann • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections, Temple University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



50.15 50.21 

Schweizer’s • [sic] remunitative • [sic]

10 July 1928 • Mr. Rubin • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Harry Ransom Humanities Resource Center, University of Texas, Austin. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

51.5–6



r words ———— on the of—————— the Sonnets ————subject ———————— ——————— written by M Ezra Pound on the subject of the Sonnets , • [transposition by Santayana] ^ ^

10 July 1928 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

52.8 52.33 

forebodes • fore- / bodes somewhat • some- / what

12 July 1928 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



15 July 1928 • William Lyon Phelps • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



16 July 1928 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

55.5 

to enclosed • [sic]

18 July 1928 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.

Textual Notes 

4:399

1 August 1928 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

56.28 

you aunt • [sic]

13 August 1928 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

57.9 57.12 

Sud-Express • Sud- / Express on by • [‘by’ over ‘on’] —

[15 August 1928] • William Lyon Phelps • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS postcard, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

58.5 

hour I • hour / I [sic]

29 August 1928 • Otto Kyllmann • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1542), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

58.17 

to C/o • [‘C/o’ over ‘to’] —

1 September 1928 • Charles Hartshorne • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS unlocated. A copy of the original at one time in the collection of Charles Hartshorne is copy-text. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





3 September 1928 [postmark] • Charles Augustus Strong • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS postcard, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



8 September 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Vigo, Spain

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 31–32. Emendations and textual notes:



60.21 60.25

sixteenth century ships • [sic] afternoon • after- / noon

4:400

The Letters of George Santayana

61.2 61.3 

refilled • re- / fiilled there —at • [‘at’ over ‘ere’]

8 September 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Vigo, Spain

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

61.22 62.11 62.22 

without • with- / out vineyard • vine- / yard war-ships • war- / ships

10 September 1928 • George Sturgis • Vigo, Spain

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

62.28 63.5 63.22 

afternoons • after- / noons meta —ntally • [‘n’ over ‘ta’] anything • any- / thing

19 September 1928 • George Sturgis • Vigo, Spain

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

64.2 64.3 64.3

three-cornered • three- / cornered red-tape • red- / tape back-kitchen • back- / kitchen

22 September 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Santiago de Compostela, Spain



Copy-text: MS unlocated. Published facsimile is copy-text. Previous publication: José María Alonso Gamo, Un Español en el mundo: Santayana, poesía y poética (Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispánica, 1966), in facsimile. Emendations and textual notes: none.





2 October 1928 • George Sturgis • Genoa, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

65.14 65.18 65.33 66.3 and 18

washer-woman • washer- / woman protacted • [sic] Cordovés • [sic] Cordovés • [sic]

Textual Notes 

4:401

16 October 1928 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 101, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

67.6 

however • how- / ever

22 October 1928 • Horace Meyer Kallen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati, Ohio. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



24 October 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 33–34. Emendations and textual notes:



68.18 68.19 

type-written • type- / written

/t movement • [‘m’ over ‘t’]

25 October 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

70.4 70.7 and 10 

something • some- / thing Cordovés • [sic]

29 October 1928 • Wilbur Lucius Cross • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



2 November 1928 • William Lyon Phelps • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. Previous publication: Phelps, Autobiography with Letters (New York: Oxford University Press, 1939), 343; Letters, 236. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



4 November 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.

4:402 

The Letters of George Santayana

6 November 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 34, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes:



72.21 72.29 73.9 

Oc Nov • [‘No’ over ‘Oc’] — background • back- / ground slap-dash • slap- / dash

9 November 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



16 November 1928 • Desmond MacCarthy • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Published version is copy-text. Previous publication: Letters, 236–37. Emendations and textual notes: 

74.9 74.23 

note-book • note- / book GSantayana • [not present]

21 November 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 34–35, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes: 

75.6 75.7 

t he y is are • [‘ar’ over ‘is’] ^^ ^ ^ — e/ ambassador • [‘a’ over ‘e’]

24 November 1928 • Curt John Ducasse • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Brown University Archives. Previous publication: Letters, 237–38. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



1 December 1928 • Otto Kyllmann • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1542), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

78.10 

copyright • copy- / right

2 December 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

Textual Notes 

4:403

2 December 1928 • Victor Wolfgang von Hagen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Last known in the collection of Victor Wolfgang von Hagen. Typed transcription by William G. Holzberger is copy-text. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

79.4 79.13 

C

/o • c/o GSantayana • G. Santayana

4 December 1928 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



8 December 1928 • Charles Scribner’s Sons • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



10 December 1928 • Victor Wolfgang von Hagen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Last known in the collection of Victor Wolfgang von Hagen. Typed transcription by William G. Holzberger is copy-text. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

82.1 83.8 

C /o • c/o GSantayana • G. Santayana

12 December 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 35. Emendations and textual notes:



83.13 83.14 84.11 

send/ t • [‘t’ over ‘d’] autograph • auto- / graph gengivaux • [sic]

13 December 1928 • Thomas Munro • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Typescript in the Case Western Reserve University Archives is copy-text. Previous publication: Letters, 238–39. Emendations and textual notes:



85.1 

C

/o • c/o

18 December 1928 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 36. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

4:404 

The Letters of George Santayana

23 December 1928 • Horace Meyer Kallen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati, Ohio. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

87.23 87.24 87.25 

appreciate/ively • [‘-’ over ‘e’, ‘ively’ on next line] Dostoievsky • [sic] lifetime • life- / time

25 December 1928 • Otto Kyllmann • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1542), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



1 January 1929 • Charles Scribner Jr. • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

89.10 

the/is • [‘is’ over ‘e’]

1 January 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

89.24 90.3 90.18 90.19 91.18 91.30 

Joan • [sic] Spanish • [in margin] ^ ^ ready-money • ready- / money without • with- / out Satre • [sic] copyrights • copy- / rights

1 January 1929 • Guy Bogart • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections, Dartmouth College Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





1 January 1929 • Josephine Sturgis [Eldredge] Bidwell • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of the Bidwell family. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

93.15 93.24–25 94.1

be to • [‘to’ over ‘be’] — after consulting George • [in margin] ^ ^ you to • [‘to’ over ‘you’] —

Textual Notes 

4:405

5 January 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

94.11 94.11 94.12 95.32 96.4 

will a copy • [sic] w/ Will in it • [‘W’ over ‘w’] something • some- / thing “e Iparraguirre • [sic] Augustine • [sic]

8 January 1929 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

96.6 96.8 

Jan. 9, • [sic] everywhere • every- / where

13 January 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

97.19 97.24–25 97.32 

arterioesclorosis • [sic] acknowledge these telegram • [sic] Cordovés • [sic]

14 January 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

100.13 

beforehand • before- / hand

16 January 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

101.13 

free-thinking • free- / thinking

19 January 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

4:406

The Letters of George Santayana

102.1 102.4 102.17 

week’s lesson’s • [sic] preferrably • [sic] A riverderci. • [sic]

27 January 1929 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





28 January 1929 • Sterling Power Lamprecht • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Special Collections, Amherst College Library. Previous publication: Letters, 240–41. Emendations and textual notes:



103.14–15 103.22 

[illegible]are • [‘are’ over erasure] o f or • [‘or’ erased] ^^—

1 February 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

104.12 104.14 

granddaughter • grand- / daughter there —ir • [‘ir’ over ‘re’]

12 February 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

106.19 

one of the Sastre’s • [sic]

27 February 1929 • Harry Slochower • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Brooklyn College Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



7 March 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



8 March 1929 • Maurice Firuski • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Last known in collection of Maurice Firuski. Typed transcription by William G. Holzberger is copy-text. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

109.21

GSantayana • G. Santayana

Textual Notes 

4:407

9 March 1929 • Victor Wolfgang von Hagen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Last known in collection of Victor Wolfgang von Hagen. Typed transcription by William G. Holzberger is copy-text. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

110.1 110.29 

C

/o • c/o GSantayana • G. Santayana

21 March 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

111.5 111.16 

Week o/in • [‘i’ over ‘o’] “Elizabeth’s • [sic]

[26 March 1929] • Walter Lippmann • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Walter Lippmann Papers, Manuscripts and Archives, Yale University Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



[27 March 1929] • Walter Lippmann • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Walter Lippmann Papers, Manuscripts and Archives, Yale University Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



Saturday [April? 1929] • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



Monday [April? 1929] • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



2 April 1929 • Lewis Mumford • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Professor Lewis Mumford. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





2 April 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

4:408 116.6 116.20 

The Letters of George Santayana

/rarrive • [‘a’ over ‘r’]

understand • under- / stand

9 May 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

117.3 

However • How- / ever

13 May 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

117.28 117.30 

sisters condition • [sic] brother-in-law • brother- / in-law

14 May 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

119.4 

as soon as I • as soon / as as I

15 May 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



18 May 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 48–49. Emendations and textual notes:



120.8 120.11 120.21 120.28

Pre-Raphaelites • Pre- / Raphaelites Fonteno/ ays • [‘a’ over ‘o’] uncopied • un- / copied [illegible]him • [‘him’ over unrecovered characters]

13 June 1929 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland 

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.

Textual Notes 

4:409

20 June 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 49. Emendations and textual notes:



122.10 122.15 

overlooking • over- / looking he • [in margin] ^ ^

22 June 1929 • Alan Harris • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

Copy-text: MS, The Library, University of Reading, Great Britain. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





24 June 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

123.19 

of to • [‘to’ over ‘of’] —

25 August 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



29 August 1929 • Robert Seymour Bridges • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

Copy-text: MS, Dep. Bridges 115, fols. 81–82, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



29 August 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

125.22–23 

in oppressive • [sic]

1 September 1929 • George Sturgis • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 241; Years, 53, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes: none.

5

September 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

128.3

Val-Mont • Val- / Mont

4:410

The Letters of George Santayana

128.4 128.6 128.11 128.14–15

parti-coloured • parti- / coloured Hannelé • [sic] (moux) • [sic] somehow • some- / how

 5 September 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

129.4

Hannelé • [sic]

 10 September 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

129.22–23 

in that I will • [sic]

17 September 1929 • John Middleton Murry • Fiesole, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

 

130.5 130.14 

Murra/y • [‘y’ over ‘a’] De Emendatione Intelletis • [sic]

19 September 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Fiesole, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

131.11–12 

again palpitating • [‘palpitating’ above ‘— going again ’] going — ———— ———— ^ ^

30 September 1929 • Frederic Thomas Lewis • Fiesole, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Collection (#6947), Clifton Waller Barrett Library, Special Collections Department, University of Virginia Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



5 October 1929 • John Middleton Murry • Fiesole, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



20 October 1929 • John Francis Stanley Russell • Fiesole, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Published version is copy-text. Previous publication: Letters, 242–43. Emendations and textual notes: 

Textual Notes 133.18 133.26 

4:411

Sargeant • [sic] GSantayana • [not present]

2 November 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

134.13 134.13 134.21 

her their • [‘their’ over ‘her’] — meantime • mean- / time /IYou • [‘Y’ over ‘I’]

4 November 1929 • Robert Seymour Bridges • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Dep. Bridges 14, fols. 22–25, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. Previous publication: Letters, 243–45. Emendations and textual notes:



136.13 137.3 137.11 137.21 137.28 138.2 

found —lighted • [‘lighted’ over ‘found’] — e/imbedded • [‘i’ over ‘e’] thatt • [sic] [illegible]their • [‘their’ over unrecovered characters] eschatoly • [sic] supernatural • super- / natural

5 November 1929 • William Soutar • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS 8561, f. 27, Trustees of the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.

 



13 November 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 56–57. Emendations and textual notes:



140.15 140.25 

Jean’s • [sic] everything • every- / thing

24 November 1929 • Manuel Komroff • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Manuel Komroff Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

141.4 

Komroft • [sic]

25 November 1929 • John Middleton Murry • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

4:412 

The Letters of George Santayana

4 December 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 57–58, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



9 December 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

144.7 144.21 

New Years • [sic] you —— —— we • [‘we’ above ‘you ————’] ^ ^

11 December 1929 • John Middleton Murry • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: Letters, 246–48. Emendations and textual notes: 

145.10 145.20 146.4 

Dostojewski • [sic] reconstruction • re- / construction commonplace • common / place

13 December 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

148.11 148.11–12 148.13 

Belgion” • [sic] whoever • who- / ever as whole • [sic]

15 December 1929 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

149.17 149.18 

then —at • [‘at’ over ‘en’] whatever • what- / ever

17 December 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.

Textual Notes 

4:413

20 December 1929 • Carl Sadakichi Hartmann • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections, Dartmouth College Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



151.11 

thank-offering • thank- / offering

20 December 1929 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 248–49, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes: 

151.22–23 

grand children • grand / children

20 December 1929 • Frederick Ridgely Torrence • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Frederick Ridgely Torrence Papers (series II, Box 51, Folder SaSan), Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

152.21 

elsewhere • else- / where

21 December 1929 • John Middleton Murry • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: Letters, 249–50. Emendations and textual notes: 

153.11 and 15 

anything • any- / thing

24 December 1929 • Henry Seidel Canby • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, W. Hugh Peal Collection, Special Collections and Archives, University of Kentucky Libraries, Lexington. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



26 December 1929 • Sidney Hook • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, Special Collections/Morris Library, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale. Previous publication: Hook, “Letters from George Santayana,” The American Scholar 46 (Winter 1976–77): 77. Emendations and textual notes: 

154.26 154.27 

everything • every- / thing background • back- / ground

27 December 1929 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 102, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

4:414

The Letters of George Santayana

155.4 155.17 

/yhave • [‘h’ over ‘y’] rewriting • re- / writing

5 January 1930 • Curt John Ducasse • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, Brown University Archives. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





9 January 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



14 January 1930 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

157.7 

green-mints • green- / mints

16 January 1930 • Henry Seidel Canby • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. Previous publication: Letters, 250–51. Emendations and textual notes: 

158.19 158.28 

without • with / out absorbtion • [sic]

18 January 1930 • William Soutar • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS 8513, ff. 28–30v., Trustees of the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



159.33 

f/let • [‘l’ over ‘f’]

21 January 1930 • Cyril Coniston Clemens • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Cyril C. Clemens Papers, Special Collections Library, Duke University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



26 January 1930 • William Soutar • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS 8513, ff. 31–32v., Trustees of the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

161.12–13 161.20

nature nature ————’] —— ———— ^view^ • [‘view’ above ‘—— seem to mean what you seem to • [transposition by Santayana] ——— ———— ^ ^

Textual Notes 

4:415

27 January 1930 • Sidney Hook • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections/Morris Library, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale. Previous publication: Hook, “Letters from George Santayana,” The American Scholar 46 (Winter 1976–77): 77. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



27 January 1930 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

163.10 

old mans • [sic]

29 January 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

164.10 

Piedrablanca • Piedra- / blanca

8 February 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 59–60. Emendations and textual notes:



164.18 

handwriting • hand- / writing

18 February 1930 • Henry Seidel Canby • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, W. Hugh Peal Collection, Special Collections and Archives, University of Kentucky Libraries, Lexington. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

165.25 

Babbit • [sic]

4 March 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 61. Emendations and textual notes:



166.15–16 166.25 167.3 

quattro cento • [sic] free clear • [‘clear’ over ‘free’] — Miramonte • [sic]

4 March 1930 • Charles Scribner Jr. • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

4:416

The Letters of George Santayana

167.17–18 167.28 167.30 

“———— Spiritual Spiritual ———ism ———^Platonism^ • [‘Platonism’ above ‘———— ———ism ———’] copyrighted • copy- / righted meantime • mean- / time

[6? March 1930] • Harry Slochower • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Brooklyn College Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



10 March 1930 • Mary Whitall Smith Berenson • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Berenson Archives, Villa I Tatti, The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies, Florence, Italy. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

169.11 169.13 

part-author • part- / author Whitehead’s • White / head’s

10 March 1930 • Maurice Firuski • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Last known in collection of Maurice Firuski. Typed transcription by William G. Holzberger is copy-text. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

170.20 

GSantayana • G.Santayana

3 April 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

170.25 

Babbit • [sic]

6 April 1930 • Horace Meyer Kallen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, YIVO Institute for Jewish Research, New York City. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





21 April 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 63. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



26 April 1930 • Monica Waterhouse Bridges • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Dep. Bridges 118, fols. 59–60, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



173.22

r m / M • [‘M’ over ‘m’]

Textual Notes 

4:417

26 April 1930 • Harry Slochower • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Brooklyn College Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

174.13 174.15 

Pierce • [sic] easy always • [‘always’ over ‘easy’] —

6 May 1930 • Horace Meyer Kallen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati, Ohio. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



11 May 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

176.9 176.26 

agnostism • [sic] ill-tempered • ill- / tempered

11 May 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 63–64. Emendations and textual notes:



177.18 

boarding-house • boarding- / house

12 May 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 64. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



12 May 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

178.21 

for me stay • [sic]

13 May 1930 • Luis Sastre González • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

179.23

Hausmann • [sic]

4:418 !

The Letters of George Santayana

14 May 1930 • Julio Irazusta • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Published version in Diálogo is copy-text. !Previous publication: Diálogo 1 (Argentina, 1954): 65–85; Overheard in Seville: Bulletin of the Santayana Society 15 (Fall 1997): 24 (English translation by Charles Padrón). !Emendations and textual notes: none. !

!

14 May 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

!Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. !Previous publication: none known. !Emendations and textual notes:

181.9 181.9–10 181.15–16 181.16 181.26 181.32 !

to it. • [sic] as two […] coincidence: but • [across left margin] ^ ^ visible/y • [‘y’ over ‘e’] /s Sense • [‘S’ over ‘s’] Hausmann • [sic] possible/y • [‘y’ over ‘e’]

22 May 1930 • Henry Seidel Canby • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. !Previous publication: none known. !Emendations and textual notes: !

182.10 !

di it • [‘it’ over ‘di’] —

31 May 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Ávila, Spain

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. !Previous publication: none known. !Emendations and textual notes: !

183.5 183.9–10 183.12 !

th

June 15– My • [sic] brother-in-laws/’s • brother-in- / laws/’s [‘ ’s’ over ‘s’] which —om • [‘om’ over ‘ich’]

13 June 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. !Previous publication: none known. !Emendations and textual notes: none. !

!

16 June 1930 • Maurice Firuski • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Last known in collection of Maurice Firuski. Typed transcription by William G. Holzberger is copy-text. !Previous publication: none known. !Emendations and textual notes: !

184.30

GSantayana • G.Santayana

Textual Notes 

4:419

22 June 1930 • John Middleton Murry • Saint-Germain-en-Laye, France

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: Letters, 251–52. Emendations and textual notes: 

185.15

anti-natural • anti- / natural

30 June 1930 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Saint-Germain-en-Laye, France



Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



10 July 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

187.5–6 187.6 187.14 and 188.7 187.26 188.9 

pannelled • [sic] Vouillemont • Vouille- / mont something • some- / thing something • some- / thing a— ctual eventual • [‘eventual’ above ‘— a— ctual ’] — ^ ^

18 July 1930 • John Middleton Murry • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

188.27 

handwriting • hand- / writing

19 July 1930 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

189.16 189.20–21 190.10 

’Busses • [sic] bath-room • bath- / room bou —uoyant • [‘uo’ over ‘ou’]

24 July 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

4:420 

The Letters of George Santayana

16 August 1930 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



17 August 1930 • John Middleton Murry • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: Letters, 252–54. Emendations and textual notes: 

192.22 193.25 193.31 

I [illegible]now • [‘n’ over erasure] 35–36?” “I am • [sic] it too • [sic]

26 August 1930 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



27 August 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



2 September 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



6 September 1930 • Charles Scribner’s Sons • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



11 September 1930 • John Middleton Murry • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

197.5 

type-written • type- / written

16 September 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

Textual Notes 

4:421

16 September 1930 • John Middleton Murry • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

198.12 198.12–13 

reprint • re- / print copyright • copy- / right

16 September 1930 • George Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

199.19 199.19 

a/ Articles • [‘A’ over ‘a’] b/ Book • [‘B’ over ‘b’]

16 September 1930 • Josephine Borrás Sturgis • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS postcard, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



22 September 1930 • Herbert Jacob Seligmann • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, MA 4478, The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. Previous publication: Letters, 254–55. Emendations and textual notes:



200.11 201.1 

unhappy • un- / happy transcend Thank • [sic]

4 October 1930 • Henry Ward Abbot • Fiesole, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Letters, 255–56. Emendations and textual notes:



201.12 201.19 

ch style • [‘style’ above ‘whi ch ’] whi— — —— Everybody • Every- / body

15 October 1930 • Henry Seidel Canby • Fiesole, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

202.7 

/ywhich • [‘w’ over ‘y’]

19 October 1930 • George Sturgis • Fiesole, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

4:422 203.11 203.24 203.31 

The Letters of George Santayana havent • [sic] relei —ieved • [‘ie’ over ‘ei’] understand • under- / stand

28 October 1930 [postmark] • Cyril Coniston Clemens • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Cyril C. Clemens Papers, Special Collections Library, Duke University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

204.5 

tomorrow • to- / morrrow

29 October 1930 • Andrew Joseph Onderdonk • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1542), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

204.13 204.15 

without • with- / out heroes • [sic]

29 October 1930 • José Sastre González • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: Crisis 17 ( January–March 1970): 71. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



29 October 1930 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

206.21 206.22 206.27 207.2 207.3 207.5 

/sSisters • [‘S’ over ‘s’]

something • some- / thing relei —ieve • [‘ie’ over ‘ei’] great —ateful • [‘ate’ over ‘eat’] Josefina • [sic] correspondance • [sic]

30 October 1930 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

207.13 207.27 207.29 

understand • under- / stand daughter-in-law • daughter-in- / law autograph • auto- / graph

[2 November 1930] • Cyril Coniston Clemens • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Cyril C. Clemens Papers, Special Collections Library, Duke University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

Textual Notes 

4:423

2 November 1930 • Isabel Martín de Sastre • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: Crisis 17 ( January–March 1970): 71. Emendations and textual notes: 

208.14 

tere/remoto • [‘r’ over ‘e’]

3 November 1930 [postmark] • Hoyt Hopewell Hudson • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, The Department of Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

209.3 

Nov. 4, 1930. • [sic]

5 November 1930 • Herbert Wallace Schneider • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. A typed transcription in the George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, is copy-text. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

211.13 

GSantayana • G. Santayana

5 November 1930 • Unidentified Recipient • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Collection (#6947), Clifton Waller Barrett Library, Special Collections Department, University of Virginia Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



9 November 1930 • Adelaida Hernández de Sastre • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Adelaida Sastre, Ávila, Spain. Previous publication: Azafea 1 (University of Salamanca, 1985): 361. Emendations and textual notes:



212.18 213.3 213.21 

clara,/) • [‘)’ over ‘,’] Enfín • [sic] las niños • [sic]

9 November 1930 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual 

notes: . 214.6–7 

of troublesome • [sic]

19 November 1930 • Boylston Adams Beal • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers (MS Am 1371.8), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

216.1 216.1 216.2

th in • [‘in’ over ‘th’] — san/ me • [‘m’ over ‘n’] brother-in-law • brother- / in-law

4:424 216.21 216.28 216.30 217.4 

The Letters of George Santayana become • be- / come motor-busses • [sic] here —ar • [‘ar’ over ‘re’] rewriting • re- / writing

22 November 1930 • Isabel Martín de Sastre • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: Crisis 17 ( January–March 1970): 72. Emendations and textual notes: 

218.2 

[illegible]no lo haga • [‘no lo haga’ over erased characters]

23 November 1930 • Isabel Martín de Sastre • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: Crisis 17 ( January–March 1970): 72. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



2 December 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

219.16 

head waiter • head / waiter

7 December 1930 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

220.29 221.3 221.18 221.18 

past. • [sic] £50 pounds • [sic] Frederick • [sic] T / C. • [‘C’ over ‘T’]

18 December 1930 • Isabel Martín de Sastre • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: Crisis 17 ( January–March 1970): 73. Emendations and textual notes: 

222.2 

allé • [sic]

25 December 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 66. Emendations and textual notes:



222.9 222.17 223.1 223.8

Nun’s • [sic] Sometimes • Some- / times narrative And • [sic] Lutoslawsky • [sic]

Textual Notes 

4:425

27 December 1930 • José Sastre González • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

223.18 

antes de • [sic]

30 December 1930 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 67–68. Emendations and textual notes:



225.12 

/t for • [‘f’ over ‘t’]

4 January 1931 • Andrew Joseph Onderdonk • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

225.20 

you mother • [sic]

5 January 1931 • Charles Scribner’s Sons • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: Cablegram, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



5 January 1931 • Charles Scribner’s Sons • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

226.16 

cablegram • cable- / gram

6 January 1931 • José Sastre González • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: Crisis 17 ( January–March 1970): 73. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



7 January 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

4:426 

The Letters of George Santayana

7 January 1931 • Thomas Munro • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Typescript in the Case Western Reserve University Archives is copy-text. Previous publication: Letters, 256–57. Emendations and textual notes: none.



7 January 1931 • Charles Scribner’s Sons • Rome, Italy Copy-text: MS, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts

 

Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

8 January 1931 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

230.10 230.31 

Avila,/) • [‘)’ over ‘,’] However • How- / ever

14 January 1931 • Isabel Martín de Sastre • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: Crisis 17 ( January–March 1970): 74. Emendations and textual notes: 

231.4 231.15 

Hispano-Americano • Hispano- / Americano porque • por- / que

14 January 1931 • Charles Scribner’s Sons • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



15 January 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

233.3–4 

elsewhere • else- / where

17 January 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

Textual Notes 

4:427

5 February 1931 • John Hall Wheelock • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



8 February 1931 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



10 February 1931 • Cyril Coniston Clemens • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, Cyril C. Clemens Papers, Special Collections Library, Duke University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





18 February 1931 • José Sastre González • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: Crisis 17 ( January-March 1970): 74–75. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



26 February 1931 • Andrew Joseph Onderdonk • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1542), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

238.3 238.4 

forgot • for- / got without • with- / out

11 March 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

239.9 240.2 

life job • [‘job’ over erased ‘life’] — unmixed • un- / mixed

15 March 1931 • José Sastre González • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 

4:428 

The Letters of George Santayana

19 March 1931 • John Hall Wheelock • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Author Files I, Box 130 of the Scribner Archives, Manuscripts Division, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

241.12 

March 19, ’1931 • [sic]

31 March 1931 • William Soutar • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS 8515, f.222, Trustees of the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





8 April 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



10 April 1931 • Curt John Ducasse • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Brown University Archives. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

244.4 

M / my • [‘m’ over ‘M’]

10 April 1931 • José Sastre González • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

244.13 244.16 245.2 245.3 245.11 

Eril • [sic] estenderse • [sic] porder • [sic] porque • por- / que paes —seos • [‘se’ over ‘es’]

12 April 1931 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

245.11 246.12 246.28 246.33 

According • [sic] Eril • [sic] however • how- / ever anything • any- / thing

21 April 1931 • Mr. Wechsler • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections/Morris Library, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



Textual Notes 

4:429

25 April 1931 • Andrew Joseph Onderdonk • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1542), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



9 May 1931 • José Sastre González • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain. Previous publication: Crisis 17 ( January-March 1970): 75. Emendations and textual notes: 

248.7 

es/xpectación • [‘x’ over ‘s’]

10 May 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 75–76. Emendations and textual notes: 

249.11 249.19 

self-challenge • self- / challenge o/ if • [‘i’ over ‘o’]

11 May 1931 • Morris Raphael Cohen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Published version is copy-text. Previous publication: Leonora Cohen Rosenfield, Portrait of a Philosopher: Morris R. Cohen in Life and Letters (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1962), 380–81. Emendations and textual notes: 

251.9 251.26 

accomodate • [sic] GSantayana • G. Santayana

11 May 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



23 May 1931 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



25 May 1931 • Ralph Barton Perry • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1092.10), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.

