The Cambridge Economic History of Europe from the Decline of the Roman Empire, Second edition, Volume 1: Agrarian Life of the Middle Ages

I THE CAMBRIDGE ECONOMIC HISTORY GENERAL EDITORS: M. M. POSTAN, Professor of Economic History in the University of Cam...

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I THE CAMBRIDGE ECONOMIC HISTORY

GENERAL EDITORS: M. M. POSTAN, Professor of Economic History

in the University of Cambridge, and H. J. HABAKKUK, Chichele Professor of Economic History in the University of Oxford

VOLUME I Second edition

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008


THE

CAMBRIDGE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF EUROPE VOLUME I

THE AGRARIAN LIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGES SECOND EDITION EDITED BY

M. M . P O S T A N Professor of Economic History in the University of Cambridge

CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

1966 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

PUBLISHED BY THE SYNDICS OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Bentley House, 200 Euston Road, London, N.W. 1 American Branch: 32 East 57th Street, New York, N.Y., 10022 West African Office: P.M.B.5i8i, Ibadan, Nigeria

I 1 j ]

THIS EDITION

-i

© CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1966

First edition (edited by J. H. Ctapham and Eileen Power) 1941 Reprinted 1942 Reprinted (U.S.A.) 1944 Second edition 1966

Printed in Great Britain by Spottiswoode, Ballantyne & Co. Ltd. London and Colchester Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: A41-3509


THE EDITOR'S PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION A quarter of a century has passed since the first volume of the Cambridge Economic History was published. In the meantime much more knowledge has accumulated and new points of view have emerged. The Editor and the publishers have therefore agreed that what was now required was not merely a reprint, nor even a corrected version, of the 1941 volume, but a wholly new edition brought up to date by modernizing some chapters and substituting wholly new chapters for those : considered impossible to modernize. The chapters dealing with agrarian 'i history in Italy, Russia and England at the height of the Middle Ages, and the concluding chapter dealing with Europe as a whole in the later Middle Ages, fell into the latter category, and the Editor accordingly commissioned Dr Philip Jones to write a new chapter on Italy ;. (VII, § 2), Dr R. E. F. Smith to write a new chapter on Russia (VII, § 6) and Professor Genicot to write a new chapter on the later Middle Ages (Chapter VIII), while the Editor himself undertook to produce a new chapter on England (VII, § 7). A number of other chapters have been revised by their original authors. Professor Parain has recast his chapter on agricultural tech. nique (III), and Mr C. E. Stevens has carried out a similar operation on • his chapter on the later Roman Empire (II). Professor Verhulst, in k collaboration with Professor Ganshof, has revised the latter's chapter ; on France, the Low Countries and Western Germany (VII, § 1), and Dr j R. S. Smith has brought up to date his chapter on Spain (VIII, § 3). Two of the original chapters, Professor Ostrogorsky's on Byzantium (V) and % Professor Aubin's on the lands east of the Elbe (VII, § 4) have, in I accordance with the expressed wishes of the authors, been reproduced I without much alteration. The Editor has also decided to reproduce I without modification chapters by authors now deceased which have I now established themselves in historical literature as classical studies of I their subjects and as characteristic products of their famous authors. I The chapters thus preserved in their original form are those of Richard I Koebner on settlement and colonization (I), of Alfons Dopsch on the I agrarian institutions of the Germanic Kingdoms (IV), of Marc Bloch on I the rise of dependent cultivation and seignorial institutions (VI), of \ Jan Rutkowski on Poland, Lithuania and Hungary (VII, § 5) and of I Sture Bonn on Scandinavia (VII, § 8). I The corresponding bibliographies, however, were recast and brought I up to date, and the Editor wishes to thank Dr E. Schremmer (bibhoI graphy for Chapters I and IV), Madame E. Carpentier (the same for


VI

PREFACE

chapter VI), Professor A. Gieysztor (the same for Chapter VII, § 5), and Dr A. Peetre (the same for Chapter VII, § 8) for having undertaken and carried out this painstaking work of scholarship. Two other bibliographies attached to chapters by living authors—that of Professor Aubin's chapter (VII, § 4) on lands east of the Elbe, and that of Mr Stevens on the later Roman Empire (II)—were also revised by other scholars invited by the Editor. Professor E. Birke revised the bibliography for Professor Aubin's chapter (VII, § 4); and a team of scholars led by DrJ. Morris revised Mr Stevens' bibliography on the later Roman Empire (II). This second edition has incurred its due share of delays and misfortunes. Professors Bonn and Koebner died while engaged in negotiations with the Editor on the revision of their chapters; Mr Stevens was for various personal reasons prevented from completing the revision of his bibliography; illness compelled at least one other contributor to interrupt his work on his chapter. As a result some of the chapters, more especially Professor Genicot's, had to be brought up to date twice over to allow not only for the interval since the first edition, but also for the interval since the first draft had been submitted. The hazards of composite volumes are great and unpredictable. Though he himself is their worst casualty, the Editor wishes to express to the contributors his regrets for the delay and his gratitude for their patience and forbearance. M. M. P. CAMBRIDGE

March 1965


CONTENTS PREFACE LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

page v XV

CHAPTER I

The Settlement and Colonization of Europe By RICHARD KOEBNEK, late Professor in the Hebrew University ofjersualem; formerly Professor in the University of Breslau

The problem stated: ways of approach to it

i

The selected starting-point—Roman and Teutonic settlement

8

Tacitus' Germania: problems arising from it

13

German land-hunger: German assaults on the Empire

19

Late imperial agrarian policy

23

Barbarian settlers and conquerors inside the Empire

26

Zones of agrarian settlement in Western Europe

34

The medieval peasantry: village and field types

39

Clearing and settlement: monastic and lay colonization: frontier colonization

43

England and Scandinavia; Celts and Slavs

52

Mediterranean lands: the Arabs in Spain

54

Saracen, Viking and Magyar raiding and settlement

55

The life of the Slavonic East

57

The fortified settlements of the West

62

Depopulation: colonization in Spain and Germany

65

Conditions in early Capetian France; colonization: hostise and bourg: villes neuves The low Countries and the Flemish colonists

69 74


Viii

CONTENTS

The Cistercians

page 76

Forest villages: clearing in France, England, and Germany: German colonization eastward

77

The new villages and towns of the East

86

Town and country

90 C H A P T E R II

Agriculture and Rural Life in the Later Roman Empire By COURTBNAY EDWARD STBVBNS, Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford

Climatic conditions and agriculture: 'dry farming' and deep cultivation

92

The plough: the farmer's year and his crops: olive and vine

98

What classical agriculture achieved

102

Geological and climatic conditions north of the Alps: agriculture and settlement there

106

The villa: political and tenurial conditions: the burden of taxes: the law of A.D. 332.

109

Tenures akin to serfdom

115

Late imperial distress and its consequences

119

C H A P T E R III

The Evolution of Agricultural Technique By CHARLES PARAIN, Professor in the Lycee Henri TV

I Roman and medieval agriculture in the Mediterranean area II Agricultural conditions in the temperate zone

126 136

HI Agricultural work and implements

142

IV The plants cultivated

158

V Domestic animals and breeding Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

170

CONTENTS

IX

CHAPTER IV

Agrarian Institutions of the Germanic Kingdoms from the fifth to the ninth century By ALFONS DOPSCH, late Professor of History in the University of Vienna

German penetration of the Empire before its'fall' page 1S0 Goths and Lombards, their institutions 181 Burgundians and Franks 186 Saxons and Anglo-Saxons 189 Thuringians, Alemanni, Bavarians 194 The Carolingian empire: the capitulare de villis: Crown and Church estates 198 Lay lordship: peasant holdings: beginnings of trade 202

CHAPTER V

Agrarian conditions in the Byzantine Empire in the Middle Ages t

I I f I '* i

By GBORG OSTBOGORSKY, Professor in the University of Belgrade

I East and West in the Roman Empire II The free peasant village in the middle Byzantine period III The struggle to preserve the small landowner in the tenth century IV The great landowners and their dependants in the late Byzantine period

205 207 216 222

I I

CHAPTER VI

I

The Rise of Dependent Cultivation and Seignorial Institutions

I

By MARC BLOCH, late Professor at the Sorbonne

I The problem II Seignorial types of the early Middle Ages


235 238

:

CONTENTS

III The decline of slavery

page 246

TV Government and the rise of the seigneurie: from the colonate to the immunity

255

V Protection and commendation

264

VI Chiefs and villages

272

VII A general sketch of the evolution CHAPTER

283

VII

Medieval Agrarian Society in its Prime §1. France, The Low Countries, and Western Germany By FRANCOIS LOUIS GANSHOF, Professor emeritus in the University of Ghent and ADRIAAN VBRHULST, Professor in the University of Ghent

I The general framework: A. The extent of land under cultivation; B. The cultivation of the soil; C. The distribution of landed wealth

290

II The decomposition of the classical estate: A. Distribution of the villa at the beginning of the eleventh century; B. The break-up of the villa; C. The transformation of the demesne; D. The decline of labour services; E. The disintegration of the holdings

305

III New forms of manorial organization: A. Attempts at reorganization; B. Leases for a term of years; C. The new structure of the estate; D. The estate as the basis of the seigneurie

319

IV Changes in rural society

334

§2. Italy By PHILIP JONBS, Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford

I Geography and history: A. The natural background; B. The economic background

340

II The rural economy: A. The revival; B. Reclamation and land use; C. Agriculture; D. Agricultural trade; E. Forms of rural settlement

352


f.

i •r f t

CONTENTS

Xi

III Rural Society; A. The manor before 1050; B. The decline of the manor (1050-1300); C. The re-organization of estates (1200-1500); D. The peasantry at the page 395 close of the Middle Ages

I I

§3. Spain

I

By ROBERT S. SMITH, Professor in Duke University, North Carolina

I

I Geographical conditions

432

I

II Social conditions and tenures

433

[

III Agricultural and pastoral pursuits

438

\

IV Conclusions

447

§4. The lands east of the Elbe and German colonization eastwards By HERMANN AUBIN, Professor in the University of Breslau

£f

Early Slavonic life and society

449

The German immigrant and his influence

452

Settlement and its organization: charters of'location'

459

Village types

463

Settler and locator

466

Colonial towns: ecclesiastical and lay lords: the peasant-nobleman and his Vorwerk

472

Vorwerk and Rittergut

477

Agriculture in the colonial East

479

Effects of German colonization on Slavonic society and the life of the East

480

§5. Poland, Lithuania and Hungary By JAN RUTKOWSKI, late Professor in the University of Poznan

I Landownership II Economic organization of the great estates

487 491

III Burdens borne by the rural population

496

IV Colonization under German law

500


Xll

CONTENTS §6. Russia By ROBERT E. F. SMITH, University of Birmingham

I Introductory: A. Sources; B. The physical environment

506

II Settlements: A. Terminology; B. The forest zone; C. The forest steppe zone; D. The total size of settlement; E. The layout of settlements; F. Large estates

512

III Farming technique: A. Implements; B. Methods of arable cultivation; C. Animal husbandry; D. Hunting and fishing

522

IV Social Relations, dues, landownership: A. Pre-Mongol period; B. The Mongol invasions and after; C. The Moscow period; D. Property and ownership

530

§7. England By M. M. POSTAN, Professor of Economic History in the University of Cambridge

I The land: A. Reclamations; B. Land hunger; C. Deterioration of the land

549

II Population: A. Colonization; B. The lure of aggregates ; C. The rising trend; D. The decline

560

III The manorial estate: A. Patterns of settlement; B. Manorial types; C. The buoyant demesne; D. Manorial retrenchments

577

IV The landlord: A. Magnates and gentry in the thirteenth century; B. Magnates and gentry in the fifteenth century

592

V The villagers: A. Idiosyncrasies of peasant husband ,„ B. Freedom and servility; C. Status and land; D. The middle layer; E. The village labourer; F. The village 600 rich; G. Stability and change


CONTENTS

Xiii

§8. Scandinavia By STURE B O I I N , late Professor in the University of Lund

I The Scandinavian states, their geography

633

II Village and farm settlement

63 5

III Village forms

640

IV The village community

642

V Stock-raising and subsidiary branches of agriculture

648

VI The agrarian classes and the ownership of land

652

I I

I r

CHAPTER

VIII

Crisis: From the Middle Ages to Modern Times By LEOPOLD GBNICOT, Professor in the University of Louvain

I Introduction II The labour factor: demographic evolution; A. The phenomenon and its variations; B. Causes; births and deaths, famine, plague and war; C. Consequences: volume of production, wheat and commodity prices, wage levels, land values

660

661

III Capital: disorder and destruction

694

IV The political and social background

700

V The lot of the masters—difficulties, reactions, results; A. The difficulties; B. The reactions; C. The results VI The peasants: individuals and classes; troubles in the countryside; A. Economic and legal classes; B. The rural communities; C. Popular revolts VII Conclusion: development and preparation


703

725 739

BIBLIOGRAPHIES

Editor's Note Abbreviations Chapter I, revised by Eckart Schremmer Chapter II, revised by J. R. Morris Chapter III, by Charles Parain Chapter IV, revised by Eckart Schremmer Chapter V, by Georg Ostrogorsky Chapter VI, by Mme E. Carpentier Chapter VII, § i, by Francois Louis Ganshof and Adriaan Verhulst §2, by Philip Jones § 3, by Robert S. Smith §4, revised by Ernst Birke, § 5, by Aleksander Gieysztor §6, by Robert E. F. Smith §7, byM. M. Postan §8, by Arthur Peetre Chapter VIII, by Leopold Genicot Index


743 744 745 755 761

765 774 780 790

795 807 809 813 818 823 831

834 847

ILLUSTRATIONS Text-figures page 1 The Gewanndorfin Old Germany (Geismar near Gottingen) 20 From Meitzen, Siedelung . . . der Germanen, Atlas

2 A 'forest' village (Waldhufendorf), Effeltern in Franconia 47 From Meitzen

3 Irregular strip fields in a medieval clearing in Burgundy, 79 Is-sur-Tille, Cote d'Or From Bloch, Les caractkes orginaux de I'histoire rurale frar^aise

4 The stamp of Rome on medieval and modern Italy: centuriated land with a Villa nova, near Padua

no

From Meitzen

I I J:

I |

5 Enclosed fields about a hamlet in Central France: St Sauvier, Allier

244

From Bloch

6 Open-field with irregular subdivisions in Languedoc: Montgaillard, near Toulouse 289 From Bloch

7 European Russia: climate and vegetation 8 Tilling with sokha, harrowing and sowing

511 523

From Litsevoi svod (Muzeiskoe sobranie N o . 358; reproduced in Istorikoarkheologischeskii sbomik)

9 Swedish open-field village (seventeenth century), Otters641 torpaby, Vaestergoetland From Meitzen

10 The extension of woodlands in certain regions of Germany in the late Middle Ages: an example in the valleys of the Weser and the Diemel 662 11 Military operations and numbers of households in Ouges, Burgundy 676 12 Price of the basic cereal, spelt, at Namur from 1392 to 1490 685 13 Prices of some farm products in England, 13 00-1500


686

XVI

ILLUSTRATIONS

Plates

The plough between pages 152 & 153 1 Late medieval wheelless plough, with coulter and mouldboard From H. S. Bennett, Life on the English Manor

2 Modern English wheelless ('swing') plough From The Farmer and Stockbreeder

3 Romano-British aratrum British Museum

4 Twelfth-century wheeled plough, also with coulter and mould-board From A. S. F. Gow, "The ancient plough', J.H.S. 1914

Harvesters and gleaners From the painting by Peter Breughel

Political Sketch Maps (At the end of the volume)

The Roman frontier and the Teutonic Tribes in the first and fourth centuries A.D. The Empire of Charles the Great Germany in the thirteenth century


CHAPTER I

The Settlement and Colonization of Europe HE evolution of settlement and colonization during the Middle Ages is of historical importance from many points of view. It is associated with three great phases ofdevelopment—three essential chapters in the history of the nations of Europe. Settlement on the land helped to bring about that mingling and stratification of the peoples from which the European nations sprang. To say that all peoples were once in restless motion and that their lines ofconquest or migration have determined the division ofthe land among them is not enough. For not all these movements affected the foundations of agrarian society; although some conquests which merely introduced a new ruling class—like the Norman Conquest of England— yet left their mark deep in the national life of the conquered territory. The movements of the peoples from, which the states of the European world arose were only in part movements which transferred the use of the land to new hands on a large scale. But such transfers must be kept in mind; as must others of a more peaceful sort—migrations and transplantations and resettlements of social groups. Governments showed themselves solicitous, now for a denser population in some given area, now for the raising of the general level of agricultural production. Where land was the main form of property its owners would seek to add to its utility by closer settlement. The rise of commercial and industrial centres would increase the demand for agricultural produce. As a result there might be extensions of existing population groups, or migrations of groups. And such developments might be just as important for the formation of the basic strata of European society as the direct seizures of territory by conquering hosts and the crowds who followed in their train. If we survey these movements in their historical sequence we are led back into an age in which, occurring peacefully and promoted ultimately from a centre of universal dominion, they prepared the way for a grouping of population quite different from that which developed later under medieval conditions. The Roman Empire pushed its frontiers to Britain, the Rhine and the Danube and created a wide zone for the spread of Mediterranean agrarian life and for the tranquil and fruitful evolution of all forms of settlement. Of this age of settlement the Romanic peoples were the permanent product, not it is true over the whole zone, but over the whole land-mass of South-Western Europe. But already in the last centuries of the Western Empire new elements

T

I

FCBHB


Z

THE AGRARIAN LIFE OF TlfE MIDDLE AGES

from beyond the frontiers had been mingled with this people: powerful groups of Germans had settled among them. And then that conquering movement which we call the Volkerwanderung in the narrower sense vastly extended the area of German settlement in the Alpine lands and in Gaul—which thereby became France; broke right through Roman Britain and made it England; and even in Italy left numerous groups settled on the land. Furthermore, the rule of the Franks put an end to the shiftings of the Teutonic tribes in Germany itself. With that the internal development of the lands west of the Elbe begins. The process of settlement which followed the Germanic Volkerwanderung was the first of a series of events each of which affected fundamentally the structure of agrarian economy, and at the same time made its contribution to the building up of the European society of nations. Eastward of the area of Germanic settlement stretched that of the Slavs. The inroads of the Arabs and their associated people introduced fresh social strata into South-Western Europe. The Scandinavian inroads of the ninth and tenth centuries, which shook all Western Europe, left behind them especially in England new groups of settlers and a new division of the land. About the same time, on the skirts of the Eastern Alps, a German peasant population began to push out into Slavonic territory. And when this process was finished, in the twelfth century, fresh migrations began, which carried the boundaries of North German culture from the Elbe through the adjacent Wendish lands into those of the Poles and Czechs, occupied the land of the Prussians and founded permanent settlements even in Hungary. Unlike the earlier processes of settlement this was not in its entirety the outcome of conquest. An appreciable number of the foreign settlers were called in by East European rulers who aimed at a more intensive economic development of their territories. And this eastward German colonization of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries fits into a second series of events in the history of settlement which everywhere accompanied the development of nationalities. That is the process which, all over Western and Central Europe, brought about a fuller economic utilization of the soil. The sharply marked frontier which, in the last era of ancient history, divided the lands of Roman-Hellenic civilization from those of the barbarians divided also, so to speak, two spheres of the estimation of the soil. The use which Roman rule and Roman or Romanized society made of the provinces implied colonization in the strict economic sense of the term. Various forces were working in that era to ensure or to increase the yield of agriculture and with it the maintenance and extension of agricultural centres—the state, which had to provide for troops and officials; commerce, which had to balance the inequalities of production


THE SETTLEMENT AND COLONIZATION OF EUROPE

3

in the various provinces; and not least those varied elements in society which lived or sought to live as rentiers, from aristocrats of senatorial rank to time-expired soldiers, for all of whom landed property was the most desirable basis of existence. These motives worked right up to the imperial frontiers, but did not influence in any way the social standards of the peoples beyond them, because of their social structure. Generally speaking, their agricultural activity was not yet directed towards the conquest of a stubborn environment. Of this the Volkerwanderung itself is die most obvious consequence. But the Volkerwanderung inaugurated a new economic era. In many areas of old Roman civilization its storms completed that ruin which the internal discord and the external dangers of the late imperial age had already brought about. But when the barrier between the Roman and barbarian worlds broke down, the traditions of the classical agrarian civilization began to influence the new peoples who, at the same time, unable to wander any further, had to accustom themselves gradually to an economic utilization of whatever lands they now occupied. Settlement became more dense: they learnt how to economize the soil. Settlement extended: they learnt how to make waste land productive and to clear woods. The process was an affair of centuries; it was always being interrupted by the ravages of war and had always to be associated with making them good. Not till the twelfth century have we clear indications that, throughout all Western Europe, the land was being fully used; from this time settlements were established even where the elevation, the density of the forest, or the risks of flood had hitherto been insuperable obstacles. The eastward colonization by Germans was primarily a transference into a fresh area of this effort to make a full economic use of the land. Peoples already settled there were themselves drawn into this colonizing activity. Decisive incidents in the social evolution of medieval society were intimately associated with these economic processes. Like other activities directed to the opening up of new economic resources and forms of production, the colonization of the land became the foundation of an improved social status for large groups of those who participated in it. The general conditions of the class system among colonizing groups determined the sections of society which were able to share in the movement and the social advantages that they derived from it. In the Roman Empire men of affairs and ex-officials were the chief beneficiaries: colonization helped them to acquire estates and country 'places' which put them on a level with the imperial aristocracy or the patricians of the towns. The peasant won nothing but his living from the labour that created or improved cultivable land; he did not acquire that honourable rank in society which, according to the universal outlook of the ancient world, was reserved for those aristocratic classes. Society


4

THE AGRARIAN LIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGES

in the Romano-Germanic succession states was, it is true, thoroughly adapted to that relationship oflandlord and tenant on which the agrarian system of the Roman Empire had rested. But with the' barbarizing' of imperial territory and the establishment of 'barbarian' rule, those cultural and political assumptions which, in the last years of the ancient world, had determined the social importance of landed property and led to its creation lost their strength. The aristocratic life of the villa shrivelled up and its homes decayed. The decline of money-economy prevented the growth of wealth that might be invested in land. And finally came the collapse of that salaried army and civil service, which in the former social order had both facilitated the accumulation of property and provided the—no doubt burdensome—defensive armour behind which lords and their dependants, isolated from public affairs and functions, had enjoyed or dragged out their private hves. Ways of living in the new societies were vastly simpler: they were also purely agrarian. Landed property acquired social functions very different from those which had characterized it under the Empire. Its functions now affected the great majority of the population, but were sharply graded in accordance with the social stratification. Landownership, which took the form of landlordship and the disposal of the forces of a multitude of dependants, became the basis of personal political power. Such landlordship also secured the independent life and efficiency of the Church. But a type of landownership only considerable enough to guarantee the owner's economic independence had also its definite social value. On such ownership rested the common rights of those sections of the population who had no share in political power, but who could make their influence felt in the legal life of rural society and the economic life of local society. Lastly, a claim to a share in the land enabled an important section of those who were dependent— including many who were not even reckoned free—to maintain their households; and under various legal forms such a claim had, or was acquiring, a secured and heritable character. All these varied relations to the land served as incentives in the task of medieval settlement. They operated both on a small scale, in the extension of existing settlements and their fission into new ones, and on a great, in the conduct of comprehensive schemes of colonization. The extension of the area of settlement was an instrument for the building up of the great lordships. It was also a way out of the difficulties which the division of inheritance created for the lesser freemen. Finally, for many in the lowest ranks of the peasantry and those in danger of sinking into those ranks, it was a refuge from grinding poverty and practical bondage. It might even help them to rise in society. In the course of centuries these various aspects of the work of settlement were



5

unrolled in a sequence which corresponded step by step with the social development of the peoples of Western Europe. Although our sources tell us little about it, doubtless in most places, during the centuries which followed the end of the great movements of the peoples, small landowners added to their inherited holdings. Later, as the pressure of feudal lordship reduced them in number and importance, the division of land within the feudal state set a limit to the activity of the class of small freemen. Members of this class who wished to protect their social status by establishing new settlements were now obliged, like those peasants who were struggling out of bondage, to adjust their craving for land to their lords' claims over it. But landlords, lay or ecclesiastical, were not equally ready at all times to spend themselves on colonization in order to increase their power. We can hardly generalize from the evidence of colonizing activity which exists for the years about A.D. I 100. In later years, as has been already noted, the tendency was rather to make the maximum agricultural use of whatever land the lords already possessed. It is in this same period that we are most conscious of the enterprise of the peasant strata below them. At two points, during the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries, it leads to regular migrations —in Northern France, and in the movement of West German peasants into Slavonic lands east of the Elbe. These movements are very closely related to the contemporary migrations of other countrymen into the towns, where free industry guaranteed them a living and burgess rights a social position. In both areas the movement of agrarian settlement kept touch with the urban development of law; and in the area of German colonization eastward agrarian settlement was associated with the founding of towns. The privileges which the colonists enjoyed had generally a favourable influence on the legal position of the old established peasants among whom they had settled. This influence made itself felt far into those Polish lands where very few immigrants penetrated. On the land, precisely as in the towns of this period, the economic achievement of the labouring man served to promote his social advancement—and that through the colonizing process. If we view the whole development of European society, this appears as perhaps the most important phenomenon connected with medieval settlement and colonization. But its influence was rigidly hmited. On the spiritual hfe of the age the work of the settlement movement left no lasting traces. The peasant class remained in the long run the least valued section of society, even in those regions which had seen most colonization. The gains which the settlement movement had brought to that class were gradually nullified by fresh applications of governmental and seignorial pressure. If we try to grasp in outline the most important medieval movements


6


of settlement and their significance in the development of nations, of agriculture, and of society, we must not forget that the physical framework of rural life merits historical treatment for its own sake. The layout of the settlements, their distribution over the face of the country as homesteads, hamlets, villages; the layout of the individual farmstead and peasant home; and not least the ordering and division of the area devoted to agriculture—all these structural forms of rural society had their varied local and historic types. The movements of settlement lose their full historical life if we fail to picture the types of settlement which accompanied or sprang from them. But with the knowledge now available, we cannot do this for each age and area quite clearly.. Even the dependence of forms of settlements and the patterns of the fields on the conditions of their geographical environment is neither simple nor inevitable. The variety of types as seen in the modern world is the result ofvaried historical and personal forces, ofchanging environments, of cultural forces radiating from very many points. To an appreciable degree this evolution of the forms of settlement is connected with the history of the extension of the settled area and of the migration movements. But this connexion is not universal. Forms of layout and construction spread without being carried from place to place by migration. Research in this field is being conducted today by exceedingly delicate methods, but is of necessity highly specialized and localized. For both reasons its results are still at important points fluid and provisional. A variety of approach characterizes all modern researches into the history of settlement. The classic historical method, the co-ordination and analysis of narrative reports and documents, still provides us with the guiding clues. Only because we have such sources at our disposal can we correlate the course of settlement with that ofpolitical and social history. But there are recurrent gaps in the results of this traditional method. Medieval chronicles abound in negative information, how this settlement was wasted and that destroyed; but they rarely tell us how anything was built up. The documentary evidence too is very unequal. Generally it is incidental and indirect. The exploitation of the land was carried out by means of lords' arrangements or neighbours' agreements which required no written record. A change appears however, though not quite a general change, in connexion with the great colonizing enterprises of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The written contract acquires greater importance if, before the lord can create a settlement, he has to come to an agreement with competing authorities, or with colonists and intermediaries strange to the place or the country. But such necessities were not equally urgent everywhere, even in the areas where colonizing activity was most widespread. We Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008


7

have abundant settlement agreements from the lowlands of Silesia; from Upper Saxony, Brandenburg, Pomerania and Mecklenburg only a few. Moreover the grants and charters of agreement always give an imperfect and often a not quite trustworthy picture of the process. They concern only the reciprocal rights of the parties and do not tell us about the settlers and how they settled. And as they generally contain only a plan, we cannot tell from any given document how far the plan was really carried out. There are other materials for the history of settlement more closely associated with its internal life—finds; place names; field names; family names; peculiarities of law, usage and speech; finally the layout of villages and fields, actually surviving or recorded in maps. The most intensive research is directed to these things today. Archaeology, philology and the geographical study of settlement unite with historical research: physical geography combined with the analysis of soils and vegetations helps to unveil the past of the sites where men have settled.This formidable division of labour does not tend to easy synthesis of the results. Each line of inquiry evolves its own critical method; and this does not always lead to a growing certainty in the historical and chronological interpretation of the individual fact. The progress of knowledge often obliges the inquirer to realize that phenomena may be similar without being for that reason contemporary. The history of the settlement movements and that of the civilizations of the various settled regions begin to throw light on one another but gradually.1 Yet historical research receives from all these branches of study a stimulus whose importance grows every day. In the light of these studies, the boundary between the prehistoric and the historic has lost its importance, both in the history of settlement and in agrarian history generally. There is nothing strange now in following out the evolution of the use of the land and the distribution of settlement groups, as determined by geographical, ethnological and technical forces, into epochs for which no literary or documentary evidence exists. And this analysis of primitive times might help us to understand better than hitherto the situations of the different peoples as they were when the literary tradition begins. Here however we cannot go so far back. We can neither peer into the dark prehistoric ages of central and northern European regions nor study the contemporary agrarian development of the Mediterranean lands. Both for the purpose of our preliminary observations and for those of the rather fuller sketch to which we now turn, the best starting-point for 1 The different •ways of arriving at conclusions in the study of settlement by the use of place names may be seen by a comparison of the work of F. Stembach with that of A. Helbok. (See Bibliography.)


8

THE AGRARIAN LIFE OP THE MIDDLE AGES

discussion is that point in time at which the frontier between these two civilizations had been pushed farthest towards the heart of Europe. That frontier was established by the policy and administration of Hadrian. He clung to the conquests of his immediate predecessors, the Flavians, and of Trajan. But he abstained from any forward policy and defined the boundaries of the Empire, so far as they did not coincide with the courses ofrivers, by the protective works gradually built along the frontier roads and chains of forts of his limites. The boundary of the Empire was also the boundary of settlement. The settlement policy of the Empire and the colonizing enterprises of its subjects combined to fill the area within the boundary with uniform structures, whilst beyond the boundary, in the territory of tribes kept at peace by alliances with Rome, there was no colonizing expansion at all. The uniformity ofsocial structure inside the Empire is most clearly shown by the fact that the dominant Mediterranean unit of settlement, the town, pushes farther and farther inland and is adopted by the conquered peoples. No doubt at the end ofthe second century urban centres were not spread uniformly everywhere. But those parts of Europe in which they are not found, or hardly found, are simply those which, for geographical or historical reasons, were backward—mountainous districts, except those whose mineral resources attracted enterprise and led to the setting up of towns, like the Alps of Noricum; or young frontier districts far from the Mediterranean, like the eastern parts of Upper Germany between the Rhine and the limes, the most northerly parts of Gaul and Lower Germany, and North Britain.1 In Gaul one notes how the urban development of the North lags behind that of the South. We must always bear in mind that the Romanizing of Europe was still in progress when the catastrophes of the third century—military revolts, peasant rebellions and barbarian invasions—threw the Empire into a state of confusion, which was indeed followed by one of greater calm but hardly by one of economic recovery. Urbanization was a fundamental principle of Roman policy. The self-government of the town territory was the pillar of imperial government. Internal order depended principally upon a uniform urban organization and civilization, and on the discipline of the imperial armies. The prosperous landowning class was led to settle in the towns and to take pride in their official service and their adornment. Hortari privatim, adiuvare publice, ut templa, foros, domos extruerent: this edu-

cational work in Britian, for which Agricola was praised, was carried 1 It is not possible to include in this account the history of Africa and the East although, as Rostovtseff's great work has shown, the policies and tendencies of imperial settlement become clearer when viewed as wholes.



