The Cambridge Modern History ; 01 The Renaissance (black-and-white) (1907)

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CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

THE CHARLES WILLIAM WASON COLLECTION ON CHINA AND THE CHINESE

Cornell University Library

The tine

original of

tiiis

bool
and a gigantic elephant, which knelt thrice before delivered a Latin the Holy Father and in reply to an address Leo oration, in which he praised the maintenance of peace by the Christian powers, and spoke hopefully of the union of their forces against the Muslim. Meanwhile Albuquerque, having almost swept the Turkish and Arab ships from the Indian sea, was preparing to carry the war into their own waters. Early in 1513 he sailed from Goa with twenty vessels, and after an unsuccessful attack on Aden entered the Red Sea. His By an successes had filled his mind with the wildest expectations. alliance with the Christian sovereign of Abyssinia he dreamed of establishing himself on the Upper Nile, cutting a canal through the mountains separating it from the Red Sea, diverting the river, and thus turning into a desert the most flourishing of the Muslim countries. Another project was to land a force in the harbour of Yembo, plunder the temple of Medina, and carry away Mohammad's coffin, to be held until procession.

leopards, a panther, ;

X

the holy places of Jerusalem should be surrendered in exchange for it. over the African coast as he waited for a wind, was

A fiery cross, seen

omen of success ; but prudence and the affairs of Goa suggested his return, and after a very limited reconnaissance of the Red Sea coasts he returned to India. The voyage confirmed his belief in the

hailed as an

capture and fortification of Aden as the necessary means of effecting a junction with Abyssinia at the port of Massowah. This once accomplished, Suez, Jiddah, and Mecca itself would be practically at the invader's mercy.

At another important point Albuquerque strengthened the Portuguese position. Before succeeding to the chief command he had set up a small Portuguese factory at the ancient port of Hormuz, near the entrance of the Persian Gulf. From this the Portuguese had advanced to obtaining control of the customs payable on Persian exports to India. Albuquerque now obtained the surrender of the fort of Hormuz, with command of the entire import trade from India to Persia, as well as through Mesopotamia to Aleppo, and Beyrut on the Mediterranean. At the time of his death he was preparing an expedition for the conquest of Aden, the only thing which seemed still undone in order to give Portugal complete control of the eastern seas, being, in his own words, the

" the closing of the gates of the Straits." He died at Goa, habited as a commendador of the Order of Santiago. By his will he desired that his bones should be carried to Portugal. This was strenuously opposed by the settlers of Goa, who believed their city to be only safe so long as the bones of the great commander remained among them ; nor was it until

Maritime enterprise at

1480-95]

Bristol.

33

fifty years later, when the Portuguese dominion seemed absolutely safe from attack, that they were at length removed to Lisbon. During these fifty years the main features of his scheme had been carried out. Unmolested access to all the trading stations in the Far East was obtained, and of many the Portuguese were in uncontrolled possession. In other places they shared the trade with those whom they had hoped to expel. Albuquerque's scheme for seizing and holding the Red Sea was abandoned and the culmination of the Portuguese successes in the East was followed by the rapid decline of their power. We must now recur to the situation of other European powers at the time of Dom Manoel's :

succession to the throne in 1495.

Not merely were the Spaniards by this time actively preparing for the exploration and effective occupation of their newly acquired transatlantic islands; but Englishmen, who had so long been prosecuting westward discovery, and whose king, Henry VII, had barely missed the prize which had fallen to the lot of Spain, now bestirred themselves once more. Bristol was at this time one of the most considerable ports in Europe its merchants and seamen vied with those of Genoa and Venice, and skilled navigators from those great ports here found ready employment. Doubtless in 1495, or earlier, the news of Colombo's success in a quest which Bristol men had long made an interest of their own roused its merchants to activity; and John Cabot, a citizen of Venice, though of Genoese extraction, became the chosen instrument ;

of their designs. Cabot's three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sanctus, had apparently all been educated to his own calling ; and on March 5, 1496, Henry VII granted a petition preferred by the father and sons, praying the sanction of the Crown to a voyage contemplated by them in search of unknown countries, understood or believed to exist beyond the ocean in northern latitudes. Having regard to the large commerce carrie4 on between Bristol and Iceland, and to the continuity of Icelandic tradition, embodied in the Sagas, we entertain no doubt that the intention was to seek the "New Land," "New Isle," or "Vineland" of the Northmen; and this conclusion is borne out by the course actually taken

when the voyage was begun. Pursuant to this petition, still preserved in the Public Record Office, the Privy Seal was on the same day affixed to the first charter authorising its holders to hoist the English flag on shores hitherto unknown to Christian people, and to This charter, acquire the sovereignty of them for the Enghsh Crown. in a latpr forward put were and the voyage made pursuant to it, of root as the England^ regarded, sometimes generation, and are still title to her American possessions; and the date of the letters patent (March 5, 1496) has not ineptly been styled the birthday of the British Empire. It is stipulated that the grantees, who are authorised to enter the Northern, Western, and Eastern seas, but not the Southern, shall after each voyage return to the port of Bristol ; that they shall then and

Brazil discovered.

34

there pay to the Crown, in

money or merchandise,

L^soo one-fifth of their net

be allowed to import their goods free of customs a,nd that no English subject shall frequent the continents, islands, villages, towns, castles, and places generally frequented by them without their licence. While the Cabot grant disregards the Pope's supposed partition of the globe between Portugal and Spain, it forbids, by implication, any intrusion into those southern seas in which each of these powers had already acquired territory by actual occupation. Colombo's discoveries were as yet limited to the chain of islands separating the Caribbean Sea from the Atlantic; the Portuguese had not as yet set foot on American soil. The voyage of Cabot, which had no practical results, and was soon well-nigh forgotten, will be briefly noticed in our next chapter. Englishmen, eminently practical, saw in the intelligence brought back by him no promise of a profitable commerce, or indeed of commerce at all nor did English colonial ideas take a definite shape until nearly a century later. Meanwhile the Spanish monarchs, anxious to ascertain the extent of their trans-oceanic possessions and to secmre them from intrusion, licensed Vicente Yanez Pinzon, who had commanded a vessel under Colombo in his first voyage, to prosecute the discovery of the supposed coast of Eastern Asia. Pinzon was directed to avoid interference with the private rights acquired by Colombo, and to visit only the coast to southward of the Orinoco, the limit of Colombo's explorations. Starting from the Cape Verde Islands on November 14, 1499, and having on board Americo Vespucci, through whose narrative the voyage became well known, though the name of the captain who conducted it was suppressed, Pinzon stood to the south-west and struck the coast of BrazU near Cape St Augustin in the State of Pernambuco. Sailing northwards along the coast, he rounded Cape San Roque, the north-western promontory of South America, coasted along the north-eastern shore of profits: that they shall :

;

Guiana and Venezuela, passing the mouth of the the rivers of Guiana, and the Orinoco, and reached the Gulf of Paria, whence he made his way back to Europe, bringing with him thirty Indian captives and a quantity of strange vegetable products, including various dye-woods, whence the coast ultimately obtained its permanent name of " Brazil." When these new discoveries were laid

Brazil

and the

Amazon

down on

coasts of

river,

the chart, it became manifest that a considerable part of them were to the east of the 370 leagues' line, agreed on in 1494 as the boundary between the Spanish and Portuguese areas of enterprise ; and by a singular accident these very coasts were reached in the last year of the fifteenth century by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, the commander of the second Portuguese expedition to India and the Far East. Like Da Gama himself, Cabral proposed to cross from the Cape Verde Islands to the Cape of Good Hope athwart the open sea, making, for the reason already given in om- description of Da Gama's voyage, an immense

The

1507]

New World

circuit to the westward.

called America.

35

In so doing he lost sight as might be antici-

pated, of one of his ships ; while seeking her he lost his cotirse, and unexpectedly descried land. It was the Brazilian coast, the mountain

range called Pascoal, in the State of Bahia, to the south of the spot where Pinzon had landed three months previously. Having discovered a safe harboiu-, named by him Porto Seguro, Cabral proceeded on his voyage to the Cape and India. Thus was America discovered for the second time, and independently of the enterprise of Colombo. The discovery was rapidly followed up. In May, 1501, Manoel despatched three vessels commissioned to explore from Porto Seguro southwards, as far as the coast within the Portuguese line might extend. They returned in September, 1502, having discovered it as far south as 32 Adding this coast to what had already degrees of south latitude. been discovered by Colombo and others in the Caribbean Sea, it will be seen that at the time of Colombo's death in 1506, and in the course of fourteen years from his first voyage, about seven thousand miles of the Atlantic coast of America had been revealed. As a mere matter of measiu-ement, this fell short of the length of coast-line which Portuguese enterprise had added to, or rather, had accurately traced on, the map of Africa since the year 1426. But its geographical importance and general significance were far greater, for it became more and more doubtful whether this immense coast could possibly be Colombo himself, in writing of the lands the eastern shore of Asia. reached by him, occasionally referred to them as constituting "Another world (orbis)'" or "A new world." The former expression had been commonly employed in late Roman times to denote regions separated, or apparently separated, by the ocean from the continent of Europe, such as the British Islands were, and the Scandinavian peninsula was supposed to be. The latter expression came into general use. It was employed by Vespucci in the narrative of his voyages, which he circulated in manuscript with a view to his own promotion in the maritime profession ; a narrative which feU into the hands of an obscure printer, one WalzmiiUer of St Die in Lorraine, and was embodied in a brief Half outline of geography compiled by him and printed in 1507. in jest, half seriously, WalzmiiUer proposed to denominate the New World from the seaman whom he supposed to be its discoverer, and gave it

the

By

name Ameeica. similar steps proceeded the final stage of the great discovery, in

New World

was revealed in something nearly approximating its discontinuity with Asia proved everywhere except in the northernmost parts of the Pacific. From the Caribbean Sea Spanish explorers advanced northwards to the Gulf of Mexico,

which the to

its

real extent,

and

circumnavigated Cuba, reached the peninsula of Florida and the mouth of the Mississippi, proved the continuity of these northern shores with the "America'" of the South, and showed them to be probably

3—2

36

Magalhaes' voyage.

[1519-22

continuous with the "New Land" of the Northmen which had been revisited by Cabot, and subsequently by the Portuguese navigator Cortereal. This probability was strengthened by the voyage of the Florentine seaman Giovanni da Verrazzano, commissioned for the purpose by Francis I of France, in 1524, in circumstances to be mentioned presently. Before this, not only had the Pacific been reached by crossing the continent in more than one place, but Magalhaes had discovered Juan Diaz de Solis in 1515 strait which bears his name. reached the Plate River, where he and several companions were killed in

and passed the

a kidnapping raid on the natives. Probably he supposed himself to have reached the southern extremity of the continent. Shortly afterwards the estuary was examined by a more famous captain, who ascertained its real geographical character. Femao de Magalhaes, a skilful Portuguese seaman who had long been employed in the Portuguese trade to the Far East, having been refused an increase of pay to which he considered himself fairly entitled, quitted the service of Manoel, and sought to revenge himself by persuading Charles V that the Spice Islands were within the hemisphere assigned to Spain by the treaty of 1494!. He undertook to demonstrate this, and to conduct Spanish vessels thither by a route round the southern cape of America; and on September 20, 1519, he sailed from San Lucar for this purpose. The enormous estuary of the Plate River had to be completely explored, in order to ascertain that it was not in fact the passage of which he was in search and more than a year elapsed before this intrepid navigator found himself past the 50th parallel of latitude, ;

barren and apparently interminable coast of Nearly two months elapsed before he reached the Strait which bears his name. On November 27, 1520, having occupied twenty days in threading the Strait, he reached the Pacific; and fourteen painfully coasting the

Patagonia.

months afterwards he was slowly nearing the Ladrones,

after

accom-

plishing the greatest feat of continuous seamanship the world has ever known. Magalhaes was fated not to complete his task. He fell by the

spear of a native at Zebu, one of the Philippine Islands, on April 27, 1521 ; and his vessel, the "Victoria,'" was brought home on September 8,

1522, after making the

first

circumnavigation of the globe in a voyage

which occupied three years less fourteen days. The feat which Colombo proposed to accomplish a voyage to the Far East by a westward passage across the Atlantic was at length achieved, thirty years after its projector made the first attempt to perform it, and twenty-four after he stumbled unexpectedly on the vast continent which barred the way.

—

—

—

CHAPTER

II.

THE NEW WORLD. The story of the Age New World, the principal Age owes

its

name.

The

of Discovery natxirally merges in that of the fniit of the strenuous labours to which that history, in the wider sense, of the New World

begins in the remotest ages; for the habits of

among

life

and thought displayed

aborigines at the time of the Discovery, and

its indigenous languages, which stand nearer to the origin of speech than any group of languages in the Old World, carry the ethnologist back to a stage far more archaic than is indicated in any other quarter of the globe. Its

its

history, in so far as history

known

is

a mere record of

specific facts

and events

to have taken place in particular districts, in a definite succession,

and admitting of being

distinctly connected with particular peoples and extremely limited. Its modern historical period, in fact, coincides very nearly with that of the Old World's "modem'" history, a circumstance partly due to the fact that its advanced peoples, though

personages,

is

by no means devoid of the historical instinct, possessed but limited means of keeping historical records and partly to the circumstance ;

that their history, such as

it

was, consisted in changes of ascendancy

happening in comparatively quick succession, in the course of which the memory of events connected with past dominations soon lapsed into oblivion, or dwelt but faintly and briefly in the remembrance of those peoples who happened to be dominant at the Spanish Conquest. Although the general series of American migrations, beginning with the entry of man into the New World from the Old in the remote age

when Asia and America, afterwards parted by the shallow Strait of Behring, were continuous, has passed out of knowledge, it may be assumed to have proceeded on the principle of the stronger tribe expelling the weaker from districts yielding the more ample supplies of food. There is good reason to conclude that the peoples and tribes of low stature who still occur sporadically in various parts of America, immigrants. At the Discovery tribes and nations of taU stature, great physical strength and endurance, and a certain degree of advancement in the arts of life, were dominant in all the i-epresent the earliest

Ahoriginal nations.

38

most favourable for human habitation and it is possible in some measure to trace the movements by which their migrations had proceeded, and the steps by which they acquired dominion over lower or Foremost among these less powerful peoples in whose midst they settled. dominant peoples stand the Nahuatlaca or Mexicans, who had their chief seat at Mexico on the plateau of Anahuac, and the Aymara-Quichua, or Peruvians, whose centre of dominion was at Cuzco in the Andes. On the subjugation of these two peoples the Spanish- American Empire was founded. Next in importance, but of lower grade, come the Caribs of Venezuela and the West Indian archipelago, the first ethnological group encountered by Colombo, and the only one known to him the TupiGuarani of Brazil, who had conquered and occupied most of the shore which fell to the lot of Portugal the Iroquois, who held the district colonised by France and the Algonquins, who occupied with less power of resistance to invasion that colonised by England. It is remarkable that all these nations appear once to have been maritime and fishing peoples, to have multiplied and developed their advancement in the immediate neighbourhood of the sea, and thence to have penetrated and settled various tracts of the interior. We trace them to three districts

;

;

;

;

maritime

districts, all

extremely favoiu-able to practice in fishing, navi-

and exploration (1) the Nahuatlac^, Iroquois, and Algonquins, to British Columbia ; (2) the Aymara-Quichua and the Tupi-Guarani to the ancient "Argentine sea" a vast body of salt water which at no very remote period filled the great plain of Argentina and to the

gation,

:

—

—

chain of great lakes which once existed to the north of it; (3) the Caribs to the Orinoco, whence they spread by a natural advance to the

West Indian

archipelago, and probably to the valley of the Mississippi, where one branch of them, at no very remote period before the Discovery, perhaps .founded large agricultural pueblos, still traceable in the earthworks which in many places line the banks of that great river and its tributaries, and threw up the "Animal Mounds" which are among the most curious monuments of ancient America. The Nahuatlaca or "CiviHsed People" {nahua = Tu\.e of life; ilacatl, pi. tlaca = man) appear to have originally dwelt at no great distance from the Iroquois and Algonquins, on the North American coast opposite Vancouver Island, where their peculiar advancement had its first development. With them the history, in the ordinary sense, of aboriginal America begins. The Nahuatlaca alone among American peoples possessed a true though inaccurate chronology, and kept painted records of contemporary and past events. Pinturas preserved at Tezcuco variously

assigned the years 387 and 439 of the Christian era as the date of the earliest migration to the south from maritime lands fai- to the north of California. more probable date about a.d. 780 was furnished

A

—

—

to the earliest Spanish enquirers as the time when the first swarm of the Aculhuaque, or "Strong Men," arrived in Anahuac from Aculhuacan,

The Nahuatlacd.

780-1431]

39

their previous seat northward of Xalisco, founded the pueblos of Tollan

and Tollantzinco, and entered the Mexican Valley, where they settled at Culhuacan and Cohuatlichan and built on an island in the Lake a few huts, which later grew into the pueblo of Mexico. By a long subsequent immigration were founded the Tecpanec pueblos in the Southwestern corner of the Lake, to which Mexico was once tributary, and. on whose subjugation by Mexico the dominion found by the Conquistadores was established about a century before the Conquest. The Tecpanec pueblos, five in number, the principal one being Azcapozalco, subjugated a rival confederacy, on the opposite shore, headed by Tezcuco, about 1406. In this conquest they were materially assisted by the people of two villages (Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco), foimded on the island of Mexico nearly a centtuy before by a wandering tribe of non-Nahuatlacan origin, to whom the Tecpanecs had given the name of Azteca, or "Crane-people." Over these lake villages, after the Tezcucans had been subdued by their aid, the Tecpanecs maintained a relentless tyranny, which at length produced a revolt, in the coiu-se of which the Mexican villagers obtained a complete victory. The Tezcucans, who rose against their Tecpanec conquerors shortly afterwards (1431), regained their liberty; and the two Mexican pueblos entered into an alliance with Tezcuco, in which Tlacopan, a Tecpanec pueblo which had remained neutral during the struggle, was also included. This confederacy conquered and considerably enlarged the dominion acquired by the Tecpanec confederacy, and held in subjection a large and populous tract extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and containing all the best parts of the southern extremity of North America, where it narrows One important district only was towards the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. excluded from it. This was a highland tract held by Tlaxcallan, Huexotzinco, and CholoUan, ^pueblos of the Nahuatlaca, founded in early times, and never subjugated either by the Tecpanecs, or by the confederated pueblos who succeeded to their dominion. At the Spanish Conquest CholoUan, the largest and most prosperous of the three, was in alliance with the Lake pueblos; and there is little doubt that TlaxcaUan and Huexotzinco would have been admitted to the same status but for the Mexican Rule of Life, which demanded war every twenty days, ostensibly as a means of procuring sacrifices for the sun and other gods, but really to provide the material for the cannibal feasts by which each Had peace been made between the pueblos of sacrifice was terminated. the Lake and those of the highlands, both groups must have had recourse to distant frontiers for the means of fulfiUing what was univer-

—

regarded by the Nahuatlaca as an imperative obligation. Human sacrifice, indeed, was understood to be necessary to the cosmic order, for without it the sun, who was conceived as a god of animal nature, subsisting by food and drink, would not merely cease to yield his sally

warmth, but would perish out of the heavens.

Spanish colonisation.

40

The importance

^1494-1518

New World

to Europe, in the first century on the fact that it was found to be a huge storehouse of gold and silver. To a large extent its resources in this respect had already been worked by the aborigines. Gold is the only metal which occurs in its native or unmixed state, and is largely fouiid in the debris of those rocks which are most exposed to atmospheric

of the

after the Discovery, chiefly rested

It therefore early attracts the attention of savages, who easily apply it to ptirposes both of use and ornament; and more elaborate Wofking in gold is one of the first arts of advanced life. Silver attracts attention and acquires value from its similarity, in most qualities, to gold ; in Mexico both metals were regarded as of directly divine origin. The Toltecs, or people of ToUan, were reputed the earliest workers in gold and silver; and as this pueblo was understood to have been founded by A Nahuatlacan tribe at least as early as a.d. 780, these metals had been sought and wrought in the Mexican district for at least 700 years. There is no reason for concluding that after being manufactured they were largely, ot indeed at all, exported ; hence the immense accumulations of metallic wealth which were found in the Mexican district accumulations greedily seized by the Conquistadores, and poured through Spanish channels into the mints of Europe, where the stock of gold had probably not been Substantially increased since the fall of the Roman Empire. Still larger accessions to the mineral wealth of Europe followed the discovery and conquest of Peru especially after the Spaniards became masters of the mines of Potosi and of New Granada, where an almost savage people had laid up great quantities of the precious metals in the form of utensils and rude works of art and from the discovery and conquest of these richly endowed countries, and the plunder of their Stored-up wealth, date the serious efforts of European nations other than Spain and Portugal to acquire territory in the New World. Twenty-five years passed between Colombo's discovery and the first intelligence of Mexico. During this period Spanish America was limited to the four greater Antilles— Espaiiola, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Jamaica. On the northern shore of the South American continent, in what is tiow Venezuela, attempts had been made to effect a lodgment, but in vain; this district, and indeed the continent generally, was long regarded as a mere field for slave-raiding, the captives being sold in Espaiiola and Cuba. The smaller islands, and the other adjacent continental coasts, remained unconquered and uncolonised; much as on the opposite side of the Atlantic the Canaries and the Madeira group were parcelled into feudal estates and parishes, while the neighbouring action.

—

— —

:

shore of Africa remained unattempted. The Spaniards, wholly new to their task, had to gain experience as colonists in a savage land. Often their settlements were founded on ill-chosen sites. When Isabella,

Colombo's first colony in Espaiiola, had to be abandoned, San Domingo was founded on the opposite side of the island (1494) the site ;

of

this.

1622]

41

Cortes invades Meocico.

again, was changed by Ovando, the successor of Colombo after his removal from the administration (1502); and the same thing happened at

Santiago de los Caballeros. Of the eighteen towns founded in the early years of colonisation a century later only ten survived. few towns

A

were founded in Puerto Rico by Ovando Cuba was colonised by Diego Velasquez, and Jamaica by Juan de Esquivel. But the settlements in both were few and unprosperous, Santiago de Cuba having in the course of a few years become almost deserted. Sugar was the only crop yielding profits ; gold was procured in the smallest quantities the best investment was to take over homed cattle, turn them loose to breed, and hunt the savage herd for its hides and tallow, which were shipped for sale to Europe. By such means, and by mercilessly tasking the Indians as labourers in field and mine, many emigrants in time became rich men, and looked eagerly round for new and wider fields of adventurci Slave-raiding on the continental coasts was a favourite employment, and a certain quantity of gold was readily bartered for triiles by the natives, wherever the Spaniards landed ; and by these pursuits the Cuban colonists at length reached the coast pueblos of Yucatan, which were comparatively recent outposts of Nahuatlacan advancement. Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, in 1518 sent a squadron of vessels to reconnoitre this coast more fully; Grijalva, who commanded, traced the shore-line as far as the tierra caliente of Mexico, and reached Vera Cruz, then as now the port of Mexico. Here Carib seamen shipped the surplus tributes and manufactured products of the Lake pueblos for barter in the southern From Vera Cruz Grijalva parts of their extensive field of navigation. Many large pueblos were coasted northwards as far as the Panuco river. descried in the distance the names of Mexico and of Motecuhzoma, its Tlatohuani ("Speaker," in the sense of "Commander" or Supreme Chief), first fell on Spanish ears; and the description of the great Lake pueblo was listened to with more interest, because in these parts the Here, exploring party obtained by barter an immense quantity of gold. at length, signs of civilised life were found; large hopes of wealth, whether by commerce or plunder, were excited and on the return of the expediHis tion Velasquez ordered a new one to proceed thither without delay. design was simply to prosecute the remunerative trade which Grijalva had ;

;

;

;

begun. Others formed bolder schemes ; and his secretary and treasurer, probably in collusion with the schemers, persuaded him to entrust the command to Heman Cortes, who had conceived the plan of employing the whole military force of Santiago de Cuba at his disposal in invading Mexico and subjugating it at one blow. This Cortes accomplished only

by

fortune's favour

;

rashly encountering,

for he

and

knew nothing of the imminent

peril

he was

his force barely escaped annihilation.

landing of Cortes, and his safe progress through a difficult country to the frontier of Tlaxcallan, were facilitated by the circumstance

The

Conquest of Mexico,

42

h^oz-a

that the people of the country, who had groaned for the greater part of a century under the cruel tyranny of Mexico, welcomed him everywhere as a deliverer. The coast tribes mistook him for the ancient Toitec god Quetzalcohuatl. The Tlaxcaltecs, who had never beheld a

on their borders, at first mistook him for an ally of the but on learning the true aspect of aflFairs they joined him as Thus Cortes, from the territory of Tlaxcallan as his base, conallies. ducted his campaign against the Lake pueblos with the help of auxiliaries who possessed a complete knowledge of the country, and a military experience gained by a century''s constant fighting. At first he posed

friendly force

Mexicans

;

a friendly emissary of the great European monarch his master. Having on these terms obtained admittance to Mexico for himself and his armed force, he seized the Tlatohuani's person, put him in chains, and as

assumed the government. These proceedings naturally led to a rising on the part of the Mexican warriors, who attacked the Spaniards and drove them from the pueblo with great loss, taking many prisoners and sacrificing them to the Nahuatlacan gods. Driven ignominiouslyfrom Mexico, and chased by an infuriated enemy through and out of the Valley, Cortes retired by a circuitous route to Tlaxcallan, and laid his plans anew. Having refreshed his troops and renewed his supplies, he built two brigantines for action on the Lake launched them from Tezcuco, which he occupied with little difficulty; assaulted Mexico by water; gained possession of its streets and buildings by slow degrees; and at length broke the resolute resistance of its warriors, and rased its ;

clay-built edifices to the ground. He had won for the Castilian Crown the dominion of the confederated Lake pueblos a tract of country extending from the Pacific to the Mexican gulf, 800 miles in length on the Pacific shore, and somewhat less on the other, comprising many

—

large towns

and above

five

hundred agricultural

villages,

and the

of the most advanced communities of the New World. This conquest was no barren victory over mere barbarians. no ethnologist would concede to the Nahuatlacan polity the

seat

Though

of a the foimdations on which all civilisation is built a numerous and docile peasantry, an organised system of labour, and physical elements adequate to wealth-production. In these circumtitle

civilisation, it possessed

—

had been evolved, to which the nearest analogue in the Old World is the gross barbarism of Ashanti or Dahomey. It was lower than these in that, except man himself, there were no animals kept for labour, nor were any kept for food except man and the dog. In other respects the arts of life were better developed and to the superficial observation of the Conquistadores the large territory dominated by the Lake pueblos had an aspect sufficiently civUised to justify them in giving it the name of " New Spain." What was of most importance in the eye of the European invaders, it possessed stores of the precious metals, which had been accumulating in stances an unique social state

:

Francis

1524]

I

claims

North America.

43

the hands of dominant tribes for seven centuries. Immense quantities of treasure steadily poured henceforth into Spain; .and America assumed an entirely new aspect for the nations of Western Europe. Almost from the first Spain perceived that other European powers would dispute with her, and perhaps one day wrest from her, the possession of the rich New World which accident had given to her. The conquest of Mexico nearly corresponded with the opening of a period of hostility between Spain and France, which lasted, though with considerable intermissions, from 1521 to 1556. Cortes, who entered Mexico in the former year, despatched at the end of 1522 two vessels to Spain laden with Mexican treasure; Giovanni da Verrazzano, a Florentine in the French service, captured these near the Azores, and about the same time took a large vessel homeward bound from Espanola, laden with treasure, pearls, sugar, and hides. Enriched by these prizes, he gave large compli-

mentary presents to the French King and High Admiral; and general felt at the wealth which was pouring into Spain from " The Emperor," Francis exclaimed, " can its transatlantic possessions. carry on the war against me by means of the riches he draws from the West Indies alone " Of the immense inheritance obtained by Spain in America the only parts actually reduced to possession by the Spanish monarch were the four great Antilles, and those portions of the continent which had been settled by the Nahuatlaca. Southward, the shores from Yucatan as far as the Plate River had been explored by Spain and Portugal; and all that seemed to remain to the future adventurer was the North American shore from the Mexican Gulf to Newfoundland. Jocosely refusing to acknowledge the claim of the peninsular powers to make a bipartite division of the sphere between them until they should " produce the will of Adam, constituting them his universal heirs," Francis commissioned the successful Florentine captain to reconnoitre the whole shore from Florida to Newfoundland. This being done, he intimated to Europe that he claimed it, by right of discovery, as the share of France in the great American heritage. He called it New France, a term familiar in French ears since the beginning of the thirteenth century as the title of the Latin Empire of Constantinople, and now less inappropriately applied by transfer to

amazement was

!

—

the

New World.

entrusted to and accomplished by Verrazzano was masked under the pretence of seeking a North-west passage to the Far East. But its real object was to lay a foundation for the claim of France to the whole of America north of Mexico, put forward in the belief, which ultimately proved well warranted, that this tract would, Having completed the like Mexico, prove rich in the precious metals. resumed the Verrazzano remembered, chiefly is name voyage by which his

The commission thus

profitable practice

and took some

of plundering the Spanish homeward-bound ships, between Spain and the Canaries. On his return he

prizes

The Inca nation

44

in Peru.

[1425-1526

with a squadron of Spanish war vessels, surrendered to them after a severe engagement, and in 1527 was hanged as a pirate at Colmenar de Arenas. France strenuously maintained, and sought by repeated efforts to substantiate, the right to North America which Verrazzano's coasting-voyage was supposed to have acquired. In periods of war no attempts at possession were made but in the intervals of peace expeditions were undertaken to the Gulf of St Lawrence, with the view of exploring the passage to the Far East of which it was imagined to be the beginning. Cartier made two voyages for this purpose in 1534< and 1535 and in 1540 he sailed up the great river of Canada, and selected a site for the colony which in 1542 Roberval attempted to establish. Cartier brought to France news of the two principal native nations of North America nations on which later French settlers bestowed the names " Iroquois " and " Algonquin,'" each being a purely French word embodying a peculiarity in the sound of their respective languages. fell in

;

;

—

The Algonquins, who were

the earlier immigrants, were partially cultibut chiefly relied for subsistence on hunting and fishing. The more advanced Iroquois, who appear to have driven the Algonquins from the choicest parts of their territory, had nearly reached the stage in which agriculture is the main source of subsistence, though they were accomplished hunters and formidable warriors and their compact territory was parcelled out among five tribes, who formed the vators of the

soil,

:

known in later history as the "Five Nations." Roberval's attempt failed, the example thus set was followed in a later generation in other latitudes, and other nations were encouraged to imitate it. Meanwhile the aspect of American enterprise was greatly confederation so well

Though

and the effect produced by the discovery of the treasures of Mexico greatly enhanced, by the discovery and conquest of Peru, the modified,

richest district of the

New World

hitherto revealed.

Here, again, we are struck by the comparatively modern date of the aboriginal dominion which the Spanish adventurers found established along the coast and in the valleys of the Andes. This dominion, of which the centre was at Cuzco, was very much more extensive than that of the federated Mexican pueblos. Unlike the Nahuatlaca, the Peruvian people had no reckoning of years; nor can the date of any fact in Peruvian history anterior to the conquest be accurately ascertained. All that we know is that the settlement of the nation or people who then dominated the sierra and the coast from Cuzco, where the traditions of their arrival were still fresh, was of comparatively modem date. They called themselves Inca, or "people of the sun" (Inti). They were probably an offshoot from a large group of warlike tribes, in which the Tupi-Guarani were included, long settled on the margins of the vanished Argentine sea and of a chain of great lakes to the north of it, where they subsisted by fishing and hunting. From this district they ascended to the sierra, where the huanaco arid vicuiia,

45

Conquest of Peru.

1532]

two small cognate species of the camel genus, furnished abundant food and material for clothing. These they domesticated as the llama and pa£0, both being Quichua words implying subjugation they propagated by art the pulse and food-roots of the CordiUera, and established many permanent pueblos in and near the great lake basin of Titicaca, the ;

Peruvian advancement. From this district they advanced northwards, and occupied a canton almost impregnably situated in the midst of immense mountains and deep gorges, known to geographers as. earliest seat of

the "Cuzco district." In historical times they had separated into two branches, speaking two languages, evidently divergent forms of a single-

by Spanish grammarians Aymara and Quichua-, names, has been found convenient to use as ethnical terms for the peoples who spoke them. Tradition carried back the history of the original, called

which

it

Aymara-Quichua

in Cuzco and its neighbourhood about three hundred which eleven Apu-Capac-Incas, or " head-chiefs of the Inca, (people)" were enumerated; but it was generally considered, and is. almost conclusively shown by balancing evidence, that not much more than a century had elapsed since they made their first conquests beyond the limited " Cuzco district," and that only the last five of the ApuCapac-Incas Huiracocha-Inca, Pachacutic-Inca, Tupac-Inca-Yupanqui, Huaina-Capac-Inca, and Tupac-atau-huallpa aU forming a chain of' succession from father to son, had ruled over an extensive territory. The great expansion took place in the time of Pachacutic-Inca, and is traceable to an invasion by an alliance of tribes from the north, who' had long dominated Middle Peru, and now sought to conquer the Cuzco district and the valley of Lake Titicaca. Under Pachacutic this invasion was repelled ; the allies were defeated at Yahuarpampa, and the war was the dominion of the invading tribes carried into the enemy's country now fell almost at one blow into the hands of the chiefs of Cuzco. These victories were rapidly followed by the conquest of the northern or Quito district, now forming the republic of Ecuador, and of the coast-valleys, where a remarkable and superior advancement, founded on fishing and agriculture, had existed probably from an earlier date than that of the

years, during

—

—

:

stronger tribes of the sierra. Spaniards, who obtained information of the Inca people and dominion soon after crossing the isthmus of Panama, reconnoitred the Peruvian coast in 1525, during the head-chieftaincy of HuainaBut this chief had died, and a civil war, in which the succession Capac. was contested between his two sons Tupac-cusi-huallpa (" the sun makes joy"), commonly known by the epithet Huascar ("the chosen one"), and Tupac-atau-huaUpa ("the sun makes good fortune"), had been terminated in favour of the latter, when Pizarro invaded the country in 1532 with a party of 183 soldiers. Everywhere large accumulations of treasiu-e were found; for gold and silver had been mined both in the coast-pueblos and in the sierra from remote times, and the whole of the produce still remained,

The

their

46

Influx of treasure into Europe.

[1540-!55

the numerous burial-places of a people who preserved with almost Egyptiaij care the corpses of the dead, depositing largely accumulated in

with them the gold and silver which had belonged to them when alive. facilities for marching, which a century of well-organised aboriginal rule had established from one end of the dominion to the other, and in several places between the coast and the mountains, made Pizarro's progress easy. So soon as the supreme chief had been seized and imprisoned or put to death, the submission of his followers, and the subjugation of his territory, quickly followed. But it was an easier task for the vile and sordid adventurers who invaded Peru to destroy the tyranny of its aboriginal conquerors and sack its pueblos, than for the Spanish government to assert the authority of the Crown, and provide the Inca dominion with a suitably organised administration. After much bloodshed, extending over many yeeirs, this was at length accomplished; the lands which had belonged to the Inca, the sun, or the native chiefs, and the peasantry, were, with their peasant inhabitants, chiefly serfs attached to the soil, granted by the Crown to gentlemen immigrants, and held on similar terms to those annexed to the "commends" of the military Orders the name "commend," indeed, becoming the technical term for estates so held. Here, as in Mexico, churches were built and endowed, diocesan organisations were established, and the difficult work of converting the Indians was begun and earnestly carried on by a devoted clergy; superior courts of justice were constituted, and law was administered in the village by alcaldes; the aboriginal population, freed from the grinding tyranny of their old masters, increased and throve; new mines, especially of silver, were discovered and wrought Both Peru and Mexico gradually assumed the resemblance of civilised life ; and their prosperity testified to the benefits conferred on them by conquests which, however unjustifiable on abstract grounds, in both cases redeemed the populations affected by them from cruel and oppressive governments, and bloody and senseless religions. After the conquest of Peru the treasure sent by America to Spain was trebled; the silver mines of Europe were practically abandoned, and before long Europe's entire gold-supply was obtained from the New World. In these circumstances the naval enterprise not only of the enemies, but of the political rivals of Spain was stimulated to assume the form of piracy; and in this connexion a peculiar cause came into operation about this time, which had a strongly modifying effect on the destinies of the New World. Both Charles V and his son and successor

The

—

had constituted themselves the champions of the freely employed the gold of America in the pursuit of intrigues favourable to their policy in every European country. Hence, to cut off the supply at its source became the univeraal poHcy of Protestantism, now struggling for life throughout Western Europe. The persecution of the Huguenots drove large numbei-s of in Spain, Philip II,

Cathohc Church; and they

;

Effect of the

New

World on Europe.