4:430 

The Letters of George Santayana

26 May 1931 • Benjamin Apthorp Gould Fuller • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1542), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 257–58. Emendations and textual notes: 

254.2 254.28 

25/6 • [‘6’ over ‘5’] self-contradiction • self- / contradiction

29 May 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 76–77. Emendations and textual notes: none.





2 June 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Ma~uscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 77. Emendations and textual notes:



257.8 

understands • under- / stands

3 June 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 77–78. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



[6 or 13 June 1931] • Charles Augustus Strong • [Rome, Italy]

Copy-text: MS postcard, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



8 June 1931 • Louis Sacks • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Alice and Timothy Stroup, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

258.10 

Sachs • [sic]

10 June 1931 • Henry Ward Abbot • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Letters, 259. Emendations and textual notes:



259.16

somewhat • some- / what

Textual Notes 

4:431

18 June 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Venice, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 78, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes: 

260.2 260.6 260.6 

Miramonte • [sic] now-a-days • now- / a-days Babbit • [sic]

23 June 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



26 June 1931 • Herbert Jacob Seligmann • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, MA 4478, The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



261.13 

/sthink • [‘t’ over ‘s’]

3 July 1931 • Mercedes de la Escalera • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Partial published facsimile including address, date, salutation, and first three lines of text, then remainder of published version is copy-text. Previous publication: Indice 7 (15 Oct 1952): 3. Emendations and textual notes: 

262.12 262.17 262.26 

foot-ball • foot-ball espiritual • espirtual Jorge • Jorge.

11 July 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 78–79. Emendations and textual notes: 

263.20 264.1 

gentleman • gentle- / man there —irs • [‘ir’ over ‘re’]

12 July 1931 • George Sturgis • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

264.22 265.5 265.12

business-like • business- / like everybody • every- / body youse —rself • [‘rs’ over ‘se’]

4:432 

The Letters of George Santayana

19 July 1931 • George Sturgis • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

265.24 265.24 266.23 266.30 266.30 

somewhat • some- / what that my • [sic] something • some- / thing in with • [‘wi’ over ‘in’] — sunshine • sun- / shine

23 July 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

267.3 

Hussl • [sic]

23 July 1931 • John Middleton Murry • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Dr. Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore, Maryland. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



1 August 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

268.31 

Caucassian • [sic]

2 August 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

269.14 269.17 

point-instants • point- / instants posited. . • [sic] ^

5 August 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 79–80. Emendations and textual notes:



270.16 270.17 271.21

lover’s • [sic]

/IAn • [‘A’ over ‘I’] wor/uld • [‘u’ over ‘r’]

Textual Notes 

4:433

8 August 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

272.15–16 272.16 

he Balzac • [‘Balzac’ over ‘he’] — de/isplays • [‘i’ over ‘e’]

13 August 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



14 August 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

273.17 

whatever • what- / ever

19 August 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



20 August 1931 • Henry Ward Abbot • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



29 August 1931 • Henry Ward Abbot • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



2 September 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

276.14 276.15

mid-winter • mid- / winter hii/m • [‘m’ over ‘i’]

4:434 

The Letters of George Santayana

7 September 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 81. Emendations and textual notes:



276.22 277.10 

troublesome • trouble- / some sense-data • sense- / data

11 September 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



13 September 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Venice, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

278.5 

handwriting • hand- / writing

25 September 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Naples, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 81–82. Emendations and textual notes: none.





4 October 1931 • George Sturgis • Naples, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 260. Emendations and textual notes: 

280.7 

spagghetti • [sic]

6 October 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Naples, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 82–83, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes: 

281.9 

[illegible]events • [‘events’ over unrecovered characters]

7 October 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Naples, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

282.12 282.14

element element ————’] ——— ————^method^ • [‘method’ above ‘——— they re • [‘re’ over ‘y’] /

Textual Notes 

4:435

8 October 1931 • Mary Potter Bush • Naples, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



13 October 1931 • Mary Potter Bush • Naples, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

283.28 284.1 284.8 

wome/an • [‘a’ over ‘e’] within • with- / in A rivederci. • [sic]

15 October 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Naples, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



18 October 1931 • Mary Potter Bush • Naples, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

285.9 

financeers • [sic]

24 October 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 84–85. Emendations and textual notes: none.





24 October 1931 • Carl Sadakichi Hartmann • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections, Dartmouth College Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



287.12 

nowhere • no- / where

25 October 1931 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

287.22 287.26

offerred • [sic] motor-horn • motor- / horn

4:436 

The Letters of George Santayana

30 October 1931 • Andrew Joseph Onderdonk • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers (bMS Am 1542), by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



10 November 1931 • Mary Annette Beauchamp Russell • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Countess Mary Annette (Beauchamp) Russell Collection, Box VII, The Huntington Library, San Marino, California. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

288.27 

[illegible]two • [‘two’ over unrecovered characters]

10 November 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

290.5 290.14 290.16 290.18 

Mas-des-Roses • Mas-des- / Roses meantime • mean- / time deaf year • [sic] Bertie “Elizabeth” • [sic]

11 November 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 85–87. Emendations and textual notes:

291.8 291.32 

St. Thomas • [sic] e/ written • [‘w’ over ‘e’]

12 November 1931 • Nancy Saunders Toy • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 261–64. Emendations and textual notes:



293.30 293.38 294.21 294.39 295.2 

sister-in-law • sister-in- / law loses must of • [sic] he Strong • [‘Strong’ over ‘he’] — undercurrent • under- / current d/ to • [‘t’ over ‘d’]

14 November 1931 • Mary Potter Bush • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

295.11

Death Comes to the Archbishop • [sic]

Textual Notes 

4:437

20 November 1931 • Horace Meyer Kallen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati, Ohio. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

296.12 

presuppositions • pre- / suppositions

21 November 1931 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 87, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes: 

297.19–20 

in and search • [‘and’ over ‘in’] —

22 November 1931 • Wendell T. Bush • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



22 November 1931 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

300.1 

account account ————’] ——— ————^description^ • [‘description’ above ‘———

3 December 1931 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 87–88. Emendations and textual notes:



300.4 

Dec. 4, 1931 • [sic]

13 December 1931 • Nancy Saunders Toy • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 264–66. Emendations and textual notes: 

301.14 301.14

“Babbit” • [sic] Babbit • [sic]

19 December 1931 • Wendell T. and Mary Potter Bush and Irwin Edman • Rome, Italy 

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

4:438

The Letters of George Santayana

302.19 302.21 303.9 

cont/gratulate • [‘g’ over ‘t’] anything • any- / thing is are • [‘ar’ over ‘is’] —

22 December 1931 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 103, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

304.2 304.9 304.23 

those ’] those the ones • [‘the ones’ above ‘— — — — Anyhow • Any- / how subject-matter • subject- / matter

26 December 1931 • James Haughton Woods • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS unlocated. Published version is copy-text. Previous publication: Letters, 266. Emendations and textual notes: 

305.12 305.12 305.22 

the Realm of Truth • the Realm of Truth the Realm of Spirit • the Realm of Spirit GSantayana • [not present]

3 January 1932 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 104, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

306.9 306.16–17 306.28 306.30 

[illegible]although • [‘although’ over unrecovered characters] friend his • [sic] besides Keats • [sic] possible If • possible / If [sic]

4 January 1932 • William Lyon Phelps • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Yale Collection of American Literature, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. Previous publication: Phelps, Autobiography with Letters (New York: Oxford University Press, 1939), 344–45. Emendations and textual notes: none.



5 January 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 89–90. Emendations and textual notes: none.



Textual Notes 

4:439

10 January 1932 • Wendell T. Bush • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

309.5 309.27 

of/n Art • [‘n’ over ‘f’] a/ Anything, e/Except • [‘A’ over ‘a’ and ‘E’ over ‘e’]

14 January 1932 • Otto Kyllmann • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, placed in Constable’s “agreement file,” is unlocated. A typewritten copy in Special Collections, Temple University Libraries, is copy-text. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

311.3 311.7 311.8 311.8 311.15 

autographs • authographs Don’t • Done’t if you really like • [sic] them: • the: GSantayana • G.Santayana

16 January 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 90–91. Emendations and textual notes:



312.3 312.11 312.12 

February 1–st I • [sic] him Wells • [‘Wells’ over ‘him’] — Co Kyllmann • [sic]

18 January 1932 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 267–68. Emendations and textual notes: 

313.25 

understand • under- / stand

18 January 1932 • Nancy Saunders Toy • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



315.2 

However • How- / ever

28 January 1932 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

4:440 315.19 316.3 316.18 

The Letters of George Santayana shall • [sic] Beal’s • [sic] it’s existence • [sic]

14 February 1932 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 104, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

317.11 317.30 318.9 

be saddle with • [sic] mind-stuff • mind- / stuff a / something • [‘s’ over ‘a’]

15 February 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 91. Emendations and textual notes:



318.16 318.22 

comple/imentary • [‘i’ over ‘e’] Marcus • [sic]

1 March 1932 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 104, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

319.8 319.19 

different word’s • [sic] but — y a sort • [‘y’ over ‘ut’]

2 March 1932 • Cyril Coniston Clemens • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Cyril C. Clemens Papers, Special Collections Library, Duke University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

320.22 

pre-eminent • pre- / eminent

10 March 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 92. Emendations and textual notes:



321.24 321.24 322.2 

Brunschwieg • [sic] Frankfort • [sic] R. of. S. • [sic]

10 March 1932 • Sterling Power Lamprecht • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Special Collections, Dartmouth College Library. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



Textual Notes 

4:441

11 March 1932 • Curt John Ducasse • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, Brown University Archives. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



323.15 

is are • [‘are’ over ‘is’] —

12 March 1932 • Nancy Saunders Toy • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 268–69. Emendations and textual notes: 

324.12 

Brunswieg • [sic]

14 March 1932 • George Washburne Howgate • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, collection of Mrs. George W. Howgate. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



18 March 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



24 March 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 92. Emendations and textual notes:



327.1 

st

1– We • [sic]

11 April 1932 • Gerald William Bullett • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Rare Books Room, The Pennsylvania State University Libraries. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

327.13 

Mesrss. • [sic]

23 April 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 93. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



24 April 1932 • Cyril Coniston Clemens • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, Cyril C. Clemens Papers, Special Collections Library, Duke University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



328.20

Lisèeux • [sic]

4:442 

The Letters of George Santayana

25 April 1932 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

330.9 

made — in out in • [‘out’ over ‘in’]

8 May 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 95. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



10 May 1932 • Henry Seidel Canby • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

332.23 

[illegible]figure • [‘figure’ over erasure]

10 May 1932 • George Washburne Howgate • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, collection of Mrs. George W. Howgate. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.





10 May 1932 • Mary Annette Beauchamp Russell • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Countess Mary Annette (Beauchamp) Russell Collection, Box VII, The Huntington Library, San Marino, California. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



13 May 1932 • Nancy Saunders Toy • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 270–72; Years, 93, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes: 

334.12 334.14 334.27 335.5 335.32 

/rcoming • [‘c’ over ‘r’[

were giving dinner • were giving / giving dinner explain of/r • [‘r’ over ‘f’] marra —riage • [‘ria’ over ‘ra’] Holland-Harwich • Holland- / Harwich

14 May 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 96, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes: none.



Textual Notes 

4:443

16 May 1932 • Mary Potter Bush • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Letters, 272–73. Emendations and textual notes: 

338.1 

Hillal • [sic]

20 May 1932 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

339.6 and 8 339.10 339.12 339.13 

exagerated • [sic] crise/is • [‘i’ over ‘e’] automobiles • auto- / mobiles thee/ir • [‘i’ over ‘r’]

4 June 1932 • Max Forrester Eastman • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Eastman Manuscripts, Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



6 June 1932 [postmark] • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 96–97. Emendations and textual notes:



341.2 341.14 

June 7, 1932 • [sic] th – / That [sic] 19– That • 19th

7 June 1932 • Henry Ward Abbot • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Letters, 273–74. Emendations and textual notes: 

343.2 

humours of [across] life • humours of / [across] of life

20 June 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 97. Emendations and textual notes:



344.2 344.5

beaurocracy • [sic] Ge/ reene • [‘r’ over ‘e’]

4:444 

The Letters of George Santayana

[Summer 1932] • [Henry Ward Abbot] • [Rome, Italy, or Paris, France]

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. The first page of the letter is missing and no envelope is extant. The date is based on the lecture on Locke. The recipient is noted as Abbot by Columbia; by the tone of the letter and the references to The Last Puritan (much like some made earlier and later to Abbot), this is probably correct. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



344.14 344.17 344.22 

clear-sighted • clear- / sighted rereading • re- / reading lectures of/n • [‘n’ over ‘f’]

26 June 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 98. Emendations and textual notes:



345.9 345.24 345.30 

is comes • [‘co’ over ‘is’] — /I it • [‘it’ over ‘I’] B. S’s • [sic]

30 June 1932 • Charles Augustus Strong • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 104, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



30 June 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS postcard unlocated. Typed transcription by William G. Holzberger is copy-text. The original was at one time in the George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, and is presumed lost. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

346.26 

Réservoirs • Réservois

7 July 1932 • Charles P. Davis • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

347.12 347.14 348.1 348.21 348.27–28

1929 • [sic] understood • under- / stood Godsend • God- / send arm-chair • arm- / chair without • with- / out

Textual Notes 

4:445

16 July 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



25 July 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 99. Emendations and textual notes:



350.2 

somebody • some- / body

27 July 1932 • Nancy Saunders Toy • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 275–76. Emendations and textual notes:



350.18 

and the/ at the • [‘a’ over ‘e’]

28 July 1932 • George Washburne Howgate • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS, collection of Mrs. George W. Howgate. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



18 August 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 100, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes:



352.27 353.3 

4/ 6 • [‘6’ over ‘4’] anything • any- / thing

23 August 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 100–101. Emendations and textual notes: 

353.14 353.18 

gineas • [sic] experience” “Experience • experience” / “Experience [sic]

25 August 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 101, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes:



354.10 354.12

st

21– This • [sic] gineas • [sic]

4:446 

The Letters of George Santayana

27 August 1932 • George Washburne Howgate • Versailles, France

Copy-text: MS, collection of Mrs. George W. Howgate. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

355.8 

MacStout • [sic]

3 September 1932 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 104, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

356.2 

good-bye • good- / bye

5 September 1932 • Charles Augustus Strong • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 104, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

356.18 356.23 

a/I • [‘I’ over ‘a’] good-bye • good- / bye

12 September 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • London, England

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 102. Emendations and textual notes:



357.2 357.5 357.8 357.11 

A / Sept. • [‘S’ over ‘A’] neighbourhod/od • [‘o’ over ‘d’] our • [in margin] ^ ^ However • How- / ever

12 September 1932 • Charles Augustus Strong • London, England

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 104, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

358.5 

today • to- / day

20 September 1932 • Wendell T. Bush • London, England

Copy-text: MS, collection of the Santayana Edition. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



359.5 

nexts summer • [sic]

23 September 1932 • Nancy Saunders Toy • London, England

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: Letters, 276–77. Emendations and textual notes: 

Textual Notes 359.16 360.7 360.22 360.22 

4:447

Babilonian • [sic] “Zum … bestellt • [sic] Pollack • [sic] aged 92 • [sic]

27 September 1932 • Charles Augustus Strong • London, England

Copy-text: MS, Box 7, Folder 104, The Papers of Charles Augustus Strong, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

361.5 361.23 361.27 361.35 

unlucky • un- / lucky encourg/age • [‘a’ over ‘g’] check-rein • check- / rein Russell But • Russell / But [sic]

8 October 1932 • Louis Sacks • London, England

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Sacks quotes from this letter in his A Layman’s Philosophy, 12 (New York: Exposition Press, 1934). Emendations and textual notes: 

362.12 362.17 

Sachs • [sic] Centenary • [sic]

25 October 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Paris, France

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 104. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



8 November 1932 • Charles P. Davis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

364.6 364.9 364.14 

retro-active • retro- / active semi-public • semi- / public God will: • [sic]

8 November 1932 • Horace Meyer Kallen • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati, Ohio. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:



364.21

ans irréparable • [sic]

4:448 

The Letters of George Santayana

11 November 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Years, 104–5, excerpt. Emendations and textual notes:



365.22 365.29 

It — ^The Spinoza^ • [‘The Spinoza’ above ‘It —’] affectionatly • [sic]

13 November 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



21 November 1932 • Henry Ward Abbot • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

367.1 

g— iven caused • [‘caused’ over ‘given’] —

10 December 1932 • Daniel MacGhie Cory • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: 

367.21 367.28 

comple/ imentary • [‘i’ over ‘e’] at the • [sic]

16 December 1932 • Mary Potter Bush • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: Letters, 278–79. Emendations and textual notes: none. 



20 December 1932 • Henry Ward Abbot • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS postcard, George Santayana Papers, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes: none.



20 December 1932 • George Sturgis • Rome, Italy

Copy-text: MS, Sturgis Family Papers, by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Previous publication: none known. Emendations and textual notes:

370.27 370.27

Frederich • [sic] aged 92 • [sic]

Report of Line-End Hyphenation In quotations from the present Critical Edition, no line-end hyphens are to be retained except the following.

62.10–11

pine-woods

91.17–18

brother-in-law

91.34–35

banking-house

147.6–7

pseudo-technical

150.2–3

son-in-law

178.12–13

brother-in-law

183.9–10

brother-in-laws/’s

189.20–21

bath-room

234.15–16

pre-existent

256.15–16

good-humoured

280.12–13

Graeco-Roman

298.22–23

tea-time

331.8–9

half-way

450

The Letters of George Santayana

Chronology William G. Holzberger This chronology is based upon various sources of information about Santayana’s life and work, including his autobiography, entitled Persons and Places: Fragments of Autobiography, originally published in three volumes as Persons and Places, The Middle Span, and My Host the World (in 1944, 1945, and 1953 respectively); his letters; the biography by Daniel Cory, entitled Santayana: The Later Years; and my conversations with Cory. It is also indebted, however, for its dating of Santayana’s transatlantic journeys and other travels, to a large printed map of Europe sent to me by Santayana’s grandnephew, Don Eduardo Sastre Martín, on which, in the early years of the twentieth century, Santayana carefully inscribed, in red ink, the dates of his voyages, the names of the transatlantic steamships on which he traveled, and the routes that he followed. 1847 or 1848 Agustín Ruiz de Santayana (c. 1814–93), George Santayana’s father, is appointed Governor of Batang in the Philippines. 1849 On 22 August Josefina Borrás (c. 1826–1912), George Santayana’s mother, marries George Sturgis (1817–57) of Boston, aboard a British warship at anchor in Manila Bay. They have five children, but only three survive to adulthood (Susan Parkman, 5 June 1851; Josephine Borrás, in 1853; and Robert Shaw, in 1854). The other two ( Joseph Borrás, who was called Pepín, born in 1850, and James Victor, in 1856) die in infancy. 1856 Josefina and George Sturgis, with their surviving children, visit America. They sail from Manila to Boston aboard the Fearless, a journey of ninety days. Agustín Santayana is also aboard, on leave from his post at Batang and bound for Spain via America and England. 1857 George Sturgis dies in Manila at the age of forty. His brother, Robert Sturgis, gives Josefina ten thousand dollars.

452

Editorial Appendix

1858 Josefina Sturgis sails for Boston from Manila. Her youngest child, James Victor, aged one year and seven months, dies on the journey, in London. Josefina and her three surviving children remain in Boston for three years. 1861 or 1862 Josefina and her children return to Spain. They live in Madrid with the parents and family of Mercedes de la Escalera y Iparraguirre. 1862 In Madrid Josefina Borrás Sturgis marries Agustín Santayana (whom she had known during their years in the Philippines). 1863 On 16 December, at No. 69, Calle Ancha de San Bernardo, Madrid, George Santayana is born. (He retains his Spanish citizenship throughout his life.) 1864 Santayana is christened Jorge Agustín Nicolás, on 1 January, in the parish church of San Marcos, Madrid. The first name is given by the godmother, his twelve-year-old half sister, Susan (Susana), who chooses the first name of her own father, George Sturgis. 1866 Santayana’s parents and the four children move from Madrid to Ávila. Afterwards, Santayana’s half brother, Robert, is sent to live in Boston. 1868 or 1869 Santayana’s mother, with Susan and Josephine, leaves Ávila for Boston, in obedience to her first husband’s wish that his children be brought up in America. George Santayana, age five, is left with his father in Spain. 1872 In his ninth year, Santayana and his father leave Spain in June, bound for America, where the boy is to be raised and educated. They sail from Liverpool on 4 July on the Cunard steamer Samaria. Santayana’s first American residence is his mother’s house at No. 302 Beacon Street, where his father remained for several months before returning permanently to Ávila. Santayana attends his first American school, Miss Welchman’s Kindergarten on Chestnut Street. 1873–74 During the winter of 1873–74, Santayana is at the Brimmer School, the public grammar school of the district. In the autumn of 1874, he transfers to the Boston Public Latin School, where he spends eight school years.

Chronology

453

1876 Santayana travels to Philadelphia with his half brother, Robert, to see the Centennial Exhibition. 1880 In June Santayana, age sixteen, is awarded the Poetry Prize at the Boston Latin School for his poem “Day and Night.” He regards the event as his “emergence into public notice.” During the ’80s Santayana regularly attends mass at the Church of the Immaculate Conception in Boston. 1881–82 Santayana’s senior year at the Boston Latin School. He becomes founding editor of the Latin School Register, the student paper, in which he anonymously publishes poems. In the autumn of 1882, he matriculates at Harvard College. Throughout his undergraduate years, he lives in room No. 19, Hollis Hall, the Harvard Yard. On weekends he visits his mother, who now lives in Roxbury, Massachusetts. During this freshman year, he discovers Lucretius’s De Rerum Natura, which he studies in Latin, but he fails algebra and does poorly in his course in Greek, taught by Louis Dyer, whose book, The Gods in Greece, is to influence him considerably. In the Greek course, he reads the Bacchae of Euripides, from which he takes his personal motto: To\ sofo\n ou) sofi/a which, in translation, becomes the second line of his famous Sonnet III: “It is not wisdom to be only wise.” He becomes cartoonist for the Harvard Lampoon. 1883–84 Santayana’s sophomore year at Harvard. In June 1883, at the age of nineteen, he makes his first return to Spain to visit his father, sailing alone from New York to Antwerp and traveling from there to Ávila by train. He also visits relatives in Catalonia, where, at Tarragona, he contracts a mild case of smallpox. Nevertheless, he manages to see a number of major Spanish cities and also visits Lyons and Paris. Returning to America in October, from Antwerp, he resumes his studies at Harvard. At first he is advised by a skeptical William James against going in for philosophy. At the Church of the Immaculate Conception, he meets Ward Thoron, who becomes his closest friend during their undergraduate years. 1884–85 Santayana’s junior year at Harvard. He is initiated into two undergraduate societies, the O.K. (on 22 April 1885) and the Hasty Pudding. 1885 He becomes a founding member of the editorial board of The Harvard Monthly, the avant-garde college literary magazine founded by classmate Alanson Bigelow Houghton. The first issue of October 1885 carries a sonnet by Santayana, and he continues to publish poems in the Monthly until 1903.

454

Editorial Appendix

1885–86 Santayana’s senior year at Harvard. He meets Charles Augustus Strong, who had come from the University of Rochester to study philosophy for a year at Harvard. Together they found the Harvard Philosophical Club. They are awarded jointly, by the Harvard Philosophy Department, the Walker Fellowship for graduate study in Germany. The stipend of five hundred dollars is to be divided between them. The issue of The Harvard Monthly for April 1886 contains what is to be Santayana’s most anthologized poem, his Sonnet III, beginning, “O World, thou choosest not the better part!” He is introduced to John Francis Stanley, 2d Earl Russell (“Frank”), age twenty, who is visiting America after being “sent down” from Balliol College, Oxford, in May 1885 for an alleged misdemeanor. Russell, elder brother of philosopher Bertrand Russell, becomes Santayana’s most admired friend and the model for Jim Darnley of Santayana’s novel, The Last Puritan (1935). Santayana’s Bachelor of Arts degree is awarded summa cum laude and in absentia, Santayana having sailed for Cherbourg after taking his last examination. In July 1886 he returns for the second time to Ávila, where he spends the summer with his father. In mid-August he is at Göttingen, Germany, and later that autumn (September) spends four to six weeks at Dresden. He also journeys to London, visiting that city for the first time, in company with Strong. They sail from the port of Bremen in northern Germany. In October 1886 Santayana is in Berlin for the start of the winter semester. 1887 In late March (at the close of the winter semester at Berlin) Santayana and Strong travel to England for a holiday. Santayana spends two days with Earl Russell aboard the latter’s steam yacht Royal, sailing down the Thames from Reading to London. In April Santayana first visits Oxford, where, through Earl Russell, he meets poet Lionel Johnson, then a student at New College. On 18 June Santayana is in London. He visits Winchester, Russell’s school, in company with the young nobleman. On 20 June he views the procession for Queen Victoria’s Jubilee (the fiftieth anniversary of her reign) from a room in Buckingham Palace Road engaged for the occasion by John D. Rockefeller. The company includes Rockefeller’s eldest daughter, Elizabeth (“Bessie”), and Charles Augustus Strong, to whom she had become engaged that spring. During the summer, Santayana makes his third return to Spain. He is in Ávila in July and August. On 2 September he takes a ship from Malaga to meet his sister, Susana, on Gibraltar for a few weeks to tour southern Spain before returning to Germany. From that autumn until the following spring, Santayana continues his graduate studies at Berlin. (His December address in Berlin is Pottsdamerstrasse 123III.) The current German psycho-physiological approach to the study of philosophy is uncongenial to Santayana; also he is apprehen-

Chronology

455

sive about writing a doctoral dissertation in German. He decides to return to Harvard to complete his doctoral program. 1888 He joins Earl Russell at Valence, France, on 2 June for a seventeen-day canal journey through Burgundy aboard the Royal. On 18 June they reach Paris, where Santayana leaves Russell. In August, following his summer stay in Ávila, he visits Russell at his house, Broom Hall, situated at Teddington. After over two years abroad, Santayana returns to America, sailing from Liverpool to Boston on the Catalonia. Josiah Royce rejects the suggestion of Schopenhauer as the subject of Santayana’s dissertation, recommending Lotze instead. Until the following autumn (1889), Santayana lives with his mother in her house in Roxbury, Massachusetts, working on his doctoral dissertation. 1889 Santayana completes his dissertation on Lotze’s System of Philosophy and is awarded Master of Arts and Doctor of Philosophy degrees by Harvard University. During the summer he stays with Julian Codman and his family at Cotuit, on Cape Cod, where he meets the novelist Howard Sturgis, cousin to his relations. That autumn, at the rank of instructor in philosophy, he begins his twenty-two-year teaching career at Harvard. During the academic year 1889–90, Santayana lives in rooms in Thayer Hall in the Harvard Yard. He becomes an honorary member of several college clubs, including the Delta Phi or “Gas House” (later the Delphic), the Zeta Psi (called “The Spee”), and the Signet Society. He meets Henry Adams at the historian’s home in Washington, D.C., where he is taken by Ward Thoron. 1890 In June Santayana sails from New York for Liverpool. During the summer he first visits Queen’s Acre, novelist Howard Sturgis’s home near Windsor Park, England, which he is to visit almost yearly until Sturgis’s death in 1920. He spends part of July and August in Ávila. Sailing from Liverpool on 3 September on the Teutonic, Santayana returns to America and moves into rooms at No. 7, Stoughton Hall, the Harvard Yard, where he will spend six winters. About this time he begins his “Poetry Bees”: regular meetings held in his rooms with a group of student friends for the purpose of reading aloud from the celebrated poets. This practice is continued for several years before being discontinued and is revived in 1910–11, with Conrad Aiken as the leading light among the student members. Also, at about this time, Santayana, William Vaughn Moody, Norman Hapgood, Boylston Beal, and others, as a lark, found the Laodicean Club at Harvard, and Santayana is elected “Pope” by the membership.