9

on with great energy by the rulers of the following century all over the Empire. They were helped materially by officials and merchants, and by provincial veterans who had been Romanized through military service and wanted to return home and live as prosperous landowners in the towns. The new way of living had also, as a rule, some of its roots in native habits of settlement. Greek and Phoenician civilization had influenced the coastal districts; the Illyrian, Iberian and Celtic hinterlands contained central tribal settlements, often fairly populous, in which the leading famihes had their place. The economic horizon of the individual town was naturally in most cases narrow. Only a few showed so intensive an industrial and commercial life as Aquileia, Lyon, Trier, Cologne and Augsburg, which profited by their favourable situation for trade and the proximity of important bodies of troops. The towns of Britain, for example, seem to have had a predominantly rural character: the ruins of the houses of Silchester he scattered far apart 'like cottages in a village'. The character of the town determined its influence on the surrounding country. In a few cases the consuming power of a great camp or of an industrial population working for export stimulated the production of foodstuffs in the neighbourhood. Elsewhere, as in the plantation districts of Southern Spain and the Adriatic coasts, the rural area itself produced the goods which the town exported. But everywhere the households of those landowners who formed the upper class of the towns absorbed, directly or indirectly, a very important share of what the countryside produced. To these households were attached the centres of economic life, the villas, established on the land. The buildings of such a villa stretched all round a square courtyard. Often a country house for the lord was associated with them. If possible it was in the Italian style and placed, as the classical writers on country life had advised, on a rise overlooking the fields of the estate. These villas scattered about the land were, like the towns, typical units of Roman civilization. They were often built earlier than the towns. Even in regions but sparsely urbanized, ruins of Roman villas have been found, as in Belgium. Like the towns they are monuments of a society profoundly interested in the maintenance of the yield of agriculture. Together with their standards of life, the Italian landowning class introduced into outer Europe the organization of the large estate. The lord's villa, which served as the economic headquarters, was adjacent to a village where the workers— usually slaves—lived together. Remote parts of the estate were let out to peasants, who might be free peregrini, clients of the lord, or freedmen, or slaves, as local circumstances determined. Proprietary rights were remodelled in various ways by the influence of Roman authority. Both for the setting apart of ager publicus, with its colonies of veterans, and Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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for the fixing of boundaries to the territoria of towns, new surveys were required, in connexion with which in certain regions—demonstrably along the Danube—Roman centuriation was applied. We note that these surveys were made the occasion for preferential treatment of lords settled in towns as against country landholders. It is not, however, clear to what extent the dependence of the peasant population on the lords was increased by these proprietary regulations and by Roman rule in general. Even before Roman times a society based on a strong independent peasantry was not to be found among any of the conquered peoples. So in all probability there was no marked difference between proprietary relations in provincial and those in Italian villages. In spite of the efforts of the emperors of the first century, the Italian peasants had become tenants of the Roman aristocracy. The spread of rural settlement, the increase of villages and arable land, was really the affair of the great proprietors. Of these the emperor was the greatest. His administration had worked at African colonization with the utmost energy in order to feed Rome. In the European provinces also more was required of agriculture than in pre-Roman times. Artisans, merchants and officials must be fed. The lord must make his estates pay for his more luxurious way of living and provide constant contributions for the city and the state. This all meant an extension of cultivated land and more peasant holdings. In Italy peasant farmers, coloni, had taken over lands which had once been slave-worked wine and oil plantations; for the slave economy was no longer profitable. Yet the extension of peasant holdings in Italy was far behind its optimum. In A.D. 193 Pertinax issued an edict to encourage the utilization of land that had been neglected all over the Empire; Italy was particularly mentioned as in need of attention.1 In the north-west of the Empire also there was a definite and significant limit to the extension of peasant settlement. It never seriously attacked the forests. In Gaul, in Germany east of the Rhine, and in Britain, traces of large-scale clearing in Roman times have been found only in those state forests from which the word saltus was transferred to state property in general. Smaller clearings were often undertaken to make room for villas which yet had to be near the woods. But beyond this it seems that private settlement was confined to the areas which had long been used for tillage and pasture.2 In view of the growth of population, this points to an increased agricultural yield as a result of Roman influence. But it also suggests that this influence failed to stimulate initiative among any 1 2

Rostovtseff, Studien zur Gesch. des romischen Kolonats, p. 391 n. Jullian, Hist, de la Gaule, v, s, pp. 179 f.; H. Aubin, H.Z. v, 141, pp. 6 f.; Fox, The

Archaeology of the Cambridge Region, p. 224.



II

large section of the peasants. There can be little doubt that an extension of cultivated land at the expense of the forests would have been economically advantageous. Urban and rural labour would have been mutually stimulated. But the most powerful motive for an expansion of rural settlement is always the desire of the individual to profit from his own toil. The founding of new homes has at all times been the goal to win which peasant stocks have undertaken the heavy task of reclamation. Roman provincial society, with its preferential treatment of the towns, was not a favourable environment for this task. The turning of forest into arable, with long drawn out toil, for the benefit of a lord in a remote town, was not the most attractive way of making a living. A direct colonizing influence of the state was felt in regions whose annexation had only been completed under Domitian and Trajan—the agri decumates and Dacia. With them must be classed the Danube bank of Pannonia, in which permanent Roman camps had only been set up since Vespasian's day. If Roman colonization has not left so many traces in Britain—apart from the South-East, which was closely associated with Gaul and accessible to every Roman influence—as along the boundaries of Upper Germany and Rhaetia, it must be remembered that in Britain it was spread over an appreciably greater area rather remote from most of die cultivated parts of the Empire. All these newly conquered regions had this in common—that in consequence of their more primitive agrarian conditions they were peopled thinly as compared with the older provinces. The wars of conquest had reduced their population still further, and many natives had fled before the Romans. On the other hand, these lands had to bear the heavy burden of maintaining the armies which were quartered in them and along their frontiers. As a result of all this, the state was obliged to play a specially active part in colonization. It had to increase the yield of the settled land, to extend its area, and at the same time to augment the number of settlers. So far as possible an attempt was made to arouse the economic interest of the natives by the way in which the garrisons were located. In England, on the Neckar, on the Danube, we note how the Roman forts were placed close to old settlements, and how these grew under the stimulus from the garrisons, and sometimes developed into towns. But this stimulus alone was not enough. Small areas were assigned to the legions, which were cultivated by the natives under their supervision. In Pannonia they were called prata legionum: clearly we must attribute to them the maintenance of a strong peasant class there. The whole of the agri decumates were treated as domain and split up into saltus. And, at any rate in Upper Germany east of the Rhine, the extension of settlement into previously unoccupied districts is demonstrable. On the eastern


12


rim of the Black Forest, for example, and on the lower slopes of the Swabian Jura there was a heavy clearing of woodland in Roman times. But it was definitely limited. The crests of the hills were left, except perhaps—as in the Allgau—to provide for road making. The coniferous forests were untouched. Colonizing activity was generally limited by the provincial authorities to what was essential for military purposes. The same applies to the introduction of colonists from outside. In Britain and Pannonia the natives appear to have met all requirements. At the eastern end of the frontier chain, in Dacia, the situation was reversed. The primitive Thracian population had been so thoroughly exterminated in Trajan's wars that great stretches of territory had to be assigned to newcomers. We can understand why these colonists were brought not from Thracian lands in the Balkans but from Asia. Soldiers and veterans were specially conspicuous among those who received grants of land from the state on the Danubian frontier and in the region of the Upper German and Rhaetian limes. But we must not picture them as peasant settlers: they paid rent for small villas, employing on these native and imported labour. This labour from the beginning included Germans.1 Ever since Caesar's time groups of Germans had again and again sought settlement on the lands of the Empire, and others—the Mattiaci and remnants of those Marcomanni most of whom had wandered east—accepted Roman rule easily when the agri decumates were occupied, just as the Batavi and the Frisians had in the north. But it is of the Frisians that Tacitus tells how once they declared themselves dissatisfied with Rome's high-handed disposition of its public land and tried to reoccupy the agros vacuos et militum usui repositos by force (Ann. xm, c.54). This

situation was reproduced on the largest scale along the Danubian frontier at the beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius. Germans from across the river, Marcomanni and Quadi supported by Longobards who had pushed into their territory, made violent demands for land in Pannonia. The governor refused his permission—and a stubborn war of the Marcomanni and other frontier tribes against the Empire was the result. What they sought was nothing less than that secular aim of the Germans, eventually realized in a world of new states—a fresh division of Roman provincial soil that would permit of their settling on it as owners. So we turn to the antecedents of this sustained pressure, the internal conditions of Germany. Along almost the whole length of Rome's European frontiers German tribes were her neighbours. Of the Celts, after Hadrian's wall had been supplemented by the Antonine fortifications from the Forth to the Clyde, only the pastoral clans of the Caledonian Highlands and 1

For further discussion of this question, see p. 180, below.



13

those of Ireland remained outside the Empire; and along the eastern section of the Danubian frontier, from the plains of the Theiss to the steppe coast of the Black Sea, lay the territory of the Sarmatians—who seem to have been essentially nomads. Northwards to Scandinavia, eastwards until beyond the Vistula, stretched the German Hinterland. There was at that time at least as much perpetual motion in it as there was permanent settlement. Those Longobards who joined the Marcomanni and Quadi in the attack of A.D. 162 had their tribal seat on the lower Elbe. The Swabian tribes of central Germany were also on the move south; probably their pressure explains the advance of the Chatti towards the limes about the same time. The fresh grouping of the Swabian tribes, which turned them into 'Alemanni', must have begun shortly after this. ' Easily moved to migration' Strabo labels the peoples who occupied the two banks of the Elbe. In the second century also came the movement of Gothic tribes south-east from the lower Vistula which brought some of them to the Black Sea. Over against these wanderings of the East Germans and the Elbe Germans, among the tribes nearer the Roman frontier we notice at first only such neighbourly friction as Tacitus described a few decades earlier. Settlement or movement of Germans—it should be added— affected only a very small part of the area named after them. We must think of some four-fifths of the land as covered with forest and swamp.' Settlement was confined, as it had been for thousands of years, to those localities which were both open and dry. So German settlement was both unstable and limited—and yet already the pattern of its medieval development was indicated. To grasp it from within we must go back once more to that Roman who first studied it comprehensively. You cannot write about the Germans of Tacitus' Germania without discussing the book and the man. What seems partly over-simplified and partly ambiguous in his account acquires life and precision when we come to understand the ideas that lay behind his phraseology. Obviously he glances now and again from Germany to Rome. More important still, his account of the Germans is written from the standpoint of traditional Roman thought. He took it for granted that you could apply to German ways of living the same tests that you would use in estimating the position of a well-to-do Roman citizen. And he was always the cultivated man of letters speaking to men like himself. When he wanted to grasp German characteristics, he did not compare them with Roman realities, but with the characteristics of the Roman citizen of the literary tradition. The allu;': sions to this tradition are mostly only passing references or bits of 1

Cf. O . Schliiter's Karte Germaniens zur Romerzeit (Reallex. d. gertnan. Altertumskunde,

K I, 424 f.), which however needs correction in detail. (Cf. Homberg, pp. 22 f.)


14


quotations; that was part of the fine style of rhetorical writing, a style tainted with affectation. The typical German of the Germania belongs to the substantial landowner class. He keeps open house. He stays long away from home to attend the Folk-moot. He is always ready to join a campaign (c. 21; 11; 14). It is taken for granted that he has slaves and lets out part of his land (c. 25). So far as Tacitus knows, he is the German counterpart of those Romans who are expected to perform their full duties as citizens and possess all the civic virtues. This fart is decisive in judging Tacitus' criticism of the domestic economy of the German Paterfamilias. The way these restless warriors wilfully neglect their households and their farming, their blending of energy with idleness, says he, is' a remarkable contradiction in their character' (c. 15). For, as he assumes and his reader understands, the representative Roman will fulfil the duties of householder, citizen and warrior. Only so can he have a balanced character. It is not a weakness in the comparison that Tacitus reproaches the Germans with their unwillingness to handle the plough (c. 41). He does not mean that they were poor idle peasants; rather that they lacked energy as householders; for the typical Roman citizen householder, according to the good old paternal tradition, himself lent a hand in the farm work. And when he wishes to indicate the legal and economic conditions of the German landowner's way of living, Tacitus makes use of literary references to a classic, to the book from which Roman landlords learnt the rules of rural economy, M. Porcius Cato's De agricultura. The much discussed statements in c. 26 of the Germania are made with constant reference to the preface and first chapter of this book. That is how we must read them if we would understand them.1 Cato begins by contrasting agriculture, the citizen's most honourable calling, with the most shameful—usurious profit-seeking, fenerari. Our fathers in their laws punished the usurer (fenerator) more harshly than the thief. But they called the vir bonus a bonum agricolam bonumque

colonum. Cato then starts his advice to the Roman landlord with a disquisition on those qualities of the land and of its site which should be considered when an estate is to be acquired. Finally he enumerates the various ways of utilizing an estate and places them in order of merit— first vine growing; then irrigated gardening (hortus inriguus). Meadow land (pratum) comes fifth and arable (campus frumentarius) only sixth. Compare this with what Tacitus' c. 26 tells us of the Germans. He 1 The conflicting interpretations of Tacitus' concise phrases make up, as is well known, a long chapter in modern historical research. They are summarized in Kulischer,

Wirtschqftsgeschkhte, I, 12 ff. See too Steinbach, Gewanndorf, pp. 37 ff.; Selbstverwaltung,

pp. 25 £, 40 ff.



15

too speaks of usury (Jenus) before he comes to agriculture—but only to say that among the Germans there can be no competition between these two ways of making a living. ' Usury they do not know, and so are better protected from it than if it were legally forbidden.'1 Follows Cato's second topic, the acquisition of landed property. Among the Germans this is regulated strictly by communal occupation, the act of the whole community, through which its members mutually guarantee one another's possession.2 The extent of land occupied always corresponds with the number of those who are to make use of it. Then it is divided: shares of various value are dealt out according to the recognized claims of individuals {secundum dignationem). And the extensive areas always occupied and used (camporum spatia) make division easy. Throughout Tacitus is pointing to the contrast between the position of the Roman citizen whom Cato advised and that of the German of corresponding social status. The Roman acquires land as an individual: he buys land already fully settled: the buyer must proceed rationally. On the contrary, the acquisition of land in Germany consists simply in the division of what was originally occupied. Not individual opportunities for acquisition are the determining factors but the.standards of the occupying group, which provides itself with land enough to satisfy the graded claims of its members. From this description of the acquisition of land Tacitus turns finally, like Cato, to its use. He links this to his remarks about the great size of the land assignments. 'They change the arable yearly—and there is land to spare': each individual has more than he need cultivate. That, Tacitus suggests, is all that the Germans know of economy. 'For they take no pains to make the best of the fertility and extent of the land. They plant no fruit trees; they mark off no meadows; they irrigate no gardens (ut. . . prata separent et hortos rigent); the land simply has to yield the corn crops.' In short, Cato's advice about the graded types of cultivation has no meaning for the Germans. Those types which he sets above arable farming they do not know; they are corn growers and nothing else. Tacitus wishes to make it clear that the Germans are not tempted to any economic activity beyond the use of their land; but they do not make a rational use of it. The conditions on which they hold it prevent that. The abundance of land excludes all thought of economizing its use; and they have not the technical knowledge of diversified uses. Their economy is, from this point of view, primitive. These mainly 1 The tacit reference to Cato makes Reeb's description of these words (Commentary, p. 47) as 'painfully obvious' beside the point. 2 Agri pro numero cultorum ab universis invicem occupantur, quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partiuntur. The reading invicem is disputed: but there is no accepted emendation. My interpretation of the passage substantially agrees with that of Dopsch, who had also recognized that its point lay in the comparison with Roman conditions.


16

T H E A G R A R I A N LIFE O F T H E M I D D L E A G E S

negative conclusions acquire their chief significance for us because they illuminate incidentally the fundamental principles o f land division on which the settlement o f the Germans was based. The land which is at the disposal o f the individual free German is the share due to his recognized social position o f what he and his fellow tribesmen had collectively 'occupied'. It is a folcland, a KXrjpos. The land settled b y a tribe is what that tribe acquired collectively, what it acquired b y conquest. For a time it might be held collectively, until the members o f the tribe had come to an agreement about individual claims. T h e division once made was permanent: free trade in land was unknown. But Tacitus emphasized the fact that the act o f division did really create individual property, which belonged to the holder and his heirs in perpetuity. A n d he does not fail to note that the shares are not equal: secundum dignationem, according to his social rank, is the w a y in which an individual's claims are weighed. Here Tacitus is making another literary point; he is correcting the most famous o f writers about the Germans without mentioning him. Caesar had maintained that a German had no property in land: the land was redivided yearly among family groups with a view to avoiding inequality (G.B. vr, c. 22). W e l l , Divus Julius was mistaken, Tacitus implies. Land was divided; that is agreed. But it was divided into greater and lesser shares, and not every year. O n l y the arable o f the individual holding was shifted every year (arva per annos mutant). 1

That the individual family got a share o f the tribal land was the first characteristic o f German landownership. A second basic social prin ciple o f the German w a y o f settlement seemed strange to Roman o b servers. T h e free German lived permanently and exclusively on the land that he had inherited. His home was never part o f a larger settle ment, least o f all o f a city. W h e n Tacitus brings out this fact in c. 16 he is well aware that he is pointing to a remarkably crude divergence in German customary ways o f living from those o f all civilized peoples, not merely o f the Romans. In the traditional literary view o f the 'social contract' the fundamental institutions o f a well-ordered life are the cities; domicilia coniuncta quas urbes dicimm, as Cicero once put it (Pro Sestio, 42, § 91). W i t h conscious reference to this definition—and not missing the chance o f rectifying it a little—Tacitus says that the German peoples do not inhabit urbes, not even inter sejunctas sedes. They prefer to live scattered over the land, as only uncivilized races do else where. Colunt discreti ac diversi, utfons, ut campus, ut nemus placuit. Y e t this 'scattered settlement', as the very next sentence shows, is nevertheless a settlement in villages, in via. These villages are loose 1 This view is rendered the more probable because Tacitus had other controversies with Caesar. Cf. Norden, pp. 316 f.


THE

SETTLEMENT

AND

COLONIZATION

OF E U R O P E

17

structures however: 'they are not like ours; one house is not closely attached to the next; each has space about it'. A s a rule, so Tacitus suggests, a few free German landowners form a village group. Their tenants settle near them in the village; so do their slaves, w h o are treated 'as coloni'. T h e slaves' children and the lord's children g r o w up together: inter eadetn pecora, in eadem humo (c.20). T h e village lords, the free Germans, themselves live in rustic simplicity. Their houses are roughly built o f timber and mud. For granaries and places o f retreat in the cold o f winter they enlarge caves and holes in the earth (c. 16). The lands o f the village as a whole seem unusually wide, but the fields set aside for tillage relatively small (superest ager, c. 26). W h a t the free Germans value most are great herds o f cattle (numero gaudent, c. 5). So much Tacitus tells us directly. His picture contains only the main lines, which can be filled in in various ways. It shows us the sort o f village in which small groups o f average Germans setded. B u t h o w are w e to conceive o f the setdements o f the leading families, the principes, the nobiles ? They need more land, cattle, labour power and houseroom. They have followers always at their table and the table must be generous (cc. 13, 14). N o doubt they have their share in the land secundum dignationem. And w e must assume that the German princelings and other leading men did not share a setdement with the common freemen, but had whole villages for themselves and their dependants. W e must next consider the influence o f family ties on settlement. Caesar had long ago written o f the sharing o f land among groups o f kindred (B.G. vi, c. 22); but the tribes to which he attributed this system cannot be assigned any permanent organization o f property and were apparendy not in a position to setde d o w n finally. In the definite sharing out o f the land, as described b y Tacitus, it is not a group o f kindred, a clan, but the individual tribesman w h o appears as proprietor, with the obligation to hand on his share to his descendants. A n d in fact it would appear that the village group was not as a rule the same as the group o f blood relations. The law o f the Salian Franks, at a later date, contemplated the case in which, for lack o f heirs, mere neighbours would have a claim on the inheritance [Edict. Chilperici, c. 3); this indicates a distinction between blood relations and neighbours. In one way however the communal sharing out o f the land no doubt favoured the settlement o f blood relations as neighbours; the shares resulting from it must have been big enough to provide room in the near future for several families, i f the arrangement was to have any permanence. In the case o f the leading families, w h o settled d o w n in isolation from the first, division among heirs must also have led to the growth o f regular' clan villages'. Such noble clan setdements are found in various countries after the Völkerwanderung. 2

PCEHB


18


We must not picture' Tacitean' villages all over the map of Germany. Their organization implied regular arable farming, and that was not found everywhere. The Germans on the North Sea coast did not mind their cattle and catch their fish from village settlements, but lived in small groups on little hillocks rising from the marshy flats. These Terpen or Warfen were artificially heightened as a protection against stormy tides. And perhaps the eastern tribes, who began to move south-east about A.D. 200, still lived at that time in the unstable conditions of landownership and settlement which Caesar had assumed to be universal in Germany. But in the heart of the West, and right up into Scandinavia, the system of land division and settlement indicated in Tacitus' account was clearly prevalent everywhere. It was from these regions that there started those campaigns of conquest of the Volkerwanderung times which led to the establishment of village settlements. And in the results of this establishment the traces of the system can still be seen. The ritual practice of throwing a hammer, under fixed and difficult conditions, to determine the limits of a man's property in the village, is of old German origin.1 So are those rules which regulated the use of thefieldsin the primitive village, and remained operative in the medieval village wherever German settlement was really dense. In laying out the village a division was made between the land assigned to the use of individual households and that which was available as common pasture for all the villagers, free and unfree. Both parts constituted interconnected complexes; the lands destined for the plough were grouped in special sections of the whole territory of the village. The grouping was essential in order to leave plenty of room for the herds, 'in whose numbers men rejoiced', and at the same time to keep the herds out of the corn. This is how we must account for the fact that wherever German influence affected settlement, a layout of the corn land which contributed to these ends was repeated—the familiar long strips.2 To deal with these strips, the heavy wheeled plough drawn by several pairs of oxen was in use even in early German times.3 But the 1 For the meaning of this ritual, which has nothing whatever to do with the clearing of the waste, see Grimm, Rechtsahertiitner, I, 94 (66). 2 The obvious tendency of German settlement to be associated with the long strips has usually been explained, since Meitzen's time, by the use of the heavy plough. Only a few scholars have connected it with the necessities of extensive cattle rearing (C. Ostermann, pp. 199 £; F. Steinbach, Selbstverwaltung, pp. 49 f.). But for primitive times especially, this explanation seems the more illuminating. 3 Such a plough is to be found at least as early among the Celts as among the Germans; see the well-known reference to its use among the Alpine Celts (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 18, c. 172). The claim that it had reached Britain in Celtic times (CoUingwood and Myres, pp. 211, 442) has hardly been established. See below, p. 150, and R. V. Lennard in

Dopsch Festschrift (1938), p. 70.



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arable strips were not yet at that time interrupted by the division of the fields into sections meant to be dealt with as units at the same time— Gewanne, furlongs: the individual holdings were not yet cut up into bits lying in several such furlongs. These features of the 'open-field system* first developed in the medieval peasant village. The working of the furlongs implied a more careful handling of the yearly change of the land under cultivation, and a stricter communal discipline of agricultural practice, than we can connect with the careless village lords of the society that Tacitus describes. And the subdivision ofholdings which made the furlong organization necessary only suits the conditions of a later time: it went hand in hand with the growth of the village population, through the repeated subdivisions ofinheritances among a peasantry that was no longer mobile and had learnt how to extend the arable land by clearing operations.1 The long drawn out furrows and strips were independent of the furlong system.2 The primitive German strip system is best represented by those so-called Esc/i-fields, which have survived in Westphalia into modern times; their strips are quite extraordinarily long (300 to 600 metres) and are not interrupted by the boundaries of Gewanne. The economic sense ofthe Germans was not yet sufficiently developed to wring a greater yield from the soil if settlement tended to exceed the supply of open and accessible land. When a German tribe secured for itself some district by conquest it set aside for division among its members only so much open land as was needed pro numero cultorum. Later, the reserve land which had not been used at first was cut up into shares for members of the community. When that point had been reached, the position of the Chauci as described by Tacitus was reached also: tarn immensum terrarum spatium non tenent tantum Chauci, sed et

implent (c.35). Both in the division of the land and in the formation of the settlements, the dominant motive was the craving to extend so far as possible the area which the single great household could exploit by its own efforts and with the aid of its servi settled on the land. Roman observers—Tacitus' authorities—saw this and were of opinion that the craving had scope enough in Germany; but the Germans did not share that opinion. They were always thinking that someone else had land that they wanted. Generally speaking, they had no notion of extending the settled area by clearing the mighty forests in which their islands of 1 See the vivid illustrations in Steinbach (Gewanndorf, p. 54); Homberg, pp. 27 ff.; T. A. M. Bishop (Assarting, pp. 29 ff.). 2 Cf. for France, Bloch, Caracteres, pp. 35 ff. Also pp. 50, 61; for Germany, Homberg, pp. 35-40. Homberg showed the valuable evidence of the layout of the Esch-fluren for the primitive field layout, after H. Rothert and R. Martiny had proved that this layout was older than that Einzelhof system of Westphalia, which Meitzen had assumed to be primitive.


2O

THE A G R A R I A N LIFE OF THE M I D D L E AGES

Glebe Old demesne; now Meterhc

FIG. I . The Gewanndorf in. Old Germany (Geismar near Gottingen) in its developed form; eighteenth century. A, wood; B, G, J, scraps of common; D, a late created noble holding. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008


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settlement were imbedded. Those thinner woodlands which were found on the outskirts of the virgin forest were, it is true, not an absolute obstacle to agriculture; and the Teutons of Jutland and Scandinavia seem actually to have preferred these stretches of country for their settlements.1 In view of the lead given by the Romans' strategical or colonizing forest clearances in the frontier provinces, the absence of large-scale clearing cannot simply be explained by the technical incompetence of the Germans. They valued the primeval forest: it was impassable and untouchable. There were great frontier stretches of forest between the tribes. The heart of the forest was the seat of the Godhead; there it displayed its awe; there it claimed sacrifice and humble submission. This religious tradition is not merely mentioned by Tacitus and illustrated in the case of the Semnones; it lived on among the Saxons and in Scandinavia, and was transferred in Baltic lands to the peoples who there succeeded the Germans. Among the Alemanni, as late as the eighth century, Abbot Pirmin denounced those rites of prayer and magic which propitiated the secret powers of the forest depths and the forest soil. We cannot say that this numinous atmosphere absolutely forbade the pushing of settlement into the woods. But it was a hindrance, and is at least evidence that the Germans looked on the woodland in whose midst they dwelt as an unchangeable thing. That was why individual acquisition of land did not evolve among them; why each free tribesman disposed of only so much land as the body of bis associates had assigned to him at the conquest and division. And this rule, the basis for the settlement of the different tribes, again determined the only way in which their constantly reviving need for fresh soil could seek satisfaction. Whenever German freemen developed a craving for more plough-land, more cattle, more villages, there was no way for them but to join with people who shared their craving. They might accompany the whole tribe on an expedition of conquest, or they might risk an attack somewhere with a strong party oflike-minded men. So we understand the new phase of these movements which sets in with the Marcomannic wars. It was new in two aspects. For the first time German tribes sought to conquer on Roman soil that land for settlement, of which, constituted as they were, they never had enough. Then, in the course of the next century, the hordes of land-hungry German fighting men, who stormed against the limes and the Rhine frontier, formed fresh tribal associations which in the end completely absorbed many of the older tribes. They were not, however, compact political entities, but split up into independent groups, each with its own leader. From A.D. 213 the Romans had to fight masses of Germans on 1

See the evidence of F. Mager, Sjobeck and R. Sernander; and cf. K. Wiihret, pp. 14 ff.


