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this newly revised text, Lanier and Henry build upon their critical teview of riminology, expanding their coverage ofthe multifaceted "Crime Prism," white-
1
lIlar and corporate crime, new developments in biocriminolog)T,. cognitive leary, feminist criminology; and posrmodernism. Importantly, they re-frame rime and its control in the context of global interconnectedness, expanded Hemet communication, and international terrorism since 9/1 L and ask: What
ind of criminology is needed for the 21st century? The addition of illustrative, )mparative, real-world examples and vital updates reflecting the latest studies ad theoretical developments make this text a necessity for both undergraduate nd graduate courses in criminology.
lARK M. LANIER is an associate professor of criminal justice at the University f Central Florida. STUART HENRY is professor and chair of the Department f Interdisciplinary Studies at Wayne State University.
wer illustration: © BeUmann/CORBIS
estview Press 300 Central Avenue wider, CO 80301 ~2977 2 Hid's Copse Road Imnor Hill • Oxford OX2 9JJ 'Nw.westviewpress.com
ISBN
O-B133'~090-X
Ir
.....
:z o ....... o G')
-< SECOND EDITION
.
Westview
Mark M. Lanier &- Stuart Henry
Contents
Mark dedicates this book to Luke 111111 Jessi Shinrf, fa Lee Ilud Jasmine
List ofTnbles I1/U7 Figures Prt!{tlce and Ackl1owle{~~;l1lell[s
IX
.yi
1 What Is Criminology? The Study of Crime, Criminals, and Victims
1
What Is Criminology?, 3 CrimillOlogicaJ Theory, 6
Victimo!ogy, 15
-
Sllll1mary, 16
All rights reserved. Printed in the United Slales of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information stor
soon? Which of the several theories of criI1lill~)Jogy offers the best explanation for crime? Answers to thesp qllf'.n, n~flllirT's lTilllinnlogists to build crimi-
'. 1 knowled'Jl:' from logically interrt:lated, theuretically gruliuJed, 0 nnlu"ILJ 0 ., " '[I U '1 , ·rically tested hypotheses lJlat are subJecllo retestmg. lese 'lel all enlpl , , '. . f'd b f U 0 ' ' '. 1 5 talements hold tme as long as they elfE' Ilol taisl Ie y ur 1121 leoretlLa search (Popper 1959). , '." _, . " ' . , .' Theory testing can be dUlle US1l\g \::'rlh~r qUdhtatlve ur qlld.J1tdatIve . Qualitative 1l1l'tllUds (Ber 2(HJU) Illd\" ethno1 Js. Illel1U( ' , IJn . . use systeuldtlC . ., . '. lechnitjues, such as !J3rticillant ubservdtlOn and m-depth 11It\::'1grdp !lIC r , TJ,ese are desipned to enable the researcher to understand wh8t VieWS. 0 • , • . criminal activity means to the participulll:s, In paI:tlClpaI.lt c)~..,servatlon, th~ , d,er takes a role at the ,scene of a crime or, ,111 the JuslIce system and re~ear . ". '" describes what goes on in the interaction~ belwee~l the partiCIpants. Criminologists using this technique study CfIlll€ and Its SOCIal context as an anthropologist would study a nonindustrial society. These methods have produced some of criminology's richest studies, such as ~aud Humphries (1970) study uf homoseXUality in public rest roo?~S, entJtle~i Ti!G Room Trade, and [-laward Becker's ([1C}{13J 1973) study 01 Jazz mUSIcians and marijuana smoking in his book Outsiders. Quantitative methods involve llumben" cOlmb, dnd measures that are Jrrived at via a variety (If research technique::.. The~e include survey re~earch based on repre~entative random ::id1l1pil~::, and the a~l~lysis of secondary data gathered for other purp.uses, .SUd.l as h~~lll~lde r~tes or corporate convictions for health and saIety vIOlatruns. Cnllunolo?lsb. u~ ing quantitative teclU1igues make up the mainstream of academIC ,cr11:11llology. Perhaps one of the mo::;t illustTdtive e~amples of quantItatIve research is the series of longitudinal stud res 01 a cohort of 10,000 boys born in Philadelphia in '19"15 and folluwed through age eighteen with respect to their arrests fur criminal offense~ (Wulfgdng, Fig.]in, an-,d Sellin 1972) and a second cuhort of 27,000 boys and gIrls born 111 19SI:l (Tracy, Wolfgang, 8nd Figlio 1990). Each study ::;eemed to indicate that a ::;lllaU proportion of offenders (6 percent), called "chronic utJender::;," dcc,ounted for over haH of all offenses. Other quantitative research methuds mciude the use of historical records, COillparativt> analysis, and experimental research. Unfortunately, most quantitative l'vsearch is not theory driven; it does not involve theory testing. A survey l:llllducl.ed in 1992 revealed that only 27 percent of the articles f)ublished uVt'l" a period of twenty-eJght years in the journal CrilllirlO!O::;Y tested theory (otitt and Ciacopassi 11)92). Apparently theoretically grounded research is lacking. This begs the question, Is criminology scientific?
Disciplillltiy Diversity
b
7
b';;ellllul C'riJllirw!ogy
What [s Criminology?
philusophy, pnJiticdl t:;ci~llce, Jlsydliatry, and psychology (Einstadler and Henry ]995). Edt.'1J uE thetie disciplines contributes its own assumptions about human nature and society, its own definitions of crime and the role of law, its own prderence of methods for the study of crime, and its own 311dlysis of crime causation with differing policy implications. This diversity presents a major challenge to criminology's disciplinary integrity. Do t1lese diverse theoretiGll perspectives, taken togeU1er when applied to crime, constitute an independent academic discipline? Are these contributing knowleJges mendy subfields, or special applicatiOllS of established disciplines? AHernatively, is criminology interdisciplinary? If cri ·m I 5 f
'11352-- 1934 ), and Enrico Ferri (1856-1921)), whu beJiL:ved crime was {Ci;ltl sed , not chosen. Ana1yziw0J convicled criminals dnd .cadavers, these founding scientific criminologists claimed to show that crJlue was caused by biological defects in inferior" atavistic" individuals who were" throwbacks" from an earlier evolutionary stage of human development.
g~ography, hbtory,
"n
(see rvlessner, Kmllll, and Liska 1989; SMak J 998). There is sufficient independence of the subject from its constituent disciplines and an acceptance of their diversity, subsumed un-
;E!~tiliit~~~\~;~UlSilLLply, crime can
ma::,~,·y:;~~~~i:S.~l~tl~
well illustrated lhrough an overview of its component theories, discusSiOllS of which furll1 the bases nf subsequent chapters in this book.
A precursur lo sL:ielllific criminology wa..:. the rational lhought allJ ecoth.,mic assul1Iptions of the eighteenth-centllry Enlightenment philosophy of Cesare Beccaria (1735-1795) and Jeremy lJentllam (1748--1832).