456

Editorial Appendix

1891 Santayana sails from Boston to Liverpool in June aboard the Cephalonia. He makes his first visit to Telegraph House (or “T.H.”), Earl Russell’s estate on the South Downs in Hampshire, England, where Santayana is to be a regular visitor until 1923. He visits Ávila in August and returns to Boston in September. 1892 Santayana spends the summer in Cambridge, Massachusetts. In the autumn he makes his first visit to Yale, where he is invited by William Lyon Phelps to watch the Harvard-Yale football game. Santayana is writing “nothing but poetry” at this time. On 26 November his half sister, Susana, then forty-one, marries Celedonio Sastre of Ávila, a widower with six children. On 16 December, Santayana’s twenty-ninth birthday, he gives a dinner party for a group of Harvard friends: “one of the pleasantest memories of my life.”1 1893 On 10 June Santayana sails from New York for Gibraltar on the Fulda.2 Crossing to Tangiers, he meets the American painter John Singer Sargent on board ship. During the summer, he is in Ávila, where he witnesses his father’s death at seventy-nine. He leaves Ávila on 22 August for London and returns to New York, sailing from Southampton on 3 September. He spends two weeks with Strong in New York on his arrival. Back in Cambridge in October, he learns of the death of the closest of his younger friends, Warwick Potter (who had graduated from Harvard that spring), from cholera in the harbor of Brest during a voyage aboard a friend’s yacht. The body is returned to New York, where Santayana attends the funeral. He writes the four “To W. P.” sonnets. About this time he is approached by Herbert S. Stone and Hannibal Ingalls Kimball, young Harvard men who offer to publish a collection of his poems. He also attends the New York wedding of Robert Burnside Potter, Warwick’s elder brother. At the end of this year Santayana undergoes his metanoia, or fundamental change of heart, resulting in a renunciation of the world. This is brought about by a combination of disconcerting events, including Susana’s marriage, his father’s pathetic death, Warwick Potter’s death, the end of youth (signaled by his thirtieth birthday), and the prospect of an undistinguished career and life in Protestant America. 1894 Santayana remains in Cambridge, Massachusetts, for the summer. Earl Russell, en route to San Francisco, spends a week with him in Cambridge. Santayana’s first book, Sonnets and Other Verses, is published by Stone and Kimball in Cambridge and Chicago.

Chronology

457

1895 In Cambridge, Massachusetts, until June, Santayana again sails from New York to Gibraltar on the Werra. During the summer, he visits Earl Russell at his “ugly villa” at Maidenhead, England, and meets Mrs. Marion Sommerville, who is later to divorce her husband and become Russell’s second wife (“Countess Mollie”). During this summer, Santayana also travels in Italy with Charles Loeser and makes a one-hundred-fifty-mile walking tour through France to Switzerland with Guy Murchie. He returns to Cambridge in late September, sailing from London to New York on a cattle steamer. 1896 Santayana’s first book-length prose work is published by Scribner’s: The Sense of Beauty: Being the Outlines of Aesthetic Theory. The second edition of Sonnets, containing the thirty new sonnets of the Second Sonnet Series, also is published by Stone and Kimball in this year. Andreas Martin Andersen makes his charcoal drawing, which becomes Santayana’s favorite portrait of himself. On 28 June Santayana sails from Quebec on the Parisian, bound for Liverpool and a year’s leave of absence from Harvard. He plans to spend a year in advanced study at Cambridge University. From late July through early September, he is in Oxford. Early in October he visits Bertrand Russell at Haslemere, England; in September he begins a four-week stay in Maidenhead, England. He also appears in court in Winchester on 9 or 10 October to testify on behalf of Frank Russell, against whom charges were brought by the Earl’s estranged first wife, Mabel Edith, and her mother, Lady Lena Scott. Afterwards, Santayana goes immediately from Winchester to Cambridge, where he is admitted as an advanced student to King’s College, with the standing of Master of Arts. His Cambridge friends include Nathaniel Wedd, G. Lowes Dickinson, Bertrand Russell, G. E. Moore, and J. M. E. McTaggart. He studies Plato under the direction of Henry Jackson of Trinity College. That December Santayana testifies on behalf of the “wicked Earl,” as Russell’s notorious courtroom adventures caused him to be designated by the journalists, at the trial of Lady Scott and her codefendants for libel, held at the Old Bailey in London. They are convicted and sentenced to eight months at hard labor, but Russell intercedes to reduce the severity of Lady Scott’s punishment. Santayana spends the Christmas holidays in Paris with club acquaintances at Harvard, who are studying at the Beaux Arts. 1897 In January Santayana returns to King’s College, Cambridge, England. He spends April and May traveling in Italy with Mr. and Mrs. Robert Burnside Potter, visiting Florence, Venice, and Rome. On 22 June, in company with the Rockefellers (as in 1887), Santayana views Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee procession (the sixtieth anniversary of her reign) from a room in Picadilly

458

Editorial Appendix

taken by John D. Rockefeller for the occasion. During the summer Santayana sees Lionel Johnson again, in Earl Russell’s London rooms in Temple Gardens. His study at King’s College is finished during July and August, and, after fifteen months abroad, he returns on 2 September 1897 to Boston from Liverpool in the Gallia. He resumes his teaching duties at Harvard and lives with his mother in her house in Longwood, Brookline, Massachusetts, walking to classes. 1898 Despite Harvard President Charles William Eliot’s disapproval, early in the year Santayana is promoted from instructor to assistant professor for a five-year period at an annual salary of two thousand dollars. The promotion is endorsed by William James, Hugo Münsterberg, and Santayana’s other colleagues in the philosophy department. He takes up permanent residence on Brattle Street in Cambridge to “do one’s share in maintaining or establishing the academic traditions of the place.”3 In June he sails to England for his summer holiday abroad, but he is dismayed by the ignominious defeat of the Spanish fleet at Manila Harbor and Santiago in the Spanish-American War. He returns in September, sailing from Liverpool to New York. 1899 Santayana’s Lucifer, a mythological tragedy, is published in Chicago and New York by H. S. Stone. Santayana sails from New York to Southampton in June and spends the summer at Oxford completing work on the manuscript of Interpretations of Poetry and Religion. He visits the Robert B. Potters at Sainte Marguerite and then spends two weeks with Susana and her family in Ávila before sailing to Quebec from Liverpool in September. 1900 Santayana spends the summer abroad, sailing in June from New York to London. He visits a number of cities in France, including Chartres, Orleans, and Toulouse, and then settles in Oxford for most of the time. Returning to America from Southampton in September, he moves into rooms at No. 60, Brattle Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts, where he continues to live until mid1904. He meets Baron Albert von Westenholz (“one of my truest friends” [Persons, 261]) when the young German aristocrat appears at Harvard. Interpretations is published by Scribner’s in New York and A. & C. Black in London. 1901 The last collection of new poems by Santayana, A Hermit of Carmel and Other Poems, is published in New York by Scribner’s (and in London by R. B. Johnson in 1902). Henceforth, Santayana writes little poetry, concentrating

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instead on philosophy. He spends the summer abroad, sailing for England in July and returning in September. 1902 Santayana again spends the summer abroad, sailing in June from New York to Southampton and returning from London in September. 1903 Santayana is reappointed assistant professor for a second five-year period, at the same annual salary of two thousand dollars. Again the summer is spent abroad, with Santayana sailing from New York to Southampton in June. In mid-August he leaves Oxford for Portsmouth, to visit Earl Russell. He returns to Cambridge, Massachusetts, from Hamburg in September. 1904–6 Santayana spends twenty-seven months abroad, including his only sabbatical leave (1904–5), traveling in Europe and the Middle East. In mid-July 1904 he sails from New York to Plymouth, England. That September, he sends the last batch of manuscript for The Life of Reason to the publishers and then sets out from Paris for his “first real travels.” He visits Rome and Venice with Charles Loeser. After spending a few weeks at Naples in December, he visits Pompeii; then he goes on to Sicily, where, at Syracuse, he reads the first proofs of The Life of Reason. He returns from Sicily to Naples and sails for Greece. He is in Egypt in January 1905 and travels by boat up and down the Nile. From Egypt he travels to Palestine and Tel Aviv, spending three weeks at Jerusalem. He visits Damascus and Baalbeck, then travels from Beirut to Athens and through Greece, which, in its modern form, disappoints him. He sails from Piraeus to Constantinople, concluding his odyssey with Budapest and Vienna. Never again will he travel “for the sake of travelling.” (Persons, 467) While still in the East in 1905, Santayana is invited by Harvard to become Hyde Lecturer at the Sorbonne for 1905–6; he accepts, thus extending his holiday for a second year. During this period he lectures on philosophical subjects at Paris and the provincial universities. The five volumes of The Life of Reason; or, the Phases of Human Progress are published during 1905–6 by Scribner’s in New York and Constable in London. Santayana rejects an offer of a position on the philosophical faculty of Columbia University. He returns to America in September 1906, sailing from Southampton to New York, and resumes his teaching duties at Harvard. 1907 Santayana is promoted from assistant professor to full professor, and his salary is doubled to four thousand dollars per year. In June he sails from New York to Hamburg and returns to Boston from Liverpool in September.

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1908 Santayana sails from Boston to Plymouth in June and spends time in England and France before returning to Boston from Cherbourg in September. 1909 Santayana is elected to membership in the National Institute of Arts and Letters (later the American Academy and Institute of Arts and Letters). He spends the summer in Europe, sailing in July, from Boston to Liverpool, on the Lusitania, and returning from Liverpool in September aboard the Mauretania. 1910 In February Santayana delivers a course of lectures, on “Three Philosophical Poets,” at Columbia University. On 13 April he addresses the Century Club in Chicago, and from 14 April to about 24 April he repeats his course of six lectures on the “Three Philosophical Poets” at the University of Wisconsin at Madison. These lectures constitute the book Three Philosophical Poets: Lucretius, Dante, and Goethe published later in the year by Harvard University Press, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and by the Oxford University Press, in London. Santayana sails from Boston to Liverpool aboard the Lusitania in June, and he makes his penultimate transatlantic crossing in September, sailing from Hamburg on the Kaiserin Augusta Victoria. 1911 In April Santayana delivers his final lecture at Harvard. He receives an honorary Doctor of Letters degree from the University of Wisconsin. From Madison, he travels to the University of California at Berkeley, where, beginning in June, he teaches in the six-week summer session and has his only experience of the American West. 1912 Santayana makes his final transatlantic crossing (thirty-eighth), sailing aboard the Olympic from Boston on 24 January, bound for Plymouth and a holiday in Europe. He plans to return to Harvard in September 1913, but in fact he has left America for good. On 5 February Santayana’s mother dies. His share of the inheritance, coupled with his savings, enables him to resign his professorship, which he does with a letter to Harvard President Abbott Lawrence Lowell of 6 June. In February he visits Cambridge University, where, as Bertrand Russell’s guest, he sleeps in the clock tower of Trinity College. During the spring he lives in Spain with Mercedes de la Escalera (an old family friend) in her home in Madrid. At this time, Santayana’s bronchitis becomes chronic, and he suffers from it periodically during the rest of his life. In May he moves into C. A. Strong’s Paris apartment at No. 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, which, until his settlement in Rome in 1928, becomes his prin-

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cipal residence. At this time, his sister Josephine Sturgis is taken by her brother Robert to Spain, where she will remain permanently. 1913–14 Winds of Doctrine: Studies in Contemporary Opinion is published by Scribner’s in New York and Dent in London. Santayana is in Ávila during December 1913 and spends the period January through May 1914 in Seville. He is back at Strong’s Paris apartment in June. In July Santayana crosses the English Channel “to do some shopping, and see a few friends,”4 travels to London, and early in August, to Cambridge. World War I breaks out, and Santayana returns to Oxford, where he remains essentially throughout the war, until the end of April 1919. During this period he often visits Earl Russell at Telegraph House. At Oxford Santayana also becomes friends with Robert Bridges, the poet laureate, and, through Bertrand Russell, with Lady Ottoline Morrell, whose Manor House at Garsington (near Oxford) is at this time a gathering place for the British literati. 1915 The controversial Egotism in German Philosophy is published by Scribner’s in New York (and, in 1916, by Dent in London). Santayana is accused by his critics of writing propaganda. 1918 During the winter Santayana gives the Third Annual Henriette Hertz Lecture, before the British Academy in London. The lecture is published as “Philosophical Opinion in America,” in the Proceedings of the British Academy for 1917–18, and later appears, in 1920, as chapter five of Character and Opinion in the United States. 1919 Robert Bridges tries unsuccessfully to persuade Santayana to remain in England. He wishes to arrange a lifetime membership for him in one of the Oxford colleges with which Bridges is affiliated, Corpus Christi or New College. Santayana is still considering a permanent residency in Oxford, but wants to travel for at least a year. At the end of June, after considerable difficulties obtaining a French visa, Santayana returns to Strong’s Paris apartment to write. He declines an offer from Professor Wendell T. Bush to lecture at Columbia. In late November he accompanies a crippled Strong to his Villa Le Balze at Fiesole near Florence. 1920 During this year Santayana begins his practice of passing the winters in Rome, but continues to spend the summers in Paris, Ávila, Glion, at Lake Geneva, or Cortina d’Ampezzo. Little Essays: Drawn From the Writings of George

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Santayana by Logan Pearsall Smith, With the Collaboration of the Author is published by Constable in London and Scribner’s in New York. Character and Opinion in the United States: with Reminiscences of William James, and Josiah Royce, and Academic Life in America is published by Constable in London, Scribner’s in New York, and McLeod in Toronto. His work continues on Soliloquies and Realms of Being. 1921 Santayana spends the winter months in Spain (Toledo and Madrid) concentrating on his writing. Several of the English soliloquies are published separately in the The Dial, the The Athenaeum, and the Journal of Philosophy. At the end of March he returns to Paris, and in October he travels to Rome. 1922 After a winter in Rome organizing the Realms of Being, Santayana spends the summer in Paris working on the manuscript of Scepticism and Animal Faith. Soliloquies in England and Later Soliloquies and the revised second edition of the five volumes of The Life of Reason are published by Constable and Scribner’s (Life of Reason by Constable in 1923). 1923 The introduction to Santayana’s system of philosophy, Scepticism and Animal Faith, and the last collection of Santayana’s poetry to appear during his lifetime, Poems: Selected by the Author and Revised, are published by Scribner’s and Constable. Santayana has by now changed his mind about retiring permanently in England, partly because of the winter climate and partly because of his dissatisfaction with the current tone of life there. On his penultimate visit to England, Santayana delivers the Herbert Spencer Lecture at Oxford (entitled The Unknowable and published by the Clarendon Press). He makes final visits to Cambridge and to “T.H.,” where Earl Russell is now alone, his third wife, the novelist “Elizabeth” (Mary Annette Beauchamp, widow of the German Count von Arnim) having left him in 1918. 1924 Santayana declines Professor George Herbert Palmer’s invitation to read the Phi Beta Kappa poem at the Harvard Commencement exercises. A revised version of his tragedy (originally published in 1900) is published as Lucifer; or the Heavenly Truce: A Theological Tragedy, by Dunster House, at Cambridge, Massachusetts. 1925 Dialogues in Limbo is published by Constable in London (and by Scribner’s in New York in 1926).

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1926 Santayana writes a short preface to the 1926 reprint of Winds of Doctrine (New York: Scribner’s; London: Dent). During the summer, in a room in the Hotel Cristallo, in Cortina d’Ampezzo, he composes, “at one stretch,” (Persons, 529) Platonism and the Spiritual Life. That autumn Santayana begins the annual practice of spending all or part of the months of September and October in Venice, staying at the Hotel Danieli, en route back to Rome from Cortina. 1927 Early in April Santayana meets Daniel Cory, age twenty-two, who has come from England at Santayana’s invitation to meet the philosopher in Rome. In August Santayana officiates as a “substitute papa”5 at the wedding of Margaret Strong (daughter of C. A. Strong and Elizabeth Rockefeller) to George Cuevas, in Paris, by giving the bride away. The first volume of Santayana’s system of philosophy, The Realm of Essence: Book First of Realms of Being, is published by Scribner’s in New York and Constable in London. 1928 Early in January Santayana declines the offer, from President Abbott Lawrence Lowell of Harvard, of the Norton Chair of Poetry for 1928–29. His half sister Susana dies in Ávila, on 10 February, in her seventy-seventh year. At the end of August Strong gives up his Paris apartment, in which, for many years, Santayana has lived as Strong’s guest. Early in September Santayana makes a penultimate visit to Spain. Avoiding Ávila, he goes to Mercedes de la Escalera in Galicia to ascertain the state of mental and physical health of his sister Josephine, who is living with Mercedes, and to advise her regarding her will. About this time, at a suggestion from his nephew, George Sturgis, Santayana begins composing his autobiography. 1929 By the first of September Santayana has finished work on the manuscript of The Realm of Matter. Again settled at the Hotel Bristol in Rome, in October he begins work on The Realm of Truth. 1930 Celedonio Sastre Serrano, husband of the late Susana, dies in Ávila on 12 May. At the end of May Santayana makes his final visit to Spain in order to settle the affairs of his surviving sister, Josephine, as well as his own. He gives his father’s house in Ávila to the Sastre brothers, Celedonio’s sons. After his return to Rome, Josephine dies in Ávila, on October 15, at the age of seventy-seven. The Realm of Matter: Book Second of Realms of Being is published, by Scribner’s in New York and Constable in London, and “A Brief History of My Opinions” appears in volume two of Contemporary American Philosophy: Personal

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Statements, edited by George P. Adams and William P. Montague, and published by Macmillan in New York. 1931 John Francis Stanley, 2d Earl Russell, dies at Marseilles on 3 March at the age of sixty-five. Santayana reverses his intention to visit Ávila in the spring or summer, both because of disinclination and the worsening political unrest in Spain, presaging the impending civil war. The Genteel Tradition at Bay is published by Scribner’s in New York and by the Adelphi in London. In December Santayana receives and declines the offer to become William James Professor of Philosophy at Harvard. 1932 Santayana attends the philosophical congress commemorating the tercentenary of Spinoza’s birth, held at The Hague on September 6–10, where he delivers a lecture on Ultimate Religion (published in Septimana Spinozana, by Martinus Nijhoff, at The Hague, in 1933). He also goes to London, where he attends a meeting held there to commemorate the tercentenary of the birth of John Locke. On 19 October he gives an address on “Locke and the Frontiers of Common Sense,” which becomes the first of five essays constituting Some Turns of Thought in Modern Philosophy (published in England by the Cambridge University Press and in New York by Scribner’s in 1933). 1933 Evelyn Tindall, an Englishwoman who is secretary for the British Legation to the Holy See in Rome, is first mentioned as typing Santayana’s manuscripts. Beginning with The Last Puritan, she continues her work with Santayana for almost twenty years. 1934 On 31 August Santayana completes work on his novel, The Last Puritan: A Memoir in the Form of a Novel. Begun in the early 1890s as a story of college life, the work has been in progress for more than forty years. 1935 In the spring Santayana declines the invitation of President James Bryant Conant and the Harvard Tercentenary Committee to attend the Commencement exercises in June and receive an honorary Doctor of Letters degree. He also declines the subsequent offer to receive, together with sixty other scholars, an unspecified honorary degree to be presented at Harvard during the summer. He regards these offers as merely grudging recognition of his achievement by official Harvard. The Last Puritan is published by Constable in London (on 17 October) and by Macmillan in Toronto. The

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Scribner’s edition, published in New York in 1936, becomes a Book-of-the-Month Club bestseller. 1936 The first six volumes of the Triton Edition of The Works of George Santayana, Scribner’s deluxe limited edition of the collected writings in fifteen volumes, are published in New York. Santayana writes a general preface and autographs sheets which are placed at the front in volume one. (The remaining nine volumes are published during the period 1937–40.) Obiter Scripta: Lectures, Essays and Reviews, edited by Justus Buchler and Benjamin Schwartz, and Philosophy of Santayana: Selections From the Works of George Santayana, edited by Irwin Edman, are published by Scribner’s (Obiter is also published by Constable). During June and July, Santayana makes a final visit to Paris. 1937 On 29 May Santayana’s favorite grandnephew, Roberto Sastre (son of José [“Pepe”] and Isabel Sastre) is killed while fighting on the Falangist side in the Spanish civil war. The Realm of Truth: Book Third of Realms of Being is published in London by Constable (and in New York by Scribner’s in 1938). 1938 The first book-length biography, George Santayana, by George Washburne Howgate is published in Philadelphia by the University of Pennsylvania Press. 1939 World War II breaks out in Europe. Santayana is refused a regular long-term visa by the Swiss officials and decides to remain in Italy. Daniel Cory stays with him at Cortina d’Ampezzo until the end of August. (Their next meeting will be at the Blue Sisters’ nursing home in Rome, early in September 1947, eight years later.) In the autumn the Hotel Bristol in Rome, Santayana’s home for many years, is closed for reconstruction. Santayana decides to spend the winter of 1939–40 in Venice, a decision that, because of the severe cold and dampness of Venice in winter, he afterward regrets. In September he learns of the suicide of his friend Baron Albert von Westenholz. 1940 On 23 January, at Florence, Charles Augustus Strong dies at the age of seventy-seven. The Realm of Spirit: Book Fourth of Realms of Being is published by Scribner’s in New York and Constable in London. The Philosophy of George Santayana, volume two of The Library of Living Philosophers, Paul Arthur Schilpp, Editor, is published in Evanston by the Northwestern University Press. The book, composed of critical essays by several hands, contains also Santayana’s rejoinder entitled “Apologia pro Mente Sua.”

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1941 Santayana spends the summer at Fiuggi, returning to Rome in the Autumn. The Hotel Bristol being closed, he lives for a time in the Grand Hotel. Now seventy-seven years old, he finds looking after himself more difficult and, on 14 October, moves into a nursing home operated by the Blue Sisters of the Little Company of Mary, an order of Roman Catholic Irish nuns. The large establishment is situated in the Via Santo Stefano Rotondo, atop the Celius (Monte Celio), one of Rome’s seven hills. This is to be Santayana’s last home, where he will live for almost eleven years. 1942–43 The manuscript of Persons and Places, the first volume of Santayana’s autobiography, is refused by the Italian postal authorities. Scribner’s editor John Hall Wheelock, and Irish poet Padraic Collum, with the cooperation of American and Vatican diplomatic officials, succeed in spiriting the manuscript across national lines and ultimately to New York. Cut off by the war from correspondence with America and England, Santayana continues to write his autobiography and works on the manuscript of Dominations and Powers, a book composed of essays written over a great many years. 1944 Like The Last Puritan, in 1936, Persons and Places becomes a Book-ofthe-Month Club bestseller. On 20 December George Sturgis, Santayana’s nephew and financial manager, dies of a heart attack. 1945 The second volume of Santayana’s autobiography is published as The Middle Span, the title being supplied by editor Wheelock of Scribner’s. Santayana is awarded the Nicholas Murray Butler Medal by Columbia University. 1946 The Idea of Christ in the Gospels; or, God in Man: A Critical Essay is published by Scribner’s in New York and Saunders in Toronto. 1947 Daniel Cory spends nearly two months with Santayana in Rome, living in a room opposite Santayana’s in the Blue Sisters’ establishment. He finds Santayana completely deaf in one ear. On 13 October Santayana gives Cory the manuscript of his Posthumous Poems, inscribing a personal dedication. These unpublished poems and translations, which Santayana had begun revising and transcribing at the end of the war, are published in The Poet’s Testament, in 1953, edited by Cory and John Hall Wheelock.

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1948 Dialogues in Limbo, With Three New Dialogues is published in New York by Scribner’s. 1949 Cory spends the months of April and May helping Santayana with his work on the manuscript of Dominations and Powers. They agree that henceforth Cory should spend the winters in Rome. Cory returns to Rome at the end of October and remains there until the end of April 1950. In December 1949 Cory consults Santayana’s physician, Dr. Luigi Sabbatucci about Santayana’s persistent cough and recent loss of appetite. He interprets the doctor’s circumspect answers as suspicion of serious illness. 1950 Artist Lino S. Lipinsky de Orlov does his series of pencil portraits of Santayana in August 1950. Cory returns to Rome from England in early October 1950 and remains there until early May the following year. He assists Santayana with the final checking and correction of the proofs of Dominations and Powers, and they complete this labor by the beginning of the New Year. In mid-October 1950 Robert Lowell and his wife, novelist Elizabeth Hardwick, visit Santayana in Rome. 1951 Dominations and Powers: Reflections on Liberty, Society, and Government, Santayana’s last book published during his lifetime, is issued by Scribner’s in New York and Constable in London. Santayana receives another visit from Robert Lowell early in the year, and Cory spends about nine months [c. September 1951–May 1952] with Santayana in Rome. They spend the autumn collaborating on the revised one-volume edition of The Life of Reason (originally published in five volumes in 1905–6, the new edition is published by Constable in London and Scribner’s in New York in 1954). Cory observes that Santayana’s deafness is increasing and that his vision, never good, is impaired by cataracts. 1952 On 4 June Santayana falls on the steps of the Spanish Consulate in Rome, where he had gone to renew his passport. He is taken to the nursing home in a taxi by officials of the Consulate. The effects of the fall include three broken ribs, a bleeding head wound, and patches of pneumonia on the lungs. Cory, hastily summoned from England by the Sisters, remains with Santayana until the end of June. Dr. Sabbatucci is amazed by Santayana’s recovery. While recuperating, Santayana receives, as a present from George Salerno (a young American journalist, who had met Santayana while a soldier in the occupation forces), a copy of the poems of Lorenzo de’ Medici. Santayana decides to

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spend the summer translating Lorenzo’s lengthy pastoral Ombron and Ambra, and he works at this task into the summer, until increasing blindness and illness make further labor impossible. By the third week of August, Santayana becomes desperately ill. Cory arrives in Rome on 8 September and is told by Dr. Sabbatucci that Santayana is dying of stomach cancer. On 26 September, after much suffering, Santayana dies. His wish to be buried in unconsecrated ground in a Catholic cemetery is frustrated by the lack of such a section in Rome’s Campo Verano. The Spanish officials intercede and, on 30 September Santayana’s body is interred in the Tomb of the Spaniards. At the graveside, Daniel Cory reads aloud Santayana’s poem, “The Poet’s Testament.” 1953 The third volume of Santayana’s autobiography, entitled (by the publisher) My Host the World, is published in London by the Cresset Press, and in New York by Scribner’s. The Posthumous Poems, together with two early plays, are published by Scribner’s as The Poet’s Testament: Poems and Two Plays. 1955 The Letters of George Santayana, a selection of two hundred and ninety-six letters to eighty-six recipients, edited by Daniel Cory, is published by Scribner’s.