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the limes. Suevi from the middle Elbe formed their core. They called themselves Alemanni. Their name meant the 'united' people, or so the Romans supposed. In the middle of the third century other groups which crossed the lower Rhine were already known as Franks. They themselves were being pressed upon by a movement from the lower Elbe. The Saxons from Holstein were pushing across the lower Weser and absorbing the tribes of those parts. The Empire had only been able to hold this fierce movement in check by bringing fresh German lands under its rule and inducing their inhabitants, by force and by example, to adapt themselves to the settlement system of the Romans. Marcus Aurelius aimed at this: he would have created fresh provinces north of the middle Danube. Commodus his son, the spendthrift of a great inheritance, abandoned the ambition. He merely protected his frontier against the Marcomanni by a depopulated no-man's land. This short-sighted and half-hearted compromise was partly responsible for the Danube frontier becoming subsequently a gate of entry for destructive forces. But the catastrophe of Roman policy on the frontier only became inevitable because the Empire behind it had lost the strength to serve any longer as a civilizing power. The reign of a single emperor whom neither citizens nor soldiers could respect sufficed to reveal their profound antagonism to one another and destroy that alliance between them on which the state rested. Commodus' fall led on to the fight of the provincial armies for the crown. The military rule of the Seven rose over a terribly wasted Empire; it dissolved in a wild struggle of the armies and their leaders which lasted half a century. The Illyrian emperors, elevated from A.D. 249 by the armies of the Danube, were faced by a new German problem there. The wanderings of the East Germans were over, and along the whole line, from Noricum to the Black Sea, tribes of Gothic stock stormed against the frontier. Alemanni and Franks broke into the provinces of Germany and Gaul. It is hard to determine how far these campaigns had in view actual conquest, how far merely the weakening and wasting of the Empire. The permanence of the achievements against the Germans of emperors who realized their responsibilities— Gallienus, Claudius II, Aurelianus, Probus—was always weakened by the shortness of their reigns: most of them were murdered by rebellious troops. Diocletian was the first to be favoured both with less turbulent armies and a slackening of the German offensive. But meanwhile the German world had expanded and the Roman world had changed its social and economic organization. Rome had been forced to abandon her outworks across the Rhine and the Danube—Dacia and the agri decumates. German tribes now ruled and occupied soil which for a century and a half had been subjected to



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Roman colonization. In both regions the new rulers made short work of the legacy of Rome. But rule and occupation were managed differently by East and West Germans; so the two regions had not the same destiny. Dacia was now the south-western wing of a huge area over which the Gothic tribal groups were scattered. After they had been forced to accept the Danube as their southern boundary, they lived for decades at war among themselves and with the Thracian and Sarmatian natives. When these wars died down, in the reign of Constantine the Great, the old province of Dacia was divided among the Gepidae, the Taifali and the Tervingi or Visigoths. The dominion of the last stretched to the Dniester; here it touched that of the Greutungi or Ostrogoths who occupied the steppes as far as the Don. On the steppes these Germans adopted the traditional economy of the steppes: they became nomads. The Dacian Goths led a more settled life; but on their earlier plundering campaigns on both sides of the Aegean they had not learnt to value the Roman provincial urban or rural civilization. Both went down before them. They let the mines of Transylvania, its greatest treasure in Roman eyes, go to ruin. They were incapable of living in peace with the colonizing landlords and of learning from them. Some of the old population had held out in Dacia when the Roman armies had practically evacuated it; but when in Aurelian's reign complete abandonment became certain, they migrated to fresh homes given them by the emperor south of the Danube. Evidently only servile cultivators were left behind: they transmitted the vocabulary which forms the basis of Roumanian. To this labour force were added enslaved prisoners of war, and also slaves of the conquerors' blood. But even so, the Goths, with good soil at their disposal, could not or would not organize an agriculture which might support them adequately. The most important material basis of their life was their relation with the Romans, who feared their fighting spirit and coveted their military aid. Presents and mercenaries' pay flowed into their territory and taught Roman merchants the way there. But the merchants' main task was the carrying of food into Dacia. If the import of corn across the Danube was checked, the Goths were in danger of famine. It is well known that finally, in A.D. 378, the Visigoths sought shelter in the Empire and left to the Huns the land which a century before they had won from the Romans. During this same century, another German people had founded a settlement in the West, which was to endure, in an abandoned Roman province. The Alemanni had settled down in the agri decumates. They were hardly less warlike and restless than the Goths. The right bank of the Rhine, which had been in their hands since about A.D. 260, always served as the starting point for


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THE AGRARIAN LIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGBS

devastating raids into Gaul. But the very fact that they never established friendly relations with the Empire forced the Alemanni to become more self-sufficient economically than their Gothic contemporaries. They utilized almost the whole of the area in the agri decumates that had been settled under the Romans. In its northern parts at least—in the Wetterau—traces of Roman field divisions survived to modern times; here, it is obvious that the German agrarian economy succeeded the Roman directly. And it may be assumed that it was the same in many other places. Yet one may not speak of a carrying-on of the Roman tradition of settlement. The Alemanni did not step into the economic system of Roman colonization; on to the soil that Rome had colonized they transplanted an economic system of German type. The urban life that had developed and had stimulated agriculture in the frontier provinces could not go on as before, if only because it had been conditioned— far more than in Dacia—by the needs of the local garrisons. And the new rulers took no interest in its revival. As Ammianus Marcellinus relates (xvi, 2, 12) they hated the Roman towns, 'those walled tombs', and let them fall to ruins. They seldom adopted the Roman manner of building and made no use of the villas and villages from which the Romans had fled, not even of their sites. They built their own rude settlements some little way off. And there are significant limits to their maintenance of the old cultivated areas. Forests often grew over land that had been tilled in Roman times. Such places were probably not spacious enough for large-scale pasturage, and so did not tempt the Alemanni to make use of parts of them as arable. While the occupation of soil that had once been Roman was being completed in this primitive fashion, inside the Empire the government and the landowners had to face a change in all economic relations. Civil war and barbarian invasion had ruined town and country. For decades the emperors, partly to pacify the troops, partly to meet political opposition, had done nothing to hinder the plundering of the towns and the humbling, the very extirpation, of the higher strata of citizens. The urban centres of Gaul, Upper Italy and the Balkan peninsula had been the main objects of the Teutonic invasions. Losses of men and of wealth had brought their development to a halt. True, the imperial fiscal policy could not do without them. The personal responsibility of their magistrates, of curial family, was an important reserve guaranteeing the payment of the taxes. But the use of this guarantee meant a perpetual depression of urban economic life. So the towns lost their power to stimulate rural settlement. Meanwhile the evils which were reducing them to misery often affected the country also. Wlien the decades of torment through troop movements and foreign invasions closed, there



25

was plenty of vacant land in the Balkans for the refugees from Dacia, and in Gaul for barbarian prisoners of war. This shows how the country had been wasted. 'The fields were neglected; cultivated land became forest.' Lactantius who describes these terrible things lays the blame on Diocletian's military and civil reforms; their burden had reduced the peasants to despair. His statement indicates that the new compulsory social order which Diocletian introduced often added fresh evils to the old, without altogether curing them. Yet the statement is one-sided. Faced by the necessity of using up the resources of the Empire that they might maintain and put in order the machinery of state, Diocletian and his successors at least tried to give its rural economy a firm organization which would resist the progressive decay, render a revival possible, and secure a permanent if scanty existence for small peasant holdings. The great proprietors, helping and competing, followed the same object. In this class new men predominated—products of the political and social revolution of the third century, officials and officers. The fall of the old provincial aristocracy allowed them to accumulate even greater possessions than their predecessors. Their estates were often scattered over various districts, with tenants great and small. As the towns lost their power to attract, the lords and their staffs preferred to live in the country. So the villa retained its importance; and a typical product of the age was the fortified villa. It was now often the centre of a public administrative area. For the owners of great scattered masses oflanded property managed to withdraw them from the financial and judicial organization of the civitates, and to administer them like the crown lands as saltus. They even undertook to be responsible for thendependants' dues to the state. Inside and outside these domains, agriculture served the state directly. Direct supply of the army and the administration by deliveries in kind and corvies had proved the safest sort of tax-paying during the chronic administrative and economic crises of the third century. In this and other ways Diocletian perpetuated the emergency measures of an age of crisis. To guarantee the steadiness of the supplies in kind, the bureaucracy henceforth took comprehensive and continuous control of agricultural settlement. The administrative foundation of this control was Diocletian's Cadastral Edict; periodically repeated returns fixed for every holding the extent of its cultivated area, with tkejugum as unit, and the extent to which the labour of men and animals was employed on it, with the caput as unit. This survey was useful for the planning of the Empire's economy as well as for raising its taxes. The lord was compelled to cultivate his estate to the full extent recorded, and the peasant to keep up his recorded services. Constantine I applied on each


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side legal safeguards whose principles he borrowed from the Hellenistic tradition of the East.1 To maintain the cultivated area the emjSoAij principle was applied: when land became waste, the neighbouring proprietors were responsible for its delivering again to the state its share ofthe assessed local yield. Aurelian had made the urban magistrates responsible on this principle; Constantine allowed the magistrates to share the responsibility with the landowners of the district. The permanent service of the peasant was secured by obliging the colonus and his progeny to reside and work for ever on the land where he now was. This 'binding to the soil' was not an act of extraordinary enslavement: it was only the application of another Hellenistic rinciple—the hereditary duty of service at one's prescribed native place idia; origo)—which was applied also to urban magistracies and callings. This stiff mechanical legislation was not the only means tried for encouraging rural settlement. The emphyteusis was taken over from the Hellenistic East. This form of contract was used especially for large farmers (conductores) who undertook to cultivate waste land or tumbleddown estates. The owner took no rent for two or three years; after that the farmer paid a fixed rent and acquired a heritable right to the land for the duration of the lease. The state favoured this colonizing tenure by reducing its claims, especially by easing the emjSoA^. It also undertook to find labour power for the land whose cultivation it required. Military success on the river frontiers, which continued for a time from Aurelian's reign, brought in many German and Sarmatian prisoners. These were mostly assigned to private estates, not as slaves but as coloni—as had often been done under the earlier Empire. Peasants of German blood soon became familiar on the estates of Gaul.2 Both the army and the revival of agriculture depended on the recruitment of prisoners. There was an old device that served both these ends. The emperors had encouraged the settlement of the frontier troops in peasant colonies near their headquarters. Now, groups of prisoners were required to garrison prescribed places and cultivate prescribed estates, fii Northern Gaul these barbarian settlers—usually described as inquilini—were called laeti. The word is probably of Teutonic origin; in name and fact the laeti corresponded to the Frankish liten, who were half-free farmers on lords' estates in Germany. This social class obviously sprang from the subjection of Germans by Germans in the wars that took place during the movements of peoples when the great tribal leagues were formed. The legal and social position of the settlers was thus one which they already understood: it was now fixed and made hereditary. Compact 1 2

Cf. the discussion in Ch. v, p. 206. Cf. p. 180, below.



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settlements of such German and Sarmatian peasant-soldiers are found —under the name ofterrae laeticae—on the imperial domains of Northern Gaul. The villages of milites limitanei in the Alpine Provinces are akin to them. A trustworthy estimate of the economic results of this policy of settlement can hardly be formed. From Britain, from the Mosel land and from Southern Gaul we have evidence of a still active and comfortable country life until about the year 400. But this prosperity can hardly be traced to the compulsions and demands of government. Britain had suffered less than other provinces from the troubles of the third century, and on the Mosel the capital city of Trier stimulated its environment. But the compulsions of Diocletian and Constantine had at least this influence: they introduced into rural economy types of organization and tendencies in development which would become basic in the future organization of rural settlement, and would so remain when the imperial power which imposed them had collapsed. The most important fact in this connexion is that farming tenure as a rule became hereditary. That was as true of the emphyteusis tenant as of the colonus. The colonus, as contemplated by lawmakers, was the head of a family bound permanently to a given peasant home and a given piece of land. In the eye of the law this hereditary relation was not loosened by the fact that it rested on an indirect and dependent form of property. That a given piece of land should be held for generations by the same family was no novelty of that age; but it is important that from this time forward such a perpetual link between the peasant and the soil seemed general and normal. Probably the fixing of the size of peasant holdings and of the economic services due from them were affected in the same way. Here too the compulsory imperial order may have influenced the coining and the spreading of standard arrangements. The peasant's holding had a standard estimated yield both in the economy of the state and in that of his lord. Claims from both left him with hardly any margin of produce to be sold freely in the town. The inclination ofcoloni to wander away, against which Constantine's legislation was directed, may have been due to their previously depressed economic position, which left them the barest living for their families when these claims had been met. On the other hand, it was the task of the state to guarantee to the peasant family this limited livelihood. The regular returns of capitatio-jugatio gave not only an occasion for, but a stimulus to, a genuine policy of peasant protection.1 That the imperial administration really cared for the weak among the rural population is most clearly seen in the appointment of a defensor plebis in A.D. 365—-just before the Empire collapsed. 1

For the situation in the Byzantine East, see Ch. v.


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No doubt too the military holdings of the laeti and other frontier troops on state land constituted typical small agricultural units of the class that the administration wished to encourage. Finally, the desire of both the state and the great landlords to recover land that had gone out of cultivation established a very important economic tradition, which as a general thing was new. In short: during the century that followed Diocletian's reign the Empire pursued a policy of standardizing the conditions of peasant proprietorship and maintaining and extending the area under cultivation, as a measure of self-preservation. These tendencies had permanent significance: when the Empire had finally collapsed they still persisted. But they were not able to save it. Effective as they may have been in particular regions, they failed to repopulate the devastated frontier provinces. That was not possible because—in the West at least—imperial victories only held back the invasions of the Germans for a time. The Emperor Julian threw the Alemanni back from the middle Rhine but had to assign to the Salian Franks a compact area for settlement in the northern part of the provinces ofGermania Inferior, on the Meuse. The ease with which masses of aliens were received into the Empire suggests how much it had been depopulated. Twenty years later, the Visigoths, fleeing before the assault of the Huns, found room south of the lower Danube in that province of Moesia which had once before been opened to people from the northern bank. And this time, as is well known, the experimental admission of solid masses of aliens led to a fatal catastrophe. It was the first step in the continuous advance of German armies across the Empire—with its devastating raids, usurpations of authority, organized occupations of the land, and those large-scale migrations which form the watershed between ancient and medieval history. This, the most catastrophic episode in the history of European settlement, made fundamental changes in the occupation of the various regions of Europe, from the beginning of the fifth until far into the seventh century. We can only deal here with those acts of occupation which were decisive in determining the ethnographical map of the Middle Ages. The Huns set in motion first the Goths and then the tribes in the heart of old Germany. They flooded into the Empire—in a memorable winter's night of the year 406 Vandals and Suevi, mixed with Alans from the steppes, crossed the Rhine on the ice to enter frontier districts which had been stripped of their Roman garrisons. A continuous emptying of old settled areas in the heart of Europe began which tempted the Huns, and later the Slavs, and thenfreshwaves of Mongols, to press forward into them. At about the same time the Salian Franks



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were able to move westwards from Limburg towards the lower Scheldt, then southwards up the Lys as far as Artois; and so won the starting point for their later imperial expansion. But the accord established after 418 between the government of Honorius and the Visigoths in Gaul had more direct influence on the establishment of the new world of nations. For the first time, the soil of a Roman province was allotted to a German tribe as an independent military organization and a recognized stratum of aristocratic landholders. Half a century later, this tribal settlement became that Visigothic empire which controlled the Iberian peninsula. But before that its political influence had affected the history of settlement in the remotest parts of Western Europe. The Roman Empire finally lost control of its remote northwestern provinces in Britain: the island was left open to the entry of Germanic tribal elements from the lands between the North Sea and the Baltic—Angles, Saxons and Jutes. This 'Anglo-Saxon' occupation of Britain gradually came to include something like the same area that Rome had once effectively controlled. The Celtic population was not merely conquered or driven into the West and North. Enterprising British leaders from Devon and Cornwall had a hand in the' barbarian' occupation of Gaul, when they led their followers into Brittany. Meanwhile the emptied northern homes of the Teutonic conquerors of Britain—Jutland and its islands—were occupied by Danes from southern Scandinavia. The decisive epoch in the history of settlement for Central Europe— old Germany and the adjacent Roman provincial regions on the Rhine and upper Danube—came with the end of the years of crisis during which Attila's empire threatened the whole European West. The victory on the Catalaunian plains did not only free Western Europe once for all from the Hunnish peril: it did away with the last hindrance to the spread of Germans from Central Europe. The Alemanni extended their settlements in all directions—into what were to become the Palatinate, Alsace, Switzerland and Bavarian Swabia. In the North, Franks from the middle Rhine crossed the stream to dispute with the Alemanni a frontier in the valley of the Moselle. In the East the Alemannic push impinged on the associated Thuringian tribes, who also were spreading out on all sides, and then on groups of Marcomanni, who moving forward from the land of the Boii in Bohemia brought with them the name of Boioarii. They and the Alemanni occupied Vindelicia and Rhaetia. At one and the same time the Danube and the Rhine ceased to be pohtical frontiers or frontiers of settlement. Through the old Roman provinces new masses ofwarriors from Eastern Germany moved on towards Italy. Eastern Germany and Bohemia were left vacant for Slavonic tribes, who pressed forward across the Oder from


30


their old homes north of the Carpathians. It was the Eastern Germans who in 476 brought about the formal end of the Empire in the West. Its end helped to determine the division of the West among the conquering tribes. The Visigoths crossed the Pyrenees and took nearly all Spain from their Teutonic forerunners. In Gaul, the Salian Franks reached the Seine; and when the Empire had collapsed at Rome, Clovis founded in Gaul and on the Rhine the greatest state which the Volkerwanderung produced. For a time Theodoric the Ostrogoth, from Italy, kept the Franks in check. His successors were unable to do so. Burgundy, Alemannia, Thuringia and eventually Bavaria also came under Frankish control. The conquerors could not settle all the land that they controlled. But they spread far beyond their original territory. Northern Gaul down to the Marne and the Seine manifestly had a closely reticulated Frankish settlement. Between the Seine and the Loire it was less close, yet still important. In Germany, the Alemanni had to withdraw before the Franks to a boundary running from the forest of Hagenau and the northern promontories of the Black Forest east of it to the point where the transition from the Swabian to the Frankish Jura marks it to this day. So on their extreme south-eastern front the Franks had both Bavarians and Slavs as their neighbours. This | projecting block of Frankish occupation—which left their tribal name J as its permanent witness: Franconia—finally reached the Thuringian 1 forest on the north; for the defeated Thuringians had to content * themselves with the land between the Thuringian ridge, the Harz and jj the Unstrut. West of that, between the Diemel and the Eder, the tribal I and imperial bounds of the Franks again coincided. In the Rothaar } mountains and the Rhenish-Westphalian hill country their rule gave \ way to that of the independent Saxon tribal group. In the early days I of their Empire the Franks did not try to conquer the Saxons, but i joined with them in that conquest of the Thuringians which gave the ? Saxons the land north of the Unstrut as far as a point west of the junction of the Saale with the Elbe. The settlement of these West and Central European boundaries was followed, shortly after the middle of the sixth century, by a rearrangement of those of the South and South-East. Justinian overthrew the Goths in Italy and brought their settlement there to an end. He tried to restore imperial authority throughout the Mediterranean and brought North Africa, Italy and parts of Spain for a time under his control. But in so doing he used up his mihtary resources and especially his Illyrian veterans. Italy was insufficiently guarded, and in the East the threat of Slavs and horsed Mongolian Bulgars and Avars replaced that of the Goths. The Avars at the same time pressed on the only Teutonic tribal


•


31

group which still lay east of the Alps in Pannonia, the Lombards from die Baltic. The year 568 was decisive in many ways: Alboin led his Lombards, with Sarmatian and Bulgarian allies, into Italy just when Byzantium was busy in Asia with the Persians. Slavs, driven or dragged forward by Mongol nomads, were impelled to occupy the mountainous marginal lands of the Hungarian plain. Between the Dinaric Alps and the Save, and between Save and Drave, came the Croats. Other groups of Slavonic settlers, the 'Slovenes', spread north-west into the foothills and valleys of the Eastern Alps—right to the edges of the Vienna basin, which the Avars held. Yet other Slavs, who, it appears, were likewise dependent on the Avars, gradually established themselves in Bohemia and on the plains north of the Central European mountains; for the westward and southward movement of the Germans had left these lands free. The Franks withdrew their pickets from the right bank of the Saale; and in course of time the Saxons left to the Slavs all the land up to the rivers Aller and Ilmenau and northward to the lower Elbe so far as a line terminating in the Gulf of Kiel. And so by far the greater part of Old Germany fell gradually to the Slavs. Within two centuries, in every part of Europe peoples had poured into one another's areas of settlement. There is hardly a region in which we have not to take account of intensive changes of ownership. Naturally the process of exchange was never complete: many Germans, for example, must have remained in their ancient seats. In Gaul and Spain Roman landlords acquired a legally recognized position, by means of formal acts of division of property, after the Visigothic and Burgundian occupations. In Frankish Gaul, Roman proprietors were pressed down in the social scale but not systematically dispossessed; and the tradition which ascribes a policy of extirpation to the Lombards in Italy seems, as a generalization, exaggerated.1 Naturally there were far more dependent peasants who stayed on the land, or came back to it after a temporary flight, than there were survivors of the old landowning stratum. Often their numbers were added to by forcible subjection, demonstrably in Italy, but also elsewhere. The same fate befell surviving Celts in England—' welsh' became a name for the unfree—and conquered Germans in Germany, like the Thuringian subjects of the Saxons. The same thing must have happened to the German remnants in the lands occupied by Slavs. These are some general traits in the transfer of population brought about by the great movement of peoples. The numbers and density of the newly settled stratum of conquerors varied almost ad infinitum. The Slavs must have occupied their vast area of settlement very lightly 1

Paul. Diac. Hist. Lang, n, 31, 32. Criticism in Schneider, Burg und Landgemeinde, p. 35; Lot, Hospitality p. 1005.


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indeed. But the number of German lords in South and South-West Europe was also small in proportion to the territory occupied. An estimate of the total number of Vandals and Alans in the year 429 is 80,000, including all the families; and the number of the Visigoths at the same date is believed to have been no more than that. The Franks, the Alemanni and the Anglo-Saxons, however, must have been much more numerous; that is certain, though we have no basis for numerical estimates. This unequal distribution of Germans over the various parts of the Empire must not be taken as a decisive indication of inequalities in the treatment of the Roman or Celtic native populations, either by different conquering groups or in different provinces. Only the mounted nomads of the East, the Alans for instance, remained destroyers and plunderers long after their initial incursions. Everywhere the German occupation, even that of those Germans who accompanied the Alans in the invasion of Spain, finally took the form ofpermanent and agricultural settlement. But this sedentary phase was preceded nearly everywhere by a phase in which existing settlements were destroyed and their occupants plundered or scattered. Alemanni, Franks, Bavarians, Anglo-Saxons, all took possession of old settled districts in the lands that they conquered—but they always chose new sites for their dwellings.1 That is clear proof of a temporal gap between conquest and settlement; and short as that gap may have been, it was still a time of devastation. The same thing is found even in those regions where Visigoths and Burgundians conceded a formal division of the land. There is indisputable evidence—for example in the Poema conjugis ad uxorem attributed to Prosper Aquitanus—that the Roman proprietors went through a period of the greatest uncertainty and impoverishment. The Burgundian laws for the division of land—diverging from the Roman quartering system—gave the new German proprietor two-thirds of the land, but only a third of the mancipia of the Roman proprietor (Lex Burgund. c. 56). This division seems at first hard on both parties: one gets land with inadequate labour power, the other more labour than he can use or maintain. But we may assume that the arrangement was intended to meet the needs of both. The labouring population had been scattered during the phase of devastation. The Roman required a majority of the survivors if he was to make a minor part of his property productive again quickly. But the German was accustomed to extensive agriculture and could manage a greater area with less labour.2 1 There is so much detailed evidence to this effect that the author cannot accept Dopsch's assumption of continuity between imperial and medieval settlements. [See Dopsch's treatment of the subject in Ch. rv, below. Ed.] 2 Different interpretations of the passage in the Lex Burgund. have been given hitherto.



33

Thus, this regulation is proof of a decline in the number of slaves as a result of the loosening of social bonds. This decline also created new labour conditions which were to become permanent. Indeed, in the German kingdoms on imperial soil the institution of the villa with its dependent holdings survived. And the villa still housed some slaves who worked on the land which directly belonged to it. But such slaves no longer formed the majority of the labouring force. The lord's 'own' land was kept in cultivation mainly by the services of tenants from the rest of his estate. Such services were in fact the principal payment which the tenant made for the land he held; they were more important than the census. The tenant might be a freeman, an aldio or lite, or a slave. These differences of status might be reflected in the size of his holding or the weight of his services; but they were of secondary importance compared with the universal association, for all classes of tenants, of tenure with service. This organized linking up of the cultivation of the 'demesne' with that of the holdings was not altogether unknown in Roman provincial life; but it was not at all widespread under the later Empire. It only became of fundamental importance after the Volkerwanderung. Obviously it grew up at a time when the administration of the villa was short of labour, and the control of labour was not easy. The Germans were familiar with slaves, freedmen and liten who had their own penates, as Tacitus said; now the dependent tenant owing services became the main support of the lord's establishment. In the former Roman provinces, peasant economy and settlement became still more important for the landlords than they had been under the emperors.1 The storms of the Volkerwanderung had another destructive effect which influenced the whole social and economic fabric of European life. They put an end to the system by which landowners, especially those of the middle sort, regularly lived in towns. The Germans had not lost their dislike of town life. So those Roman possessores who were able to hold their own with them were obliged to live regularly in the country. They did not move all at once; the narratives of Gregory of Tours and the verse of Venantius Fortunatus are still full of scenes from the lives of Gallo-Roman town-dwelling rentiers. But by Carolingian times this society has vanished away. It has been forgotten that, according to the Salic Law, the Roman was a second-class freeman—with only half a Frank's wergeld.2 Evidently, by going into the country and mingling with the free Franks they had got rid of this mark of social 1

Cf. p. 246, below. The literally degrading character of this rule cannot be explained away on merely technical grounds, as e.g. by Stutz (Abh. Preuss. Ak. 1934, Nr. 2). H. Brunner (Deut. Rechtsgesch. n, 614) had inclined to this view, but abandoned it in the main later (be.tit.1, 2nd ed., 335 f.). 2

3

PCEHB


34


inferiority. It was not they who initiated the subsequent revival of town life.l Long before that the towns must have lost all real importance as consumers of agricultural produce: European rural society in the main was now •working to feed itself. One can distinguish in Western Europe three zones of agrarian settlement in relation to rural society after the Volkerwanderung. In Spain and Southern Gaul, the Visigoths; in the Rhone country and the Western Alps, the Burgundians; and in Italy the Ostrogoths, and the Lombards after them, appeared in place of or beside the Roman landlords. This was the first zone. The association of Burgundian ownership with the old-time estates is remarkably illustrated by the persistence of CeltoRoman place names. Settlement by the lesser German proprietors in village groups could hardly result from the way the land was divided in South-Western Europe. It would have agreed neither with the habits of life to which these 'faring men' 2 had become accustomed in decades of migration, nor with the ratio between their numbers and the wide regions which their leaders now controlled. As the Franks pressed on the Burgundians and curtailed their territory, population naturally became denser on what the Burgundians retained. A law of King Godomar provided for fresh divisions of the land and stipulated for more consideration of the Roman possessores. But that did not imply any creation of villages; and the early dissolution of the Burgundian realm stopped all further evolution. Lastly, the Lombard conquest of Italy came at a time when the Germanic Hinterland had already calmed down. So it also led in the main to the creation of lordships. The Lombard warriors for the most part settled in fara. The individual campaigning group which took possession of some estate was a band of blood-relations with their dependants. There were, however, peasant settlements scattered about the conquered land for political and military reasons. Roman military colonies o£milites limitanei provided the model for the peasant community of the arimannia, into which some Lombards and perhaps more members of associated tribes were collected— arimanniae were established particularly on the Alpine frontiers and near urban centres; their peasant members were to defend important strategic points. For the whole of this South and South-West European zone the early Germanic traditions of settlement had no significance. The incorporation of Southern Gaul in the Frankish Empire seems to have made no difference; and Visigothic Spain kept its native structure until the Arabs 1 In view of these facts Pirenne and Vercauteren's explanation of the decay of town life in late Frankish times mainly by the growing difficulty of Mediterranean trade seems to me artificial. 2 'Faramanni', Lex. Burg. tit. 54, 2. Cf. F. Beyerle, Germanenrechte {Ak.fur deut. Recht), x, 190.



I I [' I f

35

overran it in A.D. 711. But the conditions were quite different in the northern parts of the old Roman Empire—those which Franks, Alemanni, Bavarians and Anglo-Saxons occupied. In this, the second great zone of settlement, the Germans were more numerous from the beginning and were reinforced decade after decade. There was opportunity here for the establishment of villages of the primitive type; and besides them the Germanic nobility—old nobles of blood or new nobles of service—got control of greater and more diversified estates. The PactusLegis Salicae, the codification of the laws of the conquerors of Northern Gaul compiled under Clovis, in its Titulus de migrantibus (45) pictures a vivid scene from the times of the wandering in which the 'Tacitean' village spring to life. Some Franks have settled down together on the land of a former Roman villa. A newcomer wants to join in and the earlier settlers are not agreed about his admission. The law decides that the veto of a single proprietor shall decide against him, even if'one or several' want to admit him. The wording makes it clear that we are not dealing with a big village community. Some three or four neighbours, it would appear, are not agreed about the admission of a fifth.1 We found the free German proprietors scattered over the land in just such groups in Tacitus' time—though the princely families might own whole villages. The grouping was now reproduced by the Franks on Roman soil. But the old communal disposal of shares in the land by the tribal assembly no longer existed: it was the individual body of settlers who had to agree about the division. And in the very first decades of its rise, the royal authority decides that the rights of the first settlers are not to suffice to exclude newcomers; for another section of the Law (Tit. 14, § 4) declares that the migrans must have his wish, if he comes recommended by the king. And breach of this rule is far more heavily punished than is the violation of a neighbour's veto on entry. Evidently this last was a new law of Clovis. We recognize those migrants who, after he had established his rule, straggled in from the lower Rhine and the first Salian-Frankish settlements on the lower Scheldt to the new headquarters of the Empire in 'France'. In the Walloon country, North France and Lorraine the Frankish occupation led to much more transference of property than on the lower Moselle, where most of the place names are Celto-Roman. It was to the king's advantage to encourage settlement in Gaul, though without unduly cramping the population already established there. Considerable remnants of the native population must also have been preserved, to serve the king—who took over the Roman imperial lands —and his nobles on their estates. The Frankish noblemen preferred to 1 This question of numbers has not been properly appreciated in the extensive discussions of the Tit. de wig.


36


settle in neighbourhoods which the Gallo-Roman nobility had chosen before them. Their graves are found near the Roman roads, the rivers, the old urban centres. Deep into Gaul—in Picardy, about Laon and Soissons, in Normandy—this is more marked than in the regions near the later linguistic frontier in Belgium, where place names indicate specially dense German ownership. It is true that place names composed of a personal name and the common Germanic name endings -ingen and -heim point to ownership by Frankish chieftains. But probably in places so named there were often both chieftains' settlements and settlements of free villagers, a large owner and a few smaller ones sharing the village land. This type of place name disappears between the Seine and the Loire, though archaeological evidence indicates plenty of aristocratic settlement. The Frankish nobles were no longer accompanied by Frankish settlers. The areas of final settlement by Alemanni and Bavarians had not been so thoroughly Romanized as those of the Franks in Gaul. So we do not find the geographical gradations that can be traced in France. But we can trace the three typical ways in which old German settlement tradition was transferred to Roman soil: the great compact estates ofthe privileged families, the small village settlements of free tribesmen, and lastly the groupings of such tribesmen's settlements about those of the privileged families. Finds in the old agri decumates reveal splendid burials of great men surrounded by more modest graves of the lesser men. And evidently that clause in the Law of the Alemanni {Tit. 86) which refers to boundary disputes between families has this aristocratic structure of society in view. Two genealogiae quarrel about boundaries. The local count must occupy the disputed area and have the case settled by ordeal of battle. How could quarrels arise in which the division of property was so uncertain that only the ordeal could decide, and the matter in dispute so important as to make the ordeal necessary ? We are not dealing with village squabbles about a balk that cannot be traced or an overgrown footpath. The controversy is between large owners whose properties march with one another in open waste land. Evidently the initial division of land among the Alemanni largely applied to families with very wide claims. The land originally assigned to them often lay with its bounds against neighbouring settlements still undetermined, even after several generations and several divisions of inheritance. But, beside these primi Alamannorum, the law knows mediani and minofledi,

small owners. We cannot be quite sure that this division goes back to the times of the Volkerwanderung. But at any rate the 'row burials' date from those times. Among these village cemeteries are some which contain no heavily armed and richly adorned noble remains but only those of modestly equipped tribesmen. And in Wurttemberg there is a very



37

ancient type of village in which the property of a comparatively large homestead—thelater Rttfe/gtrt or Meier/jo/^-consists ofcompact fields and meadows side by side with the cut-up peasant Gewanne of the villagers. But the contraction ofthe territory of the Alemanni, under pressure from West and North by the Franks, forced the majority of them to content themselves with modest properties in some small village settlement. In Britain, east of the Welsh border beyond which the natives retained their independence, the small political groups which emerged from the Anglo-Saxon conquest established frontiers against one another. In each of them, and in each of thefolk or provinces into which they were divided, there were from the first leading families with large property and ordinary tribesmen who reproduced the small German villages. Places lying close together whose names are compounded with the same personal name indicate large properties of early date. Occasionally a compact stretch of property, which was only gradually filled with settlements in the course of the Middle Ages, points to a similar primitive assignment of land, of the sort that led to disputes among the genealogiae of the Alemanni. But on the other side stands the evidence of c. 42 of Ine's Wessex law—every ceorl who has a share in arable and meadow, and sends cattle to the common pasture, must lend a hand in fencing the corn and hay to keep the cattle out. It is a freeman's village with no lord. Yet the mixed village containing freemen and a lord's hall was obviously important in early Anglo-Saxon times. Place names of the personal name plus -ingas type are thickly scattered over Eastern England from York to Sussex, that is to say over the area earliest occupied by the Anglo-Saxons. The structure of the names evidently suggests the way in which the occupation had been organized—by a leader surrounded by ordinary tribesmen. At a later date, pure peasant villages were often distinguished from such half peasant, half noble, villages by the name Ceorla-tun (Charlton, Carlton). Anglo-Saxons were wary ofsettling too close to the ever-restless Welsh border. Here, agriculture continued to be carried on by small Celtic peasants living in hamlets which were thinly scattered over great stretches of waste. Elsewhere such hamlets of the conquered rarely survived, and -only in regions which the conquerors did not prize—hilly or marshy land. British names have survived in such regions in Lancashire; and on the downs of Southern England archaeologists can trace the bounds of Celtic cornfields— groups of rough rectangles quite unlike the long strips of the AngloSaxon open-field. In the lower country these strips predominate: it was there that the conquerors settled and worked.1 To what extent they 1 Though it is quite superfluous to assume that the Celts had occupied only the higher ground.