47^

French Protestants to join the roving captains who harassed Spanish commerce; and their efforts, begun in time of war, were continued in time of peace. Thus did the French wars with Spain develope into a general war on the part of the Protestants of Western Europe against Spain as the champion of the Papacy and the author of the Inquisition. In the New World this movement resulted in the plundering of Spanish vessels, attacks on the Spanish ports with the object of holding them to ransom, and finally attempts, unsuccessful at first, but effectual when experience^in colonisation had once been gained, to found new European communities, in the teeth of all opposition, on the soil of a continent which the Spaniards regarded as most justly their own, and as before all things entrusted to them for the diffiision, and the ultimate extension over the whole globe, of the Catholic faith. Here, at length, we reach a point of view from which the general bearing of the New World on the parallel growth of European economics and politics 'on the one hand, and of religious theory, philosophical thought, and scientific advancement on the other, might be brought under observation. Our remarks must be confined to the latter group of topics. For during the period covered by this chapter the political system of Europe was not sensibly disturbed, while the economic changes produced by the discovery and conquest of the New World were as But the sudden shattering of the old yet imperfectly developed. Discovery reacted at once in a marked way the produced by geography on European habits of thought. Religion is man's earliest philosophy and what affects his habits of thought and alters his intellectual points of view cannot but modify his religious conceptions. The discovery of the New World, and its prospective employment as a place for the planting of new communities of European origin, greatly contributed to substitute for the medieval law of religious intolerance the modem In the Old World the former theory had principle of toleration. hitherto enjoyed general acceptance, and it rested on a logical basis. There was Scriptural warranty for the doctrine that the Supreme Being was a jealous God, visiting the sins of men not only upon their descendants to the third and fourth generation, but also upon the nation to which such men belonged and it followed that to believe or conceive of Him or to worship Him, otherwise than in accordance with the revelation graciously made by Him for the guidance of man, was something more than an offence against Himself. It was an intolerable wrong to incurred by an society, for it exposed the pious many to the penalty destruction in famine and pestilence, and Plague minority. impious it was therewar, were brought on a nation by religious apostasy; and out apostasy in stamp to duty, fore not merely lawful, but a national Discovery to the down Christendom of history The its beginnings. less successful or more of series long one main the of America is in ;

applications

of

this

perfectly

inteUigible

principle

to

the general

Ideas of the French Jfrotestants.

48 ___^

li5ou-o

=—

'i^

not been for the New World, the Old World might perhaps to this day have been governed in accordance with it. But the New World was virgin soil. All Christendom, with the approbation even of Jew and Islamite, would readily have united in the opinion that its gross aboriginal idolatries should be extinguished, and the worship of the One God introduced into it, in whatever form. And in the plantation or creation of new Christian communities in America the reason for intolerance as a necessary social principle no longer existed. Each colony and colonies in this practically vacant continent could be planted at considerable distances from each other could now In settle its religious principles for itself, for it did so at its own risk. this way the Old World found the solution of what in France and elsewhere had, by the middle of the sixteenth century, become a serious In France, in Germany, in England, the social and political difficulty. nation was coming to be divided into two hostile camps, •Catholic and Protestant. Was the one half in each case to be extinguished by the other, in an internecine war ? The banishment of the weaker party by migration and already expatriation was substituted for the death penalty in the case of greater moral crimes than heresy was a wise and merciful alternative. The French Protestants, who felt that the course of God's dealings with man must on the whole be in their favovir, were the first to think of a new career, in a new world perhaps revealed for the purpose, as the beginning of a better order of things, if not as the fulfilment of the destiny of the Reformed faith; and, as the triumph of the Catholic party in France became more and more probable, Protestant leaders cast anxious eyes towards the American shore, as a possible place of refuge for their people, should they be worsted in the An attempt of this nature was made, with the sanction and struggle. help of Coligny, the head of the Protestant party, by Nicolas Durand, better known by his assumed name of Villegagnon, a Knight of the Maltese Order who had served in the expedition of Charles V against Algiers, and who also distinguished himself as an author and an amateur theologian. Durand had resided at Nantes, where the propriety of providing a transatlantic refuge for Protestants, and the capabilities of the Brazilian coast, now frequently visited for commercial purposes by French seamen, were matters of common discussion. He resolved to be the first to carry such a scheme into effect ; and he found ample support among the partisans of the Reformed religion, including Coligny, through whose influence he obtained a large pecuniary grant from the French King. In May 1555 he sailed with two ships for the coast of South Brazil, where he settled on an island, still known as Ilha de Villagalhao, near the mouth of the bay of Rio de Janeiro, two miles from the mainland. Durand named the country he proposed to occupy "Antarctic France." The voyage was understood to mark, and did in conduct of

human

affairs.

—

—

Had

it

—

—

Durand^s colony in Brazil.

1555]

49

fact mark, a

new era in history. It was the actual beginning of the movement which brought to the New World, as a place where they might worship God in their own way, the Puritans of New England, the Quakers of Pennsylvania and the Catholics of Maryland. Scholars called it the Expedition of the Indonauts; and a French pedant, after the fashion of the time, celebrated its departure in an indifferent Greek epigram. God looked down, he said, from heaven, and saw that the corrupt Christians of Europe had utterly forgotten both Himself and His Son. He therefore resolved to transfer the Christian Mysteries to a

New World, and

to destroy the sinful Old World to which they had been entrusted in vain. Preoccupied with the task of establishing themselves in India and the Far East, the Portuguese had for thirty years after the discovery of Brazil done. almost nothing by way of reducing this district into possession. few ships frequented the coast for the purpose of trading with the natives, and setting ashore criminals to take their chance of being adopted or eaten by them. The success of Madeira as a sugargrowing island suggested the extension of this form of enterprise in Brazil, to which attention had been drawn by a recent discovery of gold; and the soil, as in Madeira, was granted out in hereditary captaincies, each grantee receiving exclusive rights over 50 leagues of sea-board. Martim Affonso de Sousa, afterwards viceroy in India, obtained the Eleven others followed, first of the fiefs, and took possession in 1531. and in 1549 the direction of the whole colony was vested in a GovernorThe Portuguese settlements general, whose seat was fixed at Bahia. were in North and Middle Brazil, and by choosing an insular site far His first care to the south Durand expected to escape disturbance. was to build a fort and mount his guns. He announced his arrival to the Church of Geneva, by whom two pastors were duly ordained and Durand began by sharing sent out with the next batch of emigrants. with these ministers the conduct of divine worship; and specimens of his extemporaneous prayers, in the course of which he gave thanks to God for mercifully visiting the mainland with a depopulating pestilence, whereby the enemies of the elect were destroyed, and the Lord's path made straight, have come down to us. He devoted to theological Convinced studies the abundant leisure left him by his administration. by the arguments of Cyprian and Clement, he ordered that water

A

should be mingled with the sacramental wine, directed salt and oil to be poured into the baptismal font, and forbade the second marriage of a pastor, fortifying himself in the position he thus assumed by argumentative appeals to Holy Scripture. When he at last publicly announced his adherence to the doctrine of transubstantiation, a breach between him and his Calvinist flock was inevitable. Only one among them, a voluble doctor of the Sorbonne whom he associated with himself in the office

of the pulpit, supported his pretensions.

When

the scandalised

English voyages in the Atlantic.

50

[1*80-98

absented themselves from public worship, he proceeded to and in the end they quitted the island, threw themselves on the kindness of the savages of the mainland, and made their way to trading vessels in which they sailed for Europe. Thus the Indonaut colony, the first Protestant community in the New World, colonists

severe disciplinary measures;

ended in a ludicrous

failure.

As

the struggle between the Catholics and Protestants of France became more and more desperate, the idea of founding a Protestant colony in America was revived: and it was now resolved to use for this

'

purpose the immense tract which Verrazzano's voyage was understood to have acquired for the French Crown. Coligny, with the assent of Charles IX, equipped two vessels which he despatched on February 18, 1562, under the command of Jean Ribault, to found the first colony attempted in North America since the return of Roberval in 1540. After exploring the coast, Ribault chose Port Royal Soimd in the present State of South Carolina, as the most promising site for a colony ; began the construction of a fort, to which he gave the name of Charles-fort, for the protection of those whom he intended to leave behind ; and returned to Europe. Their supplies being exhausted, the colonising party fell into dissensions, mutinied against the rigorous discipline enforced by their captain, and assassinated him. No reinforcements arriving from Europe, they buUt a pinnace, intending to retinm, put to sea, suffered indescribable hardships, and put back again, more dead than alive, towards the American shore. They were picked up by a homeward-bound English barque, one of whose crew had been with Ribault on the outward voyage. Some were landed in France while those who were not too exhausted to continue the voyage were taken on to England, where the liveliest interest was by this time felt in the question of North American colonisation. How this revived interest arose, may now be briefly explained. The history of Enghsh enterprise in connexion with the New World goes back in substance to the period of the Discovery itself. Even before this, Bristol seamen had sought for the mythical St Brandan's in the expanses of the Atlantic; possibly the ancient connexion of that port with Iceland had brought the Norse sagas to their ears, and the quest pursued by them was in substance the search for "Vinelahd" or New England. John Cabot, having obtained on March 5, 1496, the patent referred to on an earlier page, evidently sailed in quest of the ;

"New Land"

or "New Island" of the Northmen, and between that date and August, 1497, when he returned to Bristol, reached and investigated the shores of Labrador and Newfoundland which represent the coast called by the Northmen "Hellu-Land" (stony land). voyage was attempted by him to the New Land in 1498, but not accomplished, and thenceforward English interest in the continent of

A

America relaxed, although the Newfoundland waters were increasingly frequented by fishermen of other nations ; so that the voyage of 1496-7

!

English ideas on America.

1515]

51

was practically forgotten, when, nearly sixty years afterwards. Englishmen began once more to turn their attention to America. From the untroubled early years of Henry VIII, when America, as yet whoUy savage, and its discovery received conspicuous notice in a serious philosophical drama, to the marriage of Philip and Mary, when it stood forth in the eyes of Europe as the source of more wealth than the world had ever seen, the New World is scarcely mentioned in English literature, though the continental press teemed with accounts of it and allusions to it. But an old dramatist's picture of the new continent, as it presented itself to English eyes about 1515, becomes all the more striking through

The play, or " interlude," is entitled The Four Elements ; the leading personage, named Experience, discourses at some length on the " Great Ocean " " so great that never man could tell it, since the world began, tiU now these twenty year " and the new continent lately found beyond it ; a continent " so large of room " as to be " much longer its isolation.

—

—

than

all

The

inhabitants, from the south, where they

Christendom," for

its

coast has been traced above

"go naked

5000

miles.

alway," to the

north, where they are clad in the skins of beasts, are everywhere savages,

woods and caves, and knowing nothing of God and the devil, of heaven a.nd heU, but worshipping the sun for his great light. The fisheries, the timber, and the copper of America are named as its chief sources of wealth ; and the. speaker laments, in stanzas perfectly rhythmical, though the accent is somewhat forced, that England should have missed the opportimity of discovering and colonising this vast country living in

:

O

what a

had been then. Englishmen

[great] thing

If that they that be

Might have been the first of all That there should have taken possession. And made first building and habitation,

A memory

perpetual

And

also what an honourable thing. Both to the realm, and to the king. To have had his dominion extending There into so far a ground,

Which the noble king of late ijiemory. The most wise prince the seventh Harry, [Had] caused

first for

to be found

!

Hers would have been the and preaching the Gospel in this dark continent of leading its brute-like tribes "to know of men the manner, and also to know God their Maker." This task, it is evidently felt, would more fittingly have fallen to the lot of England than of

Nor

is

this all that

England has

lost.

privilege of introducing civilisation

—

Castile

and Portugal.

The American coast was doubtless vessels. But it was only gazed on as a

occasionally sighted from English

curious spectacle.

The Northern 4—2

"America for

62

the English.'"

[1554

shore, the only part accessible to English adventurers without encroach-

ment on the

transatlantic possessions of a friendly power, yielded little or nothing to commerce which could not be obtained with less trouble in Europe itself. During these sixty years, which saw no break in the

England and Spain, many English merchants who must have heard with astonishment, and probably a certain envy, of the rich treasure-districts which exploration revealed in quick succession, and occasionally visited them, or some of them, in person. Not until the marriage of the English Queen with the Spanish heir-apparent was it ever suggested that England should aspire to share in the wealth which the fortime of events had poured About this time Mexico and Potosi shone forth into the lap of Spain. with tempting lustre in the eyes of Europe. These districts were mere patches on the map of a continent which probably contained gold and silver in all its parts, and which had been designed by nature to be the friendly relations between

resided in the latter country,

remained unexplored.

treasure-house of the world.

Nine-tenths of

The

had proved the Spaniards other nations whose seamen were better

events

it

of the Franco-Spanish wars

incapable of excluding from it than their own ; and English seamen, then as now, acknowledged no superiors. Other Mexicos and Potosis doubtless awaited the first adventurer bold enough to strike the blow that should secure them.

Why

should England again neglect her opportunity.? It was not, however, exactly in this aspect that the suggestion of "America for the EngHsh" was first put forward. The writer who earned the credit of it one Richard Eden, Hakluyfs precursor, who to booklearning added a keen personal interest in sailors and sailors' tales was a clerk in Philip's "English Treasury." Possibly he owed this post to a volume published by him in the year preceding that of Philip's marriage, containing a translation of a somewhat meagre account of the New World compiled by a German geographer. The object of this volume, in his own words, was to persuade Englishmen to "make attempts in the New World to the glory of God and the commodity of oiu: country," and the sole inducement held out was America's wealth in the precious metals. Only a few years had elapsed since the produce of the mines of Potosi was first registered in the books of the Spanish King. Had Englishmen, writes Eden, been awake to their inter,ests, "that Rich

—

—

Treasury called Peeulakia (the bullion-warehouse of Seville) might long since have been in the Tower of London !" At this date Edward VI, a Protestant, with whom Spain's papal title to the New World was not likely to find recognition, was on the throne. His future marriage remained undecided; but it was anticipated that he would intermarry with a French princess, and that England and France, henceforth in strict

would continue the process of despoiling Spain, which France alone had so successfully begun. By the death of Edward and the succession of Mary the political outlook was changed. On July 19> alliance,

Frohisher seeks a N. W. passage.

1576-8]

53

1554, Philip of Spain arrived in England, and in the next week was married to Mary at Winchester. He brought with him immense quantities of gold and silver borne on the backs of a hundred horses. Eden's regretful comment was now misplaced, for the contents of " that Rich Treasury called Perularia " were actually on their way to the Tower of London On October 2 there arrived at the Tower ^"50,000 in silver, destined to form the nucleus of Philip's "English Treasury," in which Eden had obtained a clerkship. He watched the entry of the newlymarried sovereigns into the metropolis; and his former vision, in a modified shape, now floated before him as a consequence of the match. An ancient commercial alliance was now fortified by a dynastic one; Spain and England must surely henceforth deal with the New World !

as partners.

Eden now

resolved to translate the

portion of the

first

"Decades" of Peter Martyr, which contained a lively and popular account, in a series of Latin letters, written in the fashion of the day, of American history from the Discovery to the Conquest of Mexico. Other matter of a similar description filled up his volume; and in the preface he eloquently urges English sailors and merchants to quit the well-worn tracks of traditional commerce, and adventure boldly ,to the coasts of Florida and Newfoundland. Although such ideas were doubtless widely entertained, the short and the new reign of Mary afibrded no scope for realising them Anglo-Spanish connexion left in the New World but a single and South-American official, when planning a town in a fleeting trace. remote vaUey of the Argentine Andes, named it Londres, or London, This was the first place in honour of the union of Philip and Mary. Its existence was of short in America named after an English city. ;

A

; the Indians expelled the colonists, who were fain to choose another site. The only noteworthy fact during this reign bearing upon the present subject was, that a remarkable maritime project was Its aim was the discovery of disastrously proved to be impracticable. a North-eastern passage to the Far East, answering to the South-eastern passage that was now commonly made by the Portuguese roimd the Cape of Good Hope. Shortly before Edward's death Sir Hugh Willoughby Winter came suddenly on; sailed for this purpose with three vessels. Willoughby laid up his ships in a harbour of Russian Lapland, where he and the crews of two of his vessels were frozen to death; while Chancellor, the captain of the third, with difficulty reached the White This disaster Sea, landed at Archangel, and returned by Moscow. henceforth traders seamen and passage the search for stopped further turned in the opposite direction, and speculated on the discovery of

duration

;

Elizabeth had been on the throne eighteen when Frobisher, a Yorkshireraan who had constituted himself

a North-west passage. years,

the pioneer of this project, obtained the means of bringing test,

and commenced

a fruitless search,

it

to the

which lasted two centuries and

Florida unoccupied.

54

[isis-ob

half, for a passage first proved in our own generation to have a geographical existence, but to be nautically impossible. Frobisher's voyages did little towards effecting their ostensible purpose. Led astray by the

a

quest of the precious metals, he loaded his ships with immense quantities of a deceptive pyrites, which contained a small proportion of gold, but far less than enough to pay the cost of extracting it ; and the scheme, which

had degenerated

into a mere mining adventure, was quietly abandoned. Meanwhile the attention of Western Europe was still concentrated on " Florida," a term denoting all the North American continent as far northward as the Newfoundland fishery, and bestowed on it by its discoverer Ponce de Leon, who reached it on Easter Day {Pascua Florida), 1513. Eden's preface conveys the impression that the Spaniards had neglected this vast tract of the continent nothing however could be less true. The most strenuous efibrts had been made to penetrate it, in the confident expectation that it would prove as rich in treasure as Mexico itself; and Pamphilo de Narvaez, chiefly known to fame by his futile mission to arrest thfe campaign of Cortes, had landed here in 1528 with

—

;

the object of emulating that- supremely fortunate adventurer's exploits. Repulsed and forced back to the coast, he took refuge in his ships

and perished

in a storm. Five only of his three hundred men regained Mexico, where they published the exciting news that Florida was simply the richest country in the world. This statement was probably made in irony rather than in seriousness; yet it was not without foundation in fact, for the Appalachian mountains contain mines of gold and silver which are profitably worked to this day. By the conquest of Peru adventure to Florida received for the second time a powerful stimulus. Heman de Soto, a lieutenant of Pizarro, who had been appointed Governor of Cuba, undertook to annex it to the Spanish dominions His ill-fated expedition, commenced in the next year, forms a (1538). well-known episode in American history. During four years De Soto

persevered in a series of zigzag marches through a sparsely peopled country, containing no pueblos larger than the average village of hunting tribes, and showing no trace whatever of either gold or silver. In descending the Mississippi he sickened and died; the miserable

remnant of

his troops sailed from its mouth to the Panuco river in Mexico, bringing back tidings of a failure more disheartening, because the result of a more protracted effort, than that of Narvaez. In 1549 some friars of the Dominican order, elsewhere so successful in dealing with the American aborigines, landed in Florida, only to be at once set upon and massacred. By this time the Indians knew the general character and aims of the new-comers who styled themselves "Christians," and dealt with them accordingly. Outside Spain it was generally thought that Providence had prescribed limits to Spanish conquest, and reserved the Northern continent for some other European people obviously either the French or the English.

1558-65]

French and English

in Florida.

55

Hence, when in 1558 a Protestant princess succeeded to the English throne, she found the policy which she was expected to pursue in this direction defined for her in public opinion. Here was Florida, the "richest country in the world," still without any owner, or even any pretender to its ownership, though sixty years had passed since Colombo discovered the continent of which it formed a large and prominent part.

A

whole generation had passed away since the heroic period of SpanishAmerican history the conquest of Mexico and Peru and that period had evidently closed. Clearly Providence forbade Spain to cherish the hope of succeeding in any further attempt to subjugate Florida. France, though ambitious as ever, was hopelessly entangled in civil broils. Everyone expected Elizabeth, who was in truth no bigot, to found colonies in this vast and fertile tract, so near to England and so easily reached from it where, perhaps, her Catholic and her Protestant subjects might settle in peace, each group respectively occupying some large and well-defined district of its own. The name itself, bandied about for half a century, had by this time become a household word which was not without humorous suggestions. Satirists travestied it as "Stolida," or land of simpletons, and "Sordida," or land of muckworms ; pirates, arrested on suspicion and examined, mockingly avowed themselves bound for Florida. In France experiences of a certain

—

;

;

kind

—unedifying —were

word

transactions of gallantry in

called "adventures

of Florida."

the base sense of the

The world was

eagerly

expecting the impending revelation, which should disclose the future fate of the temperate regions of North America. To the pretensions of France the fortune of events soon gave a negative answer. Nothing daunted by the failm-e of Ribault's party, Coligny in 1565 despatched Rene Laudonniere, a captain who had served under Ribault, to make a second effort. Laudonniere chose as the site of his settlement the mouth of the river called by Ribault the River of May (St John's River), from its discovery by him on the first day of that month in 1562; and here he arrived in the midsummer of 1564, with a strong and well-armed party, built a fort, and began exploring the country. Most of the intending settlers had been pirates, whom, in the close proximity of St Domingo and Jamaica, it was impossible to keep from resuming their old trade; others joined an Indian chief, and followed him to war with a neighbouring tribe in hope of plunder. The stores of Fort Caroline were soon exhausted; and, but for the timely relief obtained from John Hawkins, who passed the Florida coast on his homeward way, the emigrants must have starved, or have returned to Europe, or have been dispersed among the wild aborigines.

In the next year (1565) the Spaniards destroyed what was in effect a mere den of pirates, and built the fort of St Augustine to protect their own settlements and commerce, as well as the still unspoiled treasures of Appalachia, and to prevent the heretics of France from

New

56

ideas from the

New

World.

[_i5ie

gainmg a footing on American soil; and in a few years (1572) the massacre of St Bartholomew put an end to the Huguenot designs on Florida.

At this point, where France retires for a time from the stage, leaving England to enter upon it and open the drama of Anglo-American history, we drop the thread of events to resume oiu" survey of the effect produced by the discovery and unveiling of the New World on European The complete revolution in geography, ideas and intellectual habits. which now suddenly revealed to man his gross ignorance in the most elementary field of knowledge the earth beneath his feet ^had a wider effect. It shook the existing system of the sciences, though it had not as yet the effect of shattering it, much less of replacing it by something more nearly in accordance with the truth of things. It produced in many over and above the suspicion already long harboured in logical minds, that neither the accepted doctrine and practice of the Catholic Church nor any modification of it likely to meet with acceptance in

—

—

—

could possibly represent the true construction of God's wiU that sense of general intellectual insecurity which

its place,

revealed in Scripture is

best

named

—

"scepticism."

became the leading motive

in

Charron's future motto, "Que sais-je .f," intellectual conduct. It is impossible

to attempt here to trace this movement in its entirety ; we can but select three writers, belonging to three successive generations, and aU

prominent among their contemporaries as pioneers of new paths of thought, and all of whom avowedly derived much of their inspiration from the events briefly noticed above. All three were laymen ; a fact not in itself devoid of significance. The writings of ecclesiastics during this period, even in the case of distinguished humanists such as Bembo or Erasmus, show scarcely a trace of the same influence. The control of thought was passing away from the Church. All three, too, were lawyers, and two of them were Lord Chancellors of England. Sir

Thomas More, bom

ten years before the voyage of Colombo, wrote and published his Utopia in 1516, soon after the Pacific had been first descried from a mountain in Darien, and while the Spaniards in the Antilles were gathering the information which led to the conquest of Mexico and Peru, both as yet unknown. This admirable classic of the Renaissance, too keen in its satire and too refined in its feeling to have any practical effect commensurate with the acceptance which it instantly won among cultivated and thoughtful contemporaries, was avowedly suggested by the discovery and settlement of the new Western World. What possibilities of discovery, not merely in the realm of geography, but in that of social organisation, morals, and politics, were laid open by this amazing revelation of a strange world of oceans, islands and continents, covering one-third of the sphere The extent of America to the westward, with all that lay beyond, was as yet unknown and More was not exceeding the hmits of those possibilities !

;

New

1516]

social possibilities suggested.

67

when he described a

traveller, who had accompanied Vespucci in his remaining in South America with a few companions and making their way westwards home by shore and sea, thus anticipating the circumnavigation of the globe which a few more years were to see achieved. The traveller's name is Hythlodaeus, or Expert in Nonsense; and none among the countries visited by him so strongly arrests his attention as the island of Utopia, or Nowhere, where the traditional absurdities dominant in the Old World are unknown,

last voyage,

as

and society is constituted on a humane and reasonable basis. Utopia is an aristocratic republic, in which the officers of government, elected annually, are presided over by a chief magistrate elected for life. Everyone is engaged in agriculture, and drones are banished from the an accepted principle that every man has a natural right to is necessary for his subsistence, and may lawfully dispossess of his land any possessor who leaves it untilled. Even the generous imagination of More did not rise to the conception of a state of society in which slavery was unknown and the labouring population of Utopia are still slaves. Not that they are held as private property, for private property is unknown. Whatever is valuable is held as it were on lease from the commimity, on condition of making such use of it as hive; so

it is

much

of the earth as

:

The family

is patriarchally governed; used as ornaments, but are not ; only applied to the basest purposes, and precious stones serve only to adorn children. The energies of the Utopians, released from the empty employments of Old World life, are concentrated on the development of learning and science. Many of them worship the heavenly bodies and the distinguished dead, but the majority are theists. Their priests are chosen by popular election they have few and excellent laws, but no professional lawyers; they detest war, but are well armed, and fight intrepidly when necessary, though by preference they employ a neighThe temples of the bouring nation of herdsmen as mercenaries. Utopians are private buildings, and there is no worship of images. No living thing is offered in sacrifice, though incense is burned, and

shall enure for the public benefit.

there

is

no coinage

gold and

silver are

:

candles are lighted during the service of God, and vocal and instrumental music is practised in connexion with it. But in aU religious There is indeed a limited excepmatters there is absolute toleration. tion in favour of the immortality of the soul, and a future state of rewards and punishments, belief in both of which is thought to be Yet even those who reject these doctrines essential to good citizenship. are tolerated, on the principle that a man cannot make himself believe that which he might desire to believe, but which his reason compels him

wax

to reject: these, however, are regarded as base and sordid natures, and excluded from public offices and honours. The attitude of the Utopians towards Christianity, of which they hear for the first time from Hythlodaeus, is described as favourable: what chiefly disposes them to receive it

68

Montaigne and

the

New

\\bGo-m

World.

original doctrine of community of goods. Before the strangers quit Utopia, many of the inhabitants have embraced Christianity and received baptism. The question of the Christian priesthood presents a difficulty. All the European travellers are laymen; how then can the Utopian They settle Christians obtain the services of duly qualified pastors Applying the established principle of this question for themselves. popular election, they hold that one so chosen could effectually do all things pertaining to the priestly office, notwithstanding the lack of Although Chrisauthority derived through the successors of St Peter. tianity is thus permitted and even encouraged, its professors are forbidden to be unduly zealous for its propagation; a Christian convert who condemns other religions as profane, and declares, their adherents doomed to everlasting punishment, is found guilty of sedition and The Utopia, it will be seen, is no mere academic imitation of banished. Specifically, the New World has little to do with its Plato's Republic. details. It was the mere possibilities suggested by the New World which occasioned this remarkable picture of a state of society diametriMore's romance cally opposed to the aspect of contemporary Europe. lost its hold on public attention, as soon as headstrong enthusiasts on the Continent endeavoured to realise some of its fundamental principles; but at a later date, through the founders of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, it had some ultimate effect on, as it took its motive from, the New World which was beginning to stir European minds to their depths at the time when it was written. From More we turn to a writer of a later generation, remarkable for the freedom and independence of his mental attitude towards contemporary ideas and institutions, and who avows in more than one place that the New World profoundly modified his habits of thought. No close reader of Montaigne will dispute that the contemplation of the New World, in connexion with the events which happened after its discovery, greatly contributed to give him that large grasp of things, that mental habit of charity and comprehensiveness, something of which passed from is its

.''

him to Bacon and to Shakspere, both

diligent students of his writings.

Michel de Montaigne, a French advocate and country gentleman, who may be called the Plato of modem philosophical literature, was born in 1533, when Pizarro was overrunning Peru. During his life the New World was growing ever larger in the eyes of mankind ; and as it drew him to itself, by a species of intellectual gravitation, it detached him from the standing-ground of his time, and raised him in a corresponding degree far above it. The facts of aboriginal American history and ethnology, narrated by the Conquistadores and by other travellers, sank deeply into his mind ; and his knowledge of the New World was not mere book-learning. As a counsellor of Bordeaux, he often came in contact with merchants and seamen who were familiar with America; but his chief source of information was a man in his own service, who

Montaigne and

1560-80]

the

New

World.

69

whom he describes as a plain Ignorant fellow, but from whom he seems never to have been weary of learning at first hand. Before Colombo's voyage the savage or "brute man " had been as little known in Europe, and was in fact as much of a myth, a^ the unicorn or griffin. When Montaigne wrote, he had had. lived ten or twelve years in Brazil,

become and the

as well

known

spectacle of a

as the

new

Moor, the Berber, or the Guinea negro,

transatlantic continent, scarcely less extensive

than the aggregate of those Old World countries of which Europe possessed any definite knowledge, and peopled by men scarcely above the state of nature, seized the French philosopher with a strange fascination. By its contrast with European life it suggested some startling reflections. What if civilisation, after all, were a morbid and unnatural growth.? What if the condition of man in America were that for which the Creator designed him ? What if those omnipotent powers, law and custom, as at present constituted, were impudent usurpers, destined one day to decline under the influence of right reason, and to give place, if not to the original rule of beneficerit Nature, at least to something essentially very different from the systems which now passed under their names ? Montaigne puts these questions very pointedly. In the TupiGuarani of Brazil, as described by one who had known them long and intimately, he recognised nothing of the character associated with the words " barbarous " and " savage." They were rather a people permanently enjoying the fabled Golden Age of ancient poetry; strangers to the toils, diseases, social inequalities, vices, and trickeries which chiefly made up civilised life ; dwelling together in vast common houses, though the institutions of the family were strictly preserved, and enjoying with little or no labour, and no fears for the future, all the reasonable commodities and advantages of human life, while knowing nothing of its. superfluities refined in their taste for poetry, specimens of which were recited to him by his domestic informant, and which appeared to him Anacreontic in their grace and beauty and employed chiefly in the ;

:

human

race, even in the highest This they carried, perhaps, a stage too far. They hunted their neighbouring tribesman for his flesh, and, like others among the more advanced American peoples, were cannibals a name which Montaigne used as the title of the laudatory tractate here quoted. What of that.? Civilised man, says the philosopher, who practically enforces servitude on nine-tenths of the human race, consumes the flesh and blood of his fellow-man alive. Is it not worse to eat one's feUow-man alive, than to eat him dead ? These Americans torture their worse tortures are inflicted in civilized Europe, in prisoners, it is true We Europeans regard these the sacred names of justice and religion. our fellow-men with contempt and aversion. Are we, in the sight of God, much better than they ? Have we done, are we doing, by our fellowman at home, according to the light which is, or should be, within us?

chase, the universal pleasure of the state of refinement.

—

;

European

60

life

Montaigne was perhaps only half themselves more or

less

in America.

serious.

[1500-80

Yet such views commended

to perfectly serious thinkers in other European

; and they accorded with a feeling, which had long been gaining ground, of revolt against the hollow pageantry, the rigid social and political forms, the grasping at an empty show of power and dignity, which marked medieval life, and of expectation advancing towards more of simplicity, sincerity, and accordance with truth and nature. These views affected men's religious conceptions, and had something to do with the Protestant and Puritan views of religious duty and theory. They were more amply represented in the Quakerism of a later age ; and while they originated in the Old World, they had their freest and fullest development, as will appear later on in this History, in the New. Held in check in Europe, where power tenaciously clung to the machinery of feudalism, they fermented in, and began to permeate, social strata on which that machinery rested with crushing weight, and produced those revolutionary and socialistic doctrines which have so largely affected modem European society, but have found less favour in America. The emigrant in the New World was conscious of breathing different air. In this spacious continent much seemed trifling, and even ridiculous, which had commanded his respect, and even devotion, at home. Much of the burden of the Past seemed to fall from his shoulders. Industry ensured subsistencej eVen to the poorest security of subsistence led by an easy transition to competence, and often to affluence. In aU these stages a general sense of independence was fostered, felt in different degrees in different parts, but common, to some extent, to the Spanish landowner among his Indian serfs, the sugar-planter among his slaves, the missionary among the converts he was reclaiming from savagery, and the peasant wrestling with the forest and turning it into an expanse of fertile fields. The political tie which boimd the emigrant to the

countries

:

European power commanding his allegiance was scarcely felt. The merchant made large profits capital earned high interest. There was everywhere a large measure of freedom in local government. Even in Spanish America the European distinction between the noble and the plebeian was never introduced, nor could the Courts of justice exercise jurisdiction of hidalgma. Such a condition of things necessarily had its reaction on the mother countries and Europe almost from the first felt that reaction, in however slight a degree. In one respect the medieval constitution of Europe received from the New World, in the period immediately subsequent to the Discovery, a decided accession of strength. The conquest and settlement of Spanish and Portuguese America opened an immense field of operations to the Catholic Church; and this field was forthwith entered upon with extraordinary vigour and success. During the sixteenth century Rome was gaining in the New World more than she was losing in the Old. In Mexico, in Peru, and in New Granada foundations already existed :

:

— 1500-80]

The

Catholic Church in America.

61

from which the missionary had but to sweep away an effete superstructure to erect a loftier and more durable one. T^e aborigines were deeply imbued with religious ideas, and trained from childhood to regular habits of worship and ritual the houses of the gods, numerous and often magnificent, were held in deep veneration, and endowed with extensive estates the superiority of the great "Dios " of the Spaniards a title understood by the Indians to be the proper name of a deity to whose worship the people of Europe were especially devoted had been abundantly manifested in the military successes of his votaries; conversion was insisted on by the conquerors and as the images of the old deities were destroyed, their shrines defaced, and their rites forbidden, compliance was dictated by the very spirit of aboriginal paganism. In Mexico, where the ancient rites demanded human sacrifices in vast numbers, and in a cruel and repulsive form, their abolition was efiected with comparative ease. In Peru, where human sacrifice was chiefly limited to infant victims, who were simply strangled and buried, the Indians were more firmly attached to their old religion and a serious obstacle to its abandonment lay in their devotion to the practice of ancestor-worship. Long after the mass of them had accepted the doctrine and practice of Christianity, they secretly offered sacrifice to the desiccated bodies of the dead; and a rigorous and prolonged inquisition had to be organised and carried into effect before the idolatry of Peru was extirpated. Meanwhile the settlement of the Church proceeded on the general lines recognised in Europe but in America, as in the Spanish districts conquered from the Moors, the Holy See forbore some of its prescriptive rights in favom- of the Crown. Notwithstanding the ordinances of the Lateran Council, Alexander VI in 1501 granted to the Crown all tithes and firstfruits in the Indies. The consideration for this " temporalisation " of property which of right belonged to the Church was the conquest of territory from infidels, and The right of patronage in all sees and their conversion to Christianity. benefices was also vested by the Pope in the Spanish sovereigns, as fuUy as had already been done in the case of the Kingdom of Granada, subject only to the condition that it should remain in the Crown inalienably. The Crown was further appointed the Pope's legate in America. The but even this limits of dioceses were at first laid down by the Popes right, together with the power of dividing and consohdating them, was granted to the Crown, and no American Bishop could return to Europe without the Viceroy's licence. The Church in America held its own Councils, under the direction of the metropolitans of Mexico and Lima; and no appeal in ecclesiastical matters was carried to Rome. The Crown obtained the income of vacant sees, a part of which was These assigned to the defence of the coasts against heretic pirates. concessions were amply justified by the immense revenue which poured into Rome from Spanish America in the form of donations, of proceeds ;

;

—

;

;

;

;

;

Religious Orders in America.

62 of bulls for the dispensations.

[isoo-so

Holy Crusade, and of the sale of indulgences and the Holy See bestowed with one hand it received

What

back, in larger measure, with the other. Outside the limits of settled life the work of evangelisation was vigorously pursued by Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian friars,

who from

the

New World

in all its parts but the by the newly-founded Company of the exigencies which led to its establishment may

first

flocked to the

;

chief share in this labour was borne

Among

Jesus.

certainly be reckoned the need of adequately grappling with the task of

preaching Christianity in America, as well as in India and the Far East and the numerous "Reductions" in the savage districts of North and South America abundantly testify to the devotion and energy of the At first the regular clergy greatly outnumbered the Jesuit Fathers. secular. In many cases they received, by dispensation, valuable benefices; and being in all respects better educated and trained than the secular The surplus clergy, they more easily acquired the American languages.

incomes of these regularised benefices were remitted to the superiors of their incumbents in Europe, and were ultimately applied to the foundation of houses of the several Orders in the New World. The Franciscan, Augustinian chief centres of

European

monument

their

of

and Jesuit

zeal

in

Peru were in effect the and the Jesuits have left a durable

colleges in

civilisation;

the Republic of

Paraguay.