Founders of Classical Economic Theory 1764 Cesare Beccaria Essay VII Crillle::; ll1ull-'Ullislll/ll!lll 1765 Jeremy Bentharn All Illtroduction to the Principles of Morals
Individuals are said to choose lo L'uJ1l1l1il crime based on whether tlley will derive more pleasure frunt duing so thal1 pain. Burglars, for example, weigh whether ur no! lo invade someone else's property depending on the e.\btence, among {/ther things, of lences, locks, and guardians of prop~rty clUJ I,vhether they lhink they will get caught and, if so, seriously punt::;heJ. . The idcd that critHe is dlOsen was challenged by the early anthropologh:al and biulugicallv based formulations of the 1Lalian school of criminologists, indudiJlg (-~esare LOlnbroso (1835--1909), Raffaele Garofalo
Founders of Biological Theory 1876 Cesare Lombroso Crimillal Mall 1884 Enrico Ferri Crimillal Sociology 1885 Rafaele Garofalo Crilllillology The idea that individual bodily differences can explain crime was developed in the late nineteenth century by US. criminal anthropologists, such as Ernest Hooton, who believed in the criminal man, and the constiwtional theorist William Sheldon, who believed crime came from feeble minds and inferior physical constitutions. Founders of Heredity and Constitutional Type Theory 1877 Rid1drd Dugdale The Jukes; A Study in Crillle, Pauperislll, Disease and Heredity 1912 Henry Goddard The [(alli/calc Falllily: A Study ill the Heredity ofFeeblclIlllzdedlless 1893 Charles Henderson Introduction to the Study qj" OepeHdellt, Defective, alld DeliJlljllellt Clllssl::s 1931 Ernest Hooten Crime mid the Mall ] 939 Ernest Hooten The Ii lIlaiCllIl Criminal; An A IItlrropulosical Study 1949 William Sheldull el al. Varieties of Delinquellt You/II One challenge to these theories came from the Freudian-influenced t-Jl:iychoanalysis popular in the early lwentieth century. rnr thinkers such as Augusta Brormer, Ule root of crime lay in the failure of fdlI1ily socialization in a dlild's early years, resulting in a defective persollality. Thus the antil:iocial delinquent act of vandalism might be explained by inadequate parenting leading to a fallure to develop affective ties with others and therefore a lack of respect for their property. Founpers of Psychoanalytical Theory 1926 \Nilliam Healy and Augusta Bronner DelinquL'lIts II/Ill Criminals: Their f."lakillg IlIIff Llll11111kiHg
8
What Is Criminology?
ESSC/ltilll Crilllil1()lo~"'Y
Founders of Psychoanalytical Theory (colltillucd)
9
'f they had to do so by illegitimate means, The neighborhood dnlg buying a luxury SUV with drug profits is simply using illegitimate 'ceptable means to achieve the same ends as those sought by the UI1JL corporate executive and her BIvIW. I
1935 August Aichhorn Wayward Youth 1936 William Healy and Augusta Broilller New Light Oil Delinquency lInd Its Treatment 1947 Kat~ Friedlander The Psyclwanalytic Approach tu Juvenile
Founders of Sociological Structural Theory
Dell11quency
Oth~r chal~enges to early biologically based theories came from the ecologically mfluenced sociological approach, which viewed crimes caused. more by location than by person. Thus the cultural ecologists e ChlCago school, sud1 as Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay, argued that bIOlogy could, not aCCount for why certain geographical areas of a city showed consIstent. p,atte,fns of crime, even when their populations c~al1:ged. Someone !lvmg In a ?j}apidated inner city, surrounded by prost~t_ut1On, drug deal~n~, and VIce, according to this theory, will be more hk~ly to become ~nmmal than someone living in a respectable suburban neIghborhood. WIth well-kept houses, tree-lined avenues, and wellfunded recreabonal facilities.
tt:
Founders of Chicago School Ecological Theory 1925 Robert Park, Ernest Burgess, and Roderick McKenzie The City
1893 Emile Durkheim The Division of Labor in Society 1897 Emile Durkheim Suicide: A Study in Sociology 1938 Robert Merton "Social Structure and Anomie" Ame1ica1l
Sociological Revie7.u 1957 Robert Merton Socinl Theon) a1ld Social Structure
Edv\'in SuUlerland ([1939] 1947), in contrast, took a more social-psychological ViEW of crime causation. He was interested in how people learn to
commit crime. His theory, called differential association, developed later with Donald Cressey (Sutherland imd Cressey 1966), argued that criminal behavior, like any other behavior, is leanled, It is learned in gangs from peers who are excessively invested in defining crime as acceptable behavior. Crime is thus a result of a differential association with criminal learning patterns. Youths continuously associating with peers who abuse OxyContin might learn the techniques, suppliers, and meaning of getting high, as well as how to rationalize this behavior as enjoyable, acceplable, find even nanni'll.
1942 Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay Juvenile Delinquellcy
a11.d Urba!l Areas: A Study of Delinquents ill Relation to Differenttal Characteristics afLocal COln/Ill/llities
B~ the 1940~ and 19~Os, from these foundations, a variety of other sociologI~al th.eones. of cnminal behavior emerged. For example, structural functIonalIst SOCIOlogy was based on the anomie theory of nineteenthcentury French sociologist Emile Durldleim. In a capitalist industrial society, fou~~ed on self-interested competition, the moral authority of cO~lm~~ll1eswould be undermined. Among people encouraged to aspire as mdrvlduals and to value self-interest over a concern for others, the resU.ltant state of narmlessness, or anomie, would lead tu increased levels of crlI~e and deviance. Robert. Merton's 1938 adaptation of this idea for the Umted States in his version of anomie theory (which he called strain the~ry) placed the. cause of crime. ~n the failure of capitalist sociely's educatlOn and vocatlO~al.opportu1ll11esto proVide an adequate means for all tho~e whose aSpIratIOns had been raised by advertising a.nd the media to ac.lueve the monetary Success of uthe American Dream." For Merton cnme was an attempt by some of Ule disadvantaged lo go for that dream;
Founders of Social Psychological Differential Association Theory 1939 Edwin Sutherland Pri7lciples of Criminology 1949 Edwin Sutherland White Collar Crllne 1964 Donald Cressey Delinquency, Crime, aHd DIfferential
Association 1966 Edwin Sutherland and Donald Cressey Principles of
Criminology Another sociological contribution that emphasized learning was TlJorsten Sellin's (1938) culture conflict theory and the idea, later applied by Walter Miller (1958), that some people lealTI a different culture or a different set of core values that ultimately clash with those of the mainstream culture. Whether it is the justification of vengeance for TIlining a daughter's virginity I~elcl by Sicilian immigrants or the prestige of sheet fighting among working-class Pittsburgh adolescents, the point is that what is confonnity to one culture's norms can be lawbrei'lldng to the wider society.
10
EssP/llial Crill/ilf%,'?y
For other sociulogists, cultural cOlllexls did not just stem from cJass, race, or national differences but were multiple and even formed in reacUoIl to asperts of the dominant culture. The 19505 subcultural theo_ ries of delinquency included Albert Cohen's (1955) theory of status frus_ tration and Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin's (1960) differential opportunity theory, according to which a person's place in a specific subculture, ethnic group, or economic class influences the options available and the choices made, Thus delinquents may form criminal or violent gangs precisely because their values have been rejected by the middle-doss educ g . 'bI . a ( 1 half) of the pnsm, a B . ling in tl1e VISI e ale 10 1 . b posite extreme. eguu _ .u b whereas the cnme of ro _ planned murder might be placed at pasIon -' t scale at c Acts of social . t uld rank on the agreernen . bery at gllnpom wo . ~ I . tIes or rings piercing various parts deviance, such as we~nn? pun1.. . 1aIrs : . I _ 't would rank at position e, of the skin or engagIng m a hOll1osexua ac,
lb
LS~I/Iial ( rlillil/o/vgy
FIGUI~E 2.2
The
("['it Ill::'
Whlll
PriSfll
Cw",,~
of the P{jWerle~~
b d
, ;"ki,,]
D"vi'IlIL~-._>
g h
Cril!lt"s--~
j k
of Ul _ ba e j st,llit cuds are cranes.
I'rubable Sl)cil/l/~t!sll()llse . , -- . '1'1le upper segment - til' d· lllgh probdbilil)' of sev . ,,' . __ U 115 lInensioll fllns Jrum ~Ie sallctHH1S tor cor v' ·t-'d 1·1· I penalty or life in prison) [I.. .1, "_ - I Ie t' 0 ellC ers (e.g., death ,tI, llOl\p 1 l1l(H.:!enl- -- - t· ( terms, fines, probation) b d" oJ . c~ salle Ions e.g., short prison ,an L to a Illgh IJIT l- l'I'1 . , . ) 1,) 11 1 Y ot Itlild sanctions (community service publ' ~ , I e condemnation) d [ .. pyramid, this dimension 1-'" -'_ . 11 Dllr reVIc.lOJI of Hagan's now a so extends tr '1 I I severe sanctions (e" [. _, . -. UIll IllI l tlfllllgit selectively 'n" [Ill'S, plObatlOn r- t'l ,. - - . symbolically severe sane/iolts t II I ' es 1 1l.LUIl},J. dlld t:untinues to . II . ' , a - 110' o,vest [lillI'll "II' " La y severe reters t ll-, I _. ' , J - lIUlt~ II I . S)rmboli., a Ie uw probablhtv U - t ," . wI.despread and llll' recap _'I' . 1 - lrl severe sentences will be oIlJlolltld{IJIf.:'se\vill it b pea,I For e:-.:ample, the te _ .. ,'. ., . ' . 0 .en e reduced on apn yeal llllplisumneni uJ ehiott'lec ICe"!' . .~ '- e. Ing f· or d
L
_
I.'~
('riIllP?