Notes 1

Letter to Daniel Cory of 11 November 1932. On page 36 of volume 3 of Scribner’s edition of Persons and Places, entitled My Host the World (1953) (and also on the holograph manuscript itself), Santayana’s second visit to Gibraltar is described as follows “… I returned there in 1891, this time from America, and crossed to Tangiers. …” On page 37, he observes that he was again at Gibraltar “two years later.” Evidently, the date of 1891 is a slip, for on the map referred to above in the headnote to this chronology Santayana has indicated that in June of 1893, and again in June of 1895, he sailed from New York to Gibraltar, on the Fulda and the Werra, respectively. The map also indicates that in June 1891 he sailed from Boston to Liverpool aboard the Cephalonia. Santayana had left the map in Spain many years before, and therefore did not have it by him while composing his autobiography in Rome during the 1940s. 3 Letter to Guy Murchie of 17 July 1897. 4 Letter to Mary Williams Winslow of 16 August 1914. 5 Letter to Boylston Adams Beal of 21 November 1927. 2

Addresses The following list of addresses is drawn from the place and date-lines and from the contents of Santayana’s letters, from information provided in his autobiography, Persons and Places, and from other biographical sources. The list includes addresses where Santayana stayed for long and short periods, and it includes trips and visits to various places. Santayana’s habit of changing residence with the seasons, however, complicates the task of accounting for his addresses, and this list, containing estimations as well as gaps and omissions, does not pretend to be complete. It is, nevertheless, reasonably accurate, and used in conjunction with the Chronology serves to inform the reader as to where Santayana was and what he was doing at a given time. The names of clubs at which Santayana dined and from which he wrote letters, but at which he did not actually reside (e.g., the Colonial and Delta Phi Clubs in Cambridge, Massachusetts, or the National Liberal Club in London, England) are not included in this list. Indented dates indicate temporary absence from a permanent address. 1863–66 69 Calle Ancha de San Bernardo, Madrid, Spain 1866–72 ( June) Ávila, Spain (father’s house) 1872

(15 July)–1881–82 (Winter) 302 Beacon Street, Boston, Massachusetts (mother’s house)

1881–82 (Winter)–1882 (September) 26 Millmont Street, Roxbury, Massachusetts (mother’s house) 1882

(September)–1886 (May) Room no. 19, Hollis Hall, Harvard Yard, Cambridge, Massachusetts 1883 ( June–September) Visit to Spain; trips to Lyons and Paris, France

1886–1912 Spends each summer in Europe 1886

( July–early August) Ávila (father’s house)

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(early August) Visits to Paris and Cologne en route to Göttingen, Germany (12 August to end of August) c/o Fräulein Schlote, 16 D Obere Karspüle, Göttingen (September) c/o Frau Sturm, Werder Strasse 6, Dresden, Germany (Autumn 1886) Visit to London 1886

(October)–1887 (February) Schiffbauerdamm, 3II, Berlin, Germany

1887

(late March) Two-day boat trip down Thames, from Reading to London, visits to Windsor, Eton, and Winchester, England (21 April–May) Oxford, England ( June) 87 Jermyn Street, St. James, London, England ( July–August) Ávila (father’s house) (early September) Trip to Gibraltar and tour of southern Spain

1887

(1 November)–1888 (mid-March) Potsdamerstrasse 123III, Berlin

1888

( June) Canal journey through Burgundy, visit to Paris ( July–August) Ávila (father’s house)

1888

(August)–1889 (August) 26 Millmont Street, Roxbury, Massachusetts (mother’s house)

1889

(September)–1890 (Spring) Room no. 29, Thayer Hall, Harvard Yard

1890

(Summer) Visit to Queen’s Acre, Windsor, England (Howard Sturgis’s house), and Ávila

Addresses

1890

471

(Autumn)–1896 (June) Room no. 7, Stoughton Hall, Harvard Yard 1893 (Summer) Visit to Gibraltar and Ávila, Spain 1895 (22 June–late September) Summer abroad: Spain, Italy, France, Switzerland, England 1895 (December) Naushon Island, Buzzard’s Bay, Cape Cod, Massachusetts ( John Forbes’s house)

1896

(27 June) Chateau Frontenac, Quebec, Canada ( July–September) 26 Banbury Road, Oxford, England (September) Visit to Amberley Cottage, Maidenhead, England (villa of John Francis Stanley, 2d Earl Russell) (October–December) King’s College (1 Silver Street), Cambridge, England (December) Trip to Paris

1897

( January–June) King’s College (2 Free School Lane), Cambridge, England ( July–August) Gibbs Hall (Fellows’ Building), King’s College, Cambridge, England (Nathaniel Wedd’s rooms)

1897

(September)–1898 (Spring) 75 Monmouth Street, Longwood, Brookline, Massachusetts (mother’s house)

1898

(Spring)–1899 (Spring) 52 Brattle Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts

1899

( June–August) Summer at Oxford, visits to France and Spain

1899

(Autumn)–1904 ( June) 60 Brattle Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts 1900 (Summer) France, 108 Jermyn Street, London, England, and Oxford

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1901 ( July–September) Oxford, England (5 Grove Street, now Magpie Lane) 1902 and 1903 Summers in Europe 1904

( July)–1906 (September) Twenty-seven months abroad: sabbatical leave and Hyde Lecture program 1904 ( July–September) Travels in England, Belgium, Holland, Germany, and France (24 September–October) Ávila (sister Susana’s house) (November) Villa I Tatti, Settignano, Florence, Italy (the Bernard Berensons’ villa) (25 November–8 December) Grand Hôtel de Russie et des Iles Britanniques, Rome, Italy 1905 ( January–August) Traveling in the Middle East and Europe ( January) Egypt (February) Israel and Lebanon (March and April) Greece (May) Turkey, Hungary, and Germany ( June and July) England (August) Germany (visits Baron Albert von Westenholz) 1905 (September)–1906 ( June) Hyde Lecturer at the Sorbonne and at French provincial universities, Paris address: Hôtel Foyot, Rue de Tournon (September) Compiègne (October–mid-November) Ávila (Susana’s house) (April) Lyons, Montpellier, Cannes, Nîmes, and Orange (29 April–5 May) Toulouse (May) Pau, Bordeaux, Arcachon, La Rochelle, and Caen ( June) Dijon, Morez, Lyons, and Grenoble

1906

(mid-September)–1908 (mid-June) 75 Monmouth Street, Longwood, Brookline (mother’s house) 1907 ( January) Lectures in New York City

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1907 (mid-June–mid-September) Summer abroad: Germany, Switzerland, Spain (18 September) Arrival from Europe in New York City: Hotel Manhattan 1908

(mid-June–mid-September) Summer abroad: England, France; visit to Queen’s Acre, Windsor, in July (Howard Sturgis’s house)

1908

(mid-September)–1912 ( January) Room no. 3, Prescott Hall, Harvard Yard 1909 (mid-July–mid-September) Summer in England; visit in August to Telegraph House (“T.H.”), Chichester, Hampshire, England ( John Francis Stanley, Second Earl Russell’s house) 1910 (February) New York City (April) Visits Chicago, Illinois, and lectures at the University of Wisconsin, Madison (8 June–17 September) Summer abroad; visit to Ávila 1911 (mid-June–end of August) University Club, San Francisco, California

1912

(29 January) On board the R.M.S. Olympic (February) Visits to Queen’s Acre, Windsor, and to Trinity College, Cambridge (20 February) 7 Bennet Street, St. James, London (28 February) Hotel du Quai Voltaire, Paris (March and early April) Serrano 7, Madrid, Spain (Mercedes de la Escalera’s house) (May–August) 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris (Charles Augustus Strong’s apartment becomes Santayana’s principal residence [except during the period July 1914–August 1919] until the end of August 1928.)

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(September–November) Travels in Italy (Milan, Bologna, Naples, Palermo) with an extend ed stay in Rome 1912

(30 November)–1913 (early January) Villa I Tatti, Settignano, Florence

1913

(February–mid-March) French Riviera: Nice and Monte Carlo (mid-March–April) Serrano 7, Madrid (May–mid-July) 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris (3 July) Hotel de Ville, Brussels, Belgium (mid-August–October) 66 High Street, Oxford (November) 45 Chesterton Road, Cambridge, England (December) Ávila (Susana’s house)

1914

(January–mid-May) Hotel la Peninsular, Seville, Spain (mid-May–June) 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris (27 July) Euston Hotel, London (2–3 August) Red Lion Hotel, Cambridge, England (5 August) Visit to Queen’s Acre, Windsor (16 August) Oxford, England (late August–11 October) 3 Ryder Street, London (12 October–14 December) 45 Chesterton Road, Cambridge

1914

(14 December)–1915 January) Old Ship Hotel, Brighton, England

Addresses

1915

475

(February–April) 45 Chesterton Road, Cambridge (May) 66 High Street, Oxford

1915

( June)–1919 (April) 22 Beaumont Street, Oxford (main residence during World War I) 1915 (September) Visits London, Lewes, and North Luffenham, England 1915 (October) Visit to Bournemouth, England 1917 (February–March) 6 Park Street, Torquay, Cornwall, England 1918 (Winter) Trip to London

1919

(end of April) Trip to London (13–16 and 20–25 June) Richmond Hill Hotel, Richmond, Surrey, England (16–20 June) Trip to London ( July–November) 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris

1919

(December)–1920 (20 January) Villa Le Balze, Fiesole, Florence, Italy (Charles Augustus Strong’s villa)

1920

(20 January–early May) Hotel Minerva, Rome (during 1920) Final visit to Queen’s Acre, Windsor (May 1920) Florence (early June–September) 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris (October) Ávila, Spain (Susana’s house)

476

Editorial Appendix

1920

(late October)–1921 (3 January) Hotel Castilla, Toledo, Spain

1921

(3 January–7 March) Serrano 7, Madrid, Spain (end of March–end of October) 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris (early November) Villa Le Balze, Fiesole, and afterwards the Hotel Royal, Rome

1921

(15 November)–1922 (22 April) Hotel Marini, Rome

1922

(24 April–11 October) 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris (part of June and early October spent in the Hôtel du Palais Royal)

1922

(25 October)–1923 (8 May) New York Hotel, Nice, France

1923

(mid-May–mid-September) 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris (mid-September–31 October) Penultimate visit to England: London, Cambridge, Chichester, Oxford, Bath, and Dover (6 November–mid-November) Villa Le Balze, Fiesole, Florence

1923

(mid-November)–1924 (6 May) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1924

(6 May–mid-June) Hotel Bauer-Grünwald, Venice, Italy (mid-June–29 September) Hotel Cristallo, Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy (30 September–mid-October) Villa Le Balze, Fiesole, Florence

1924

(late October)–1925 (1 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1925

(1–22 June) Paris

Addresses

477

(23 June–mid-July) Ávila (Susana’s house) (mid-July–September) 9, Avenue de 1’Observatoire, Paris 1925

(October)–1926 ( June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1926

(end of June–1 October) Hotel Cristallo, Cortina d’Ampezzo (1–10 October) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice

1926

(10 October)–1927 (5 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1927

(6 June–mid-September) 9, Avenue de 1’Observatoire, Paris (mid-September to mid-October) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice (except for four days in Padua)

1927

(17 October)–1928 (10 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1928

(11 June–end of August) 9, Avenue de l’Observatoire, Paris (Strong gives up the apartment at the end of August 1928.) (early September) Trip to Oporto, Portugal, and Bayona, Spain (6–21 September) Hotel Continental, Vigo, Spain (22 September) Santiago de Compostela, Spain (early October) Grand Hotel Miramare & de la Ville, Genoa, Italy (3–16 October) Villa Le Balze, Fiesole, Florence

1928

(16 October)–1929 (May) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1929

(early June–mid-September) Hôtel Victoria, Glion-sur-Territet, Switzerland

478

Editorial Appendix

(mid-September–20 October) Villa Le Balze, Fiesole, Florence 1929

(November)–1930 (20 May) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1930

(22 May–15 June) A brief stay at the Hôtel Royal Haussmann, Paris. After final visit to Ávila, a return to the Royal Haussmann. (16–22 June) Pavillon Henri IV, Saint Germain-en-Laye, France (early July) Hôtel Foyot, Paris (11 July–23 September) Hôtel Vouillemont, 15, rue Boissy d’Anglas, Paris (end of September–21 October) Villa Le Balze, Fiesole, Florence

1930

(21 October)–1931 (10 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1931

(11–22 June) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice (22 June–11 September) Hotel Miramonti, Cortina d’Ampezzo (12–17 September) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice (18 September–23 October) Hôtel de Londres, Naples, Italy (23 October–end of December) Hotel Bristol, Rome (except during the first week of December in the Anglo-American Nursing Home, 311 via Nomentana)

1931

(1 January)–1932 (22 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1932

(23 June–early July) Hôtel Royal Haussmann, Paris ( July–August) Hôtel des Réservoirs, Versailles, France

Addresses

(1–5 September) Hôtel Royal Haussmann, Paris (6–10 September) Hôtel des Indes, The Hague, Netherlands (11 September–20 October) 7 Park Place, St. James, London (final visit to England) (21–24 October) Dover, England (25 October–early November) Paris 1932

(8 November)–1933 (20 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1933

(22 June–early September) Hotel Miramonti, Cortina d’Ampezzo (6 September–20 October) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice

1933

(20 October)–1934 (19 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1934

(20 June–16 July) Villa Le Balze, Fiesole, Florence (18 July–11 September) Miramonti-Majestic Hotel, Cortina d’Ampezzo (12 September–17 October) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice

1934

(20 October)–1935 (28 May) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1935

(29 May–17 June) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice (18 June–10 September) Grand Hotel Savoia, Cortina d’Ampezzo (10 September–15 October) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice

1935

(16 October)–1936 (3 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

479

480

1936

Editorial Appendix

(4 June–11 August) Savoy-Hotel, rue de Rivoli, Paris (12 August–21 September) Hôtel Victoria, Glion-sur-Montreux, Switzerland

1936

(22 September)–1937 (14 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1937

(15–16 June) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice (17 June–13 September) Grand Hotel Savoia, Cortina d’Ampezzo

1937

(14 September)–1938 (17 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome

1938

(18–20 June) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice (20 June–13 September) Grand Hotel Savoia, Cortina d’Ampezzo

1938

(14 September)–1939 (18 June) Hotel Bristol, Rome (Autumn 1939: Hotel Bristol closed for reconstruction)

1939

(19–21 June) Milan and Venice (22 June–3 September) Grand Hotel Savoia, Cortina d’Ampezzo

1939

(4 September)–1940 (19 June) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice

1940

(9 June–6 July) Hotel Ampezzo, Cortina d’Ampezzo (6 July–11 September) Grand Hotel Savoia, Cortina d’Ampezzo (11 September–end of September) Hôtel Royal Danieli, Venice

1940

(end of September)–1941 (c. 20 June) Grand Hôtel, Rome

Addresses

1941

(c. 20 June–12 September) Palazzo della Fonte, Fiuggi, Italy (12 September–14 October) Grand Hotel, Rome

1941

(14 October)–1952 (26 September) Calvary Hospital, Clinic of the Little Company of Mary, 6, Via Santo Stefano Rotondo, Rome

481

Manuscript Locations Academy

American Academy of Arts and Letters, New York NY

American

American Jewish Archives, Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, Cincinnati OH

Amherst

Amherst College Library, Amherst MA

Antiquarian

American Antiquarian Society, Worcester MA

Barnes

Catherine Barnes, Philadelphia PA

Beinecke

The Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, New Haven CT

Berkeley

The Bancroft Library, University of California at Berkeley

Bidwell

David Bidwell, Geneva, Switzerland

Bodleian

The Bodleian Library, Oxford University, England

Boston

Department of Rare Books and Manuscripts, Boston Public Library, Boston MA

Bowdoin

Bowdoin College Library, Brunswick ME

Bowling Green

Western Kentucky University, Department of Library Special Collections, Bowling Green

British

The British Library of the British Museum, London, England

Brooklyn

Brooklyn College Library, Brooklyn NY

Brown

The John Hay Library, Brown University, Providence RI

Cambridge

University Library, Cambridge University, England

Castelli

Enrico Castelli Gattinara di Zubiena

Chicago

The Modern Poetry Library, University of Chicago Library, Chicago IL

Columbia

Butler Library, Columbia University, New York NY

Congress

The Library of Congress, Washington DC

Constable

Constable and Co. Ltd., London, England

Consulate

Spanish Consulate, Rome, Italy

Cornell

Cornell University Library, Ithaca NY

Dartmouth

Baker Memorial Library, Dartmouth College, Hanover NH

484

Editorial Appendix

DeKalb

The University Libraries, Northern Illinois University, DeKalb

Denson

Alan Denson, Aberdeenshire, Scotland

Dickson

Mr. Carl Byron Dickson, Doswell VA

Duke

William R. Perkins Library, Duke University, Durham NC

Dykeman

King Dykeman, Fairfield University, Fairfield CT

Fales

Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Fales Library, New York University, New York City

Fitzgerald

Robert Stuart Fitzgerald

Florida

University of Florida Library, Gainesville

Gardner

Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston MA

Georgetown

Lauinger Library, Georgetown University, Washington DC

Gerber

William Gerber, Washington DC

Gilmour

Mervyn D. Gilmour, Portadown, Northern Ireland

Harvard

Harvard Archives, Harvard University, Cambridge MA

Houghton

The Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge MA

Howgate

Mrs. George W. Howgate

Huntington

The Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino CA

Indiana

The Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington

I Tatti

Villa I Tatti, Settignano, Italy

Kansas

University of Kansas Libraries, Lawrence

Kentucky

University of Kentucky, Lexington

King’s

King’s College Library, Cambridge University, England

Lamont

Collection of Lamont family papers

Lango

John W. Lango, New York NY

Leeds

Leeds University Library, The Brotherton Collection, Leeds, England

Lipinsky

Lino S. Lipinsky de Orlov

Lockwood

Lockwood Memorial Library, State University of New York at Buffalo

Loyola

Loyola University Library, Chicago IL

Macksey

Richard A. Macksey, Baltimore MD

McMaster

Mills Memorial Library, Bertrand Russell Archives, McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada

Manuscript Locations

485

Merriam

John McKinstry Merriam

Michigan

Bentley Historical Library, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

Minnesota

University of Minnesota Libraries, St. Paul

Morgan

The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York NY

Mumford

Lewis Mumford

Munitz

Milton Karl Munitz

Murchie

Guy Murchie Jr.

Newberry

The Newberry Library, Chicago IL

New York

The New York Public Library, New York City

North Carolina

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

Northwestern

Northwestern University Library, Evanston IL

Ohio

Ohio Historical Society, Columbus

Oregon

University of Oregon Libraries, Eugene

Penn

The Charles Patterson Van Pelt Library, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia

Pennsylvania

The Pennsylvania State University Libraries, University Park

Princeton

Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Libraries, Princeton NJ

Provincial

Provincial Archives, Province of St. Albert the Great, Chicago IL

Radcliffe

The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College, Cambridge MA

Reading

The Library, University of Reading, England

Redwood

The Redwood Library and Athenaeum, Newport RI

Rigacci

Dino Rigacci

Riverside

Rivera Library, University of California, Riverside

Rockefeller

Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow NY

Rollins

Rollins College, Winter Park FL

Salamanca

University of Salamanca, Casa Museo Unamuno, Salamanca, Spain

Sanchez

Paloma Sanchez Sastre, Madrid, Spain

Santayana

Santayana Edition, Indianapolis IN

Sastre

Sra. Rafael (Adelaida Hernandez) Sastre, Ávila, Spain

Sastre Martín

Sra. Eduardo Sastre Martín, Madrid, Spain

486

Editorial Appendix

Scotland

National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh

Smith

Smith College Archives, Northampton MA

Smithsonian

National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC

Sommer

Melvin L. Sommer

Sorbonne

Universites de Paris, Bibliotheque de la Sorbonne, France

Southern

Morris Library, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale

Spiegler

Mrs. Charles (Evelyn) Spiegler, Forest Hill NY

Stanford

Stanford University Libraries, Stanford CA

Stroup

Timothy Stroup, Annandale NY

Sturgis

Robert Shaw Sturgis, Weston MA

Syracuse

Syracuse University Library, Syracuse NY

Temple

Temple University Libraries, Philadelphia PA

Texas

Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas at Austin

Thompson

Samuel Martin Thompson

Tisch

Arthur Tisch, Palm Beach Gardens FL

Trinity

Trinity College Library, Cambridge University, England

UCLA

University of California at Los Angeles

Union

Union College Library, Schenectady NY

University Club

The University Club, New York NY

USC

University of Southern California Library, Los Angeles

Vermont

University of Vermont Libraries, Burlington

Viereck

Peter Robert Edwin Viereck, South Hadley MA

Virginia

Alderman Library, University of Virginia at Charlottesville

Wellesley

Wellesley College Library, Wellesley MA

Wheeler

Samuel Wheeler, Storrs CT

Williams

Williams College Archives and Special Collections, Williamstown MA

Yale

Manuscripts and Archives, Yale University Library, New Haven CT

YIVO

YIVO Institute for Jewish Research, New York NY

List of Recipients Book Four, 1928–1932 Abbot, Henry Ward Beal, Boylston Adams Berenson, Mary Whitall Smith (Mrs. Bernard Berenson) Bidwell, Josephine Sturgis [Eldredge] (Mrs. Raymond Bidwell) Bogart, Guy Bridges, Monica Waterhouse (Mrs. Robert Bridges) Bridges, Robert Seymour Bullet, Gerald Bush, Mary Potter (Mrs. Wendell T. Bush) Bush, Wendell T. Canby, Henry Seidel Charles Scribner’s Sons Clemens, Cyril Coniston Cohen, Morris Raphael Cory, Daniel MacGhie Cross, Wilbur Lucius Davis, Charles P. Ducasse, Curt John Eastman, Max Forrester Edman, Irwin Escalera, Mercedes de la Firuski, Maurice Fuller, Benjamin Apthorp Gould Harris, Alan Hartmann, Carl Sadakichi Hartshorne, Charles Hook, Sidney Howgate, George Washburne Hudson, Hoyt Hopewell Irazusta, Julio Kallen, Horace Meyer

488

Editorial Appendix

Komroff, Manuel Kyllmann, Otto Lamprecht, Sterling Power Lewis, Frederic Thomas Lippmann, Walter Lowes, John Livingston MacCarthy, Desmond Morrell, Ottoline Cavendish-Bentick (Mrs. Philip Morrell) Mumford, Lewis Munro, Thomas Murry, John Middleton Onderdonk, Andrew Joseph Perry, Ralph Barton Phelps, William Lyon Rubin, Mr. Russell, John Francis Stanley Russell, Mary Annette Beauchamp (Mrs. John Russell) Sacks, Louis Sastre, Adelaida Hernández de (Mrs. Rafael Sastre) Sastre González, José Sastre González, Luis Sastre, Isabel Martín de (Mrs. José Sastre) Schneider, Herbert Wallace Scribner, Charles Jr. Seligmann, Herbert Jacob Slochower, Harry Soutar, William Strong, Charles Augustus Sturgis, George Sturgis, Josephine Borrás Tapia, Alejandro Torrence, Frederick Ridgely Toy, Nancy Saunders (Mrs. Crawford H. Toy) Unidentified Recipient von Hagen, Victor Wolfgang Wechsler, Mr. Wheelock, John Hall Woods, James Haughton

List of Unlocated Letters The following is a list of letters by George Santayana which were known to exist, but have not been located by the editors. To Mr. and Mrs. Jack Ames Prior to 12 Jun 1936 In 21 Jun 1936 to George Sturgis To Sarah Ripley (Mrs. Jack) Ames c. 23 Jul 1936 In 23 Jul 1936 to George Sturgis To Henri Bergson Prior to 13 Sep 1911 In 13 Sep 1911 to Charles Augustus Strong To John Berryman c. 21 Jan 1951 In 21 Jan 1951 to Robert Lowell To David and Carol Bidwell 10 Feb 1950 In 11 Feb 1950 to Raymond Bidwell To Josephine Sturgis Bidwell January 1945 In 13 Jan 1945 to Rosamond Sturgis 7 Jun 1945 In 7 Jun 1945 to Raymond Bidwell c. 20 Mar 1946 In 22 Mar 1946 to Raymond Bidwell To Emile Boutroux Prior to 21 Dec 1916 In 21 Dec 1916 to John Jay Chapman To Gerald Bullett c. Jun 1932 In 7 Jun 1932 to Daniel MacGhie Cory To Wendell T. Bush 8 Nov 1914 Mentioned in letter from Bush of 23 Nov 1914 4 Jul 1915 Mentioned in letter from Bush of 23 Aug 1915 To Lawrence Smith Butler September 1941 Mentioned in Sturgis Family Papers, Houghton Library To James McKeen Cattell c. April 1906 In 11 Apr 1906 to Hugo Münsterberg c. May 1906 In 10 May 1906 to Hugo Münsterberg To James Bryant Conant Prior to 14 Apr 1934 In 14 Apr 1934 to George Sturgis To Daniel MacGhie Cory 9 Sep 1933 (In a letter to William G. Holzberger, Mrs. Cory asked that this letter not be included, the editors never received copy, and it is not at

490

Editorial Appendix

Columbia.) To George and Margaret de Cuevas Dates unknown Two mentioned in 11 Mar 1940 to Cory To Durant Drake c. 21 Jul 1917 In 21 Jul 1917 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 21 Sep 1917 In 21 Sep 1917 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 3 Oct 1917 In 3 Oct 1917 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 21 Oct 1917 In 21 Oct 1917 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 10 Dec 1917 In 10 Dec 1917 to Charles Augustus Strong To Mr. Hoppin Duffield & Co. Date unknown In 21 Mar 1922 and 13 May 1922 to Constable & Company To Jacques Duron 20 Sep 1933 Cited in Duron’s La Pensée de George Santayana, 87 6 Feb 1939 Cited in Duron’s La Pensée de George Santayana, 518 To Josephine Sturgis Eldridge Prior to 3 Nov 1922 In 3 Nov 1922 to George Sturgis To Françoise c. 5 Aug 1914 In 5 Aug 1914 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 9 Aug 1914 In 9 Aug 1914 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 20 Aug 1917 In 20 Aug 1917 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 30 Apr 1919 In 30 Apr 1919 to Charles Augustus Strong To George Grady Date unknown (A letter to George Grady of 25 Jul 1949 is in Special Collections/Morris Library, Southern Illinois University, and the librarian knew of the existence of a second letter to Grady which was sold to a private collector.) To Carl Sadakichi Hartmann c. 3 Nov 1922 In 3 Nov 1922 to George Sturgis To Leslie W. Hopkinson c. 2 Apr 1940 In 2 Apr 1940 to Nancy Saunders Toy To Alanson Bigelow Houghton Two mentioned in 31 Aug 1887 to William Morton Fullerton To John Galen Howard Prior to 21 Aug 1882 In 21 Aug 1882 to Howard To the editor of the Hudson Review Date unknown. In 17 Apr 1952 to John Hall Wheelock To Otto Kyllmann Telegraph of 26 Aug 1935 Mentioned in letter to Kyllmann of same date To Pierre de Chaignon la Rose c. 8 Mar 1929 In 8 Mar 1929 to Maurice Firuski

Unlocated Letters

491

After 10 Mar 1930 In 10 Mar 1930 to Maurice Firuski To Bruno Lind (Robert C. Hahnel) c. 31 Jul 1951 In 3 Oct 1951 to Lind To Herbert Lyman 16 Aug 1940 Mentioned in Sturgis Family Papers, Houghton Library To Manageress of St. James’s Prior to 25 Aug 1932 In 25 Aug 1932 to Daniel MacGhie Cory To Marie c. 10 Dec 1920 In 10 Dec 1920 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 10 Apr 1922 In 10 Apr 1922 to Charles Augustus Strong To Dickinson Miller c. 1 Feb 1934 In 4 Feb 1934 to Charles Augustus Strong To William Pepperell Montague c. 28 Mar 1921 In 28 Mar 1921 to Charles Augustus Strong To Samuel Eliot Morison c. 10 Mar 1930 In 10 Mar 1930 to Maurice Firuski To Andrew Joseph Onderdonk 10 Jan 1940 Mentioned in Sturgis Family Papers, Houghton Library To James Bissett Pratt c. 14 Sep 1917 In 14 Sep 1917 to Charles Augustus Strong To Thornton Delano Roberts Date unknown In 3 Oct 1951 to Bruno Lind (Robert C. Hahnel) To José Rodriguez Feo Date unknown Mentioned in biographies of Wallace Stevens To William Greene Roelker c. 10 Apr 1931 In 10 Apr 1931 to Curt John Ducasse To Arthur Kenyon Rogers c. 14 Sep 1917 In 14 Sep 1917 to Charles Augustus Strong To Celedonio Sastre Serrano 3 Dec 1928 In 4 Dec 1928 to George Sturgis To George Frederick Stout 13 Feb 1912 In 14 Feb 1912 to George Herbert Palmer 23 Feb 1912 In 23 Feb 1912 to George Herbert Palmer To Charles Augustus Strong c. 23 Apr 1920 [telegram] In 23 April 1920 to Strong c. 8 Jan 1929 In 19 Jan 1929 to Daniel MacGhie Cory To Margaret Strong c. 3 Sep 1912 In 3 Sep 1912 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 3 Oct 1916 In 3 Oct 1916 to Charles Augustus Strong c. 13 Jan 1917 In 13 Jan 1917 to Charles Augustus Strong

492

Editorial Appendix

To Carol Sturgis (2d wife of George Sturgis) Date unknown In 10 Mar 1945 to Raymond Bidwell (Written shortly after the death of George Sturgis, probably early 1945.) To George Sturgis Postcard between 8 Jun and 17 Jul 1939 In 17 Jul 1939 to George Sturgis To Josephine Sturgis (sister) 12 Dec 1914 In 14 Dec 1914 to Susan Sturgis de Sastre Prior to 28 Mar 1915 In 28 Mar 1915 to Susan Sturgis de Sastre Prior to 29 Jun 1915 In 29 Jun 1915 to Susan Sturgis de Sastre To Maud Sturgis Prior to 16 Jan 1924 In 16 Jan 1924 to George Sturgis To Susan Sturgis de Sastre 13 Aug 1903 13 Aug 1903 to Susan mentions another postcard sent on this date 24 Apr 1906 25 Apr 1906 to Susan mentions two postcards sent on 24 Apr 1906 24 Sep 1912 Companion to another postcard of 24 Sep 1912 30 Sep 1912 Companion to another postcard of 30 Sep 1912 28 Oct 1913 Companion to another postcard of 28 Oct 1913 To Norman Tweddle c. 17 Jan 1936 In 17 Jan 1936 to Charles Augustus Strong To Unidentified Recipients Prior to 7 Feb 1934 In 7 Feb 1934 to Charles P. Davis Prior to 1 Jan 1936 In 1 Jan 1936 to Otto Kyllmann To James Ward January or early February 1912 In 14 Feb 1912 to George Herbert Palmer To Bentley Wirt Warren Correspondence mentioned in 31 May 1933 to George Washburne Howgate To Luciano Zampa c. 14 Sep 1919 In 14 Sep 1919 to Joseph Malaby Dent