To

those

members of these Orders who engaged in missionary work the ethnoBut for their labours the logist and historian are greatly indebted. deeply interesting history and folk-lore of Mexico and Peru would have been inadequately preserved, and the languages of many tribes outside the pale of settled life must have perished. Together with the fine churches attached to the mission settlements, the cathedral and parish churches of Spanish America, often built on the sites of ancient temples, form an vmique series of historical monuments. Entirely built by native labour, and largely by volxmtary contributions from native sources, they were to a great extent served by pastors of Indian or partly Indian descent a class whom it was the policy of Spain to foster, and through which her control of her vast American dominions was in some measure

—

maintained.

was the effect of the New World in the realm of learning and Here, on the whole, the New World, at least in the first eighty years of its history, figures rather as a consequence than a cause. At Montaigne's death Francis Bacon, designing to reconstruct the system of the sciences, was meditating and elaborating the great series of books and tractates in which his views were given to the world ; and in many of his writings it is clear that America with its physical features,

What

science.?

plants and animals, and its aboriginal race, was largely the subject of his meditation, and that the vast array of facts associated with it enlarged and modified his opinions and forecasts. To some extent Bacon its

Bacon

1580-1600]

studies the

New

World.

63

was the scholar of Montaigne, whose conception of America as the middle one of three island-continents which once lay westward of the Old World the vanished Atlantis which gave its name to the Atlantic, the new-found America beyond it, and a third, still undiscovered, but probably soon to be revealed in the unknown expanses of the Pacific, and called by Bacon " New Atlantis," as bearing the same geographical relation to the New World which the earlier Atlantis had borne to the Old underlies his noble philosophical romance bearing that name as Bacon's habit of thought and study had induced in him its title. a broader and profounder conception of the New World than that presented in the pages of his French predecessor. The phenomena of society, which chiefly attracted Montaigne, had for him only a secondary Thirsting to know the Caxises of Things, he aspired to cominterest. prehend nature in her entirety, to penetrate her secret, and to interpret her message: and the New World lent him opportune and unexpected help. The configuration of sea and land surfaces, the mountains, the tides and winds, the animals and plants of the New World, opened for the first time an enormous field of physical enquiry. The New World, for example, threw new light on the distribution of terrestrial and maritime areas. Like the continents of the Old World (Europe and Asia for the purpose of this comparison counting as one) both North and South America broadened out towards the north and tapered towards the south, the alternative principle of termination by variously shaped peninsulas being found here also to recur. What, Bacon asked, was the shape of that supposed continent lying south of the Strait of Magalhaes, and commonly called Terra Australis.? The conflicting or

—

—

according phenomena of the tides in diiFerent places; the water-spouts; the refrigeration of the air by icebergs on the Canadian coast ; the balmy breezes blowing to seaward from Florida ; the trade- winds, which had lent Europe wings to carry her across the Atlantic: the constant westerly or anti-trade winds blowing towards the Portuguese shore, from which, it was sometimes said, Colombo had inferred the existence of a western continent generating them ; the comparatively cold climate of North America, the frozen expanse of Labrador being in the latitude of Britain, and the contradictory phenomena of the Peruvian coast, which lay almost under the Equator, while its ocean breezes, blowing hardest at the full moons, were said to produce a climate like that of Southern Europe the strange inequalities of temperature experienced in different parts of the Peruvian Cordilleras; the alleged phenomenon that the peaks of the Andes remain destitute of snow, while it thickly covers ;

their lower elevations, with the effects produced on man by their attenuated air, not so much cold as keen, piercing the eyes and purging the

stomach;

—such

enquiries as these, never previously formulated,

make

Bacon the founder of modem physical geography. American man, in his physical and ethnological aspect, strongly attracted Bacon's attention.

— Bacon on

64

New

the

World.

lx5bu-idva/

Was

the extraordinary longevity of the Brazilian and Virginian tribes, retained manly vigour at the age of 120 years, connected with What was the cause of a similar their practice of painting the skin?

who

phenomenon in Peru? Was it true, as some alleged, that the fearful "morbus gallicus," then for the first time raging in Europe, and supposed, though erroneously, to have been imported from America, had

What was the on American man of maize, as his staple diet ? In America, where The flint was scarce, fire was universally kindled by the wooden drill. American Prometheus, then, in Bacon's words, "had no intelligence with the European,'" and the arts of life must have originated independently in the New World; an inference somewhat boldly made from a single pair of facts, but which accorded, though Bacon knew it not, with the traditions of Mexico and Peru, and is amply confirmed, its

origin in the loathsome practice of cannibalism?

effect

—

in our

own well-informed

age,

by everything known

which the materials scarcely

made

before his time.

existed,

By an

as to the general

of judgment for and which had certainly never been

progress of the American aborigines.

effort

Bacon mentally arrayed against each other the

polished nations of Europe and the barbarous or savage ones of America,

and asked himself the reason of the

contrast.

Was

it

to be sought in

man ?

These suggeshe answered negatively the difference, he concluded, lay solely in the fact that the American peoples, for some as yet unknown reason, had made less progress in the arts of life. We know the reason to be Nature's parsimony in furnishing the western continent with animals capable of labour and amenable to domestication. Here another question presented itself to this prince among thinkers. the

soil,

in the sky, in the physical constitution of

tions

;

Was

the project of planting the civilisation of Europe among the American savages a project widely entertained in Western Europe a feasible one? Bacon answered this also in the negative. Nor is it doubtful that, having regard to the contemporary idea of "planting,'" Bacon was right. The idea of teaching the Indians " to live virtuously, and know of men the manner, and also to know God their Maker," was not yet obsolete; and the Spaniards, according to their lights, were vigorously prosecuting the task in Mexico and elsewhere. It has been reserved for a later age, in most respects more advanced, to acquiesce in a system of colonisation which dispossesses the aboriginal owners of the soil, and deals with them as with vermin to be hunted down, or stamped out, or deported to holes and corners of the land, to dwindle and die out under the effect of poverty, chagrin, and vices introduced by their civilised conquerors. From the Discovery to the time when European nations adopted a commercial policy and a commercial morality ^from Colombo to Penn those of the natives who submitted to Em-opean rule were regarded as men to be civilised and christianised, and ultimately to be blended in one race with their

—

—

—

158O-1600]

The

New World

and

the

New

Philosophy.

65

European brethren. Bacon discountenanced this view so far as concerned the savages of "Florida" or North Eastern America, and the foundation of English colonies there on a corresponding footing. He bade Englishmen throw aside ideas which to his thinking savoured less of reality than of antiquated romances like Amadis de Gaul, and take up Caesar's Commentarws. If Englishmen must perforce colonise, he pointed out to them as the proper field of colonial enterprise, the adjacent island of Ireland, whose aboriginal people were sunk in a barbarism more shameful than American savagery, because of their immediate proximity to, and close relations with, one of the most civilised nations on the globe. These instances by no means represent the full influence exercised by New World on the most powerful mind of modem times, and through him on ages which have realised his ideas without adding anything to their transcendent scope and penetration. There can be little doubt that Bacon's whole scheme for the reconstitution of knowledge on p broader basis and firmer foundation, in accordance with the truth of things and without regard to the routine of scholastic tradition, and with such fulness that, in his own words, the " crystalline globe " of the

the understanding should faithfully reflect all that the " material globe," or external world, offers to his apprehension, was suggested to him by the facts briefly sketched in the foregoing pages. Truth, he wrote, was not the daughter of Authority, but of Time. America was certainly " the greatest birth of time " ; Bacon applied these words to the philosophic system of which he was the founder. The discovery of America gave the human intellect what is known to mechanics as a " dead lift."

a secidar illusion ; it destroyed the old blind reverence for which Spenser might well have depicted as a sightless monster, stifling mankind in its serpentine embraces. Truth, to borrow from MUton an allegory worthy of Bacon, had been hewn, like the Philosophy, like Isis, the body of Osiris, into a thousand pieces. disconsolate spouse, wandered over the earth in quest of them: and the time would come when they should be "gathered limb to limb, and moulded into an immortal feature of loveliness and perfection." What " grounds of hope," to use Bacon's phrase, for that glorious reunion or he gathered rather, what certain auguries of its ultimate attainment from the New Cosmography, his writings abundantly testify. His own vast survey of knowledge, attained or that ought to be attained, he modestly described as a coasting voyage or periegesis of the "New Intellectual World." He loved to compare his own conjectures and anticipations of the boundless results which he knew his method destined to achieve in the hands of posterity with the faint indications which had inspired Colombo to attempt that " mirabilis navigatio," that daring six weeks' voyage westward across the Atlantic. Feebly, indeed, and through the darkness of night, he says, blew the breeze of hope from the shores It dispelled

antiquity,

—

—

;

66

The

New World and

the

New

Philosophy,

[isso-ieoo

New

Continent of knowledge and power towards him, as from his lonely elevation he eagerly watched for those cheering signals which he knew would sooner or later greet the patient eye of expectant philosophy, though he himself might not be destined to behold them. Those signals, he wrote, must one day come, unless his own faith in the future should prove vain, and men were content to remain intellectual abjects. Humanity had waited long ages for the accomplishment of Seneca's prophecy a prophecy which was in every mouth at the Discovery, and of which Bacon, like all his contemporaries, hailed the Discovery as the of the

—

destined fulfilment Venient azmis saecula sens Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus, Tiphysque novos detegat orbes, Nee sit terris ultima Thule.

Possibly he

had pondered over a less-known passage

of the same author,

who

in the prose writings

predicts that the time shall

come when know-

ledge shall be vastly increased, and men shall look back with amazement at the ignorance of the Greeks and Romans. There was confirmation for such hopes in Holy Scripture. The anticipation of the Chaldean

that in the latest times "many should run to and fro, and knowledge be increased " he interpreted as foreshadowing the opening of five-sixths of the globe, hitherto closed, to man's travel, study, and Into the future of history in the reinvigorated powers of reasoning. narrow sense of the word. Bacon ventm-ed only by one memorable forecast, since abundantly verified, and more abundantly by momentous seer

events

of quite recent occurrence.

He

prophesied

that

the great

and the West, both at the time ready to slip from the feeble grasp of Spain, must alike fall to those who commanded the ocean to that Anglo-Saxon race of which he will remain to all time one of the most illustrious representatives. inheritances of the East

—

CHAPTER

HI.

THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST. In the middle of the fourteenth century two powers which had unexpected prominence were closing in upon Constantinople from the west and from the east. But in the race for the stronghold on the Bosphorus the competitor which might have seemed to have the best chances of winning, suddenly fell out. With the death of Stephen Dusan (1356) the iU-consolidated empire of Servia collapsed: his successors were ciphers; whereas (^^an, the Sultan of the Ottomans, handed down a well -disciplined State, built on strong foundations, to a line of eminent princes. Under him the Ottoman Turks won (1358) their first foothold on European soil by the occupation of the fortress of Gallipoli, somewhat less than .a century before Mohammad II captured Constantinople. It was not long before Orchan's son Murad I had crept round and conquered the eastern half of the Balkan peninsula, cutting off Constantinople from Christian Europe. For the first time, since the days of Darius and Xerxes, Thrace passed under the sway of an Asiatic power, often as the hosts of Sassanid kings and Saracen recently sprung into

—

—

straits. If the conquest had resembled in character the old Persian conquest, if the inhabitants had been required only to pay tribute to a distant ruler and receive his garrisons in their cities, the lot of these lands would have been light. But they were taken into fuU possession by their new lords; and oriental nomads of an alien and intolerant religion were planted as the dominant The circumstance that the race amid the Christian population. Ottomans were nomads (they were a clan of the Turkish tribe of Oghuz) In the gives their empire its significance in the history of mankind. perpetual struggle between the herdsmen and the tillers of the soil which

caliphs

had lined the shores of the dividing

has been waged from remote ages on the continents of Europe and Asia, the advance of the Ottomans was a decisive victory for the children of the steppes. This feature of their conquest is of no less fundamental importance than its aspect as a victory for Islam. How the Ottomans were caught in the tide of the Mongol invasion and their power almost ruined ; how they recovered under the prudent

6—2

Mohammad's

68

aims.

Genoa.

[i453

guidance of Mohammad I ; how the wave of conquest once more rolled on under Murad II, until a seal was set upon their European empire by the captvu-e of Constantinople, all this has been told by Gibbon. The story is here taken up in 1453. For a moment it was not clear whether the new lord of Constantinople would be content with a suzerainty over the neighbouring lands wWch had once been provinces of the Roman empire, or would reduce them to the condition of provinces of the Ottoman realm. The princes of the Peloponnese, the despot of Servia, the lords of some of the island Mohammad States of the Aegean, forthwith offered their submission. soon showed that he would not acquiesce in a system of vassal states paying him tribute as overlord, but aimed at compassing the complete typical oriental and immediate subjection of the Balkan peninsula. conqueror, he was driven on by the true instinct that it would be fatal to stand still or abandon aggression; he believed that it was the destiny of his people to spread the religion of the Prophet over the whole earth, and the task of his life was to further the accomplishment of this end. His next successors worked with varying vigour in the same direction, But it was and the Ottomans throve so long as they conquered. constant success in war that quickened and strengthened the frame of their State ; and the hour in which limits were set to territorial advance marks the beginning of a rapid decline. The natm-e of their institu-

—

A

tions, as

we

shall see,

Mohammad

demanded war.

turned his arms against Servia. This step was determined by Servia's geographical position, lying on the road to Hungary. For Mohammad saw that Hungary was the only country, John Hunyady the only leader, that he had seriously to fear. The two western powers which had the greatest interests at stake in the east and were most gravely affected by the change of masters at Constantinople, were Venice and Genoa. The Genoese were accustomed to dealings with the Ottomans; they were the first Christian power west of the Adriatic that had made a treaty with them, and they had not scrupled to use the alliance of the infidels against their fellow-Christians. The Genoese colony of Galata sent the keys of their walled town to Mohammad on the fall of the City, and the Sultan though he slighted their walls granted them a favourable capitulation securing their liberties and commercial rights. But Genoa was feeble and indifferent; and, feeling herself unequal to new efforts, she transferred, before the fatal year was over, her Pontic settlements to the Genoese Bank of St George, into whose hands the administration of Corsica passed about the same time. But the financial resources of the Bank did not suffice for the task of supporting these colonies, and Genoese trade declined. Venice, on the other hand, was not indifferent; and her first thought was, not to recover the bulwark of Christendom from the hands of the Muslim, but to preserve her own commercial privileges under the rule of the infidel sovereign. She sent first

1454-6]

Himgarian War ;

siege

of Belgrade.

69

an envoy to

Mohammad ; and a treaty, which formed the basis of all subsequent negociations, was presently concluded. By it she secured freedom of trade for her merchants and the privilege of protecting Venetian settlers on Turkish soil by means of her own officers. Hungary, then, was the only power that Mohammad, secure on the had immediately to fear. In the first month of 1454 the young and worthless King Ladislaus had assembled a diet at Buda and carried extraordinary measures for organising an army against the Turks. John Hunyady, appointed commander-in-chief, had a host ready to take the field in spring, when George Brankovid, the despot of Servia, arrived, suppliant for help, with the news that the Turk was advancing against his kingdom. Hunyady crossed the Danube and side of Venice,

raided Turkish territory, while

Mohammad

beleaguered the Servian He took Ostroviza, but Semendra a stronghold of capital strategic importance for operations against Servia, Hungary, and WaUachia was saved by the arrival of the Magyar general, and Mohammad retreated. large detachment of the retreating army encountered Hunyady near Krusovac. No regular battle was fought; a panic seized the Turks and they were routed with slaughter. Hunyady completed his campaign by descending the Danube and reducing the Ottoman fortress of Widdin to ashes. In the following year (1455) Mohammad ^who claimed Servia through his step-mother, a Servian Princess won a foothold in the south of the country by the capture of Novoberdo, with its important gold and silver mines; and he spent the next winter in making large and elaborate preparations for besieging Belgrade by land and water. The siege lasted three weeks in July, 1456, and hardly has a more brilliant

fortresses of Ostroviza

—

and Semendra (Smederevo).

—

A

—

—

been achieved in the course of the struggles between Europe and the Ottoman Turks than the relief of Belgrade by John Hunyady and his Magyar army. It was the second time that he saved this bulwark at the gates of Hungary. Pope Calixtus III had sent an able legate, Juan de

feat

round the general in the holy cause; but it a Minorite brother, John of Capistrano, who shares with Hunyady the The eloquence of this preacher, inspired with glory of the triumph. Carvajal, to rally the people

is

move men's hearts to some faint semblance of that crusading fervour which had once strung Europe to madness. The greater part of the host which was collected was a tattered undisciplined rabble; but infinite patience and energy overcame With a few vessels Hunyady broke through the chain of all difficulties. barques by which Mohammad had barred the Save, and entered the Though the defenders were far inferior in number and besieged city. equipment, yet by valour and cunning they defeated all the effiDrts of the zeal against the misbeliever, could still

last forced the whole army to retreat in confusion, and with tremendous losses, amounting to more than 50,000 killed and wounded, 300 guns, and 27 war-boats. In the first hour of delight the

enemy and at

Conquest of Servia.

70

L^^^''"'*

the importance of their achievement; they fancied

victors overrated

Turk was almost crushed and that but httle was wanting to drive him from Europe. It could be done, wrote Hunyady in a letter to the Pope, "if Christendom were to rise up against him." But there that the

and in a few days Christendom lost her himself (August, 1456). Hungary, crippled by domestic feuds, without a leader in whom men trusted, receiving no support from Germany in consequence of the hatred between King was no chance of such a

ablest champion,

rising,

Hunyady

Ladislaus and the Emperor, could not follow up her victory. Presently Ladislaus died and Hunyady's son, Matthias Corvinus, a lad of sixteen years, came to the throne (January, 1458).

Mohammad was taking measures for the subjection of was helped by its domestic circumstances. After a struggle for the succession to the crown, the government devolved upon a woman, Helena, the widow of the despot George's youngest son ; and she took the strange impolitic step of placing the country under the protection and Meanwhile

Servia.

He

who had vowed his energies to the abolition of the Turk. But this act alienated the boyars, who liked the interference of the Catholic no better, or even less, than the rule of the infidel. In 1457 overlordship of Pope Calixtus,

Mahmud Servia; in

Pasha (Beglerbeg, or Governor, of B-umelia) had overcome all 1458 Mohammad came himself, captured Semendra by treachery,

and received the voluntary submission of many of the boyars. It is said that 200,000 inhabitants were carried from the land, whether to be trained for military service, or to be settled in other parts of the empire. On the death of Hunyady only a single great warrior was left to fight for the cause of Christendom "standing almost alone, like a strong wall,"

—

—

was as much as his strength could compass to defend his own land. This was George Castriotes, the Albanian, whom we are accustomed to designate as Scanderbeg, a name which always reminds us that he had been brought up in the faith of Islam and held high office under Murad II, before he returned to his own religion and his own people. Beneath the supremacy of his masterful and daring spirit, the Albanian folk, which in the regions of northern Epirus preserved the old Illyrian language, was raised into transient greatness. For a brief space, an united Albanian nation lifted up its voice amid the roar of the world's tide, and admiring Europe applauded. In the warfare on the Illyrian hillsides, Scanderbeg was almost invariably successful; and a defeat which he suffered at the Albanese fortress of Belgrade, through an indiscreet concession (1456), was avenged in the following year by a great said

Pope Calixtus

;

^but it

—

victory over

Mohammad's

able general Hamsa, who was himself taken was glad to make a truce for a year, and Scanderbeg was persuaded to cross over, a second "Alexander" of Epirus, to Apulia, to help the Spaniard Ferdinand of Naples to drive out the French (1461). On the Albanian chiefs return, new discomprisoner,

Mohammad

fitures forced

Mohammad,

intent on

more pressing

enterprises, to seek a

1456-67]

Wars

with Albania; Scanderbeg.

71

permanent peace

and the Sultan acknowledged Scanderbeg as the ; absolute sovereign of Albania (April, 14-63). But the peace was broken before the year was out. It was the Albanian who violated the contract, under the importunate pressure of the Pope and the Venetian Republic. He reopened hostilities by a raid into Macedonia ; and in 1464 he won a crushing victory over a Turkish

army under Balaban (an Albanian

renegade). His successes decided to take the field himself at the head of a mighty host and lay siege to Kroja, the Albanian capital (1465). The last exploit of the hero was to render this expedition fruitless. Failing to storm the place,

Mohammad Mohammad

retreated, leaving Balaban to starve it out; but before he the coimtry he massacred some thousands of Albanian families, whom he discovered in their refuge in the valley of Chidna. Having no forces suflScient to relieve Kroja, Scanderbeg visited Rome, hoping to obtain left

effectual help from Pope Paul II. He obtained a little money and much good will. On his return to Albania he found that some Venetian troops had come to his aid, and he was now able to act. But fortune relieved Kroja. A chance blow wounded Balaban mortally, and the blockading army immediately retreated, leaving Albania in a state of terrible devastation. The "athlete of Christendom," as Scanderbeg was called, died a year later at Alessio, recommending his son and his country to the protection of Venice (January, 1467). For Venice his death was a serious event, as he was the "buffer'" between the Ottoman power and her Hencepossessions on the lower Adriatic, such as Scodra and Durazzo. forward she would have to do her own work here. Bosnia, which had borne its part in the fatal battle of Kosovo field (1389), was inevitably drawn into the vortex. The catastrophe of this land The mass of received a peculiar character from its religious condition. the people, high and low, was firmly devoted to the Patarine or Bogomilian tenets, which Catholics and Greeks branded as Manichaeanism. It is one of that series of religions which range from Armenia to Aquitaine, including Albigensians at one extremity and Paulicians at the other, all apparently descended from the ancient "heresies'" of

But the Catholics were eager to crush the heresy; Franciscan missionaries worked with all their might in the land; and In 1412 the Bogorails some of the kings embraced Catholicism. threatened to Turcise, and in 1415 they executed the threat, fighting Adoptianism.'

at Usora against Hungary.

When King

Stephen Thomas embraced

Catholicism (1446), the Pope and the King of Hungary hoped that the In the south of the Bosnian false doctrines would be extirpated. kingdom was the large vassal state, practically independent, which had grown up out of the lordship of Chlum. The voivod of this country was Stephen Vukcid, and in 1448 he received from the Emperor the title of "Duke (Herzog) of St Sabas"; whence the complex of his lands derived the name of Herzegovima, the Duchy. His daughter married Stephen

;

^2

Dealings

with,

Bosnia.

[1453-63

the King; but Stephen the Duke remained true to the national faith. He seems to have entered into a sort of vassal relation to Mohammad; for, when he makes peace with his neighbour Ragusa in 1454, we find him undertaking not to attack it, save at the command of the "Great ruler the Sultan of Turkey." On the fall of Constantinople the Bosnian King offered tribute; but Hunyady's feat at Belgrade, and the success of Scanderbeg in the south, raised up King Stephen's drooping hopes and heartened him to refuse the payment (1456). Before, however, any results ensued from his change of attitude, he made peace again (1458); his object was to have his hands free for laying hold of Servia. In the diet of Szegedin the Hungarian King agreed that the despot's son, Stephen Tomasevic, should become despot of Servia and actual ruler of the little northern strip of Servia that was not in Turkish power. The position here depended entirely on holding the key-fortress of Semendra. But the inhabitants of this place were reluctant to submit to the Bosnian

them; and when in the next year Mohammad appeared with an army, they opened their gates to him. cry of mortification at the fall of this bulwark arose in Hiuigary and Italy, and the disaster was attributed to the corruption and cowardice of Stephen Tomasevid. The Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus never forgave him but the evidence seems to show that the surrender was the act of the inhabitants of the town, done in his despite. Two years later King Stephen Thomas died, hampered in his struggle with the Turk by his feuds with his vassal and father-in-law, the ruler of Herzegovina, and with the Ban of Croatia, and above all by the estrangement in religion between himself and his folk. The storm broke upon his son Stephen, who, having apparently convinced Pope Pius II of his innocence in the loss of Semendra, was crowned by the Pope's Legate, and reconciled with the Hungarian monarch. Meanwhile the antinational policy of the kings was producing its effect. The oppressive measures adopted by them, at the instigation of the Pope and Hungary, towards the Patarenes, alienated many of that sect, who fled into Turkey or remaining in the country acted as spies for the Sultan, while some actually embraced Islam. Mohammad resolved to reduce Bosnia to complete subjection. When he sent an embassy to demand tribute, King Stephen, taking the envoy into a treasure-chamber, said, " Here is the tribute ; but I have no mind to send it to the Sultan." " It is a fine treasure to keep," rephed the envoy, " but I know nOt whether it will bring you luck ; I fear, the reverse." When however Stephen failed to gain any aid from Venice or from Ragusa (itself trembling at the danger of a Turkish attack), and heard of the equipment of a great Turkish army, he repented his boldness, and sent to Mohammad to offer the tribute and ask for a truce for fifteen years. His ambassadors found the Sultan at Hadrianople. The historian of the Bosnian war, Michael Konstantinovid, who was in the service of the Turks, was there at the prince imposed upon

A

;

1463-4, 1483]

Conquest of Bosnia, and of Herzegovina.

73

time ; and, hidden behind a chest, he overheard the conversation of two pashas who were in the confidence of Mohammad. They arranged that the demands of the Bosnian King should be granted, and the envoys dismissed on the Satm-day ; but on the following WednesdSly the army

was to

start and overwhelm Bosnia, before any aid from Hungary or elsewhere could reach it. So it came to pass ; and though Michael privately informed the Bosnian ambassadors of the perfidious intentions of the Sultan, they would not believe him. Having occupied the district of Podrinje, Mohammad attacked the royal residence, the mighty fortress

of Bobovac ; and here again the special condition of Bosnia affected the course of events. The defender. Prince Badak, was secretly a Patarine, though he had feigned to accept CathoUcism ; and he betrayed the town to the Turk. The Turk rewarded him by decapitation ; a strange policy on the part of a conqueror whose interest it was to encourage such treacheries. Jajce in the west of the land capitulated, and the King, who had fled to Kliuc, surrendered to Mahmud Pasha, receiving from him a written guarantee for his life and freedom. The lands directly under the Bosnian Crown were soon subdued, Stephen commanding the captains

—

of his castles to yield; and Mohammad marched southward to subdue the Duchy and Ragusa. But in this difficult country he made little way; and, on failing to take the capital, Blagaj, he abandoned the enterprise. It was the Sultan's policy to put to death all rulers whom he dethroned; and, in order to release him from the obligation of keeping a promise which he had not authorised, a learned Persian tmfti with his own hand beheaded the Bosnian King. It is said that Mohammad carried off^ 30,000 boys to be made into Janissaries, The Catholics who were left fled from besides 100,000 other captives. the country ; and to prevent its utter dispeoplement, Mohammad gave the Franciscans a safeguard, allowing the Christians free exercise of their religion. Henceforward the Franciscan influence was predominant. King Matthias Corvinus made a vigorous attempt to rescue Bosnia and in the year 1463 he drove many of the Ottoman garrisons out. But he had not made timely preparations for encountering the return of Mohammad, who in the next spring (1464) came to recover Jajce, the most important stronghold of all. The hard-pressed place was reheved by a Hungarian force ; but at the end of the year Matthias, who was *

besieging another fort, was constrained by Mahmud Pasha to retreat. strip in the north, with a few Nothing more was done for Bosnia. fortresses including Jajce, remained in the power of Hungary, and gave

A

the title of "King of Bosnia" to the voivod of Transylvania; but the land as a whole had passed under Muslim rule. Herzegovina was made All the Slavonic powers fully subject nearly twenty years later (1483). of the Balkan peninsula were thus gathered into the Asiatic empire, except the tributary republic of Bagusa and a part of the principality of Montenegro, whose recesses afforded a refuge to many of those who

74

Montenegro.

—Submission

of Athens.

I_i456

saved themselves from the wreckage of the neighbouring countries. Stephen Cmoievic, the maker of Montenegro, had spent his life in defending his country against Mohammad's father, Murad, and had fought hand in hand with Scanderbeg. He died in 1466. His son Ivan the Black continued the struggle with indomitable spirit, though the waves seemed to be closing over his head, when to south of him Albania was thrown open to the Turk by the death of Castriotes and Bosnia was conquered in the north. When the Venetians abandoned Scodra to Mohammad (1479), the very key of Montenegro seemed to have been surrendered; and so desperate appeared the outlook that Ivan burned Zabljak, the city which his father had founded, near the upper end of the lake of Scodra, and went up to lofty Cetinje, which has ever since remained the capital of the only Slavonic princes of the peninsula who never bowed the knee to Asiatic lords. Ivan the Black was more than a heroic patriot. To him belongs the distinction of having established (at Obod) the first Slavonic printing press, from which the earliest books in Cyrillic character were issued (1493). Meanwhile Greece had been conquered, except a few forts which The Duchy of Athens, which had passed in stiU remained to Venice. the previous century to the Florentine merchant family of the Acciajoli, was won; the last Duke, Franco, surrendered the Acropolis to Omar son of Turakhan in 1456. When Mohammad visited the city, two years later, he was amazed at the beauty of its buildings and the handsome quays of the Piraeus, and cried: "Islam owes a debt to the son of Turakhan." Subsequently Franco was privately strangled, on account But, on the whole, Athens of a plot of some Athenians to restore him. had reason to be pleased with the change from the rule of Catholic princes to that of the unbelievers. The administration of justice and the collection of the tribute were assigned to local officers, and. the only new burden was the tribute of children. The Peloponnesus was misgoverned by the two brothers of the last Roman Emperor, Thomas and Demetrius, worthless and greedy despots, whose rule was worse than the worst Turkish tyranny. Thomas, notorious for his cruelty, resided at Patras, and oppressed the western part of the peninsula; Demetrius, distinguished by his luxury, ruled over the east, and his seat was in the rocky fortress of Mistra, at the foot of Mount Taygetus, three miles west of Sparta. The court officials, who were the ministers of their oppression, were detested throughout the land, which was further distracted by the hatred between the Greek inhabitants and the Albanian shepherds, who had come down and settled here in the previous centmry after the fall of the Servian empire. The invasion of the Turks in 1452 had desolated the land and given the Albanian herds a wider range; the Greek peasants overcrowded the towns, and the most thriving traders began to emigrate. The Albanians deemed that the right moment had come for making the Morea an

Conquest of the Morea.

1454-60]

75

Albanian state ; perhaps they were encouraged by the fame and success But there was no Scanderbeg among them to unite and keep them together; they could not agree upon a leader of their own of Scanderbeg.

race;

and they

selected

Manuel Cantacuzenus

(a noble, of the family

which had given an emperor to the East-Roman throne) who was now ruUng informally over the hillsmen of Maina in Taygetus. He adopted the Albanian name of Ghin, and placed himself at the head of the insm-gents. By themselves the despots would have been unable to hold out in their strong places but they appealed to Mohammad, to whom after the fall of Constantinople they had become tributary and, when the governor of Thessaly marched into the peninsula, the rebels sued for peace (1454). The Albanians received favourable terms for it was Ottoman policy to preserve them as a make-weight to the Greeks. But the Morea was far from being tranquillised. Four years later Mohammad in person led an army thither to restore order, and captm-ed and garrisoned the Acro-Corinth. The enmity of the two brothers Palaeologus led to new miseries. They took up arms against one another, Thomas posing as the champion of Christendom against the Turks; and Mohammad decided that an end must be made of Greek rule in the Peloponnese. In 1460 he descended for the second time, and he did not hold his hand when policy urged cruelty. Thus when the indweUers of Leondari (a place on the northern extremity of Taygetus, overlooking Megalopolis) abandoned their town and took refuge in the hiUs in the citadel of Gardiki^an ill-omened place where thirty-seven years before Turakhan had built pyramids of Albanian ;

;

;

heads (1423) fort,

and on

—Mohammad followed the

luckless people to this sequestered

their surrender they were all gathered together

and

slain,

thousand of them. At Calavryta a renegade Albanian chief who had been in Turkish service was sawn in two. Here and elsewhere thousands were reduced to slavery. Demetrius had submitted without a blow at Mistra Thomas fled to Corfu and ended his life at Rome as a pensioner of the Pope. It was thus that the Morea became perhaps the most miserable province in the Turkish realm nor can there be any doubt but that Mohammad deliberately intended this to be its fate. He unpeopled and desolated it, so that it might present no allurements to a Six maritime places foreign invader and have no spirit to be restless. Thermisi in the east, and and Nauplia Argos, still belonged to Venice Coron, Modon and Navarino in the west, to which we must add Aegina. The little town of Monemvasia, which Frankish speech corrupted to Malvoisy, on the rocky east coast of Laconia, held out for four years, in the name of Thomas Palaeologus, and then placed itself under six

;

;

:

—

the protection of Venice (1464). The withdrawal of Genoa from the field, and the conquest of the Morea and Bosnia, followed by the death of Scanderbeg, devolved the whole defence of the coasts of the Illyrian peninsula and the Aegean

;

Flans

76

to organise

a Crusade.

[1453-5

New Phocaea and the northern islands (Lemnos, Imbros, Samothrace, Thasos) had been successively conquered (14)56-7); and in 1462 Lesbos, which had become a very nest of pirates from Spain and Sicily, was annexed to the Turkish dominion. Its last Genoese Lord, Nicolo Gattilusio, was strangled; one-third of the inhabitants were enslaved, one-third deported to augment the population of Constantinople, and the rest, the poorest and the worst, were left to till the land and gather in the vintage. As bases for maritime war in the Aegean, Venice still possessed Negroponte, Candia, together with Nauplia (" Romanian Naples "), and had command of the islands composing the Duchy of Naxos. The inevitable War broke out in 1463, and its first scene was the Morea. Singlehanded, Venice was scarcely equal to the work, and the upon the republic of St Mark.

delay of ten years made the task more arduous. Never was there a moment at which a common effort of the Christian powers of Europe was more imperatively needed ; never a moment at

which such an eifort was less feasible. The monarchs were not blind to the menace of the new and deadly ecumenical force which was hiu-led within range of their kingdoms ; they discerned and owned the peril but internal policy and the consolidation of their power at home so wholly absorbed their interest, that nothing less than a Turkish advance

Upper Danube or the Rhine would have availed to stir them The Emperor Frederick III had not remained unmoved by the fall of Constantinople, but his strained relations with Hungary as well as the aflairs of the Empire hindered him from stretching a hand to save Servia. Yet at his side was a man who fully realised the jeopardy and conceived the project, to which he devoted himself heart and soul, of stirring up the princes of Europe to wage a holy war against to the

into action.

the infidel. This was Aeneas Sylvius, bishop of Siena. He utters his idea immediately after the fall of the City in a letter to Pope Nicholas V: " Mohammad is among us ; the sabre of the Turks waves over our head the Black Sea is shut to our ships ; the foe possess Wallachia, whence they will pass into Hungary and Germany. And we meanwhile hve in strife and enmity among ourselves. The Kings of France and England are at war ; the princes of Germany have leapt to arms against one another; Spain is seldom at peace, Italy never wins repose from

—

conflicts for alien lordship.

the enemies of our faith

!

How much It devolves

better to turn our arms against upon you. Holy Father, to unite

the kings and princes, and urge them to gather together to take counsel for the safety of the Christian world."

A vain idea, inappropriate to the conditions of the age, but which was many years to come and inspire abundance of and empty negotiations The urgent words of Aeneas and a letter of the Emperor roused the Pope to an action which neither of them had contemplated; he issued a bull imposing a tithe for a war to hover in the air for useless talk

!

Obstacles to a Crusade.

1454-5]

against the infidel, evil by another.

The

—

^thus, as

Diets.

Aeneas himself owned, seeking to

chief interest perhaps of the efforts

successors to bring about an

77,

ciu-e

one

made by Nicholas and

his

European peace,

for the sake of driving

back the Turk and recovering Constantinople, lies in the measure which they suggest of the distance which the world had travelled since the age of the Crusades. In the eleventh and in the twelfth, even in the thirteenth century, a religious sentiment could stir the princes and the peoples of Europe to go forth, not to avert a danger, but to rescue a holy place of pilgrimage. But in the fifteenth, though the xuibeliever had won his way into Europe, had reached the Danube and threatened the Adriatic, the imminent danger to Christendom left Christendom' lukewarm. Except religious zeal, there was no force which could compel an European effort. With the growth of "humanism" the old kind of religious enthusiasm had passed away. Pope Nicholas himself illustrated the change of things since the days of Urban II, when, at the very time of his proclaiming a Crusade, he privately sent agents to the East, to rescue from the deluge all Greek manuscripts they could lay hands on. There were however special reasons, besides the general lukewarmness, that accounted for the failure of the first papal efforts. Nothing could be efffectually done without the co-operation of Venice and Venice, as we saw, made on her own account an advantageous treaty with Mohammad. The Emperor, who professed to support the idea of a Cnisade, was hindered from energetic action by his iU relations with Hungary. The demand for money, which might have enabled the Pope to organise an armament, was highly unpopular. And not the least serious impediment was the intolerance which divided the Catholics from the Greek Chiurch, and prevented them from feeling any true pity for the forlorn prospects of their fellow-Christians in Greece and Servia, or any sincere desire to save them. It was futile for Aeneas Sylvius to say that the Greeks were not heretics, but only schismatics they were generally regarded as worse than infidels. The only prince who might have been ready to make sacrifices, if any common action had been organised, was Duke Philip of Burgundy. In the spring of 1454 a diet was Held at Ratisbon, but the essential business was deferred to a second diet at Frankfort in the ;

;

and it came to a third at Wienerisch-Neustadt (February, Aeneas Sylvius was persuasive and eloquent but the meetings had no result. At the two later diets the appeals of John of Capistrano produced a sensation from which much was hoped. Like Peter the Hermit, he possessed the faculty of stirring the common folk in open-air assemblies. On the death of Pope Nicholas, the papal chair was filled by a Spaniard, Calixtus III (March, 1455), who seemed to have no less burning zeal for the holy war than John of Capistrano and Aeneas

autumn

;

1455).