37
in the 1980s S{lvings and lomls scandal provides (llle example of r1 severe s;:mctioll, since numerouS similar nffenders received lower sentences, reduced sentences, and, in many Cflses, restitution -,ders for milhon-c1011ilr t1ffenses. TVCln Baesky agreed to pay a $100 mil'I r IwnaltV (lrom his fortune of$20(] million "massed from "insider tradIon· . . . . and served a three-year pnson sentence. 1vIlChael Mllken, found of felonv securities fraud and conspiracy, was sentenced to ten ,'ears but nnhi ' served twenty-two months and agreed to pay a fine of ~rlO[) millionlrull1 his hinion-dollar fortune (Friedrichs 1996, 171-172). As ;NKeseredy and Schwartz forcibly argue: "Poor people 1vho accidentally bank tellers while attempting to rob them are labelled as murderers and are subject to harsh punishment. ... Corporate executives who create unsafe \vorking conditions are often exempt from both formal censure and prosecution, despite the fad that their decisions result in injuries and death ffll' IhcnlSClllds of pepple each year" 0996, 47).
/ndiiridulllOl1d Social Hal'll!. For the upper section of the crime prism, the dimension of individual and sociill harm is also the same as in Hagan's analysis, except that in our crime prism it refers to direct individual harm, in which the offender has specifically tmgeted the victim. The most harmful uin]('5 here include those "vhereby Ihe victims are denied their life or beCOlllt' 11erm,1llf'ntly injured ilml mal1l1ed, J1, [I; through crimes that me hnrmful through sollie tempor(lry loss of capability, money, property, or position, 1'; to t1l0Sfl Ihell might uHend moral sensibilities but do not: direclly result in !JprSl.lllflJ loss, eJ The dimension of illdividual nml social harm eliso reaches into the lower h;:l1f of the prism to include, first, offenses creating moderate social harm (sucll i1S price-fi'\ing th,\t increases the costs of products to consumers), 11, rind then those social harms ill which people have been physici111y injun_'d and killed in t.he course of t.he general need to meet an organiz,lliollill goaL as in the Union Ctlrbide chemical factory disaster in Bhopal, India; two NASA space shuUle disasters; the Ford P"mto gas tank explosions, and Firestone tires causing SUVs \0 flip over, nIl of which might be locilted at k or 1.
Extent [~r lIidhlli7,atiorl. The final dimension, extent of victimization, implied but nol explicitly included ill I-Iflgan's measure of harm, represents lhe number or victims i1llecll:>d by il crifne. Pul simply, this spans a range from crimes in which JHlml'lHUS random victims result frolll highly visible indiv'lflual crimes, (I, thruugh crimps in which several . 11 )°7 1'1<J'j{LISI, ll)l.J4 '14) , WI.li.dlIl1ayiIlduLell1lJn1J(.,d~ ,," (C_'I 131nplon ."7 , "'l.l, -' ,-' , . , ' loW.:' ,I tl 'eal of forl:e (Bureau ut Justice 19Y8). Onnlled here are sevt'on by LIe 11 '" "I I . I . tl" t I ," ~ I elements of hanll: (J) eIlwlrondl ami p::.yc 10 oglca pam 13' "r,:11 Ln!tLa , " _'b . t·1 t· .. e '. l (om domination of some over other::;, (2) hanns y HlS 1 U lOllS ur reSt! t. r_ on individuals (3)' the violence of social processes that produces Igeneteti, _ I" _ " _I '. " "I·,IIl·lJ·LIIY SUChlS llnl per[,etuated throug 1 mstIlllLlOnd systemiC soc" , < ~ " _ • • :1 I" ,'Slll and sexism and (4) the "syrnbolk violence uf dOIYIl11i1tH.Jn act ,del . , . _. _ _. --l'. I . . I·It::'H 11-.)77) lint brinp-s Lhroudl the I)uwer exerCIseU III 11(;;r(OUlHl ~ Dcoercion · ,,:! rchical reJahollshIpS. J In the school cunte).,t, studies of violence Lypkdlly rder t? sludent-unr personal harm. or l11te stu d en I "'nd student-un-leacher ads of 1)llysical _ . .VIO ·1 enee.. '''V·lolence refers to the thre] I. (_ 'I"] l"CVO)l::!dllcste"ltl ]1 lese findings show I ] ' ' l J,1n Wea l W whiles. _ le Importance )f -,.' , -I" mg our llJinkiw:r abl1ull')').11 ,'[] _ l UI11l1l1iJ oglCal research in sha]'. , ' 0 ,1l:'. WI' slll:q'est tJ- t '-I ' conceptlull of crim _ I' \1 bt"l '. )J. VVe Ilt'l'l !.o reVIse Our " . e::. tl _ Ie PLJWL'rlt'S~ T~ !' , . cnmes uf the powed."" .. ' . ~" JdJl,1j dCL'uunt of these data e::.~ Il.:1eC':> ttl tTJIllet> lor IJ' ,] II -" ' ' weak econoITlic and pnlitil' I -. .. ' , , _' -. 'v\ lIL 1 lUSt' 1Il reIiJlively , t d P . _3 1- U~Jlll'Jl~ HI :"Ul'IVlY-j --., ~ ·1' , .", '. es 12 , owerlessness reO' '1--' _I' '_ ... _ . - ~ It: prel Ull1lllateJ y artOL S qUiJ II Ie::. dtlectin" 11 t' I I SlOnofcrirnesbuttheab'!'t ._,,', . ,,:> (l SlllllUCllwc0111mis1 1 Y to tesisl i:lrresl, prusecu!illll, and conviction, _,c"
if
-
,
fI
oj the v]CUm d ~,u ,1 .t'L ., '... . I - ,l Impurtantly, l, 1(;' na LJr~ . NCVS I 'Hldl,';,; dl"t' JllOre lIkely Iu Ielo ["l'purt crimes. Accurdlllg to th\.' '1' "I:. l", II"(: more likely 10 milLe IL''·1 ' I ~' tho:'.l' UVl'r t Hrty- 1 Vl < . , 1. I ' port crHneS t lan I1lJ t'S,., ',,' Ivin' lJUl1ll'S havIllg 1115 It't I . 1 "er dlld cnUIl':::; 111\ U H , . . _ I ' florts than 110se YOUl ,~ . , , '-t I tlla'i tIH):,e aHedUlg lUIlIes .~ l"kt'ly to be rep,'I el c . • _ " ProlJerty values are mOle I .., I Ille more violent the crIme .' (BjS 1993 32), In genel d , , ." \v1111 lower values , \ ' . _bile theft IS also a hIghly It' 'k I . . t' 1 reported. I- utCHllU ." I 'I the more h 'e y It IS 0 1e . . I .... 'I I,s.e of insurance, W 11(" 1 l t1le Wll l;'~pledt . J y l I ue u. . .' Ilorted crime {proI1aII , .",.. ·t to obLlIn CUlllpell~dtlUllJ. ,I' , dellldnds d po Ice lepUI I 11 ' UCI~ Jelta is lilat pu Ice (eAnother methodolugical prubl~lJ.l.'vV11,1 /~ . -ific Tillieb. [,'or example, . I· Inay use differing delllullllll:::> Il ::.ptL: l. par ,:1l1ell::; < I
',c,
•
'vV!lIll Is Crime? FJl~lJ!~E 1.3
WIlY Peuple Fdil [u Repud Crillles tu the J-'uJice
lvIosl frequelll reasolls/or nol reporting to lite police
('rime
Private or personal matter"" 1801 Pnli,ce inefficient, ineffedi~e, blased: 13%
0;" ·JI Ie Illust cummon reasuns fu~ lllJt reporting violent Cr'lmes to the police are tha.t the crimt! was a personal or private maHer and that the offeIlder Was
Offender lJllsuccessful,°' 13% Object n~covered, offe;lder unsuccessfuL 19% LlCk of proof, 13% Pulice would not Want to be bothered, 11 %, Aggr;]v;]ted assdldl ~___ _ SillllJI~ absa I~~
not successful,
Pri~ate or personal matter, 22'% OHender unsuccessful, 16%, __~:dck of proof, 9%
r·rlVate 01' personal matter, 26';{,". ~ Offender llIlsllccessfu l, J 9°/" to another ofJiddl, 13%
Personal larceny Object recovered, offender unwith contact successful,25% l.ack of proof, 22% Police would nol want to be bothered, 11 %
The rHOstl.:UllllllOfl reasons for not reporting thefts are Ulal the object
Pe~s-I;ll'(~J'lan.:er;;ly;;-rO;;:I~,·~,~t----;I---) ec recoveree, offender unwilhout con-
tact
was recovered or the offender was unsuccessful the tlleft was reported to' anuUler official, ilnd Jack
successful,280/',
I'\L'por l e d- to another uWci,d, I/3'X, Lack of 11 oj,-,
r~~lWiiA:~~m!Kir~ylii!llj
13llrglary
of proof.