38


utilized remnants of the Roman villa organization and of the colonate, unhappily we cannot ascertain. We pass to the third zone of German settlement—the zone in which there were no Roman traditions and into which the Volkerwanderung only brought fresh German tribes in place of those that had moved away or been conquered. This includes the Frankish territory on the right bank of the Rhine and the lands of Frisians, Saxons, Danes and Scandinavians. Here there was no break with the 'Tacitean' tradition of settlement. Friesland was dominated by a markedly egalitarian division of property. Elsewhere the migration of so many fellow tribesmen to Gaul and Britain necessarily gave elbow-room to those who remained behind. Evidently for a very long time the families of those possessed of full tribal right controlled large compact holdings. Among the Chamavic Franks of the lower Rhine the title homo Francus long remained a monopoly of the upper stratum of freemen. Such well born people regularly had their own family forest {Lex Franc. Cham. Tit. 42). Further South among the Ripuarian Franks settlement is concentrated in the main into great properties geographically distinct from one another. Among the Saxons, the position of the leading families had been strengthened constitutionally and economically. They are the edelinge as opposed to the frilingen, and to the dependent soilbound laten, who doubtless sprang from the conquered population. The edelinge had the right to divide among themselves the use of the waste and woodland that lay between the settlements. In Denmark the distinct property of the lord, the omum, in the middle of the peasant community, has all the features that we have described—it is bigger than the peasant holdings; it is not mixed up with them; and it has special forest privileges. Finally, the Odal estates are of fundamental importance in the story of Norwegian settlement. Legally, they were subject to very strict rules of inheritance by collaterals. Geographically, the scattering of Odal homesteads thinly over the country was always characteristic. It is these separate properties of an upper social stratum that we must have in mind when, in various regions, we come across evidence of some connexion between the bond of neighbourhood and the blood tie. The leading families had often reserved to themselves great continuous stretches of land with the definite intention that their descendants should live together on them. That is, as we have seen, the explanation of the Alemannic genealogiae. The life of an Anglo-Saxon saint of the tenth century translates provincia by maegth. The district is held together by the unity of a leading family. Something similar is indicated, when, in the Latin version of a Northern saga, a king demands the cession of twelve gentes. In another saga the



39

principle is laid down that 'we should regard and treat brothers' land as undivided'.1 The development of such group settlement by noble families was interrupted or checked whenever noble property was being increased by generous grants from the king. The evolution of a feudal society made land granted by the king the principal element in the landed property of the nobility; and such grants always had to remain in a single hand. Feudal society evolved on Frankish territory; that explains why there are fewer traces of ancient settlements of noble blood relations there than elsewhere. On the other hand, it was without doubt in the Merovingian Empire that those forces first gained strength which dominated the course of settlement in Western Europe during the whole of what we call the Middle Ages—the forces of the peasantry. When the nations came to rest after their wanderings, the characteristic medieval peasantry came into existence—not as a single uniform social stratum but in two distinct primary divisions, which were however pressed closer and closer together in course of time. There were the tenants who owed services on some lord's estate, but acquired thereby secure holdings of their own. And there were the small freemen, members of a village community settled on the village fields. Originally they were both in rank, and as landholders and sharers in common rights, in a decidedly better position than their more servile fellows. But gradually their economic position was assimilated to that of the dependent peasants. Their numbers grew from generation to generation and there was no more land to maintain them. Once the settlement was completed, the descendants of the first settlers had not the mobility that their forefathers, the 'faring men' of the great wanderings, had enjoyed. Everywhere the existing division of the land was guaranteed by a powerful public authority: small freemen had no chance of improvising an occupation of 'foreign' land. So most of them became simply 'peasants'. At first the average Frank in Gaul, or Anglo-Saxon in Britain, may have lived much as his ancestors did among their German forests; if he were fortunate, as a small 'lord' who had been able to get a few slaves or freedmen as tenants, without ceasing to work on the land with his family. But as generations succeeded one another conditions worsened. The need for unceasing work determined the small owner's way of life. In the end he might not have enough land to live by, and might have to get some from a lord—either paying rent for it or doing work for it like a dependent holder. The diminishing reserves 1

The often quoted phrase of a Bavarian formula, in vico et genealogia, seems less convincing. It may only refer to village names of the type 'personal name -ingen'. Possibly the Kluften of Dithmarschen and Frisia sprang from primitive family group settlement; but die date of their origin is uncertain.


4O


of land only came into the hands of the common man through those of the nobility and the church, to whom the kings made the initial grants. Beside those districts in which archaeological evidence, or the prevalence of place names in -ingen and -heim, suggest an early occupation, lie districts of North-East France—to about as far south as Orleans— of place names in -court, -ville and -villers; in the Rhineland and South Germany of places in -weiler, -weil, -wyl. These names indicate aristocratic settlement: the occurrence both west and east of the Rhineland of the Roman -villare termination with a Teutonic personal name points to the spread of the Frankish nobility over the whole empire. Further it is noticeable that the places in question grew up on what had once been royal land. The power of the crown rested on that of the nobles and the clergy; and it had to leave local authority to them. For that very reason the small freeman was obliged to seek their protection more and more. His function as fighting man and member of the tribal community dwindled into insignificance: his life became just a part of that of his village. Meanwhile there was need for more homesteads on the occupied land. They might be established in one of two ways. The villages might be allowed to grow; or dependent hamlets and homesteads might be created. The second method was more in harmony with old German tradition than the first. So we find it applied in the land of the Alemanni; while in much of that settled by the Franks a tendency to the creation ofbigger villages is conspicuous. In the village of dependent tenants under a lord the multiplication of households went further. On the lord's domains in France, where the Roman administrative tradition was still active, there grew up compact settlements whose arable in Carolingian times contained many hundreds of hectares. The terra indominicata, which as a rule lay apart from the 'tenancies', was near a lord's 'court' and a big village. In external appearance the villages in which traces of Roman provincial life survived differed from the new ones that grew up on German soil. They were more compact, more easily supervised: they were grouped about a central space, or laid out in regular lanes; while the German and English village types have been labelled by modern scholars 'thrown together' villages (Haufenddrfer) or 'nucleated', but not ordered, villages.1 We cannot follow the growth and remodelling of villages from generation to generation. We only begin to get any documentary picture of the results from the eighth century. They show us something of the proprietary relationships and of the economic life of the village, dominated by the system of standard units of peasant property, the 1 But the primitive Anglo-Saxon village excavated at Sutton Courtenay had houses in rows.



41

open-field system, and the regulated use of commons. From the seventh century at the latest, measurements of property and of obligations to a lord, or to the taxing authority, were made in units of Hufen, hides, mansi and so on. The underlying ideas are reflected in Bede's translation of the Anglo-Saxon hide as terra unius familiae, and in the Latin mansus, which originally implied not the land but the homestead. And this gives us both ends of the peasant scale. For no doubt the original hide was the respectable holding of a free peasant family; on the other hand the mansus was a unit in the organization of a seigniorial group; and Hufe is only directly applicable to rented land. All the family's claims to pasture, woodland and water are part of the standard unit. But the name of the unit is also applied to the normal extent of its landed property, and in particular to its arable.1 When land was first taken over at the time of the Volkerwanderung such uniform standards were hardly yet in use. The Lex Salica knows nothing about them. When the law de migrantibus leaves the decision about the entry of a new member into a rural group now to the group and now to the king, it shows clearly that there were as yet no normal units of agricultural property. Evidently the unit system had its roots in local custom; and the evolution of the village is reflected in it. The standardization of representative holdings, especially of the arable holdings, became necessary when the soil that served a given group of settlers had to feed more households. Such units were required in comparing the new holdings, which now became necessary, with those already in existence. This reckoning by Hufen or hides is found closely associated later with the open-field system; the strips of a holding scattered over the furlongs form parts of hides, which are also so scattered. That association also goes back to this period of social and political consolidation—and the open-field system itself is a product of the development of the village. As households increased and more land was brought under the plough, whilst all lived together in the same village, it was not the natural thing to give one heir all his land near to the dwelling houses, and another all his in a remote and newly cultivated part of the fields; symmetrical results were achieved by giving each his share of old and new land. The resultant dismemberment of property made the peasants highly dependent on one another for any improvement or regulation of agriculture; and so grew up that familiar handling ofvillage economy on a communal basis which was associated with the open-field system down to modern times. That law of Ine of Wessex [circa A.r>. 700) which strengthened the obligation of the villagers to assist in the fencing of corn and hay fields 1

Cf. the discussion on p. 201.


42


points towards the beginnings of village growth and the development of the open-field. The growth of village population and the breaking up of the shares in property necessitated the regulation of common duties and their enforcement by fines. But it was unusual for a king to assist the village community in this way. That community had developed spontaneously and as a rule enforced its economic discipline itself. The fact of its being organized affected the whole area. It led to the fixing of the boundaries of the various communities. The different villages or groups of settlers were still divided from one another so far as possible by tracts of country that were useless, or nearly so—forest, thorn-brake, marsh. In these wastes boundaries were determined: the process can be traced in eighth- and ninth-century England and in descriptions of German marks. The villagers had always used land not required for the plough as pasture; and the forest round about the utilized land had supplied them with timber and pannage. These customs of user, with those of water, came under communal control, and the rights of the various proprietors were determined by the community. But by no means all waste land belonged to communes and was divided between them. From the beginning, privileged property had privileged claims on such areas. When we hear of members of a mark' who have shares in them, although the. bounds are not properly determined, the rights in question are very often not those claimed by some commune, but are privileged rights of single great proprietors who live near the area in question and so are its 'mark men'. Moreover large forests and wastes were often reserved for the greatest proprietors, for the king above all. In the Frankish Empire the conception of'forest' was based on this royal ownership of the woods. For the whole evolutionary process here described, an economic change that affected the greatest and smallest establishments alike—an increased interest in the yield of the land, and above all in its yield of bread corn—was just as fundamental as the pressure towards immobility which political consolidation brought with it. The Germans of this period had Roman tradition to thank for the extension of meadows, gardens and vineyards. The increased importance of corn growing can certainly be traced to the same influence, although the Germans may already have been familiar with all the principal varieties of grain.1 Arable farming came only slowly to full recognition as against cattle farming. The Merovingian kings preferred to levy tributes of cattle on conquered territory both in Gaul and Germany: they recall Tacitus' Germans who rejoiced in the numbers of their herds. It was not yet taken for granted that the Anglo-Saxon Gesithcundman, who received 1

Cf. p. 159, below.



43

land from the king for service in the comitatus, would keep it so far as possible under the plough: King Ine had to protect himself carefully against such warriors deserting him and leaving half, or more, of the hides that he had entrusted to them untilled (c. 64). But very early records reveal the change of waste land into arable—by the clearing of forests. There is Burgundian and Visigothic legislation of the sixth century relating to exarta, 'assarts'. From that time, all through the history of medieval settlement and colonization, the progress of clearing, the growing contraction of forest in favour of tillage, is with us. It is the countryman's preliminary task, the task by which he makes fresh landed property. Hitherto we have had little to say about clearing as a basic factor in the history of settlement. The Romans, and those provincials whom they educated, only rarely had occasion to curtail the woodlands; and the Germans never deliberately embarked on any such undertaking. We noted a greater interest in clearance in later imperial times, after the devastations of the third century and the first barbarian inroads. But there was not then any attack on ancient forests, only on the woods that had crept over neglected agricultural land. When we hear of clearing in the earhest medieval times, it is probably of this kind of clearing that we must think: brushwood had to be got rid ofon neglected provincial soil. In Merovingian times monasteries were deliberately founded on such 'tumbled-down' land. There was also the leisurely clearing of the forest verges to get more pasture, which reduced the waste zones between the settlements. 'Brabant' was originally a name for such zones: in the Belgian province that bears the name, a province already settled in Roman times, hundreds of Frankish settlements appeared from the end of the sixth century. A third and higher stage then set in, what we call clearing in the special sense—the felling of great stretches of primeval forest and undergrowth in the thick woods. This stage was reached in Carolingian times; we must assume that it resulted from secular experience of the other, and easier, types of clearing. So the Germans had become fit for the task to which Joshua in the Bible urged the children of Joseph: 'if thou be a great people, then get thee up to the wood country, and cut down for thyself there' (Ch. 17, v. 15). It was not only the need to make room for new settlements that encouraged clearing. There was another motive inciting peasants who were still clumsy and ignorant of how to make the best use of land to attack the forest—the unpleasant discovery that land already in use did not fulfil expectations, or the fear of such a discovery. The Bavarian law book of the eighth century deals at length with quarrels over the possession ofpratum vel agrum vel exartum, in which both parties


44

THE AGRARIAN LIFE OF THE MIDDtE AGES

speak of the labour that they have expended on the land in dispute. One has just put it into cultivation. His opponent explains that he once inherited it, and cleared it and weeded it (Tit. 17; I, 12). Such disputes would not have been possible unless many pieces of land had once been under the plough and then long neglected. Clearing is no doubt one of the processes that the Germans learnt in the conquered provinces from Roman neighbours and dependants. Churchmen stood high among their teachers. For, precisely in the transition period from the Roman Empire to the Teutonic domination, the Church was brought into close contact with agriculture. All she could now expect from the state was gifts of property and land to use. It was her task to see that what she got became productive. Survivors of the Roman aristocracy gladly accepted ecclesiastical office and added their own estates to those of the Church. They were living supporters of the Roman traditions of estate ownership and estate management. The poems of Venantius Fortunatus make clear in charming fashion how thoroughly at home an Italian felt in the houses of his ecclesiastical hosts in Gaul. One of them, Bishop Leontius of Bordeaux, he praises especially because he had turned a villa of his from a wolf-haunted waste into a place where men could dwell once more (Carm. 1, 81). The care of the bishops was supplemented by a special function of the monasteries. It would be a misconception of the monastic spirit to speak of colonizing monks in this era. Monks had to seek remote waste places in order that they might more completely shun all worldly things and convert the neglected souls to be found there. It was not their business to make the waste place habitable or to feed its lost sheep with agricultural knowledge. But to go into the wastes of Central Europe was a different thing from going into those of the Mediterranean lands from which monasticism came into the regions of Germanic settlement. There, waste meant forest and marsh which called for hard labour if they were to support even the simplest life. So it was fortunate that monastic teachers in the Roman Church had decided that monks had both a right and a duty to work on the land. St Augustine had maintained that such work was not a mere consequence of the curse on fallen man, but was part of his natural calling as a gardener in Eden; and that therefore it was in full accord with the holy life of the monk. And the rules of Benedict of Nursia required opera manuum cotidiana as a check upon otiositas inimica animae. In the West, the Irish monks under Columba first planted monasteries in waste places; but from the seventh century they were followed by Benedictine houses. Over and over again the monks established themselves in wooded and little settled regions, and so took an active part in the work of clearing. But their indirect influence on settlement was more important than



4$

their direct influence. As they pushed into the woodlands and felled the trees they helped to dispel that religious awe which the Germans had to overcome before they would attack thick forest. The attraction of the Church's miraculous powers was transferred to the holy men in the woods, and brought the laity to settle near them. And lastly, the landowner who wished to acquire merit by a gift to the Church preferred and might even be obliged to give a piece of land that he had cleared for some ecclesiastical foundation. The two motives last referred to worked with special strength in the Frankish Empire from the time when a great access of relics to the monasteries began—about the middle of the eighth century. St Gallen, Lorsch, Fulda, and rather later Werden on the Ruhr, received gifts which soon made them rich proprietors. All of them got much cleared land. The first charters of Werden show vividly how the provident Abbot Liudger exhorted the laity to use the cotnprehensio, which belonged to them as fully qualified members of the mark, for clearings in the interest of his monastery. By admitting peasant settlements to their neighbourhood, and especially by the struggle to increase their own lands, the monasteries—set up at first in 'the wilderness'—completely changed their environment and themselves. Their practice was assimilated to that of those centrally placed churches and monasteries which were the leading supports of seigniorial organization and agriculture in Carolingian times. The position in' the wilderness' was often only a fiction—a legal description which monasteries accepted to make their property unassailable. The assimilation could not fail if the Church wanted to evangelize the masses. Winfrid (Boniface), the Anglo-Saxon who organized the rule of Christianity in the heart of Germany systematically, also gave a powerful stimulus to the foundation of settlements in association with the churches. And altogether apart from any alleged secularization of the Church, the churches had a sustained need for extensions of the land at their disposal. They had to balance losses of property to the feudal nobility. They had often to feed the king and his train, and always the poor and needy; and for this they must dispose of food supplies. Lastly, the network of parishes had to be enlarged. For all this, clearing had to supplement the tithe; and the more clearing the more tithe. So the needs of the Church harmonized admirably with the craving of small freemen and peasants for fresh property. In Carolingian times the precaria was utilized with special frequency in the case of forest or waste land handed over to laymen to be cleared. The state as well as the Church wished to extend settled land and increase the number of settlements in the heart of Europe. From the eastern German frontier wars of conquest were waged; and for the


46


first time in this region conquest carried with it the need to secure the conquered country and its Hinterland by regular colonization. The first princes who were active in this way were not the Frankish kings themselves but their independent sub-princes, the Bavarian Agilolfinger. They had pushed into Slovene land in the Alps and along the Danube and made use of the Church as a colonizing agent. That was the start of Passau and Salzburg. Duke Tassilo founded the monastery of Kremsmunster with the express object of administering and extending land newly won in the Danube valley. In the North and just across the Frankish frontier, Charlemagne's conquest of the Saxons gave a fresh impetus to clearing and settlement. True, we do not hear of the king clearing conquered land to secure his position: for that end he used depopulation. And the establishment of the new north-east boundary against the Slavs was a military not a colonizing measure: across the Elbe and the Saale a chain of forts was created, some of them on Slavic soil. But behind the former Eastern frontier, on both sides of the middle and lower Rhine, in Hesse and along the Main, a pushing back of the forests set in at this time owing to the fact that the recent conquests made this region for the first time a part of the central imperial mass. The forest of the Ardennes lost its primeval character in the east, about Luxemburg. A capitulary of the year 813 from Aachen instructed the royal agents to select people competent to do clearing work. In view ofthe reluctance ofthe crown to undertake clearings on its 'French' estates, we may connect this encouragement with German territory, and especially with that along the lower Rhine. In the Hessian hill country the colonizing activity of the monastery of Fulda may certainly be connected with a desire to encourage closer settlement along this Frankish frontier in the heart of Germany. Here too we find a Saxon supporter of Charles and the Church organizing clearings and settlements. Further to the SouthWest, the mark survey of Heppenheim shows that just before A.D. 800 the Odenwald was not much cultivated; but shortly afterwards it contained many Bifdnge (assarts). It was probably in this region that the so-called' forest' village (Waldhufendorf)firstdeveloped in Germany. * Its layout differed fundamentally from that of the traditional nucleated village with its open fields. The houses were not crowded together: they stood in an orderly row along the street. The holdings were not scattered over the furlongs: their subdivision was avoided, and there was no thorough-going common use of the woodland. Behind each of the houses, its land stretched in a long continuous strip, reaching into and including part of the wood. Villages of this sort were most naturally 1 The same type of village is found in France, and the place of absolute origin is unknown: there may have been more than one place.


FIG. 2 . A 'forest' village (Waldhufendorf), Effeltern in Franconia. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

48

THE AGRARIAN tIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGES

set up when settlers in hilly country wanted to acquire as much arable land as possible. The settlement was laid out along the valley bottom; and each landholder slowly acquired his arable by working up to the wooded heights. Everywhere the Church had a share in the newly won land, and its intervention was of great advantage to the state. The surviving charters do not tell us how far seats and estates of the nobles were established by clearing. In any case the place names in -weiler, which in France were associated with the creation of noble property, are found in the cleared regions of Germany; and the names of fortified places are also often met with on old forest land. The increased military power which the Empire required in the East called for an increasing number of fighting men's residences. So in the time of Charlemagne and his successors, in the German parts of the Empire, all the socially powerful elements were concerned with the extension of settled land on forest soil—peasants and small proprietors, spiritual and secular lords. But each section had its own interests; and the competition among them was shown in many significant ways as clearing went forward. The lords had to see to it that land of theirs which was suitable for clearing did not fall into the hands of peasant communities, but was cultivated under their own guidance and control. The words Beunde, dausura, septum, all of which—as sometimes also Bifang—refer to land marked out for cultivation outside village territory, reflect this policy of theirs. The crown meant to secure a share of the yield derived from the utilization of forest land which it had granted to men who made arable out of it. This Medem, usually a seventh of the yield, is often referred to in grants from late Carolingian times. The Church was obliged to deal with the tithe owed from cleared land, and to arrange for divisions of tithe between the older churches and the new parishes on it. As cultivation was everywhere making progress, the great spiritual and lay lords who wanted to get their forest land occupied found themselves obliged to offer specially favourable terms in order to attract colonists. About the middle of the ninth century we find that the standard peasant holding on land won by clearing was the bigger Hufe. It was first worked out on royal land, and so was called in later times the Konigshufe. Charlemagne helped to augment the labour supply in Frankish territory by settling Saxon hostages there. That the labour supply had often to be reapportioned between old and new cultivated land is shown by an ordinance of Louis the Pious, which threatened the vassal who neglected his benefidum in the interest of his hereditary land with loss of the

benefidum. The vigorous expansion of the area under occupation which is re-



49

fleeted in all these episodes was not always thoroughly economic in this period either, as the last case quoted shows. No doubt the continuity of cultivation in the old village fields was increasingly secured. The twoand three-field rotation systems developed; and the scattered holdings of the open-field made it almost essential that the individual peasant should observe the regular times for working them. But land won by clearing was not immediately so much cut up as the old fields: here the settler was not under the control of his neighbours. So in the older cultivated countries it was not in the lord's interest to give peasants as great freedom to attack the woods as they had in the heart of Germany. Besides, the claims of the chase opposed any such freedom. This is how we must explain the cautious, even obstructive, treatment of forest clearing in the classical documents of royal and ecclesiastical estate management during Carolingian times. The documents deal primarily with the old settled regions: mainly with France. It was here that the strict forest law was developed which forbade any curtailment of the forests without the king's consent, even in districts which had already passed from the crown to the Church or the nobility. The capitulate de villis of Charlemagne's time, the clauses of which bearing on this point refer to all the western side of the Frankish Empire, definitely puts the protection of forests before clearing: there may be clearing in appropriate places, but the fields are not to grow at the expense of the woods (c. 36).1 Abbot Irminon of St Germain-des-Pres, in those decades of his administration which are surveyed in his Polyptychon, had only undertaken clearing at two points in the widely scattered possessions of his monastery—and at two other points he had allowed new forests to grow up. So far as the lords could control the cultivation of the land, they seem to have extended it in open country, not on forest soil. It was evidently such extensions that made room for a class of tenants who were to play a particularly important part in the later history of French settlement, the hospites. We meet them first on the estates of St Germain. Irminon vacillated between the word hospes and the statement that a colonus, a colona, or a servus had a hospidum. The hospes and

the hospidum are allied. The primary meaning of hospidum is just 'house', or in a rural context 'peasant household'. But words—as their use indicates—involve the thought oihospitare, to settle or provide with a dwelling. In the vernacular hospidum and hospitare were translated by herbergement and herberger. So a hospes of St Germain is a man whom the monastery has furnished with a house on its estates. As a rule he will be an immigrant to those estates. Yet the term does not in itself imply that the settler is a 'guest' or 'foreigner'. And as first used it had no connexion with clearing. Of the two 'manors' of St Germain 1

This interpretation has been disputed, but appears to be correct.

4

PCEHB


5O


in which clearing had been carried out, one had only four hospites and the other none at all. The position of the hospes on the estates of St Germain is marked by the fact that originally he had nothing but his hospidum, his dwelling; but no doubt this was his heritable property. Besides it, he regularly received an allotment of land, with which some obligation to work on the lord's land might be associated. The land was not necessarily heritable and its extent might be altered by the lord. No doubt the lord used this sort of tenure because he did not always want to commit himself to definite assignment o£mansi and allotments when developing his estates. This meant that at first the hospites were by no means the best placed peasants in the seigniorial group: there were unfree as well as free men among them. But there was always a certain social advantage in the possession of the little homestead. In the rank and size of holding, the hospes might be compared with the cottar or border of Domesday Book. His holding need not be somewhere on the outskirts of the village land: sometimes on the lands of St Germain hospites were assigned to the parish church for its maintenance. But they seldom held a whole mansus. Indeed the mansus unit was in decay during Carolingian times in France. Terms such as manselli or curtiles indicate already the rise of smaller normal units for peasant holdings. Charlemagne's later years presented new, and in part similar, problems of colonization both on the extreme French and the extreme German frontiers of his Empire. After the defeats of the Saracens and the Avars the Empire was faced with the problem of providing military defence and economic reconstruction in the wide regions which it had won from its enemies: they were now desolate. For their military and political administration the Markgrafwas instituted. When Charlemagne died the Spanish Mark reached to the Ebro. It retained that boundary until the middle of the ninth century. The East Mark embraced the Danubian lands from the Enns to the extreme limit of the Eastern Alps, and on the Hungarian plains to the great bend of the Danube. The Danube valley had been settled only thinly under the rule of the Avars: Frankish ways of carrying on war had left it an utter waste. So was the Spanish Mark; and even the adjacent 'French' province of Septimania had suffered terribly. Therefore resettlement had to be undertaken quickly and carried on for decades at both points. The methods were much the same in the Western and Eastern Marks. The conquering armies were no longer made up of landless warriors, as they had been when the Empire was founded. There was no question ofmass settlement by small proprietors. Natives and neighbours of the two regions formed the bulk of the population; but they were to a large extent subjected to new lords. For



51

the crown took advantage of the opportunity to claim the conquered territory for itself, as having no lord, and to make generous grants from it to the Church and the nobility. In order to quicken the pace of settlement, it authorized its grantees to occupy waste land in the neighbourhood of their estates. The Bavarian churches and monasteries were entrusted with this mission in the East Mark. On both sides of the Pyrenees new monasteries were founded and they threw off cells as centres of economic activity. The creation of lay property was closely associated, both in Septimania and Spain, with the military organization of the frontier. The owners—called Hispani even in the Septimanian zone of settlement—received their land under the legal form o£adprisio, which gave them a heritable claim in exchange for the duty of personal military service. Their tenure was thus akin to feudal tenure; but beside the great noblemen, peasants were given land under this same form of adprisio. There were minores and inferiores mixed with the milites or maiores, though all were settled fighting men. The social position of the minores recalls the Lombard arimanniae and the Byzantine soldiers' holdings established by Heraclius.1 In the East Mark there was no analogy with this linking of military organization to the establishment of small holdings. There the principal supply of labour came from the Slavic Alpine inhabitants, who willingly undertook the work of forest clearing. German colonists also are found settling among them. Evidently the land had the same attraction for settlers from adjacent Bavarian territory as the land about Lake Constance had for Alemannic settlers, at this time and earlier: there was space enough to build little hamlets in which each settler had a respectable holding. The settlers were welcome because they contributed to the security of the country, to its Christianization, and to the yield of the tithe, which the newly converted Slavs paid only grudgingly. The oldest surviving account of a settlement based on the big 'Konigs' Hufen refers to a little village in a clearing in an eastern gateway of the Alps which had been established on royal land and then given to the church of Salzburg: ad Labenza ad Wisitindorj de terra exartata coloniam jugera XC.

mansos integros VIII, id est ad unamquamque

The colonization of the Spanish Mark and of the East Mark went on in this fashion until the time of Charlemagne's grandsons. Meanwhile the Frankish Empire was breaking down. By 900 'France' and 'Germany' were beginning to form. At the same time the whole of the West, as the migrations of the fifth and sixth centuries had left it, was continuously and fearfully shaken by new movements of the peoples outside, on the north, on the south, on the east. It is time that we looked beyond the Frankish Empire. 1

See below, Ch. v, p. 207.


52


In England, conditions were not favourable to so varied and vigorous an extension of settlement in forest and waste as in Germany at the time when it was completely dominated by the Franks. The little Anglo-Saxon kingdoms lacked the powerful organizing force of a strong state. Progress in clearing depended on peasant initiative. Perhaps only comparatively few peasants had the requisite enterprise; but here and there a good deal was accomplished. Place names in -field and -wood record the growth of new settlements in the 'marks' of the old villages before the Danish invasions. Sometimes the name records the man who did the work; and then we may think of one of those driving peasants who 'throve so that he had fully five hides of his own land, church and kitchen, bell-house and burhgate'; and so deserved the rank of thane. The Teutonic North—the Danish Islands, Jutland, Sweden and Norway—was far more backward. The interior was in every case thickly wooded; and the people clung to their inherited religious awe of the woods. There is a Saga that tells of a king who ordered clearings in "Warmland. The Gods punished him with a failed harvest and his men killed him as a sin offering. Ancient villages not established in clearings are called, in the later Swedish law, 'villages of pagan times' in so many words. Peasant discipline was developed and extended in the open regions, in the Wang. The practice of solskifte had probably been evolved in those pagan times: it lays down that, when a field has become so large that it cannot be taken in at a glance, the plots shall be reassigned according to the 'points of the compass'.1 It was made for growing villages—and the fact that the village grew meant that men had not room enough in the land. Starting from this simple discontent, the Northmen developed a power which opened to them immeasurable distances. They were a whole people of warriors. The spirit, on the religious side, was revealed in the worship of Odin, the God of those who fall in battle. On the social side, we see it shown in the high value set on warlike fellowship, and the unquestioned belief that the most honourable and manly way of acquiring wealth was by looting after victory. Moreover, unlike the West Europeans, the Northmen were not mere agriculturists; as wandering traders they had acquired great mobility at sea. Beyond the seas they could choose the point to raid, to conquer, perhaps to colonize. From the end of the eighth century they had become conscious of this superiority; and the Viking age had begun. The eastern neighbours of the Germans and the western and northern neighbours of the Anglo-Saxons—Slavs and Celts—were in this era not nearly so close to the Teutonic peoples in social and economic organiza1

Cp. p. 645, n. 2, below.