;

a solemn vow to dedicate all his strength to the recovery of Constantinople and to the extermination of the "devilish himself.

He made

Council of Mantua.

78 sect" of

Mohammad.

but with

— Fall of Trehizond.

[i458-ei

For three and a half years he wrought and hoped, could do no more than send a few ducats to

all his efforts

Scanderbeg, or float a few galleys to harass the shores of the eastern Aegean. He was succeeded by Aeneas Sylvius, under the name of Pius II (August, 1458). While the West had been talking, Mohammad had been advancing; and in a great Council, assembled with much trouble at Mantua (1459), Pius said "Each of his victories is the path to a new victory; he will conquer the kings of the West, abolish the Gospel, and :

ultimately impose the law of Mohammad on all peoples." The insincere attitude of the Venetians frustrated any results that might have been

brought about by the assembly at Mantua. These fruitless diets and councils are a dull and dead page in history; but they represent the efforts of the European states to discuss the same Eastern Question which we have seen them deal with in our own day at the Congress of Berlin. One of the most obvious policies for the western enemies of Mohammad was to enter into communication with his enemies in the orient and attempt to concert some common action. Such negotiations had been set on foot by Popes Nicholas and Calixtus. The last two sovereigns of the dynasty of the Grand Comneni of Trebizond, who were now the representatives of the Roman Empire, John IV and David, had endeavoured to organise an alliance of the principalities of Asia Minor and Armenia, and Mohammad advanced to the second siege of Scodra. The Venetian republic was hard pressed. In these days its yearly revenue did not touch 100,000 ducats; nor could the Venetians at this moment expect aid from other powers; Ferdinand of Naples was actually intriguing with the Turk, and Friuli was exposed to the inroads of the infidels from Bosnia; the plague was raging in the lagoons. Unable to relieve Scodra, Venice resolved to make peace and consented to hard conditions.

;

Peace xdth Venice; capture of Otranto.

1470-80J

81

resigning Scodra and Kroja, Negroponte, Lemnos and the Mainote district in Laconia. She agreed to pay a yearly sum of 10,000 ducats fbr

commerce in the Ottoman dominions, and recovered the right of keeping as before a Bailo (consul) at Constantinople (January, 1479). This peace was agreeable neither to the Pope nor to Hungary. King Matthias Corvinus fancied that he was bom and trained to be a champion against the infidel. But other occupations prevented this remarkable ruler from achieving much in this direction. His greatest feat was the capture of Szabdcs, a fortress on the Save built by Mohammad (1476). He was fain to follow up this success, but wars with the Elector Albrecht of Brandenburg distracted him during the next years, and nothing further was effected until in 1479 his generals inflicted a crushing defeat upon a Turkish army in Transylvania. Venice now held nothing on the Albanian coast but Durazzo, Antivari, and Butrinto ; while the Turks, in possession of Albania, began to push forward to the Ionian Islands and Italy. Zante, Cephalonia, and Santa Maura belonged to the Neapolitan family of Tocco, with the title of " Count of Cephalonia and Duke of LeucEidia.'" Mohammad seized these three islands (1479) ; but an agreement in 1485 gave Zante to Venice, who paid a tribute for it to the Porte.

free

The condition of Italy at this juncture allured Mohammad across The King of Naples was at war with Florence and the Adriatic. was mursing ambitious designs of making himself lord of all Italy, and Venice watched his proceedings with the deepest suspicion. It is a disputed question whether Venice urged the Ottoman Sultan (as successor to the Byzantine emperors) to lay claim to southern Italy; but at aU

events

in 1480)

Ahmad, and OtranCo

Mohammad

fell

—

armament under Kedyk The commandant and the archfavourite Ottoman mode of intimidation sent an

at once.

bishop were sawn in two the From the surroimding land some people were transported at this time. But the Tiu:ks made no progress. Want of proAlbania. to as slaves visions hampered them, and presently Ferdinand arrived with an army and confined the invaders to Otranto. But help was urgently needed for it was known that the Sultan would come himself next year with

an overwhelming force. Except a few troops and galleys sent from Spain by Ferdinand the Catholic, no help came. The situation was, Mohammad.''s attention was diverted by however, unexpectedly saved. the more pressing necessity of conquering Rhodes and then his sudden ;

deaji^ delivered

Rhodes and

Italy alike.

Throughout the years of the Venetian war Mohammad had been busy and fortunate elsewhere, in the east and in the north. Of the small principalities which had sprung up after the collapse of the Seljuk power in Asia Minor, only that of Caramania (Lycaonia and Isauria with parts of Galatia, Cappadocia, and Cilicia) still remained independent. C.

M. H.

I.

The death

of

its

lord,

Ibrahim (1463), was followed "

Battle of Terdshan.

82

[1473

by a war among his sons, which gave Mohammad an opportunity. The capture of Konia (Iconium) and Caraman (Laranda) secured him the rule of the whole land except Seleucia on the south-eastern coast, and he assigned this important province, which he systematically dispeopled, to his youngest son Mustafa. This conquest, following upon that of Trebizond, brought on the inevitable struggle with the rival oriental monarch, Uzun Hasan the Turcoman. He had extended his sovereigHty from the Oxus to the limits of Caramania, and a large part of Persia was under his dominion. Caramania was a useful "buffer-State." Uzun Hasan wrote to Mohammad demanding the cession of Trebizond and Cappadocia, and complaining of the execution of King David ComMohammad promised to meet him at the head of an army. nenus. The Turcoman invaded Caramania to restore the dethroned princes and took Tokat (1471); but in the next year Mustafa defeated him in a hard-fought battle by the shores of Lake Caralis. The decisive battle was fought in 1473 (July 26) on the banks of the Euphrates near Terdshan. Mustafa and his brother Bayazid led each a wing of their father's army, and were opposed respectively to the two sons of Uzun Hasan. The strife swayed long, before it was decided by the Ottoman artillery. Mohammad wrote himself: "the fight was bloody, costing me the bravest of my pashas and many soldiers without my artillery, which terrified the Persian horses, the issue would have been longer doubtful.'" The significance of this victory, of which Mohammad probably thought more than of all his achievements except the capture of Constantinople, lay in its securing Caramania and Asia Minor. He was now free to follow out his schemes of conquest in Eiu:ope. The Roumanians north of the Danube had long ago been entangled in the ecumenical struggle. Mirtschea the Great, prince of Wallachia, who by astute diplomacy steered his way between Hungary and Poland, had fought for Christendom in the disastrous battles of Kosovo (1389) and Nicopolis (1396), but was obliged to submit to the suzerainty of Mohammad I (1412). After his death civil wars between pretenders ;

desolated and demoralised the principality for forty years, until (1456) a strong man came to the helm in the person of Vlad IV. The princes of

Wallachia and of Moldavia were elected by the people out of the princely but they had unlimited power, being the supreme judges, with ; control over the life and death of their subjects, and the complete disposal of the public revenue. Thus only a steely-hearted, resolute man was wanted to restore order; and Vlad accomplished this by a policy of relentless severity which has handed him down to history under the name families

of the Devil or the Impaler. Having assured his throne and established friendly relations with his neighbours Moldavia and Hungary, he defied

the

Turk by

refusing the tribute of children which Wallachia paid like Mohammad sent an envoy, Hamza Pasha, accom-

other subject-lands.

panied by 2000 men, with secret instructions to seize Vlad's person.

Roumanian Wars.

i45'7-'76]

— Conquest

83

of Cqffa.

But the Wallachian overreached them, and impaled them crossing the Danube, he laid waste the Turkish territory.

then In 1462

all;

Mohammad

arrived at the head of an army, bringing with him Radu, Vlad's brother, to take the place of the latter. Like Darius, he sent a fleet of transports to the Danube to carry the army across. Vlad with-

drew

which formed a natural fortiTurkish camp, hoping to slay Mohammad; but he mistook the tent of a general for that of the Sultan. By his address and boldness he seems to have inflicted a serious repulse on the invaders but he was presently attacked on the other side by Stephen, the prince of Moldavia. After his divided army had sustained a double defeat, he fled to Hungary, and his brother Radu was enthroned by the Turks. his forces into the deep oak-forests,

fication.

One night he penetrated

in disguise into the

;

The

stress of

Peter

Aron gave

now devolved upon the northern princiand there too a strong man had arisen. In 1456

the struggle

pality of Moldavia,

tribute to the Turk, but this prince was overthrown

in the following year

by Stephen the Great.

At

first

Stephen did not

of a champion against the unbelievers. He set his desire on securing the fortress of Kilia (near the mouth of the Danube) which

rise to his role

belonged to Hungary and Wallachia in common, and he actually urged Mohammad's invasion. But he failed to win Kilia at this moment, and his capture of it three years later, when Wallachia belonged to the Turk, was an act of hostility to Mohammad. Five years later he invaded Wallachia, dethroned Radu, and set up in his stead Laiot, a member of the Bassarab family which has given its name to Bessarabia. At this time Mohammad was occupied with other things, but the conflict would come sooner or later, and Stephen stirred himself to knit He was in comalliances and form combinations to east and to west. Hasan. The victory with Uzun Pope, Venice, with the mimication with of Terdshan left Mohammad free to throw an army into Moldavia under the command of Sulayman Pasha. Stephen, reinforced by contingents sent by the Kings of Poland and Hungary, gained at Racova (on the Birlad stream) a great victory the glory of his reign which entitles him to a place near Hunyady and Scanderbeg (1475). But a new element was brought into the situation in the same year by the simultaneous expedition which was sent against the Genoese settlements of the Crimea. Caffa capitulated^O,000 inhabitants were sent to

—

—

Constantinople; and its fall was followed by the surrender of Tana (Azov) and the other stations. Mohammad could now launch the Tartars of this region against Moldavia on the flank ; and next year Unassisted by Poland or Hungary, who were each (1476) this befell. suspicious of his relations with the other ; attacked by the Wallachian prince whom he had himself enthroned; assailed on the other side by the Tartars,—Stephen was worsted with great loss by a Turkish army led by the Sultan, who had come to avenge the shame of Racova, in a

6—2

Siege of Rhodes.

84

forest glade

and

rallied,

which

is

—Death

of Mohammad.

called the Place of Battles (Rasboieni).

Mohammad

retired without subduing the country.

[uso-i

But he Eight

—

years after this the Turks seized the two fortress-keys of Moldavia Kilia and Tschetatea Alba (1484). Before his death, Stephen made a vain

attempt to form an East-European league against the

infidel

—embracing

Moscow and Lithuania, Poland and Hungary. But his experience convinced him that the struggle was hopeless, and on his death-bed (1504) the advice which he gave to his son Bogdan was to submit to the

On the accession of the Sultan Selim (1512) Moldavia submitted, paying a yearly sum to the Porte, but keeping the right of freely electing her own princes. The war with Venice and the struggle with Uzim Hasan had hinTiurkish power.

dered Mohammad from concentrating his forces upon the subjugation of Rhodes, where the Knights of St John maintained an outpost of Christendom. On the conclusion of the Venetian peace he began preparations for a serious attack on Rhodes, and in 1480 Masih Pasha sailed with a considerable fleet and laid siege to the town. The whole of Europe had been aware that the blow was coming, and much had been done to meet it. The defence devolved upon the Grand-Master of the Order, Peter d'Aubusson, a man " endued with a martial soul," who had learned "the mappes, the mathematicks," as well as the art of war, "but history was his principal study." The Turks were aided by the local knowledge of a German renegade, and their guns, of immense size for that age, created a sensation. They had sixteen bombards, 64 inches long, throwing stone shot 9 and 11 inches in diameter. But the siege lasted two months, before they forced an entry into the outer parts of the city. In the terrible mellay which ensued the valour of the knights pressed the Turks backward, and at this moment, when the chance of success depended on heartening the troops to recover their lost ground, Masih Pasha, in foohsh confidence that the day was won, issued an order that no soldier should touch the booty, since the treasures belonged to the Sultan. Thus deprived of a motive for fighting, the Turks fled to their camp, and their general

But, after this shame dealt to his could not let the island continue to defy him. He equipped another armament and resolved to lead it in person. But even as he started he fell sick and death overtook him (May 3, ai-ms,

raised the leaguer.

Mohammad

an

which, as it proved, meant a respite of forty lords of Rhodes. The deeds of Mohammad show best what manner of man he was a conqueror who saw in conquest the highest 'statesmanship, but who also knew how to con1481):

years

to

event

the Latin

:

and organise, and how to adapt the principles of Islam dealings with Christian States. We have portraits of him painted both by pen and brush. Contrary to the precepts of his religion, he had his picture painted by Gentile BeUini, and is

solidate

to political

Accession of Bayazid II.

I48i]

the

first

great

we have such neck, was

Mohammadan evidence.

The

86

sovereign of whose outward appearance pale,

bearded

marked by a broad forehead,

face, set

on a short, thick and an eagle

raised eyebrows,

nose.

The situation and prospects of the Ottoman empire seemed changed on the death of the conqueror. The prosperity and growth of that empire depended wholly on the personality of the autocrat who ruled and the two sons whom Mohammad left behind were made in a it different mould from their vigorous father. Bayazid the elder, who was governor of the province of Amasia, was a man of mild natiu-e who cared for the arts of peace, and would have been well contented to rest upon the conquests which had been already achieved, and to enjoy the Jem, governor of Caramania, was fruits of the labours of his fathers. a bright, clever youth, endowed with a distinguished poetical talent he might easily have been lured into a career of military ambition, but perhaps he hardly possessed the strength and steadfastness necessary for success. When Bayazid reached Constantinople, on the news of his father's death, he found that the Janissaries had begun a reign of terror in the city. They had slain the Grand Vezir, who, being disposed to espouse the cause of Jem, had, according to a common practice in such cases, concealed the Sultan's death and they had plundered the habitations of the Jews and Christians. They favoured the claims of Bayazid, and were tranquillised when they had exacted from him a pardon for their outbreak and an increase of their pay. Meanwhile Jem who claimed the throne on the ground that, though the younger, he was bom in the pvuple had advanced to Brusa, and was there proclaimed Sultan. But he was willing to compromise. Through his great-aunt he made a proposal to Bayazid that they should divide the empire ^Bayazid to rule in Europe, and he in Asia. The question at stake was not merely a personal one, the extent of Bayazid's sovereignty, but the integrity and power of the Ottoman empire. Moreover, it involved a direct violation of one of the fundamental canons of Islam that there shall be only one supreme Imam. Bayazid's decision accordingly influenced the history of the world. He refused to accept Jem's offer " the empire," he said, " is the bride of one lord." The rival claims were settled by the award of battle in the plains of Yenishehr, where the treachery of some of Jem's troops gave the victory to Bayazid. The defeated brother fled to Cairo, and his attempt in the following year to seize Caramania in conjunction with an exiled prince of that country was repelled. Then he sought refuge ;

;

;

—

—

—

:

;

at

Rhodes;

his chances of success

lay in the help of the Christian

powers of Europe.

Jem arrived at Rhodes under a safe-conduct from the Grand-Master and the Council of the Knights, permitting him and his suite to remain But it was soon felt that it in the island and leave it at their will.

Adventures of

86

Jem

Sultan.

[1482-95

was not safe to keep the precious person of the prince at Rhodes, so near the realm of Bayazid, who was ready to resort to any foul means of seizing or destroying him and Jem and the Grand-Master agreed that ;

France would be the best retreat, pending the efforts which they hoped would be made to restore him. To France, accordingly, Jem sailed (September, 1482). After his departure, the Knights concluded first a treaty of peace with Bayazid for the Sultan's lifetime, and secondly a contract by which he agreed to pay them 45,000 ducats a year, in return for which the Grand-Master undertook to maintain and guard Jem in such a way as to cause no inconvenience to the Sultan. In an age when the violation .of engagements was regarded as justifiable, and was even in certain cases recommended by the heads of the Church, there is no more shameless instance of perfidy than this. D'Aubusson had guaranteed Jem his freedom, and undertaken to espouse his cause ; he now took Bayazid's money to be Jem's jailor. His conduct could not even be defended on the plea of the interests of religion, which in those days were often furthered by dishonesty and bad faith ; on the contrary, it was a treachery to the cause of Christendom, to which Jem's ambitions according to the letters which D'Aubusson himself wrote to the western powers furnished so unique an opportunity against its foe. For six years Jem was kept a prisoner in France, being constantly removed from one castle to another by his Rhodian guards, and making repeated attempts to escape which were always frustrated; while the Pope, the King of Naples, and the King of Hungary were each seeking

—

—

to induce D'Aubusson to deliver the prince into his hands. At length Innocent VIII came to an arrangement. The concession of various privileges,

and a

cardinal's

hat for D'Aubusson, persuaded the Knights,

who were already anxious to rid themselves of a charge which involved them in troublesome relations with both Bayazid and the Sultan of Another series of negotiations was required to obtain from Charles VIII permission for Jem to leave France; and not till March 1489 did the Turkish prince arrive at Rome. Pope Alexander VI, who

Egypt.

succeeded Innocent in 1492, and who was threatened by the invasion of Charles VIII, affected the most friendly relations with Bayazid and had recourse to him for money and other support. In 1494 the document containing this Pope's instructions to his envoy, together with letters

from Bayazid, was intercepted at Sinigaglia, in the possession of Turkish envoys who had landed at Ancona and were on their way to Rome. The compromising papers were taken to Charles VIII at Florence, and the Pope's treachery to Christendom was exposed. One of the Sultan's communications to the Pope is significant. Considering ^wrote Bayazid in Latin, a language with which he was well acquainted that sooner or later Jem must die, it would be well, for the tranquillity of his Holinesss

— —

and the satisfaction of the Sultan, to hasten a death which for him would be life; and therefore he implored the Pope to remove Jem

Fenetian War.

1499-1503]

87

from the vexations of this hfe and send him to a better world. For the dead body of the prince he promised 300,000 ducats, with which the Pope might buy estates for his sons. Charles VIII advanced to Rome, and the terms which he made with Alexander VI comprised the transference of Jem into his own power. Jem accompanied the King southward, but he was in ailing health, and at Capua became so ill that he could go no further. He was taken in a litter to Naples, and died there in high fever (February, 1495). The Venetians, who were the first to inform the Sultan of his brother's end, wrote in a pointed way that he had died a natural death ; but, as it was their policy at this moment to keep on good terms with the Pope, this testimony does not weigh much in deciding the question whether, as was certainly believed at the time, Jem's health was undermined cation.

The

question open

insufficiency

of

by a deliberate system of intoxiour material compels us to leave the

but the circumstances are at least suspicious, and in any case the French were innocent. Thus for thirteen years the western powers held Jem as a menace over the head of the Turkish Sultan but this singular episode did not affect the course of Turkish history. A second ruler like Bayazid, MachiaveUi thought, would have rendered the Ottoman power innocuous to Europe. The temper of the man was displayed at once not only by the abandonment of the Rhodian expedition, but by a reduction of tribute granted to Ragusa, and by a modification in Venice's favour of the treaty which had recently been concluded with that republic His reign was marked indeed by raids on Croatia and the (1482). Dalmatian coast, by intermittent hostilities with Hungary, by incursions into Moldavia and even into Poland ; but the only serious war was with In that Venice, which broke out in 1499 after twenty years of peace. interval the republic had acquired the island of Cyprus (1489) and extended her influence in the Aegean, and the Sultan at last deemed Active naval preparations in the Turkish it time to check her course. arsenals stirred the alarm of Venice but the Porte lulled her suspicions by furnishing her envoy, Andrea Zancani, with a document which renewed and confirmed the peace. An experienced Venetian resident at Constantinople, Andrea Gritti by name, well acquainted with Turkish methods, pointed out to Zancani that the document was drawn up in Latin, not in Turkish, and was therefore not considered binding by the Porte ; but Zancani, unable to induce the Porte to give him a new deed in Turkish, omitted to explain the matter to the authorities at home. Suddenly the Sultan threw him and all the Gritti's surmises were true. other Venetians at Constantinople into prison, and presently sent forth a It was intercepted by a fleet of 270 sail. Its destination was Lepanto. ;

;

;

.

Venetian squadron of about half that strength, hastily got together, off the coast of Messenia; but the brave seaman Antonio Loredano failed Besieged by land and sea, Lepanto in his attack and perished himself.

Relations with Persia; Ismail the Sofi.

88

[i502

the Turks made a terrible incursion, through Venetian territory, advancing as far as The next object of Bayazid was to drive Venice out of the Vicenza. Morea ; and when she sued for peace he demanded the cession of Modon, Coron, and Nauplia. To this she would not consent; but in the following year Modon was besieged by Bayazid himself, and the garrison, seeing that they could not hold out, set the place on fire and perished in the flames. Hereupon Coron, Navarino, and Aegina capitulated, and nothing was left to the republic but Nauplia, which boldly and successfully But the Venetian fleet suddenly bestirred itself, redefied the foe. captured Aegina, and, reinforced by a Spanish armament under the greatest captain of the day, Gonzalo of Cordova, conquered Cepha-

fell;

and, after

Camiola and

its fall,

Friuli, into the

These successes were followed up by neither side in 1501 and when Venice conquered Santa Maura in 1502, a peace ensued. Santa Maura was given back Cephalonia remained to Venice Lepanto and the places captured in the Morea were kept by Turkey. In the same

lonia.

;

;

;

year in which this peace was concluded (1503) a treaty for seven years was made between the Porte and Hungary ; this was intended to include France and England, Spain, Portugal, and all the powers of Europe

—

Naples, the

Pope and the various

States of Italy,

Rhodes and

Chios,

Poland, and Moldavia.

From

this moment for the next seventeen years Europe had some from the Eastern Question. There was incessant fear of what the Turk might do next, incessant talk of resisting him, incessant negotiations against him but there was no actual war ; almost no Christian territory was won for Islam, and no Christian territory won back for Europe. The attention of the Sultan was drawn eastward; where he had to reckon with a new power; for the lordship of Persia had once more changed hands. The decline of the Turcomans of the White Sheep was clearly shown in the circumstance that on the death of Uzun Hasan nine

respite

;

dynasts (not to speak of rival claimants) succeeded in twenty-four years. Murad, the last of these, succumbed to the power of Ismail, a sheikh of Ardabil, who traced his descent to the Prophet. The decisive battle was fought at Shurur in 1502 ; and, from his new- won capital at Tavriz, Ismail advanced to the conquest of Persia and Khorasan. The history of modem Persia begins with Ismail, the first Shah the first of the Safavid dynasty which endured till the middle of the eighteenth century

—

He

called himself a Safavi, from Safi, an ancestor illustrious and hence to contemporary Eui'ope he was known as the Sofi. A collision between the new Persian power and the Turks was rendered inevitable by religious fanaticism. To orthodox Sunnites like the Ottomans, the heresy of the Shiites is more obnoxious than the infidelity of the Giaours, who are altogether outside the pale and, when Bayazid discovered that the Shiite doctrines were being propagated and taking root in certain parts of his Asiatic dominion, he took steps to

(1736).

for piety

;

;

;

1511-12]

Rebellions of Sayazid's sons.

89

check the evil by transporting suspected persons to Greece. The Shah Ismail then came forward as the protector of the Shiites, and called upon the Turkish Stiltan to allow adherents of that belief to leave his realm. But, though the Shah is said to have insulted the Sultan by giving the name of Bayazid to a fattened swine, war did not break out in Bayazid's

The Persian monarch showed his anticipation of trouble by entering into negotiations with the western powers, as Uzun Hasan had done before; and a Persian embassy was welcomed at Venice though the Signory openly declared that there was no intention of breaking days.

the peace two years before they had given up Alessio in Albania, in order to avoid a breach. On the side of the south too, Bayazid's dominions had been threatened. The Mamluk Sultan of Egypt, Sayf ad -Din (1468-95), had espoused the cause of Jem, to whose mother he had given an asylum; had :

in the affairs of Sulkadr, a small Turcoman lordship in Cappadocia; and had asserted authority in the regions of Lesser Armenia, even as in ancient days the Ptolemies had thrown out an arm to grasp Cilicia. Tarsus, Adana, and other places passed under Egyptian rule, and in 1485 war openly broke out between the Mamluk and the Ottoman Sultans. An important victory was won by the Egyptian in 1488; but a peace was patched up in 1491, and lasted during the rest of Bayazid's reign. The tremendous earthquake which sent a thrill through the world in 1509 laid Constantinople in ruins the Sultan himself fled to Hadrianople. But an oriental autocrat in those days could rebuild quickly and with a host of workmen, worthy of a Pharaoh or a Babylonian King, Bayazid restored the city in a few months. The last days of the old Sultan were embittered by the rebellion and rivalry of his sons, Ahmad, Corcud, and Selim. He destined Ahmad as his successor, and thought of abdicating the throne in his favour but Selim, a man of action and From the province resolution, was determined that this shotild not be. of Trebizond of which he was the governor, he marched to Europe at the head of an army, and ajppearing at the gates of Hadrianople, demanded He wished to be near the scene to be assigned an European province. He demanded too that his father of action when the moment came. should not abdicate in favour of Ahmad. Both demands were agreed to. But at this juncture news arrived that Corcud had revolted; and thereupon Selim seized Hadrianople. This was too much. His sire took the field and defeated him in a battle; and he fled for refuge to the Crimea. But the cause of Ahmad was not won. The Janissaries, whose hearts had been captivated by the bold stroke of Sehm, broke out in mutiny and riot when Ahmad drew nigh to take possession of the throne, and were pacified only by a pledge from Bayazid that this design should not be carried out. Ahmad thereupon sought to get Asia Minor into his power; Corcud intrigued at the same time for

interfered

—

;

;

.

;

90

Selim

I.

—Battle

of Chaldiran.

[i5i4

own hand ; and finally, in the spring of 1512, Selim advanced from the Crimea to the Danube, and, suppori;ed by the Janissaries who would brook no opposition, forced Bayazid to abdicate (April 25). month later the old Sultan died, poisoned, it can hardly be questioned, by order of his son. It was not to be expected that Ahmad, would submit; he seized Brusa; but Selim crossed over to Asia, drove him Next year eastward, and deprived him of the governorship of Amasia. Ahmad made another attempt, but was defeated in battle at Yenishehr and executed. Corcud had not dared to take the field but in consequence of his intrigues he was likewise put to death. The next victims were the Sultan's nephews, children of other brothers who had died in the lifetime of their father. Thus Selim put into practice a ruthless law which had been enacted by the policy of Mohammad II, that it was lawful for a Sultan, in the interests of the unity of the realm, which was the first condition of its prosperity, to do his brothers and their children to death. The spirit of Selim I was very different from that of his father. He was resolved to resume the old paths of forward policy from which the studious temper of Bayazid had digressed, and to follow in the way of Mohammad the Conqueror. Yet he was also unlike his grandfather. He revelled in war and death all his deeds seem prompted rather by instinct than by policy. Mohammad seems almost genial beside this gloomy and restless soul. Selim the Grim delighted in cruelty, but he was extremely moderate in pleasure; like his father and uncle he was highly cultivated. He raised the pay of the Janissaries, ^this was the meed of their support but he soon showed that he was resolved to be their master. The truth is that the Janissaries were an institution iU compatible with a peace policy amenable to the discipline of war, they were a perpetual danger for a pacific ruler. The collisions with Persia and Egypt, which menaced the reign of Bayazid, actually came to pass after the accession of Selim. The Shah, Ismail, had given an asylum to the sons of Ahmad, and had made an his

A

;

;

—

;

;

incursion into the eastern districts of the Ottoman Empire (1513). But the fundamental cause of the Persian war was religious antagonism it was a struggle between the great Sunnite and the great Shiite power. It was stamped with this character by a Sweeping act of persecution on the part of Selim, who, seizing 40,000 Shiites, killed some and imprisoned

others and the mutual attitude of the rival superstitions was shown in a high-flown letter which Selim, when he took the field (1514), indited to his enemy. He marched into the dominions of Ismail, and the decisive battle was fought in the plain of Chaldiran, lying further east than the field which had seen the struggle of Mohammad with Uzun Hasan. The Ottomans were again successful on this occasion too their superiority in artillery told; and Tavriz fell into the hands of Selim. In the following year Sulkadr was annexed; and in 1516 Northern ;

;

1516-7]

Conquest of Syria and Egypt.

— The

Caliphate.

91

Mesopotamia (including among other cities Amida, Nisibis, Dara, and Edessa) was conquered and became a province of the Ottoman Empire. This conquest led to designs on Syria and Egypt, a sufficient pretext being found in the alliance between the old Mamluk Sultan

Kansuh Ghuri and the Shah Ismail. The Mamluk array awaited the mvader at Aleppo and Selim, here again conspicuously superior in artillery, won a victory which decided the fate of Syria (1516). The old Sultan's successor Tumanbeg was defeated in an equally disastrous battle at Reydaniya near Cairo (January, 1517). Thus Syria and Egypt were ;

brought once more under the authority of the lords of Constantinople, to remain so actually or formally till the present day. The conquest of Egypt was followed by the submission of Arabia to the Sultan's sway. The same year which saw the conquest of the Nile country witnessed an important exaltation of the dignity of the Ottoman ruler. The Ottoman princes had been originally Emirs under the Seljuks, and, even after they had become the strongest power of the Mohammadan world, though they might demean themselves as Caliphs, they had no legal It is one of the fundamental princlaim to be considered its heads. ciples of Islam that all Muslims shall be governed by a single Imam, and that Imam must be a member of the Koreish, the tribe of the Prophet. At this time the Imamship was in the hands of a shadow, Mohammad Abu Jafar of the race of Hashim, who kept up the semblance of a court at Cairo. The last of the Caliphs of the Abbasid This formal line, he resigned the caliphate to the Sultan Selim. transference is the basis of the claims of the Sultans of Turkey to be the Imams or supreme rulers of Islam, though they have not a drop of Koreish blood in their veins. The translation of the Caliphate was confirmed by the recognition which Selim received at the same time from the Sherif of Mecca, who sent him the keys of the Kaaba, thus designating him as the protector of the Holy Places. The Imam, according to the Ottoman code of Mohammadan law, has authority to watch over the maintenance of the laws and the execution of punishments; to defend the frontier and repress rebels; to raise armies and levy tribute ; to celebrate public prayer on Fridays and in Bairam ; to judge the people ; to marry minors of both sexes who have no natural guardians; and to divide the spoils of war. He is thus supreme legislator and judge, the religious head of the State, the

commander-in-chief, and he possesses absolute control of the finances. His ecumenical authority rests on a verse of the Koran whoever dies without acknowledging the authority of the Imam of his day is dead The Imam must be visible to men ; he cannot lurk in a in ignorance. :

It is cave like the Mahdi, for whose coming the heretical Shiites look. Imam need not be just or virtuous, or the most eminent man of his time ; it is requisite only that he should be

discreetly provided that the

able to enforce the law, defend the frontiers,

and

sustain the oppressed.

92

Selivi succeeded

by Solyman.

Moreover the wickedness and tyranny of an

Imam would

{y^'^o

not necessitate

or justify his deposition.

the

The brilliant conquests of Selim in the East alarmed the powers of West " returning powerful and proud," such a monarch as he was a ;

X

had thrown himself with zeal into menace to Europe. Leo the project of a Crusade for the experience of sixty years of futilities had not killed that idea. In 1517 he issued a bull imposing a truce of five years on Christendom, in order that the princes of Europe might march against the Infidels. His hopes rested chiefly on the young French King, Francis I, who, after the victory of Marignano, had met him at Bologna and discussed with him the Eastern Question. A letter terrible

;

of Francis, written soon after that interview, breathes the spirit of a knight-errant dedicating his youth and strength to a holy war. But thottgh Francis was in earnest, religious enthusiasm was not his moving

His project was that the three great powers of Europe the Empire, France, and Spain should conquer the Turkish realm and divide it amongst them in three equal parts. Thus the Eastern Question began to enter upon its modem phase assuming a political rather than a religious aspect; and the significance of the oriental policy of Francis I was that he definitely formulated the doctrine, now a commonplace of politics, that Turkey is a spoil to be parted among the great powers of Europe. The new conception of the French King was indeed more likely to lead to practical results than had been the arguments of Aeneas Sylvius and his successors ; and the Emperor Maximilian composed a memoir of suggestions on the conduct of the proposed war. But his death in 1519 changed the situation, disconcerting the plan of the European powers ; and the favourable hour for a common enterprise against the Turk had passed. Men were inspiration or his guiding idea.

—

—

—

indeed

The

painfully afraid of the designs of the formidable Sultan.

still

geography determined that after the acquisition of Egypt the next enterprise of Selim should be the conquest of Rhodes, which lay right in the track of communication between Egypt and Constanlogic of

He made preparations accordingly for the destruction of the " dogs " of Rhodes. But when his fleet and army were ready, he was smitten down by the plague (September 21, 1520), having in his short reign done as much as any of the Sultans for the extension and prestige of the Ottoman empire. On his death Europe, full of apprehensions for the fate of Rhodes, breathed securely but the feeling of relief was premature. The rumour had spread that his son and successor was, in complete contrast to his father, of a quiet unaggressive nature, and might prove another Bayazid. But these auguries were ill-based ; for the youth who mounted the throne was Solyman (Sulayman) the Lawgiver known to the west as Solyman the Magnificent, in whose reign Turkey cHmbed to the summit of its tinople.

;

—

power and

glory.

He

was as strong as his father, a soldier as well as a

1521-2]

Fall of Szabdcs.

—Siege

of Rhodes.

93

statesman; but his mind was well balanced; he felt none of Selim's grim delight in war and butchery. Perhaps no contemporary sovereign Christendom was so unfeignedly desirous or so sincerely resolute to administer evenhanded justice as Solyman. His reign began without bloodshed ; he was lucky enough to have no brother or nephew to remove; the only trouble was a rebellion in Syria, which was promptly crushed. The wave which had flowed eastward under Selim turns westward again under Solyman. He had been viceroy in Europe during his father's absence in the orient, and he had occasion to observe the intolerable situation on the north-western frontier, where there was continuous friction with the Hungarian kingdom. On this side he could not feel safe, so long as the key-fortresses of Belgrade and Szabdcs were in the hands of the Hungarians these places must be captured whether as a base for further advance or as the bulwarks of a permanent frontier. Envoys were sent to King Louis demanding tribute he replied by murdering the envoys. When this news arrived, the Sultan's thought was to march straight on Buda but his military advisers pointed out that he could not leave Szabdcs in his rear. The operations on the Save were protracted during the whole summer (1521). Szabdcs was taken under the eye of the Sultan himself, and a few days later Semlin wjis captured by his generals. But Solyman was compelled to recognise that Belgrade must also be secured, and after a difficult siege it was taken, through treachery. Solyman kept a diary of the campaign so that we can read his doings day by day. Other fortresses, such as Slankamen and Mitrovic, fell into his hands and thus the gates of Hungary were fully unlocked, whenever he chose to pass in. As yet he did not press on to Buda. A more urgent task lay before him in another quarter, the

m

;

;

;

;

—

conquest of Rhodes.

Where Mohammad had failed, his great-grandson was to succeed. Belgrade had fallen, Rhodes was now to fall. The pirate-ships of the Rhodian Knights were a pest to the eastern waters of the archipelago and the Asiatic coasts ; and not only was it imperative for the Sultan that his line of communication with Egypt should be cleared of the corsair nest, but it was in the interest of public order that the island should be annexed to the Turkish realm. The lords of Rhodes had to depend entirely on themselves, without aid from the west. The first principle of Venetian policy at this time was to keep on good terms with

The Signory had congratulated Selim on his conquests, and had transferred to him the tribute for Cyprus previously paid by them to the Sultan of Egypt. They had congratulated Solyman on his accession, and of all foreigners they had the most advantageous commercial They were therefore careful to lend no position in the Ottoman realm. countenance to Rhodes. In summer 1522 the main army of the Turks under Solyman himself marched across Asia Minor to the Carian coast, and a fleet of about 300 ships carried select troops. In all, the Turkish the Turk.