INDEX Abbot, Henry Ward his age, Santayana on, 342 Fatal Interview, sends to Santayana, 257 identified, 201n letter(s) to, 201, 259, 274, 275, 342, 344, 366, 369 Santayana sends his books to, 201 on Santayana’s writing, 201 sends book to Santayana, 366–67 mentioned, xi, xvi, xliii, xlv, xlviii, xlix, l ABC ( journal), 238, 238n Academia Española de Bellas Artes, 326, 326n Adams, Henry Brooks identified, 78n mentioned, 78, 337 Adelphi. See New Adelphi Aesthetes, Santayana on, 87 Aesthetic feeling, Santayana on, 340 Aesthetics, Santayana on, 76 Alain. See Chartier, Émile-August A là recherche des temps perdues (Proust), 300, 300n Alden, Oliver (The Last Puritan) Boston Brahmin, Santayana describes as, 210, 212n and Butler, 102 his parents, 324, 324n his philosophy, 209 Santayana on, 210, 211, 323–24, 335 view of puritanism, 210–11 Alderman Library (University of Virginia), 376 Aldo (Strong’s chauffeur), 122, 122n Alexander, Samuel identified, 267n mentioned, 267 Alfonso, king of Spain, xv “Alternatives to Liberalism” (Santayana), 332, 332n America(n), art in, 261 books, Santayana on, 202

Christianity in, 263n in Europe, 220, 330, 334 and the Great Depression, 351 life in, Santayana on, 302 Melville and Whitman as its twin prophets, 115 prohibition in, 215, 215n Santayana has not visited for seventeen years, 133 Santayana on, 184, 301, 330 thought in, 261 mentioned, 342 American Literary Manuscripts, 377, 385n American Literature, 377 “An American Philosopher in Exile, George Santayana” (Clemens), 320, 321n “Analysis of Modernity” (Santayana), 189n, 195, 196, 197, 199 Animal faith and intellectual faith, 30–31 Santayana on, 30–31, 40, 224 Anne, Queen (of England) identified, 316n mentioned, 316, 345 Aphrodite, 82, 83n “The Appeal to the Supernatural” (Santayana), 189n, 195, 196, 197, 199, 232 Arabian Nights. See A Thousand and One Nights Arabians, 254, 255n Architecture, Santayana on, 61–62 Aristotle identified, 15n his influence on Santayana, 145 mentioned, 13, 60, 154, 240, 254, 320, 370 Arnold, Matthew identified, 86n mentioned, 85 Ars Poetica, or Epistle to the Pisos (Horace), 122, 123n

494 The Letters of George Santayana Art, Santayana on, 6, 39, 76, 85, 323 Artists, Santayana on, 76, 309–10, 323 Aryan Society, lvi Athena, 82, 83n Aventine (Rome), 307, 307n Ávila Santayana does not visit, 64, 98, 207 Santayana visits, 9, 182, 204 weather in, 182

Babbitt (Lewis), xviii, 260, 301 Babbitt, Irving Humanism and America: Essays on the Outlook of Modern Civilisation, Santayana reviews, 165, 170 identified, 166n mentioned, 301 Bacon, Francis identified, 147n Santayana on, 145 Baedeker, Karl identified, 62n mentioned, 62 Bainville, Jacques identified, 320n Napoléon, 319, 320n Balzac, Honoré de identified, 272n Santayana reads, 274 his writing, Santayana on, 272 Banco di Roma, 74 Bangs, Francis Reginald “Swelly” identified, 266n mentioned, 266, 365, 369 Barbarism, Santayana on, xii, 45 Barberini family, 67n Barberini palace, 67, 67n Barlow, Robert Shaw identified, 365n mentioned, lxiv, 365, 369 Barnes, Albert Coombs the American milieu, 85 identified, 86n mentioned, 85 Baudelaire, Charles, 275n Bayona de Galicia (Spain) Santayana describes, 60, 62 Santayana visits, 57 Beal, Boylston Adams his daughter, 216, 315–16

identified, 217n in Italy, 306 letter(s) to, 215 The Realm of Matter, Santayana sends, 216–17 Santayana on, 308, 316 mentioned, xlv, 275, 365 Beal, Elsie Grew (Mrs. Boylston Beal) her daughter, 216, 315–16 her health, 216 identified, 217n in Italy, 306 Santayana on, 216, 316 mentioned, 308 Beauty displaced by psychology and analysis, 85 and essence, 103 and fact, 193 fidelity to, 85–86 and love, 193 morality and, 40 and the natural world, 137–38 Santayana on, 40, 76, 85 Beauty; an Interpretation of Art and the Imaginative Life (Parkhurst), Santayana on, 182, 182n Belgion, Montgomery identified, 148n Our Present Philosophy of Life, 148, 150 Bell, Clive Arthur Howard identified, 156n mentioned, 156 Bell, Gordon identified, 366n mentioned, 365 Benda, Julien Essai d’un discours cohérent sur les rapports de Dieu et du monde, 293, 295n identified, 295n Santayana reviews, 303, 304, 319 mentioned, 324, 358 Benedicti de Spinoza opera, quotquot reperta sunt (ed. Vloten and Land), 326, 326n Berenson, Bernard, lvii Berenson, Mary Whitall Smith (Mrs. Bernard Berenson) identified, 169n invites Santayana to visit, xv, 168 letter(s) to, 168 mentioned, xlvi, 279

Index 495 Bergson, Henri identified, 31n and intuition, 30 Les Deux sources de la morale et de la religion, 328, 328n mentioned, 84, 267, 293 Bernabé, Manuel, 237n Bernanos, Georges identified, 7n L’Imposture, 7 La Joie, 7 mentioned, xi Bidwell, David Dudley, 94n Bidwell, Jane Sturgis birth of, 89 identified, 92n mentioned, 93 Bidwell, Josephine Sturgis [Eldredge] (Santayana’s niece) birth of daughter, 89, 93 identified, 5n, 94n inheritance from Josephine Sturgis, xiii, 266 and Josephine Sturgis’s estate, 224n, 245n, 246–47, 329 and Josephine Sturgis’s will and trust, 57, 64, 106, 230 Josephine Sturgis’s will and trust, Santayana explains, 93, 99 legacy from Santayana, 91 letter(s) to, 93 and Santayana’s will and trust, xiii, 4, 12, 14 mentioned, 252 Bidwell, Raymond Brewer identified, 15n mentioned, 252 The Biological Basis of Human Nature ( Jennings), 257, 257n Blue Sisters (Little Company of Mary), Santayana resides at, xlvii Bogart, Guy identified, 93n letter(s) to, 92 Boileau-Despréaux, Nicolas, xlii Bolsheviks, liv, lxiii Bolshevism, lxi, 68, 68n The Book of Sonnet Sequences (Abbot), 275, 275n Bossuet, Jacques Bénigne identified, 310n mentioned, 310

Boston (Sinclair), Santayana on, 87–88 Boston Fruit Company, 28, 29n Boston Public Latin School, xxi, xliv, 308, 308n, 316 Botticelli, Sandro identified, 121n mentioned, 120 Bradley, Francis Herbert Ethical Studies, Santayana reviews, 7, 8, 46 identified, 7n mentioned, 353 Brave New World (Huxley), Santayana on, 318, 319n, 322, 324 Brera palace (Milan), 86, 87n The Bride of Lammermoor (Scott), 143n Bridges, Edward Ettingdene, 174, 174n Bridges, Monica Waterhouse (Mrs. Robert Bridges) death of husband, 173 identified, 174n letter(s) to, 173 Bridges, Robert Seymour death of, xvi, 173 and essence, 137 identified, 38n his influence on Santayana, 173 letter(s) to, 38, 125, 136 and the life of reason, 136 his prosody, Santayana on, 136 Santayana sends book, 173 and Santayana’s philosophy, 136, 138n The Testament of Beauty, 38n, 125, 125n 136, 142, 173 his writing, reminds Santayana of Milton, Wordsworth, and Whitman, 136 mentioned, 361 “A Brief History of My Opinions” (Santayana), 118, 118n, 327, 327n Bringas, Juana attempts to obtain money from Josephine’s estate, 219n, 221, 222n, 228n, 231n, 238n identified, 19n her lawyer, 219n, 228n, 231n legacy from Susan, 80 in Susan’s will, 18 mentioned, 203 “The British Character” (Santayana), fee for reproducing, 46, 46n

496 The Letters of George Santayana Broad, Charles Dunbar, 5n Browning, Robert identified, 307n mentioned, 307 Brown Shipley & Company (Santayana’s London bank), xx, 221, 315 Brown University, Santayana declines invitation to, 244 Bruno, Giordano, xlvii Brunschvieg, Léon identified, 322n mentioned, 321, 324 Bullard, Francis gives present to Santayana, 342 identified, 343n mentioned, 342 Bullett, Gerald William identified, 327n letter(s) to, 327 Testament of Light, 327, 327n mentioned, 341 Burden, James A. “Jay,” Jr. identified, 366n mentioned, 365 Burnham, David identified, 302n This Our Exile, 301, 301–2, 302n, 314–15 Bush, Mary Potter (Mrs. Wendell Bush) her books, Santayana returns, 368 friendship with Santayana, xlviii identified, 276n letter(s) to, 283, 285, 295, 337, 368 her neice, 295, 298, 302 visits Santayana, 276, 283, 285, 295 mentioned, 283, 291, 293, 297, 298, 339, 359 Bush, Wendell T. his health, 359 identified, 276n letter(s) to, 298, 302, 309, 358 his neice, 295, 298, 302 his philosophy, Santayana on, 309–10 as a professor, 298 visits Santayana, 295 his writing, Santayana on, 309–10 mentioned, 283, 291, 293, 297, 298 Butler, Lawrence Smith identified, 102–3n Oliver’s voice (The Last Puritan) modeled after, 102, 103n visits Santayana, xiii, 102, 104

Butler Library (Columbia University), 376 Byron, George Gordon Noel identified, 27n mentioned, 26, 26n Byzantines, 310 Byzantium, 82, 83n

Caesar, Julius identified, 316n mentioned, 316 Calvin, John identified, 124n mentioned, 123, 209 Campo Verano Cemetery (Rome), liii Canby, Henry Seidel “Alternatives to Liberalism,” 332 Beauty; an Interpretation of Art and the Imaginative Life, Santayana returns, 182 and The Genteel Tradition at Bay, xvi, 197, 198, 202 The Genteel Tradition at Bay, Santayana sends, 188 and humanism, 165, 188, 198, 202 identified, 132n letter(s) to, 154, 158, 165, 182, 202, 332 and Platonism and the Spiritual Life, 227 review of Lippmann, Santayana submits, 154 Saturday Review of Literature, editor of, xvi, liii, 132 sends check to Santayana, 158, 165 Canterbury, Santayana on, 363 “Cape Cod” (Santayana), 266, 266n Capitalism, Santayana on, xx, lxiv, 313 Cardiff, Ira D., xli Carf, Henri. See Kemper, Henk van Carman, William Bliss identified, 343n mentioned, 343 Caro, Benjamín (Bringas’s lawyer), 228n, 231n Casanova, Giacomo identified, 185n mentioned, 184 Cather, Willa Silbert Death Comes for the Archbishop, 295, 295n, 298 identified, 295n

Index 497 Catholicism, Santayana on, 263n, 310 Catholics, Santayana on, 344 Causal efficacy, 281, 281n Cavalcanti, Guido, xxxix Chance, Love, and Logic (Cohen), 59, 59n Channing, William Ellery identified, 211n mentioned, 209 Chapman, John Jay, lvi Character & Opinion in the United States (Santayana) and the Mark Twain Society, Santayana donates to, 160 mentioned, 49 Charles Scribner’s Sons (publishers) author’s rights after Santayana’s death, 81, 89 and The Genteel Tradition at Bay, 196, 198, 226, 229, 268 and The Last Puritan, 78 letter(s) to, 81, 196, 226, 229, 232 The Philosophy of Santayana (Edman), xxii, Poems: Selected by the Author and Revised (Santayana), xlvi and the projected sale of The Last Puritan, 89, 89n publish Realm of Matter, 196, 199 and publishing Santayana’s books, 167–68 relationship with Santayana, 167–68 Santayana’s royalties, 227 sends check to Santayana, 166, 167, 196 mentioned, xlv, xlvi, xlvii, 88, 108, 189, 209, 226 Chartier, Émile-August [pseud. Alain] identified, 8n Les Idées et les âges, Santayana on, 7 mentioned, xi Chetwynd, Philip, 21n The Chosen People: A Short History of the Jews in Europe ( J. and J. Tharaud), 297n, 303 Christianity barbarous, Santayana considers, 45 and indulgences, 283–84 Santayana on, 45, 145–46, 263n, 297, 298, 303, 337–38, 368 Cimabue, Giovanni identified, 120–21n mentioned, 120

Civilizations, Santayana on, 262n Clemens, Cyril Coniston “An American Philosopher in Exile, George Santayana,” 320, 321n distant cousin of Mark Twain, 215n The Genteel Tradition at Bay, Santayana sends, 236, 321 identified, 160n invites Santayana to dinner, 204 letter(s) to, 160, 204, 208, 236, 320, 328 has lunch with Santayana, 208 and The Mark Twain Society, 160, 208n, 236 in Rome, 207 Saint Teresa, sends Santayana book on, 328 and Santayana’s books, 160 Santayana on, xvii sends check to Santayana, 160 visits Santayana, xvii mentioned, 215 Clemens, Samuel Langhorne [pseud. Mark Twain] identified, 160–61n mentioned, xvii, xlvii Codman, Julian identified, 366n mentioned, 365 Cohen, Morris Raphael identified, 251n letter(s) to, 250 his philosophy, Santayana on, 250–51, 251n Reason and Nature: An Essay on the Meaning of Scientific Method, 250–51, 251n his subject-matter, 250 mentioned, lvi College Prolongs Infancy (Kallen), Santayana on, 364, 364n Columbia University Butler Library, 92n, 376 mentioned, li Comédie Française, 190, 191n Come Hither: A Collection of Rhymes and Poems for the Young of All Ages (de la Mare), Santayana sends as gift, 109 “The Comic Mask” (Santayana), 209n Communism, Santayana on, xx, 313 A Compendious Critical Life of St. Thérèse of Lisieux, the Little Flower, 328, 329n

498 The Letters of George Santayana The Complete Poems of George Santayana (ed. Holzberger), lxii, 376 The Complete Works of William Shakespeare (ed. Lee), 45n Comte, Auguste identified, 8n mentioned, 7 Conflict (Soutar), 159, 160n, 242 Constable and Co., Ltd. (publishers) and fees, 88, 327 and The Genteel Tradition at Bay, 196, 268, 268n and The Last Puritan, 78 and Platonism and the Spiritual Life, 227 Platonism and the Spiritual Life, Santayana unhappy with their version, 167 Santayana is loyal to, 167 Santayana’s London publisher, 19n, 198 Santayana’s works, fee for reproducing, 46, 50, 58 mentioned, xlv, 105, 108, 120 Contemporary American Philosophy: Personal Statements (ed. Plimpton) “A Brief History of My Opinions,” 118, 118n “Nature and Mind,” 118, 118n, 181 Santayana does not receive copy, 176 mentioned, 118n, 186 The Contemporary and His Soul (Edman), 257 Contemporary Essays (Hastings), 46n Convent of the Gordillas, Santayana sends money to, 218n “A Conversation, Partly Real & Partly Imaginary” (Strong), Santayana on, 319, 320n Cordobés (or Cordovés), Maria (or Josefina) de, 43, 65, 66, 66n, 70, 97, 105, 116, 127, 157, 190n, 191, 207, 213n, 214, 221 Coronet (Komroff), Santayana on, 141 Corry, Reginald C. his mother, 22 Santayana’s letter to Cory accidently sent to, 22 Cortina d’Ampezzo (Italy) Hotel Cristallo, 167 Hotel Miramonti, 167, 260 Santayana on, 260, 264–65, 292 weather in, 264–65, 267

Cory, Daniel MacGhie admiration for Proust, 111 advice on Paris, Santayana gives, 177 allowance from Santayana, xx allowance from Strong, xiv, xvii, xxiii, 249, 269, 308, 345 attends concert with Edman, 233 his aunt, 278, 279n, 282, 343, 344n author’s rights to, Santayana leaves, 81 brother and sister-in-law visit in Paris, 128, 129 and Catholicism, 224–25, 225n, 233 charming, 345 The Contemporary and His Soul, Santayana sends, 257 death of, 376 “Dr. Whitehead on Perception,” 220, 220n, 264, 284, 284n, 286, 294, 361 does not drink enough, 149 his education, 271 in England, 36, 343 his essay on Santayana, li his finances, xx, xxii, xxiii, 365 friendship, Santayana gives advice on, 311–12 his friendship with Santayana, xlv, 165 his future, Santayana on, 345, 361–62 in Glion-sur-Territet, 194–95, 252 his health, xvii, 117, 118, 139, 147, 148, 148n, 155, 156, 195, 222, 223n, 228, 230, 232–33, 233, 233–34, 236, 239, 243, 249, 250n, 321, 361 identified, 5n Italian lessons, Santayana suggests, 101 and The Last Puritan, xv, 220, 222–23, 224, 242, 328 legatee of Santayana’s will, 20 The Letters of George Santayana (Scribner’s), 375 letter(s) to, 21, 22, 31, 36, 41, 44, 48, 49, 50, 60, 64, 68, 72, 75, 78, 83, 86, 96, 101, 102, 118, 120, 121, 123, 127, 131, 139, 142, 147, 148, 156, 164, 166, 170, 172, 177, 178, 186, 195, 197, 219, 222, 224, 228, 249, 256, 257, 260, 263, 267, 269, 270, 272, 276, 277, 278, 281, 282, 284, 286, 290, 297, 300, 308, 311, 318, 321, 325, 326, 328, 331, 336, 341, 343, 345, 346, 349, 352, 353, 354, 357, 363, 365, 366, 367 love, Santayana gives advice on, xxii,

Index 499 352 Michael, liii money, Santayana does not send extra, 69 and natural moments, 279 opera, Santayana suggests, 102 his philosophical writing, Santayana on, liii, 42 plays tennis, 124, 126, 264 and point-instants, 279 postpones trip to visit Strong, 75 Process and Reality, Santayana sends, 164 reads Wilson, 243 and The Realm of Matter, xiv, 21, 68–69, 96, 120, 122, 123, 125–26, 126–27, 128, 129, 294 and The Realm of Truth (Santayana), xv receives marriage proposal, 240 recipient of Strong’s International Philosophical Fellowship, 5n relationship with Santayana, xxiii relationship with Strong, xiv–xv, xvii, xxiii, 225, 276 Santayana has not heard from, 147 Santayana on, xii, xviii, xxiii, 240 Santayana: The Later Years, xvl, lxii, 384, 385n Santayana sends money, xii, xvii, 84, 96, 119, 121–22, 142, 166, 177, 195, 220, 250, 256, 261, 269, 272, 281, 300, 308, 312, 319, 327, 341, 352, 365 Santayana’s comments, offended by, 44 Santayana’s disciple, 151 Santayana’s earlier works, does not like, 73 Santayana’s literary executor, xx–xxi, 4, 14, 72, 373–74 Santayana’s papers and possessions, 306 Santayana’s secretary, lii, 332 in Santayana’s trust, 14 and Santayana’s will and trust, 91, 92 and Santayana’s writing, 267 and Saunderson, 278, 311–12, 319 and sense-data, 224, 277 stays with the Little Company of Mary, 222 Strong on, xix, xxiii, 318 Strong praises, 172 Strong to visit, 102 Strong’s secretary, lii, 127, 151, 165, 225n

and Strong’s writing, 267 “Sunset on Fistral Bay,” 42n Time and Western Man, 42n travel plans, 22, 41, 43, 45, 65, 69, 75, 120, 122, 123, 125, 147, 166, 177, 233, 240, 243, 271, 276, 278, 291, 304, 331, 336, 341 The Unrealists, Santayana sends, 276 visits Santayana, xiii, xv, xvii, 86, 96, 102, 104, 118–19, 143, 149, 186, 190–91, 219, 222, 228, 230, 232, 236, 238n visits Strong, 49, 140, 149, 155, 186, 191, 286, 298 and Whitehead’s causation, 282 and women, 128, 249 writes poetry, 43 his writing, Santayana on, 41–42, 273, 284, 284n, 286, 294 his writing, accepted for The New Adelphi, 172 his writing, Strong on, 264, 271 mentioned, xx, xxii, xxiii, xxxix, xlii, xlviii, lix, lxi, lxii, lxiii, 7, 14, 47, 72, 181, 207, 266, 290, 314, 315, 320, 346, 353n, 357, 358, 378 Cory, David (Daniel Cory’s father) identified, 81n mentioned, 81 Cory, Mrs. David M. identified, 128n visits Daniel Cory, 128, 129 Cory, Rev. David M. (Daniel Cory’s brother) identified, 128n visits Daniel Cory, 128, 129 Cory, Margot (Mrs. Daniel Cory) Santayana’s literary executor, 376 mentioned, 377 Couchoud, Paul Louis identified, 338n Le Problème de Jésus et les origenes du Christianisme, 337–38, 338n, 368 Crewe, Lady Margaret Primrose, 50, 50n Crewe-Milnes, Robert Offley Ashburton, 50n Crisógono de Jesús Sacramentado identified, 271n San Juan de la Cruz: su obra científica y su obra literaria, 271, 271n, 291 Santayana reviews, 302

500 The Letters of George Santayana Criterion. See New Criterion Criticism, Santayana on, xlii Crito (Plato), lvii Croce, Benedetto identified, 9n mentioned, 84, 340 Cross, Wilbur Lucius identified, 70n letter(s) to, 70 Cross of Beneficence, Mercedes receives, 135 Crowley, Mrs. (unidentified), her essay, Santayana on, 79, 110 Cuevas, Alexander, xii, 27n, 30, 32 Cuevas, George advice, Santayana gives, 108 attends party at British Embassy, 50 and the birth of Alexander, 27 birth of daughter, xiii, 104 birth of son, 220 concerned about baby, 108 concerned about wife, 108 death of son, xii, 32–33, 43 delay in trip to America, 150 and finances, 317 his health, 150 identified, 5n, 31n remains in America, xix, 261, 263 and Rockefeller, xix, 274, 317 Santayana has sympathy for, 33 Santayana on, 234 Santayana visits, 346 and Santayana’s books, 356, 358, and Santayana’s will and trust, 91 his Spanish title, xv, 164, 263–64 travel plans, 30, 176, 177 visits Rockefeller, 135, 164, 263 visits Strong, 75, 135 mentioned, xxi, 47, 114, 148, 155, 183, 186, 207, 216, 291, 356 Cuevas, Johnny, 5n, 220, 220n Cuevas, Margaret Strong de her allowance from Rockefeller, 135 attends party at British Embassy, 50 and the birth of Alexander, 27 birth of daughter, xiii, 104 birth of son, 220 death of son, xii, 32–33, 43 delay in trip to America, 150 and finances, 317 her health, xiii, 50, 108

husband concerned about, 108 identified, 5n legatee of Santayana’s will, 20 portrait of, xv pregnant, 72 remains in America, xix, 261, 268 and Rockefeller, xix, 317 Santayana has sympathy for, 33 Santayana visits, 346, 356 and Santayana’s books, 356, 358 and Santayana’s will and trust, 14, 91 Strong visits, 350 travel plans, 30, 176, 177 visits Rockefeller, 135, 164, 263 visits Strong, 75, 131, 135 mentioned, xxi, xxiii, xlvi, 4, 47, 155, 183, 186, 207, 216, 252, 291, 295, 356 Cutter, Mr. (unidentified), 28 Cutting, Bronson Murray identified, 311n mentioned, 311, 312 Cutting, Sybil Marjorie Cuffe identified, 312n mentioned, 312

Dante (Alighieri) Divine Comedy, 336 identified, 153n mentioned, xxxix, 153, 210 Davies, Conway (Santayana’s doctor) examines Santayana, 257 identified, 257n mentioned, 300, 304, 343–44 Davis, Charles P. friendship with Susan, xxii identified, 348n letter(s) to, 347, 363 Death Comes for the Archbishop (Cather), 295, 295n, 298 Dehmel, Richard identified, 107n Santayana on, 106–7 De intellectus emendatione (Spinoza), Santayana writes introduction for, 130 De la Mare, Walter Come Hither: A Collection of Rhymes and Poems for the Young of All Ages, 109, 110n identified, 110n

Index 501 Delta Phi Club (also Delphic Club), 312, 312n, 342, 352 Democracy, Santayana on, xviii Democritus, xlvii Dent, Joseph Malaby founded Dent & Sons, 118n founded Everyman’s Library, 326, 327n identified, 118n Dent & Sons (publishers), 117, 118n “Detachment of Naturalism” (Murry), Santayana on, 185 Deutsch, Babette identified, 256n her poetry, Santayana on, 256 Development of Harvard (Morison), Santayana on, 170, 170n Dewey, John identified, 86n mentioned, 85, 174, 250, 296, 340 Dial ( journal), 51, 51n, 259 Dialogue on George Santayana (ed. Lamont), lxii Dialogues in Limbo (Santayana) Santayana thinks it is better written than Realm of Essence, 38, 38n mentioned, 49, 74, 103, 145, 352 Dickinson, Goldsworthy Lowes identified, 285n and radicalism, 285 Santayana on, 285 mentioned, xlv “Die Philosophie in den Vereinigten Staaten” (Slochower), Santayana on, 174, 175n Dino (servant at Le Balze), 117, 118n Discourse and ideas, Santayana on, 251 Divine Comedy (Dante), 336 The Divine Comedy of Dante Alighieri (Fletcher), 336, 336n Dominations and Powers: Reflections on Liberty, Society, and Government (Santayana), 96 Domus Spinozana, xxi, lvii, 321, 324, 325, 330, 333, 335, 336–37, 360 Dostoevski, Feodor Mikhailovich identified, 88n Murry’s enthusiasm for, 145 mentioned, 87 Dreyfus, Alfred identified, 88n Santayana compares case to Sacco and Vanzetti case, 87

“Dr. Whitehead on Perception” (Cory), 220, 220n, 264, 284, 286, 294, 361 Du Bos, Charles essay on Pater’s Marius the Epicurean: His Sensations and Ideas, 318 identified, 319n Ducasse, Curt John essence, Santayana on his philosophy of, 39 identified, 39n introduction for Philosophy of Art, Santayana does not write, 76 invites Santayana to Brown University, 244 letter(s) to, 39, 76, 155, 244, 323 his philosophy, Santayana on, 155–56 Philosophy of Art, 76–77, 155–56 relation, Santayana on his philosophy of, 39 “What Has Beauty to do with Art?”, 39n his writing, Santayana on, 323 Dunster House (publishers), 75n Duron, Jacques Robert identified, 319n translates Santayana into French, 318

Eastman, Max Forrester identified, 340n letter(s) to, 339 The Literary Mind, 339, 340n and professorships, 340 “The Editing of Historical Documents” (Tanselle), 385n Edman, Irwin attends concert with Cory, 233 The Contemporary and His Soul, 257, 257n identified, 233n letter(s) to, 302 The Philosophy of Santayana, xxii mentioned, xxii, lv, lvi, 233, 240, 257, 360 Edwards, Jonathan identified, 211n mentioned, 209 Egotism, Santayana on, 369 Einstein, Albert identified, 244n Santayana on, 243 mentioned, 267, 276