Object recovered, offender unsllccessful,24 f
;;,
"lCk of proof, J1°/', Not iHVil[l:' crime occurred until !.Jte[~ ]F;;j
J
Object recovered, offende~: un-
stlccessftd, 31 % Pulice would not want (u be bllthered, 12%, Luck Cit' proof, n %
N" ., . urvey (NCVS), TIlis study wa . f. t _IS 1e dtJunal Cnme Victimizatiun survey of _ ti ltS conduded in luI 197'1 1 ' a representative sam 1- f U _ _ _ y -, tiS a general Whether persons respOnding P ,c °u .. S. huusehulds designed to find (Jut been a victim of a violellt ' 01 0 ler persons in their household 118V or property , , , , e cnme In tile peliud covered by the
57
The National Academy of Sciences is responsible for evaluation, and sampling strategies, but the actual surveys are conducted by ann the US, Bureau of the Census. The surveys are designed to provide a different way to measure in the United States. Unlike the HCR, which rely on data provoluntarily by police agencies, this national survey tries to deterthe proportion of crime victims among the general population and record their experiences. The specific research methodology employed is a "stratified multi-stage cluster sample" (Hagan 1993). means that a sampling frame is developed from 2,000 primary sampling geographic areas (these are standard metropolitan statistical areaS, counties, or small groups of contiguous counties), From these primary populat~~n areas, "clusters': are creat:d based on size, density, population moblIttYr and other soclOeconomlC factors, A total of 376 clusters are created, covering the entire United States, Then one primary unit is chosen from each cluster, using a selection process \vhereby each unit has an equal chance of being selected, Next, every fourth household is selected from the chosen unit. Theoretically, using this sophisticated research design, every household in the country has illl equal chemce of being selected. Once a household is selected for inclusion in the survey, it becomes part of a "paneL" The annual sample of households has increased since the early surveys. OIle person from each of these households is interviewed at six-month intervals, Each month, around 10,000 households are intervie\ved, Each household remains part of the study for three years, but each month new households are added Bnc1 three-year-old ones are replaced. Once a household is selected, an interview is conducted by a person from the Census Bureau, These thirty-minute interviews include screening questions (to determine if victimization occurred) and incident reports. Usually, only one person from each household (anyone competent and over twelve years of age) is interviewed. After the first face-to-face interview, a combination of telephone and personal contact methods are used for Ule next three years, As in the UCR, only certain crimes are measured by the NCVS, These are classified rlS either "personal" or "household" and include rape, robbery (personal), assault (aggravated and simple), household burglary, larceny (personal and household), and motor vehicle theft, Unlike the UCR, the NCVS also collects information on victim characteristics sudr as age, gender, race/ ethnicity, education, and income, One of the most interesting findings of the NCVS is who is most likely to be victimized (see Figure 2.5), Rather than the stereotypical
58
Esspntial CrillllllOlogy
59
What Is Crime?
fearful elderly white female, the fE'alily is that teenage African Ameri~': can males afe the most likely to be Violently victimized; and elderly: whitl:~ females, the least. For personal theft, the highest victimizatiun'. rates are for teenage white mAles and young adult A frican American males (8]5 1993,20),
"
•
5 Re orted to 11112 police
p["uportloll of Cnme.
.
. . , "Hvolving large losses me
p
Property CrlTIles
~m".o:":..o:Of"-,,:,,,,-,,~'e:':F::m:.:'t::"::I~-::==-
arc morc oftcH IC-
10m;,
Perhaps JIlost disturbing is that more than two in five African American males will become victims of violent crime ill least three times OVer the course of their life, i'lnd U1e lifetime risk of homicide for African American males is ] in 30, compared to 1 in 179 for white males, I in 132 for African AmeriCClfl females, and] in 495 for white females (B]S 1988). Finally, although the NCVS also cannot provide much information abollt the characteristics of offenders-especially for property crimes when no face-to-face contact occurs-it does give some insight on inter_ personal violent crimes. Tlie information shows that 60 percent o[ violent crimes were cOJllmitted by strAngers, but that in the nonstranger category 66 percent o[ olJenders were related or well-known to the Victim, with boyfri(~l1d/gir1friellc1 and spouse/ex-spouse topping the list. \Nomen are victimizPd by fnmily violence at three times the rate of men. In mosl cases, \'idilllS of completed acts of violence are the same race as their offendel~ with 75 percent of white victims being victimized by whites and 86 percent of African Americans being vicl imizecl by African Amencnns (8]51994,290),
Comparing the UCR and NCVS data provides i'ln instructive exerc'ise about how statistical information on crime can be misleading. Part of the explanation for this discrepancy stems from the considerable variation betvveen research methodologies employed by the 1.1CR and NCVS. There is also an ongOing debate among criminologists ilS to whether the l.lCR and NCVS reHecl similar trends in crime rates (see Blumstein, Cohen, and Rosenfeld 1992; McDowall and Loftin 1992). Two primary differences are that the NCVS crime rates are higher and reflect greater covariance CMcDmvAll 1'h.!' 1"",.,10.0" ,
\.'("W" (6") "dult l>hd'i , - - eJndl",
-r""""I;" l>ldd. females (06)
(55)
\olmg aduH wl,il" tll,1les (51)
Adult WI"I"
Yuu"I;; adull whitt-d t'lsl]c,.;
c'rin1l'?
C-'rillliliology
FIGUHE')5 I'J . -, _1 ,~lJj)()Ud uf Vidimizar Black mall' leeJlsl1ave II ,}' } iun b,Y Age, Race, ilnd "! .