;;

Fall of Rhodes.

94

[1522

army was about 200,000 strong, including 60jOOO miners from Wallachia and Bosnia. The Grand-Master, L'Isle Adam, had made all possible preparations. An iron chain locked the harbour and outside it a boom ;

of timber floated from the windmill tower at the north-east point of the harbour to Fort St Nicholas, which stood at the end of a mole on the north-west side. The houses beyond the walls were demolished, to deprive the foe of shelter and supply stones for new defences. The precaution was taken of removing the slaves from the powdermills freemen were set to work there day and night. The first great assault (in September) was repelled with such enormous loss, that Solyman to the tactics of wearying the gan-ison out. In December, as the ammunition of the besieged was failing, the GrandMaster agreed to surrender. Free departure within ten days was conceded to all the Latin Knights any who chose to remain in the island were to be free from taxes for five years, were not to be subject to the child-tribute, and were to enjoy free exercise of their religion. Hostages were exchanged, and Solyman withdrew his army some miles from the walls to allow the garrison to depart in peace. But it was hard to keep the Turkish troops under control, and on Christmas-day a body of The majority of the Knights soldiers burst in and sacked the city. sought refuge in Crete, to find eight years later an abiding home in resigned himself

;

Malta.

By the capture of the two bulwarks of Christendom which had defied the conqueror of Constantinople, the young Sultan established his fame. Belgrade and Rhodes fallen, as Pope Adrian wrote, "the passages to Hungary, Sicily, and Italy lie open to him." There was as much cause for alarm in the west as there had been on the captures of Negroponte and Scodra. But the conqueror could not immediately follow up his victories. Now, as often, events in the eastern dominions of the Sultan procured a respite for his western neighbours. A revolt in Egypt and disquiet in Asia Minor claimed Solyman's attention, and not till the fourth year after the fall of Rhodes could he march on Buda, " to pluck up " in the words of a Turkish historian " the strong-rooted tree of evil unbelief from its place beside the rose-bed of Islam." Sooner or later, this expedition was inevitable; but it may have been hastened by a year or two through the action of one of the Christian powers. After the sudden disaster of Pavia (February, 1525) Francis I, a captive in his enemy's hands, looked abroad for succour, and the only European power he could discern strong enough to bear effectual help was the Turk, to whose extirpation he had devoted himself some years

No scruple was felt in appealing to the common foe. The French King's mother dispatched an ambassador to Solyman with rich presents but in passing through Bosnia he and his companions were slain and before.

robbed by the sanjaJc-beg.

King himself in his

A

second envoy, with a letter written by the captivity at Madrid, suggesting that the Sultan should

:

Frands I and

1525-6]

the

Eastern Question.

95

attack the King of Hungary, arrived safely at Constantinople. Without committing himself Solyman returned a gracious answer in this style " I who am the Sultan of Sultans, the Sovereign of Sovereigns, the distributor of crowns to the monarchs of the surface of the globe, the shadow of God on the earth, the Sultan and Padishah of the White Sea, the Black Sea, Rumelia, Anatolia, Caramania, Rum, Sulkadr, Diarbekr, Kurdistan, Azerbijan, Persia, Damascus, Aleppo, Cairo, Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, all Arabia, Yemen, and other countries which my noble ancestors (may God brighten their tombs) conquered and which my august majesty has likewise conquered with my flaming sword, Sultan

Sulayman Khan, son of Sultan Selim, son of Sultan Bayazid you who are Francis, King of France, you have sent a letter to my Porte the refuge of sovereigns "; then he heartens the captive, and observes, " night and day oiu- horse is saddled, and our sword girt on." This was the first embassy of a French King to the Porte, the ;

beginning of France's oriental politics. It was naturally the interest of the Sultan to cultivate friendly relations with the western neighbours of Germany and the Empire. But Francis hardly looked beyond the immediate emergency ; and at the beginning of 1526, when he won his freedom by the treaty of Madrid, he undertook to help the Emperor in an expedition against the Turks. The eflbrts of the Popes meanwhile to organise a Crusade had failed, as before. Adrian had proclaimed a holy truce for three years; the Minorites had dreamed of an army of crusaders furnished by all the monasteries of Europe " for the confusion and destruction of the Turks." The Reformation reacted on the Eastern Question. The mere fact that the Roman See continuously and consistently exhorted to a Crusade was to the adherents of the new Luther himself religious movement an argument against a Tm*kish war. announced the principle, that to resist the Turks was to resist God, who had sent them as a visitation. At a safe distance, this was a comfortable doctrine. But some years later, when the visitation drew nigh to the heart of Germany itself, the Reformer was somewhat embarrassed to explain

away

The one of

his earlier utterances. diffusion of the doctrine of the Reformers seems to have been the causes which slackened and weakened the resistance of

But the main cause was that King invasion. Louis was not competent as ruler or as leader ; he had not the trust of his kingdom, and he was unable to cope with the opposition and The transactions of the Diet during the crisis dilatoriness of the Diet. are a melancholy comedy: the King and the councillors severally disclaiming any responsibility for consequenpes of the coming invasion and the safety of the realm. Help from hi^ neighbours Louis could not expect. Venice had congratulated Solyman\on the capture of Rhodes,

Hungary to the Ottoman

on most friendly terms with him; Poland had just concluded a peace with him. The distant kingdoins of England and

and was

still

96

Hungarian War;

battle

of MoMcs.

[1526

Portugal promised subsidies, but it was on his brother-in-law Charles V Charles sent reinforcements, but they came too that Louis depended. The most competent late, two days after the decision of the campaign. general the Hungarians could have chosen would have been John Zapolya, the voivod of Transylvania, but he was not trusted. The command devolved upon Louis himself in default of a better man ; and at the start want of money rendered it difficult to mobilise. It was decided to defend the line of the Save, but when it came to the point the lukewarmness of the magnates caused this plan to be abandoned. The only really energetic man in the land was Archbishop Tomory, who did what he could to make defensible Peterwardein, the chief fortress of the Danube between the mouths of the Drave and the Save. The Sultan set out towards the end of April with an army of 100,000 and 300 cannons; and his diary chronicles the heavy rainfalls which made his advance painful and slow, so that he did not reach Belgrade tiU July 9, when he was joined by his infantry (the Janissaries) which had been transported up the Danube by a flotilla. Ibrahim, the Grand Vezir, had been sent forward to take Peterwardein, and it was in Turkish hands before the end of July. After the fall of this bulwark, a bloody sword was carried, according to custom, throughout the Hungarian land, summoning men to help their country in the hour of her utmost jeopardy. Zapolya was waiting uncertain what to do. Receiving a command from the King to join the army he obeyed slowly, but only reached Szegedin on the Theiss where he remained. There is not the least proof that he was acting in collusion with the Turk; the most that can be said is that he was secretly pleased at the embarrassing The Hungarian army advanced to Tolna, and situation of King Louis. all told they were perhaps fewer than 30,000. It was now a question whether the line of the Drave should be held ; but while the Hungarians were deliberating, the Turks had crossed that river at Essek (August 20-21). The Chancellor Broderith gave the counsel to fall back to Buda, but messages from Tomory (at Neusatz) urged the King to give battle in the plain of Mohdcs (south of Tolna) where he had taken up a, position. On August 29 the Turks were known to be not far off, and the Hungarians spread out their two lines a long thin line of foot in front, flanked by cavalry, and a rear line mainly of cavalry. The plan was. that the foot should open the attack all along the line, and when their attack began to tell the horse should charge. In the afternoon the Rumelians who formed the vaward of the Tm-ks became visible; they had no intention of fighting that day, and were about to camp. The Hungarian centre and left attacked and dispersed them; the cavalry then struck in, and rode forward stimulated by the first easy success. But nothing save a freak of chance could have averted the discomfiture of the Christian army; for the battle was controlled by no commander, and

—

the divisions acted independently.

The

cavalry were beaten back

by the

— March of Solyman upon

1529]

Vienna.

97

steady fire of the enemy; and the Hungarian right wing, when the Turks spread out leftwards and rounded on its flank, retired towards the Danube. Twenty thousand of the Hungarian army were killed. The King escaped from the field, but in crossing a brook his horse slipped on the bank and he was drowned. The Sultan advanced and took possession of Buda, but he did not leave a garrison; he was not yet prepared to annex Hungary. His army was somewhat demoralised, and grave news came of troubles in Asia Minor. John Zapolya was crowned King, November 10, supported by a large party; and his rivalry with Ferdinand, the late King's brother-in-law,

who claimed the

At

throne, determined the coiurse of the following events.

Ferdinand drove him out of and was himself crowned at Stuhlweissenburg (November, 1527). Then Zapolya turned for help to the Sultan who after protracted parleys concluded a treaty of alliance with him first

things looked iU for Zapolya.

Buda back

to Transylvania,

;

(February, 1528).

Ferdinand also sent ambassadors

;

but they pleaded

and were even detained under arrest at the suggestion of some Venetian envoys. On the other hand Francis I concluded a treaty with in vain,

who promised that if he died without male heir the crown of Hungary should descend to the French King's son, the Duke of

Zapolya,

Orleans. No French prince was destined ever to sit on the Hungarian throne; but before half a century had passed a grandson of Francis was to wear the crown of Poland, and the political idea was the same.

One of the results of the victory of Mohdcs was the consolidation Ottoman rule in the north-western cotmtries, Bosnia and Croatia. Jajce, which had so long defied the Sultans, was at last taken (1528), and many other fortresses of less note. Early in 1529 it was known that Solyman was preparing for a grand expedition northwards in that year. Germany was alive to the danger. Luther changed his attitude and acknowledged the necessity of war against the Turks, while he insisted that all the disasters which had befallen Christendom from Varna to Mohdcs had been due to the interference of Popes and bishops of

language which the deeds of Archbishop Paul Tomory of Kalocsa, the defender of southern Hungary, might have been held to belie. Solyman marched northwards we can again follow his movements in at the head of an immense army, set at 250,000 men, an his own diary exaggerated figiu:e. King John met him on the field of Mohdcs, and the crown of St Stephen on this occasion passed for safe keeping into the Buda was easily taken, possession of Solyman, who never gave it back. Pressburg, against avoiding Danube, the and the host advanced up were not strong; walls the 22,000; numbered garrison The Vienna. defence of the the to hastened have to ought who Charles V, and

—

—

Ferdinand waited in terrible anxiety at Linz. He believed that it was the purpose of Solyman to winter in Vienna and spend three years in the subjugation of Germany. The eastern mark, was in Italy.

The Ottoman

98

constitution;

codes oj law.

made suitable arrangements for encountering the storm. The houses outside the walls were levelled, the The city was surrounded on streets within torn up, buildings unroofed. September 26 and the operations began with mining. But the difficulty of procuring provisions and the approach of winter rendered the army impatient ; and, when successive attempts at storming had been repelled with grave loss (October 9-12), it was decided to retreat after one more especially as help was approaching, about 60,000 men from effort garrison of Vienna in the meanwhile

—

Bohemia, Moravia, and Germany.

A

half-hearted attack closed the

and at midnight the signal was given On December 16 for a retreat which was marked by every horror. Solyman records, he retimied "fortunately" to Stambul. He had failed in Austria, but Hungary lay at his feet, and John Zapolya, though not a tributary, was absolutely dependent on his support. episode of the

first

The Ottoman

siege of Vienna,

marked

oiF from the rest of Eiu-ope by a legal based entirely on religious foundations. In Christian coxmtries religion has frequently modified the principles of secular law ; but in Turkey the problem of legislators has been to relax or adjust the interpretation of the canons of Islam, so as to permit it to take its place among European States, and to establish a modus Vivendi with neighboming unbelievers. Under Mohammad II a general code of law called " the Pearl " was drawn up by the Molla Khusrev in 1470; but this was superseded by Ibrahim Haleby of Aleppo, who in the reign of Solyman compiled a code which he named " the Confluence of the Seas " (MidteJca-vl-ubhar). The sources from which these codes were compiled are four: the Koran; the Surmas (the sayings of the Prophet which depend on early tradition, and inferences from his actions and his silences); the "apostolic laws" (explanations and decisions given by the Prophet's apostles and chief disciples in theo-r logical and moral matters); and the Kiyas (canonical decisions of "the four great Imams," who lived in the eighth and ninth centuries). One of the universal duties of Islam on which the code of Ibrahim does not fail to insist was the conquest of the unbelievers; they must be converted to Islam, subjected to tribute, or destroyed by the sword. The fulfilment of this religious duty was the end and purpose of the Ottoman power, to which its institutions were designed and excellently adapted. Under the autocratic will of one man, possessing religious as well as secular supremacy, and holding a sovereignty which the Sacred Book forbade to be divided, the whole forces of the State could be directed to the execution of his policy. And these forces were organised in such a way that they could move swiftly and promptly at his

and

political

State

is

system which

is

command. The two features of this organisation were a feudal system of a peculiar kind, and the slave tribute. The main part of the Turkish army was the feudal levy of cavalry

— Military establishment.

99

(the sipahis). When a new country was conquered, it was parcelled out into a number of larger fiefs called ziamets and smaller called timars,

which were assigned to Ottoman horse-soldiers in reward for military service in the past and with the obligation of military service in the future. The holder of each fief was boimd to supply one or more

mounted soldiers, according to the amount of its value. In the time of Solyman the total number of the levy of the sipahis is said to have amounted to 130,000. A number of districts or "sabres" was constituted as a sanjak or "standard," under the authority of a scmjahbeg ("sanjak

lord");

and saryaks were combined into

larger districts {eycHayets) under

All these governors were subject to the two great beglerbegs of Eiurope and Asia (Rumelia and Anatolia), When the word of military and administrative powers being combined. the Sultan flew forth to summon the army to war, there was no delay; ieglerbegs ("lords of lords").

the horse of the sipahi was always ready at a moment's notice; all the sabres rallied round the sanjak ; the sanjahs gathered to the mustering

by the beglerbeg, and there awaited further orders. The system of the Turks, foimded by Othman, remodelled by Murad I (1375), differed from the feudal systems of the West in this one important respect, that the fief of the father did not necessarily descend to the son; each man had to win a right to a fief by his own valour. But on the other hand, only the son of a feudal tenant could become a feudal tenant. This provision was a safeguard of the military efiectiveness of the system; and it must also be remembered that the Ottoman tenants were stiU nomads in spirit, and had not developed the instincts of a settled agricultural population. Such a levy was almost equivalent to a standing army; but there was also a standing army in a precise sense, ^an establishment of paid troops, recruited from captive children who were robbed from hostile or strict, but not subject Christian countries and educated in Islam. cruel, discipline trained some of them to be foot-soldiers ; while others, under an equally severe regime, served in the seragho; thence rising

place appointed

feudal

—

A

of state, or being drafted into the brilliant corps of the paid mounted soldiery who were the bodyguard of the Sultan. The Turks had one enlightened principle of education they observed carefully the particular qualifications of the individual youth, and

gradually to

oflices

:

adapted his work to his powers. Those of the Christian children—taken every five years or oftener as a tribute from the subject population who had not the finer qualities which marked them out for service in the palace, were set to all kinds of hard work; but their stern discipline seems to have been compatible with acts of petulance and outrage in In this prehminary stage they were called ajami oghlamlars. city. the yam the age of about twenty-five they were enrolled among Janissaries. into corrupted have chari (new soldiery), whose name we organised by the great Sultan Orchan, constituted the the

At

The

Janissaries,

7-2

100

The

Janissaries.

—Spirit

of fatalism.

Ottoman army, and

at the beginning of Solyman's reign yet this small body often decided about only 12,000; they numbered battles; they had won Kosovo and Varna, and had never been known to

infantry of the

All except men of Christian birth, thus trained from childhood, were jealously excluded from the corps, which was under the command of the Aga of the Janissaries, one of the highest officers of the realm. The fundamental laws which regulated their discipline were absolute obedience to the commanders, abstinence from luxury, modest attire, They were unable to marry or fulfilment of the duties of Islam. It is clear that the existence exercise any trade, or leave their camp. of such a body of warriors was in itself a constant incentive or even flee.

compulsion to warlike enterprises; and peacefully inclined sultans like Bayazid II were unpopular with the Janissaries who were more fanatical Without any in fighting for Islam even than men of Muslim race. bonds of family or country, they were the creatures of the Sultan, in turn imposing their yoke on him. Scanderbeg's tenacious devotion to the memory of his father and the Albanian mountains was an isolated exception.

Against an army thus disciplined and organised, propelled by the an able ruler, Europe without unity could do nothing. The sipahis were still the restless herdsmen of the waste, impatient of tillage, eager to go forth where there was fighting and plunder; only standing forces of mercenary troops could have availed against them, and such forces would have cost enormous sums of money which were not to be raised. The fanaticism of the Mohammadan faith, though not so tempestuous as in the first century of the Hijra, could still kindle and incite; and it was habitual; the Turks needed no John of Capistrano The insidious doctrine of fatalism, for the preaching of a holy war. which holds the minds of oriental nations, fosters some of the qualities which make a soldier a useful instrument; but it is worthy of notice that though Jcismet pervades the Turkish spirit it is not an article of single will of

Mohammadan belief. The doctrine of predestination applies only to the spiritual state and the future life, a point at which Islam and Calvinism meet ; but it does not apply to secular and political matters, in which freewill has full play. But notwithstanding the true doctrine, the Turkish nation believes in kismet, and regards murmurs of discontent against existing circumstances as irreligious; and this attitude of mind,

—

which sustains the soldier in the hour of jeopardy, has helped to keep the Ottomans far behind in the march of civilisation ^hindering them, for instance, from taking the ordinary precautions against plague or fire.

—

But an organisation admirably designed for its purpose was useless without brains to wield it. Everything depended on the strength and capacity of the Sultan ; and, if there had been any means of securing a series of successors equal in ability to the Murads and Mohammads, to Selim I and Solyman the lawgiver, the Ottoman State need not have

Administration of justice.

— Grand

Vezirate.

101

The succession of exceptionally great rulers lasted in the Ottoman line longer than such successions usually last; but after Solyman their character changed; and even in his reign the first symptoms of decline appeared, and those inherent vices in the organisation which demanded constant precautions began to emerge. The discipline of the Janissaries was undermined, when the law which forbade their marrying was relaxed; and the feudal system was corrupted by the assignation of fiefs to others than the sons of feudal tenants, who had served in war. But this decline lies outside our present range.

declined.

In the theoretical morality of Islam nothing is of higher importance than justice and the protection of the oppressed; and it is probable that under the early Ottoman rulers the administration of justice was better in Turkey than in any European land; the Mohammadan subjects of the Sultans were more orderly than most Christian communities and crimes were rarer. Under Mohammad II there were two supreme caMaskers, or military judges, one for Europe and one for Asia (the conquests of Selim added a third for Syria and Egypt); all the cadis (judges) of the empire were subordinate to them. From the sentences of the judges men could always appeal to the mufti or sheikh-ul-Islam, who was the religious oracle and interpreter of the law; holding the But he was not position of head of the Ulema (that is, all the litterati). a religious authority independent of the caliph; the caliph could depose him. He had no executive power; he could not enforce his pronouncements {fetvas); but their authority was recognised as morally binding, and the rmifti took care not to endanger his position by issuing sentences

which would run counter to the Sultan's known will. It was Mohammad II who defined the position of the Grand Vezir as the Sultan's representative

and regent. The Grand Vezir received the and of holding a divan or State council

right of using the Sultan's seal

which was called the High Porte. It was a position of which the political importance necessarily varied according to the But it is not till the reign of Solyman that the character of the ruler. Grand Vezir attains the plenitude of his power. In 1523 Solyman raised to the Grand Vezirate his friend Ibrahim, a Greek who had been

in his

own

palace,

captured by corsairs, and in the following year married him to his own sister. Ibrahim associated with his master more as a friend and equal than any Vezir with any Sultan; they were bound together by youthful Ibrahim, says a contemporary Venetian friendship and common tastes. report, is "the heart and breath" of the Padishah, who does nothing

without consulting him; he is learned, fond of reading, and knows his law well. In 1529, before setting out for Hungaiy, Solyman increased his salary to 60,000 ducats and made him commander-in-chief proceeding (serasker) of the army: "all that he says is to be regarded as from my own pearl-raining mouth." This delegation of supreme military command is an innovation not in the spirit of Orchan or

102

Finances.

— Condition of Christian

subjects.

Mohammad, and is a premonition of the new paths along which the empire is about to travel. It is a significant fact, that no sooner has the Vezirate reached a high elevation, than the influence of the harem begins to make itself felt for the first time in Ottoman history, and as

—

an influence hostile to the Vezir. The income of the Ottoman State at the beginning of the sixteenth century was probably about four million ducats; and it went on increasing with new conquests till, towards the middle of the century, it seems to have approached ten millions. The head of the financial administration was the De/terdar of Rumelia, to whom those of Anatolia and, afterwards, of Aleppo, were subordinate. About three-fifths of the revenue were produced by the kharaj or capitation tax, levied on all unbelieving subjects with the exception of priests, old men, and children under ten. It does not seem to have been oppressive, it was generally

paid with docility; and the duties on exports and imports were so reasonable that commerce, which was mainly in the hands of Christians, was in a flourishing condition. The worst feature in the fiscal system of the Turks was the stupid method employed in levying the land-tax (incident on all landowners without distinction of creed), which might amount to much more than a tithe of the produce. The farmer was not allowed to begin the harvest, until the tax-gatherer was on the spot to watch over the interests of the treasury, and he was forbidden to collect the produce imtil the fiscal portion was set aside. Apart from the incidental waste of time and injury to the crops, the inevitable consequence of this system has been that agriculture has never improved; certain primitive methods of work are prescribed by the law, and these and no others must be followed under the tax-ofiicer's eye. Another weak point in the financial system has been the depreciation of the coinage, a process which had set in at least as early as the beginning of the sixteenth century. Until the empire began to decline and the system became established of leaving the provinces to be exploited by officials who had paid heavy

sums for their posts, the condition of the subject Christian population as a whole was perhaps more prosperous under Turkish rule than it had been before. The great oppression was the tribute of children, but even this was thought to have some compensations. Greeks, Albanians, and Servians rose to the highest positions

in the State. Christians and a matter of policy, suffered to exercise their religions freely a toleration which might indeed at any moment be withdrawn. In nothing had Mohammad shown astuter statesmanship than in his dealings with the Greek Church. He knew the "Romaic" language

Jews were,

—

as

and had sounded the nature of the Greeks of that age he was how they were absorbed in narrow theological interests, utterly divorced from the principles of honour and rectitude, which they were always willing to sacrifice in order to gain a victory for their own well,

;

well aware

;

The Greek Church under Ottoman

rule.

103

party. He saw that the Greek Church under a Patriarch appointed by the Sultan would be a valuable engine of government, placing in the Sultan's hands a considerable indirect influence over the laity. It was, further, his policy to favour the Greek Church, in view of the crusading plans of the Latin powers; for, though the Roman pontiffs of this period showed themselves able to rise to the higher conception of the imity of Christendom, the bigoted hatred existing between the Latin and Greek Churches went far towards paralysing the sympathies of the Catholic countries. Mohammad aimed at fostering this ill-feeling, and he was thoroughly successful; the supremacy of the infidel Sultan seemed more tolerable than the supremacy of the heretical Pope. Naturally Mohammad chose for the Patriarchate one of those who were opposed to the union of the Greek and Latin Churches: George Scholarios, a man of learning and bigotry, who had thrown whatsoever obstacles he could in the way of the Emperor Constantine's forlorn defence of Constantinople. On his election George took the church in the city was assigned to him, and the name of Gennadios. Sultan guaranteed that he and his bishops should be exempt from But the internal dissensions tribute and enjoy their former revenues. and intrigues of the Greek clergy and laity rendered the position of the Patriarch so difficult, that in a few years Gennadios resigned. His successors were equally helpless; and after the fall of Trebizond (1461) the struggle between the Trapezuntine and the Constantinopolitan Greeks, each anxious to secure the Patriarchate for a man of their own, wealthy Trapezuntine, named Simeon, commade matters worse. passed his own election by paying a thousand ducats to the Sultan and this was the beginning of a system of unveiled simony which has This payment was lasted in the Greek Church to our own times. increased at subsequent elections; afterwards a yearly contribution to the treasury was promised; but it is important to observe that these tributes were not originally imposed by the Sultans, but were voluntarily The policy of Mohammad, who was offered by the intriguing Greeks.

religious

A

A

solicitous to repeople Constantinople,

had the

effect of

gathering thither

a multitude of Greek families of the better class, who might otherwise have sought refuge in foreign lands. Settled in the quarter of the Phanar, in the north of the city, they were known as Phanariots, and came to be reputed a class of clever, unprincipled intriguers. have followed the expansion of Turkey up to the eve of its Subsequent pages will tell how greatest splendour and widest extent. the Ottomans advanced westwards by sea, and how the Austro-Spanish monarchy set limits to their expansion both in the north and in the

We

south.

CHAPTEE

IV.

ITALY AND HER INVADERS. In the latter half of the fifteenth century Italy presented the appearance of comparative calm. Frederick III, in spite of the motto attributed to him, "Alles Erdreich ist Oesterreich untertan," took no Conciliar storms had blown step to assert imperial claims in Italy. over. The condottieri had been tamed ; secure for the most part in their little t3rrannies they drew the pay of some neighbouring State, and spent it on luxury, literature, and art. If war was on foot, its bitterness was mitigated, at any rate to the soldier, by every courteous device. The clash of party strife was seldom heard, for most cities had bought internal peace at the price of liberty. Italy possessed her own State system, her own great powers, intent on preserving a balance of forces, her own alliances, triple or dual. At first the north Italian powers had their own league ; later the alliance of Milan, Florence, and Naples, promoted and sustained by Lorenzo de' Medici, kept in check the vigilant ambition of Venice, stiU almost at the height of her power and pride. The smaller powers, Mantua, Ferrara, and the tyrants of the Papal States, in constant dread of their covetous neighbours, leant for support on one or other of the great powers, and did what in them lay to preserve the balance. After the brilliant raid of John, the Angevin duke of Calabria, Ferrante, the bastard of Aragon, ruled Naples in comparative peace. The revolt of his barons was stamped out, without regard for faith or mercy, as befitted a man of that age. The seizure of Otranto by the Turks in 14Maurice. La cour othomane ou I'interprete de la Porte. 1673.

IV.

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45

CHAPTER

IV.

ITALY AND HER INVADERS. (For a bibliography of the historical literature dealing with its limits, see Pastor, Geschichte der Papste, vol. m.)

this period,

very full

vnthin

I.

CONTEMPORARY CHRONICLES, MEMOIRS, AND PRINTED HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS.

{For further indications on the contemporary authorities for this period, see Potthast, Bibliotheca Historica Medii Aevi, Berlin, 1895-6. See also Bibliographies of Chapters V. VI. VII. VIII. XII. in this Volume.)

A.

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Buonaccorsi, B. 1498-1612.

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Arcuate,

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Vol. i. Florence. di Storia Italiana. 1836. ii. Lettere Miscell. di Storia Ital. Commentarius de Bello Italico. London. 1724. OricellariuSj B. (Rucellai). Documents pour I'histoire de I'etablissement de la Domination Pdlissier, L. G. Genoa. Fran^aise a Genes 1498. Le Traite d' Alliance de Louis XII et de Philibert de Savoie, 1499. Memoires de la section de lettres, Ac. des Sciences et Lettres de Montpellier, Ser. 2. 1893. Montpellier. Ricordi 1422-1510, in Arch. Stor. Ital. vi. 2, pp. 387—396. Perizolo da Pisa. 1846. Petrus Martyr d'Anghiera. Opus Epistolarum. Amsterdam. 1670. Porto Venere, G. Memoriale come il Re di Francia passa in Italia per aquistare il reame di Napoli. 1494^1602. Arch. Stor. Ital. vi. 2. Ricciardi da Pistoia, F. Ricordi Storici, 1494^1500. Ed. P. Vigo. Bologna. 1882. Ruscelli, G. Lettere di Principi. Venice. 1562. Sadoletus, J. Epistolae. Vol. ii. Rome. 1760. Saige, M. J. J. G. Documents historiques relatifs a la Principaute de Monaco depuis le quinzieme Siecle. Monaco. 1888.

Morone, G.

Segesser, A.

Lucerne. Senarega, B.

P.

von.

Amtliche Sammlung der alten eidgenossischen Abschiede.

1863.

De

rebus Genuensibus Commentaria, 1488-1614.

Muratori, Script.

XXIV. Diario. Ed. L. Fumi. Orvieto. 1891, etc. Commentarii de rebus... in Pannonia et Turcia et iinitimis regionibus gestis, 1490-1622. In Schwandtner, Script. Rer. Hungaricarum. ii. Zurita, G. Los annales de la Corona d'Aragon. Saragossa, 1610-21, etc. Silvestro, T. di.

Tubero, L.

II.

LATER HISTORICAL WORKS. A.

General.

Balan, P. Storia d' Italia. Tom. v. Modena. 1877. Baschet, A. La Diplomatie Venetienne. Paris. 1862. Brequigny, O. F. de. Histoire des revolutions de Genes. 1762. Burckhardt, J. Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien. Basel. 1860. "Busch, W. England unter den Tudors. Stuttgart. 1892. Buser, B. Beziehungen der Mediceer zu Frankreich, 1434-94. Leipzig. 1879. Canale, M. G. Nuova storia della Republica di Geneva. Florence. 1886. Canestrini, G. Delia Milizia Italiana del Secolo xm. al xvi. Florence ?. 1867. Capponi, G. A. G. G. Storia del Reame di Napoli. 1846. Cherrier, C. de. Histoire de Charles VIII. 2 vols. Paris. 1868. CipoUa, C. Storia delle Signorie Italiane, 1313-1530. Milan. 1881. Costanzo, A. di. Istoria del Regno di Napoli. 3 vols. Milan. 1806. Dandliker, C. Geschichte der Schweiz. Zurich. 1884-7. Geschichte der schweiz. Eidgenossenschaft. Dierauer, J. (Gesch. d. europ. Gotha. Staaten.) Vol. ii. 1892. Fuchs, I. Mailandische Feldzuge der Schweizer. 2 vols. St Gallen. 1810. Giustiniani, A. Annali della Republica di Geneva. Gtenoa. 1864.

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Gothein, E. Culturentwickelung SQd-Italiens. Breslau. 1886. Gregorovius, F. Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter. Vols. Stuttgart.

HHardy^ M.

vii.

and

viii.

1872.

J. F. E.

Havemann, W.

Les Fran9ais en Italie. Paris. 1880. Geschichte der italienisch-franzosischen

Kriege,

1494^1515.

Hanover. 1833. Heyd, W. Geschichte des Levantehandels im Mittelalter. Stuttgart. French edition (amplified). Paris. 1885-6. Jahns. Handbuch einer Geschichte des Kriegswesens von der Urzeit

1879. bis

zur

Renaissance. Leipzig. 1880. Lamansky, V. Secrets d'Etat de Venise.

1884. St Petersburg. Lichnowskij C. M. Geschichte des Hauses Hapsburg bis zum Tode Maximilians I. Vienna. 1844. *JVIaulde la Clavierej R. La Diplomatie au temps de Machiavel. 3 vols. Paris. 1892-3. Pastor, L. Geschichte der Papste. Vol. iii. 2nd ed. Freiburg i. B. 1891. ,-Perrens, F. T. Paris. Histoire de Florence. 1890. Perret, P. M. Histoire des relations de France avec Venise du xiii« Siecle a Charles VIII. 2 vols. Paris. 1896. Ranke, L. von. Die romischen Papste. Vols, xxxvii. ix. of Sammtliche Werke.

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1874, etc. Geschichte der romanischen und germanischen Volker, 1494^1514, 1824. Leipzig. Vols, xxxiii.-iv. of Sammtliche Werke. 1874, etc. Raumer, F. L. G. von. Geschichte Europas seit dem Ende des fiinfzehnten Leipzig.

1832-50. Jahrhunderts. lb. Berlin. 6 vols. Beitrage zur italienischen Geschichte. A. von. 1853-7. 1867-70. Geschichte der Stadt Rom. Berlin. 4 vols. Turin. 1846. Ricotti. Storia delle Compagnie di Ventura in Italia. Romanin, S. Storia documentata di Venezia. Vol. v. Venice. 1866. Roemini, C. Dell' istoria di Milano. 4 vols. Milan. 1820-1.

Reumont,

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1865. Histoire de Charles VIII. Sugenheim, S. Entstehung u. Ausbildung des Kirchenstaates. Leipzig. 1854. ^^jrmonds, J. A. Renaissance in Italy. 7 vols. London. 1875-86. lUmann, H. Kaiser Maximilian I. 2 vols. Stuttgart. 1884 and 1891. Vecchi, A. V. Storia generale della Marina militare. 3 vols. Leghorn. 1895. Se'gur, P. de.

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/Alvisi, E. Cesare Borgia. Imola. 1878. Gotha. 1878. Brosch, M. Julius II und die Griindung des Kirchenstaats. 1844. Cantu, C. Milano e il suo Territorio. Milan. Arch. Stor. Lombardo xv. 1888. Gli Sforza e Charles VIII. Diplomazia di Savoia. Turin. 1876. Canitti, D. La republique de Venise et les Suisses. Venice. 1890. Cere'sole, V. Baldi, B. Delia vita e fatti di Guidobaldo I da Montefeltro, duca d' Urbino. Librixii.

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— 712

Italy

and her

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Delaborde, H. F. Expedition de Charles VIII en Italie. Paris. F. Didot. 1888. Negotiations entre Charles VIII et Ludovico More. Rapport a I'Academie des Inscr. et Belles-Lettresj 1879. Elggerj C. von. Das Kriegswesen der schweiz. Eidgenossenschaft im xiv. xv. und XVI. Jahrhundert. Lucerne. 1873. Escher, H. Der Verrat von Novara. Jahrbuch fiir schweiz. Glesch. xxi. pp. 71 194. Zurich. 1897. Fabi-ettij A. Biographic dei Capitani venturieri dell' Umbria. 5 vols. Montepulciano. 1842-6. Filippij G. II Convegno in Savona tra Luigi XII e Ferdinando U Cattolico. Savona. 1890.

Formentini, M. II Ducato di Milano. Milan. 1877. Fraknoi, W. Ungarn und die Liga von Cambrai, 1609-1511. Budapest. 1883. Gisi, W. Antheil der Eidgenossen an der europ. Politik, 1512-6. Schaffhausen. 1866.

Memorie spettanti alia Storia^ al Governo, ed alia Descrizione Campagna di Milano ne' secoli bassi. Milan. 1760. Gozzadini, G. Memorie per la vita di Giulio II. Bologna. 1839. Giulini, G.

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Citta e della

Hofler, C. A. C. von. Rodrigo di Borgia. Vienna. 1888. Jarry, E. Les engines de la Domination Fran9aise a Genes.

Paris.

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Kohler, C. La conquete du Tessin, 1500-3. Rev. Hist. March and April, 1891. Les Suisses dans les guerres d'ltalie. Memoires et documents de la Soc. hist, de Geneve. Ser. ii.. Vol. iv. 1896.

La

Campagnes et Bulletins de Charles VIII. Papa Alessandro VI, secondo documenti e cartezzi

Pilorgerie, J. de.

Leonettij A.

1866.

Paris.

del tempo.

3 vols. Bologna. 1880. Leonii, L. Vita di B. di Alviano. Todi. 1858. Luzio, A. and Renier, R. Relazioni d' Isabelle d' Este ed Elizabetta Gonzaga con Ludovico e Beatrice Sforza. Arch. Stor. Lombardo. 1890. Mantova e Urbino. Isabella d' Este ed Elizabetta Gonzaga nolle relazioni famiglieri e nolle vicende politiche. Turin. 1893. Fr. Gonzaga alia Battaglia di Fornovo, secondo i documenti Mantovani. Florence.

Maulde

1890.

Conquete du Tessin par les Suisses. L'Entrevue de Savone, 1607. Rev. Hist. dipl. 1890. la Claviere, R.

Turin.

1890.

Also separate.

Paris.

1890.

Mulinen, N. F. Gesch. der schweizerischen Soldner bis zur Errichtung der ersten stehenden Garde, 1497. Bern. 1887. Pasolini dell' Onda, Count. Caterina Sforza. 3 vols. Rome. 1893. Pe'lissier, L. G. La politique du Marquis de Mantoue, 1498-1600. Annales de la Faculte de Lettres de Bordeaux. 1892. La Politique de Trivulce au debut du regno de Louis XII. Revue des Quest. histor. Lvi.

Paris.

1894.