53

tion as they had been in the age before the great Volkerwandemng. Among both Slavs and Celts tribal organization was dominated by the blood relationship of the agnatic group. Among the Celts, and probably also among the Western Slavs, this blood relationship also dominated the way of settlement. In Wales, Scotland and Ireland the land was divided among clans and septs, each under the strict patriarchal rule of its chieftain. The groups of cousins into which they were subdivided (gwelys, i.e. beds) were also groups of settlement. The families of a group either shared great common dwellings, or lived close together in little hamlets, except when—as notably in the Scottish Highlands— they were scattered in separate homesteads over the whole territory of the clan. The land of each clan was in principle the common property of its members. So far as it was pasture, it was shared among the households of the clan according to their graded rights. The arable was similarly shared; but the division was not permanent, nor the shares heritable. According to the law of the Irish tanistry, a chief divided the land afresh when die membership of his group had changed. This variable assignment of arable to a household assumed that agriculture was entirely subordinate to pastoral activities. Neither the social nor the economic organization of the clan allowed a true peasant population to evolve. The clans were warlike territorial groups which readily fought one another. The upshot of the fighting often was that whole clans sought distant pastures. After the end of the sixth century such migrations were confined to the Celtic regions; Celts from Ireland often moved into Scotland. We have only very uncertain and scrappy knowledge of social conditions among the Slavs before about A.D. IOOO. But those generationes, which according to Cosmas of Prague formed the basic units of Czech society, were organized patriarchally like the Celtic clans, and must have been settlement groups. Probably we must assume something similar in neighbouring and kindred lands. Among all these peoples, agriculture was a subordinate activity. They did not learn from their German neighbours to use the heavy wheeled plough: they tilled all land, light and heavy, with a sort of wooden hook. Probably most free Slavs were accustomed to work for their living. Yet their economic energies were very undeveloped. The most prominent and best attested feature of their primitive state is their failure to make full use ofwhat labour supplies they had. They sold them in bulk to strangers: the word slave, which is found in use among the Arabs of Spain as well as in all Teutonic and Romance languages, is the legacy of this export of men. And the economic carelessness which lay behind it is clearly shown by the fact that these slaves worked excellently for their alien masters in most varied conditions. As landworkers they were tested


54


by Byzantine emperors in Asia Minor and Bavarian dukes on the Danube. Considering the vast spaces available for the Slavs, this export of men must have left settlement very thin. So there was no inclination to spread out beyond those spaces. The superficial use of the land is indicated by the instability of the individual settlements of the Slavs on the central European plain. Within the areas recognized as theirs, the little villages of wooden huts were often shifted about. Fortified central sites were more permanent. They were a regular and essential element in the organization of Slavonic settlement: we find the name Belgrad (' the white fort') in the Serbo-Croatian land, on the Pannonian plain, and on the Baltic. The sites preferred were those with natural protection—heights, river mouths, islands in swamps. And at least the more important forts were 'residential': privileged members of the tribe had quarters there. So far we have been occupied with lands and peoples whose agrarian civilization must be rated lower than that of the least developed parts of the Frankish Empire. To these, the Mediterranean lands present the sharpest possible contrast: in them the classical agrarian civilization was able to survive all political and racial changes. True, in Lombard Italy at the time of its incorporation in the Empire of Charlemagne the urban element in the classical organization of settlement had not yet reacquired its old importance. Landowners still lived almost exclusively in the country. We have seen already how, side by side with the great proprietors, the free peasant communities of the arimanniae helped to maintain the area under cultivation. Besides, the classical form of lease for the utilization of neglected land, the emphyteutic lease, had not lost its importance. But it was no longer employed to establish big holdings. From the ninth century we find it used mainly for the planting and care of vineyards. The tenant gets very good terms. For a series of years (six, in the earliest instance) he pays no rent at all; later a reasonable yearly sum or share of the produce. But the Western land in which a plantation system was most widely promoted during this era was Spain. Its Arab rulers took the greatest interest in fine and exacting crops. Artificial irrigation, already well known in Spain, was improved and extended by them on oriental models; its superintendence was the business of the state. On the east coast it was employed for rice and sugar-cane, elsewhere for orchards and gardens. The native labour supply was supplemented from Africa, by men of the race whose military qualities had made the conquest possible, the Berbers. Disappointed and refractory veterans, they gave their lords plenty of trouble; but after Abdar-Rahtnan I had established the Emirate of Cordova with a Berber army (755-6) they acquired an established and appropriate place in the settlement of the country. They



55

were traditionally mountaineers, cattle tenders and olive planters. Mountainous country also gave them security in case of friction with their rulers. So they did not settle in the fertile Andalusian plain, but extensively in the highlands between it and the southern coast. There were colonies of Berbers also further north, wherever there was room for them in the mountains—and always they were herdsmen, or olive and fruit planters, who took no interest in tillage. The first generations of conquerors were continuously reinforced from Africa. And these migrations set in motion others, directed towards other European coasts. Following Arab leaders, Libyans and Fellahin crossed the seas to acquire land from these leaders by sharing in their victories. North Africa under the Aghlabides, who had broken away from the Caliphate of Bagdad about the year 800, became a new and vigorous centre of racial eruption outwards. So as Charlemagne's Empire grew, and with the growth of its power broadened its agrarian basis, there came from the boundary seas of Western Europe, the Northern and the Southern, vicious attacks of Northmen and Saracens, both ready to fall upon the exposed stretches of the Romance, German and Celtic world with the primary intention of plunder, slaughter and destruction—but both also equipped for the establishment of new governments and new settlers in the lands that they had harried. It was because of political troubles in Norway that Viking bands first began to settle in conquered territory instead of coming home with their loot. About the year 820 their settlement began in Ireland. Near the same date Saracens began to settle in the most westerly possession of Byzantium, Sicily. After these first successes the Vikings attacked all along the coasts of the North Sea and the Channel, the Saracens along those of Italy and Southern France. Everywhere they penetrated far into the interior. Neither in England nor in the CaroHngian lands did they find any system of fenced cities or well-manned forts to hold them up. That scattering of the population which had preceded the settlement of" the first Teutonic conquerors now proved fatal. There is no need to tell again the story of how England all but succumbed to the Danes; how the Northmen again and again made the lands along the Rhine and the Seine unsafe; how Vikings invaded the Mediterranean; or how Saracens laid Rome waste, held out for long in South Italy against the arms of the Frankish king, and until far into the tenth century took tribute in Provence from their fort at Fraxinetum. Towards the end of the ninth century there came from the east another devastating attack, which for decades could not be resisted with effect—that of the mounted Magyars who occupied the Pannonian steppe. Within a few years they ruined the whole CaroHngian work of government and settlement in the East Mark. They raided as far as


56


Tuscany and Southern France. It was only the consolidation of the German Empire, proved at the battle of the Lechfeld (955), that put an end to these Magyar invasions. Both Magyars and Saracens raided far beyond the ultimate bounds of their settlement. For settlement the Saracens concentrated on Sicily. The island made a stout resistance: it was, as it always had been, a land of towns and strong villas, and it had to be conquered town by town. Palermo fell in 831, Taormina the last Greek city not till 902. Conquest and destruction left room for a new population. Berbers and other African fighting men were settled, some on old town lands, more in the country round about. Generally speaking, they and the many who followed them from their native lands were established in open country. Hundreds of new villages were scattered over Sicily. The story of the Northmen's acquisitions of territory was quite different. It touched many lands, East and West. Besides Ireland, parts of Scotland and the Isle of Man were occupied. About 860-70 their power was at its height: they were raiding and conquering along Western coasts and up Western rivers, among Slavonic tribes between Lake Peipus and Lake Ladoga, and in England. Early in the tenth century their attacks on the Channel coast led to Rollo's acquisiton of the country about Rouen as vassal of the French King. He and his son then extended 'Normandy' far westward towards Brittany. But the Northmen could not have made their influence felt so widely had they aimed everywhere at agricultural settlement. In Ireland and Russia they did not expect their followers to settle on the land and become trustworthy subjects: they made grants which enabled them to share in the work of government and profitable commerce. They founded states in the same spirit in which they had formerly set out on their raids. But elsewhere their conquest had results similar to those of the great Volkerwanderung. A few hundred Norwegian families left the track of the raiding voyages to settle in empty Iceland. There, with no warrior king and no looted wealth, scattered free and far apart over a hard land, they carried on their old life; and their descendants gave Teutonic tradition its mightiest written form. In France and England the Northmen took control, so far as possible, of the existing rural economy. Rollo's first official act was to have the land surveyed and to make grants to his followers. But he immediately set himself to attract 'men of various origins' and 'filled the land with his own warriors and with these other immigrants (advenis gentibus) and so built it up after its prolonged harrying'. The account suggests that the Norman warriors were the lords, the other strangers their peasant colonists. But the lords formed an important class of landowners built up in accord with old Teutonic tradition. They were endowed with land secundum digna-



$J

tionem. In Normandy, especially in the departments of Seine Inferieure and Manche, a type of place name is very widespread which is based on a Norman personal name, and originally ended with a Scandinavian syllable, usually -tot (= -toft). Sometimes the syllable survives; sometimes it has been replaced by -vtile. Such place names suggest that round about the prominent Normans who gave their names to villages, there settled groups of small freemen who naturally called their settlements so-and-so's -holm, or -gard, or -toft, or -bol. Bol is the Scandinavian term for the arable part of a holding,1 and retained that meaning in Norman dialect especially in connexion with small peasant holdings. True, the peasant element among the Normans soon lost its separate existence. Normandy adopted the French feudal organization of society, with its sharp cleavage between peasants and knights. Only the knights' way of life was respected. Descendants of the humbler Normans were grouped with their neighbours the native peasants, except where they were able to join with knights in the work ofconquest in Apulia, Sicily or England. In England, the settlement of Scandinavians in the southern parts of the Danelaw was extensive enough to leave a deep mark on place names, even after the English reconquest of those shires. But the deepest mark was in the region of the Five Boroughs and in Yorkshire. The -thorps and -bys are thickly scattered over Lincolnshire, the North Riding, and parts of the East Riding. Among them you may occasionally find an Ingleby, which shows that there the English were a minority, the Scandinavians the main stock. Danbys and Normanbys distinguish different groups of conquerors. From the families who occupied these settlements sprang a peasantry which was able to maintain its independence through the troubles of the eleventh century. The sokemen of the land of the Five Boroughs had such a free tenure that their descendants in the twelfth century could endow churches with land. Nowhere else had the old Teutonic tradition of settlement been better preserved. Taken as a whole, the migrations of the ninth and tenth centuries changed the composition of the European peoples in only a few limited areas. But their influence on the European social structure was not confined to those areas. They gave the impetus to the emergence of new types of political and social organization; and from this time forward these types determined the form which settlement would take. The Slavonic East and the Romance-Teutonic West, already so far apart in their development, were also affected in different ways by the storms of Scandinavian conquest. The Northmen did not succeed in establishing fully independent states in France or England; even where they supplanted the previously settled aristocracy or peasantry, in the end they were incorporated into the existing political order. In the 1

Cf. p. 644, below.


58


East, on the other hand, the conquests of Northmen and Magyars preluded the foundation of new, extensive and powerful states. The dominion of the Varangians, the 'Ruotsi', with Kiev as its centre, extended into the regions of the Volga and the Vistula. Its Teutonic rulers adopted the speech and customs of the conquered Slavs, just as their cousins in Normandy were assimilated to their French environment. Among the Magyars of the Hungarian plains, dynastic quarrels, following on their expulsion from the German East Mark, led to the unitary autocratic kingdom of the house of Arpad. In this case the conquering class managed to impose their own language on many of the conquered Slavs, though they learnt from them the elements of a settled life. Meanwhile, west of the Russian and north-west and north of the Magyar dominions, two great states grew up out of the loose structure of the West Slavonic tribes. All Bohemia came gradually under the control of the Czech house of the Premyslids. About the middle of the tenth century, the German Empire under Otto the Great was making headway against the Slavs of the Mid-European plain: its outposts were stretched north and south between the Elbe and the Oder. But further east, on the lower Vistula and the Warthe, Misica (Mieszko), founder of the Piast dynasty, builc up out of a number of tribes the nucleus of the Polish Empire. For a time, the course of political events made it seem likely—early in the eleventh century— that all West Slavonic territory would be united under the Poles. But in fact their dominion itself very nearly collapsed. When it had recovered, the territory that it controlled effectively extended from the lake-covered flats of Prussia and the rivers Netze and Warthe to the Carpathians in the south. On the west it reached only a short way beyond the Oder, where it receives the Warthe; but further south in Silesia to the Sudeten Mountains. On the Baltic, the Pomeranian lands between the estuaries of Oder and Vistula were loosly controlled by it. The Wendish lands, between Poland and the Elbe, had in the south become dependent on the German Empire—as the Margraviates of Meissen and Lausitz—but remained independent further north. Bohemia had extended its dominion over the Moravian tribes as far as the western edge of the Carpathians. The dominions of the Bohemian, Polish and Hungarian princes were shut in by dense boundaries offorest, in which no clearingwas permitted. The state, won by conquest, was to remain a single stronghold. Connected with this policy was that creation of great fortresses which soon became a fundamental feature of life on Slavonic soil. After conquering the various tribes and princely houses, the Premyslids, the Piasts, and also St Stephen of Hungary, divided the land into administrative districts each of which had a fortress as its centre. Whilst the districts



59

were modelled on the counties of the Frankish-German Empire, the system of divisional fortresses was in sharp opposition to the system which, at this very time, in Germany and France, was undermining that of the county and robbing it of its utility to the central government. In their early days, Bohemia, Poland and Hungary knew no feudalism. There was a landowning nobility of professional soldiers who acquired a great deal of the prince's widespread lands. But the prince only alienated his land in moderation and was careful not to transfer judicial or fiscal authority to his men and their heirs. The constitution of the' castellanies' preserved all royal powers and compensated the poorer nobility for the absence of regular feudal fiefs. In Bohemia and Poland the fortress of the Castellania was an extensive camp, surrounded with defensive works, laid out with lanes like a town, and full of buildings—the greater for the court, the administration and the church, the lesser for the garrison of'knights'. The whole of its buildings were normally of timber. The inhabitants of the villages in the district had many varying links with it. Freemen came to it for justice. Those of them who could claim to be milites were called up for service from it, and we may assume—though the evidence is not quite conclusive—that they did regular garrison duty. For there were still no other precise external qualifications for the rank of miles, like the Western oath of fealty and grant of afief.1The fortresses of Boleslav Chrobry of Poland were held by crowds of his companions in battle and his 'courtiers', who were connected with the prince and with one another, as in the primitive German comitatus. (The drushina of the Northmen in Russia was the prototype.) Later these warrior-groups were dissolved. But the district fortress still served as the almost permanent residence of important groups of the nobility; both the high functionaries and no doubt also those poorer milites, 'militelli', who held no more land than an average peasant. The peasantry of the district owed taxes and services; these obligations due to the prince were levied from the fortress and in part performed there. Among the personal services were fortress building labour and fortress garrison duty. The taxes were levied in kind on the cattle and cultivated land of tie village. Besides, the Czech or Polish peasant owed his prince or the officials of the fortress service in hunting, in travel, and in the carriage of men and goods. And he was bound to assist in such military work outside the fortress as the building of bridges and the care of the frontier forests. 1 According to the evidence assembled by Z. Wojciechowski the Polish jus militate, which assigned many privileges to 'knights', is of later date, developing in the thirteenth century, which was also the era of the dissolution of the castellanies. The text is based on this view.


60


In addition to these public obligations, the peasant had others arising from his dependence on a lord or from his personal bondage. The documents hardly suggest the existence of true peasant proprietors; freemen below the rank of miles had become tenants of the crown, the nobility or the Church. For the unfree, the administrators of the crown lands had worked out a highly differentiated system of dues and services. These were owed by unfree families from generation, to generation. They included dues in kind (fish, honey, hides, grain); craftsman's work; and work at the lord's stable, his hunt, his kitchen or his dining-hall. In 1057 Duke Spitignev made over to the Collegiate Church of Leitmeritz 'from every craft (de omni arte), and from every fortress district {ah omnibus suis civitatibus) a servile couple with their children, to carry on the said craft'. Here it appears that the organization appropriate to the crown lands was also found in the castellanies. f They served as centres of economic activity and control. I But they functioned in a very different way from the great landlords' I establishments of the West. They were not the headquarters of great agricultural undertakings, but collecting places into which flowed the renders from many individual peasant holdings. Taxes, services owed to the state, rents and servile dues, with tolls and monopolistic profits of trade, formed the varied elements of a huge system of tribute that was administered from the fortresses. The system provided the material needs of the state. Its form was perfectly appropriate to the economic conditions existing when the power of the princes grew up. Arable farming was still relatively subordinate. The fortress had no special lord's demesne attached to it. Neither the tenants nor the servile peasants were, for the most part, required to work hard on the land; their numerous compulsory activities were of a very different sort. That agriculture was regarded as a normal part of peasant economy the Polish plough-tax (poradlne) shows. But the families whose special business it was to supply arable produce formed only one hereditary and professional group among the dependants of a princely landlord.1 Bohemian, Polish and Silesian sources refer to aratores and rustici in this sense. Dues in grain appear also as typical obligations of those peasants who are called hospites; they actually were 'guests' or 'foreigners', that is to say immigrant farmers whom the lords settled on their lands with fixed conditions of rent and for set terms of years. If this was the economic organization of the central princely fortresses we cannot assume anything very different in those of the greater and lesser nobility. Many noblemen were relieved of an appreciable part of their economic cares during spells of maintenance in the fortress of 1

Cf. p. 492, below.



6l

their prince. Nor was the Church interested in a more intensive agricultural life until far into the twelfth century. It was more concerned to provide itself with sources of income in tithe and castellany revenues than to acquire endowments of land. All these facts must be taken into account if we are to understand the circumstances in which peasant settlement developed. The multifarious compulsory services required of the peasant obliged him to live a regulated economic life. But they did not oblige him to aim at a maximum production of cereals. And so the Slavonic economy was not stimulated to conquer fresh soil in order to extend arable farming. It was not at all likely that the peasants would of their own accord aim at an object that their betters neglected. They were not urged to extend the village fields as far as possible, or to find new land when extension of the old fields was impracticable. The lesser Teutonic freemen who occupied land in Western Europe had felt this urge, as the stabilization of political authority and the spread of the seigniorial system made settled peasants of them. They had learnt to prize regularly cared for fields and meadows as the normal foundations of a way of life with which the freeman's social respectability was bound up. The Slavonic peasant, controlled by the now strong political authority that emanated from the fortress, did not acquire this attitude of mind. For his social position was not based on free, and as a rule securely heritable, ownership. The sole question for him was how to make both ends meet, and how much land he must till in order—together with what the meadows, fisheries, and woodlands gave him—to guarantee his living and enable him to perform his obligations as a subject. What we know of the Slavonic villages agrees with these considerations. Their field grew in course of time. Here too the generations brought intermixture of holdings. But the Slavonic 'chessboard' fields show no tendency to a regulated system of furlongs and Hufen or hides. Their plots made up a medley of irregular blocks. They retained the old hook-shared plough (Hakenpflug). The only form of clearing that they practised was by burning off the thickets—with a view rather to temporary cultivation than to a permanent acquisition of soil: you cleared the brushwood from one place and it grew again when you moved to another. The villages were often some distance from the fields: the huts stretched for choice along some water's edge, or lay in a rough circle about a green (Rundlinge). Most of the settlements remained small. If population grew a fresh one was laid out in the neighbourhood of the old one. Both lords and peasants often changed the sites of their dwellings. In Poland, not the village, but a wider group of settlements (opole, vidnia), was the legal unit of those who had joint interest in the fields of the district.


62

THE AGRARIAN LIFE OF THE MIDDtE AGES

These conditions reflected the spirit of primitive Slavonic society, as did the domination of the land and its economy from the fortress. With slight modifications, similar conditions were to be found in countries adjacent to Poland and Bohemia in which the basis of the population was Slavonic, whether the ruling class remained Slavonic or whether it had been replaced by foreigners. In Hungary the peasants both owed heavy services to the fortress of the 'castellanies' and lived in small shifting settlements.1 A Synod from King Koloman's time (1096-1114) ordained that church villages must not move too far away from the church itself. The Magyar nobility still retained something of the restless way of living of its ancient plundering days. Otto of Freising, on the second Crusade, observed with amazement the huts of the Hungarian via et oppida, more often made of reeds than of wood. The noblemen built no manorial halls, and instead of living on their estates preferred to be in camps as much as possible: for months in summer they frequented the tented camp of the king. In the "Wendish lands on the Baltic, the 'gentry' had permanent dwellings in the fortresses, some of which as in Poland were laid out like towns. Here they lived from the yields of the chase and from the renders of their peasants; and with these supplies they maintained a hospitality which deeply impressed the German missionaries ofthe twelfth century. The wretched tenurial condition of the Slavonic peasantry, which crippled energetic settlement, was revealed brutally later, when the princes called in German colonists and in places, for their benefit, forced the older inhabitants to seek new quarters. In the tenth and eleventh centuries the German rulers of the lands of the Sorbs, east of the Elbe and Saale, took over the fortress system and its economic organization. The margrave's knights were concentrated in the fortress; the peasants of the castellany fed them. True, the knights gradually adopted a way of life more in accordance with that of their fellows in Old Germany. They began to live among Sorb villages, which had been given them as 'manors'. The native peasantry then owed service to these 'manors' direct. This change in their conditions of dependence led to a gradual introduction of German features into the villages and fields: the old small hamlets were often consolidated: the irregular blocks of the shares in the fields were divided into the furlongs of the three-field system; and long strip acres were added to them. But probably these innovations did not occur until, from about 1100, German colonists had been settled among the Sorbs. The period of fresh migrations, which in the East led to the establishment of new states based on the fortress system, in Western Europe also gave the strongly fortified settlement an outstanding place in the 1

For Hungary at a later date, see pp. 494, 499, below.



63

organization of society. But the fortified places of the West soon developed on lines totally different from those of the East; and many various forms of settlement became associated with them. The emergencies of Scandinavian, Saracenic and Hungarian raids led first of all to the establishment of ample places of refuge with strong garrisons. In Italy, France and Germany the chief of these were the episcopal residences; as seats of churches, officials and merchant colonies they were already relatively important agglomerations. Elsewhere the fortified camps of the Scandinavian invaders were imitated. In England and Flanders social structures arose which recall the fortress districts of the East; the territory won back from the Danes was divided into districts, with central fortresses. In all such fortified places, as about the king's person, groups of professional fighting men were stationed. (The English knightly and the German ministerial class sprang from such groups of retainers.) But in the history of settlement these creations marked only transitional stages. The professional fighting man wished to live as a noble man; and that implied not only service to his lord but economic independence as a resident landowner. So the increase of the knightly class led to its endowment with halls, dependent peasants' holdings, rights of jurisdiction and claims to services previously owed to the state. The number of 'noble' residences associated with village settlements grew. In France, as early as the ninth century, they became the fortresses of knights. Royal control over fortification weakened: nobles built their own strong houses on the land—their chateaux and jirmites, at first mere block-houses. Dependent peasants were obliged to group their homes about the lord's strong place, and the village was often named after it—Jirmitas castrum; La Ferte Vidame. In Normandy, it is true, strong dukes, though they gave hundreds of villages to single noblemen, forbade them to build their own castles. Such building was always the sign of a weak central government. In Italy, judging by the country of Florence-Fiesole, the number ofnoble castles grew slowly until about 1050; but very fast during the investitute struggles. So it did at the same time in Germany; and in England during the anarchy of Stephen's reign. The princes, bishops, and great feudatories could not do without knights to defend their principal fortresses. But sooner or later the knights claimed some of their lord's land. This set limits to the size of knightly garrisons; and it was in the interest of princes, lay or ecclesiastical, to further that movement of population which would leave the defence of these central places to civilian inhabitants, to men who came there not to do garrison duty but to get a living. The great fortified place became a town; the burgesses became its permanent garrison. Throughout Western Europe traders and craftsmen formed the main


64


element of the population in the market and 'lane' quarters of these towns. The increase of noble residence on the land was a chief cause of the growth and local concentration of this urban population; for it meant an increase of those households which made relatively frequent and heavy demands on the market. In the south however—Italy, Spain, Southern France—besides the merchants and craftsmen, the large and small landowning nobility contributed decisively to town growth at an early date, by building for themselves town houses. The course of this process is obscure. No doubt the needs of the age of invasions gave the first impetus. Later, the desire for social contracts and a share in urban commerce encouraged the process. In any case, the movement was spontaneous, not directed from above; the leaders in it became leaders in the struggle for communal independence. Eventually, in these same countries, the desire for concentrated and protected dwellings spread to peasants who were not even full owners of their land. In North Italy, from the time of the Saracenic and Hungarian invasions, there grew up castra of peasants only. The first known to us date from about 900—near Verona and Lucca. Their foundation is provided for by a collective contract. The site is acquired from the count or ecclesiastical lord by a group of settlers in return for a modest rent. They build their own houses and undertake to maintain the fortifications. These are to protect not only themselves but also peasants from other villages of their lords. Originally directed against external enemies, this arrangement was kept alive by internal feuds. Tuscan peasants demanded formally that their lords should permit such fortification. It was to the lord's interest to let, not only the site for houses, but also adjacent fields and vineyards to the inhabitants on easy terms. The borghi were made extensive, and new settlers with new collective contracts were attracted to them, if there was land available for further use. So the new arrangement contributed directly to the extension of cultivated land and a more intensive use of the land already occupied. A similar influence spread gradually from the towns. Around them there grew up agricultural zones of specially dense occupation and careful tillage. "William Fitz Stephen's account of London shows how characteristic this was of a flourishing twelfth-century town. The security which an adjacent town gave and the demand of its markets worked together. Sooner or later the burgesses themselves became parties in this suburban agriculture. That was natural: they were always being recruited from the land. Their vegetable gardens and vineyards were to be found everywhere in suburban territory. What a great part the townspeople took in the harvest is shown by an eleventh-century story from Cologne: the town seemed empty in harvest time. There



65

was also some genuine peasant element in the town populations, working its own or rented land; but in a rising commercial and industrial town,it must have formed a dwindling minority. The fields which had always belonged to the place or to its lord were not available to immigrants. This situation is revealed very clearly for several English boroughs by the discrepancy between the number of the inhabitants and the small area of ploughland returned in Domesday Book. But for centuries the towns grew too slowly to become dominant centres of agricultural expansion. Early in the thirteenth century the woods still lay thick about Paris on every side. A more decisive influence on the extension of settled land came of necessity, during the era of expanding feudalism, from the great lords with their judicial and administrative power. They could control the balance of cultivated and waste land in their sphere of authority. After the age of devastating invasions, they were faced with the necessity for reconstruction almost everywhere in Western Europe. In some cases great areas had to be formally repopulated. In England the immigration of Scandinavian peasants had been of assistance; but outside the Danelaw the losses of population were not made good for generations. William the Conqueror settled large bodies of peasants near Carlisle in districts which had lain waste since the Viking times. On the Continent, however, the history of organized colonization of unoccupied land on a broader basis than before had begun again with the measures of reconstruction of the tenth century. We have seen already how Rollo of Normandy brought settlers de omnibus gentibus into the land which his own men had wasted. They found surveyed territory at their disposal; they were promised security of tenure. Here, for the first time, the settlement of a region was based on the enlistment of colonists from a wide area. And the opportunity was taken to offer the settlers the necessary standard holdings and uniform conditions of settlement. The procedure was soon imitated in Anjou, where Count Fulk the Good, after the Norman wars, invited many countrymen from adjacent provinces to cultivate land which was very attractive to them, thanks to its long compulsory fallow. He promised them favourable terms. About the same time the Bavarian churches were equally systematic when they recovered their Austrian and Carinthian lands after the repulse of the Hungarians. They found the land, which had been' deserted for years', without inhabitants and reverting to forest. Its cultivation could not be adequately restored by the predial services of the locally settled Slavs. So free colonists were sent from Bavaria. The typical conditions of their settlement are shown by charters in which the crown sometimes gave them extra land to settle, sometimes guaranteed their legal position. Land grants to lords were based on the big Konigshufe; although such Hufen were j I [. I

68I

it, because when only some years are given those particular years may turn out to be years of crisis. They should include many markets and preferably those attended by the mass of producers rather than the ones in large towns supplied by merchants, for the grain trade was not sufficiently developed to level out price movements at different places and to impose everywhere prices current in the more important markets. In 1338 in the Southern Alps of France, where, it is true, the mountains favoured an enclosed and traditional way of life, the same quantity of grain was worth 25 sous in one place, but 36,48, 56, 60 and even 80 sous in other places. Secondly we need precise knowledge of the duration and intensity of what one of the fathers of economic history has called 'elementary occurrences' (Elementare Ereignisse), those non-economic factors which were capable of affecting prices. This information would allow us to eliminate from our statistical tables all traces of such variables. And lastly, we need indices of the cost of living to which we can relate our statistical series so as to establish the changes not only in grain prices but in the purchasing power of grain in terms of other commodities. The reality is very wide of this mark. On the one hand we have a few tables, some satisfactory, some less so, relating almost exclusively to large centres or estates, not purged—could they ever be?—of the various pointes erratiques. The most we are able to do is to convert the data into equivalent weights of silver, not into purchasing power. On the other hand we have some fragmentary information of little use except to confirm what we know already from other sources. This is all we possess; but little as it is, it may be sufficient to establish that in the later Middle Ages most of the West experienced a fall in the value of grain and to enable us to discover more or less clearly the essential features of the fall. "We know least about the beginnings. This is because many of the statistical collections available up till now do not go back to the first half of the fourteenth century. Only Rogers's and Beveridge's researches provide fairly reliable information for this period. As is shown in Table 5, which is based on them, the price of corn began to decline in England from the third decade. Other original evidence, not reproduced here for lack of space, permits us to fix the precise date at 1325. The trend was perhaps—thanks to recent investigations for the lie de France, we dare to say, probably—the same, at least at some points, on the other side of the Channel. But in any case if there was, and where there was, a fall it did not continue beyond 1348. From 1348, for the next 20 to 25 years, prices remained at a high level. Figures relating to England or worked out for Frankfurt-amMain clearly show this. The averages calculated by d'Avenel for the Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

682


Table 5. Price of a quarter of wheat in England in the fourteenth century

Period

s.