J.1 11) ldll l . into the. ways 11 . f I I· ·ts in which to live. If these expenences 1d ·'IS mearungu con ex I ' d and their war t1: t aeneralizations can 112 ma e can be L1ncler~lood.~o the ~xtent.d::c~n be en~cted to reduce the harms: trends call b.e Ide~trfle~'1~~1~n I~(:i~ justifies nut only in-depth studies. 01 that the actions cause. .1IS __ gl 't d'es of corporations and executIve street criminals but also ,1,n-d~ptlls u\ .~":collar corporate offenders" and u .. nahng anlon deCISion r , " 0 habItua _ _w t11 e L-l)rruption in agencies of goven~fI\enj"" ,-"Is,) '·IIL.I'lue standard inter.. ' v ·,t 1 es 0' ClIlllC IIllIJortantly, quahti:ll1 . e s LIe 1. . , . ter\'I'''''''5'' ill wInch the reI "d -nturglca 11\ '---"" views and unstructurel ra,ll, 01- encounter wit.h offenders to . t a'ts ·)nd pays a r e · f searcher scnp £ . tenclive social per onnance. ' . . .s,, f C ,laban thraug I 1 cldators were rewarded with land for their loyalty to the monarchy. As a result, the emerging middle class, or bourgeoisie (meaning those beneath the aristocrJcy), of merchants and traders rose to form a new power elite. This was at the expense of fanners, artisans, laborers, and the poor, many of whom became beggars and thieves. This polarization between wealth and povertywCls caused by a combination of events, including government-decreed fixed wages for the lower classes elt a time of massive price inflation; the decline of arable fanning and the shift to animal husbandry, particnbrly shepp farming; and the enclosure of common lands, which convprlE'd cropl[lnd Lo pasture, enabling q!1irker profits. The Acts of EJI~ closure deprived common people of their tradition"l right to use the l[lnd and declared Sllell Lise 10 be the crimes of poaching and theft. At the same time, urb;:mizntioll was accelerating and r'ities \\'cre growing, but also be~
71
coming crowded with the dispossessed poor. Families were often forced to share single-room houses. Urban dwellers who could not survive the lack of work, hungel~ and insecurity roamed from town to town as homeless vagabonds; others were forced, by sickness or misfortune, into an impoverished life of debauchery, begging, and theft. So grew a population that the rising merchant class and gentry referred to as "savages," "beasts," and "incorrigibles," in need of harsh discipline. This attitude contrasted to, and indeed conflicted with, the nonpunitive relief policies of the medieval monasteries. The problem of vagabondage as a constant feature of social life all over England had existed since 1520, but was especially rampant in the towns (Salgado 1972, 10). During this time the "idle and dangerous classes" swarmed into the towns in search of food and shelter. Hospitals and houses giving relief to the poor were seen as breeding grounds for those who became beggars, thieves, and drunkards. Rookeries of thieves among the slums threatened to envelop the metropolis in vice and crime: "Citizens found themselves besieged in their streets by the leper with his bell, the cripple with his deformities and the rogue with his fraudulent scheme" (O'Donoghue 1923, 137). The growth in street crime was nut sJcnved by the pervasive corruption in the criminal justice system. Officials whose job was to control common crime actually encouraged it by accepting bribes. The absence of effective urganized law enforcement at a time when informal social and kinship network ties had been broken was another factor facilitating the growing criIlle problem. The lackadaisical manner in which laws were enforced compounded the problems associated \\lith the existing laws. "Justice" was questionable, since the judicial system operated arbitrarily and unpredictably. Juries were corruptible and witnesses sold their evidence. 1ndeell, the term "straw man" referred to "witnesses" who wore a piece of ~traw in their shoe buckles indicating that they could be bought (l-Iibbert [1963119(6). Secret accusations and private trials were not uncommon. Justice was anyt.hing but blind, and the economically and socially disadvantaged were held accountable to different standards, since the legal system reflected the interests of the wealthy. . Concern for the poor soon became mixe~l with fear of a threat to public order. Respectable" citizens-and especially the new merchant clat"iseswanted "to protect themselves from the unscrupulous activities of this va,t army oj wandering parasites" (5algaclo 1972, 10), ami demanded that city streets be made safe fur the conduct of business. In response to the rising fear of critHe, European parliaments passed harsher penalties dgainst law violators. In England alone, during the sixteenth century, over two hundred crimes warranted the death penalty and many persons 1/
7J
Essenl illl C'rilllil/tl1uSY
~ied during the turture ~se,d by gUVl:'rIlIllents tIl extr.ll:l their cunfessioll . 'tet there wer~ already stIrrIngs of chclllge. By the middle of the sixteenth century, Engilsh reformers were calling for a dear distinctiun between the res~ectable deserving ?oor and the disrespectable undeserving poor. . The r~spectable poor lllcluded those suffering frum sicknest,; and COlltagIOuS diseases~ Ivounded soldiers, curable cripples, the blind, fatherless a~1:1 pal_[per chIldren, and the aged poor. They "\vere seen as the responsibIlIty, ~t the,more fortunate and would he segregated by their class and COndIl!on: gIven inmleJiate assistallt.'E', illCluding shelteI~ treatment ade~luate, rnamtenance, and, in the GISt' uf tIll' c1lildren, edueclliun and train~,ng, 111 a v,~ri.e~y of houses and huspitals aruund the city. Such : respectab~e CItIzens, who had fallen on hard times thruugh 110 mor"lJ f.ault of theIr mVll, by reason of failure in business, ill health, or uther mbJOl'l.unes, were given weekly pensions and mighl be elllploved in clearin.' the church porches of beggars. g . ~ c:l11tra_st: ,the disrespectll.ble pour, \,:dlidl inc1ucled vagabuncLs, tramps,
IO.gl1~S, an.d d [5501ute wornen-~-descl'lbed as wurthless-. \vcr(' punished
\VI~h unpn::.onnlent and 'whipping befure being trained tor hunest \.-vork 139~140). For this group was proposed a prison, the
(0, Donoghue .1923,
BrIdewell,. which sholdd also be a house of work, \tvith opportunities luI'
charact~r impro:eI1leJl~, The premises INould also be used to train puor and re~iIstant c1111dren lllto various trades, l'V[ost vilified \va:,; the "robust beggal/' \,:ho~e presence among beggary was seen as a chuice fur iJ soft and easy bfe. fhe "stubborn and foul" would be set to ll\,Jkl' nails and to do l~lacksmith'~ ,vork~ the weakel~ the sick, dlld Uw crippled might make lJ~c1s and bedd1I1g. I3ndewell, established ill 15.5(}, Ivas intcnded "to deal WI~1 the povel.·ty and idleness of the streets, !lot by st~ltute, but by labor. T1:IS was the ftrst'house of ~orrectiuns': The rogue dnd thl! idle vagrant wuuld be sent to the tread null to grind cuI'n, but the n.;'slwctable pc;or-.:vhether young, not \~ery strong, ur even crippJed---wouJd be' taught prof,[tab.I:: tr~des, or l1selul Occupations" (O'Donoghue 1923, '15] --152). The ILlstIttcatlOn was that enforced labor would perulClIH?nilv u[rl! be'Tccilllc "md thievery, where statutes of law hi:ld fdikd. Bv the mitldle of the b~i(l_I~~ leenth century, t.he target of reform \-\IdS t[w law (~Jldjllstice itself, ,~
The Classical Reaction r nl'ul-lt-'rti'--'L! 111,',1"/1" ,1'"eT '" 1 I .- '_ '. " , The combinatiull of a , risinr , _ '_ " 0 r'" ..... '- '-.... u",,,,,, II .- J bing ITlIllL' late led till:' p!ltl!l~(lphICal leader,') 1)1 liJl' l-,lassjGlllll(W~'lIlf:lJlI 10 d-(?1l1and dOl~bl.e secunty .Inr their, newfound wealth. Tiley ! leedl'tl protection dgdlll~t the .threat Irof[,~ ,beluw, the "d,'lllgcrous" ddSSt'~ ~\'!llboJized b\' the gruwlltg Crl1~le rates. fhey also \Vd[lt(,d protf:'diull i'lgd-iflst threats from above, the anstocracy tlldt still llt,ld the reins of gtlVl'\'[:[JJll'llt,d pOlvel dnd