Louis XII et Ludovic Sforza, 1498-1500. 2 vols. Bibl. des ilcoles Fran?. d' Athene et de Rome, fascc. 76—6. Paris. 1896. PioUet, A. feude sur Geoffrey Carles, President de Dauphine' et du Senat de Milan. Grenoble, 1882. Anz. fur schweiz. Gesch. 1884, pp. 279—82. Porzio, C. Congiura dei Baroni del Regno di Napoli. Rome. 1666, etc. Ranke, L. von. Zur Kritik neuerer Geschichtschreiber. 1824. Vol. xxxiv. of Sammtliche Werke. Leipzig. 1874, etc. Rosmini, C. Dell' istoria...di J. J. Trivulzio. lb. 1815. Scardovelli, G.

Battaglia di Taro, 1496. Mantua. 1888. Schneider, J. Die kirchliche und politische Wirksamkeit des Legaten Pe'raud, 1496-1505. Halle. 1882.

Raimond

713

Bibliography. Thuasne, L. Djem-Sultan. Paris. 1892. Texte du traite entre Charles VIII et 1494. Rev. Hist, diplom. Ugolini, F. Storia dei Conti e

Ulmann, H.

la

Republique de Florence, 26 Nov.

1887.

Duchi d' Urbino. Florence. 1859. Kaiser Maximilians Absichten auf den Papstthron in den Jahren

1507-11.

Stuttgart.

1888.

Esposizione di rapporti fra la Rep. Veneta e gli Slavi meridionali. Venice, 1863. Vol. i. (1496-1516.) Verga, E. Concessioni fatti da M. Sforza alia Citta di MUano, 1616. Arch. Storico

Valentinelli, G.

Lombardo, Ann. Yriarte, C.

xxi. (1894), fasc. 4.

Cesar Borgia ; sa

vie, sa captivite, sa

mort.

2

vols.

Paris.

1889.

CHAPTER FLORENCE I.

(I):

V.

SAVONAROLA.

CONTEMPORARY WORKS AND DOCUMENTS. A.

Works

op Savonarola.

be impossible here to give a bibliography of the numerous earlyand tracts. Bibliotheca Savonaroliana, the catalogue recently published by L. S. Olschki, of Florence and Venice, will be found useful. The works of Savonarola mentioned here are those recently published and It vrould

editions of Savonarola's sermons

generally accessible. Poesie di Girolamo Savonarola: ed. by C. Capponi and C. Guasti. Florence. 1862. Alcune lettere di Fra G. Savonax-ola: ed. by C. Capponi. Florence. 1868. Opere di Fra G. Savonarola. Sermons on the First Epistle of St John and on the Psalm Quam bonus. 1845. Prediche di Fra G. Savonarola. The Sermons of 1496 ed. by G. Baccini. Florence. :

1889.

Documenti intorno alia sua Vita (including the Epistola of Fra Placido Cinozzi and the Cronaca di Simone Filipepi). P. Villari and E. Casanova. Florence. 1898. Trattato circa il Reggimento e Governo della Citta di Firenze. 1847. (Euvres Spirituelles Choisies de Jerome Savonarola. 3 vols. E. C. Bayonne. Scelta di Prediche e Scritti di Fra G. Savonarola con nuovi

Paris. 1879. Lettere inedite di Fra G. Savonarola. V. Marchese. Arch. Stor. It. App. viii. 1850. II Trionfo della Croce (the Latin and Italian texts) ed. by L. Ferretti. Siena. 1900. L' ultimo Scritto di Fra Girolamo Savonarola. II Salmo Miserere mei Deus, commentato in carcere. (Italian translation with Introduction and Notes.) L. Ferretti. Milan. 1901. :

B.

Some Works of Savonarola's Disciples.

Bertuccio (Fra Benedetto), Cedrus Libani. It.

App.

vii.

Edited by V. Marchese.

Arch. Stor.

1849.

Molti devotissimi Trattati. (Savonarolist pamphlets. ) Venice. 1535-8. Riforma santa et pretiosa. By Domenico Cecchi. 1496. (Extremely rare, but in the British Museum.)

is

715

Bibliography. Benivieni, D. Dialogo della Verita della Doctrina, Epistola responsiva, etc. 1496 (?). Tractate in defensione. 1496. (These tracts are in the British Museum.)

Lauda per Fra Girolamo Savonarola

C.

scritta

etc.

1496

(?).

da uno dei Piagnoni.

1865,

Contemporary Writers and Documents.

Vita di Piero Capponi ; with documents, including extracts from the and F. Gaddi. Arch. Stor. It. Vol. iv. 2. 1853. Due Documenti pistoiesi sopra Fra G. Savonarola. 1894. Bacci, P. Benivieni, G. Defence of Savonarola to Clement VII. At close of G. Milanesi's ed. of B. Varchi. Florence. 1858. Bonainij F. Annali del Convento di Sta Caterina di Pisa. Arch. Stoi". It. vi. ii. Acciajolij V.

Priovista of A.

1845.

Bongi, S. A letter to the Government of Lucca on the Jews. Ibid. , iii. 1883-6. Burcardus, J. Diarium. Ed. L. Thuasne. 3 vols. Paris. Burlamacchi, P. Vita del P. F. Girolamo Savonarola (first published by D. M. Mansi in Addizioni alia Miscellanea del Baluzio). Lucca. 1761. Florence. Cambi, G. Istorie. In Delizie degli eruditi Toscani. xxi. xxm. 1785 sqq. Cappelli, A. Fra G. Savonarola e Notizie intorno il suo tempo. Reprinted from Atti e Memorie della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le provincie Modenesi e Parmensi. Vol. iv. Modena. 1869. Arch. Stor. It. New Capponi, C. L' ufEcio proprio per Fra G. Savonarola.

—

Series, xir.

Conti, A.

The

1860.

Memoires. Paris. 1843. Arch. Stor. It. narrative of the Ordeal. Controversy with the Franciscans. Ibid.

Commines, P.

de.

A

3rd Series,

xiii.

1871.

Le Storie de' suoi tempi dal 1475 al 1610. Rome. 1883. Negociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane. Vols. i. and II. Paris. 1859-61. Gherardi, A. Nuovi Documenti e Studi intorno a Girolamo Savonarola. 2nd ed. (An invaluable collection of documents critically examined, Florence. 1887. with a bibliography.) Ed. P. Villari. 3 vols. Florence. 1876. Dispacci. Giustinianij A. Nuovi documenti. 1862. (A reprint Guasti, C. II Savonarola ed i Lucchesi. Conti, Sigismondo de'.

Desjardins, A.

from Giornale Storico degli Archivi Toscani. vi.) Opere inedite, in. Storia Fiorentina. Del Reggimento di Firenze. Opere inedite, n. Various writings. Opere inedite, x.

Guicciardini, F.

Storia d' Italia,

i.

Florence. 1883. Diario Fiorentino dal 1450 al 1516. Documents on the Excommunication, and the letters of" the Lungo, I. del. Milanese envoys Somenzi and Tranchedino. Arch. Stor. It. New Series,

Landucci, L.

i. and ii. 1863. Canzona d' un Piagnone pel Bruciamento delle Vanita, etc. Florence. Arch. Stor. It. 3rd Series, m. i. Pratiche and other documents. Lupi, C.

XVIII.

1864. 1866.

1871. Pisan documents. Arch. Stor. It. 3rd Series, xiii. Oxford. 1891. (For passages from II Principe, ed. L. A. Burd. TMachiavelli, N. Machiavelli's works relating to Savonarola, see Appendix i.)

Nardi, J.

Istoria della Citta di Firenze.

Florence.

1838.

)

)

Florence

716 Nerli, F.

I.

Savonarola.

Commentari. Augsburg. 1728. Reports of trials of Fra Domenico and Fra Silvestro and Apologia

Passerini, L.

Giornale Storico degli Archivi Toscani. Vols. ii. and iii. 1858 and 59. Pico della Mirandola, G. F. Vita R. P. Fr. Hieronymi Savonarolae. Ed. by J. Quetif. 3 vols. Paris. 1874. (Vol. iii. contains Savonarola's letters.) Pitti, J. Istoria Fiorentina dal 1216 al 1529. Arch. Stor. It. Vol. i. 1842. — Apologia de' Cappucci. Arch. Stor. It. Vol. iv. 2. 1853. Vita di A. Giacomini Tebalducci. Arch. Stor. It. Vol. rv^. 2. 1853. PolitianuSj A. Epistolae Jacopo Antiquario. May^ 1492. (As to Book iv. Savonarola and the death of L. de' Medici.) Portioli, A. Nuovi documenti su G. Savonarola. Arch. Stor. Lomb. i. iii. 1874. Renierj R. I Sonetti del Pistoia. 1889. (A passage representing the "Temperance" di Marsilio Ficino.

—

influence of Savonarola. Rinuccini, A. Ricordi Storici dal 1460. Florence. 1840. Rossi, T. Ricordanze. In Delizie degli eruditi Toscani. xxiii. 1785, etc. Sanuto, Marino. I Diarii. Venice. 1879La Spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia. Venice. 1883. "Tizio, S. An extract from the Sienese Chronicler, by G. Rondoni. Arch. Stor. Ital. 5th Series, ii. 1888. Vaglienti, P., Fr. G. Savonarola giudicato da. By L. Randi. Florence. 1893. (Extracts from the chronicler relating to Savonarola.) .

Cerretani, B. Parenti, P.

Storia Fiorentina. Storia Fiorentina.

MS. Bibliotheca Nazionale, Florence. MS. Bibliotheca Nazionale, Florence.

(These two manuscripts have not been printed, but have been Parenti is of the highest value.

For Documents

see also Villari;

much

utilised.

Meier; Ranke; Cittadella; Bayonne; Luotto

(below).

II.

LATER WRITINGS.

(Certain of these are included less for their intrinsic importance than as representing of opinion.)

different schools

-

Ammirato, S. Istorie Florentine. Part ii. Armstrong, E. English Historical Review, Athenaeum. Jan. 19, 1889.

"Anon." Barry,

W.

iv.

1641.

1889.

The

Irish Rosary. June to October, 1898. Saint Peter's. June, 1898.

Bayonne, E. C. Paris.

Florence.

iltude sur

Jerome Savonarole d'apres de nouveaux documents.

1879.

BoUettino Bimensale per le Onoranze Cattoliche del P. G. Savonarola. Ed. by Magri. Borgo S. Lorenzo. 1898. Brosch, M. Zur Savonarola-Kontroverse. Deutsche Zeitsch. fur Geschichtswissenschaft. January, 1898. Burckhardt, J. Cultur der Renaissance in Italien. Vol. ii. Leipzig. 1877-8. -Burr, G. L. American Historical Review. 1896. Canestrini, G. La Scienza e 1' Arte di Stato. Florence. 1862. Capponi, G. Storia di Firenze. Vol. in. Florence. 1875. CipoUa, C. Fra G. Savonarola e la Costituzione Veneta. Arch. Ven. 1874.

717

Bibliography. Cittadella, L.

N.

La

nobile famiglia Savonarola in Padova ed in Ferrara.

Ferrara.

1867. Civilta Cattolica, La.

Comba, E. Cosci, A. IV.

November, 1897. Florence. Riforma. nuovi Documenti. Arch. Stor.

1895.

I nostri Protestanti avanti la

G. Savonarola e 1879.

i

Ital.

Fourth

Series.

M. (Bishop). History of the Papacy. Vol. in. London. 1887. J)anne, E. Jerome Savonarole predicateur. (A thesis for Faculty of Protestant Theology at Paris.) 1894. Delaborde, H. F. 1888. L'Expedition de Charles VIII en Italie. Paris. DoUinger, J. J. I. von. Der Weissagungsglaube und das Prophetenthum in der christlichen Zeit. In Riehl's Hist. Taschenbuch. 1871. Also in Bollinger's Kleinere Schriften, ed. by F. H. Rensch. Stuttgart. 1890. Ferrettij L. Per la Causa di Fra G. Savonarola Fatti e Testimonianze. Milan. 1897. Ratisbon. 1880. FrantZj E. Sixtus IV und die Republik Florenz. Fra Bartolomeo della Porta. Ratisbon. 1879. Galassi, L. M. Girolamo Savonarola. Fu egli vittima del Clericalismo? 1898. -tlreighton,

1888. Gaspary, B. Geschichte der ital. Literatur. Vol. ii. Berlin. -Gebhart, E. L'ltalie mystique. Paris. 1890. 1722. Giaimotti, D. Delia Repubblica Fiorentina libri iv. Giorgetti, A. and Baretti, C. Savonarola e la critica tedesca. (Italian translation of articles cited by H. Grauert, J. Schnitzer, M. Brosch and "Spectator": 1900. with Preface by P. Villari and Introduction by F. Tocco.) Florence. Glossner, M. Savonarola als Apologet und Philosoph. Paderborn. 1898.

W. Deutsche Zeitsch. fiir Geschichtswissenschaft. April, 1898. June 3, 1898. Grauert, H. Wissenschaftliche BeUage zur Germania. Gregorovius, F. Geschichte der Stadt Rom. Vol. vii. Stuttgart. 1894. iv. 1880. Grisar, H. Zeitsch. fur kath. Theologie. /Gruyer, A. Les illustrations des ecrits de Jerome Savonarole. Paris. 1879. Guicciardini, F. de'. Profezie politiche e religiose di Fra H. Savonarola ricavate Goetz,

dalle sue Prediche.

^Hardy, G. M".

Florence.

1863.

Girolamo Savonarola.

(The World's Epoch Makers.)

Edinburgh.

1901.

Hartwig, O. Hist. Zeitschr. Vol. lxiv. 1890. Leipzig. 1861. Hase, K. Neue Propheten. ii. Hergenrother, J. (Card.) Conciliengeschichte. Vol. viii. Freiburg i. B. 1887. Hofler, C. von. Die romanische Welt und ihr Verhaltniss zu den Reformideen Vienna. 1878. des Mittelalters. -Horsburgh, E. L. S. Girolamo Savonarola. (Little Biographies.) London. 1901. Lottini, G. Fu veramente scommunicato il Savonarola ? Milan. 1898. Fra Girolamo Savonarola. London. 1899. Lucas, H. (Includes copious 11 vero Savonarola ed il Savonarola di L. Pastor. Luotto, P. 1897. extracts from Savonarola's sermons.) Florence. "Manen, G. Essai sur Jerome Savonarole d'apres sa predication. 1897. (A thesis for the Faculty of Protestant Theology at Montauban.) Marchese, V. Storia del Convento di San Marco in Scritti •

1892. Florence. Meier, K. Girolamo Savonarola. Berlin. Zeitschr. fur kath. Theol. Michael, E.

-konnet, A.

1836.

(Contains

1898. Je'rome Savonarole juge' par sa Reforme.

varii.

3rd edition.

numerous documents.)

ii.

1880.

(A

thesis

for

Faculty of Protestant Theology at Montauban.)

Revue

Miintz, E.

Newman,

J.

bleue.

H. (Card.)

on various occasions.

December, 1896.

On

the Mission of

1870.

S.

Philip Neri.

Sermons preached

Flm^ence

718

I.

Savonarola.

Lisbon and Lucca. 1766-6. Pagnini. Delia Decima. Vol. i. Pastor, L. Geschichte der Papste. Vol. iii. English translation. 1898. Freiburg i. B. 1898. Zur Beurtheilung Savonarola's. P. Luotto;

Vol. v.

London.

(An answer

to

see above.)

1897. Louis XII et Ludovic Sforza. 1887. Arch, della R. Soc. Rom. xi. x. xii. Giorn. Stor. della Letteratura ItaL Paris. 1888. -Perrens, F. T. Histoire de Florence. Vol. ii. . Jerome Savonarole, sa vie, ses predications, ses ecrits. 2 vols. 'Pe'lissierj L. G.

Pellegrini, F.

Revue Historique. Piccolo Messaggiere,

il,

1888. per il 4" centenario di Fra G. Savonarola.

Paris.

No.

6.

1856.

May,

1898.

Pometti, F. Procter, J. Farrar.

Nuova Antologia. June, 1898. The Dominican Savonarola and the Reformation.

A

reply to

Dean

1895.

Savonarola und die fiorentinische Republik. In Historisch-bio(Containing extracts from Parenti and Cerretani.) Leipzig. 1874, etc. Vols. XL. and xu. of Sammtliche Werke. -Reumont, A. von. Lorenzo de' Medici. Eng. transl. Vol. ii. London. 1876. Hist. Die Prophetie im letzten Jahrhundert vor der Reformation. Rohr, J.

Ranke,

L.

von.

graphische

Studien.

.

Jahrbuch xix. 1, 3. 1898. Rondoni, G. Arch. Stor. Ital. Ser. v. i. 1888. Rudelbach, A. G. Hieronymus Savonarola und seine Zeit. Hamburg. ^Saturday Review. Jan. 26, 1889. Schnitzer, J. Savonarola im Lichte der neuesten Literatur. Histoi-isch-politische Blatter fiir das katholische Deutschland. 1898.

Vol. cxxv.

1855.

Vol.

cxxi.

1900.

Savonarola, sein Sickinger, C. Jahrg. III. 1877.

Leben und seine

Zeit.

In Katholische Studien,

"Spectator." AUgemeine Zeitung, Beilage, November 2, 1898. La Vita italiana nel Rinascimento. Vol. ii. Milan. 1893. Tocco, F. Tommasini, O. La Vita e gli Scritti di Niccolo Machiavelli. Turin. 1883. Villari, P. Arch. Stor. It. Ser. v. i. 1899. Girolamo Savonarola e 1' ora presente a speech in celebration of the centenary. Rivista d' Italia. No. 7. Also separately printed. La Storia di G. Savonarola. 2 vols. Florence. 1887. (Contains a large number of rare or unpublished documents. ) Translation, Linda Villari. (Contains some additions, but omits the documents.) London. 1890. On the early Biographies. Rivista Stor. Ital. No. i. 1884. Reply to Pellegrini. Arch. Stor. Ital. Ser. v. i. 1888. :

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CHAPTER FLORENCE A.

(II):

VI.

MACHIAVELLI.

COLLECTIVE EDITIONS OF MACHIAVELLI'S WORKS.

Tutte le opere di Nicolo Machiavelli Cittadino et Secretario Fiorentino, divise nuovo con somma accuratezza ristampate. 1660. The first Testina edition: the imprint "In Geneva, Presso Pietro Chouet" was added by hand after the printing of the work. This is the earliest edition of the collected works. It contains neither the Legazioni, nor the Lettere Familiari. Opere di Niccolo Machiavelli: Italia, 1813. 8 vols. The least incomplete of all the editions; it was issued by Piatti of Florence: the preparation of the text was superintended by Reginaldo Tanzini and Francesco Tassi. Opere di Niccolo Machiavelli, per cura di L. Passerini e G. Milanesi Florence. 1873-7. 6 vols. The first volume was prepared for publication by P. Fanfani and L. Passerini ; the other five by Passerini and Milanesi. This ed. contains the Istorie Florentine, Legazioni, and some of the minor works, but not the Principe, Discorsi, or Arte della Guerra. The publication was discontinued in 1877 on the death of Passerini. Scritti Inediti di Niccolo Machiavelli risguardanti la Storia e la MUizia (1499Florence. 1857. 1612), ed illustrati da Giuseppe Canestrini.

in V. parti, et di

:

B.

EDITIONES PRINCIPES OF MACHIAVELLI'S CHIEF WORKS.

Principe di Niccholo Machiavello al Magnifico Lorenzo di Piero de' Medici. di Castruccio Castracani da Lucca... II modo che tenne il Duca Valentino per ammazarVitellozo, etc.... Antonio Blado. Rome. 1532. Rome. Discorsi... sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio: Per A. Blado de Asola. II

La Vita

1531. 1532. Florence. Libro della Arte della Guerra di Niccolo Machiavegli.

Historic Florentine.

C.

Florence.

MODERN BIOGRAPHIES, CRITICAL ESSAYS AND

Amico, G.

La Vita

di Niccolo Machiavelli;

commentari

Nicolo Machiavelli nel suo Principe.

EDITIONS.

storico-critici.

1875-6. Angelini, A.

1521.

Milan.

1869.

Florence.

720 Anon.

Florence II.

Machiavelli.

Neue Monatsschrift fiir Deutschland^ historisch-politischen Herausg. von Friedrich Buchholz. Vol. xn. pp. 302 40. Berlin.

Machiavel.

Inhalts.

—

1823. °

Artaud de Montorj A. F.

2

Machiavel, son genie et ses erreurs.

vols.

Paris.

1833.

Barthelemy-Saint-Hilaire, J. Politique d'Aristote, traduite en franfais. 2 vols. Paris. (Preface and notes.) 1837. Paris. 1853. Baudrillart, H. J. L. J. Bodin et son temps. pp. 17 24, 225 sqq. Bollmann. Vertheidigung des Machiavellismus. Quedlinburg. 1858. -BouUier, A. Etudes de Politique et d'Histoire etrangeres. Paris. 1870. pp. 249

—

—82. J. G. Geschichte der neuern PMlosophie seit der Epoche der Wiederherstellung der Wissenschaften. Gottingen. 1800. Vol. ii. p. 929. Burd, L. A. II Principe di N. Machiavelli, edited by L. A. Burd, with an Introduction by Lord Acton. Oxford. 1891. Le Fonti letterarie di Machiavelli nell' ''Arte della Guerra." Rome. 1897. Capponi, Gino. Storia della Repubblica di Firenze. 1888. 3 vols. Florence. Vol. II. Bk VI. ch. vii. Castelnau, A. La Faune politique et Machiavel. In La Philosophie Positive.

Buhle,

Revue

dirigee par

"&.

1877.

pp. 103-^-22,

and

Cattaneo. Cipolla, C.

Littre et G. WyrouboflF.

Ser.

ii.,

vol.

xix.

Paris.

469—75.

pp.

Niccolo Machiavelli. Trieste. 1877. Storia delle Signorie Italiane dal 1313 al 1530.

Milan.

1881.

pp. 929

-37. •^Deltuf, P.

Essai sur les oeuvres et la doctrine de Machiavel. Paris. Niccolo d. B. dei Machiavelli's politisches System dargestellt. Berlin. 1850.

W.

Ebeling, F.

-

-

1867.

zum

erstenmal

EUinger. Die antiken Quellen der Staatslehre Machiavelli's. Tubingen. 1888. Etienne, L. Une autobiographie de Machiavel. Revue des deux Mondes. Vol. cvin. lb. 1873. pp. 37—60. Falco, F. Nicolo Machiavelli, suo carattere e suoi principj. Lucca. 1896. Fehr, J. Ueber die Entwickelung und den Einfluss der politischen Theorien. Innsbruck. 1855. pp. 103—44. Ferrari, G. Machiavel, juge des Revolutions de notre temps. Paris. 1849. Ferri, L. Aristote et Machiavel. Revue des Cours Litteraires de la France et de r:i6tranger.

Paris.

July 29, 1865.

Zur Machiavellifrage.

Feuerlein, E.

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572—77. Vol. xix. pp. 1

—

24.

1868.

Uber Machiavelli

Fichte, J. G.

Nachgelassene Werke. Fleury, C.

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Historische Zeitschrift.

3

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und

Stellen aus seinen Schriften.

Bonn. 1834. VoL m. p. 403. oeuvres de Machiavel. Droit public de France;

vols.

Reflexions sur les

—

Ouvrage posthume de M. I'Abbe Fleury,

etc. Paris. 1769. VoL i. pp. 36 64. Reformateurs et Publicistes. Vol. i. pp. 287—335. Paris. 1864. Frappoi-ti, G. Sugli Inteudimenti di Nicolo Machiavelli nello scrivere il Principe.

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Campanella, T. Atheismus Triumphatus, seu Reductio ad religionem per scientiarum veritates. Paris. 1636. Dacres, E. Introductions and notes to his translations of The Prince and The Discourses. London. 1636 and 1640. -Osborne, Francis. A discourse upon Nicolas Machiavell; or An impartiall examination of the justnesse of the Censure commonly laid upon him. (Forms part of a volume with the title Politicall Reflections upon the Government of the Turks. London. 1666.) ---Harrington, J. The Commonwealth of Oceana. London. 1656. ,_Sancroft, W. (Archbishop of Canterbury). Modern Policies, Taken from Machia,vel, Borgia, and other choise Authors, by an Eye-Witness. London. 1652. Sexby, E. Killing No Murder. London. 1657. (Connects MachiaveUi and Oliver Cromwell.) Machiavelli, N. De' Discorsi Politici, e Militari Libri Tre, Scielti {sic) fra gravissimi Scrittori, da Amadio Niecollucci, Toscano...In Venetia mdcxxxxviii. Presso Marco Ginammi. Con Licenza de' Superioi-i & Privilegio. 4to. pp. 346. (Expurgated ed. of The Discourses. The order of the chapters is re-arranged, and things ofiensive to the Church are omitted, and what seemed immoral is softened down.) Nevile, Henry. The Publisher, or Translator of Nicholas Machiavel's Whole Works out of Italian, faithfully into English; concerning the following letter of (Also appended to NevUe's Nicholas Machiavelo... Printed in the year 1688.

—

anonymous -Clarendon, Earl

(Bk

translation, 3rd ed. 1720.) of.

History of the Rebellion,

etc.

Oxford.

1849.

Vol.

iv. p.

334

x. 168).

Paedia politices, sive Suppetiae logicae scriptoribus contra airath^iiaiav et acerbitatem plebeiorum quorundam judiciorum. Rome. 1623. (The best account of Scioppius' manuscript works on See Aug. Mar. Bandini Commentariorum Machiavelli is given in Bandini. de vita et scriptis lohannis Bapt. Doni Patricii Florentini olim sacri Cardinal Florence. CoUegii a Secretis Libri Quinque Adnotationibus illustrati, etc.

Scioppius, G. (Caspar Schoppe). politicis latae

1756.)

Science des Princes ou Considerations politiques sur les Coups d'Etat. (First edition, 1639.) 1673. Conring, H. Animadversiones politicae in N. M. librum de Principe. Helmstadt.

Naude, G.

Strassburg.

1661. 1683. Matchiavel Junior, or the Secret Ai-ts of the Jesuits, etc. London. Amelot de la Houssaie, A. N. Le Prince de N. M. Traduit et commente' par 1685. A. N. Amelot, Sieur de la Houssaie. Amsterdam.

— :

Florence II.

726

Machiavelli.

with Morals Fables of ^sop, and other eminent mythologists London. 1692. pp. 468, etc. Rome. 1697. Saggio della Sciocchezza di Nicolo Machiavelli.

L'Estrange, Sir R.

:

and Reflexions. Lucchesini.

(Reviewed in Acta Eruditopum for 1698.) Missus Thesium Machiavellisticarum de ipso Nicolao Machiavello 1714. eiusque scriptis et censuris... Schwabach. Reimmann, J. F. Historia universalis Atheismi et Atheorum falso & merito suspectorum, etc. HUdesheim. 1725. pp. 355 sqq. -William NichoUs. The Religion of a Prince... In opposition to the Irreligious London. 1704.^ A Conference Principles of Nicholas Maohiavel, HobbSj etc. with a Theist. ..with the addition of Two Conferences; the One with a MachiaLondon. 1723. Vol. ii. pp. 309 velian^ the Other with an Atheist. 2 vols. Feuerlin, C. F.

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435. Preuss, (Euvres Refutation du Prince de Maehiavel. -Frederick II of Prussia. de Frederic. Vol. viii. pp. 61^163. Cf. Dohm, C. W., Denkwiirdigkeiten

—

Vol. v. pp. 89 113; and Trendelenburg, A., Zeit, Hanover, 1817. Machiavell und Antimachiavell, in Monatsberichte der K. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Jan. 25, 1855. 7l. pp. 47 Brucker, J. J. Historia critica Philosophiae a tempore resuscitatarum in occidente litterarum ad nostra tempora. Leipzig. 1744. Vol. iv. Part 2, pp. 784 93. Robinet, J. B. R. Dictionnaire Universel des Sciences Morale, Ecoijoiriique, Politique, ou Bibliotheque de I'homme-d'etat et du citoyen. Londop. 1777. Discours preliminaire, pp. xxxiii. sqq. Hume, D. Essays. Essay iii That Politics may be reduced to a Science. Essay xi Of Civil Liberty. See also. The Philosophical Works of David Hume, ed. by T. H. Green and T. H. Grose. London. 1875. Vol. iv. p. 391 : Essay on the Study of History. Bolingbroke, Viscount. The Idea of a Patriot King. I7l38. (The Miscellaneous Works of the Right Hon. Henry St. John, Lord Viscount Bolingbroke. Edinburgh. 1768. Vol. iv. p. 207 sqq. Cf. vol. i. 34 sqq. ; vol. ii. 18, 38 sqq.;

meiner

—

—

:

—

-

vol. HI. 278.) Supplement tp the 4th, 5th, and 6th editions of the EncycloStewart, Dugald. Vol. i. Dissertation I., exhibiting a general view of the paedia Britannica. progress of Metaphysical, Ethical, and Political Philosophy. Edinburgh. 1824.

(See also Bibliographies

of Chapters IV. V. VII. VIII.)

CHAPTER

VII.

ROME AND THE TEMPORAL POWER. I.

DOCUMENTS AND CONTEMPORARY WORKS.

Anecdota Litteraria ex MSS. codicibus eruta. Archivio Archivio Archivio Archivio

della Societa

Romana

Storico Italiano.

4

di Storia Patria.

Rome.

vols.

Rome.

1772-83.

1878^ etc.

1842, etc. Milan. 1874, etc. Veneto. Venice. 1870, etc. BuUarium Romanum, cura A. Tomasetti. Vol. v. Turin. 1860. Burcardus, Joannes. Diarium sive rerum urbanarum Commentarii 1483-1506. Edidit L. Thuasne. 3 vols. Paris. 1883-5. Commines, Philippe de. Memoires. Vol. ii. Paris. 1843. Conti, Sigismondo de'. Le storie de' suoi tempi. Rome. 1883. Giustinian, A. Dispacci, 1602-5, pubblicati da P. Villari. 3 vols. Florence. 1876. Grassis, Paris de. Diarium [manuscripts in the British Museum, Bibliotheque Florence.

Storico Lombardo.

Nationale, and elsewhere. Extracts in Dollinger's Beitrage and the Documenti Bologna. 1886]. e studii per la provincia di Romagna. Vol. i. Infessura, S. Diario della Citta di Roma. In Tommasini, Fonti per la Storia d'

Italia, 1890.

MafFeius, Raphael, Volaterranus.

Commentariorum urbanorum

libri

38.

Paris.

1536.

Muratori, L. A. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Vol. xxiii. Milan. 1760. Rebello da SUva, L. A. Corpo diplomatico Portuguez. Vol. i. Lisbon. 1862. Romische Quartalschrift fiir christliche Alterthumskunde und fur Kirchengeschichte.

Rome. Theiner, A.

1887.

Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis s.

II.

sedis.

Vol.

iii.

Rome.

1862.

LATER HISTORICAL WRITINGS. A.

Principal Histories.

Cesare Borgia Duca di Romagna. Imola. 1878. Brosch, M. Papst Julius II und die Griindung des Kirchenstaates. Gotha. 1878. History of the Papacy during the period of the ReformaCreighton, M. (Bishop). Alvisi, E.

tion.

Vols.

Gregorovius, F. gart.

III.

IV.

London.

1887.

Geschichte der Stadt

Rom im

Mittelalter.

Vols.

vii.

vm.

Stutt-

1880.

Gregorovius, F.

Lucrezia Borgia.

3rd ed.

Stuttgart.

Capolago. Vol. i. Storia d' Italia. Hergenrother, J. (Card.). Conciliengeschichte. Vol.

Guicciardini, F.

1875. 1836.

vm.

Freiburg

i.

B.

1887.

Rome and

728

the

Temporal Power.

Geschichte der Papste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters. Vol. i Eds. 3 and 4. Freiburg i. B. 1899. Reumontj A. von. Geschichte .der Stadt Rom. .Vols. ii. iii. Berlin. 1867-70. SanutOj Marino. Diarii. Vols, i.-xv. Venice. 1879, etc. Pastor, L.

B. Alberi, E.

Le Relazioni

Auxiliary Information.

degli Ambasciatori Veneti al Senate durante

il

secolo

decimosesto.

Balan, P.

3rd Series. Florence. 1839-55. Gli Assedii della Mirandola. Mirandola.

1876. P. (Card.). Historiae Venetae libri xii. 1486-1513. Italian tr. : Istoria Vineziana. 2 vols. Venice. 1790.

Bembus, Brosch,

Alexander VI und Lucrezia Borgia. Munich. 1878. Cardo, G. La Lega di Cambray. Venice. 1886. Delaborde, H. F. L'expedition de Charles VIII en J.

Venice 1551,

Historische Zeitschrift.

etc.

Vol.

xxxiii.

Italie.

Paris.

1888.

Dennistoun, J. Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino. 3 vols. London. 1851. DoUinger, J. J. I. von. Beitrage zur politischen, kirchlichen, und Culturgeschichte der letzten sechs Jahrhunderte. Vols. ii. in. Ratisbon. 1863. Dumesnil, M. A. J. Histoire de Jules IL Fabronius, A. Laurentii Medices Magnifici vita. 2 vols. Pisa. 1784. Gebhardt, B. Adrian von Corneto. Breslau. 1886. Gozzadini, G. Memorie per la vita di Giovanni II Bentivoglio. Bologna. 1839. Hoiier, C. von. Don Rodrigo de Borja (Pabst Alexander VI) und seine Sohne. Vienna. 1889. Lamansky, V. Secrets de I'jfitat de Venise. St Petersburg. 1884. La Pilorgerie, J. de. Campagnes et bulletins de la grande armee d'ltalie commandee par Charles VIII, 1494r-5. Nantes. 1866. Leonetti, A. Papa Alessandro VL 3 vols. Bologna. 1880. Leopardi, M. Vita di Niccolo Bonafede, Vescovo di Chiusi. Pesaro. 1832. L'Epinois, H. de. Le Pape Alexandre VI. Revue des questions historiques. Vol. XXIX. Machiavelli, N.

Paris.

1881.

Opere. Florence. 1853. Maulde la Claviere, M. A. R. de. La Diplomatie au temps de Machiavel. 3 vols. Paris. 1892-3. Pasolini, P. D. Caterina Sforza. 3 vols. Rome. 1893. Perrens, F. F. Histoire de Florence. Vols. i. ii. Paris. 1877. Ranke, Leopold von. Die romischen Papste in den letzten vier Jahrhunderten. Vols, xxxvii. and xxxix. of Sammtliche Werke. Leipzig. 1874, etc. Reumont, A. von. Lorenzo de' Medici il Magnifico. 2nd ed. 2 vols Leipzig 1883.

Romanin,

S. Storia documentata di Venezia. Vols. iv. v. Venice. 1865. Roscoe, W. Life and Pontificate of Leo X. Vol. i. London. 1878. Serdonati, F. Vita d' Innocenzo VIII. Milan. 1829. Sismondi, J. S. de. Histoire des re'publiques italiennes. Vols, xii.-xiv.

Paris

1826.

Thuasne,

L.

Vialardi, F. fazio Villari, P.

Djem-Sultan.

M.

Paris. 1892. Historia delle Vite de' sommi ponteiici Innocenzio VIII, BoniVenice. 1613.

IX, etc. Girolamo Savonarola.

Villari, P.

Yriarte, C. Yriarte, C.

2nd ed. 2 vols. Florence. 1887-8. Niccolo Machiavelli. 2nd ed. 2 vols. Milan. 1895-6. Cdsar Borgia, sa vie, sa captivite', sa mort. Paris. 1889. Autour des Borgia. Paris. 1891.

CHAPTEE

VIII.

VENICE. BIBLIOGRAPHIES. Cicogna, E.

Saggio di Bibliografia Veueziana. Venice. 1847. An attempt at a Bibliography of Cyprus.

Cobham, C. D.

4:th

ed.

Nicosia.

1900. Sarfatti,

A.

Soi-anzOj G.

I Codici

Veneti nelle Biblioteche di Parigi. Venice. 1886.

Rome.

1888.

Bibliografia Veneziana.

MANUSCRIPTS.

I.

The Reggio Archivio di Stato, ai Frarij Venice, contains a very large quantity of unpublished material relating to all departments of the Venetian Republic. The Reggia Biblioteca Marciana, San Marco, Venice, contains many unpublished Chronicles.

The Museo private families series of

Fondaco dei Turchi, Venice, contains some archives of and the documents of several of the Venetian Gilds, as well as a Civico,

manuscripts belonging to E. A. Cicogna.

II.

CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES. A.

Chronicles.

Chronicon Venetum quod Altinate nuncupatur.

Altinate.

Script., vol. XIV., also in Archivio Storico Italiano.

Canal,

Martino da.

La Cronaca

dei

Veneziani.

Chinazzi.

Rer.

vm.

Florence.

1846.

In Archivio Storico Italiano.

Vol. vm., ut sup. Caresini, Raphayni. Continuatio Chronicoi-um Danduli. Script.

In Mon. Germ. Hist,

Vol.

In Muratori, Rer.

Ital.

Vol. XII.

Cronaca della Guerra di Chioggia. Ital. Script.

Milan.