1301-1310 1311-1320 1321-1330 1331-1340 1341-1350 1351-1360 1361-1370 1371-1380 1381-1390 1391-1400

5

d. 7i

Grains of pure silver

7 io£

1387 1945

6 "f 4 8| 5 3i 6 lOf 7 3i 6 li 5 2 5 3

1726 1170 1303 1705 1779 1511 1279 1300

Table 6. Price of a hectolitre of rye at Frankfurt from 1350 to 1400 (adjusted to the denier current in 1360) Period

Deniers

1351-1360 1361-1370 1371-1380 1381-1390 1391-1400

213 146 in 129

147

whole of France express a similar situation. Admittedly they have been obtained by a questionable method, but they are corroborated on this point by two royal ordinances fixing the weight of bread. In the first, John the Good laid down that in his reign the price of a setter of wheat, the Paris measure, could vary between 24 and 40 sous. In the second, in 1372, Charles V reduced these limits to 8 and 24 sous and added: de present le ble est L bon marche et pourra etre t aussi bon et meilleur dans les

temps a venir. At Genoa, too, whose position was a special one, prices, as far as one can rely on some scattered facts, held up as elsewhere, until 1370-5. Several circumstances explain this state of affairs. Some were general, namely, plagues and inclement weather, recurrent and unrelenting during this quarter of a century, a rise in wages which carried up with it costs of production and the purchasing power of artisans and day labourers, and a similar trend in industrial prices. With the later of these dates the fall began again everywhere, and except for recoveries whose length and intensity varied from region to region, it continued for at least a century. There were exceptions, Normandy amongst other places, where prices were stimulated until Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

CRISIS: FROM THE MIDDLE AGES TO MODERN TIMES

683

1450 by the occupation, and collapsed after the departure of the English (Table 7). But these were exceptions to the general rule. Table 7. Price, in sous, of a setier of wheat at Neufbourg from 1395 to 1455

1397 1405 1437 1445

20 27 60 40

1450 1452 1454

30 15 12

Nevertheless the force of the movement and its outward form differed in different countries. In most the fall was absolute and steep, in others it was relative and apparently less serious. Figures demonstrate better than words the speed and the phases— the same speed but different phases—of the movement in the countries where the fall was steep. The two columns on the left of Table 8 continue those of Tables 5 and 6; the next two are based on the researches of Hanauer and Usher; the last one derives from the rates of conversion fixed yearly by the count of Flanders's officials to permit payment in silver for rents in kind; rates which it is probable equate at least crudely with the fluctuations of the markets of Bruges, Ghent, Courtrai, Alost and Rupelmonde. Table 8. Prices of wheat and rye in the fifteenth century as a percentage of the average price of 1401 to 1410

(in units of silver weight) Period 1391-1400 1401-1410 1411-1420 1421-1430 1431-1440 1441-1450 1451-1460 1461-1470 1471-1480 1481-1490 1491-1500

England (wheat) 90

Frankfurt Strasbourg (rye) (wheat) 96 —

Flanders (wheat) —

100

100

100

83 74

89 94 66 94 95 66 56

3i8

75

389

92 106

100 81 80 102

112

77

78

81

100

74 59

Albi (wheat) —

53

70

50 92

103

57

78

88

240

145

64 42

55 74 48

100

74 77 56 65 IOO

71

To these facts taken from the very heart of the medieval West could be added others relevant to its peripheral areas, such as Norway or Poland. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

684


As the preceding statistical tables show, a recovery took place everywhere between 1481 and 1490. It persisted in certain places, in Poitou, for instance, where a hectolitre of wheat sold for 0*40 franc-or from 1461 to 1472, rose to 0-70 from 1473 to i486, then to 0*75 from 1487 to 1514. In this province, and probably in others in France, the long-term tendency was thus reversed before 1500. But elsewhere the upturn registered from 1481 to 1490 was not maintained, and the decline did not definitively give way to a rising trend until the first or second decade of the sixteenth century, as in Antwerp, or even indeed until the fourth or fifth decade, as at Frankfurt. It should now be unnecessary to underline the extent of the movement in this first group of countries and regions. The figures given above give a good enough idea of the movement. They make it possible, for instance, to calculate that in Frankfurt the ten-year average price of rye fell from 100 between 13 51 and 1400, to 81 between 1401 and 1450, and to 68 between 1451 and 1500. These figures agree with others, especially those which Grund has established for Lower Austria, and according to which the price of wheat fell in that country from the fourteenth century to the fifteenth century by 35 per cent. In a second group of markets, after the end of the fourteenth century, prices behaved differently. At Toulouse, apart from two feverish outbursts, they oscillated around the same level. At Namur (see Fig. 12), in Paris, in Milan, at Dubrovnik (Ragusa), in Bohemia, they did not change either. But in some of these places like Paris, prices remained stable but low. In most of them, they kept their nominal level, but declined in relative value and in purchasing power: for while grain prices remained relatively constant, other prices, particularly those of wages and industrial goods, rose. The term price scissors' is the graphic image created in our own time to describe this phenomenon, and we shall use it again later. However, even if the winter grains, wheat, rye and spelt, were of fundamental importance, other crops also mattered. On demesnes as on small holdings, landlords and peasants sowed spring cereals, fodder, leguminous and industrial crops, tended vines, kept farmyard animals and raised cattle. We ought to know the values of all these products and how they fluctuated between 1300 and 1500, but scarcity of evidence and shortage of space obliges us to keep to brief generalities. The curves traced by corn and other products of arable farming broadly defined and those traced by animal products sometimes diverge from each other. This, as we have already noticed in the case of winter wheat, was due to different reactions to the same climatic conditions, and to the temporary substitution of one commodity for another which had become too costly. But taken all together there was a Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

; 1 j : \ \ 1 •

CRISIS: FROM THE MIDDLE AGES TO MODERN TIMES

685

positive correlation between winter wheat on the one hand, and oats, peas and beans on the other, which the graph in Fig. 13 demonstrates and such monographs on the subject as are avaSable confirm: at Crawley in England, wheat was sold at an average price of 75. jd. a quarter from 1315 to 1383, then at 5s. 7f d. from 1384-1448, while oats fell between the first and second periods from 2s. iojrf. to zs. 2§J.; at 200 r' 100 80 70 60 50

1 1

.1 /

ft A

A, r 1 / |

V

•V '

nz

L 1

nil /n

?' 1 1

1

/• J\Jn

J>| / I'!,-43. KARAYANNOPULOS, J. Das Finanzwesen des friihbyzantinischen Staates. Munich, 1958. LOT, F. Nouvelks recherches sur Vimpot fonder et la capitation personelle sous le bas-Empire. Paris, 1955. LOT, F. Vimpot fonder et la capitation sous le bas-empire et a Vepoquefranque. Paris, 1928. (c) The Colonate BRISSAND, J. Le regime de la terre dans la socttti itatiste du Bas-Empire. Paris, 1927. •CLAUSING, R. The Roman Colonate: the Theories of its Origin. N e w York, 1925. COIIINBT, P. 'Le colonat dans l'empire romain et "le servage'V Ricueils de la sociiti Jean Bodin, 2, 1937. COULANGES, FusTBL DE. 'Le Colonat romain', in Recherches sur quelaues Problkmes d'Histoire. Paris, 1885. GANSHOP, F. L. Antiquiti Classique, xiv (1945) 261-77. JONES, A. H. M. Past and Present, x m (1958) 1-13. PALASSB, M. Orient et Occident h propos du colonat romain au has empire. Paris, 1950. ROSTOWTZEW, M. Studien zur Geschichte des Romischen Kolonates. Leipzig, 1910. SAUMAGNE, C. Byzantion, x n (1937) 487-581. SEGRB, A. Traditio, v (1947) 103-33. (d) Land Tenure and Management AYMARD, J. 'Les capitalistes romains et la viticulture italienne*. Annales, 3 (1947), 257-65. BEANDOUIN, E. Les grandes domaines dans I'Empire romain. Paris, 1909. *BOAK, A. E. R. and YOUTIE, H. C. eds. The Archive ofAurelius Isodorus. Ann Arbor, i960.


BIBLIOGRAPHIES

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GUMMERUS, H. Der Romische Gutsbetrieb als wirtschaftlicher Organismus. Leipzig, 1906. Die Fronden der Kolonen. Helsingfors, 1907. HARMAND, L. Lepatronat. Paris, 1957. Mimas, H. L. Zur Geschichte der Erbpacht imAltertum. Leipzig, 1901. Reichsrecht und Volkrecht in den ostlichen Provinzen des Romischen Kaiserreichs. Leipzig, 1935SCHULTEN, A. Die Romischen Grundherrschaften. Weimar, 1896. WEBEH, M. Romische Agrargeschichte. Berlin, 1891. ZULUETA, F. DE. 'De Patroniis Vicorum', in Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History, 1. Oxford, 1909. IV.

REGIONAL STUDIES

The most useful guide to date of the economic aspects of the Roman provinces is An Economic Survey of Ancient Roma, edited by Tenney Frank, published in 1933-8, in Baltimore by the Johns Hopkins Press. It covers the period o f Roman rule up to approximately the middle of the fourth century A.D. In each o f the following regional biographies, the author responsible for the relevant section o f the survey will be quoted, with the standard abbreviation of the title of the survey: ESAR. (a) Eastern

Provinces

BOUCHER, E. S. Syria as a Roman Province. Blackwell, Oxford, 1916. BROUGHTON, T. R. S. 'Roman Asia', ESAR. CALDER, W . M. & K m , J. (eds.). Anatolian Studies presented to William Hepburn Bucker. Manchester, 1939. CHAPOT, V. La province romaine d'Asie. Paris, 1904. COLEMAN-NORTON, P. R. (ed.). Studies in Roman economic and social history presented to Allan Chester Johnson. Princeton, 1951. DOWNEY, G. A history ofAntioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab conquest. Princeton, 1961. HEICHELHEIM, F. 'Roman Syria', ESAR. JONES, A. H. M. Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. Oxford, 1937. The Greek city from Alexander to Justinian. Oxford, 1940. LARSBN, J. A. O. 'Roman Greece', ESAR. MAGEB, D. Roman rule in Asia minor. Princeton, PETIT, P. Libanus et la vie municipal E Antioche au IVs&cle aprhJ.C. Paris, 1955. SHAMAN, L., TADMOR, N . &EVENARI, M. The Ancient Desert Agriculture of the Negev. Ketavim, 9, (1958), 1-2. TCHALENKO, G. Villages antiques de la Syrie du nord. i-m. Paris, 1953. VoGELSTEm, H. Die Landwirtschaft in Paldstina zur Zeit der Mischna. 1. Berlin, 1894. (b) Egypt BELL, H. J. 'An epoch in the agrarian history of Egypt, in RJcueil Champollion'. Paris, 1922. GELZER, M. Studien zur Byzantinischen Verwaltung Aegyptens. Leipzig, 1909. HARDY, E. T. The large estates ofByzantine Egypt. N e w York, 1931. HoHLWEiN, N . 'Le bU d'Egypte' in Etudes de Papyrologie. JOHNSON, A. C. 'Roman Egypt', E.S.A.J?. n, Baltimore, 1936. EgYPt ""4 tne Roman Empire. Ann Arbor, University o f Michigan Press, 1951. (Jerome Lectures, 2nd series.) JOHNSON, A. C. & WBST, L. C. 'Byzantine Egypt', ESAR. 'Byzantine Egypt', Economic Studies. Princeton, 1949. JONGUBT, P. La vie municipale dans l'Egypte romaine. Paris, 1911. LEWIS, N . L'industrie du Papyrus. Paris, 1934. MILNE, J. G. A history of Egypt under Roman Rule. 3rd ed., London, 1934.


7O

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MrnMS, L. & WILCKBN, U . Grundzuge und Chrisomathie der Papyruskund. 4 vols., Leipzig, 1912. ROUILLARD, G. L. L'administation civile de L'Egypte byzantine. Paris, 1923. SCHNEBEL, M. Die Landwirtschaft in Hellenistischen Agypten. Munich, 1925. TAUBBNSCHLAG, R. The law of Greco-Roman Egypt in the light of the Papyir (332 B.C«640 A.D.). Warsaw, 1955. WALLACE, S. Taxation in Roman Egypt. From Augustus to Diocletian. Princeton, 1938. WILLCOCKS, W . & CRAIG, J. Egyptian irrigation. 2 vols., London, 1913.

(c) Africa ALBBRITNI, E. VAfrique Romaine. Paris, 1932. BAKADBZ, J. Fossatum Africae. Paris, 1949. BERNARD, A. Afrique septentrimale et occidentale. Paris, 1937-9. CHABLES-PICKAKD, G. La civilisation de L'Afrique romaine. Paris, 1959. COURTOIS, C. Les vandales et VAfrique. Paris, 1955. GAUCKLER, P. Enquete sur les installations hydrauliques romaines eu Tunisie. 3 vols., Tunis* 1897-1900. HAYWOOD, R. M . 'Roman Africa', ESAR. JULIBN, C. H. ANDRE. Histoire del'Afrique du Nord, Tunisie Algerie Maroc, Des origines a la conquete Arabe {647). Paris, 1956. NORSA, G. & VrrBLLi, M . Testi e Studi, 53: Papiro Vaticano Greco n, 1931. (A late 2nd century A.D. survey of part of Marmarica): Ministere des Travaux Publiques. Atlas des Centuriations romaines de Tunisie. Paris, 1954. ROMANEIXI, P. Storia delle province Romane dell' Africa. Rome, 1959. WARAONGTON, B. H. The North African Provinces from Diocletian to the Vandal conquest. Cambridge, 1954. (d) Italy, Sicily, Sardinia FRANK, TENNBY. ' R o m e and Italy of the Empire', ESAR. HANNESTAD, K. Le Svolution des resources agricoles de Vltalie du W au VI sikle de notre ere. Copenhagen, 1962. LUZATTO, J. An Economic History of Italy from the fall of the Roman Empire to the beginning of the sixteenth century. Translated by P. Jones, N e w York, 1961. MARBSCALCHI, A. &DALMASSO, G. Storia del vite del vino in Italia, 1 8c a. Milan, 1931-3. MBLONI, P. L'amministrazione delta Sardegna da Augusto all' invasione Vandalica. Rome, 1958. NISSEN, H . Italienische Laudeskunde. 2 vols., Berlin, 1883-1902. ROBERTIS, F. M . DB. 'La produzione agricola in Italia dalla crisi del III secolo all' eta dei Carolingi'. Ann. delta Fac. di Ec. e Comm. delta Universita di Bart, n.s. vm (1948). RUGGINI, L. (B) Economia e Societa nell' Italia 'Annonaria'. Milan, 1961. SCRAMUZZA, V. M . ' R o m a n Sicily', ESAR. SEXENI, E. Communita rurali rell' Italia antica. Rome, 1955. (e) Danubian Regions GEROV, B. Vntersuchungen uber die west Thrakischen Lander in Romischer Zeit. (In Russian with German synopsis.) Sophia, 1961. GREN, E. Kleinasien und der Ostbalken in der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der romischen Kaiserzeit. Uppsala, 1941. KAPHAN, F. Zwischen Antike und Mittelalter das Donau- Alpenland im Zeitalter St Severins. Munich, 1946. MOCKSY, A. Die Bevolkerung von Pannonien bis zu den Markomannen-Kriegen. Budapest, 1959PARVAN, V. Dacia. Cambridge, 1928. V o n , L. Raetia Latina. Quellen zur Geschichte der Romischer Donan-provinzen. Dusseldorff, 1959.


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761

(I) Spain BOUCHIKR, E. S. Spain under the Roman Empire. Blackwell, Oxford, 1914. MOHAMMED-BEN-MOHAMMED, AL IDRISI. Description de VAfrique et de I'Espagne. French

translation R. Dozy and M. J. de Goeje, Leyden, 1866. PiDAL, M. (ed.). Historia de Espana, n. Madrid, 1936. TOWNSEND, J. A Journey through Spain in the years 1786 and 1687. 2nd ed. London, 1791. VAN NOSTRAND, J. J. 'Roman Spain', ESAR. (g) Gaul BLOCH, M. Les caracteres originaux de Vhistoire ruralefrancaise.Paris, 1955; with commentary by R. Dauvergne, Paris, 1956. BROGAN, O. Roman Gaul. London, 1953. Dux, Sir SAMUEL. Roman Society in Gaul in the Merovingian Age. London, 1926. DUVAL, P-M. La vie quotidienne en Gaule pendant la paix Romaine. Paris, 1959. GRENIER, A. Manuel d'archiologie gallo-Romaine. Paris, 1931.

'La Gaule Romaine', ESAR. HATT, J. J. Histoire de la Gaule Romaine (120 B.c-451 A.D.). Paris, 1959. JUIXIAN, C. Histoire de la Gaule, vn and vm. Paris, 1926. YOUNG, A. Travels in France 1787, 1788, 1789. ed. C. Maxwell, Cambridge, 1929. Qt) Germany METTZEN, A. Siedelung und Agrarwesen der West-Germanen und Ostgermanen der Kelten, Romer, Finnen und Skaren. 3 vols., Berlin, 1895. SCHUMACHER, K. Der Ackerbau'in vorromische u. romische Zeit. 1922. (1) Britain Ordnance Survey Map of Roman Britain, 3rd edn.

AFPLEBAUM, S. Agriculture in Roman Britain. Agric. Hist. Rev., vn (1958) 66 sqq. 'The Pattern of Settlement in Roman Britain'. Agric. Hist. Rev., 3d (1963) 1 sqq. BONSER, W. Romano-British Bibliography 55 B.C.-A.D. 449. Oxford, Blackwell, 1964. COIXINGWOOD, R. G. & MYRES, J. L. N.

Roman Britain and the English Settlements.

CURWEN, E. 'Prehistoric Agriculture in Britain', Antiquity (1927), 261. GRAY, H. L. English Field Systems. Cambridge Mass., 1915. HEDBABK, H. 'Early Crops in South Britain'. Proc. Prehist. Soc. xvm (1952) 194. MANNING, W. H, "The plough in Roman Britain', JRS. 54 (1964), 54. PROTHBRO, R. E. (Lord Ernie). English Farming Past and Present. 6th ed., London, 1962. RICHMOND, I. A. Roman Britain. Penguin Books, London, 1955. (ed.): Roman and Native in North Britain. London, 1958. RIVET, A. L. F. Town and Country in Roman Britain. London, 1958. VINOGRADOFF, P. The Growth of the Manor. 3rd ed., London, 1921. C H A P T E R III

The Evolution ofAgricultural Technique I. TREATBBS ON AGRONOMY i. The Latin Agronomists

Cato the censor, Varro, Virgil, Pliny, Columella, Palladius.

.(-

ii. The Early Middle Ages .:.. The Capitulate de Villis. See Guerard, 'Explication du capitulaire "de Villis"', in Acad. des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Mimoires, xxi, 1857. On commentators see W. von Wartburg, "The localization of the Capitulare de Villis,' in Speculum, xv, 1940 and F. L. Ganshof, 'Observations sur la localisation du "Capitulare de Villis"', in Le Moyen-Age, 1949.


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WANDELBBRT OF PRUM. 'De mensium xn nomiriibus', in Mon. Germ. Poet. Lot. n. For the plants cultivated die following may be added: Anthimus, De observation ciborum, epistula ad Theudericum regent Francorum, ed. V. Rose, Lipsiae, 1877. iii. Mediterranean Europe Geoponica, she Cassiani Bassi scholastici De re rustica echgae. Ed. H. Beckh. Lipsiae, 1895. [First half of tenth century.] IBN AL AWAM. he livre de Vagriculture (Kitab al Felahah, XII' sihle). Traduit de l'arabe par J. J. C16ment Mullet. Paris, 1864-7. See L. Olson and H. L. Eddy, 'Ibn al Awan, a soil scientist of moorish Spain', in Geog. Review, 1943. PIHTRO DEI CKESCENZI. Liber cultus ntris. 1471. The composition of this work was finished in 1304. It was translated into French in 1373 by order of Charles V. Editors and translators have given it various titles—Opus ruralium commodorum, Libro dell' Agricoltura, Libro delle vtilerecce UtilitA, La livre des prouffits champestres et ruraux. See L. Savastano, Contribute allo studio critico degli scrittori agrari italic!: Pietro dei Crescenzi, Acireale, 1922 and L. Olson, 'Pietro dei Crescenzi: die founder of modern agronomy', in Agricultural History Review, 1944. iv. England Thirteenth century: WALTER OF HENLEY, La Dite de Hosebondrie and an anonymous Hosebondrie. Edited with two other treatises in Walter of Henley's Husbandry. Together with an anonymous Husbandry, Seneschaucie and Robert Grossetestes Rule's. Ed. E. Lamond. (Royal Hist. Soc. 1890.) Fleta. Ed.J. Selden. 1647. [Of litde original value.] Fifteenth century: MAYSTERJON GARDENER. The Feate of Gardeninge. Ed. A. Amherst (Mrs E. Cecil). Archaeobgia, vsy, 1895. Sixteenth century: JOHN FTTZHERBERT, TheBoke ofHusbandrye, 1523. Ed. W. W. Skeat. (English Dialect Soc. 1882.) See HARVEY, W. 'Walter of Henley and die old Fanning', in Agriculture, 59, 1952-3. MACDONALD, D. Agricultural Writers from Sir Walter Henley to A. Young, 1200-1800, London, 1908, and Eileen Power, 'On die need for a new edition of Walter of Henley', in TRHS. 4th. series, xvn, 1934. OSCHINSKY, D. 'Medieval Treatises on estate Management', inEcHR. 2nd ser. vm, 1956. RICHARDSON, H. G. and SAYLBS, G. O. Fleta, vol. n, 1956. (Selden Society Publications, vol. 72). v. France BRIE, JEHAN DE. Le bon berger ou le vray regime et gouvemement des bergers et berghes. Ed. Paul Lacroix. Paris, 1879. [This treatise, which was written in 1379 by order of Charles V. is known to us only in an abridged version printed in die first half of die sixteenth century.] CROHORY, J. Devis sur la vigne, vin et vendanges. Paris, 1550. BSTIENNB, CH. Praedium rusticum. Lutetiae, 1554. Vagriculture et la Maison Rustique. Paris, 1564. Le Menagier de Paris. Traiti de Morale et d'Economie Domestique, composi vers 1393 par un Bourgeois Parisien. Ed. J. Pichon. (Soc. des Bibliophiles francais. Paris, 1846.) English translation (abridged, widi introd. and notes) by Eileen Power, The Goodman of Paris, London, 1928. SERRBS, OLIVIER DE. Thiitre a"agriculture et Mesnage des Champs. Paris, 1600. vi. Germany HBRBSBACHIUS (Conrad Hertzbach). Rei rusticae libri quatuor, universam rusticam disciplinam complectentes. Cologne, IS71.


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II. PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS

References will be found conveniently in: MILLAR, E. G. English Illuminated Manuscripts of the Twelfth to Thirteenth Centuries, Paris, 1926, and English Illuminated Manuscripts of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Paris, 1928. See also LB SENECAL, J. 'Les occupations des mois dans l'iconographie du Moyen-Age', in Bulletin de la Sociiti des Antiauaires de Normandie, xxxv, 1924. The Luttrell Psalter. With introduction by E. G. Millar. 1932. WEBSTER, J. C. ' The Labors of the Months in antique and mediaeval Art to the End of the Twelfth Century', Princeton Monographs in Art and Archaeology, 1938. STERN, H. 'Representations gallo-romaines des mois', in Gallia, LX, 1951. 'Poesies et representations carolingiennes et byzantines des mois', in Revue Archiologique, XLV, 19$$. III. GENERAL WORKS

It is impossible to list all the general works pertinent to this subject and to do so would involve a repetition of die bibliographies of other chapters. But the following works will more particularly be useful: BELBNYBSY, M. 'Der Ackerbau und seine Produkte in Ungarn im xiv. Jahrhundert', in Ada Ethnogr. Ac. Sc. Hung., wi, 1957. CUSWEN, E. C. Plough and Pasture. London, 1946. FORBES, R.J. Studies in ancient technology. Leyde, 6 vols., 1955-8. GRAND, R. and DBLATOUCHB, R. Vagriculture au Moyen Age de la fin de VEmpire romain au XVI' sikk. Paris, 1950. Historia Agriculturae, annual bibliography, from 1953, Dutch Institute for agricultural History, Groningen and Agricultural University at Wageningen. KRZYMOWSKI, R. G. Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft. 2 Auf., 1951. LntDEMANS, P. Geschiedenis van de landbow in Belgie. Antwerp, 1952. SIICHER VAN BATH, B. H. "The rise of intensive husbandry in the Low Countries, in Britain and in the Netherlands', Papers delivered to the Oxford-Netherlands historical conference 1959, ed. by J. S. Bromley and E. H. Kossmann, London, i960. De agrarische geschiedenis van West-Europa, (500-1850). 2nd ed. Utrecht, 1962. STBENSBERG, A. 'Modern Research of agrarian History in Denmark', in Laos, Uppsala, 1951IV. MONOGRAPHS

Among the most recent or least-known works the following are particularly worthy of note: A BRUNO, M. G. H lessico agricolo latino e le sue continuazioni romanze, Iiistituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere, Milan, 1958. —— Apporti dalle glosse alia conoscenza del lessico agricolo latino, Inst. Lomb. di Sc. e Let., Milan, 1959. COLIN, G. S. 'La noria marocaine et les machines hydrauliques dans le monde arabe', in HespMs, xrv, 1932. DRACHMANN, A. G. Ancient Oil Mills and Presses, Copenhagen, 1932. DUBY, G. "Techniques et rendements agricoles dans les Alpes du Sud en 1338*, in Annales du Midi, 1958. JASNY, N . The Wheats ofclassical Antiquity,Johns Hopkins University Studies in historical and political Science, Baltimore, 1944. KOLBNDO, J. 'Z problematyki rozwoju rolnictwa w Galii rzymskiej', in Przeglad Historyczny, t. 51, translated with abridged footnotes: 'Techniques rurales. La moissonneuse antique en Gaule romaine', in Annales E.S.C. i960).


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LUQUET, G. H. and RIVBT, P. 'Sur le tribulum', in Melanges Jorga, 1933.

PAKAIN, CH. 'Das Problem der tatsachlichen Verbreitung del technischen Foitschritte in der romischen Landwirtschaft', in Zeitschriftjur Geschkhtswissenschaft, i960. SCHEUERMHER, P. Bauernwerk in Italien, der italienischen und rdtoromanischen Schweiz,

2 vols., Ziirich, 1943 and 1956. SCLAFBRT, T H . 'Usages agraires dans les regions proven9ales avant le xvm* siede. Les assolements', in Revue de Giographie alpine, 1941.

'Cultures en Haute Provence. Ddboisements et paturages au Moyen age', Les homtnes et la tare, rv, Paris, 1959. SERENI, E. Storia delpaesaggio agrario italiano. Bari, 1961.

SICASO, G. 'Les techniques rurales en pays toulousain aux xrv* et xv* siedes d'apres les contests de mdtayage' in Annales du Midi, 1959. SBRGUBBNKO, M. E. 'Sur l'economie rurale de FItalie antique' (en russe) in Vestnik Drevnej Istorii, 1953, 3.

WIELOWIBJSKI, J. 'Development of agriculture in polish territories at the period of contacts Math the Celtic and Roman culture', in Ergon, vol. n, i960. B BEiiNYESY, M. 'La culture permanente et revolution du systeme biennal et triennal en Hongrie m£di6vale\ in Ergon, vol. n, i960. BISHOP, T. A. M. "The rotation of crops at Westerham, 1297-1350", in EcHR. 2nd ser., 9,1958-9JUIIXARD, E., MEYNIER, A., DB PLANHOL, X., and SAUTTER, G. 'Structures agraires et

paysages ruraux. Un quart de siecle de recherches franchises', Annales de I'Est, publiees par la Facult6 des Lettres de l'Universite de Nancy, M6moire no. 17,1957. RODERICK, A. J. 'Openfield Agriculture in Herefordshire in the Middle Ages', in Trans. Woolhope Nat. Field Club, 33, 1949.

SCHRODER-LEMBKE, G. 'Enstehung und Verbreitung der Mehrfeldwirtschaft in Nordost Deutschland', in ZAA. 1954. VERHULST, A. 'Bijdragen tot de studie van de agrarische structuur in het Vlaamse land. Het probleem van de verdwijning van de braak in de Vlaamse landbouw (xn*xvn* eeuw)', in Naturwetenschappelijk tijdschrift, 1956.

'Probleme der mittelalterlichen Agrarlandschaft in Flandern', in ZAA. 1961. C Agrarethnographie, Institut fiir deutsche Volkskunde, Berlin, 1957. FINBERG, H. P. R. "The Domesday plough-team', in EHR. 1951. HAUDRICOURT, A. G. andjEAN-BRUNHES DELAMARRE, M. L'homme et la charrue. Paris,

I955LEE, N . E. Harvests and Harvesting through the ages. Cambridge, 1959.

LENNARD, R. "The composition of demesme plough-teams in xnth century England', in EHR. 1959. PAKAIN, CH. 'Les anciennes techniques agricoles', in Revue de Synthise, 1957. PAYNB, F. G. "The British plough: some stages in its development', in The agricultural History Review, 1957.

PoDwriisKA, Z. 'Origines et propagation de la charrue sur les territoires polonais', in Ergon, vol. n, i960. SACH, F. 'Ridlo'

et 'pluh' en pays tchtcoslovaque. I. Les plus vieux outils (en tchique).

Prague, 1961. SUCHER VAN BATH, B. H. "The influence of economic conditions on the development of

agricultural tools and machines in history', in Studies, in industrial economics, vol. n: Mechanization in agriculture, i960. STEENSBERG, A. Ancient harvesting Implements. Copenhagen, 194.3. TIMM, A. 'Zur Geschichte der Erntegerate', in ZAA. 1956.

VAN DER POBL, J. M. G. 'Middeleeuwse ploegen in de Nederlanden', in Handelingen van het XXIV' Vlaams Filologencongres, Louvain, 1961.