Cll1ssil-'1l1. Neoclassical,
l11/rl
Ratiol/al Choice Theories
leo- al repression. The middle clilsses S ]1' ",. '1 'I " '" ] lcllly as ," l O. . " " clssel l own a creneral' II b 1'1 " '. b c Jun ,1t::'V eCOllle I lwhlv unstable an '1 , o lamp 1 V, re::;ultlJlg In '--'-reate' ~I' ". : I' , and its earlier onset Stl far 'II ' , II "I 0 I e lanCl.:'::; u1 lle clJsease . • . ~. c, 11S1t'or)TlaS unl\' I,"" ' , I" "I ' , dlseres and . f .., . ten cl1'P lL'l to sneclfIc ~ c::' c SOllleorms of mentll1 ·"t' '1,' I ., 1 lU,r it 1-vill not be Juno' before Lhl's II ~t,. d:~ 'llLJ~lJl,)lJL I.f hIstory is el,preclic. 0 . leoI\, I~ )ellW dl'IJhe II " ... ] 1 ' lies and even used to expl' '. "1 " __ , . b' l U l.lIJlUna anll, , ' . , . .elllll langlllg CrIme rfltes! In summar)', IllS clear '] survey , , hCJln II'll'S' . '. I,ne uf tl . , "., . : rary biological theories th ttl r --' ' '., Ie ~a.nge ul cOJltempo. ., a ItstapploachesareciIfli Itt .. -'' . terms of the certainty 01 theI'I' "olllr'[ (. L.., III ,. . I1U IOn to enll . ] [ Iell ," 0 dS:;;eSS " CrItICS the I'd I . . llll3 )e l{l\'ltlr. hH some , evance ut )IU ogV to cnlllmnlrw I" "'.. . . l:ontroI and is mc',' 'I 1 1'·. : 'oy IdS 11lUIl' tu dl.l \Vlth crJJllE' , e Ie a ec to gelltllcll"" .'. . - . ployment LTenetic risk Ill'lll' ' " c',1 ~L1lrll,1Jl.lt]nn 11,' ,J1'C'I',I"'ln,."-,, ,"tno , agement alii 'jll1SI-C r 0 II offenders (Rose "000) A' t! ]. ':'" c UJ ::-.el1bLlrl reahnenlof ~ . ~ 1e 1St uj tJ]ulno-kal bet'J·'· . b refutation from acc1ll1luIaI'ec"] 'I 'I' 11 ' ,c lIS gn',n,v::., so does the S lIllt::'::., \.t:'se'J]Th,f" 1'" :' , support lor connections bel', ' ' .' c e S lclVe 51) far Jound httle . . vVeen d b gressJOI1 ']11"1 I' ,-' I" ' Isl:ry, and hormones (Cibbs 1Clc)S)' , I -j~.' c _ l P 1~:;;1O ug)~ bram c:hem- - e.- ,a tluugh sensatlun sJ2eking/arou;-,al J' .
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theory may have some support. '1'h("re are se'veral conceptual find empiri callimililtinns for this thaI wp hrielly explore next-. CO}/I,t'ptllol
and Empirical Limitations
We have already discussed several lilllltahons ill research methodology \,\,jlh regard to the early biological theories. Even though contemporary genetic studies use far more sophislil'C1tecl methodology, they too are l:raught with Ilnmerous difficulties, Dill' problem stems from the nature 01 cril11inE11 behilVior ilseH as C1 legal rather than a behavioral category and one that comprises different behavioral types, For example, because rapc is defined as a violent criminal offense, does this mean all rapists are simi larly motivated? Some are motivated by sexual desire, others by opportunily (e.g., date rape), and oUlers by pm.-ver; others are rapists due to the age of their willing partner. 1£ biological theory is to explain rape or violence---' or whatever--rE'searchers should disaggregate "behaviors thai are reflective of actual Jets that can be consistently and accurately measured and examined" (Fishbein 1998, 98). Accordingly, "genetic studies that focus on criminal beht=wior per se may be inherently flawed; as criminal behavior is heterogeneolls, genetic effects Illay bt=~ morE' directly associated with particular traits Ihat place individuals ill risk for criminal labeling" (1998 , 98), A second and related problem is lllat researchers rarely distinguish between those with an occasional crilllinal behavior pattern, whose actions might be the result of sitllalional Lldors, and those whose criminal offending is more long-term and repetitivE', whose actions may be more explainable by inherent predispositions (Fishbein 1998, 98). Even if behavior is disaggregatecl, since no single gene has been associated with mo.'",t behavior, research on antisocial behavior suggests multiple combined effects thal are difficult to isolate, not only from each other but especially from developmental events, cultural influences, early experiences, and housing cOllclilions (Fishbein 1998,94). In spite of tlwse limitations, the llel,V multidisciplinary direction in biosocial research focused on l1w re1eltng, environmental rn a lllpulatlOn, alternative environmental suurce:; uf SLitll u la tioll.. . . _ Evaluation: Iday be useful fur explaining sume forms o! crime resultlllg trum 1l1sanity or delinquency resulting frum attention de!icII: disorder (ADD), s.ome ag~ gn2s;ive offenses, and sume addiction. ContmdlcLory ~lI~purt [or tWill ~tuJy ~nd adoption data. The theory does nut consider lilt.:' ,tlli:lJOr.lty no_t cdught tor l~f, fenses. Genetic defect::) are found in only a small plupnrtl?n ut the offenclels. Tendency to medicalize pulitical issues, and puLential tor bemg used by governlTlenb d 1 Tl P Y olugy ale Illlportantcomponents in forensic s 'cholo T ~ ~e, _ lere \Nas an enormOllf; growth of interest 1994), psycl;olo ical gpYrllC,unln~ the 19905 (Arrigo 2000; Bartol and Bartol g Clp es are apphe -II I - , tings, For example tl ' I ,l 11 severa crImInal I'ustice sel, , le apple lenSI n f '11--11 ' psychological profiling, U 0 sena I.J ers and raplt.:ts relies On Profiling techniques are develo ell b ._ '_. the FBI located at I't t. ... p. yUle Behavwral SCIence Unit of S Ia[1l1no- center 1 Q . '. led to Ule development oron u~ntIco, Vlrgmia. Psychology has IllallY screenmg I ' measures lIsed in profiling F .. : l . . , ( IagnostIC, and analytical , ' OJ example Mark D 'I CI amUled and found to hav" IQ C _.. ' ~VIC. laplllan was exaverage, Profiles are compeOaS'I't _ ·.'lllltellIg:n:e quotIent) of 121, well above e C laradenstlCs of tI . I" . 1lavlOral attributes of the t, kal -:" . _. le persolla Ities and be!hey involve building speciA~ ~ro~~~~:nb~eI for dIfferent tYI~es of crimes. ~dence in cases being invesli Jated b thesecI ~~ the early Crime scene evIdentities parallel to the poli~e arti'? pO~Ice_ They are psychological logical profiles are llsed not I t st ImpresslOns of an offender, Psychodiet future strikes by an off ~l y 0 apprehend offenders but also to preYet the "U b b " .en er and protect victims. na am er Crimes had tl· . _. '. ' Theodore Kacz)'nsl-!' a f- . no lIng to do Wltll the profIle created " , 01 mer 111 a til prafe '. . tel' seventeen years whe!1 I' b tl sso~, was eventually caught af, lIS ra leI' recogmz::>d I ' ,, Wise, the hvo African An' ... _ ellS wntmg style. Likethe Maryland area were f'aelnfc~ns atlll e.Js~ecl for the 2002 sniper killings in ~ lOIn 11:' SIngle hOt ' II' white van profiled by tl FBI D ' ' W 1 e, Illte Igent male in a le . esplle tllese f '1 . . , holds great interest t o ' f. al ures, crtTIllnal profiling . many pro esslOllal d· d ' SIlence oiflhe Lambs fuel tl ' - , s a n stu ents, MOVIes like The lIS mterest P - fT d entitic base as we show' '" d . 10 I lIlg oes have a legitimate 5ci" ' m u11S -,apter vet 'h I " ' -'/ :;;l~ll,.:v l1:lUt "profiung Is dt lQ3st gr:;' psyc (I og1.t::t C1HI- 11:"'1-01 (1999, and only 5 percent science," Not s~ percent an art based on speculation than "suite" offenders. . ulpflsmgly, It protdes "street" rather Finally, offenders and victims hdv::l b" _' _, ' stress disorder (Riggs Rotl _e el'n dIagnosed WIth posttraumatic , \. unan, and Faa 1995), which can result in vio-
129
lence when someone's mind returns to a prior situation of stress. Crimi[li11 offenders have been diagnosed as having a wide range of mental diswrbances, Both victims and offenders can require diagnosis and treatment based on psychological concepts. For these reasons, students of criminology need to understand the underlying assumptions of the psychological perspective, together with its study methods and policy implications and the limitations of this approach to criminal behavior. In this chapter, we outline the search for the psychological fadors in crime causal-ion, present the basic premises, describe some illustrative contemporary studies, and critique the findings and assumptions.