1866.

Also in Muratori,

Vol. xv.

In Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script. Vol, xvii. Chronicon Venetum. In Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script. Vol. xii. Da Porto, Luigi. Lettere Storiche dall' anno 1609 al 1528. Florence. 1867. (Anonymous.) Pub. per le Nozze CittadellaDiario della Guerra di Chioggia. Papafava. Padua. 1859. Gattari. In Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script. Vol. xvii. Istoria Padovana. Lorenzo de Monacis. Chronicon. Venice. 1758. Cortusii Historia.

Dandolo, Andrea.

)

730

Venice.

Malipiei'o,

Vol.

Domenico.

VII.

Annali Venetij 1457-1500.

In Archivio Storico Italiano.

1843-4.

Florence.

Chronicon Venetum^ 1494-1500. In Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script. This is the first volume of Priuli's Diarii. The rest is still inedited. Sagomino, sive Johannes Diaconus. Chronicon Venetum. Venice. 1765. Also in Men. Germ. Hist. Vol. vii. Hanover. 1848. Also in Monticolo, Cronache Veneziane Antichissime. Rome. 1890. Sanuto, Marino. Vitae Ducum Venetorum. In Muratori^ Rer. Ital. Script. Vol. XXII. Also in Parts 3, 4 and 5 of the new edition of Muratori by G. Carducci. Sanuto is edited by G. Monticolo. Citta di Castello. 1900. Venice. 1879-1902. (In course of publication.) Diarii, 1496-1533. Villehardouin, G. La Conquete de Constantinople. Paris. 1872. Priuli, Girolamo.

Vol. XXIV.

B.

Collections op Documents.

Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti. 3rd Series. Continued by Nicolo Barozzi and Guglielmo Berchet.

Alberij E.

Vol. xv. Florence. Vol. vii. Venice.

1864. Archivio Storico Italiano. In course of publication. Florence. 1842, etc. Archivio Veneto. Venice. 1871, etc. (In course of publication.) Baschet, A. Les Archives de Venise. Paris. 1870. Berchet, G. La Republica di Venezia e la Persia. Turin. 1865. Calendar of State Papers, Venetian. 1202-1607. Vol. x. London. 1900. Castellani, C. I privileggi di Stampa. Venice. 1888. Cicogna, E. Iscrizioni Veneziane. Vol. vi. Venice. 1824. Constitutiones Patriarchales Patriarchatus Venetiarum. Venice. 1522. Cornet, E. Le guerre dei Veneti neU' Asia, 1470-74. Vienna. 1856. Barbaro, giornale dell' Assedio di Constantinopoli. Vienna. 1856. Fulin, R. Documenti per servire alia storia della Tipografia Veneziana. Venice. 1882.

Memorie Venete. Vol. viii. Venice. 1795. Chroniques Grdco-Romanes. Berlin. 1873. Lamansky, V. Secrets d'J^tat de Venise. Petersburg. 1884. Ljubig, S. Commissiones et relationes Venetae. Vol. ii. Agram.

1876.

Mas

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Gallicciolli, G.

Hopf, C.

Latrie, le

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Histoire de I'lle de Chypre. I Capitolari delle Arti Veneziane. Rome. J. de.

Cronache Veneziane Antichissime. Morelli, J.

Monumenti Veneziani

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Vol.

iii.

1856.

1896.

1890.

di varia letteratura.

Venice. 1796. 1865. Ongania, F. La Basilica di San Marco. Venice. 1877. Orford, Lord. Leggi e Memorie Venete sulla prostituzione. Venice. 1870. Schels, G. B. Osterreichische militarische Zeitschrift. Vienna. (Nos. i. and iii. contain an account of the siege of Padua, 1509 ; Nos. x. and xii. an account of the war of Chioggia. 1378-81. Simonsfeld, H. Der Fondaco dei Tedeschi. Vol. ii. Stuttgart. 1887. Storia Patria, R. Deputazione per la. Venice. 1876. (The publications of this Venetian Society are of very high importance.) Tafel, G. and Thomas, G. Urkunden zur alteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedigs. In Pontes rer. Aust. Vol. iii. Vienna. 1866-7. Thomas, G. Capitular des deutschen Hauses in Venedig. Berlin. 1874. Villari, P. Dispacci di Antonio Giustinian. Vol. in. Florence. 1876. Mutinelli, F.

Storia Arcana.

Vol.

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General

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Cappellettij G.

Daru, P.

1821. (The only edition containing the historical bibliography of Venetian manuscripts.) Italian translation by Bianchi-Giovini, Capolago, 1837 (with valuable notes).

Memorie Storiche de' Veneti primi e secondi. Vol. ix. Venice. 1796. The Venetian Republic. Vol. ii. London. 1900. Hodgson, F. The early history of Venice. London. 1901. Laugier, M. Histoire de la Republique de Venise. Paris. Vol. xii. 1769, etc. Musatti, E. Storia di un Lembo di Terra. Padua. 1886.

Filiasi,

G.

Hazlitt, C.

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Venice. 1841. Fiore di Venezia. Vol. iv. Venice. 1837. Romanin, S. Lezioni di Storia Veneta. Vol. ii. Florence. 1876. Storia documentata di Venezia. Vol. x. Venice. 1853. (By far the most important general history of the Republic. Vol. vi. Venice. Sandi, V. Principii di Storia civile della Republica di Venezia. Mutinelli, F.

Paoletti, E.

II

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Capolago. Vol. xvi. Sismondi, S. Storia delle Republiche italiane. Translation of Histoire des Re'publiques Italiennes du moyen age. 1809, etc. Venice. 1785. Tentori, C. Storia Veneta. Vol. xii. Venezia e le sue Lagune. Vol. ii. Venice. 1847. 1786. Vol. xx. Venice. Verci, G. Storia della Marca Trevigiana.

Official Histories.

B.

Berabo, P. (Card.). Historiae Venetae Lib. xii. Venice. 1606. Paruta, P, Historia Vinitiana.

M. A.

Sabellico,

Rerum Venetarum ab urbe Venice.

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usque tempora

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C.

Special Works. (1)

Political.

Venise et le Bas-Empire. Paris. 1886. Conte Carmagnola. Genoa. 1889. Halle. 1896-9. Vol. ii. Caro, G. Genua und die Machte am Mittelmeer. Vol. n. Padua. Cittadella, G. Storia della dominazione Carrarese in Padova.

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AUetz, E. Paris.

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(3)

Fonnaleonij V.

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(4)

Artistic

and

Literary.

Berenson. Lorenzo Lotto. London. 1895. Venetian Painters of the Renaissance. London. 1894. Bernoni, D. Dei Torresani, Blado e Ragazzoni. Milan. 1890. Brown, H. The Venetian Printing Press. London. 1891. Brown, R. Ragguaglii intorno alia Vita di Marin Sauudo. 1837-8.

Vol.

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Castellanij C.

in Venezia alia

Morte

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L'Architettura in Italia. Venice. 1889. Tiziano, la sua vita e i suoi tempi. Cavalcaselle, G. Vol. ii. Florence. 1877. Didot, F. Aide Manuce. Paris. 1875. Foscarini, M. Delia Letteratura Veneziana. Padua. 1752. Ongania, F. La Basilica di S. Marco. Vol. m. Venice. 1877. L' Arte della Stampa. Venice. 1895. Paoletti, P. L' Architettura e la Scultura del Rinascimento in Venezia. Vol. ii. Venice. 1893. Renouard, A. Annales de I'imprimerie des Aides. Vol. iii. Paris. 1803. RidoM, C. Le Maraveglie dell' Arte overo le Vite degli illustri Pittori Veneti. Vol. II. Venice. 1648. Rivoli, due de. Bibliographie des Livres a figures Venetiennes. Paris. 1892. Ruskin, J. The Stones of Venice. Vol. iir. London. 1873. Simonsfeld, H. Andreas Dandolo und seine Geschichtswerke. Munich. 1876. Venetianische Studien. Munich. 1878. Sombom, C. Das Venezianische Volkslied Die Villotta. Heidelberg. 1901. SymondSj J. A. The Renaissance in Italy. Vol. iii : The Fine Arts. London. 1877. Venise. Paris. 1878. Yriarte, C. Zwiedineck-Siidenhorst, H. von. Venedig als Weltmacht und Weltstadt. Bielefeld und Leipzig. 1899.

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Social.

Canti, Fiabe, Leggende, Credenze popolari.

Venice. 1872-4. Viaggio a Gerusalemme. Milan. 1855. Cecchetti, B. La Vita dei Veneziani. Venice. 1886. Molmenti, P. I Banditi della Republica Veneta. Turin. 1898. La Dogaressa. Turin. 1884. La Storia di Venezia nella vita privata. Turin. 1880. Vecchie Storie. Turin. 1882. Turin. 1892. Studii e Ricerche. La Ville et la Republique de Venise. Paris. 1680. Saint Disdier, de. Yriarte, C. La vie d'un Patricien de Venise. Paris, s. d.

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(7)

Barbari, J. de'. Coronelli, V.

A large Isolario.

Topographical.

wood-cut plan of Venice. Venice.

Now in the Museo

Civico.

1696.

Molmenti, P. and Mantovani, D. Calli e Canali in Venezia. Venice. Venice. 1663. Sansovino, J. Venezia Citta nobilissima e singolare. Tassini, A.

Temanza, T.

1863. Curiosita Veneziane. Venice. Antica pianta dell' inclita Citta di Venezia.

Venice.

1893.

1781.

1500.

CHAPTER

IX.

GERMANY AND THE

EMPIRE.

The chief Historical Bibliographies on the subject are Dahlmann-Waitz, Quellenkunde der deutschen Geschichte, 6th ed. 1894 and Lorenz-Goldmann, Deutsche Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter^ 2 vols. 1886-7. More general bibliographical works such as H. Oesterley, Wegweiser durch die Litteratur der Urkundensammlungen. Part I., Berlin, 1885 ; and A. Potthast, Bibliotheca Historica Medii Aevi, 2 vols., Berlin, 1896, may also be consulted with advantage. Indications of the more recent literature will be found in the following: J. Jastrow, Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenschaft (since 1895 edited by E. Berner), Berlin, 1878, etc. Masslow and Sommerfeldt, Bibliographie zur deutschen Geschichte, in Deutsche Zeitschrift fur Geschichtswissenschaft, 1889-97, from 1898 by O. Masslow F. Forster's Kritischer Wegweiser durch die in Historische Vierteljahrsschrift. neuere deutsche historische Literatur, Berlin, 1900, puts the recent literature :

;

;

conveniently together.

I.

ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES AND COLLECTIONS. A.

Le Relazione

Alberi, E.

Florence.

1839-62.

General.

degli ambasciatori Veneti al 1st Series.

Vols.

i.

ii.

and

Senato nel secolo xvi.

vi.

Altmann-Bernheim. Ausgewahlte Urkunden zur Erlauterung der Verfassungsgeschichte Deutschlands im Mittelalter. 2nd ed. Berlin. 1895. Andlau, P. von. De Imperio Romano, cum notis M. Freheri. Strassburg. 1612. Bergenroth, G. A. London. Calendar of Spanish State Papers. Vols. i. ii. 1862-6. Brant, Sebastian. Das Narrenschiif. Herausg. von F. Zamckfi. Leipzig. 1864. Brewer, J. S. Calendar, Letters, and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII. Vols. i. II. London. 1862-4. Brown, R. Calendar of Venetian State Papers. Vols. i. ii. London. 1864-7. Burgermeister, J. S. Codex diplomaticus equestris. Ulm. 1721. (Cusanus, Card.) Cues, Nicolaus v. De Concordantia Catholica libri tres. Basel. 1566.

Erdmannsdorffer, B. Auszuge der ven. Relationen in Berichte iiber die Verhandlungen der k. sachs. Gesellsch. der Wissi, Philol.-hist. Classe, vol. ix. Leipzig. 1857. Faber, A.

Europaische Staatskanzlei.

Niirnberg.

1697.

Bibliography.

735

Freher, M., and Struve, B. G. Germanicarum Rerum Scriptores. Vols. ii. and iii, Strassburg. 1717- (Contain many Ghroniclesj letters^ panegyrics^ State papers^ and other documents of this period.) Gehwiler, H. Libertas Germaniae, qua Germanos Gallis...imperasse probatur. Strassburg.

Grimm,

1519.

and Schroder. Weistumer. 7 vols. Gottingen. 1840-78. Harppreeht, J. N. von. Frankfort. Staatsarchiv des kays. Kammergerichts. 1769-69. Ulm. 1785-9. Kluckhohn, A. Deutsche Reichstagsakten. Jiingere Reihe. (From 1519.) Vol. i. Gotha. 1893. pp. 1—140. Neue und voUstandige Sammlung der Reichsabschiede. 4 Parts. Koch, C. G. J.,

Frankfort.

1747.

histor. Volkslieder der Deutschen, vom 13. bis 16. Jahrh. 1866-9. Lorenzi, de. GeUer v. Kaisersbergs ausgewahlte Schriften. 4 vols. Trier. 1881. Liinigj J. C. Das deutsche Reichsarchiv. 24 vols. Leipzig. 1713-22. Thesaurus iuris der Grafen und Herren des heil. rom. Reichs. Leipzig. 1726. Moser, F. C. Sammlung samtlicher Kreisabschiede. Leipzig. 1747. Moser, J. J. Teutsches Staatsrecht. 50 vols. 1737-64. Neues teutsches Staatsrecht. Frankfort. 1766-76. Vermischte Nachrichten von reichsritterschaftlichen Sachen. Niirnberg. 1773-4. Beitrage zu reichsritterschaftlichen Sachen. Ulm. 1776. MuUer, J. J. Reichstagsstaat, 1600-8. Jena. 1708. Reichstagstheatrum unter Keyser Friedrich V. 3 Parts. Jena. I7l3. Reichstagstheatrum unter Keyser Maximilian L 2 Parts. Jena. 1718-9. 1879-92. Sanuto, Marino. Diarii. Venice.

liliencron, R. von. 6 vols.

Schilter, J. S.

Frid. Imp.

toriam.

Die

Leipzig.

Rerum Germanicarum. Vol. i. Aeneas Sylvius, Hist. Boecleri Specimen Annotationum in Aeneae Sylvii hisIndex Diplomata res gestas Frid. HI illustr. Vol. xiv.

Scriptores Vol.

Vol. in.

ii.

Diplom. Frid. III. Strassburg. 1702. 11 vols. Munich Deutsche Reichstagsakten, 1376-1436. Weizsacker, J., etc. and Gotha. 1868-88. Wimpheling, J. Works, to a large extent printed in Riegger, Amoenitates LitUlm, 1775 and Freiburg, 1779. terariae Friburgenses.

B.

TerbitoriaIi and local.

1512. et expugnatione arcis Hohenkrayen. Anshelm. Bemer Chronik, herausg. von E. Stierlin u. J. R. Wyss. Bern. 1825-33. Barack, K. A. Zimmersche Chronik herausg. von. Freiburg i. B. 1881. Burkhardt, C. A. H. Quellen zur Geschichte des Hauses HohenzoUern. Das funftt merckisch Buech des Churfuersten Albrecht Achilles, 1471-3. Jena. 1857. Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. Part i. Scriptores. Vol. i. Kirchmair, Herbersteins Selbstbiographie, Tichtels Tagebuch, 1477-96, and other important chronicles. Part II. Diplomataria et acta. Vol. ii. Diplomatarium Habsburgense seculi Relationen venetianischer Botschaften iiber DeutschVol. XXX. XV. 1850. land und Osterreich im 16. Jahrh. Vol. xlii. Urkunden und Actenstucke Briefe und Acten zur osterr.Vol. xliv. zur osterr. Geschichte, 1440-71. Urkundliche Vol. xlvi. deutschen Gesch. im Zeitalter K. Friedrich III. Nachtrage zur osterr. -deutsch. Gesch. im Zeitalter K. Fried. III. Vienna. Fugger, J. J. Spiegel der Ehren des Ertz-Hauses Osterreich, erweitert durch Bk vii. Nurnberg. 1668. S. von Birken.

Anonymi Carmen de obsidione

— Germany and

736

Empire.

the

Regesten der Erzbischofe v. Trier, 814-1603. Trier. 1869, etc. Gudenus, V. F. Codex diplomaticus Moguntinus. Gottingen. 1743-68. Hanauer. Les constitutions des Campagnes de I'Alsace. 1864. Hegel, K. von. Die Chroniken der deutsohen Stadte vom 14. bis zum 16. Jahrhund. Baier. Academic der Wissenschaften, 25 vols. Leipzig. 1862, etc. Among the most important of these are Niirnberg's Krieg gegen Albrecht Achilles, ii. 96-630, H. Deichsler's Niirnberger Kronik and Chr. Scheurl's Epistel iiber die Verfassung der Reichsstadt Niimberg, both in xi., J. Koelhoffs Cronica van der heUiger Stat van Coellen, xiii. and xiv., C. Wierstraat, Histori des beleegs van Nuis, xx., H. Miilich's Augsburger Chronik, xxii., CI. Sender's Augsburger Chronik, xxiii. The elaborate introductions by Hegel and others, and occasional notes, such as Hegel's note Uber Nurnbergs Bevolkerungszahl, Goerz, A.

II.

Beilage

iv.,

Hofler-Minutoli.

are very useful. kaiserliche Buch des Markgr. Albrecht Achilles, 1440-70.

Das

Bayreuth, 1850. 1470-86. Berlin, 1860. Frankfurts Reichscorrespondenz nebst andern verwandten Acten1376-1439: Freiburg i. B. 1863. Vol. ii. Part i. : 1440-86: Vol. i. lb. 1866. Partn.: 1486-1519: lb. 1872. Klupfel, C. Urkunden zur Gesch. des schwabischen Bundes, 1488-1633. 2 vols.

Janssen, J. stucken.

:

Bibliothek des

lit.

Vereins, xiv. xv.

Stuttgart.

1846.

Krenner. Baierische Landtagshandlungen, 1429-1613. Munich. 1804. Lacomblet. Urkundenbuch fiir die Gtesch. des Niederrheins. Vols, iii., iv. dorf.

Diissel-

1863-8.

Lemnius, S. Raeteis. Gesangen herausg.

Der schweizerisch-deutsche Krieg von v.

Osterreichische Weistiimer. Priebatsch, F. Politische Leipzig.

Chur. 1874. 1870-86. 7 vols. Korrespoudenz des Kurfiirsten

1499.

Epos

in ix.

P. Plattner.

Albrecht

Achilles.

1894, etc.

Quellen und Erorterungen zur bayer. und deutsch. Geschichte. Vols. ii. and in. Quellen zur Geschichte Friedrichs I des Siegreichen. Regesten zur Gesch.

Munich. 1857-63. Fried. I des Siegreichen. Regesta Archiepiscoporum Moguntinensium, 742-1614. Innsbruck. 1877. Codex diplomaticus Brandenburgensis. Berlin. 1838-58. Riedel, A. F. Hanserecesse. 1477-1530. Schafer. Schonherr, D. Urkunden u. Regesten aus d. k.-k. Staatsarchive in Innsbruck, 2 vols. Wien, 1883-4. Serarius, N. Rerum Moguntinarum lib. quinque. Mainz. 1604. TrithemiuSj J. Annales Hirsaugienses. 1690. Historia Belli Bavarici a.d. 1504 in Freher-Struve, in. Weinrich, C. Danziger Chronik. Hirsch's Script. Rerum Prussicarum, iv. 725 800.

Leipzig.

1870.

Wurdinger, J. Urkundenausziige zur Gesch. des Landshuter-Erbfolgekriegs. Verhandlungen des hist. Vereins v. Niederbaiern, viii. Zimerman, H. Urkunden u. Regesten aus d. k.-k. Staatsarchiv. Vienna. 1885.

The last-named three books

are in Jahrbiicher der kunsthistor.

des Kaiserhauses. Zimerman, H. and Kreyczki, F. Vienna. 1885. iinanzarchiv. C. Birk.

Urkunden

u.

Regesten aus

d.

Sammlungen Reichs-

k.-k.

Special works on Maximilian I and his age.

Urkunden-Auszuge zur Geschichte K. Fried.

Ill,

1452-67.

Archiv

f.

osterr.

Geschichte, x.-xi.

Chmel,

J.

Urkundliches zur Gesch. K. Fried. IV.

Archiv f.

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Chmel, J. Regesta Friderici III. Vienna. 1869. Urkunden, Briefe und Actenstucke zur Gesch. Maximilian's I und seiner Bibl. des

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Vereins, vol. x. Stuttgart. 1846. Cuspinlan, J. Diarium de congressu Maximiliani et trium regum apud Viennam 1616. In Freher-Struve, ii. Diirer, A. Randzeichnungen aus dem Gebetbuche des Kaisers Maximilian I. 1850. Gachard, L. P. Lettres inedites de Maximilien I sur les affaires des Pays-Bas. 2 vols. Brussels. 1851-52. Cf. Compte-rendu de la Commission Histor. Ser. II. p. 263. 1851. Glay, E. Le. Correspondance de I'Empereur Maximilien I et de Marguerite lit.

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Karajan, T. G. von. Kaiser Maximilians geheimes Jagdbuch. Vieima. 1858. Keller, A. von. Geschichten und Thaten Wilwolts v. Schaumburg. Bibl. des lit. Vereins. Stuttgart. 1859. Kraus, V. von. Maximilians vertraulicher Briefwechsel mit Sigmund Priischenk. Innsbruck. 1876. Leitner, Q. von Freydal. Des Kaisers Maximilians I Turniere und Mummereien. Vienna. 1880-2. Machiavelli, N. Ritratti delle cose della Magna, etc. Opere, vi. 119 230. Milan.

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16 124. Actenstiicken und Briefen zur Gesch. des Hauses Hapsburg im ZJeitraume 1473-1676. Vols, i.-iii. Vienna. 1853-7. Pfintzing, M. Die geuerlicbkeiten und einsteils der geschichten des loblichen streytparen und hochberiimbten Helds und Rittere herr Tewrdanckhs. Niim-

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bello Helvetico, in Freher-Struve, iii. or separately edited Munich. 1896. Pirckheimer's Schweizerkrieg. (Pius II.) Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini. Hist. rer. Friderici III. Strassburg. 1686. Archiv fiir osterr. Geschichte, xi. Proposals of Knights in 1494. Messager Saint-Genois. Lettres de Maximilien a I'abbe de Saint-Pierre a Gand. hist, de la Belgique. 1845. Scheurl, Chr. Briefbuch, 1506-40, herausgegeben von Soden und Knaake. Potsdam. 1867-72. Geschichtsbuch der Christenheit 1611-21, herausgegeben von Knaake. in Riick.

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(Goedeke and Tittmann's Deutsche Teuerdank. Herausg. von K. Goedeke. Dichter des 16. Jahrh.) Leipzig. 1878. Eine Erzahlung von den Thaten Kais. MaxiWeisskunig. Treitzsaurwein, M. 1776. milians I nebst den Holzschnitten von Hans Burgmair. Libb. octo quaestionum ad Maximilianum. Curiositas regia. Trithemius, J. 1534.

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Forschungen zur deutsch.

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Zasius, Faber,

Der Ausschusslandtag der osterr. Erblande im J. Geschichte, xiii. 203—316, cf. Sitzungsberichte der

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47

:

Germany and

738

the

Empire.

The original editions of Maximilian's half-autobiographical works have been sumptuously facsimiled and those previously unpublished have been issued in equally magnificent form in the Jahrbucher der kunsthistor. Sammlungen des Kaiserhauses, I. It. III. IV. v. VI. VII. VIII. IX., with Introductions, of which S. Laschitzer's to Compare also the Holbein Society Teuerdank (viii.) is particularly important. Facsimiles of Teuerdank, ed. 1519 (1884), and the Triumph (1883). Cf. also R. von Liliencron, Der Weisskunig, in Raumer's Histor. Taschenbuch, Ser. v., Jahrg. 3, and Schonherr, Uber M, Treitzsaurwein, Archiv f. osterr. Geschichte,

LATER WORKS.

II.

A.

General Histories.

Allgemeine deutsche Biographie. See, among many useful articles, especially Frederick III by G. Voigt, Frederick the Victorious by K. Menzel, Frederick the Wise by Th. Flathe, Diirer by Woltmann, M. Lang by H. Ulmann, Berthold of Mainz by K. Kliipfel, Maximilian I by H. Ulmann. Altmann, W. Die Wahl Albrecht's II zum romischen Konige. Jastrow's HisBerlin, 1886. torische Untersuchungen. Aschbach, J. Geschichte Kaiser Sigmunds. 4 vols. Hamburg. 1838-45. Bachmann, A. Deutsche Reichsgeschichte im Zeitalter Friedrichs III und Max. I. Pontes Austr., vol. xliv. Vienna. 1885. With Supplement, 1892. 1884. Geschichte der deutschen Reformation, pp. 1 161. (Allgemeine Bezold, F. von.

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Geschichte in Einzeldarstellungen.) Berlin. 1890. Geschichte der Kriegswissenschaften vornehmlich in Deutschland. Jahns, M. First Part.

Munich.

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Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgange des Mittelalters. Freiburg i. B. 1878, etc. English translation by A. M. Christie Vols. 1. IV. History of the Gei-man People at the close of the Middle Ages. (In course of publication.) Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, vol. m. pp. 312 il6. Leipzig. Nitzsch, K. W. Janssen, J.

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2nd ed. 1892. Ranke, L. von. Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation. Vol. Sammtliche Werke, pp. 1 147. 1874, etc. Geschichte der romanischen und germanischen Volker, 1494-1514. xxxiii. and xxxiv. of Sammtliche Werke. Leipzig. 1874,. etc.

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Tbbbitobial and Local Histories.

Berlichingen-Rossach, F. W. G. Graf von. Geschichte des Ritters Gotz von Berlichingen. Leipzig. 1861. Bode, W. J. L. Geschichte des Bundes der Sachsenstadte bis zum Ende des Mittelalters. Forschungen zur deutsch. Gesch., ii. 203 292. 1862. Boos, H. Geschichte der Stadt Basel, i. Basel. 1877. Burckhardt-Finsler, A. Basels Eintritt in den Schweizerbund, 1601. Denkschrift

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Dierauer, J. Geschichte der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft. der europaischen Staaten.) Gotha. 1892.

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I.

Hamburg.

1840-3. Fiedler, J. Die AUianz zwischen K. Maximilian I und Russland, 1614. SitzungsVienna. berichte der k. Acad., philos.-histor. Classe, xliii. 183 289. Car, T. Lettera dell' Imp. Massimiliano I ai suoi oratori...di Roma 1603. Archivio Veneto, i. 84—95. 1871. Geiger, L. Maximilian I in seinem Verhaltnisse zum Reuchlinschen Streite. Forschungen zur deutsch. Gesch., ix. 203 216. 1869. Hegewisch, D. H. Geschichte der Regierung Kais. Maximilians I. Hamburg. 1782-3. Herberger, Th. Konrad Peutinger in seinem Verhaltnisse zum K. Maximilian I. vols.

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Hofler, C. von.

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1839-41.

Schonherr, D.

Der Krieg K. Maximilians mit Venedig^ 1509. Organ der militar wissenschaftl. Vereine, vol. xiii. 1876. Schreiber, H. Maximilian I auf dem Reichstag zu Freiburg, 1498. Schweizer, P. Die Vertrage von Blois, von 22 Sept. 1604. Forschungen zur deutschen Gesch., xix. 1—32. 1879. Zur Geschichte Maximilians I. Mittheilungen d. Instit. f. osterreich. Geschichtsforschung, xviii. Innsbruck. 1897. Spielbergs H. von. Maximilian I und das deutsche Reich. Preuss. Jahrbiicher, March, 1884. Stalin, Ch. F. von. Aufenthaltsorte Maximilians I, 1493-1519. Forschungen zur

Seemiiller, J.

deutsch. Gesch., i. Bericht iiber die

347—383.

1862.

Annahme

der Kaiserwiirde duroh Maximilian I im J. 1508. Forschungen zur deutsch. Gesch., i. 67 73. 1862. Stoewer, R. Herzog Albrecht der Beherzte als Reichsfeldherr gegen die Ungarn, 1487. 1882. Ulmann, H. Kaiser Maximilian I. 2 vols. Stuttgart. 1884-91. (The best general authority for the period covered by this chapter.) Die Opposition Groningens gegen die Politik Maximilians I in Westfriesland. Hansische Geschichtsblatter, ii. Studie iiber Maximilians I. Plan einer deutschen Kirchenreform im Jahre 1510. Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengesch. in. 199—219. 1879. Die Wahl Maximilians I. Forschungen zur deutschen Gesch., xxii. 131

—

1882.

158.

Maximilian I in dem Conflicte zwischen d. deutschen Orden und Polen, 1513-5. Forschungen zur deutschen Gesch. xviii. 89 110. 1878. K. Maximilian's Absichten auf den Papstthron. Stuttgart. 1888. Voltelini, Hans von. Die Bestrebungen Maximilians I um die Kaiserkrone, 1618. Mittheilungen des Instit. fiir osterreich. Geschichtsforschung, xi. 41 85, 674—626. Innsbruck. 1890. Watson, R. W. S. Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor. London. 1902. Wiedemann, F. Die Reichspolitik des Grafen Haug von Werdenberg, 1466-86.

—

—

1883.

Wolf,

Geschichte Maximilians

P. P.

D.

I.

3

vols.

Munich.

1807-11.

CoNSTITUnONAL AND LEOAL.

Die Organisation der Centralverwaltung unter Maximilian

Adler, S. 1886.

I.

Leipzig.

Article on Austrage in Ersch and Gruber's Encyklopadie. Aufklarungen in der Geschichte des deutschen Reichsgrafenstandes. Marburg. 1802. Bachmann, A. Die ersten Versuche zu einer rom. Konigswahl unter Fried. III. Forschungen zur deutschen Gesch., xvii. 275—332. 1877. Becker, W. Ueber die Theilnahme der Stadte an den Reichsversammlungen unter Bonn. 1891. Fried. III. Bidermann, H. J. Geschichte der landesfurstlichen Behorden in und fiir Tirol. jEgidi, L.

K.

Arnoldi, J.

Archiv

f.

Gesch. Tirols,

iii.

1866.

Die Verwandlung des deutschen Rechtslebens durch die Aufnahme 1883. Preus. Jahrbucher. des romischen Rechts. Brandenburg, E. Der Binger Kurverein. Deutsche Zeitschr. f. GeschichtswisBoretius, A.

senschaft, xi.

1894.

Germany and

742

the

Empire.

Panke, W. Die Viiilstimmen im Reichs-Fiirstenrath 1495-1654. Gierke's Untersuchungen zur deutsclien Staats- und Reichsgeschichte, xi. Breslau. 1882. Datt, J. P. De Pace Imperii Publica. Ulm. 1698. Fellner, Th. Zur Geschichte der osterreichischen Centralverwaltung. Mittheilungen des Instituts fiir osterr. Geschichtsforschung, vm. 268 352. Innsbruck.

—

1887.

Die Landfriedensverfassung unter Karl IV. 1883. Franklin, Otto. Das Reichshofgericht im Mittelalter. Weimar. 1869. Das konigl. Kammergericht vor 1495. Berlin. 1871. Beitrage zur Geschichte der Reception des romischen Rechts in Deutschland. Hanover. 1863. Gothein, E. Der gemeine Pfennig auf dem Reichstag zu Worms. Hui-bin. Peter von Andlau, der Verfasser des ersten deutschen Reichsstaatsrechts. Strassburg. 1897. Jager, A. Geschichte der landstand. Verfassung Tirols, ii. Innsbruck. 1885. Kerner, J. G. Staatsrecht der unmittelbaren Reichsritterschaft in Schwaben, Franken, und am Rhein. 1786-9. Keussen, H. Die politische Stellung der Reichsstadte, 1440-57. Bonn. 1885. KrauSj V. von. Das Nurnberger Beichsregiment. Innsbruck. 1883. KuiFner, K. Der Reichstag von Nurnberg, 1480. Wiirzburg. 1892. Kulpis. Vorrede zu eines hochlobl. schwab. Kreises alten und neuen KriegsFischer.

ordnungen uud Reglementen.

Stuttgart.

1737.

Leitner and Reumann. Das Kriegswesen des heUigen rom. Reichs deutscher Nation. Leipzig. Lorenz, O. Reichskanzler und Reichskanzlei. Preussische Jahrbiicher, vol. xxix. Berlin. 1872. Philipps, G. Deutsche Reichs und Rechtsgeschichte. Munich. 1845. Putter,

Historische Entwickelung der heutigen Staatsverfassung des d. 3rd ed. 3 vols. 1798-9. English translation by J. Dornford: An historical development of the present political constitution of the German Empire. 3 vols. London, 1790. Book iv. deals with Max. I's reign. Schmidt, C. A. Die Rezeption des romischen Rechts in Deutschland. Rostock. 1868. Schreckenstein, K. H. Freiherr Roth von. Geschichte der ehemaligen freien Ritterschaft in Schwaben, Franken und am Rheinstrom. Schroder, R. Lehrbuch der deutschen Rechtsgeschichte. (Parts of 3rd and 4th Periods.) 3rd ed. Leipzig. 1898. Seeliger, G. Erzkanzler und Reichskanzleien. Innsbruck. 1889. Das deutsche Hofmeisteramt im spateren Mittelalter. Innsbruck. 1885. Simmem, E. Langwerth von. Die Kreisverfassung Maximilians I und der schwabische Reichskreis bis 1648. Heidelberg. 1896. Stintzing, R. v. Zur Geschichte des romischen Rechts in Deutschland. Sybel's J.

S.

Reichs.

hist. Zeit. xxix. 408—38. 1873. Tomaschek, J. A. Die hochste Gerichtsbarkeit des deutschen Konigs und Reichs im 15 Jahrh. Sitzungsberichte der philos.-hist. Classe d. k. Acad, der Wissen.

Vienna. 1865. Treuer, G. S. Bericht von der wahren Gelegenheit und der Reichskreise.

Weckerle,

J. B.

De

dem

rechten Ursprung

Bertholdi Hennebergensis archiep. Moguntini studiis

politicis.

1868.

Weigel, M. Die Landfriedensverhandlungen unter Konig Siegmund. 1884. Weiss, J. Berthold v. Henneberg Erzbischof v. Mainz. Freiburg i. B. 1889. Weizsacker, J. Der Strassburger Fascikel v. 1431. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Reichstagsverhandlungen etc. Forschungen zur deutschen Gesch., xv.

399—456.

1876.

743

Bibliography. Wolf, G.

Vol. i. im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation. 1899. (See especially pp. 1 113 for account of the constitutional position of the Empire about the time of the Reformation.) Wiilckerj E. Reichstag und Reichsregiment zu Anfang der Reformationszeit. Preuss. Jahrbiicher. April 1884.

Deutsche Geschichte

—

Berlin.

E.

Literary and educational.

Aschbach, J. Die Wiener Universitat und ihre Humanisten im Zeitalter Kais. Maximilian I. Vienna. 1877. Bezold, F. V. K. Celtis, der deutsche Erzhumanist. Histor. Zeitschrift, xlix.

1—45, 193—228. 1883. Die armen Leute und die deutsche Literatur des spateren Mittelaltera, Histor. Zeitschr., xli. 1—37. 1879. Bohme, J. G. Dissertatio de insigni favore Maximiliani I in poesin. Leipzig. 1756. Geiger, L. Renaissance und Humanismus in Deutschland. (Allgemeine Geschichte in Einzeldarstellungen.) Berlin. 1882. Hartfelder, K. Der Zustand der deutschen Hochschulen Histor. Zeitschrift, lxiv. 60—107. 1890.

am Ende

des Mittelalters.

Knod.

Jakob Spiegel. (Two programmes of the Schlettstadt gymnasium.) Strassburg. 1884 and 1886. Linton, W. J. The Masters of Wood Engraving. 1889. Marggraft, R. K. Maximilian I und Albrecht Diirer in Nurnberg. 1840. Martin. Die Germania von Wimpheling, ubersetzt und erlautert. Strassburg. 1885. Pastor, L. Erlauterungen und Erganzungen zu Janssens Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, herausgegeben von L. Pastor, Freiburg i. B. 1898 ; among these essays see especially J. BLnepper, Nationaler Gedanke und Kaiseridee bei den elsassischen Humanisten, with a biblidgraphy illustrating the growth of the national idea under Maximilian, and J. Ge'ny, Die Reichsstadt Schlettstadt etc. 1490-1536. 1' Alsace a la fin du xv"™ et au commence2 vols. Paris. 1879. Schonherr, D. Zur Geschichte des Grabmals Kaiser Maximilians. Archiv f. Geschichte und Alterthura Tirols. Schreiber, H. Geschichte der Albert-Ludwigsuniversitat in Freiburg. Freiburg i. B.

Schmidt, Charles.

ment du

Histoire litteraire de

xvi""" siecle:

1857. Struver. Die Schule von Schlettstadt. Leipzig. 1880. Thausing, M. Durer, Geschichte seines Lebens und seiner Kunst.