502 The Letters of George Santayana Eliot, T[homas] S[tearns] identified, 344n mentioned, lii, 344, 361 Elizabeth and Her German Garden (M. Russell), 23n Elizabeth I, Queen (of England) identified, 256n mentioned, 256, 259 Emerson, Ralph Waldo identified, 211n Santayana on, 210 mentioned, 209 “Enduring the Truth” (Santayana) to be published simultaneously in America and England, 132 Santayana’s review of Lippmann’s book, 132, 154, 158 England hotels in, Santayana on, 353, 354, 357, 357–58 Hyde Park, xxii King’s Chapel, 349 Santayana does not live in, 139, 173 Santayana on, 23–24, 349–50, 357, 359 Santayana to visit, 24, 24n Westminster Abbey, 301, 302n “England My Not My England” (Connolly), 133, 134n English people, Santayana on, 345 English poetry, Santayana considers barbarous, 45 Enneads (Plotinus), 314, 315n Enrichetta (servant at Le Balze), 117, 118n Epicurus Epicureanism, 296, 297n identified, 297n Erasmus, Desiderius identified, 165n mentioned, 165 Erill, Count of, 245n, 246, 252 Escalera, Mercedes de la her allowance check, 35, 100, 299 in Ávila, 203 concerned about Josephine, 43–44 her finances, 25 G. Sturgis’s letter, Santayana translates, 35 house in Bayona de Galicia, 57 identified, 19n and Josephine’s estate, 266

and Josephine’s possessions, 206n, 214n in Josephine’s will, 66, 99, 105 legacy from Josephine, 329, 330, 338–39 legacy from Robert Sturgis, 100 legacy from Susan, 79, 80, 99 letter(s) to, 262 money, gift from Josephine, 190 money, Santayana sends, 157 her name, 95 her pension, 207 receives an award of distinction, 19n, 135 Santayana visits, 62 in Susan’s will, 18 takes Josephine to Burgos, 179n, 181 takes Josephine to Madrid, 162–63 writes to Santayana about Susan’s legacies, 90 mentioned, xvi, 28, 43, 56, 63, 65, 70, 97, 101, 117, 127, 163, 180n, 190n, 205n, 206, 213n, 216, 249n Essai d’un discours cohérent sur les rapports de Dieu et du monde (Benda), 293, 295n, 319 An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (Locke), 337, 337n Essays in Critical Realism: A Co-operative Study of the Problem of Knowledge (ed. Drake), 108, 109n Essays on the Natural Origin of the Mind (Strong), Santayana on, 176, 176n 184, 195, 269, 273 Essence manifest, 234 and matter, 255 relation to feeling, 284 relation to the natural world, 174–75 Santayana on, xi, xl, 8, 39, 42, 103, 137, 193, 251, 294 “The Ethical Doctrine of Spinoza” (Santayana), 130n Ethical Studies (Bradley) Santayana’s review of, 7, 8–9, 21 Ethics (Spinoza), Santayana writes introduction for, 130, 324, 326 Everyman’s Library, 326, 327n Experience, Santayana on, 281, 340, 353 Expiation (M. Russell), Santayana on, 111

Index 503

Facts and beauty, 193 Santayana on, 193 and truth, 193 Fascism, 68, 68n, 303 Fascists, xviii, liv, lxi, 283 Fatal Interview (Millay), 256, 257, 259 Father, by Elizabeth (M. Russell), 293, 295n Faust (Goethe), 360, 360n Feeling and introspection, 187 relation to essence, 284 Santayana on, 317 Ficke, Arthur Davison, lvii “Fifty Years of British Idealism” (Santayana), 355, 367 Fingleton, Miss identified, 21n and The Realm of Matter, 21 Firebird, and Other Poems (Seligmann), Santayana on, 200–201, 201n A First Course in Public Speaking, with Debating and Oral Reading (Hudson and Winans), 209n Firuski, Maurice Development of Harvard, Santayana sends copy, 170 identified, 109n Lady Chatterley’s Lover, prosecuted for selling, 184 La Rose, Santayana inquires after, 169 letter(s) to, 109, 169, 184 and new edition of Lucifer, 109 Santayana requests update guide of Harvard, 170 sends books on behalf of Santayana, 109 Fletcher, Jefferson Butler The Divine Comedy of Dante Alighieri, 336, 336n identified, 336n Flux, Santayana on, 42, 153, 279, 282 Fontenay, Jacques de identified, 76n invited to visit Strong, 75, 97, 113 mentioned, 120 Fontenay, Renée Pichon de (Mrs. Jacques de Fontenay) invited to visit Strong, 75, 97, 113 mentioned, 76n, 120

“A Footnote to Santayana” (Lippmann), 158, 158n Forbes, William Cameron “Cam” identified, 192n Naushon (island off of Cape Cod), 191, 192n mentioned, 191 Francesca, 336, 336n Franklin, Benjamin identified, 211n Santayana on, 209—10 mentioned, 209 French nationalism, 303 Freyer, Grattan, lxii Fuller, Benjamin Apthorp Gould “Bags” History of Greek Philosophy, 240n, 254–55 identified, 240n his interpretation of Plato, 255 letter(s) to, 254 his philosophy, Santayana on, 254–55 his research, Santayana on, 254 in Rome, 240 Santayana on, 240 mentioned, lviii Fullerton, William Morton, xlvi

Gardiner, Robert Hallowell, Jr. identified, 15n and Josephine’s will and trust, 236 mentioned, 12, 28, 29 Garsington (Lady Ottoline’s house in England), 23 Gauguin, Paul identified, 229n Woman with a Piece of Fruit, 229 Gebhardt, Carl identified, 322n mentioned, 321, 324, 358 The Genteel Tradition at Bay (Santayana) “Analysis of Modernity,” 189n, 195 “The Appeal to the Supernatural,” 189n, 195, 232 corrections in, 226, 229, 232, 235 errors in, 188—89, 202 extra copies, 241–42 individual articles to be bound, 196, 197, 197–98 manuscript of, 312 “Moral Adequacy of Naturalism,” 189n, 195, 202n

504 The Letters of George Santayana The Genteel Tradition at Bay (continued) New Adelphi, Santayana submits to, 188, 189n proofs of, 226, 232 publication of, xvi, 226, 241, 268 to be published simultaneously in America and England, 188, 198 Santayana has copies sent, 241 Santayana works on, 195 Saturday Review of Literature, Santayana submits to, 188, 189n Strong dislikes, 294 mentioned, 170n, 196, 199, 202, 236, 321 George Santayana (Howgate), xxii, lxii, 314, 315n George Santayana: A Biography (McCormick), xliii, lxii “George Santayana: Man of Letters” (Howgate), xxii, 325, 325n, 354 German philosophy, Santayana considers barbarous, 45 Gibson, James identified, 349n Locke’s Theory of Knowledge and Its Historical Relations, 349, 349n Gide, André identified, 250n Les Faux-Monnayeurs, 250, 250n Giotto (di Bondone) identified, 120n mentioned, 120 “Glimpses of Old Boston” (Santayana), xxi, 308, 308n, 316 Glion-sur-Territet (Switzerland) Hotel Victoria, 123–24 Hotel Victoria, Santayana on, 119, 120, 122 Santayana dislikes, 121, 126, 143 weather in, 121, 124, 125, 128, 129 God: Being an Introduction to the Science of Metabiology (Murry), 142, 145, 150 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von Faust, 360, 360n identified, 8n Murry’s enthusiasm for, 145 Santayana on, 107, 145 mentioned, 7, 156, 210 Gog (Papini), 344n, 356, 358 The Golden Day; A Study in American Experience and Culture (Mumford),

Santayana on, lix, lxiii, 114 The good, and the natural world, 137–38 Goodness, and truth, 193 Gothic architecture, Santayana considers barbarous, 45 Gothic cathedral (Milan), 87, 87n Great Pictures of Europe (Munro), Santayana on, 228—29, 229n Greek philosophy, xl Greene, Dr., 344 Gretchen (Faust), 319, 320n

“Hamlet” (Santayana), 45, 45n Hamlet (Shakespeare), 128, 128n, 339, 339n Hannelé, Dr. (or Hammerli), 128, 140, 143 Harmony, Santayana on, 136 Harris, Alan his book idea, Santayana declines to take, 123 identified, 123n letter(s) to, 123 Hartmann, Carl Sadakichi considers Santayana an old friend, 92— 93 financial assistance, Santayana can no longer provide, 286—87 identified, 34n letter(s) to, 33, 151, 286 Mohammed: A Dramatic Poem in Three Acts, 286, 287n his paintings, Santayana on, 151 his paintings, sends to Santayana, 151, 152 Santayana gives advice to, 33 Santayana on, 286—87 Santayana sends money to, 34, 191, 198 Santayana’s criticism of, 34–35 Hartshorne, Charles identified, 59n letter(s) to, 59 Harvard Fellowship, 4, 5n, 12, 13, 36–37, 91 Harvard Lampoon, xliv, 37, 37n Harvard University Delta Phi Club (also Delphic Club), 312, 312n dinners at, Santayana compares stock market to, 157 1886 Class Fund, Santayana sends money, 221

Index 505 Hasty Pudding Club, xliv Houghton Library, 376 Memorial Church, 301, 302n Memorial Hall, 301, 302n Philosophical Club, xliv Santayana on, 169, 170 Santayana professor at, xxxix Santayana reminisces, 131 Santayana requests update guide of, 170 Santayana’s friends from, xliii–xliv Santayana’s lecture at, Lippmann misunderstands 158 and Santayana’s manuscripts, 352 Santayana’s resignation from, 327, 342 Santayana’s retirement from, lix, 3, 3n William James Professor of Philosophy, Santayana turns down, xx, 305, 305n, 313 Hasty Pudding Club (Harvard), xliv Hawthorne, Nathaniel identified, 273n Santayana reads about, 272 mentioned, xlv Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich identified, 341n mentioned, 340 Heidegger, Martin, xl Hellenism, 83, 83n Heraclitus identified, 42n mentioned, 42 Herculaneum, 279, 279n Herman Melville (Mumford), Santayana on, 114 Hermes (Mercury), 82, 83n Herrick, Robert identified, 336n visits Santayana, 336 Hestia identified, 141n mentioned, 140 Heyse, Paul identified, 307n Über allen Gipfeln, Strong translates, 306, 307n Hillel identified, 338n mentioned, 338 Hillyer, Robert Silliman identified, 32n his writing, Santayana on, 32

History of Greek Philosophy (Fuller), 240n, 254–55 The History of Sandford and Merton (Day), 77, 78n Holmes, Oliver Wendell identified, 369n Santayana on, 369 Holy week, 111, 112n, 163 Holzberger, William The Complete Poems of George Santayana, 376 The Letters of George Santayana (MIT), 376 mentioned, 377, 378 Homer identified, 8n mentioned, 7, 51 Hood, Frederic Clark 1886 Harvard Class Fund, Santayana sends money, 221 identified, 221n Hook, Sidney his abstract language, 154 his articles, sends to Santayana, 162 and the genteel tradition, 154 and human needs, 162 identified, 154–55n letter(s) to, 154, 162 The Metaphysics of Pragmatism, 154 his philosophy, Santayana does not understand, 154 “The Philosophy of Dialectical Materialism,” 162n mentioned, lv, lxiv Hoover, Herbert Clark his election, 74 identified, 74n Hopkinson, Leslie W. identified, 315n mentioned, 314 Horace Ars Poetica, or Epistle to the Pisos, 122 identified, 123n his maxim, 145 Hotel(s) guests, Santayana on, 122, 278 Hotel Bristol (Rome), xi, xvii, 143, 227, 285 Hotel Bristol, Santayana on, 67, 127, 287, 288, 298, 341 Hotel Bristol, Santayana on guests at, 94

506 The Letters of George Santayana Hotels (continued) Hotel Cristallo (Cortina d’Ampezzo), 167 Hotel Danieli (Venice), 277 Hotel de Londres (Naples), 277, 278 Hôtel Foyot (Paris), 189 Hotel Miramonti (Cortina d’Ampezzo), 167 Hotel Royal Haussmann (Paris), 180n, 181, 183 Hotel Victoria (Glion-sur-Territet), 119, 120, 122, 123–24 Hôtel Vouillemont (Paris), 187 Santayana on, 189, 285, 346, 346—47, 350, 352—53, 353, 354, 357, 357—58 Houghton Library (Harvard University), 376 Housman, A[lfred] E[dward], xlviii, l, lxii Howard, John Galen, xliv Howgate, George Washburne George Santayana, xxii, 314, 315n “George Santayana: Man of Letters,” xxii, 325, 325n, 354 identified, 315n letter(s) to, 325, 333, 351, 355 visits Santayana, 351 Hudson, Hoyt Hopewell A First Course in Public Speaking, with Debating and Oral Reading, 209n identified, 209n letter(s) to, 209 quotes Santayana, 209 Humanism, and Santayana, 165, 182, 188 Humanism and America: Essays on the Outlook of Modern Civilisation (ed. Foerster), Santayana reviews, 170 Humanities Research Center (University of Texas, Austin), 376 Husserl, Edmund identified, 267n translation of, 267 Huxley, Aldous Leonard Brave New World, 318, 319n, 322, 324 identified, 319n Hyde Park (England), xxii

Images, Santayana on, 200 Indecency and the Seven Arts, and Other Adventures of a Pragmatist in Aesthetics (Kallen), 172n

Individualism, Santayana on, 156 Inner man, Santayana on, 161 Intellectual faith and animal faith, 30 Santayana on, 30 Introspection, and feeling, 187 Intuition, Santayana on, 30, 126, 188, 192 Ionia, 32, 32n Irazusta, Julio identified, 15n letter(s) to, 180 Santayana’s literary executor, 14 to visit Santayana, 180n mentioned, 14 Islam followers of, 146 Santayana on, 45 Italian Platonizing poets, Santayana reads, xxxix Italy achitecture in, Santayana on, 120 Frascati, 186, 188n government in, 222n Herculaneum, 279, 279n king of Spain visits, 278 Lido di Venezia (beach in Venice), 119 Milan, Santayana describes, 87 San Lorenzo (church in Venice), 120, 120n Santayana to spend rest of life in, 87 weather in, 101

James, Henry, xlv, xlvii, l, lxii James, William identified, 59n his letters published, 253 letters to Santayana, 253 Pragmatism, 59n Principles of Psychology, 59n mentioned, 59, 68n, 174, 250, 267, 320 Janiculum (Rome), 288, 288n Jeans, James Hopwood identified, 140n The Mysterious Universe, 223, 223n The Universe around Us, 140, 140n Jennings, Herbert Spencer The Biological Basis of Human Nature, 257, 257n identified, 257n

Index 507 Jesus, 145–46, 338 Johnson, Lionel Pigot his friendship with J. Russell, 133 identified, 133—34n Some Winchester Letters of Lionel Johnson, Santayana rereads, 132 “To a Spanish Friend,” 133 Johnson, Samuel (1696–1772) identified, 212n mentioned, 210 Johnson, Samuel (1709–84) identified, 272n mentioned, 270 John the Baptist identified, 330n mentioned, 330, 334, 337 Joseph (Bible), 21, 21n Journal of Philosophy, 303, 303n, 358, 361 Jowett, Benjamin identified, 240n and J. Russell, 239 Joyce, James identified, 271n mentioned, 270, 302 Judaism, followers of, 146 Judaism, Santayana on, 297, 298, 303 Juggler’s Kiss (Komroff), Santayana on, 5–6 Julius Caesar. See Caesar, Julius

Kallen, Horace Meyer his book(s), Santayana on, 296, 299 College Prolongs Infancy, 364, 364n identified, 68n Indecency and the Seven Arts, and Other Adventures of a Pragmatist in Aesthetics, 172n letter(s) to, 67, 87, 171, 175, 296, 364 his philosophy, Santayana on, 296 and religion, 296 Sacco and Vanzetti committee, asks Santayana to sponsor, 67–68 and science, 296 The Warfare of Religion Against Science, 297n his writing, Santayana on, 175 mentioned, xlv, liv, lxiii, 141 Kant, Immanuel identified, 31n and intuition, 30

Keats, John buried in Protestant Cemetery of Rome, 306, 307n identified, 147n letter to Benjamin Bailey, 193, 194n “Ode on a Grecian Urn,” 193, 194n Santayana on, 192 Santayana works on, 193 his weakness, Santayana on, 192 his writing, Santayana on, 193 mentioned, 145, 270 Keats and Shakespeare: A Study of Keats’ Poetic Life from 1816 to 1820 (Murry), 192, 193n Keddy, A Story of Oxford (Dickinson), 77, 78n Kemper, Henk van [pseud. Henri Carf] identified, 322n mentioned, 321, 324 King’s Chapel (Cambridge), 349 Knowledge and certitude, 126 and immediate data, 126 and intuition, 126 The Knowledge of Reality (Lutoslawski), Santayana reads, 223 Knox, John, xlvii Komroff, Manuel Coronet, 141 identified, 6n, 19n Juggler’s Kiss, 5, 6n letter(s) to, 5, 19, 141 his philosophy, Santayana does not understand, 6 Santayana is too busy to write foreword for, 19 Kyllmann, Otto director of Constable Publishers, 46n and The Genteel Tradition at Bay, 268 letter(s) to, 46, 49, 50, 58, 77, 88, 310 and Santayana’s manuscripts, 310—11, 312 and Santayana’s works, 49 mentioned, xlv

Labour Party, 358, 358n Lady Chatterley’s Lover (Lawrence), 184, 185n Lamprecht, Mrs., 322

508 The Letters of George Santayana Lamprecht, Sterling Power identified, 104n letter(s) to, 103, 322 “Santayana, Then and Now,” 103, 104n visits Santayana, 322 Language, Santayana on, 200, 201 La Rose, Pierre de Chaignon identified, 109n and a new edition of Lucifer, 109 The Realm of Matter, Santayana would like to send, 169 Santayana inquires after, 169 The Last Puritan (Santayana) compared to Babbitt, 260 future publication of, 77, 78n Harriet Bumstead, Santayana on, 324, 324n, 334–35 Harry Bumstead, 360, 360n Irma Schlote, 209, 211, 333, 357–58 Irma Schlote, Santayana on, xxiii, 335, 359–60 manuscript of, 312, 312n Mario Van de Weyer, 203, 203n Oliver Alden, Santayana on, 210, 211, 323—24, 335 Oliver’s philosophy, 209 Oliver’s view of puritanism, xvii, 210–11 Peter Alden, 324, 324n projected sale of, 89, 89n publication of, 167, 168n Santayana appears in novel, 77 Santayana does not work on, 150 Santayana on, 292, 334–35 Santayana works on, xiii, xvi, xviii, xxi, xxiii, xxxix, 24, 77, 77–78, 143, 166, 169, 176, 204, 211, 215, 217, 220, 222— 23, 242, 243, 252, 256, 259, 272, 292, 328, 341, 354, 365 Strong dislikes, 294 mentioned, xv, xlviii, lxii, 140, 170, 224, 225, 248n, 272, 275, 287, 314, 344, 349, 350, 367 Latin School Register, Santayana writes article for, xxi, 308, 308n, 316 Lawrence, D[avid] H[erbert] identified, 147n Lady Chatterley’s Lover, 184, 185n Murry’s enthusiasm for, 145 mentioned, 270, 367

A Layman’s Philosophy (Sacks) dedicated to Santayana, 362n Santayana on, 362 Leavis, Frank Raymond editor of Scrutiny, 332 identified, 332—33n Le Balze (Strong’s villa), xiv, xv, lii, lxi, 29, 29n, 128, 131, 172, 176, 199 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm Freiherr identified, 243n mentioned, 243 Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich identified, 162n mentioned, lxiii, 162 Leopardi, Giacomo identified, 343n mentioned, 342 Lepanto, battle of, 284, 284n Le Problème de Jésus et les origenes du Christianisme (Couchoud), 335–36, 336n, 366 Les Deux sources de la morale et de la religion (Bergson), 328, 328n Les Faux-Monnayeurs (Gide), 248, 250n, 252 Le Temps retrouvé (Proust), xi, 7 The Letters of George Santayana (MIT) annotation of, 384 editorial policy, 373–75, 376–84 origins and development, 375–76 and W. Holzberger, 376 Letters of John Marin (Marin), Santayana on, 261 Lewis, Frederic Thomas identified, 131n letter(s) to, 131 Lewis, [Harry] Sinclair Babbitt, xviii, 260, 301 identified, 260n and “On a Volume of Scholastic Philosophy,” 131 Liberalism, Santayana on, 156 Lido di Venezia (beach in Venice), 119, 119n Life and Letters ( journal) “England My Not My England” (Connolly), 133 “A Few Remarks,” 72, 73n, 74, 96 mentioned, 341, 367 The Life of Beau Brummel by Captain Jesse, 140, 140n

Index 509 The Life of Reason (Santayana) Santayana criticizes, 73 Santayana on, 49, 174 mentioned, 103, 154n Life of reason, Santayana on, 136, 153 Lindbergh kidnapping, Santyana on, 339, 339n Lippmann, Walter “A Footnote to Santayana,” 158, 158n identified, 112n letter(s) to, 112 A Preface to Morals, 130n, 140, 154 Santayana’s former pupil, xiii–xiv, 130 Santayana’s review, not happy with, 158 visits Santayana, 112 mentioned, lv Literary men, Santayana on, 76 The Literary Mind (Eastman), 339, 340n Little Company of Mary, xlvii, 222, 223n Locke, John birth of, 335 An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, 337, 337n identified, 331n Santayana on, xxi, 335 Santayana reads, 344, 349 Santayana writes on, 331 a Victorian, 331 “Locke and the Frontiers of Common Sense” (Santayana), xxi, xxii, 331n, 333, 335, 337, 339, 341, 344, 346, 349, 350, 352, 353, 354, 358, 359, 364, 365, 367, 368, 369, 370 Locke’s Theory of Knowledge and Its Historical Relations (Gibson), 349, 349n, Loeser, Charles, lvii Loewenberg, J., Santayana receives letter from, 207, 207n L’Ombre de la Croix ( J. and J. Tharaud), 297n, 298 “A Long Way Round to Nirvana; or, Much Ado About Dying” (Santayana), 367 Louis XIV, statue at Versailles, 351 Lovejoy, Arthur Oncken identified, 270n mentioned, 269 Lowell, Abbott Lawrence identified, 3n president of Harvard, 3 mentioned, lviii, lxii, 169

Lowell, James Russell identified, 343n mentioned, 342 Lowell, Robert, xlv Lowes, John Livingston identified, 3n letter(s) to, 3 offers Santayana the Norton Chair of Poetry, xi, 3 Lozano, Juan (unidentified) and Josephine’s will, 213n Santayana receives letter from, 213n Lucia di Lammermoor (Donizetti), 142, 143n, 222 Lucifer, or the Heavenly Truce: A Theological Tragedy new edition, Santayana on, 109, 109n von Hagen’s sketches for, 82–83, 83–84 mentioned, 74, 75n, 78, 79, 292 Lucretius (Titus Lucretius Carus) identified, 258n Santayana studied, 258 Luminosity, Santayana on, 187–88 Lutoslawski, Wincenty identified, 223n The Knowledge of Reality, 223, 223n Lycurgus identified, 172n mentioned, lxiii Lyman, Herbert, xlix

MacCarthy, Desmond identified, 74n letter(s) to, 74 Macmillan (publishers), 108 Madariaga, Salvador de his book, Santayana has not seen, 70 identified, 70n Madrid, Santayana takes care of family business in, 9 The Magnificat, 337, 338n Making Fascists (Schneider and Clough), 302, 303n Marie (Strong’s housekeeper in Paris), 9, 10n, 47 Marin, John his dialect, Santayana on, 261 identified, 261n Letters of John Marin, 261 mentioned, 264

510 The Letters of George Santayana Maritain, Jacques his books, Santayana orders, 225, 225n identified, 188n on Santayana’s philosophy, 243 his writing on Einstein, 243 mentioned, 254, 344, 351, 358 Marius the Epicurean: His Sensations and Ideas (Pater), 42, 42n, 318 Mark, Saint, 335 Markham, Edwin identified, 343n mentioned, 342 Mark Twain’s Letters (ed. Branch, Frank, and Sanderson), 385n The Mark Twain Society, Santayana donates books to, 160, 236 Martha (Bible), 311, 311n Marx, Karl identified, 162n mentioned, lxiv, 162 Mary, the Virgin, 337, 338n Materialism, Santayana on, xli–xlii Matter and essence, 255 Maya, 239, 240n, 288 McCormick, John, George Santayana: A Biography, xliii, lxii Mechanism, Santayana on, 324 Melville, Herman identified, 115n Moby-Dick, 114, 115n Santayana on, 115 and Whitman as twin prophets for America, 115 his writing, Santayana dislikes, 114—15 Memorial Church (Harvard), 301, 302n Memorial Hall (Harvard), 301, 302n Mercury (Hermes), 83, 83n Merrill, Moses, xliv The Metaphysics of Pragmatism (Hook), 154, 155n Michael (Cory), liii Michelangelo (Buonarroti) identified, 310n mentioned, xxxix, 309 Milan Brera palace, 87, 87n Cory to visit, 87 Gothic cathedral, 87, 87n Saint Ambrose church, 87, 87n Teatro alla Scala, 87, 87n

Milesian, 82, 83n Millay, Edna St. Vincent Fatal Interview, 256, 257, 259 identified, 256n her poetry, Santayana on, 256, 259, 274 Miller, Dickinson Sargeant identified, 234n mentioned, 234, 271 Milton, John identified, 138n mentioned, 136, 309 Mind efflorescence of, 304 Santayana’s interests in, 304 Mind: A Quarterly Review of Psychology and Philosophy ( journal), 270, 272n, 345 Mind-stuff theory, Santayana on, 317 Minghetti (unidentified), 104 Moby-Dick (Melville), Santayana on, 115 Mohammed his followers, 61 identified, 61n Mohammed: A Dramatic Poem in Three Acts (Hartmann), 286, 287n Montague, William Pepperell identified, 109n The Ways of Knowing; or, The Methods of Philosophy, 108, 109n Moore, G[eorge] E[dward], lvii, 5n, 272n “Moral Adequacy of Naturalism” (Santayana), 189n, 195, 196, 197, 199, 202, 202n Morality, Santayana on, 355 Moral life, Santayana on, 137 Moral relativism, xliii, lxii Morgan, John “Jack” Pierpont, Jr. identified, 311n mentioned, 311, 312 Morison, Samuel Eliot Development of Harvard, 170 identified, 170n The Morning Post clipping from, Santayana sends Strong, 150n, 314, 314n Morrell, Ottoline Cavendish-Bentick her daughter, 23, 24n Garsington (house in England), 23, 24n identified, 24n letter(s) to, 23

Index 511 Morris, Lloyd R. identified, 273n The Rebellious Puritan: Portrait of Mr. Hawthorne, 272, 273n Moses (Bible), 21, 21n Mumford, Lewis The Golden Day; A Study in American Experience and Culture, lix, lxiii, 115n Herman Melville, 114, 115n identified, 115n Munro, Thomas Great Pictures of Europe, 228—29, 229n identified, 86n letter(s) to, 85, 228 Santayana on, 85 Scientific Method in Aesthetics, 85 Munroe, Miss (unidentified), 306, 315 Murry, John Middleton articles for, Santayana writes, 105 and Christianity, 146 death of wife, 267—68, 268n “Detachment of Naturalism,” 186n and Eastern religion, 146 and The Genteel Tradition at Bay, xvi, 188, 197, 197—98, 202, 312 God: Being an Introduction to the Science of Metabiology, 142n, 145, 148, 150 identified, 9n and intuition, 192 and Keats, 145 Keats and Shakespeare: A Study of Keats’ Poetic Life from 1816 to 1820, 192, 193n letter(s) to, 8, 130, 132, 142, 145, 153, 185, 188, 192, 196, 197, 267 a modern and an intellectual, 146 his newness, Santayana on, 146 and Platonism and the Spiritual Life, 227 and Protestantism and Moralism, 145 his pseudo-technical terms, 147 Spinoza, Santayana compares to, 185 and the spiritual life, 185 writes on the similarities between Santayana and Proust, 8 mentioned, 154 Musset, Alfred de his comédies-proverbes, Santayana on, 141 identified, 142n mentioned, 342

Mussolini, Benito identified, 172n mentioned, lxi, 171, 279, 319 Muzio (unidentified), 104 My Life and Adventures ( J. Russell), xiv, 133, 134n The Mysterious Universe ( Jeans), Santayana reads, 223, 223n Mystics, Santayana on, 200

Napoléon (Bainville), 319, 320n Napoleon III, 350, 351n Naturalism, Santayana on, xli–xlii, 258 Natural moments, Santayana on, 279, 282 Natural world, and the good, 137–38 Nature and science, Santayana on, 257 Neo-Catholicism, 303 Neoplatonism, 254, 255n New Adelphi ( journal) “Fifty Years of British Idealism,” 355 and The Genteel Tradition at Bay, xvi, 196, 226, 232, 268 origins of, 7n does not pay well, 69 publishes Cory’s writing, 172 “Revolutions in Science,” 8, 9n, 355 Santayana on, 341 Santayana subscribes to, 188 mentioned, 7, 8, 332 New Criterion ( journal) “Detachment of Naturalism,” 186n Humanism and America: Essays on the Outlook of Modern Civilization, 165 origins of, 164n mentioned, liii, 164, 165n New School for Social Research (Manhattan) position at, Santayana turns down, 175 mentioned, 68, 115n, 175n New York Review of Books, 375 New York Stock Exchange, xiv, xv, 134, 135n, 144, 156–57, 166, 203, 220, 235 New York Times Book Review, 375 Nietzsche, Friedrich Wilhelm identified, 111n Murry’s enthusiasm for, 145 mentioned, xlviii, 110, 210, 369 Norton, Charles Eliot identified, 3n mentioned, xi