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D BASSERMANN-JORDAN, F. Geschichte des Weinbaues. Frankfurt-am-Main, 1907. CHEVALIER, A. 'Histoire et amelioration des pommiers et specialement des pommiers a cidre', in Revue de Botanique appliquie, 1921. DION, R. Histoire de la vigne et du vin en France des origines au XIX' sikle. Paris, 1959. GIBAULT, G. Histoire des Ugumes. Paris, 1912. HAUDBICOUHT, A. G. and HEDIN, L. L'homme et lesplantes cultivees, Paris, 1943. PARAIN CH. ' Vorindustrielle Pressen und Keltern und ihre Verbreitung in Westeuropa', in Deutches Jahrbuchfiir Volkskunde, n, 1962. SANGERS, W. J. De ontwikkeling van de Nederlandse tuinbouw (tot het jam 1930). 1952. E DEVEZE, M. 'LA vie de la foret franchise au xvr9 siecle', Les hotnmes et la terre, vi, 2 vols. Paris, 1961. FOURNIBR, G. 'La vie pastorale au Moyen Age dans les Monts Dore', in Melanges Philippe Arbos, Clermont-Ferrand, 1953. HUNGER, V. Un haras royal en Normandie (1338). Paris, 1927. JACOBETT, W. 'Schafhaltung und Schafer in Zentraleuropa bis zum Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts', Verqffentlichungen des Institutsfur deutsche Volkskunde, Bd. 2$, Berlin, 1961. LENNARD, R. 'Statistics of sheep in medieval England', in Agricultural History Review, 1959STOLZ, O. 'Beitrage zur Geschichte der alpinen Schwaighofe', in VSWG. 1932. TROW-SMTTH, R. A history ofBritish livestock husbandry to 1700. London, 1957. CHAPTER IV

Agrarian Institutions of the Germanic Kingdoms from the Fifth to the Ninth Century A revision of the bibliography of the First Edition, by ECKART SCHREMMER I. GENERAL

• : { I

I \

ABEL, W. Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft. Stuttgart, 1962. Add und Bauern im deutschen Stoat des Mittelalters. MAYER, TH. (Editor). Leipzig, 1943. AUBIN, H. Vom Altertum zum Mittelalter. Munich, 1949. BAAKEN, G. Konigtum, Burgen, Konigsfreie. Constance-Stuttgart, 1961. BADER, K. S. 'Staat und Bauerntum im deutschen Mittelalter', in Add und Bauern im deutschen Staat des Mittelalters, edited by Th. Mayer. Leipzig, 1943. BECKER-DIIXINGEN, J. Quellen und Urkunden zur Geschichte des deutschen Bauern, Urzeit bis Ende der Karolingerzeit. Berlin, 1935. VON BELOW, G. 'Die Haupttatsachen der alteren deutschen Agrargeschichte', in Probleme der Wirtschqftsgeschichte, 2nd edition. Tubingen, 1926. Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft des Mittelalters in ihren Grundzugen, aus dent Nachlass, edited by F. LUtge, 1937. BdCKENFORDE, E. W . Die deutsche verfassungsgeschichtliche Forschung im 19. Jahrhundert. Berlin, 1961. BOSCH-INEICHEN. 'Die Konigsfreien von Emmen/Luzem', in Aus Verfassungs- und Landesgeschichte, Festchrift fur Th. Mayer. Lindau-Constance, 1954. BOG, I. Dorgemeinde, Freiheit und Unfreiheit in Franken. Stuttgart, 1956. BOSL,K. 'Freiheit und Unfreiheit; zur Entwicklung der Unterschichten in Deutschland und Frankreich wahrend des Mittelalters', in VSWG. 144, 1957. 'Staat, Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft im deutschen Mittelalter' in Gebhardt Handbuch der deutschen Geschichte, 8th edition. Stuttgart, 1954. Die FrUhformen der Gesellschaft im mittelalterlichen Europa. Miinchen, 1964.


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Thtiringens. Wiirzburg, 1909. GR5SSLER, H. 'Die Besiedlung der Gaue Friesenfeld und Hassegau', in Zeitschrift des Harz-Vereinsfur Geschichte und Altertutnskunde, vm, Wernigerode, 1875. HoraR, P. 'Die Frankenherrschaft in den Harzlandschaften', in Ibid. XL, Wernigerode, 1907. 'Die sachsische Legende zum thuringisch-frankischen Kriege', in Zeitschrift des Vereinsfiir Thuringische Geschichte und Altertutnskunde, xxv, Jena, 1906-7. KOTZSCHKB, R. * Thiiringen in der deutschen Siedlungsgeschichte', in Festschrift A. Title, 1930. LUTGB, F. 'Die Hufe in der thiiringisch-hessischen Agrarverfassung der Karolingerzeit', in Schmollers Jahrbuch 61, 1937. MASCHKE, E. ' Thtiringen in der Reichsgeschichte', in Zeitschrift des Vereinsfiir thuringische Geschichte und Altertutnskunde, Series 32, 1937. MENTZ, G. Einjahrhundert Thuringische Geschichtsforschung, Bibliographic Jena, 1937. ROTTSTADT, V. 'Besiedlung und Wirtschaftsverfassung des Thuringer Waldes*, in Stoats- und sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungen, part 179, ed. G. Schmoller and M. Sering, Munich and Leipzig, 1914. SCHATTE, W . Die thiiringischen Siedlungsnamen in ihre Bedeutungfiir die altdeutsche Landesund Volkskunde. (Thesis.) Halle, 1905. ScHLUETER, O. Die Siedelungen in nordostlichem Thiiringen. Berlin, 1903. SCHNEIDER, F. and TUJLE, A. Einfiihrung in die Thuringische Geschichte. Jena, 1931. SCHRODER, E. 'Ober Ortsnamenforschung', in Zeitschrift des Harz-Vereinsfur Geschichte und Altertutnskunde, XL, Wernigerode, 1907. WBRNEBURG, A. 'Die Namen der Ortschaften und Wiistungen Thtiringens', in Jahrbiicher der Koniglichen Akademie gemeinnutziger Wissenschaften zu Erfurt, N e w Series, xn, Erfurt, 1884. WuTSCHKE, J. Beitrdge zur Siedlungskunde des nordlichen subharzynischen Hugellandes. (Thesis.) Halle, 1907. XI.

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BAUER, A. Gau und Gesellschqft der Alemannen. Ein Beitrag zur Verfassungsgeschichte der Alemannen. Stuttgart, 1927. ERNST, V. Die Entstehung des deutschen Grundeigentums. Stuttgart, 1926. HELBOK, A. 'Die deutschen Weiler-Orte', in Mitteilungen des Osterreichischen Institutsfiir Geschichtsforschung, xi, Innsbruck, 1929. 'Zur friiheren Wirtschafts- und Kulturgeschichte des alemannischen Raumes', in Zeitschriftfiir die Geschichte des Ober-Rheins, N e w Series, XLV, Carlsruhe, 1931. ' Sippensiedlung und Grundherrschaft', in Deutsche Hefte fiir Volks- und Kulturbodenforschung, n, Breslau, 1932. 'Zur Frage der germanischen Wirtschaftskultur', in VSWG. xxn, 1929. KLUGE, F. 'Sippen-Siedlungen und Sippennamen', in VSWG. vi, 1908. MAURBR, F. Oberrheiner, Schwaben, Sudalemannen. Raume und Krdfte im geschichtlichen Aufbau des deutschen Sudwestens, 1942. STBINBACH, F. Studien zur westdeutschen Stammes- und Volksgeschichte. Jena, 1926. VBECK, W . Die Alamannen in Wurttemberg. Germanische Denkmdler der Volkerwanderungzeit, 1. Stuttgart, 1921. 'Die Reihengrabertriedhofe des fruhen Mittelalters und die historische Forschung', in Romish-Germanische Kommission, 16th Report, Frankfort-on-Main, 1927. WAIG, G. J. Die Alamannen in ihrer Auseinandersetzung mit der romischen Welt, Volume I. 2nd edition. 1943.


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BARGKR, E. "The Problem of Roman Survivals in Germany', in EHR. 1, London, 1935. BOSL, K. Geschkhte Bayems, Volume 1. Vorzeit und Mittelalter. Munich, 1952. DACHS, H. 'Sippensiedlung oder Grundherrschaft', in Korrespondenzblatt des Gesamtuereins der deutschen Geschichts- und Altertumsvereine, ixxvm, Berlin, 1930. 'Romisch-germanische Zusammenhange in der Besiedlung und den Verkehrswegen Altbayerns', in Die Ostbairischen Grenzmarken (Verein fur Ostbairische Heimatforschung), Passau, 1924. DOEBERL, M. Entwicklungsgeschichte Bayerns. 3 volumes. Munich, 1916-28-31. DOIXINGBR, P. L'Evolution des classes rurales en Bavibe. Paris, 1949. ETTMAYBR, K. VON. 'Die Geschichtlichen Grundlagen der Sprachenverteilung in Tirol', in Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung, rx, Innsbruck, 1913-15FASTUNGER, M. Die wirtschaftHche Bedeutung der bayerischen Kloster in der Zeit der Agilolfinger. Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1903. GUTMANN, F. Soziale Gliederung der Bayem zur Zeit des Volksrechtes. Strasbourg, 1906. RDJTZLBR, S. Geschkhte Bayerns. 8 volumes. Gotha, 1887-1914. Volume 1 and 2. 2nd edition, 1927; Register, 1932. RmzLEH, S. 'DieLandnahmederBaiuwaren', in Sitzmgsberkhte der Bayerischen Akademie, xvi, Munich, 1921. SCHIFFMANN, C. Das Land ob der Enns. Munich and Berlin, 1922. WEBER, F. 'Beitrage zur Anthropologie und Urgeschichte Bayerns', in Munchener Gesellschaftfur Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, xrv, 1901-2. XIII. THE CAROUNGIAN EMPIRE

ARBMAN, H. Schweden und das Karolingische Reich. Stockholm, 1937. BAIST, G. 'Zur Interpretation der Brevium Exempla und des Capitulare de Villis', in VSWG. xn, 1914. BALDAUF, O. Das karolingische Rekhsgut in Unterratien. Innsbruck, 1930. BLOCH, M. 'L'origine et la date du capitulare de Villis', in RH. cxua, Paris, 1923. BOSL, K. Franken um 800. Munich, 1959. DANNENBAUER, J. 'Politik und Wirtschaft in der altdeutschen Kaiserzeit' in Festschrift fiirj. Holler, 1940. DOPSCH, A. Die Wirtschaftsentwicklung der Karolingerzeit. 2 parts. 2nd ed. Wiemar, 1921-2.

' Carlomagno y el " Capitulare de Villis",' in Anuario de Historia del derecho espanol, n, Madrid, 1925. Naturalwirtschaft und Geldwirtschaft in der Weltgeschichte. Vienna, 1930. 'Freilassung und Wirtschaft im friihen Mittelalter', in Festskrift til Halvdan Koht, Oslo, 1933. DUMAS, A. 'Quelques observations sur la grande et la petite proprie'te' a l'epoque carolingienne', in Revue Historique de droitfrancais et itrangers, 1926. EISNER, W. Zur Entstehung des Capitulare de Villis. (Thesis.) Kiel, 1929. GARQS, K. Die Landguterordnung Karls des Grossen. Berlin, 1895. KOTZSCHKB, R. 'Karl der Grosse als Agrarpolitiker'.in FestschriftfiirE. Stengel. MiinsterCologne, 1952. HAUPTMANN, L. 'Hufengrossen im bayrischen Stammes- und Kolonialgebiete', in VSWG. xxi, 1928. LOT, F. 'La grandeur desfiscsa l'epoque carolingienne', in RB. m, 1924. LUTGE, F. Die Agrarverfassung desfiiihenMittelalters im mitteldeutschen Raum vornehmlkh in der Karolingerzeit. Jena, 1937. 'Hufe und Mansus in den mitteldeutschen Quellen der Karolingerzeit', in VSWG. 30,1937-


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MAYBR, T. 'Zur Entstehung des Capitulare de Villis', in VSWG. xvn, 1924. • 'Hufe und Mansus in den mitteldeutschen Quellen der Karolingerzeit', in VSWG., 30, 1937METZ, W. 'Reichsadel und Krongutsverwaltung in Karolingischer Zeit', in Blatter fur deutsche Landesgeschichte, 94, 1958. Das Karolingische Reichsgut. Berlin, i960. PATZELT, E. 'Die karolingische Renaissance', in Deutsche Kultur. Historische Reihe, I, ed. W. Brecht and A. Dopsch, Vienna, 1924. Die fidnkische Kultur und der Islam. (Veroffentlichungen des Seminars fiir Wirtschafts- und Kulturgeschichte an der Universitat Wien. Ed. A. Dopsch, iv.) Vienna, 1932. PIRENNB, H. Mahomet et Charlemagne. Paris and Brussels, 1937. [Translation, Bernard Miall, London, 1939.] RANZI, F. Kdnigsgut und Konigsforst im Zeitalter der Karolinger und Ludolfinger und ihre Bedeutungfiir Landesausbau. Halle/Saale, 1939. STEDJITZ, B. 'Die Organisation und Gruppierung der Krongiiter unter Karl dem Grossen, VSWG., 9, 1913. TBIXHNBACH, G. 'Vom Karolingischen Reichsadel zum deutschen Reichsfttrstenstand', in Add und Bauem im deutschen Stoat des Mittelalters, edited by Th. Mayer. Leipzig, 1943THOMPSON, J. W. The dissolution ofthe Carolingian Fisc in the ninth century. University of California Publications in History 23, Berkeley and London, 1935. VBRHEIN, K. 'Studien zu den Quellen zum Reichsgut der Karolingerzeit', in Deutsches Archiufiir Erforschung des Mittelalters 10, 1953-54. VOGBL, W. Die Normannen und dasfrdnkischeReich bis zur Griindung der Normandie (799-911)- Heidelberg, 1906. CHAPTER V

Agrarian Conditions in the Byzantine Empire in the Middle Ages I. SOURCES

Akty russkogo na sv. Afone monastyrja sv. velikomutenika i celitelja Pantekjmona [Documents of the Russian monastery of the holy martyr and healer Panteleimon on Mt Athos]. Kiev, 1873. ASHBUBNER, W. "The Farmer's Law', in Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxx (1910), 85-108; xxxn (1912), 68-95. 'A Byzantine Treatise of Taxation', in ibid, xxxv (1915), 76-84. New edition: Dolger, F. Beitrage zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanzverwaltung (1927), 11323. BEES, N. A. SepfiiKa. KOU. jSuJovrioKd ypdiifiara Merewpov [Serbian and Byzantine documents from the Monastery of Meteora], in Bvlamis n (1911-2), 1-100. BOMPAIRE, J. Actes de Xhopotamore. Paris, 1964. CHONIATES, MICHAEL. 'Hypomnestikon', in Migne, P.G. CXL, 377-82. New edition: Stadtmiiller, G. Michael Chomiates (1934), 283-6. Chronicle ofMorea, ed. John Schmitt. London, 1904. DOLGER, F. AUS den Schatzkammem des Heiligen Berges. Munich, 1948. 'Sechs byzantinische Praktika des 14. Jahrhunderts fur das Athoskloster Iberon', in Abh. d. Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss., Philos-hist. Klasse, N.F. 28. Munich, 1949. FLOWNSKIJ, T. Afonskie akty [Documents from Athos]. St Petersburg, 1880. FOUKMY, M. H. and LBROY, M. 'La vie de Philarete', in Byzantion, vs. (1934), 85-170. GOUDAS, M. BvlamaKa eyypwfia rrjs ev "AB

BIBLIOGRAPHIES CHAPTER VII

Medieval Agrarian Society in its Prime § i. F R A N C E , T H E L O W C O U N T R I E S A N D W E S T E R N GERMANY The aim of the following bibliography is merely to enable readers who desire to extend their knowledge of the subject to find their way about. Thus the sources for the history of the great estate in Western Europe from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries are not listed and only secondary authorities are given, since the latter contain all the necessary information as to sources. To this rule four exceptions have been made: the Polyptyque de I 'abbi Iminon, with the famous prolegomena to its edition by Benjamin Guerard, which are essential even for the period covered by this chapter; the Livre de Vabbi Cuillaume de Rijckel, with a notable introduction to its edition by Henri Pirenne; the 'Veil Rentier' de messire Jehtm de Pamele-Audenarde, edited with an introduction by

L. Verriest; and the work of Suger, abbot of Saint-Denis, Liber de rebus in administratione sua gestis, which has been referred to several times. This procedure appears to conform to the spirit governing the present volume. I. GENERAL WORKS

A. Europe in General DUBY, G. L'iconomie rurale et la vie des campagnes dans V'Occident midihal. 2 vols. Paris, 1962. Giographie et Histoire agraires. Actes du colloque international de Nancy. Nancy, 1959. GRAND, R. and DELATOUCHE, R. Uagriculture au moyen age, de la fin de Vempire romain au XVI' sihle. Paris, 1950. KSTZSCHKE, R. Wirtschqftsgeschichte des Mittelalters. Jena, 1924. KUXISCHER, J. Allgemeine Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Mittelalters u. der Neuzeit, 1. Munich

and Berlin, 1928. LATOUCHE, R. Les origines de l'iconomie occidentale, IV'-XI' sticks. Paris, 1956. SUCHER VAN BATH, B. H. De agrarische geschiedenis van West-Europa (500-1850).

Utrecht-Antwerp, i960. B. Germany ABEL, W . Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft vomjruhen Mittelalter bis zum

ip.Jahr-

hundert. Stuttgart, 1962. LOTGE, F. Geschichte der deutschen Agrarverfassung vom fiuhen Mittelalter bis zum 12.

Jahrhundert. Stuttgart, 1963. VON BELOW, G. 'Agrargeschichte', in Elster, Weber, Wiesen, Handworterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 4,1, Jena, 1923. Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft des Mittelalters in ihren Grundzugen, ed. F.

Ltitge. Jena, 1937. [A posthumous work.] VON INAMA STEBNEGG, K. T. Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte, n and m, 1. Leipzig, 1897-9.

WrrncH, W. 'Epochen der deutschen Agrargeschichte', in Grundriss der Sozialokonomik, vn, Tubingen, 1922. C. France BLOCH, M. Les caracteres originaux de Vhistoire rurale francaise, 2nd ed. vol. 1, Paris, 1952.

vol. n (Supplement etabli par R. Dauvergne, d'apres les travaux de l'auteur). Paris, 1956. GUBHARD, B. Polyptyque de Vabbi Irminon ou Dinombrement des manses, des serfs et des revenus de I'abbaye de Saint-Germain-des-Prh sous le rlgne de Charlemagne, publii avec des Proligomines, 1. Paris, 1844.


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79I

JUILLARD, E. and MEYNIER, A. Structures agraires et paysages ruraux. Un quart de sikle de recherchesfrancaises. Nancy, 1957. LIZERAND, G. Le regime rural de I'ancienne France. Paris, 1942. SEE, H. Les classes rurales et le regime domanial en France au tnoyen age. Paris, 1901. D . Holland KIERMEYER, J. F. De wording van onze volkshuishouding. Hoqfdlijnen uit de econotnische geschiedenis der noordelijke Nederlanden in de Middekeuwen. The Hague, 1946. II. WOHKS ON SPECIAL REGIONS

A. Germany DOBERL, M. Die Grundherrschaft in Bayem vom 10. bis lj.Jahrhundert. (Forschungen zur Geschichte Bayerns, xn, 1904.) DOLLINGER, PH. Livolution des classes rurales en Baviire depuis lafinde Vipoque carolingienne jusqu'au milieu du XIII' siicle. Strasbourg, 1949. Cp. Perrin, Ch.-E., 'Les classes rurales en Baviere au moyen age', (RH. 1952). DOPSCH, A. Herrschaft und Bauer in der deutschen Kaiserzeit. Jena, 1939. LAMPRECHT, K. Deutsches Wirtschaftsleben im Mittelalter. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1886. [Deals particularly with the Mosel region.] TIMM, A. Studien zur Siedlungs- und Agrargeschichte Mitteldeutschlands. Cologne-Graz, 1956. WrrncH, W . Die Grundherrschaft in Nordwestdeutschland. Leipzig, 1896. B. Belgium GENICOT, L. L'iconomie rurale namuroise au bos moyen age (ng^-1420). 1. La seigneurie fonciire. Namur, 1943. n. Les hommes. La noblesse. Louvain, i960. LINDEMANS, P. Geschiedenis van de landbouw in Belgie. 2 vols. Antwerp, 1952. [Deals with agricultural technique.] MAREZ, G. DES. Le problime de la colonisation jranque et du regime agrahre en Belgique. Brussels, 1926. [The second part of the volume relates to our subject, dealing with Flanders and Brabant.] VERHULST, A. 'En basse et moyenne Belgique pendant le haut moyen Sge: differents types de structure domaniale et agraire', in Annales ESC. 1956. 'Probleme der mittelalterlichen Agrarlandschaft in Flandern', in Zeitschrift fur Agrargeschichte, 1961. 'L'evolution geographique de la plaine maritime flamande au moyen Sge', in Revue de I'Universiti de Bruxelles, 1-2,1962-3. VERWEST, L. Le rigime seigneurial dans le comti de Hainaut du IX' siicle a la Revolution. Louvain, 1916-7. [Very well documented.]

• i \ ' ; '• : I

C. France BEECH, G. T. Rural Society in Medieval France. The GStine ofPoiton in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Baltimore, 1964. BOUTRUCHE, R. Une socittt provinciate en hate centre le rigime fiodal. L'alleu en Bordelais et en Bazadais, du XI' au XVIII' siicle. Rodez, 1947. BRUTAILS, J. A. Etude sur la condition des populations rurales du Roussillon au moyen age. Paris, 1891. CARABIE, R. La propriiti fondire dans le tris ancien droit normand (XI'-XIII' siicles), I: La propriiti domaniale. Caen, 1943. DELEAGB, A. La vie rurale enBourgogne jusqu'au dibutdu XI' siicle. 3 vols. Macon, 1941. DELISLE, L. Etudes sur la condition de la classe agricole et I'itat de Vagriculture en Normandie au moyen age. Evreux, 1851. DUBLED, H. 'Administration et exploitation des terres de la seigneurie rurale en Alsace aux xr* et xn* siedes', in VSWG. i960.


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DUBY, G. La soditi aux XI' et XII' siicles dans la region melconnaise. Paris, 1959.

FEUCHERB, P. 'Le de'fnchement des forets en Artois du rx* au a t f siecle', in Bull. Soc. Antiquaires de la Morinie, xvm, 1952. FOURNIBR, G. Le peuplement rural en Basse Auvergne durant le haut moyen age. Paris, 1962.

' Notes sur l'histoire du Brivadois. Le peuplement de la region de Lamothe durant le haut moyen age', in Almanack de Brioude, 1964. HIGOUNBT, C. ' Observations sur la seigneurie rurale et l'habitat en Rouergne du nc' au

xrv" siecle', in Annales du Midi, 1950. LATOUCHB, R. 'Agrarzustande im westlichen Frankreich wahrend des Hochmittelal-

ters', in VSWG. xxrx, 1936. ' Un aspect de la vie rurale dans le Maine au xi* et au xn* siecle. L'etablissement des bourgs', in Le Moyen Age, 1937. 'Defrichement et peuplement rural dans le Maine du rx* au xn* siecle*, in Le Moyen Age, 1948MUSSET, L. 'Note pour servir d'introduction a l'histoire fonciere de la Normandie. Les domaines de l'6poque franque et les destinees du regime domanial du rx* au xi* siecle', in Bulletin de la Soditi des Antiquaires de Normandie, x n x , 1942-5. NEWMAN, W . M. Le domaine royal sous les premiers Capitiens, 978-1180. Paris, 1937. PERMN, C. E. Recherches sur la seigneurie rurale en Lorraine d'apris les plus anciens censiers.

Paris, 1935. [Of capital importance.] Cp. M. Bloch, 'La seigneurie lorraine. Critique des temoignages et problemes d'evolution', in AHES. vn, 1935. 'Esquisse d'une histoire de la tenure rurale en Lorraine au moyen age', in Recueils de la Soditi Jean Bodin, m, 1938. SCLAFERT, T. Le Haut-Dauphini au moyen age. Paris, 1926. Cp. R. Latouche, under the

same tide, in Annales de VUniversiti de Grenoble, v, 1928, and H. Nabholz, 'Eine Eidgenossenschaft in der Dauphine'', in Festgabefiir Bundesarchivar Heinrich Turler,

Berne, 1931. Cultures en Haute-Provence. Diboisements etpdturages au moyen age. Paris, 1959. STHAYER, J. REESE. The royal domain in the bailliage of Rouen. Princeton, 1936. TUUPPB, O. L'habitat rural en Seine-et-Oise. Essai de giographie du peuplement. Liege,

1934. Cp. M. Bloch, 'Les paysages agraires. Essai de mise au point', in AHES. vm, 1936. III. MONOGRAPHS

A. Germany

BEYERLB, K. 'Die Grundherrschaft der Reichenau', in Die Kultur der Reichenau, 1,

Munich, 1925. GOTHEIN, E. 'Die Hofverfassung auf dem Schwarzwald dargestellt von der Geschichte des Gebietes von Sankt Peter', in Zeitschriftfiir Geschichte des Oberrheines, 1886.

KAIXBN, G. 'Altenberg als Zisterzienserkloster in seiner Stellung zur Kirche u. zum Reich', in Jahrbuch des Kb'lnischen Geschichtsvereins, xvm, 1936. [Only a few passages

deal with economic history.] KOTZSCHKE, R. Studien zur Verwaltungsgeschichte der Grossgrundherrschaft Werden an der

Ruhr. Leipzig, 1901. B. Belgium

BONENFANT, P. 'La notice de donation du domaine de Leeuw a l'eglise de Cologne et

le probleme de la colonisation saxonne en Brabant', in RB. xiv, 1935. D'HABNBNS, A. L'abbaye de Saint-Martin de Toumai de 1290 h 1350. Louvain, 1961.

DUBY, G. 'La structure d'une grande seigneurie flamande a la fin du xm* siecle', in Bibl. Ecole des Chartes, 1956.

GANSHOF, F. L. 'Une 6tape de la decomposition de l'organisation domaniale classique a l'abbaye de Saint-Trond', in Vidbation archiologique et historique de Belgique.

Congres de Liege, 1932; Annales, fesc. 4, 1934. HANSAY, A. Etude sur la formation et l'organisation iconomique du domaine de Saint-Trond depuis les origines jusqu' h la fin du XIII' slide. Ghent, 1899.


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HOEBANX, J. J. L'abbaye de Nivelles des origines au XIV' sihle. Brussels, 1952. 'Documents relatifs aux " C o n e r i e s " de l'abbaye de Nivelles. Contribution a l'etude des reserves domaniales' in Bulletin de la Commission Royale d'Histoire (Brussels), cxxix, 1963. LAMY, H. L'abbaye de Tongerloo depuis safondationjusqu'en 1263. Louvain, 1914. Mms, L. ' D e abdy ran Ename in de Middeleeuwen', Handelingen der Maatschappy voor Geschiedemis en Oudheidkunde te Gent, 1961. MOREAU, E. DB, S. J. L'abbaye de Villers en Brabant aux XII' et XIII' siicles. Brussels,

1909. PIRENNB, H. Le livre de I'abbi Guillaume de Rijckel (1249-1272). Polyptyque et comptes de l'abbaye de Saint-Trond au milieu du XIII' sihle. Ghent, 1896. SIMENON, G. Lorganisation iconomique de l'abbaye de Saint-Trond depuis la fin du XIII' sihle jusqu'au courant du XVII'. Brussels, 1912. SOENS, E. ' H e t domein der Praemonstratenzer abdij van Ninove', in Analecta Praemonstratensia, 1928. VANDERVEEGHDB, D . Le domaine du Val Saint-Lambert de 1202 a 1387. Paris, 1955. VBRHUIST, A. E. De Sint-Baafsabdij te Gent en hoar grondbezit. (VII'-XIV eeuw). Brussels, 1958. [With a resum6 in French.] VBRRIEST, L. Le polyptyque ilhtstri dit 'Veil Rentier' de messire Jehan de Pamele-Audenarde (vers 1275). Brussels, 1950 [with a notable introduction]. WARICHEZ, J. L'abbaye deLobbes depuis les origines jusqu'en 1200. Louvain, 1928. C. France BRUHAT, L. De administratione tenarum Sanctonensis abbatiae, 1047-1220. La Rochelle,

1901. COOPLAND, C. W . The abbey of Saint-Bertin and its neighbourhood, 900-1350.

Oxford,

1914. DAVID, M. Le patrimoine fonder de Viglise de Lyon de 984 <J 1267. Lyon, 1942. DIDIER, N . Etude sur le patrimoine de I 'iglise cathidrale de Grenoble du X' au milieu du XII' sikle. Grenoble, 1936. D O M DU BOURG. L'abbaye de Saint-Germain-des-Prh au XIV' siecle. (M&n. de la Soc. d'hist. de Paris, 1900.) DUBY, G. 'Economie domaniale et £conomie monetaire. Le budget de l'abbaye de Cluny entre 1080 et 1155', in Annales, ESC. 1952. ' U n inventaire des profits de la seigneurie clunisienne 4 la mort de Pierre le Ven6rable\ in Studia Anselmiana, 40, 1956. FAVIBR, J. ' U n terroir cauchois au de'but du XTV* siecle. Le domaine de Longueil', in Annales de Normandie, xm, 1963. HIGOUNET, C. La grange de Vaulerent. Paris, 1965. LASTEYHIB, C. DE. L'abbaye de Saint-Martial de Limoges. Paris, 1901. LEBEL, G. Histoire administrative, honomique et financihe de l'abbaye de Saint-Denis, itudiie spidalement dans la province eccUsiastique de Sens. Paris, 1935. LOT, F. Etudes critiques sur l'abbaye de Saint-Wandrille. Paris, 1913. PERSIN, C. E. Essai sur la fortune immobilize de l'abbaye alsacienne de Marmoutier aux X et XI' siicles. Strasbourg, 1935. PETES, J. L'abbaye de Liessies en Hainaut depuis ses origines jusqu'apris la riforme de Louis de Blois, 764-1566. Lille, 1912. PLATBLLE, H. Le temporel de l'abbaye de Saint-Armand, Des origines d 1340, Paris, 1962. SUGBR, Liber de rebus in administratione suagestis, ed. A. Lecoy de la Marche. Paris, 1867. TISSET, P. L'abbaye de Gellone au diocese de Lodfoe. Des origines au XIII' siecle. Paris, 1933VALOUS, G. DE. 'Le domaine de l'abbaye de Cluny aux y? et XT* siecles', in. Annales de VAcadimie de Mckon, 3rd ser. x x x i , 1923. D . Luxemburg WAMPACH, C. Geschichte der Grundherrschaft Echtemach im Friihmittelalter. 2 vols. Luxemburg, 1929-30.


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E. Holland MULLER, S. 'Een huishouden zonder geld', ill Tweematmdelijksch Tijdschrift, v, 1899. [Deals with the domains of the cathedral of Utrecht.] F. Switzerland CARO, G. 'Zur Verfassungs- u. Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Klosters Sankt Gallen vornehmlich vom 10. bis 13.Jahrhundert', in NeueBeitrage zurdeutschen Wirtschaftsu. Verfassungsgeschichte, Leipzig, 1911.

IV. PARTICULAR QUESTIONS

A. Germany VON GLADISS, D. 'Die Schenkungen der deutschen Konige zu privatem Eigen nach ihrem wirtschafUichen Inhalt', in VSWG. xxx, 1936. HOFFMANN, E. 'Die Entwicklung der Wirtschaftsprinzipien im Zisterzienserorden wahrend des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts', in HJ. xxxi, 1910. MAYER, T. 'Die Entstehung des "moderneri" Staates im Mittelalter und die freien Bauern', in ZSS. GA. 1937. RORIG, F. 'Luft macht Eigen', in Festgabe Gerhard Seeliger zum 60. Geburtstag. Leipzig, 1920.