Voigt, G.

Enea

Silvio de' Piccolomini

und

sein Zeitalter.

3

vols.

2nd Berlin.

ed.

1884.

1866-63.

W. Tewrdanck und Weisskunig, and their historical interest. In an English Miscellany presented to Dr FumivaU. Oxford. 1901. Wegele, F'r. Geschichte der deutschen Historiographie seit dem Auftreten des Humanismus (ch. i.-iv. as to Maximilian's encouragement of historical

Ward, A.

Munich. 1886. Jakob Wimpheling, sein Leben und seine

research, etc.).

Wiskowatoff.

F.

Schriften.

Berlin.

1867.

Ecclesiastical.

Dacheux, L. Un re'formateur Catholique, Jean Geiler d^ Kaisersberg, predicateur a Strasbourg. Paris. 1876. Gebhardt, B. Die Gravamina der deutschen Nation gegen den romischen Hof. Breslau.

1884.

Germany and

744 Gothein, E. Breslau.

Politische

und

religiose

the Evipire.

Volksbewegungen vor der Reformation.

1878.

Der Cardinal und Bischof Nicolaus von Cusa als Reformator in Kirchej Reich und Philosophie. Tubingen. 1871. Schneider, J. Die kirchliche u. politische Wirksamkeit des Cardinals R. Peraudi.

Scharpif, F. A.

Halle.

1882.

Stumpfj Th.

Die politische Ideen des Nicolaus von Cues.

G.

Cologne.

1865.

Social and economic.

Gothein, E. Die Lage des Bauernstandes am Ende des Mittelalters in S. W. Deutschland. Westdeutsche Zeitschrift fiir Gesch., vol. iv. Hauptj H. Ein oberrheinischer Revolutionar aus dem Zeitalter Kais. Maximilians I. Westdeutsche Zeitschr. fur Geschichte, Ergauzungsheft viii. Jastrow, J. Die Volkszahl deutscher Stadte zu Ende des Mittelalters. Historische .

Untersuchungen. Berlin. 1886. Lamprechtj K. Deutsche Geschichte, vol. v. pp. 1 217. Berlin. 1894. (Especially for the social and economic aspects of history.) Die Entwickelung des rheinischen Bauernstandes. Westdeutsche Zeitschrift

—

Geschichte, vol. vi. Der iunerosterreichische Bauemkrieg im Jahre 1515. Archiv osterr. Gesch., Band lxv. Schultz, A. Deutsches Leben im xiv. und xv. Jahrhundert. Vienna. 1892. Ulmann, H. Franz von Sickingen. Leipzig. 1872. fiir

Mayer, F. M.

f.

CHAPTER HUNGARY

AxND

X.

THE SLAVONIC KINGDOMS.

BIBLIOGRAPHIES. von Marchland.

ELToneSj F., Ritter

Grundriss der osterreichischen Geschichte. Index of subjects and names, pp. 926 sqq.; for the period treated in this Chapter, see pp. 390—440. (Up to the date of its publication the most complete bibliography of Austro-Hungarian history.) Vienna.

1882.

Chevalier, U.

Repertoire des sources historiques du Moyen Age. Part ii. TopoMontbeliard, 1894, etc. See s. vv. Boheme, Hongrie, Pologne (published 1901). (Useful lists.) Potthast, A. Bibliotheca historica medii aevi. Second revised edition. Berlin. 1896. (Contains in Appendix, nos. 17, 18, 19, the chief sources of the history of Bohemia, Hungary and Poland respectively; while the literature on those sources is given in the body of the work.) Horvath, E. (Jen6) de Rdna. Magyar hadi kronika (Hungarian military annals). Published by the Hungarian Akade'mia. Budapest. 1895. (Contains full lists of the literature bearing on the military events of the period, pp. 245, 331.) Havass, R. Bibliotheca Hungariae geographica. (Contains a full bibliography of local historiography.) :

Bibliographie.

Finkel, L. berg. Zeissberg,

As

Bibliografia history! Polskiej, 1891.

H.

I.

(Polish historical bibliography.)

Die polnische Geschichtsschreibung im Mittelalter.

Leipzig.

Lem1873.

Bohemia the most complete bibliographical indications will be found in Krones (see above) and in E. Denis, Fin de I'independance de la Boheme. 2 vols. to

:

Paris.

1890.

Jastrow's Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenschaft contain ample material to bring up the bibliography within two years of the present date. For current literature, i.e. such as appeared not earlier than three months previously, consult English Historical Review, Deutsche Zeitschrift fiir Geschichtswissenschaft, Historische Zeitschrift, and the publications of the Academies of Science at Vienna, Budapest, Cracow and Prague. For the reign of Matthias Corvinus, covering the period of thirty-two years previous to that treated of in this chapter, see the full list of the sources bearing on the reign, in Hadtorteneti Kozlemenyek (Annals of military history), published by the Hungarian Academy, in Part for 1890, pp. 252 264; and in Part for 1894,

—

pp.

695—698.

Hungary and

746

I.

the Slavonic

Kingdoms.

LAWS, CHARTERS, DOCUMENTS, DESPATCHES OF AMBASSADORS. Laws.

A.

All the statutes of the period from 1490 to 1526 will be found, together with Verboczy's Tripartitum, in the great edition, published in 1896, under the title The short, but very useful, juristic and Corpus Juris Hungarici 1000-1895. historic notes to the statutes of the period

1490-1526 are by Professors C. Ovari

and A. Kolosvari. B.

Charters, Documents.

at Budapest contain over 35,000 documents and charters from the time previous to 1526, and the majority of those documents date from the fifteenth century. There are a^so numerous and important charters to be found both

The Central Archives

Arad and the Transylvanian towns, and in the private archives of the great families, such as the Csakys, the Forgachs, the Eszterhazys, the Bornemiszas, etc. For all these documents there are now various periodical publications, including genealogy and heraldry, edited or subsidised by the in the archives of towns like Pecs, Kassa,

Hungarian Academy. For our period nearly all the important charters and documents

will be found ia:

Acta Tomiciana, temp. Sigismundi regis Poloniae (a vast collection of documents made by Archbishop Peter Tomicki in the sixteenth century). Edited by Gorski, from 1852. (Very important for Poland, Bohemia and Hungary.) Analecta saeculi XVI. (A manuscript in the library of the Budapest University.) Engel, J. C.

Monumenta

Ungrica.

Vienna.

1809.

Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus et civilis. Buda. 1829-44. Rendered more available by the chronological Tabula of F. Knauz, 1862, and the Index alphabeticus of M. Czinar, 1866. (It does not extend beyond 1440.) Firnhaber, F. Beitrage z. Gesch. Ungarns unt. d. Regierung Konig Wladislaw's u. Pejer, G.

Ludwig's

II.

In Archiv

f.

Kunde

Vienna Academy of Science, 1849.

osterr. Geschichtsquellen.

See pp. 375

Published by the period 1490-3,

—552, covering

containing 109 charters. Historia critica regum Hungariae. S. S. J. Buda. 1778-1817. 8vo. (Contains a very great number of documents printed from the vols. To our period refer vols. xvii. xviii. xix. originals.) Kovachich, M. G. Vestigia comitiorum apud Hungaros, Buda, 1790; and especially 3 vols. (Many of the numerous charters the Supplementa, ib., 1798-1801. and documents collected by Kovachich and his son are printed in the Vestigia and other works by them.) Pray, G. S. J. Epistolae procerum regni Hungariae (1490-1531). Vol. i. Vienna. 1806. (A valuable compilation.) ex Theiner, A. Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia Rome. 1859-60. 2 vols. tabulariis Vaticanis deprompta. Vatikani Magyarorszagi Okirattar. (Hungarian archives from the Vatican Library, a periodical publication of the Hungarian Academy.) See especially the part published in 1884.

Katona, 42

In addition to the preceding works, there is much material to be found in the Archives of Vienna and Modena, and also in those of Mantua. In the Monumenta Hungariae historica published by the Hungarian Academy in four divisions (Diplomataria, Scriptores, Monumenta comitialia. Acta externa) are many charters and documents bearing on the reigns of Wladislav II and Louis II.

747

Bibliogi'aphy.

C.

Ambassadors' Despatches.

Several of these are in Fray's Epistolae (see above) ; the most abundant collection of such material is however to be found in the Despatches of the Venetian ambassadors, contained chiefly in the Diari of Marino Sanuto the younger. 38 vols. 1496-1533. A useful extract of the whole has been published for the years 1496-1515, by Valentinelli, 1863, in Esposizione di rapporti fra la Repubblica Veneta e gli Slavi meridionali. Extracts from the Diari bearing on Hungarian history have been printed by G. Wenczel, in the Publications of the Hungarian Academy. For many important events of the period under question (1490-1526), Sanuto is not only the chief but the sole source of information.

II.

CHRONICLERS AND HISTORIANS.

For Bohemia the most important contemporary history is the work of John ah initio libri xxxiii., in Freher, Dubravius, Historiae regni Bohemiae Scriptores rer. Bohem., 1602, more particularly for our period. With regard chiefly to Hungarian aflairs see Rerum Hungaricarum decades libris xlv. comBonfinius, Antonius (died 1502). :

prehensae, covering the years 364-1495, but important only for the fifteenth Best edition, Leipzig, 1771. century. Conventus Maximiliani I Caes. cum Vladislao Hungariae, Cuspinianus, Joannes. Sigismundo Poloniae ac Ludovico Bohemiae Regibus (in Freher, Germ. rer. Script. II. pp. 304-320) ; and especially his Tagebuch, covering the years 150227 (in Fontes rer. Austriac. Script, i. pp. 397-416). ab anno 1490 Vienna, Regni Hungarici historia libris xxxiv Istvanfi, N. (Istvanfi, who died in 1615, although not strictly contemporary, is still 1758. very important for the period 1490-1526.) Commentariorum de rebus suo tempore in Pannonia Tubero, L., a Dalmatian. et Turcia et finitimis regionibus gestis libri xi., covering the years 1490 to 1522.

In Schwandtner, Script,

III.

rer.

Hung.

ii.

pp. 107

—381.

MODERN WORKS. A.

GeneraI/.

The general histories of the Austro-Hungarian empire by Krones, Handb. d. Gesch. Osterr. and Huber, Gesch. Osterr. vol. iii. (Gesch. d. europ. Staaten), and in the general histories of Hungary by L. Szalay, M. Horvath, Engel, Fessler (ed. E. Klein), and Sayous (in French), contain some useful chapters; while the fifth volume of Palacky's Geschichte von Bohmen (Prague, 1865) is still The best general history of our period, fairly exhaustive for the period after 1490.

A

Magyar nemzet torte'nete (Hist, is that written for the "millennial," Vol. iv., by W. Frakndi, who has of the Magyar nation), ed. by Alex. Szilagyi. published a series of authoritative monographs on the chief events of the period, comprises all the aspects of Hungarian history from 1458 to 1526. however,

B.

Fraknoi,

W.

mohacsi

Tamas

Monographs.

Matyas Kiraly elete (1890), (Life of King Matthias); ve'sz elStt (Hungary before the disaster of Mohacs),

eletrajza (Biography of T. B.).

Magyarorszag a 1884; Bakdcz

Hungary and

748

the Slavonic

Kingdoms.

Marki, A. Ddzsa Gyorgy es forradalma (George Ddzsa and his rebellioii)^ 1886. Neustadt. Ungarn's Verfall am Beginn des xvi. Jahrhunderts. Ungarische Revue for 1885. Thury, J. Torok tortenetirok (Turkish historians). Budapest. 1890.

Minor monographs can

IV.

easily

be reached by means of the bibliographies under (I).

HISTORICAL MAPS; BATTLE-PLANS.

There are as yet no special Historical Atlases for the history of Hungary, Bohemia, or Poland. For Hungary a historical gazetteer is supplied in D. Csanki's very elaborate Magyarorszag Foldrajza a Hunyadiak koraban (The topography of Hungary in the time of the Hunyadis: fifteenth century). Consult also the map of Hungary in 1490 in article Magyarorszag in the Hungarian Encyclopedia PaUas. Some battle-plans will be found in the Hadi kronika mentioned above. See also the general Historical Atlases of Spruner-Menke and Droysen, and the Oxford Historical Atlas.

The best general history of Poland in Polish is Bobrzynski's Dzieje Polski n zarysie (Sketch of Polish history), Warsaw, 1879. There is much historico-geographical material in Lelewels' work Polska dziej (1868); and the great Polish History of Adam Naruszewicz in Polish is always helpful, chiefly in the Lelewel edition with the atlas (1803). In German the most authoritative History of Poland is the Geschichte Polen's by R. RoepeU, continued by J. Caro in vols, i.-v., Hamburg and Gotha, 1840-86 (Gesch. d. europ. Staaten). AU the requisite details for closer research will be found in the bibliographical work of Finkel (see above); and in Pawinski's report in Jastrow for 1891. On early Russian history consult A. Rambaud, Histoire de la Russie, new ed. Paris.

1893.

:

:

CHAPTER XL THE CATHOLIC I.

KINGS.

MANUSCRIPTS.

Accounts of some of the chief collections of Spanish historical manuscripts are contained in

Altamira y Crevea, R. Historia y Arte. Madrid. 1898. Beerj R. Handschriftenschatze v. Spanien. Vienna. 1894. Diaz Sanchez, F. VUla y Archive de Simancas. Madrid. 1885. Gallardo, B. J. Biblioteca Espanola. Madrid. 4 vols. 1863-89. GayangoSj P. de. Catalogue of Spanish Manuscripts in the British Museum.

London. 1875. Morel-Fatio, A. Catalogue des MSS. Espagnols dans la Bibliotheque Nationale. Paris. 1881. Ochoa, E. de. Manuscritos Espanoles en la Biblioteca de Paris. Paris. 1844.

II.

PRINTED COLLECTIONS OF DOCUMENTS; CONTEMPORARY

WORKS; CHRONICLES. Academia de

Memorias de la R. Academia de la Historia. Vols. iv. Madrid. 1796-1852. Madrid. 1882. Cortes de Leon y Castilla. Vol. iv. Madrid. 1897. Cortes de Aragon, Valencia y Cataluna. Madrid. 1877-1900. Boletin de la R. Academia de la Historia. Florence. Alberi, E. 1839-40. Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti. Vols. i. ii. Seville. Alcocer, P. de. 1872. Relacion sobre las Comunidades, ed. Gamero. Almakkari. Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain (trans, by P. de Gayangos). Oriental London. 1840. Translations Fund. Argensola, B. L. de. Anales de Aragdn. Saragossa. 1630. Calendar of Letters, etc. relating to Negociations Bergenroth and Gayangos. between England and Spain. Vols, i.-iv. London. 1862-82. Bemaldez, A. Historia de los Reyes. In Crdnicas de los Reyes de Castilla. Bleda, J. Cordnica de los Moros de Espana. Valencia. 1618. Documentos ineditos de la Corona de Aragdn. BarBofarull y Mascaro, P. de. 1847-61. celona. Crdnica del Rey Enrique IV. Ed. J. M. de Flores. Castillo, D. Enriquez de. VI.

la Historia.

vm.

Included in Coleccion de las Crdnicas y Memorias de los Reyes de CastiUa. Madrid. 1779-87.

Crdnicas.

7 vols.

The

750

Catholic Kings.

Crdnicas de los Beyes de Castilla. Vol. iii. In Rivadeneyra Biblioteca, vol. lxx. Madrid. 1878. Dormerj D. J. Anales de Aragon. 1616-40. [Saragossa i"] 1697. Eguilaz Yanguas, L. de. Conquista de Granada. Granada. 1894. Epistolario Espanol. In Rivadeneyra Biblioteca, vols. xiii. and lii. Madrid. 1870, 1884.

Correspondance de Charles-Quint et Adrien VI. Brussels. 1869. Voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas. Comm. Roy. d'Histoire. Brussels.

Gachardj L. P. 1886.

Anales Breves.

Galindez Carvajal, L.

Navarrete, etc., Documentos Ineditos,

vol.

XVIII.

Gomez de

Castro, A.

De Rebus

Gestis Francisci Ximenii.

In A. Schott, Hispaniae

Illustratae.

Salamanca. 1578. In Epistolario Espanol. Legazione di Spagna. Opere Inedite, vol. vi. Florence. 1864. Hinojosa, R. de. Despacbos de la Bipldmacia Pontifica en Espana. Madrid. 1896. 1578. Jovio, P. Vita Hadriani VI. Basel. Vol. i. Leipzig. 1844. Lanz, K. Correspondenz des Kaisers Karls V. Negociations diplomatiques entre la France et I'Autricbe. Le Glay, A. J. G. Paris. 1845. Collection de documents inedits. Maldonado, J. El Movimiento de Espana. Madrid. 1840. Marinaeus Siculus, L. De Rebus Grestis Hispaniae. Reprinted in A. Schott, Hispaniae Illustratae. Relacion de las Comunidades. In Rivadeneyra Biblioteca, vol. xxi. Mejia, P.

Guevara, A.

Epistolas Familiares.

de.

Guicciardini, F.

—

1852.

-

Madrid. 1666. Anales de Navarra. 12 vols. Tolosa. 1890-2. Navarrete, Zabalburu and others. Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espana. Historia Imperial y Cesarea.

Moret,

J. de.

Vols.

I.

II.

VII.

III.

IX.

XI.

XII. XIV. XVII. XVIII. XXIII.

XXIV. XXV. XXXVI. XXXVIII.

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Lecoy de la Marche. Le roi Rene. Paris. 1876. Luchaire, A. Alain le Grand, sire d'Albret 1' administration royale et la fe'odalite du Midi. Paris. 1877. Mandrot, B. de. Jacques d'Armagnac, Due de Nemours, 1433-77. Revue His;

torique.

Louis

xLiii. xijv.

XI

et

Jean

V

1890.

d'Armagnac.

Revue Historique.

xxxviii.

1888.

Bibliography. Mandrot, B.

759

Ymbert de Batarnay,

de.

Maulde

la Claviere, R. Ferret, P. M. Malet

S>^ du Bouchage. 1438-1623. Paris. 1886. Jeanne de France, Duchesse d'Orle'ans. Paris. 1883. de GravUle, Amiral de France, 144^-1616. Paris. Picard.

1889. Reilhac, Jean de, Secre'taire des Kois Charles VII, Loiiis 1455-99. Paris. 1886-7.

Spent, A.

Semblan9ay,

siecle.

Paris.

?

-1527.

XI

et Charles VIII,

La Bourgeoisie Financiere au debut du

xvi'

1896.

E.

Miscellaneous.

Die Lehre der Volkssouveranitat wahrend des Zeitschr. xxxvi. Munich. 1876. Boissonnade, P. Histoire de la reunion de la Navarre a Beyold.

Mittelalters. la CastUle,

Histor.

1479-1521.

1893.

Paris.

[Brantome.]

Bourdeilles,

de Brantome.

CEuvres completes. Ed. 1864-82. Cherot, H. The social condition of France at the beginning of the xvith centui-y. Revue des Quest. Hist. lvii. 1895. Delaborde, H. F. La legation du Cardinal Balue en 1485. Bull, de la Soc. Hist, de

M.

L. C. Lalanne.

Paris.

Paris.

Desjardins, A.

P.

de,

S'

Soc. Hist, de France.

Paris.

1884.

Louis XI, sa politique exterieure, ses rapports avec

I'ltalie.

Paris.

1874.

!^tudes sur I'histoire de I'lndustrie et de la classe industrielle a Paris du au xv" siecle. Paris. 1878. Franck. Reformateurs et publicistes du moyen age et de la renaissance. Paris.

Fagniez.

xiii"

1863. Fredericq, P.

Essai sur le role politique et social des dues de Bourgogne dans les Pays-Bas. Ghent. 1876. Harrisse, H. Jean et Sebastien Cabot. Paris. 1882. Jacquet, A. Claude de Seyssel. Rev. des Quest. Hist. lvii. 1895. Jal, A. Archeologie navale. 2 vols. Paris. 1839. Laborde, L. E. de. Les Dues de Bourgogne; etude sur les lettres, arts, etc., pendant le xv' siecle. Paris. 1849-62. Renaissance des Arts a la cour de France. Vol. i. Peinture. Additions.

1850-5.

Paris.

Vie militaire et religieuse au moyen age. Paris. 1873. Le moyen age et la Renaissance. 6 vols. Paris. 1848-51. Lecoy de la Marche, A. La Chaire fran^aise au moyen age. 2nd ed. Lacroix, P.

Paris.

1886.

Leroux, A. Nouvelles recherches sur les relations de la France et de I'Allemagne, 1892. 1378-1461. Paris. Le Roux de Lincy. Paris et ses historiens aux xiv' et xv" siecles. Paris. 1867. Lindner, Th. Die Zusammenkunft K. Friedrichs III mit Karl d. Kuhnen, 1473, zu 1876. Paris sous la domination anglaise (1420-36).

Trier.

Longnon, A.

^^tudes sur les relations de Charles VII et Louis XI avec les Jahrbuch fiir schweiz. Gesch. 1880-1. Les^origines de la Revolution fran^aise au xvi° siecle. la Claviere, R.

Mandrot, A. Cantons

Maulde

Soc. Hist, de Paris.

1879.

Paris.

Paris.

de.

suisses.

1890.

Moland, L. E. D. Les origines litteraires de la France. Paris. 1862. Muntz, E. Renaissance a I'e'poque de Charles VIII. Paris. 1885. P. de Hagenbach et la domination bourguignonne en Alsace. Nerlinger, Ch. Nancy.

1890.

760 Palustre, L. Pasquier, E. Pelicier, P.

France. La Renaissance en France.

Paris.

1879.

Les Recherches de la France. Paris. 1665. Essai sur le gouvernemeut de la Dame de Beaujeu.

Chartres.

Gamier.

1882.

Perrens, F. T. La Democratie en France au moyen age. 2 vols. Paris. 1873. Petit, E. Bulletin hist, et phil. du Comite des Travaux Sejours de Charles VIII. Hist, et Scient.

1897.

Quicherat, J. Histoire du Costume en France. Paris. 1875. Roderer, P. L. Louis XII et Francis I ou Memoires pour servir a une nouvelle Paris. histoire de leur regno. 1825. 2 vols. Spont, A. War with France, 1612-3. Navy Records Society. 1897. Vol. x. Thierry, A. Histoire du Tiers titaX. Paris. 1868. Tuetey, A. Les !^corcheurs sous Charles VII. 2 vols. Montpeliard. 1874. Vallet de Viriville. Essais critiques sur les historiens originaux du regno de Charles VII. Bihl. de r:6cole des Chartes. 1867. VioUet le Due, E. E. Dictionnaire raisonne du Mobilier de I'il^poque Carlovingienne a la Renaissance. Paris. 1865, etc. Witte, H. Zur Geschichte der Burgunder Kriege. Zeitschr. fur Gesch. des Oberrheins 47-49. Also in Jahrbuch der Lothring. Gesch. und Altertumskunde, 1892-, 116-28, and other papers. {See also Bibliography of Chap. IV.)

CHAPTEE

XIII.

THE NETHERLANDS. BIBLIOGRAPHIES. See, besides the Ghent Bibliotheca Belgica and other collections on the general bibliography of the Netherlands, S. de Wind, Bibliotheek d. Nederlandsche Geschiedi., Middelburg, 1835; L. La Haye, H. Francotte and F. de Potter, Bibliographie de I'histoire de la Belgique, 1830-82, Liege, from 1886; and the invaluable Bibliographie de I'histoire de Belgique by H. Pirenne, 2nd ed., Brussels and Ghent, 1902. Special bibliographies have also been published of the histories of several towns and territories. The short lists in B. PouUet, Les Anciens Pays-Bas,

schrijvers, vol.

and in Lavisse and Rambaud's Histoire Generale, vol. iii. ch. 4 (by L. Pingard) and 8 (by H. Pirenne), will be found useful, together with the names of authorities in P. Fredericq, Les Dues de Bourgogne. A list of essays and articles in Belgian periodicals, 1830-65, was published by E. van Bruyssel, Brussels, 1869 ; many Dutch contributions of value are to be found in De Gids, Amsterdam, from 1837.

I.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.

Of the original documents preserved in the national, provincial, municipal, and other archives of Holland and Belgium, numerous inventaires have been published. Those of the Belgian archives, drawn up under the direction of Gachard by himself, C. Plot, A. Pinchart, and L. Galesloot, were begun in 1837 (Gachard's Analectes Belgiques appeared 1830, his Collection de doc. ined. cone. I'hist. de Belg. in 3 vols., 1833-5) ; the archives of the Chambres des Comptes, of the Council of Flanders, and of the Feudal Court of Brabant, were successively introduced by Gachard and Pinchart (Brussels, 1837-65), V. Gaillard (Ghent, 1856) and Galesloot (Brussels, 1870); later inventaires are those of the Bruges archives by E. van den Bussche,

among

1881, and of the Brussels by A. Wauters, from 1888. Cf. for a general survey La Haye, etc. u. s. The publication of a series of inventaires of the Belgian archives under the direction of the Administr. des Arch. Gen. du Royaume, i: Catalogue raisonne, has quite recently (1902) begun. The Nederlandsche Rijksarchiev was inventoried by R. A. Bakhuizen van den Brink, L. Ph. C. van den Bergh, and J. de Jonge, Amsterdam, 1855 ; other Dutch archives by the above, P. Scheltema (Amsterdam, 1866-74), van den Brandeler (Dort, 1862-4), Rammel-

Part

man

those of Groningen by H. O. Feith (Groningen, documents of Dutch history are to be found in the publications of the Royal Netherlands Inst, and Acad, of Sc. (Class II.), and of Belgian in the memoires and bulletins of the Acad. Roy., the Comm. Roy. d'Hist. (whose comptes-rendus fill 4 series from 1834), the Comm. Roy. pour la publ. des Elsevier, J. A. Nijhoff, etc.

1853-7).

Numerous

original

;

;

The Netherlands.

762

The Utrecht lois et ordonnances, and the Ghent Acad. Roy. Flamande. Historisch Genootschap, which published the Codex Diplomaticus Neerlandicus in 6 vols. (1853-63), and other historical societies in Leyden and other Dutch as well

anc.

have likewise been active in printing original documents Annuaire of the Brussels Bibliotheque Royale, edited by Baron de Of importance as to ancient statutes and customs are, Reiffenberg, 1840-61. besides the Liste chronol. des edits et des ordonnances des Pays-Bas (1885), the Recueil des anc. ord. de la Belgique (from 1860) and the Rec. des anc. coutumes de la B. (from 1867), the publications of the Vereeniging t. uitg. der bronnen v. h. oude vaterl. recht, 13 vols., the Hague, from 1880 the Keurboeken of the Dutch towns, and the documents of the Flemish towns ap. Warnkoenig and Ghedolf, A. Wauters, etc. For documentary illustrations of the relations between the Netherlands and the Empire, France and England respectively, see the ordinary repositories, and especially Janssen, Reichscorrespondenz, vol. ii., Ordonnances des rois de France, vols, xv.-xvi., Lettres de Louis XI, ed. Vaesen et Charavay for Soc. de I'Hist. de France, vols. Rymer; and State Papers, Henry VHI, calendared by Brewer and I. -v., from 1883 The following collections of documents illustrate other special points, Gairdner. and are enumerated in the order in which these are to be found in the text.

as in Belgian towns, cf.

also the

;

;

Documents rel. a I'hist. de I'Universite de Louvain, 1425-97. Kervyn de Lettenhove. Progr. d'un gouvernement constit. en Belgique au 15™' Reu'sens, E. siecle.

Brussels,

s.

d.

Limburg-Brouwer, P. A. van. Boergoensche Charters, 1428-82. (Part lu. of Orkoondenboek van Holland en Zeeland ed. L. Ph. C. van den Bergh.) The Hague. 1869. Wall, P. H. van der. Handvesten, Vorregten etc. van Dordrecht. 3 vols. Dort. ;

1790.

Handvesten en Charters etc. van Nijmegen. 2 vols. Nymegen. J. J. Stukken betr. David van Borgondie en het Sticht, 1466-97; betr. de Geestelijke Broederschappen te U., 1313-1472; tijdp. 1486-

Smetius, J.

Dodt van Flensborg, 1527

Bam,

d.

U. gesch.

Gingins la Sarra, F. de. de Charles-le-Hardi Kervyn de Lettenhove.

aux troubles du Pays de liege, 1466-1606.

Depeches des Ambassadeurs Milanais sur

les

campagnes

1471-7. 2 vols. Paris. 1858. Lettres et Negociations de P. de Commines.

etc.,

3

vols.

1867-8.

Brussels. J.

1838. relatifs

1844.

Brussels.

Chmel,

Utrecht.

Documents

P. F. X. de.

Urkunden, Briefe und Actenstiicke zur Gesch. Max.

[1493-1508.]

Gachard, L. P. 1478-1508.

Stuttgart.

Lettres

ine'd.

Brussels,

I

u.

Zeit.

s.

1845.

s.

de Max., due d'Autr., sur les

aff.

des Pays-Bas,

d.

Corresp. des magistrats d'Ypres, pendant les troubles sous Max. Diegerick, L. A. Bruges. 1856. [1483]. Hofler, C. von. Depeschen d. Venet. Botsch., V. Quirino, bei Erzh. Philipp 1505-8. Vienna. 1884.

v.

B.

(Coll. des doc. ined. d'Esp.) Madrid. Cartas de Felipe el hermoso. 1846. Le Glay, A. Corresp. de I'Emp. Max. I et de Marguerite d'Autr., Gouvernante 2 vols. Paris. 1839. des Pays-Bas [1507-19]. Corresp. de Marguerite d'Autr. etc., 1506-28. Bergh, L. Ph. C. van den. (Archives de Lille.) 2 vols. Leyden. 1847.

Quinsonas, de.

Materiaux

p.

s.

a

I'hist.

de Marguerite d'Autr.

3

vols.

Paris.

1860.

Erasmus, D.

Epistolae.

(Vol. in. of Opera, ed.

Le

Clerc.)

Leyden.

1703.

Bibliography.

II.

763

CHRONICLES AND OTHER NARRATIVES WHOLLY OR IN PART CONTEMPORARY. A.

CoU^OTIONS.

(Subsequently cited by the abbreviations here appended.)

Buchon,

A. CoU. des Chroniques Nationales Fran9aises, du 13™« au 16°>= siecle. 1826-8. [Buchon.] Chroniques rel. a I'Hist. de la Belgique sous les dues de Bourgog^ue. Ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove. 3 vols. 1870-3. [Chron. Belg.] Coll. de Chroniques Beiges inediteSj publ. p. o. du Gouvernement. Brussels. 1836-93. [Chron. Belg.] Coll. des Chroniqueurs et Trouveres Beiges^ publ. p. I'Academie de Bruxelles. Brussels and Louvain. 1863-79. [Chron. Acad.] Martene et Durand. Vet. Script, et Monum. Amplissima CoUectio. 9 vols. Paris. 1724-33. [Ampl. Coll.] Matthaeus, A. Vet. Aevi Analecta. 2nd ed. 5 vols. The Hague. 1738. [Matth. Anal.] Petitot, C. B. Memoires sur I'Hist. de France. 1" se'rie. Paris. 1819-26. J.

Paris.

[Petitot, I.]

B.

Chronicles treating of the general history op the Netherlands.

De rebus gestis Caroli VII et Ludov. XI 11. xil Ed. J. Quicherat for Soc. de I'Hist. de France. 4 vols. 1864-9. Chastellain, G. Chroniques. These include: Declar. des hauts faits du due de Bourgogne ; la Grande Chronique [1420-74]; Chron. de J. de Lalain etc., 8 vols. Chron. Acad.; Chron. des dues de B., 3 vols. Buchon. Commines, P. de. Me'moires [1464-98]. 3 vols. Petitot, i. Ed. Mile Dupont, for Soc. Hist, de la France. 3 vols. Paris. 1840-71. Chantelauze. Paris. 1881. Duclercq, J. Memoires [1448-67]. Ed. B. de Reiffenberg. 4 vols. Brussels. Basin, T. (Archiep. Caesar.).

Buchon

1823.

;

Petitot,

i.

Chroniques [1326-1400]. Ed. Buchon. 15 vols. Ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove. 25 vols, in 26. Chron. Acad. Ed. S. Luce. 11 vols. (In course

Froissart, J.

of publication.)

Paris.

1899, etc.

Collection des Voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas. Gaehard, L. P. et Piot, C. 4 vols. 1877-82. (Contains int. al. A. de Lalaing, Le Voyage de Philippe leBeau, 1503.) Chron. Belg. Hermanuus Goudanus, G. HoUandiae Geldriaeque Bellum (from 1507). Matth. :

Anal.

I.

L'Estat de la Maison du due Charles de Bourgogne d. le Flemish version of this, s. t. : Rationarium Aulae i. et Imperii Carol. Audac. etc. in Matth. Anal. i. Memoires [1435-92]. 2 vols. Petitot, i. Soc. Hist, de la France. 4 vols.

La Marche, O. de. Hardy [1474].

Paris.

Petitot,

A

1883-8.

Memoires, 1490-1537. Buchon. de, le s. de Fleuranges. Chronique de la mais. de Bourgogne, 1500-27. Louvain. 1765. Macquereau, B. Magnum Chronicon Belgicum [-1474]. In J. N. Pistorius, Rer. German. Serip-

La Marck, R.

tores, vol.

Molinet, J. Paris.

HI.

Ratisbon.

1726.

Chroniques [-1492] with Supple'ment 1828.

[to 1606].

Ed. Buchon.

6 vols.

)

The Netherlands.

764

Monstreletj E. de. Chroniques [1400-44]. Ed. Douet d'Arcq. 7 vols. Paris. 1857-62. With the Supplements of M. de Coussy, etc. (-1467). 15 vols. Buchon. [From M. are adapted or abridged the chronicles of J. Lefebvre de St Remy and others.] Pontus Heuterus. Rerum Burgundicarum 11. vi. [the Austrian period from O. de

Antwerp, 1584 and later editions. Les Chroniques de Louys XI, autrem. dites La Chronique Petitot, i. Paris. 1820. Scandaleuse [1460-83]. 2 vols.

la Marche].

(Troyes, J.

de.)

C.

{According

Provincial and local Chronicles. to the

order of Provinces followed in the text.)

Histoire et Chronique de Flandre. Ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove. Cent. int. al. Histoire des Pays-Bas en forme de Journal. :

Corpus Chronicorum Flandriae.

Ed.

J.

F. de Smet.

4

vols.

2 vols. 1879-80. Chron. Belg. Chron. 1837-65.

Belg.

Kronyk van Vlaenderen (-1467). 2 vols. Ghent. 1840. Chroniques de Brabant et de Flandre (-1565). Ed. C. Piot. 1846. Chron. Belg. Dagboek der Gentsche Collatie, 1446-1555. Ed. A. C. Schayer. Ghent. 1842. Dagboek van Gent, van 1447 tot 1515. Ed. V. Fris. (In course of publication.) 1850. Gedenkschriften van Jan Heere van Dadizeele [1437-80]. Bruges. Rombaut de Donpere. Chronique Brugeoise 1491-98. Ed. H. Dussart. Bruges. 1893. Relations des troubles de Gand sous Charles V. Ed. Gachard. 1846. Chron. Belg. Dynter, E. van. Chronica due. Lotharing. et Brabant, et reg. Franc. [-1447]. Ed. P. J. X. de Ram. 3 vols in 4. 1854-60. With the French version by J. Wauquelin. Chron. Belg. (Heyden, Van der.) P. a Thymo. Hist. Brabantiae diplom. [Continuation of Dynter.] Ed. B. de Reiffenberg. Brussels. 1830. 2 vols. Barlandus, H. De reb. gest. due. Brabant. [-1526]. Louvain. 1532. Monuments p. s. a I'hist. des prov. de Namur, Hainaut et Luxembourg. Edd. de Reiffenberg, Devillers, de Smet et Borgnet. Chron. Belg. Chronique du Hainaut et de Mons. Ed. A. Lacroix. Mons. 1841. Cronycke, die, van HoUandt, Zeelandt en Vrieslandt, -1517 ; with continuations to 1530, Antwerp, 1530 ; and to 1555 in vol. i. of Dort edition, 1620. (The

so-called Divisie-cronyk.

Cronycke

Scharlensis, O.

etc.

van Vrieslandt

[to 1600].

Leeuwarden.

1597 and

1742. Stavelot, J. de.

(Oudenbosch.)

Chronique (history of Liege, 1399-1447). Chron. Belg. Adrian, de Veteri Busco. Chronicon rer. Leodensium, etc.

(1449-

Ampl. Coll. Burlandus, H. Trajectan. Episcop. Catalogus et eorum res gest. Frankfort. 1586. Erp, H. ab, Abbatiss. v. d. Vrouwen-clooster in suburb. Trajectan. Annales ver83.)

naculi, 1421-1549.

Annales

rer. in

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III.

A.

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