512 The Letters of George Santayana

“Ode on a Grecian Urn” (Keats), 193, 194n Official Guide to Harvard University, 184, 184n Oko, Adolph S. identified, 322n mentioned, 321, 324 “On a Volume of Scholastic Philosophy” (Santayana), 131, 131n Onderdonk, Andrew Joseph identified, 5n in Italy, 238, 247 letter(s) to, 204, 225, 238, 247, 288 Santayana’s literary executor, 4, 14 and Santayana’s will and trust, 20, 92 sends calendar to Santayana, 225 mentioned, liv, 14, 72 Onderdonk, Mrs. (Andrew Onderdonk’s mother), 204, 225, 238 Oporto (Portugal) architecture in, Santayana on, 61–62 cathedral in, 60, 61n Santayana describes, 61–62 Santayana visits, 57 Oss, Salomon Frederik van identified, 289n mentioned, 288 Ostend (Belgium), 347 Our Present Philosophy of Life (Belgion), 148, 150 “O World, thou choosest not the better part!” (Santayana), 58, 58n, 71, 327, 327n Oxtoby, Mr. (unidentified), 87

Page, David, lxiii Palmer, George Herbert, lvii Panpsychism, Santayana on, 317, 318n Papini, Giovanni Gog, 344n, 356, 358 identified, 344n Paris apartment in, 9, 56, 56n, 79 Hotel Royal Haussmann, 180n, 181, 183 hotels in, Santayana on, 186–87, 189 Opera House, 350 is Parisian, eating out, 127 Santayana on, 177, 192

Santayana visits, 204 weather in, 190, 191, 195, 230 Parkhurst, Helen Huss Beauty; an Interpretation of Art and the Imaginative Life, 182, 182n her book, Santayana returns to Canby, 182 Pater, Walter Horatio identified, 42n Marius the Epicurean: His Sensations and Ideas, Santayana to read, 42, 318 mentioned, 85, 361 Paul, Saint identified, 210n mentioned, 208 Peirce, Charles Sanders identified, 59n Santayana on, 59 mentioned, 174 Perry, Ralph Barton identified, 169n letter(s) to, 253 Philosophy Since 1860, 169, 169n, 259 The Thought and Character of William James, 253n mentioned, 169 Persons and Places (Santayana), xxi, xliii, l, lxii, 316 Phelps, Annabel Hubbard (Mrs. William Phelps) identified, 54n visits Madrid, 54 mentioned, xlvi Phelps, William Lyon identified, 54n letter(s) to, 54, 58, 71, 307 lunch with Santayana, 58 Santayana on, 71 his travels, 307 visits Madrid, 54 mentioned, xl, xlvi, lx Phenomenon, Santayana on, 8 Phi Beta Kappa (magazine), 299 Philippine Islands, Santayana on, 28 Philosophical Club (Harvard), xliv Philosophical Review, 325, 326n Philosophy of Art (Ducasse), Santayana on, 76–77, 77n, 155–56 Philosophy of Dialectical Materialism (Hook), Santayana on, 162, 162n

Index 513 The Philosophy of Santayana (Edman), xxii Piccarda, 336, 336n Pierce, Mrs. (unidentified), 283 Pinchetti, Cesare, 287, 288n Pincio Gardens, xvii, 96, 105, 140, 309, 364 Pine Grove (El Pinar), 245n Pinsent, 306, 307n Pius XI, 279, 279n, 319 Plato Crito, lvii identified, 8n mentioned, xl, 7, 42, 240, 254, 309 Platonism, 255n Platonism and the Spirtual Life (Santayana) manuscript of, 310, 311n, 352 published version from Constable’s, Santayana unhappy with, 167 mentioned, 196, 227 Plotinus Enneads, 314, 315n identified, 315n Poe, Edgar Allan identified, 275n Santayana on, 275, 342 Poems: Selected by the Author and Revised (Santayana), xlvi Poetry, Santayana on, 159, 259, 339–40, 342—43 Point-instants, Santayana on, 279, 282 Pollock, Frederick identified, 360n mentioned, 360, 370 Potter, Elizabeth Stephens Fish, xlv Potter, Robert Burnside, xlv Potter, Warwick identified, 365–66n mentioned, 365 Pound, Ezra Loomis, 51n A Preface to Morals (Lippmann) Santayana requests copy, 130 Santayana reviews, 132, 140 Pre-Raphaelitism, 120, 121n “The Prestige of the Infinite” (Santayana), 292—93, 303, 304, 319, 359, 367 Priests, poets, and philosophers, Santayana on, 92 Primo de Rivera, Miguel, xviii, 222n Private property, Santayana on, xx, 313 Problem of evil, Santayana on, 254—55 Process and Reality: An Essay in Cosmology (Whitehead), xv, 144, 145n, 147, 148, 149, 150, 153, 153n, 169

Proust, Marcel A là recherche des temps perdues, 300, 300n Cory admires, 111 and essence, 8 identified, 8n Le Temps retrouvé, xi, 7 Santayana on, 8, 301—2 mentioned, xi, 361 Psychology, Santayana on, 76, 85, 320 Puritanism Oliver Alden (The Last Puritan) on, 210–11 Santayana on, 210 Puritans, 309 Pythagoras identified, 140—41n mentioned, lxiii, 140

Queen Mary (ship), 307

Racine, Jean identified, 310n mentioned, 310 Raphael identified, 229n La Disputa del Sacramento, 229 The Realm of Essence (Santayana) manuscript of, 310, 311n, 352 review of, 8, 9n mentioned, 3n, 5, 38, 49, 291 The Realm of Matter (Santayana) is finished, 126—27, 127, 129, 130, 134–35, 138, 143, 215 “The Flux of Existence,” 22, 32, 68, 73, 84, 101 manuscript of, 352 “Pictorial Space and Sentimental Time,” 21, 21n, 23, 36, 46 proofs of, 147—48, 150, 151, 154, 155 “The Psyche,” 72 “Psychologism,” 121, 122, 123 published, 196, 199 Santayana has copies sent, 168, 188, 196 Santayana has not worked on, 75 Santayana on, 217 Santayana’s work on, xiii, 7, 32, 41, 43, 68–69, 71, 96, 104, 120, 124, 125 mentioned, xi, xiv, li, 3, 3n, 7, 7n, 24, 31, 77, 131, 140, 176, 184, 292, 294

514 The Letters of George Santayana The Realm of Spirit (Santayana), xlii, 168n, 304, 305, 326—27, 336—37 The Realm of Truth (Santayana) “Denials of Truth,” 140, 140n Santayana’s work on, xiv, xvi, xxi, 135, 140, 143, 148, 150, 169, 225, 272, 287, 297, 322, 324, 369 mentioned, xv, 135n, 166, 168n, 170, 292, 304, 305 Realms of Being (Santayana) publisher of, 167 is Santayana’s magnum opus, 3 Santayana’s work on, xl, 38 mentioned, xi, xiv, 3n, 305, 341 Reason and Nature: An Essay on the Meaning of Scientific Method (Cohen), 250–51, 251n The Rebellious Puritan: Portrait of Mr. Hawthorne (Morris), 272, 273n Reflections on the Revolution in France (Burke), 6n Relation, Santayana on, 39 Relativity, Santayana on, 243 Religion, Santayana on, in conflict with science, 296—97 more than magic and myth, 296, 299 Santayana on, xli, 74, 299, 309—10 “Revolutions in Science” (Santayana), 8, 9n, 355, 367 Rhys, Ernest, 326, 327n Rigacci, Dino, lxi Rio, María Luisa del, 249n Rio, Pilar del, 249n Robbins Library (Harvard), 196 Roberts, Thornton Delano identified, 45n Santayana’s friendly criticism of, 44 Robinson, Augusta (Mrs. Philip Chetwynd), 21n Robinson, Moncure, 21n Rockefeller, John D., Jr., xix, 135, 135n, 263 Rockefeller, John Davison identified, 135n Margaret and George visit, 135, 263 mentioned, xv, xix, lxi, 234, 274, 317 Roelker, William Greene identified, 244n invites Santayana to Brown University, 244 Romanticism, Santayana on, 369

Rome Aventine, 307, 307n changes in, 216 churches in, Santayana on, 301 earthquake in, 4, 28, 208n Hotel Bristol, Santayana on, 67, 127, 287, 288, 298, 341 Janiculum, 288, 288n Santayana on, 207, 307 Viminal, 307, 307n weather in, 41, 67, 96, 102, 105, 111, 140, 143, 144, 148, 151, 166, 172, 230, 295, 324, 341 Royal Society of Literature, xxi, 91, 92n, 331, 331n, 333, 335, 339, 350, 359, 365, 367, 369 Royce, Josiah identified, 175n mentioned, 174 Rubin, Mr. (unidentified) letter(s) to, 51 his poetry, Santayana on, 51 Ruskin, John identified, 86n mentioned, 85 Russell, Bertrand Arthur William and the House of Lords, xviii, 290, 293 identified, 74n Santayana on, 240 on Santayana’s writing, 74 Sceptical Essays, 76 The Scientific Outlook, 345, 345n his son, 240 his title, 240 mentioned, xl, xlv, xlvii, liii, liv, lvii, 5n, 148, 267, 280, 361 Russell, John Francis Stanley and his acquaintance with Santayana, 133 death of, xviii, 239, 288 his friendship with L. Johnson, 133, 288 on government positions, 293 his health, 289 identified, 133n introduction to Some Winchester Letters of Lionel Johnson, 132 his job versus life, 239, 288—89 and Jowett, 239, 289, 289n letter(s) to, 132

Index 515 married to Mary Annette Beauchamp Russell, 23n My Life and Adventures, xiv, 133, 134n his possessions, 290 his relationship with his wife, 239 relationship with Santayana, xiv, xviii, li, 239 Santayana on, xlix, 239 Sargeant, calls Santayana, l, 133 Telegraph House (house in England), 133, 134n on his wife leaving him, 239, 289, 289n mentioned, xlv, xlvii, l, lx Russell, Mary Annette Beauchamp (Mrs. John Russell) [pseud. Elizabeth] on the death of husband, 290, 293 Elizabeth and Her German Garden, 23n Expiation, 111, 112n Father, by Elizabeth, 293, 295n identified, 23n and The Last Puritan, 335 letter(s) to, 288, 333 on marriage, 293 Mas-des-Roses (house in France), 289, 289n, 290 her novels, 295 her old love letters, 290 J. Russell on, 239, 289 Santayana on, 239 “The Unknowable,” Santayana sends, 289 visits Santayana, 290 mentioned, l, lxiii, 23, 291

Sabbatucci, Luigi (Santayana’s doctor), lvi Sacco and Vanzetti case committee on, Santayana declines offer to sponsor, 67–68 Santayana compares to Dreyfus case, 87 Santayana on, liv, 68 specifics of, 68n Sacks, Louis identified, 258n A Layman’s Philosophy, 362, 362n letter(s) to, 258, 362 and nature 258 his philosophy, Santayana on, 258 and Spinoza, 362 Saint Ambrose (church), 87, 87n Saint Germain (France), 189

Saint Peter’s Cathedral, 76 Saint Rumon’s Hotel (England), 41, 41n St. Teresa of the Child Jesus: Story of her Life, with Mysticism of Spiritual Childhood, 328, 329n Sanchidrian, Ines (Sastre servant), 18 Sancho, Mrs. (unidentified), 28 San Juan de la Cruz: su obra científica y su obra literaria (Crisógono), 272, 272n, 293, 303, 304 San Lorenzo (church in Venice), 120, 120n Santayana, Agustín Ruiz de (Santayana’s father) his deafness, xv house in Ávila, 24–25 identified, 21n his name, 37 oil paintings by, 214n mentioned, 206, 320 Santayana, George ( Jorge Agustín Nicolás) to accompany Josephine to Madrid, 53–54 on the advantage of having girls, 104 and Alexander’s death, 33 on American books, 202 Antonio’s death, and the impact on Celedonio, 47 on architecture, 61–62 Aristotle’s influence on, 145 and the Aryan Society, lvi attends opera, xiv, xv, 104 author’s rights and Scribner’s, 81 his autobiography, 119, 176 on barbarism, xii, 45 on being a philosopher, 259 his birthday, 302 Blue Sisters (Little Company of Mary), resides at, xlvii on his books, 33, 356, 358 his books, defends against G. Sturgis, 144 his books, publication of, 198 Bridges’s influence on, 173 Brown University, declines invitation to, 244 M. Bush visits, 274–75, 283 on capitalism, xx, lxiv, 313 on career choice, 110 Celedonio corresponds with, 16, 52, 56, 97 and Celedonio Sastre, 16

516 The Letters of George Santayana Santayana, George (continued) Celedonio sends blanks, 55 and Celedonio’s death, 179n on Celedonio’s will, 194 and certitude, 126 his character and personality, lx–lxi on charity, lv on civilizations, 262n on college students, 311 on communism, xx, 313 conferences, does not like, lvii is not conservative, 316 his conservative politics, lv his correspondence, xxxix–xl, xlii correspondence fom Josephine, 135 correspondence with family in Ávila, 20, 28 Cory, his disciple, 151 Cory, friendly criticism of, xii, 44 Cory, his secretary, lii, 330 Cory visits, xiii, xv, xvii, 86, 96, 102, 104, 118—19, 140, 143, 149, 186, 190— 91, 219, 222, 228, 230, 232, 236, 238n and Cory’s allowance, xx on criticism, xlii on critics, 38 and death, 293—94 his decision not to visit Ávila, 16, 76, 98 his deafness, xv to delegate executorship to G. Sturgis, 17, 28–29 and democracy, xviii Development of Harvard (Morison), has too many copies, 170 on discourse and ideas, 251 his doctor(s), xiv, lvi, 113, 116, 128, 140, 143, 156, 257, 298, 300, 304, 343—44 dreads visiting Ávila after Susan’s death, 16 his earlier writing, considers submitting, 72, 74 on egotism, 369 on England, 23–24 on English people, 345 on evolution, 146 on the execution of Susan’s will, 99 executor of Susan’s will, 17 on family situation in Ávila, 69 his father’s house in Ávila, 24–25 and his father’s paintings, 214n

finances and Brown Shipley (London bank), 221 check, receives from publisher, 166, 167, 196 on family, 110 on fees for reproducing works, 50, 275 and fees for writings, 154 hotel costs, 122 income, xx, 235, 367 and invisible property, 280 letter of credit, 4, 10, 74, 79, 144, 157, 221, 230, 299, 315 on money, 12 his money, people ask for, 152 and royalties, 198, 227 sends money to 1886 Harvard Class Fund, 221 sends money to Ávila, 203, 205n, 206, 221 sends money to Cory, xii, xvii, 119, 121—22, 142, 166, 177, 195, 220, 250, 256, 261, 269, 272, 281, 300, 308, 312, 319, 327, 341, 352, 365 sends money to Hartmann, 34, 152, 191, 198 sends money to Santos, 218n stock market, xiv, xv, 134, 135n, 144, 156–57, 166, 203, 235 value of property diminishes, 281 yearly account, 100, 101, 156, 166, 235, 312, 317, 367, 370 mentioned, xiii, xvii, 280 fluent in many languages, xxxix, lxi, 382 his friends from Harvard, xliii–xliv on friendship, 311—12, 314 his friendship with Cory, 165 his friendship with M. Potter, xlviii his friendship with J. Russell, 132–33 his friendship with Strong, 314 his friendship with N. Toy, xlviii, 295 his friendship with M. Winslow, xlviii on his funeral, 306 and the Great Depression, xx, 334, 345, 348, 369–70 and Harvard Fellowship, 4, 5n, 13, 36–37 his health, xi, xiv, 7, 11, 16, 27, 105, 111,

Index 517 113, 115—16, 116, 117—18, 118, 119, 120, 127, 128—29, 140, 151—52, 156, 166, 233, 238n, 257, 300, 304, 306, 319, 324, 356 honored by Soutar’s dedication, 159—60 his humor, xlv–xlvii inheritance from Josephine, xx, 207, 207n, 235, 266, 317, 329, 334, 338, 367 inheritance from Susan, xi, 20, 69, 79, 338 his Italian, 143 Italian names, explains to G. Sturgis, 96 Josephine, concerned about, 56 and Josephine’s affairs, 163 and Josephine’s death, xvi–xvii and Josephine’s estate, 224n, 230, 245n, 246—47, 248—49n, 329–30 and Josephine’s letters, 44 and Josephine’s possessions, 206n and Josephine’s will and trust, 64, 105–6 Komroff’s foreword, too busy to write, 19 and language, 200, 201 letter from Bringas’s lawyer, 219n letter from J. Russell, 288—89 letter from Loewenberg, 207 his letters, destroyed or unlocated, 376–77 letters from James, 253 and liberalism, 156 on life, 4 on his life, 348 literary men, Santayana on, 76 his literary method, xlii on living alone, 94 on living near M. Russell, 333 and love, xxii, 265, 352 his luggage, 67 on luminosity, 187–88 has lunch with Clemens, 208 has lunch with Phelps, 58 his mail, 113, 117 his manuscripts, 310–11, 312 does not want to be the middle man between G. Sturgis and Celedonio, 34 on motoring, 265—66 and the Norton Chair of Poetry, xi, 3 is not a novel-reader, 141 on the old days, 189

an old fogey, 146 on old men, 35 on old people, 314 too old to visit I Tatti, xv, 168–69 too old to review books, 202 opera, recommends to Cory, 102, 142, 222 origin of surname, 37n painting of, 214n and Paris apartment, 56, 60 his personal ideals, xli his personal library, 76, 113 his philosophical letters, xl philosophy and religion on aesthetes, 87 on aesthetic feeling, 340 on aesthetics, 76 and animal faith, 30, 40, 224 on art, 6, 39, 76, 85, 309–10, 323 on artists, 76, 323 on beauty, 40, 76, 85, 136–38, 192, 193 not a Calvinist, 123 on Catholicism, 263n and causal efficacy, 281, 281n on Christianity, 145–46, 263n, 297, 298, 303, 337–38, 368 on churches and chapels, 301 enjoys discussing philosophy, lvii–lviii and essence, xi, xl, 8, 39, 42, 103, 137, 174–75, 193, 251, 255, 284, 294 on experience, 281, 340, 353 on facts, 193 and feeling, 284, 317 and flux, 42, 153, 279, 282 on the good, 136–38 and Greek philosophy, xl on harmony, 136 and humanism, 182 and images, 200 and individualism, 156 and indulgences, 283—84 and the inner man, 161 introspection and feeling, 187 and intuition, 30, 126, 188, 192 on Jesus, 145–46, 337 on Jews, lv–lvi, lxi on Judaism, 297, 298, 303 and knowledge, 126

518 The Letters of George Santayana Santayana, George (continued) philosophy and religion (continued) and the life of reason, 136, 153 and manifest essence, 234 on materialism, xli–xlii and matter, 255 and mechanism, 324 and the mind, 304 and mind-stuff theory, 317 on morality, 355 on the moral life, 137 and moral relativism, xliii, lxii has had no mystical experience, 145 and mystics, 200 and naturalism, xli–xlii, 258 on natural moments, 279, 282 on the natural world, 136–38 on panpsychism, 317 and phenomenon, 8 on philosophers and professors, lviii–lix his philosophical ideals, xli on point-instants, 279, 282 on priests, poets, and philosophers, 92 on the problem of evil, 254—55 on puritanism, 210 did not read the Bible in his youth, 21 and relation, 39 on religion, xli, 74, 296–97, 299, 309–10 on sense-data, 277 and spirit, xli and the spiritual and rational life, 103, 185 and spiritualism, 146 and spiritualists, 328 and the supernatural, 146, 153 on teaching, lviii and true philosophy, 146 and true religion, 146 on truth and goodness, 193 and values, 156 photograph of, xlvii, 19, 332 and the physics of light, 6 on poetry, 32, 259, 339–40, 342—43 his poetry, compares with Soutar’s, 159 on political events in Spain, xviii, 253, 262—63n his political philosophy, liv–lv

portrait of, 11, 158, 247 position at New School, turns down, 175 his power-of-attorney, G. Sturgis is, 35 on private property, xx, 313 professor at Harvard, xxxix on psychology, 76, 85, 320 publications “Alternatives to Liberalism,” 332, 332n “A Brief History of My Opinions,” 118, 118n, 327, 327n “Cape Cod,” 266, 266n “Fifty Years of British Idealism,” 355, 367 “Glimpses of Old Boston,” xxi, 308, 308n, 316 his letters, 374–75 “Locke and the Frontiers of Common Sense,” xxi, xxii, 331n, 333, 335, 337, 339, 341, 344, 346, 349, 350, 352, 353, 354, 358, 359, 364, 365, 367, 368, 369, 370 “A Long Way Round to Nirvana; or, Much Ado About Dying,” 367 “O world, thou choosest not the better part!”, 327, 327n Poems: Selected by the Author and Revised, xlvi “The Prestige of the Infinite,” 293, 303, 304, 319, 359, 367 “Revolutions in Science,” 355, 367 Some Turns of Thought in Modern Philosophy, xxiii, 7, 7n, 367, 368 Sonnets and Other Verses, lxii translated into French, 318 “Ultimate Religion,” xxi, xxii, xlii, 321–22, 322n, 324, 325, 326, 330, 331, 333, 335, 336—37, 341, 344, 346, 349, 352, 356, 357, 358, 360, 362, 364, 365, 367, 368, 369, 370 “The Unknowable,” l, 289, 289n “Walt Whitman: A Dialogue,” 355, 355n his punctuation, 381–82 pupil(s) of, xiii–xiv, 130, 200 on readers of poetry, 159 reads Alain, xi, 7 Bainville, 319

Index 519 Balzac, 272, 274 Belgion, 148, 150 Bergson, 328 Bernanos, xi, 7 Bridges, 136, 142 Burnham, 301, 314—15 Bush, 309 Cavalcanti, xxxix Cather, 298 Clemens, 320 Coates, 366 Cohen, 250 Couchoud, 337–38 Crisógono de Jesús, 272 Dante, xxxix Ducasse, 39, 76, 155–56, 323 “Elizabeth,” 111 Fletcher, 336 French books, xi, 267 Fuller, 254 Gibson, 349 Hartmann, 286 Hillyer, 32 Hook, 154 Huxley, 324 Italian Platonizing poets, xxxix Jeans, 140, 223 Jennings, 257 Jesse, 140 L. Johnson, 132 Kallen, 296, 299 Komroff, 5–6, 141 Lamprecht, 103 Lawrence, 184 Lewis, xviii, 260, 301 Locke, 344, 349 Lutoslawski, 223 Marin, 261 Melville, 114 Michelangelo, xxxix Millay, 256, 257, 274 Morris, 272 Mumford, 114 Munro, 85, 228—29 Murry, 145, 148, 150, 185, 192 Papini, 344 Pater, 45 Pound, 51 Proust, xi, 7 B. Russell, 76

Sacks, 362 Shakespeare, xxi, 337, 342—43 Sinclair, 87 Slochower, 106, 174 Soutar, 159, 242 Spinoza, 321 Strong, 195, 303—4 J. and J. Tharaud, 297, 298, 303 Whitehead, xv, 22, 149, 150, 169 received Walker Fellowship, 107, 107n receives dental product, 84, 84n, 87 receives physical at Valmont, 128–29 his relationships, li and his relationships with publishers, 167—68 relationship with Cory, xxiii relationship with J. Russell, xiv, xviii, 239 relationship with Strong, xix–xx, 263, 276—77 and Relativity, 243 reminisces about Harvard, 131 renounces society, 169 retirement from Harvard, lix, 3, 3n does not return to Spain, 203n on romanticism, 369 Sacco and Vanzetti, declines offer to sponsor committee on, 67–68 on Sacco and Vanzetti case, liv, 68 Sastres and the stock market crash, 134 on science, 296–97 on science and nature, 257 his self-portraits, 295n and sending books as gifts, 109 does not settle in England, 173 his sexual orientation, xlviii–l, lxiii his signature, 381 on social classes, lix–lx on socialism, 280 on society, xv, 280 Spaniard, considers himself a, xxxix and Spanish folk story, 164–65 Spanish names, explains to G. Sturgis, 37, 95–96 is a Spanish subject, 81 his spelling, 381 to spend rest of life in Italy, 87 Strong, critiques, 181 Strong, disagrees with, 31, 176, 181 Strong, discussions with, xii, 279

520 The Letters of George Santayana Santayana, George (continued) Strong on, liii, 318 Strong visits, 72, 163, 166, 170, 172, 243, 245n, 278 and style, 201 Summa Theologica, his copy of, 290—91 on Susan, 10 and Susan’s death, xi, xlviii, 57, 216, 363 and Susan’s will, 73, 80 in Susan’s will, 17, 18 tensions between Strong, xix–xx, 291, 294–95, 328 and traveling, 38, 66, 274, 307, 346, 350, 357, 363 travel plans Ávila, 10, 11, 21, 47–48, 56, 62, 106, 178, 182, 204, 207, 216, 221, 224n, 236, 253 Bayona de Galicia (Spain), 57 Cortina d’Ampezzo (Italy), xviii, 166—67, 177, 252, 260, 265, 292, 330 Egypt, 127 England, 23, 24, 24n, 38, 41, 339, 350 Fiesole, xvi, 113, 116, 124, 125, 127, 128, 166, 172, 189, 195, 204 Florence, xiii, 64, 129, 177, 197, 199, 199n, 223, 258, 273 Glion-sur-Territet (Switzerland), xiv, 117, 118, 119, 120 Greece, 127 The Hague (The Netherlands), xxii, 350, 352, 354 Holland, 339, 350, 351 Italy, 125 Le Havre (France), 186 Lido (Italy), 249n, 252 London, xxii, 331, 341, 350, 352, 354 Madrid, 10 Milan, 119, 129 Naples, 273, 274, 276, 277, 283 Oporto (Portugal), 57, 60, 61 Paris, xiii, xvi, xxii, xxiii, 9, 10, 11, 23, 29, 31, 38, 44, 46, 47, 48, 56, 106, 116, 177, 178, 180n, 181, 183, 189, 204, 252, 325, 331, 341, 343, 352, 354

Pompeii, 280, 283, 288 Rome, xxiii, 29, 64, 65, 131, 197, 203, 265, 273, 283, 284, 285 Saint Germain (France), xvi, 189, 252, 355 Salamanca (Spain), 182 Spain, xiii, xvi, xviii, 9, 15, 23, 29, 31, 41, 52, 53, 58, 61, 66, 71, 157, 163, 166, 172, 177, 180n, 182, 184, 203, 223, 248, 252, 265, 330n Venice, 177, 247, 249n, 252, 256, 265, 274, 277, 278 Versailles, xxii, 180, 183, 346 turns down invitation to be William James Professor of Philosophy, xx, 305, 305n, 313 upset by Josephine’s illness, 98, 104 on usury, 370 has not visited America for seventeen years, 133 to visit G. Sturgis in Paris, 116 visits dentist, 258, 355 visits Strong, xiii, xiv, xvi, 65, 67, 69, 71, 76, 124, 127, 135, 189, 191, 199, 199n, 204 Walker Fellowship, xxxix, xliii, 106–7, 107n and Whitehead’s philosophy, 281n his will and trust author’s rights, 89 beneficiaries of, 12, 13 his Spanish bequests, 20, 37 trouble with Spanish version, 90 trustee of, 12 mentioned, xi, 4, 11, 12, 20, 29, 36, 44, 48, 72, 94, 163, 190, 192 on women, xlviii on his work, 325 on world economics, 220—21 on World War I, liii on World War II, liv his writing, xxiii, xlv–xlvii, 166, 173, 188—89, 190, 201, 222—23, 267, 273, 324, 364 his writing, does not reread, 69 writings on Spinoza, 130 his writing style, 381–82 as a young man, 106, 365