From Sick Minds to Abnormal Behavior The human mind has long been considered a source of abnormal behavior and this connection is sustained by the media linking mental illness to incidents of violence (Monahan 1992), Since crime is seen as abnormal behavior, it has been s-ubject to psychiatric and psychological analyses, English psychiatrist Joseph Pritchard used the term "moral insanity" to explain crin1inal behavior in 1835 and another psychiatrist, Henry Maudsley (1835-1918), argued that crime was a release for palhologicallllinds that prevented them from going insane. Like Maudsley, Isaac Ray (1807-1881) believed that pathological urges drive some to commit crime. These early psychiatric explanations were founded on the assumptions that psychoses were biologically based and were, therefore, variations of the biological theories discussed in the previous chapter. Ivlore important, as Barak (1998, 127) points out, "Like the theories of a 'born criminal' the theories of a 'sick criminal' are just as fallacious" in that those diagnosed as mentally ill are no more likely to commit crimes than those seen as mentally healthy, Indeed, over sixty years ago Reckless (1940, 104) observed, "It cannot be shown that the general run of adult offenders are alarmingly more psychotic than the non-delinquent population." Recent extensive reviews of the evidence confirm that "offenders with mental disorders were no more criminally prone or violent than offenders without mental disorders" and, moreover, were founn to be "less likely to recidivate than nondisordered offenders" (Bartol 1999, 141; Bonta, Law, and Hanson 1998), There is one exception: the subtype of mental disorder known as antisocial personalit_y digord(;lr. alga known ::l!=: p!=:ychopaths and sociopaths (see pages 137-138). A lIBelul way to thin!; about the mind is to distinguish between differential psychology and process psychology: D~[(ereJ1ti{ll psychology takes as its province the illumination of differences be-
tween people thaI result in variant behavior between different behavers .. , Fmcess flsydlOlngy ... focuses on the process by which criminal behavior is
730
Esselltial Criminology
emitted, COJl~lruing lhat process CIS a dynamic interchange between the person and envHonment--between intra person propensities ... and situational cues and. variables whidl ... seem to invite. permit, or tolerate certain wnys ofbehav111g. (Pi1l1lllle and Hennessy lQ92, vious chapter, these have o. . d emotionalIty. As we saw Il1 . e.". . .. tIhty, an. . " 1 _ :l eurologICal processes. also been tIed to blO,loglea anl n ·t 'I-I' '-' '-' 'j [lersonaIity approach . l' . ts to adopt a rdl 1dJLL _ One of the fIrst 1t .leo~ls ' r ' l '1'1 (]',~4r) ill his book Ivra~k q! ,111t -'\ Hervey . . . . l'L \. Y . . . to crime was psyc l1a nb. . . r I l i/vould he an enduring (~UIL1sanity. Cleck,ly !aid the tl:UI11(~a~I~11.dU~ ~~S::~hOpal:hf~lr what others cal~ a pusite descnptlOn t~f what ,1~ ~~n~l has become known as "antisocIal sociopath, and,what must Ie Y I ' ~ _ . 'f Cleckly's original obse1'd ' "N toni y has t le Lore u _ _._ ' ' personalIty dlsor e1. . 0 -()SlV] ('O"'(fllostic and StatisUcallvlullual of ' f d ,[, way Into the _' lJ"J . • • , vatlOns Olin 1 s , ' .. " , _ _ . 1 the 'World Health OrgaruzatIon s _ lvleHtal Disorders) butl,t IS dlsu found,II', s,'le se'l of traits from aiI . I d-' -~lers 11e compo ,_ , classification of menta lSOll . 'II ''It--()I,Cessed IJersonalHy wh, U I,S 'b~"')l1leone WI 1 s~ ,~.,.. . 1 d these sources escn es til _I I' d' 11ersetf in conflict with the sucIa, ' , d f n others anL Il1 s • . 1'1 dlsconnecte 1'01 ,. . ,.. f this aberrant pt:'rsona I.y, . ' II 5") The exlTerlle verslun 0 world (see, Til, 1 e ."-. -. , . _, ,. " high Iy impulsive pel'S, all, . I "is dll aSOCIal aggre::,sl\ e,. ,ff' the psychopat 1, . , : t : _, nab Ie to furm lasting bonds of a ecwhu feels little ur no guilt anL Sl,~ '~lcCord dnd McCord 1964,3), Psytion WIth other human b:1I1g . ( I '('I I i8hv (1'1'atific3hon 01' t.;;3tn . I r 1- i wrth 311 1ll:J 11 1 V U l. /rul",,! "I.,jj~)ati'-jfh
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-
tepeaL'l y UHllllllls ofJellSeti or whethl.::T
_. _ J exp al1l W 1y d persun POStil:bSeS tile traits A lle oj the tirst to aUe - It' 1-' . . Hans EYbenck ([1964JI~;~) 0JexPl~~n persondJil~' traits ul offenders was nal or ~, : . . ' W 10, Ike Cleekly, tned to establish a crimi,'. ' p::;y~hohC, ~erbunahty. Drawing on Carl .Tung's ideas of int. _ :::~:va~l~tei~~I~~:~;'SI~ll.1 dn~.;'avlov's leanling theory, Eysenck c1ain~~~e;o ler Jroduces ,P~(.bUI1a. I I~s.are made up of dusters of traits. One clus,. I _ _ a sen::>lt!Vl!, InhIbIted temperament that he call d . t ::>100. A E>econd cluster produces an outwarcl-fo ~ __ ,. .- e m rov.ertelnperament that he calle:! :>./: :> _'. ~u5e~t cheerful, express 1ve ' . l ex rOVer;:,lUn. A thIrd dImension of -:> I ~~rt1:~l:~l[~~~~I~~ Je:not~~na~ stabil~t~ ur int;tability, he labeled ne~~~~~i~~l~ sition to PSV('h"I~,.~~I;:::>iJ:~~juen{tlyad~eLJ psychuticism, \vhich is a predispoallv stable "neith '1' 'lluv.V\lI. Ntllllldl hU11l;:l1l personalities f' ;n ,,,d ...... ,,,n have le",rned incorrect ,"""y'--'". to
think or behave in society. Causal Logic: Most attribute cause to defective socialization by primary groups, principally the family, although some recognize modeling on significant others or even images of significant groups or role models. Specific Causes vary depending on the variety of rsyc:hnlngical theory: (1) Psychoanalytic theory ar-
154
gues that offensive behavior or antisocial behavior is the outcome of early childhood frustrations. Primitive drives of the id combine with weak ego and superego development because of (a) failed parental socialization, (b) lmCOn~ scious guilt, (c) oedipal conflict, and (d) aggression. The result is frustration, and an IlllcunscioU5 search for compensatory gratification leads to aggression and delinquency. Weak superego and riotous id cause breach of social controls; overdeveloped superego or damaged ego can also cause crime. (2) Behavioral learning theory sees crime as the outcome of learning that under certain circuffist;oHlccs it will be rewarded. A key concept is operant conditioning, whereby behavior is controlled through manipulation of the consequences of previous behavinr. A central idea is reinforcement, which can be positive, in cases where past crimes are rewarded for their commission, or negative, where punishment or other consequences are avoided by committing the offense. (3) Trait-b;1sed personality theory argues the development of a crimina! or psychotic personality is sometimes a result of extroversion or low lQ affecting ability to learn rules, perceive punishment, Or experience pain, as in biological theory. (4) Socialleaming theory says observation and experience of poor role models produce self-reinforcement of observed deviant behavior, leading to imitation and in.stigation of the same. Violent behaviors are seen as acceptable behavinrill options, and the imitation of others' criminal behavior is experienced as rewcmling. (5) Cognitive interpretive processes explain why criminals and lloncriminaL", behave differently, even when they have similar backgrounds. Applied to crime, the theory argues thilt faulty learning produces defective thinking, which produces criminal hehavior. Existential and phenomenological variants of the theory focus on individual construction of meaning that triggers criminal udivit)'. (6) Environmental or community-based psychology looks at the fit between individuals and environment and attempts to manipulate the envirorunent to prevent offending. Criminal Justice Policy: Depends On version, but most involve prediction and prevention Clnd some kind of therapeutic intervention, assisted by drugs to coj"rect and control traits. Criminal .f ustlce Practice: Psychoanalytic theory involves evaluation anel treatment tn heIr offenders uncover the childhood root causes, bring these to the conscious. (lnd train to effectively control or correct problems of parental or "maternal" dfT'rivation. Behavioral models n~gllire rewilrding conventional behavior 'llld nil! rewarding deviant behavior; the role of discipline in the home and school is importilnt. Socia! learning theory involvps varieties of resocialization, individual and family counseling, development of new behavioral options, provision of new, "proper" models. Cognitive theory involves learning new ways to think {mel replacing destructive thought processes with constructive ones. The environmental approach involves manipulation of community resources to prevent problems arising from the outset. The V. 5e -CllnsclOUS appr) I tl t·t· a bl e to go ahead. BIlL fur Ivlalz _, d .. , . . -. (va, la 1 IS acceptcritical point is Ulal they caii a~s:,I~c~)L~II~ers (raY!0l:J972;He~ry 1976), lhe leasing the aLlor h I he morally free to ch ;3) beJoH! umtemplatmg the act, recontext, situation dnd circum t ' " lose. the act. In the latter case, the d· , 5 allces prOVIde '1 neut· r· l]'lat removes the mom I inltibitio I'" < Ii] IZlng ISCourse n, re easl11g a persun to ' 't . LiC ts, as they would any olher a t I 1.1' COmInI crmlillal c ,s lOU l they chuose tu do so. Linlitaliull~ !lilt-! Policy implicatioll:;
"..