Index 521 Santayana, Hermenegilda Zabalgoitia de, 15n Santayana, Josefina Borrás y Carbonell [Sturgis] de (mother of Santayana) identified, 21n mentioned, 11, 37n, 214n, 320 Santayana, Manuel, 37, 37n Santayana, Nicolás, 37, 37n Santayana, Santiago, 37, 37n “Santayana, Then and Now” (Lamprecht), Santayana on, 103—4, 104n “Santayana at Cambridge” (Münsterberg), lxii Santayana: The Later Years (Cory), xvl, lxii, 384, 385n Santayana y Zabalgoitia, Manuela Ruiz de her allowance, 35, 36, 80 her finances, Santayana’s concern for, 24–25 identified, 15n and Josephine’s possessions, 206n in Josephine’s will, 66 legacy from Josephine, 214, 329, 330, 338–39 legacy from Santayana, 91 legacy from Susan, 80 monetary contribution to, Santayana makes, 24–25 her name, 37, 95 in Santayana’s trust, 13 mentioned, 14, 15, 16, 28, 43, 56, 70, 205n, 207, 213n Santos, Eliodora, Santayana sends money to, 218n Sargeaunt, John identified, 134n mentioned, 133 Sartre, Jean-Paul, liv Sastre, Adelaida Hernández de (wife of Rafael) her children, 135n, 151 identified, 11n letter(s) to, 212 money, Josephine gives, 157 pregnant, 134 mentioned, 98n, 213n, 214 Sastre, Isabel Martín de (wife of José) her children, 183 and Josephine’s possessions, 206n identified, 11n letter(s) to, 208, 217, 231

money, Josephine gives, 157 principal friend and advisor to Josephine, 127 relationship with Josephine, xvi, 183, 205n and Santayana’s money gifts, 218n mentioned, 56, 98n, 163, 203, 206, 224n Sastre, Susan “Susana” Parkman Sturgis de (Santayana’s half sister) her authenticated will, 28 born in the Philippine Islands, 28 and Celedonio, 347 on Celedonio’s trust in G. Sturgis, 28 death of, xi, xxii, xlviii, 9, 10, 47, 57, 215, 216, 347, 363–64 details of will, 18 distribution of hidden money, xi–xii, 17 her estate, 348 execution of will, 16, 17, 21, 34, 53, 98, 98–99 execution of will, Santayana dreads, 15–16 friendship with Davis, xxii her health, 347 identified, 5n, 10n leaves legacy for Santayana, 20 her legacies, 90 her name, 37, 37n painting of, 214n Santayana on, 347, 348 like a second mother to Santayana, 11 her will, 10, 80, 94, 100n her will, Santayana suggests translation into English, 17 mentioned, xliv, lvii, 24, 29, 56, 64, 134, 218n Sastre, Teresa Fernández de Soto de (wife of Luis) birth of son, 134, 135n, 151 identified, 98n Sastre González, José (son of Celedonio) his children, 183 and the division of father’s farm, 214–15 identified, 11n his job, 246 and Josephine’s estate, 246, 252, 264, 266, 329, 330 and Josephine’s illness, 97 and Josephine’s will and trust, 105, 230

522 The Letters of George Santayana Sastre González, José (continued) legacy from Josephine, 206, 220, 329, 339 letter(s) to, 204, 223, 227, 237, 241, 244 relationship with Josephine, xvi, 183, 205n and Santayana’s will and trust, 13, 92 mentioned, 47, 93, 163, 194, 199, 203, 206, 207, 213n, 215, 219n, 221, 219n, 221, 230, 236, 330n Sastre González, Luis (son of Celedonio) birth of son, 151 and the division of father’s farm, 214–15 identified, 11n and Josephine’s illness, 97 and Josephine’s will and trust, 105 legacy from Josephine, 206, 220, 329, 339 letter(s) to, 179, 248 and Santayana’s will and trust, 13, 92 mentioned, 93, 194, 199, 203, 213n, 215, 219n, 236, 330n Sastre González, Rafael (son of Celedonio) his children, 135n, 151 and the division of father’s farm, 214–15 his health, 213n identified, 11n and Josephine’s will and trust, 105 legacy from Josephine, 206, 220, 329, 339 and Santayana’s will and trust, 13, 92 mentioned, 47, 93, 194, 199, 203, 212n, 214n, 215, 219n, 236, 330n Sastre González, Antonio (son of Celedonio) death of, xii, 46, 47 devoted to Celedonio, 46–47, 47 executor of Susan’s will, 17 identified, 11n in Santayana’s trust, 13 mentioned, 24, 28 Sastre Hernández, Rafael (son of Rafael) identified, 11n in Santayana’s trust, 13 Sastre Martín, Eduardo (son of José) identified, 11n in Santayana’s trust, 13 mentioned, 224n Sastre Martín, Roberto (son of José) killed during Spanish civil war, 15n identified, 11n

Sastre Serrano, Celedonio concern about Josephine, 56, 70 corresponds with G. Sturgis directly, 43 death of, xvi, 178, 179n, 181, 216, 347 and the death of Antonio, xii, 46, 47 and the death of Susan, xii division of his farm, 213–14 dying, 163 his estate, 199 executor of Santayana’s will, 92 executor of Susan’s will, 17 Extreme Unction administered, 134, 163 funds building of chapel, 100 G. Sturgis proposes to manage family finances, 94—95 his health, 134, 151, 176 identified, 10n Josephine continues to live with, 64 in Josephine’s will, 66, 99, 106 and money from Susan’s will, 69, 80 pleased with G. Sturgis’s work, 52 refuses to sign a living trust, 28 and Santayana, 15 Santayana corresponds with, 16 Santayana’s legacies to family, 91 in Santayana’s trust, 13 and Santayana’s will and trust, 91 sends blanks to Santayana instead of G. Sturgis, 55 and his sons, 28, 116 his sons and Santayana’s will, 20 and the stock market, 157 and Susan’s legacies, 90 and Susan’s will, 20, 34, 98 in Susan’s will, 18 his trust in G. Sturgis, 28 his will, 194 mentioned, xi, xii, 10, 17, 57, 94, 101, 116 La Sataniada (Tapia y Rivera), Santayana on, 26n Saturday Review of Literature “Alternatives to Liberalism,” 332, 332n editor of, Canby is, 132 “Enduring the Truth,” 158 “A Footnote to Santayana,” 158, 158n and The Genteel Tradition at Bay, xvi, 197, 198, 229, 235 mentioned, 158 Saunderson, Mr. and Cory, 311—12, 319

Index 523 identified, 279n visits Cory, 278 Sceptical Essays (B. Russell), Santayana on, 76 A Sceptical Examination of Contemporary British Philosophy (Coates), Santayana on, 366, 366n Scepticism and Animal Faith (Santayana) manuscript of, 310, 311n, 352 mentioned, 49 Schilpp, Paul Arthur, lxiii Schneider, Herbert Wallace identified, 211n and The Last Puritan, xvii, 209, 211, 211n, 225 letter(s) to, 209 Making Fascists, 302, 303n as a professor, 298 and puritanism, 209 Scholastics, 254, 255n Schopenhauer, Arthur identified, 340n mentioned, xlviii, 340 Schubert, Franz Peter identified, 269n mentioned, 268 Schweitzer, Albert identified, 50n interested in Santayana’s works, 50 Science in conflict with religion, 296—97 and nature, 257 Santayana on, 296–97 Scientific Method in Aesthetics (Munro), Santayana on, 85 The Scientific Outlook (B. Russell), 345, 345n Scribner, Charles, Jr. identified, 78n letter(s) to, 89, 167 mentioned, xlv Scrutiny ( journal) 332, 332n Seligmann, Herbert Jacob Firebird, and Other Poems, 200—201, 201n identified, 201n and images, 200 letter(s) to, 200, 261 Letters of John Marin, sends to Santayana, 261 his poetry, Santayana on, 200—201 pupil of Santayana, 200 The Sense of Beauty, Santayana on, 85, 156

Sense-data, Santayana on, 277 Septimana Spinozana, xxii, 367, 368, 369 Sermon on the Mount, 337, 338n Servants of Mary, 101, 205n, 206, 207, 208n, 218n Shakespeare, William Santayana reads, xxi, 337, 342—43 Twelfth-Night; or, What You Will, Santayana quotes, 268, 269n, 270, 271n mentioned, 51 Sheffield, Mr. (unidentified), 310 Shelley, Percy Bysshe buried in Protestant Cemetery of Rome, 306, 307n compared to Keats, 192 identified, 193n mentioned, 342 Simone (unidentified), 282 Simonson, Lee draws caricature of Santayana, 158 identified, 158n pupil of Santayana, 158 Sinclair, Upton Beall Boston, Santayana on, 87—88 identified, 88n Sisyphus, 105, 105n Slimer, William A. (unidentified), 299 Slochower, Harry book on Goethe, 107 “Die Philosophie in den Vereinigten Staaten,” 174, 175n identified, 107n letter(s) to, 106, 168, 174 lunches with Santayana, 168 Mensch und Gott in der Weltanschauung Richard Dehmels, 107n Richard Dehmel: Der Mensch und der Denker, 107n on Santayana, 174 sends Dehmel book to Santayana, 106 Smith, Alys Pearsall (Mrs. Bertrand Russell), 75n Smith, John identified, 25n mentioned, 25 Smith, Logan Pearsall identified, 280n Trivia, 314, 315n mentioned, 279

524 The Letters of George Santayana Smith, Richard R. (unidentified), 299 Social classes, Santayana on, lix–lx Socialism, Santayana on, 280 Societas Spinozana, 358 Society, Santayana on, 280 Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy, 376 Socrates identified, 255n his principle of self-knowledge, xliii mentioned, 254 Soliloquies in England (Santayana) Hudson quotes from, 209, 209n manuscript of, 310 and The Mark Twain Society, Santayana donates to, 160 mentioned, 46, 49, 110, 335 Some Turns of Thought in Modern Philosophy (Santayana), xxiii, 7, 7n, 75, 352, 353n, 367, 368 Some Winchester Letters of Lionel Johnson J. Russell’s introduction to, 132 Santayana rereads, 132 The Song of Solomon (Bible), 60, 61n, 62 Sonnets and Other Verses (Santayana), lxii Souday, Paul identified, 356n mentioned, 356 Soutar, William Conflict, dedicates to Santayana, 159, 160n, 242 identified, 139n letter(s) to, 139, 159, 161, 242 his manuscript, Santayana does not receive, 139, 139n his philosophy, contrasted with Santayana’s, 161 his poetry, Santayana compares to his own poety, 159 his poetry, Santayana on, 159, 242 and Santayana’s philosophy, 161 his writing, Santayana’s criticisms of, 161 Spain Christianity in, 263n folk story from, 164–65 food in, 60–61 political events in, xviii, 222n, 238n, 245n, 248n, 252, 253, 262—63n Santayana describes, 62 Santayana does not visit, 41

titles abolished in, 263—64 mentioned, 41, 71 “To a Spanish Friend” (L. Johnson), 133 Spencer, Herbert, Santayana’s lecture on, l Spengler, Oswald articles for, Santayana writes, 105 identified, 105n Spinoza, Baruch Benedicti de Spinoza opera, quotquot reperta sunt, 326, 326n birth of, xxi, 335, 362 De intellectus emendatione, 130, 130n Ethics, 130, 130n, 324 identified, 130n “the intellectual love of God,” 185, 186n Santayana on, xxi, lix Santayana studied, 258 Santayana’s writings on, 130, 321–22, 324, 325, 326, 330, 331 his works, Santayana writes introductions to, 130n mentioned, lvi, 154, 339, 355 Spirit, Santayana on, xv Spiritual and rational life, Santayana on, 103, 185 Spiritualism, Santayana on, 146 Spiritualists, 328, 329n Stein, Gertrude identified, 144n infantile writer, Santayana thinks, 143 Stein, William Bysshe, xlii Stillman, Reginald Chauncey, purchases Santayana’s manuscripts, 352 Stoics identified, 147n mentioned, 146, 296, 339 Strong, Augustus Hopkins identified, 279n mentioned, 279, 294 Strong, Charles Augustus advice on publishers, Santayana gives, 108 birth of granddaughter, 104 book on Sisyphus, 105, 105n his books, does not lend to Cory, 139 clipping from The Morning Post, Santayana sends, 149 “A Conversation, Partly Real & Partly Imaginary,” 319, 320n in Cortina d’Ampezzo (Italy), 263, 264, 265

Index 525 Cory, financial support of, 361 Cory, relationship with, xiv–xv, xvii, xxiii, 225, 276 Cory’s allowance, xiv, xxiii, 249, 269, 308, 345 Cory visits, 49, 149, 155, 186, 190, 284, 296 A Creed for Sceptics, 122n death of grandson, xii, 32, 33 disagrees with Santayana, 31, 176, 181 discussions with Santayana, xii, 279 does not drink enough, 149 “Dr. Whitehead on Perception,” Strong critiques, 294–95 Elizabeth (granddaughter), takes care of, 135 Essays on the Natural Origin of the Mind, 122n, 176, 176n, 184, 269, 273 executor of Santayana’s will, 91 his father, 279 in Frascati (Italy), 186 his friendship with Santayana, 314 The Genteel Tradition at Bay, dislikes, 294 George and Margaret visit, 75, 135 gives up Paris apartment, xiii, 56 and the Great Depression, 345 his health, xix, 114, 121, 122, 124, 131, 149 identified, 5n his International Philosophical Fellowship Fund, 4, 5n and intuition, 30 The Last Puritan, dislikes, 294 Le Balze, xiv, xv, lii, lxi, 29, 29n, 128, 131, 172, 176, 199 legatee of Santayana’s will, 20 and Les Faux-Monnayeurs, 250, 252 letter(s) to, 6, 9, 11, 15, 27, 30, 32, 43, 46, 60, 61, 66, 104, 108, 111, 113, 116, 117, 119, 124, 125, 128, 129, 149, 155, 163, 176, 178, 181, 182, 186, 194, 207, 232, 233, 239, 243, 252, 258, 268, 273 274, 276, 278, 290, 303, 306, 317, 319, 346, 355, 356, 357, 361 his living arrangements, 72–73 M. and Mme. de Fontenay, invites to visit, 75, 97, 113 Margaret and Elizabeth visit, 131 money provisions for family, 4 his motor, xviii–xix, 121, 122, 124 “Nature and Mind,” 118, 118n

his operation, xiii, 49, 49n, 52 his philosophy, Santayana on, 30, 84, 269, 282, 317–18 his poetry, Santayana on, 27–79, 303—4 quip on American weather, 54 on The Realm of Matter, 294 and Relativity, 243 Santayana, relationship with, xix–xx, 263, 276—77 Santayana critiques, 181 Santayana on, 139, 271, 286 Santayana visits, xiii, xiv, xvi, 65, 67, 69, 71, 76, 124, 127, 135, 189, 191, 199, 199n, 204, 356 in Santayana’s trust, 14 and Santayana’s will and trust, 91 on Santayana’s writing, 201 his secretary, Cory is, lii, 127, 151, 164, 225n, 238n tensions between Santayana, xix–xx, 291, 294–95, 328 his theory of perception, Santayana on, 234, 243 travel plans, 11, 31, 41, 119, 124, 163, 177, 181, 183, 186, 189, 190, 263, 264, 274, 356 Über allen Gipfeln, translates, 306 Valmont, goes to, 118, 120 visits George and Margaret, 43 visits Saint Germain, xvi, xxi, 343, 350 visits Santayana, 67, 72, 163, 166, 170, 172, 243, 245n, 278 Walker Fellowship, received, 107n his wheelchair, 47 writes poetry, xix, 270, 271n, 298, 314 his writing, 122, 155, 163, 267 his writing, Santayana on, 268—69, 306 mentioned, xviii, xl, xlvi, lxi, lxiii, 23, 47, 54, 55, 57, 72, 116, 122, 126, 127, 143, 148, 155, 164, 203, 216, 220, 222, 224, 249, 252, 261, 264, 272, 300, 314, 321, 325, 331, 341, 343, 346, 350 Strong, Elizabeth “Bessie” Rockefeller (Mrs. Charles Strong), lxi Strong, Margaret. See Cuevas, Margaret Strong de Strong-Cuevas, Elizabeth identified, 73n stays with Strong, 135 mentioned, xiii, lxi, 5n, 72, 131

526 The Letters of George Santayana Sturgis, George (Santayana’s mother’s first husband), 37n Sturgis, George (Santayana’s nephew) in Ávila, 183, 203, 216, 330n in Boston, 27 Celedonio’s trust in, 28 corresponds with Celedonio directly, 43 and executing Susan’s will, 34, 69, 73, 80 as financial manager for Sastre family, continues on, 194, 199, 215 in Germany, 180n and the Great Depression, xx, 311, 345, 351, 369–70 identified, 5n inheritance from Josephine, 266 Italian names, Santayana explains, 95 and Josephine’s estate, xiii, 224n, 229, 230, 241n, 245n, 246—47, 252—53, 329, 338–39 and Josephine’s finances, 64, 69–70, 214, 235 and Josephine’s will and trust, 52–53, 64, 93, 105–6, 230, 236 legacy from Santayana, 91 letter(s) to, 4, 10, 11, 16, 17, 20, 24, 27, 34, 35, 36, 43, 47, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 62, 63, 65, 69, 71, 73, 79, 89, 94, 97, 98, 100, 105, 115, 126, 134, 144, 151, 156, 162, 191, 194, 198, 203, 206, 214, 220, 230, 235, 246, 252, 264, 265, 280, 287, 299, 312, 315, 329, 338, 369 manages family finances, 80, 281, 347 in Paris, Santayana to visit, xvi, 116, 183 proposes to manage Sastre family finances, 94—95 The Realm of Matter, receives copy of, 199 returns to America, 183, 189 Santayana on, li, lxiii Santayana’s books, thinks unintelligible, 144 and Santayana’s finances, xi, xvii, xx, li, 4, 10, 34, 74, 79, 90, 100, 101, 109, 144, 152, 156, 157, 198, 221, 230, 281, 287, 299, 312—13, 315, 317, 367 Santayana’s power-of-attorney, 35 and Santayana’s will and trust, xiii, 4, 12, 14, 37, 91–92 his sons, 93

Spanish names, Santayana explains, 37, 95–96 Sturgis Family Book, 36, 315, 316n, 363–64 Susan’s will, Santayana delegates executorship to, 17 to travel in Europe, 100, 117 travel plans, 265, 300, 330 to visit Ávila, Santayana suggests, 116 to visit Cory, 102 his work, Celedonio pleased with, 52 mentioned, xiv, xliv, xlvi, xlvii, lvi, lviii, lxiv, 199n, 205n, 218n, 334 Sturgis, Josephine Borrás (half sister of Santayana) her affairs, Santayana on, xviii, 163, 203, 231n her age, Santayana on, xiii, 62–63 in Bayona de Galicia, 57 born in the Philippine Islands, 28 burial of, 206 as a Catholic, 101 concerned for, Mercedes is, 43–44 concerned for, Santayana is, 56 continues to live with Sastres, 64, 206 and the death of Antonio, xii, 48 death of, xvi–xvii, xxii, 203, 205n, 206, 215, 347 division of property, 64 her estate, 224n, 230, 246—47, 248n, 252—53, 264, 266, 329, 338–39, 347–48 Extreme Unction administered, 206 her finances, 64, 65, 69–70 forgets passport, 63 her health, Santayana on, 56, 116, 117, 119, 176 her heirs, 245n identified, 5n her illness, 97–98, 101, 104 José and Isabel, relationship with, xvi, 183, 205n and her lady’s maid, 69, 127 her legacies, 213 legacy from Santayana, 90 letter(s) to, 199 her living arrangments after Celedonio’s death, xvi, 178, 179–80n, 180n, 183 and a living trust, 53, 56, 57, 63, 65, 93— 94 her memory, Santayana concerned

Index about, 44 money for her friends, 71–72 her money gifts, 190, 190n money gifts, inconsistent in giving, 157 painting of, 214n principal friend and advisor, Isabel becomes, 127 receives sacraments, 100 relationship with Juana, 238n and religion, xvi–xvii, 215—16, 347 returns to Ávila, 64, 65 Santayana on, xii, 60, 65, 215–16 Santayana’s concern for, 9, 15 and Santayana’s trust, 13 Santayana upset by illness, 98 Santayana visits, xiii, 62, 62–63 signs deed of trust, 63–64 her Spanish government bonds, 65 stays with Mercedes in Burgos, 179n, 180n, 181 stays with Mercedes in Madrid, 43, 162–63, 163 and the stock market, 157 in Susan’s will, 17, 18 travel plans, 70 her will and trust, xiii, 48, 52–53, 65, 99–100, 105–6, 163, 205n, 206, 213n, 221, 228n, 230, 236, 245n her will, Santayana on, 48 does not write letters, 127 writes Santayana, 135 mentioned, xii, 10, 16, 20–21, 25, 28, 29, 53n, 65, 76, 93, 184, 207, 208n, 213n, 219n, 220, 235 Sturgis, Nathaniel Russell (Santayana’s great nephew) identified, 5n photograph of, 4, 313 mentioned, 127, 144 Sturgis, Neville (Santayana’s great nephew) identified, 5n photograph of, 4, 313 mentioned, 127, 144 Sturgis, Robert Shaw (Santayana’s great nephew) identified, 5n photograph of, 4, 313 Santayana’s affection for, li visits Santayana, li mentioned, 127, 144

527

Sturgis, Robert Shaw (Santayana’s half brother) born in the Philippine Islands, 28 executor of Susan’s will, 17 identified, 15n Santayana on, li in Susan’s will, 17 mentioned, 14, 25, 53n, 105, 106, 157, 245n, 329, 347 Sturgis, Rosamond Thomas Bennett (Mrs. George Sturgis) identified, 5n Santayana on, li, lxiii to travel in Europe, 100, 330 mentioned, xlii, lxiv, 5, 80, 127, 144, 221, 266 Sturgis, Sarah, 106, 106n Sturgis, William C. Santayana does not know, 35 writes to Santayana, 35 mentioned, xliv Style, Santayana on, 201 Summa Theologica (Thomas Aquinas), 290–91, 291n, 297, 349, 356 “Sunset on Fistral Bay”(Cory), Santayana on, 41 Supernatural, Santayana on the, 146, 153 Swaine (unidentified photographer), 19 Swinburne, Algernon Charles identified, 86n mentioned, 85 Swiss Guard (Vatican), 144, 145n Symbolism, Its Meaning and Effect (Whitehead), Santayana on, 22–23, 22n

Takovenko, Boris (unidentified), interested in Santayana’s works, 49 Tapia, Alejandro (son of Tapia y Rivera) letter(s) to, 26 sends father’s poetry to Santayana, 26n Tapia y Rivera, Alejandro identified, 27n La Sataniada: Grandiosa epopeya dedicada al “Principe de las Tinieblas,” Santayana on, 26n, 27n Teatro alla Scala, 86, 87n, 101 Telegraph House ( J. Russell’s house in England), 133, 134n

528

The Letters of George Santayana

Ten Commandments, 309, 310n The Testament of Beauty (Bridges) Santayana asked to critique, 136 Santayana declines to discuss with Murry, 142 Santayana enjoys, 142 Santayana on, 136, 173 Santayana requests copy, 38 Santayana’s quote from, 136 Santayana would like to read, 125 mentioned, 38 Testament of Light (Bullett), 327, 327n Tharaud, Jérôme and Jean The Chosen People: A Short History of the Jews in Europe, 297n, 303 identified, 296n L’Ombre de la Croix, 297, 298n Santayana reads, 297 Thayer, Scofield, 51n Theresa, Saint identified, 346n mentioned, 345 This Our Exile (Burnham), 301, 301—2, 302n, 314—15 Thomas Aquinas, Saint identified, 290n Summa Theologica, 290–91, 291n, 297–98, 349, 356 Thomas Cook & Son, 74, 74n Thomistic Catholic, 351 The Thought and Character of William James (Perry), 253, 253n A Thousand and One Nights, 184, 185n Time and Western Man (Cory), Santayana on, 41, 41n Times Literary Supplement ( journal) article on The Realm of Essence, 9n “Proust’s Last Work,” 9n review of Essays on the Natural Origin of Mind, 269, 270n mentioned, 8, 377 Totalitarianism, lxi Torrence, Frederick Ridgely identified, 152n letter(s) to, 152 request for poetry, Santayana declines, 152 Toy, Crawford Howell, 92n

Toy, Nancy Saunders (Mrs. Crawford Howell Toy) her friendship with Santayana, xlviii, 295 and the Great Depression, 334 identified, 92n and The Last Puritan, xxi, xxiii, 328, 334–35 letter(s) to, 292, 301, 314, 323, 334, 350, 359 Santayana sends gift, 109 and Santayana’s will and trust, 91 This Our Exile, Santayana sends, 301 mentioned, xix, xlv, lv, lvii, 253 Trivia (Smith), 314, 315n Truth and facts, 193 and goodness, 193 and love, 193 Twain, Mark. See Clemens, Samuel Langhorne Twelfth-Night; or, What You Will (Shakespeare), Santayana quotes, 268, 269n, 270, 271n

Über allen Gipfeln (Heyse), Strong translates, 306, 307n “Ultimate Religion” (Santayana), xxi, xxii, xlii, 321—22, 322n, 324, 325, 326, 328, 330, 331, 333, 335, 336—37, 341, 344, 346, 349, 352, 356, 357, 358, 360, 362, 364, 365, 367, 368, 369, 370 Ulysses identified, 107n mentioned, 106 Umberto (Crown Prince of Italy), marriage of, 149, 149n, 151 Unidentified Recipient letter(s) to, 212 and lost parcel, 212 The Universe around Us ( Jeans), Santayana reads, 140, 140n “The Unknowable” (Santayana’s lecture on Herbert Spencer), l, 289, 289n The Unrealists (ed. Wickham), 267, 267n, 276 Usury, Santayana on, 370

Index

Vagabond Scholar: A Venture into the Privacy of George Santayana (Lind), lxii Valmont Santayana receives physical, 128, 129 mentioned, 118, 120 Valéry, Ambroise Paul Toussaint Jules identified, 275n and Poe, 275 Valli, Achille on Americans in Europe, 220 identified, 121n Santayana on, 143 visits Santayana, 143 mentioned, 120 Values, Santayana on, 156 Vatican, work on, 144 Venice king of Spain visits, 278 Santayana on, 292 weather in, 260, 265 Versailles Palace (France), 351, 352n Victoria, Queen (of England) identified, 331n mentioned, 331 Villa Medici (Italy), xv Viminal (Rome), 307, 307n Vincent, Saint identified, 18n mentioned, 18 Voltaire, François Marie Arouet de identified, 297n his motto, 299, 299n mentioned, 296, 297 Von Hagen, Victor Wolfgang his copy of Lucifer, Santayana returns, 82, 83 fundementally wrong, Santayana claims, 110 identified, 79n letter(s) to, 79, 82, 110 requests that Santayana sign copy of Lucifer, 78, 79 his sketches for Lucifer, Santayana on, 82–83, 83–84, 110 his sketch of Santayana, 83–84

529

Walker Fellowship, Santayana and Strong go to Germany on, xxxix, xliii, 107, 107n “Walt Whitman: A Dialogue” (Santayana), 355, 355n The Ways of Knowing; or, The Methods of Philosophy (Montague), 108 Weber, Alfred, 169n Wechsler, Mr. (unidentified) letter(s) to, 247 Wells, Edgar Huidekoper identified, 311n Santayana on, 312 mentioned, 310, 352 Welsford, Dr. (unidentified), 156 Westminster Abbey, 301, 302n “What Has Beauty to do with Art?” (Ducasse), Santayana on, 39–40 Wheelock, John Hall and The Genteel Tradition at Bay, 235 identified, 235n and The Letters of George Santayana (Scribner’s),375 letter(s) to, 235, 241 mentioned, xlv, 377 Whitehead, Alfred North and causal efficacy, 281, 281n and causation, 282 dictum on experience, 281 identified, 23n his philosophy, Santayana on, 164 his point of view, Santayana on, 147 praises Santayana, 144 Process and Reality: An Essay in Cosmology, xv, 144, 145n, 147, 148, 149, 150, 153, 153n, 164, 169 his pseudo-technical terms, 147 and Santayana’s philosophy, 281n Symbolism, Its Meaning and Effect, 23n mentioned, 267, 276, 325 Whitman, Walt[er] identified, 115n and Melville as twin prophets for America, 115 Santayana on, 115 mentioned, 136

530

The Letters of George Santayana

Wilde, Oscar identified, 271n mentioned, 270 Willard, Samuel identified, 211n mentioned, 209 Wilson, Edmund Cory reads, 243 identified, 243n Santayana on, 344 Winslow, Mary Williams, xlv, xlviii, lxiii Wolfson, Harry Austryn, lix Woodbridge, Frederick J. E., 361, 362n Woods, James Haughton identified, 305n invites Santayana to become the William James Professor of Philosophy, xx, 305, 305n, 313 letter(s) to, 305 Wordsworth, William identified, 138n mentioned, 136 World War I, liii World War II, liv The Works of George Santayana (MIT) editorial policy, 373–75

Yale Review ( journal), 70 Yale University, Chapel at, 71

Zeus, 82, 83n

Colophon

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