..
.
tJr N" I ./....". ". . 'J t:I/ III LlltlOJI ExplaHiltWHs
Ih.e CnllCi-Jllsslie \vlien evallldtin) nelltrali- .. . . ufJenders dre conllllilled t', ,g '" zatlOntheory IS whether ur nol place. If Ihey afe nul COlllI~li~~~~ivel~~~~·~II~:lli_val.l.les. and norms in the first fllade by control theury, whicll w~ disl'lls' .zdt10n 15. unnecessary, a point accepted that 1I0l dll delinquents wer" _, S In~le next chapler. Even Matza sillee a minority were COIll I" . e L~mnlltled to Call. ventionaJ values, . plI ::lIVe 111 tIleu' bel" ,.rentlOnai values dud eI,·t·le' d I IdvlOr, commItted to uncon" ' Ie rom thel " t - - , (Ic:I1~1l: 'i\1altt!I.~landYol1ng1973, 180 __181j.laJun y of mundane dnfters" ud) tIllpllH.':L11 n~::ieiucr-t fuund IHUe . , . , quenl' ,hare mainstream value. (B-II bupporl tor the Idea that delinHindelanP (I'J7t1 I974J fLI j II '_Ial' dnd Lllly 1~7l). Indeed, Michael _ v ' ' U III ,1a tee 1l1L1uel t', . '" "., . vailles frUlJI those held by . -I I. , I S are CUllUJl1tted to dIfferent . _ llonl e IllqLH~nts YvI f" - . ' . . Lhe studIes, Agnew (l9Y4) f d. . . ' 0 eoveI, 111 an uv~rVlew of , oun must re::;earch showing that delinquents 4
•
II·
175
are more likely to accept techniques of neutralization thd1l .;;onunitloed in 'Lurpomte enUlles uIlcl 80vernment struc~ tures by executives and managers who are loyal to conventional values. Like Lieutenant Calley in the :tvIy Lai massacre described at the beginning of the previous chapter, these persons believe they are supporting conventional values as they commit their crimes.
r 190
Essential C:rillliJ1a!nglf
I
Policy I/11l'liml iOI1S Control theory implies policy interventions bilsed on preventive socifllization designed to protect and insulate individuals from pushes and pulls toward crime. Part of this protection comes from supervision, surveillance, and control. The major [oellS Oil preventive policy, according to control theory, lies in the infOlmal control of children by their parents, not control provided by the formed criminal justice system, which should remain as the punitive last resort. This implies strengthening bonds to convention throllgh developing Illore effective child-rearing practices. Early intervention programs include parent training and functional-family thernpy that seek to reduce family conflict through dispute settlement and negotiation, reduce abuse and neglect, promote positive parent-·child internetion, and teach moderate disciplinE' (I'vlorton and Ewald] 987). When family problems cannot be resolved, it has been suggested that youths be placed in surrogate families and group homes with trained "teaching parents" (Braukmann andWotf 1987; Agnew 1995b). Based on the studies of religion cited above, deepening religious belief should also be explored as a policy means of reducing crime. A second level of intervention for SOUlE' control Uleorists is directed toward those "at risk" of engaging in antisocial activities. Policy here can focus on providing counseling and problem solving and social skills training (Goldstein, KreslIer, end Garfield 1989; Hollin 1990), especially in the school context. Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) argue that unless this kind of intervention occurs early in the child's development, it is already too late to make much difference. Indeed, a RAND study shows that both parentbased and school-based programs are morE' cost-effective in prevention than reliance on incarceration (Greenwood 1996). The study compared Clime prevention programs Ulat (1) sent child care professionals into homes of children prior to their birth up to the age of two to monitor their behavior and provided four subsequent years of day care, (2) provided parent training and therapy to families of children between ages seven and eleven who showed signs of aggressive behavior, (3) provided disadvantaged high school children aged fourteen La eIghteen with cash incentives to graduate, and (4) provided twelve- and thirteen~year~oldsspecial counseling and supervision programs. The study found that high school graduation incentives were the must cost-effective, followed by parent training programs, with delinquency supervision programs - or upppr-ciass familif'S and he was exposed to lheir lIfestyle: Unfortunately, his family INas unable to provide him with much economic support. He shored a tvvo-bedroom trailer with five others and had little hope of financing a college education. Being resourceful and attuned to the ~!fll? culture, Phil began selling marijuana. Four years later, 11: \vas a semor 1Jl college, fillanced by two greenhouses where he grew hIS product, ~nd :vas aspiring to achieve middle-class goals. At this point, h~ brought hIS hlg1~ schoul-ilge hrother into the "business." The younger b10.lher was less chscreet and bragged about their "business" success, 'vVlllCh resulted in a raid by tilE' police. The older brother received a lenyear sentence in the slate penitentiary. Phil illustrates the main themes of the socio!ogi~al i.cleas.of strClin theory: He accepled U.s. society's cultural ~oals. and objectIves tor Sllccess (high monetary rewards, good job, etc.). I Ie (bel nol, hO\vevt?r, LISE' normatively ilccepted means (student loans, hard wo.rk, ,dela7:cJ grCltjficatiotl) to (lchieve those goals, bllt instead irmovated \-v11h lllegltunate lTlf'ClllS 10 flchieve them. St~ai.ll theo.ry is not reslricted to explaining conventional street crime; nor IS It confmed to the' lower reaches of the social structure. It has also been a.1_)~lied to corpofClle Clncl nrg(111iz(ltional crime, (IS the fn]]o\villg i'llwlyS1S Illustrates: COITOfiHIOJ1S1 liI\e fill organizali(H1S, are primclrily oriented tow8rds the ~ch.le~ement of a ~la~ti'ld