SEBLIGBR, G. Die soziale «. politische Bedeutung der Grundherrschaft imfriiheren Mittelalter. Leipzig, 1903. STUTZ, U. 'Zur Herkunft von Zwing u. Bann', in ZSS. GA. 1937. WIBSSNER, H. Sachinhalt u. wirtschaftliche Bedeutung der Weistumer im deutschen Kulturgebiet. Baden-Vienna, 1934. Zwing u. Bann. Baden-Vienna, 1935. WrrncH, W. 'Die Entstehung des Meierrechts u. die Auflosung der Vilnkationen in Niedersachsen u. Westfclen', in VSWG. a, 1894. B. Belgium DES MASEZ, G. 'Note sur le manse brabancpn au moyen age', in Melanges d'histoire offerts i Henri Pirenne, 1, Brussels, 1926. DRAYE, H. Landelijke eultuurvormen en kolonisatiegeschiedenis. Louvain, 1941. ERRBRA, P. Les masuirs. 2 vols. Brussels, 1891. 'Les warechaix', in Annales de la Soc. d'Archiologie de Bruxelles, vm, 1894. GENICOT, L. 'L'6volution des dons aux abbayes dans le comt6 de Namur du x* au xiv" siecle', in Annales du XXX' Congris de la Ftdbation Arch, et Hist, de Belgiaue, Brussels, 1935 and 1936. 'Le servage dans les chartes-lois de Guillaume n, comte de Namur (1391-1418)', in KB. xxiv, 1945. VERRIEST, L. Le servage dans le comti de Hainaut. Les sainteurs. Le meilleur catel. Brussels, 1910.

'Etude d'un contrat priv6 de droit medieval: le bail a cheptel vif a Tournai (12971334)', in Revue du Nord, 1946. Institutions midUvales. Mons-Frameries, 1946. 'Le servage en Flandre, particulierement au pays d'Alost', in Rev. hist, de droit francais et Stranger, 1950. VAN WERVEKB, H. 'Le mort-gage et son role economique en Flandre et en Lotharingie', in RB. vm, 1929. 'Comment les etablissements religieux beiges se procuraient-ils du vin au haut moyen age', in RB. n, 1923. WALRABT, M. 'Les chartes-lois de Prisches (n58) et de Beaumont-en-Argonne (1182). Contribution a l'etude de raflranchissement des classes rurales au xn" siecle', in RB. xxm, 1944.


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C. France AUBIGNAT, P. L'amodiation dans Vancienne Auvergne. Dijon, 1910-11.

BLOCK, M. Rois et serfs. Paris, 1920. 'Village et seigneurie', in AHES. rx, 1937. DION, R. Histoire de la vigne et du vin en France, des origines au XIX' siecle. Paris, 1959. GENBSTAL, R. Le r6le des monasthes comme itablissements de cridit itudii en Normandie du XI' a la fin du XIII' siecle. Paris, 1901. GRAND, R. Contribution a Vhistoire du rigime des terres. Le contrat de complant depuis les origines jusqu'a nos jours. Paris, 1931. JANNIAUX, G. Essai sur l'amodiation dans Vandenne Bourgogne. Dijon, 1906. MAHN, J. B. L'ordre cistercien et son gouvemement des origines au milieu du XIII' sihle,

1098-1265. Paris, 1945. PERMN, C. E. 'De la condition des terres dites "ancingae"', in Melanges d'histoire du moyen age offerts a M.F. Lot. Paris, 1925.

'Chartes de franchise et rapports de droit en Lorraine', in Le Moyen Age, 1946. 'Le servage en France et en Allemagne', in X" Congresso Internazionale di Scienze storiche, Rome, 1955. Relazioni, m. D . Holland

ENELAAR, D. T. 'Problemen van middeleeuwsch Gooiland', in Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis, xrv, 1936. JANSEN, H. P. Landbouwpacht in Brabant in de veertiende en vijftiende eeuw. Assen, 1955. SIICHER VAN BATH, B. H. Mensch en land in de Middeleeuwen. Bijdrage tot een geschiedenis da nederzettingen in oostelijk Nederland. 2 vols. Assen, 1944.

Thanks are also due to certain authors who have kindly permitted the first-mentioned of the writers to make use of a number of unpublished works. (1) Two studies by M. F. Vercauteren, entitled 'Note sur la valeur et l'importance economique des donations faites par les comtes de Flandre aux XT' et xn* siecles' (summarized in RB. xvi, 1937, pp. 938-9) and 'Note sur l'extension de l'organisation domaniale en Belgique au haut moyen age' (summarized in Fidiration archiologique et historiaue de Belgique, xxxr 5 Session,

Congres de Namur, 1938, Annales, fasc. 1, pp. 48-49). (2) An important yet unpublished work by M. L. Voet, on the domains of the counts of Flanders (summarized as 'De graven van Vlaanderen en hun domein' in Wetenschappelyke Tydingen, 1942 and 'Het vorstelyk domein', in Flandria Nostra, v, Antwerp, i960, pp. 70-98). (3) The researches of Mme Swolfs-Polfliet on the abbey of Affligem and of MM. Jamees and Vanderpoorten on the abbeys of Zonnebeke and Sint-Pieter of Ghent respectively. Finally the late F. Lot was good enough to place at the disposal of the first-mentioned writer a large number of notes which he has made on the subject of the agrarian regime in various parts of France. § 2. ITALY The agrarian history of medieval Italy is regrettably poor in general works and surveys. What follows, therefore, is mainly a list of local studies, classified very roughly according to the arrangement of the chapter. The list is merely a selection, chosen as far as possible from recent secondary works; primary sources, on which the text of the chapter is principally based, have been almost entirely excluded. For a fuller bibliography, more particularly of social history, reference may be made to the Bibliografia del Diritto Agrario Intermedio, I. Gli Studi, ed. P. Fiorelli, M. Bandini, P. Grossi (Milan, 1962) and to the 'Bibliografia italiana di storia del diritto medioevale e moderno' published by R. Abbondanza in Annali di Storia del Diritto, vol. n seq., 1958 seq. I. GENERAL WORKS

A. The natural background FISCHER, T. La penisola italiana. Turin, 1902. MERUNI, G. Le region! agrarie in Italia. Bologna, 1948.


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MILONE, F. L'Italia nell'economia delle sue regioni. Turin, 1955. MONTERIN, U . II clima sulleAlpi ha mutato in epoca storica? Bologna, 1937.

POKENA, F. 'Sul deperimentofisicodella regione italiana', in Boll. Soc. Geog. It. 1886. B. The economic background AIIANELU, N . Delle consuetudini e degli statuti municipal! nelle provinde napoletane. Naples, 1873. BARBADORO, B . 'Finanza e demografia nei ruoli fiorentini d'imposta del 1352-5', in Atti Cong. Intemat. p. gli studi sulla popolazione. Rome, 1932. BELOCH, K. J . Bevolkerungsgeschichte Italiens. 3 vols. Berlin, Leipsig, 1937-61. BESTA, E. La Sardegna medioevale. 2 vols. Palermo, 1908. BIANCHINI, L. Storia delle finanze del regno di Napoli. 3 vols. Naples, 1859. CAGGESB, R. Roberto d'Angid e i suoi tempi. 2 vols. Florence, 1922, 1930. CALASSO, C . La legislazione statutaria dell'Italia meridionale. Rome, 1929. CAKLI, F. Storia del commercio italiano. 2 vols. Padua, 1934, 1936. CASINI, B . ' Contribuenti pisani alle taglie del 1402 e 1412', in Boll. Stor. Pisano, 1959-60. CHALANDON F. Histoire de la domination normande en Italic et Sidle. 2 vols. Paris, 1907

(reprinted: New York, i960). CIPOIXA, C. M. 'Revisions in economic history: the trends in Italian economic history in the later Middle Ages', in EcHR. 1949. 'Questioni aperte sul sistema economico dell'alto medio evo', in Riv. Stor. It. 1951. 'I precedenti storici', in Storia di Milano, vol. vm. Milan, 1957. Introduction to Storia dell'economia italiana, Turin, 1959.

COGNASSO, F. 'Per la storia economica di Chieri nel sec. a n ' , in Boll. Stor.-Bibliogr. Subalpino, 1911.

ConNi-BAtDEScm, L. 'Vita pubblica e privata maceratese nel Duecento e Trecento', in Atti e Mem., Dep. Stor. Pat. p. le Marche, 1903. CRISTIANI, E. Nobilta e popolo nel comutte di Pisa. Naples, 1962. D AVISO DI CHAHVBNSOD, M. C. ' I catasti di un comune agricolo piemontese del xm secolo', in Boll. Stor.-Bibliogr. Subalpino, 1956.

DONNA, G. 'Aspetti della proprieta fondiaria nel comune di Chieri durante il xm secolo', in Accademia di Agricoltura di Torino, Annali, 1941-2.

DOREN, A. Italienische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Jena, 1934. (Italian translation, with notes, by G. Luzzatto. Padua, 1936.) DOWD, D. F. 'The economic expansion of Lombardy, 1300-1500', in Journal of Economic History, 1961.

FALCO, G. 'I comuni della Campagna e della Marittima', in Arch. Soc. Rom. Stor. Pat. 1919-26. FIUMI, E. 'Fioritura e decadenza dell'economia fiorentina', in ASL 1957-9. Storia economica e sociale di San Gimignano. Florence, 1961. FOGUETTI, R. II catasto di Macerata dell'anno, 1268. Macerata, 1881.

GALASSO, G. 'Le citta campane nell'alto medioevo', in Arch. Stor. p. leprov. Napoletane, 1958-60. GENUARDI, L. II comune nel Medioevo in Sicilia. Palermo, 1921.

GLBNISSON, J. 'Documenti dell'archivio vaticano relativi alia collettoria di Sicilia', in Riv. di Stor. della Chiesa in Italia, 1948.

HBBRS,J. Genes au XV'sikle. Paris, 1961. HERUHY, D. 'Treasure hoards in the Italian economy, 960-1139', in EcHR. 1957. Pisa in the early Renaissance. N e w Haven, 1958.

JONES, P. J. 'Florentine families and Florentine diaries in the fourteenth century', in Papers of the Brit. School at Rome, 1956.

LARSIMONT PERGAMENI, E. 'Censimenti milanesi dell'eta di Carlo v', in Arch. Stor. Lombardo, 1948-9.

LOPEZ, R. S. 'AUX origines du capitalisme genois', in AHES. 1937.

'The economic depression of the Renaissance', in EcHR: 1962. "The trade of medieval Europe, the South', in Cambridge Ec. Hist, of Europe, n. Cambridge, 1952.


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Geschichte des Ursprunges der Stddte und der Einfiihrung und Verbreitung Deutscher Kolonisten und Rechte in Schlesien und der Oberlausitz. 1832. TYC, THEODOR. Poczatki kolonizacji wieskiej na prawie niemeckiem w Wielkopolsce. Poznan, 1924. Also in German: Die Anfdnge der dorflichen Siedlung zu deutschem Recht in Grosspolen (1200-1333). Breslau, 1930. WHZSACKER, WUHELM. 'Das deutsche Recht der bauerlichen Kolonisten Bohmens und Mahrens', in Mitteilungen des Vereinsfiir die Geschichte der Deutschen in Bohmen, u, 1912, 476 ff.—With bibliography. See ibid, LXVI, 1928, 3 flf. WEBER, L. Preussen vor soojahren. Danzig, 1878. WOSTRY, WILHBLM. 'Das Kolonisationsproblem', in Mitteilungen des Vereinsfiir die Geschichte der Deutschen in Bohmen, LX, 1922,1 ff. Also separately published, Prague, 1922.

ZABORSKI, BOGDAN. O ksztaltach wsi w Polsce i ich rozmieszczeniu. (With synopsis in French.) (Prace komisji etnogr. P.A.U., 1.) Cracow, 1926 (1927). Also in German: Vber Dorfformen in Polen und ihre Verbreitung. Breslau, 1930. ZORN, WOLFGANG. 'Deutsche und Undeutsche in der stadtischen Rechtsordnung des Mittelalters in Ost-Mitteleuropa', in Zeitschriftfur Ostforschung, 1, 1952, 182-94. §5. P O L A N D , L I T H U A N I A A N D H U N G A R Y Compiled by ALEKSANDER GIBYSZTOR. I. POLISH TREATISES

ARNOLD, S. 'Wladztwo biskupie na grodzie wolborskim w. xm w.' [Episcopal power in the Wolborz castle in the thirteenth century], in Rozprawy historyczne Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego, I, Warsaw, 1921. BALZER, O. 'Niemcy w Polsce' [The Germans in Poland], in Kwartalnik historyczny, xxv, Lw6w, 1911. Narzaz u> systemie danin ksiazecych pierwotnej Polski ['Narzaz' 'incisio' (a tax) in the ducal tax system in early Poland]. Lw6w, 1928. BUCZEK, K. ' W sprawie interpretacji dokumentu trzebnickiego z r. 1204* [On the interpretation of the Trzebnica document of 1204], in Przeglqd Historyczny, XLVHI, Warsaw, 1957, 38-77Ksiqzeca XudnoU sluzebna w Polsce wczesnofeudalnej [Duke's servants—'ministeriales' in early feudal Poland]. Wroclaw, 1958. BUJAK, F. 'Studia nad osadnictwem Malopolski' [Studies in Settlements in Malopolska —Little Poland], in Rozprawy Akademii Umiejetnos'ci, Wydzial Historyczno-filozoficzny, XLvn, Cracow, 1905. BURSZTA, J. Od osady slowianskiej do wsi wspdlczesnej. O tworzeniu sig krajobrazu osadniczego ziem polskich i rozplanowan wsi [From the Slav settlement to the today's village. Formation of the settlement landscape and of the village forms]. Wroclaw, 1958. CHMIELEWSKI, S. 'Gospodarka rolna i hodowlana w Polsce w xrv i xv w. Technika i rozmiary produkcji' [The economy of agriculture and animal breeding in Poland in the XlVth and XVth centuries (English summary, pp. 153-8)], in Studia z dziejew gospodarstwa wiejskiego, vol. 2, Warsaw, 1962. DABROWSKI, H. 'Rozw0J gospodarki rohiej w Polsce od xn do polowy xrv wieku' [Development of agricultural economy in Poland from the twelfth to the middle of the fourteenth century (English summary, pp. 131-36)], in Studia z dziej6w gospodarstwa wiejskiego, vol. 2, Warsaw, 1962. DEMBINSKA, M. Konsumcja zywnoidowa w Polsce hedniowiecznej [Food consumption in mediaeval Poland]. Wroclaw, 1963.


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AVIZONIS, K. Die Entstehung und Entwicklung des litauischen Adels bis zur litauischpolnischen Union 1385. Berlin, 1932. CONZE, W . Agrarverfassung und Bevolkerung inLitaucn und Weissrussltmd. Leipzig, 1940. DUNDULIENB, P. 'Zemledelie v Litve v epokhu feodalizma' [Agriculture in the feudal Lithuania], in Trudy Institute Etnografii, XXXII, Moscow, 1956, 3-47. IVINSKIS, Z. Geschichte des Bauernstandes in Litauen von den dltesten Zeiten bis zum Anfang des 16Jahrh. Berlin, 1933. JURGINIS, J. 'Zemledelie i technika selskogo: :khoziaistva Litvy' [Agriculture and her technique in Lithuania], in Lietuvos TSR Mokslu Akademijos Darbai, A 1, Vilnius, 1955. 99-132KAMIENIECKI, W . 'Rozwqj wlasnosci na Litwie w dobie przed pierwszym statutem' [The development of property in Lituania in the period before the first statute], in Rozprawy Akademii Umiejetnoki. Wydzial Historyczno-filozojiczny, LVII, Cracow, 1914. Spoleczenstwo litewskie w XV wieku [The Lithuanian society in the 15th century]. Warsaw, 1947. KUTRZEBA, S. Historia ustroju Polski w zarysie, I, II, Litwa [A history of the Polish constitution in outline, vol. n, Lituania]. Lw6w, 1921. LOWMIANSKI, H. Studia nod poczatkami spoleczenstwa i paAstwa litewskiego [A Study of the beginnings of Lituanian society and nobility], i-n, Wilno, 1931-2. 'Z zagadnien spornych spoleczenstwa litewskiego wiek6w s'rednich' [Some controvertible problems of the Lithuanian mediaeval society], in Przeglad Historyczny, XL, Warsaw, 1950, 96-127. OCHMANSKI, J. 'Rolnictwo na Litwie feudalnej w Iwietle nowszych badan' [Agriculture in the feudal Lithuania in the light of the new research], in Kwartalnik historii kultury materialnej, rx, Warsaw, 1961, 819-26. PASHUTO, V. T. Obrazovanie litovskogo gosudarstva [The Origins of the Lithuanian State]. Moscow, 1959. IV. LITHUANIA, SOURCES

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graphical collection of North-West Russia papers]. 1, Wilno, 1867. Codex diplomaticus ecclesiae necnon dioceseos vilnensis, vol. I, fasc. I, (1387-1468), ed. J.

Fijalek and W. Semkowicz. Cracow, 1932-50. Codex diplomaticus Lithuania:, ed. E. Raczyriski. 1845. Codex epistolaris Vitoldi, 1376-1430. (Mon. med. aevi. vi), ed. A. Prochaska. Cracow, 1882. Skarbiec dyplomatSw do dziejow Litwy, Rusi Litewskiej [The diplomats' treasure-house of

the history of Lithuania, and Lithuanian Russia], ed. I. Danilowicz, 2 vols. Wilno, 1861-2. V. HUNGARY, THEATISBS

BEUTZKY, J. A magyar gabonakivitel tortinete io6i-ig [History of the Hungarian export of cereals down to i860]. Budapest, 1932. DOMANOVSKY, A. Geschichte Ungams. Miinchen, 1923. Zur Geschichte der Gutsherrschafi in Ungarn (Festschrift Dopsch.). Vienna, 1938.

ERDBLY, L. Egy hdzifdrdesur is szolgdi a kSzikorban [Church property and serfs in the

Middle Ages]. Budapest, 1907. EBDUJHELYI, M. A Kolostorok is kdptalok befolydsa Magayrorsig mezogazdasdgi fejlodisire

a mohicsi visz elott [The influence of monasteries and chapters on the agrarian evolution of Hungary before the battle of Monies]. Budapest, 1903. Szerzeteseink mezogazdasdgi tevikenysige 1526 elott [The agrarian activity of the

clergy before 1526]. Budapest, 1906. HERMANN, O. A magyarok nagy osfog hlkozdsa [The principal primitive occupation of the Hungarians]. Budapest, 1909. JBKEUUS, E. Wirtschqftsgeschichte Burgenlandes. 1909. KADJDI, R. F. Geschichte derDeutschen in Ungam und Siebenhiirgen bis 1763. Gotha, 1907. KALASZ, E. A szentgotthirdi apdtsdg birto kviszonvaiiis a cisterci rend gazddlkoddsa a

kozipkorbna [The domains of the abbey of Szentgotthard and the economic activity of the Cistercians in the Middle Ages]. Budapest, 1932. SINKOVICS, I. A magyar nagy birtok ilete a XV szdzad elejin [Life on great estates early in the fifteenth century]. Budapest, 1933. SZEKFU, G. Serviensek e"sfamiliarisok [The servientes and thefamiliares]. Budapest, 1913.

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use of land in Hungary], in the review Magy. Gazdasdgtdrt, Szemle, 1894. A soltiszsigek tortinetirol [On the history of scolteties]. 1914.

Note. The above-mentioned works in Magyar were not accessible to the author. He wishes to express his thanks to Prof. Domanovsky of Budapest for information without which the composition of the Hungarian sections of this chapter would have been impossible. ACSADY, I. A Magyar jo'bdgysag tortinete [History of the Hungarian dependent peasants]. Budapest, 1950. Russian translation: Istoria vengerskogo krepostnogo krestianstva,

Moscow, 1956. LEDERER, E. 'La structure de la societ6 hongroise du debut du moyen-age', in Etudes historiques publiies par la Commission nationale des historines hongrois, I, Budapest,

i960, 195-218. GYOREFY, GY. 'Einwohnerzahl und Bevolkerungsdichte in Ungarn bis zum Anfang

des xiv Jahrhunderts', in Etudes historiques, o.c, 163-95. PACH, ZS. P. 'Das Entwicklungsniveau der feudalen Agrarverhaltnisse in Ungarn in

der zweiten Halfte des xv. Jahrhundertes', in Etudes historiques, o.c, 387-436.

52

FCBBB


8l8

BIBLIOGRAPHIES §6. RUSSIA SOURCES AND LITERATURE I. BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND OTHER GUIDES

A complete bibliography of works (including items in periodical publications) in Russian on historical matters published in the U.S.S.R. from die Revolution of October, 1917 to 1952 is available: Istoriya SSSR, ukazateV sovetskoi literatury za 1917-52 gg., 1 [History of the U.S.S.R., an

index of Soviet Literature, 1917-52]. Moscow, 1956. The Appendix, with the same title and issued in the same year, gives details of the classification used and indexes of authors, commentators, editors, reviewers, and title entries, as well as personal, geographic and ethnic names. A useful guide to some earlier materials of interest to economic historians, although not primarily concerned with history, is: ZELENIN, D . K. Bibliograficheskii ukazateV [Bibliographic index] (Zapiski po otdeleniyu

etnografii, 40, vyp. 1), Moscow, 1913. Further guidance on published materials may be obtained from works such as: Istochnikovedenie istorii SSSR [On sources for the history of the U.S.S.R.]. Moscow, 1940, vol. 1 by M. N . Tikhomirov deals with the period to the end of the eighteenth century, and vol. 2 by S. A. Nikitdn the period nineteenth century to the early 1890's; this work is now in process of being superseded by another of the same title; vyp. 1, by M. N. Tikhomirov was published, Moscow, 1962. Istoriografiya istorii SSSR s drevneishikh vremen do Velikoi oktyabr'skoi sotsialisticheskoi

revolyutsii [The historiography of the history of the U.S.S.R. from ancient times to the Great October Socialist Revolution], Moscow, 1961. RUBINSHTEIN, N . L. Russkaya istoriografiya [Russian historiography], Moscow, 1941. Guides to major collections of archival materials include: Arkhiv Akademii nauk SSSR,

Obozrenie arkhivnykh materiabu [U.S.S.R. Academy of

Sciences Archives, Survey of archival materials], vols. 1-3, (Trudy Arkhiva, vyp. 1, 5 i 9), Moscow-Leningrad, 1933-50. Arkhivy SSSR, Leningradskoe otdelenie Tsentral'nogo istoricheskogo arkhiva [Archives of

the U.S.S.R., Leningrad Section of the Central Historical Archives]. Leningrad, 1933CHEREPNIN, L. V. Russkie feodal'nye arkhivy XIV-XV vekov [Russian I4th-I5th cent. feudal archives]. 2 vols., Moscow-Leningrad, 1948-51. Kratkii ukazateV arkhivnykh fondov Otdela rukopisei [Brief index of the archival resources

of the Department of Manuscripts (of the Lenin Library)]. Moscow, 1948. KUDRYUMOV, M. G.

Opisanie aktov, khranyashchikhsya v arkhive Arkheograficheskoi

komissii [Description of deeds preserved in the Archeographic Commission's archives] (in Letopis' zanyatii Arkheograficheskoi komissii za 1918 god, vyp. 31),

Petrograd, 1923. Opisanie Rukopisnogo otdeleniya Biblioteki Akademii nauk SSSR

[Description of the

Manuscript Section, U.S.S.R. Academy of Sciences Library], 1, Rukopisi, 3, vyp. 1 (6 Istoriya), Leningrad, 1930. PutevoditeV po arkhivu Leningradskogo otdeleniya Instituta istorii [Guide to the archives of

the Leningrad Section of the Institute of History]. Moscow-Leningrad, 1958. A useful index to the location of particular terms is: KOCHIN, G. E. Materialy dlya terminohgicheskogo slovarya drevnei Rossii [Materials for a

terminological dictionary of ancient Russia]. Moscow-Leningrad, 1937.


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819

II. CHRONICLES

Russian Chronicles are for the most part collected, and in part critically edited, in the series entitled Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei [Complete Collection of Russian Chronicles] formerly published by the Archeographic Commission founded in 1835. Since 1917 the series has been in part re-edited and publication continued by the Russian, later U.S.S.R., Academy of Sciences. English translations of two of the most important chronicles are: CROSS, S. H. and SHERBOWITZ-WETZOR, O. P. The Russian Primary Chronicle. (Harvard

Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature), Cambridge, Mass., 1953. MITCHELL, R. and FORBES, N . The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471. (Camden Third Series, xxv), London, 1914. HI. LEGAL DOCUMENTS

Acts of public law have been collected in the monumental series published by the Russian Government on the initiative of Count N. P. Rumyantsov: Sobranie gosudarstvennykh gramot i dogovorov [Collection of State Papers and Treaties]. Four parts, 1813-28. Acts of public and private law are to be found in the following collections published by the Archeographic Commission: Akty arkheograficheskoi ekspeditsii [Acts of the Archeographical Expedition]. 4 vols. St Petersburg, 1836. Akty istorkheskie [Historical Acts], 5 vols. and 12 vols. of addenda, St Petersburg, 1841-72. Akty yuridicheskie [Legal Acts]. 1838. Akty otnosyashchiesya do yuridicheskago byta drevnei Rossii [Acts relating to the legal life of

ancient Russia]. 3 vols. 1857-84. D'YAKONOV, M. A. Akty, otnosyashchiesya k istorii tyaglago naseleniya [Deeds relating to the history of the tax-paying population]. Yur'ev, 1897. Akty Moskovskogo gosudarstua [Acts of the Moscow State], Published by the Academy of Sciences, 3 vols. 1890-1901. Other collections include: FeodaVnaya derevnya Moskovskogo gosudarstua XIV-XVI vv. [The feudal village of the Moscow State, I4th-i6th cents., a collection of documents]. Moscow-Leningrad, 1935GORCHAKOV, M. O zemel'nykh vladeniyakh vserossiiskikh mitropolitov, patriarkhov i Sv. Sinoda, 988-1738 gg. [On the landholdings of the All-Russian Metropolitans, Patriarchs and the Holy Synod, 988-1738]. St Petersburg, 1871. Pamyatniki istorii Velikogo Novgoroda i Pskova [Monuments relating to the history of Novgorod the Great and of Pskov]. Leningrad-Moscow, 1935. Pamyatniki

sotsial'no-ekonomicheskoi istorii Moskovskogo gosudarstva XIV-XVII

vv.

[Monuments relating to the social and economic history of the Moscow State, I4th-I7th cents.], vol. 1, Moscow, 1929. Sbomik gramot Kollegii ekonomii [Collection of Papers of the Economic Collegium]. 2 vols., Moscow, 1922. In 1949, the Institute of History, U.S.S.R. Academy of Sciences, commenced publication of series intended to include all deeds, already published or not, up to the early sixteenth century. The volumes are: Gramoty Velikogo Novgoroda i Pskova [Papers of Novgorod the Great and of Pskov]Moscow-Leningrad, 1949. Dukhotmye i dogovomye gramoty velikikh i udel'nykh knyazei XIV-XVI vv. [Wills and contracts of the Grand and Apanage Princes, I4th-i6th cents.], Moscow-Leningrad, 1950.


820

BIBLIOGRAPHIES

Akty feodal'nogo zemlevladeniya i khozyaistva XIV-XVI vekov [Deeds relating to feudal landowning and economy, I4th-i6th cents.], parts 1-3, Moscow, 1951-61. Akty sotsiaTno-ekonomicheskoi istorii Severo-vostochnoi Rusi kontsa XW-nachala XVI v. [Deeds relating to the social and economic history of North-East Rus', end 14thearly 16th cents.]. 3 vols. Moscow, 1952-64. A recent critical edition of Russian legal materials for the period to the mid-seventeenth century is to be found in fascicules 1-6 of: Pamyatniki russkogo prava, Moscow, 1952-7. These include the early treaties between Rus' and Byzantium, charters ascribed to Vladimir and Yaroslav, treaties of Novgorod, Pskov and Smolensk with the Germans, ecclesiastical and lay statutes, as well as the early laws known as Russkaya Pravda (available in a translation by G. Vernadsky found in his: Medieval Russian Laws (Records of civilization, Sources and Studies, xn), New York, 1947) and the law codes of 1497, 1589 and 1649. One local statute which is included in Vernadsky's translation is available in another English version: DEWEY, H. W. "The White Lake Charter', in Speculum, xxxn, 1957, 79-83. IV. CADASTRAL SURVEYS, ACCOUNT BOOKS

Of first-rate importance and of great value as a source of economic history are the cadastral records (the so-called pistsoviya knigi) which represent a combination of agricultural surveys, i.e. records of properties and economies, with population censuses of a sort. The cadastral records of Novgorod (Novgorodskiya pistsoviya knigi, 3 vols. 1859-86; also Maikov, V. V., Kniga pistsovaya po Novgorodu Velikomu kontsa XVI v. [A late 16th cent, cadastral survey for Novgorod the Great], St Petersburg, 1911, are of particular value because they reflect the social revolution involved by the subjection of Novgorod to Muscovite dominion: see also the cadastral records of the Moscow State, Pistsoviya knigi moskovskogo gosudarstva (xvi veka), 3 vols. Moscow, 1872-95. A number of other survey and account books relating to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have been published, e.g.: Kniga klyuchei i dolgovaya kniga Iosifo-Volokolamskogo monastyrya XVI v. [The book of keys and debt book of the Joseph of Volotsk monastery of tie 16th cent.]. MoscowLeningrad, 1948. Lavochnye knigi Novgoroda Velikogo 1583 g. [The books of stalls of Novgorod the Great, 1583]. Moscow, 1930. Tamozhennye knigi Velikogo Ustyuga, Tot'my i Sol'vychegodska XVII v. [Customs books of 17th cent. Velikii Ustyug, Tot'ma and Sol'vychegodsk]. Moscow, 1950. Tamozhennye knigi Moskovskogo gosudarstva XVII v. [Customs books of the 17th cent. Moscow state]. 3 vols. Moscow, 1950-1. V. ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIALS

Archaeological research has produced a mass of new material relevant to Russian medieval economic history. Unfortunately, most of it is scattered in various serial publications such as: Izvestiya GAIMK; Kratkie soobshcheniya IIMK; Sovetskaya arkheologiya; or in the partly monographic series: Materialy i issledovaniyapo arkheologii SSSR (here abbreviated as MIA). A new monographic series, Arkheologiya SSSR, Svod arkheologicheskikh istochnikov [Archaeology of the U.S.S.R., Summary of archaeological sources], recently started, promises to be a most useful guide. A few items of particular relevance to various aspects of agrarian history are: ARTSiKHOVSKn, A. V. Drevnerusskie miniatyury kak istoricheskii istochnik [Ancient Russian miniatures as a historical source]. Moscow, 1944.


BIBLIOGRAPHIES

821

KIH'YANOV, A. V. 'Istoriya zemledeliya Novgorodskoi zemli, X-XV w . ' [The history of tillage in the Novgorod territory, ioth-i5th cents.], in MIA. no. 65, Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow, 1959. KUKHABENKO, Yu. V. ' Srednevekovye pamyatniki Poles'ya' [Medieval remains in Polesye], Arkheologiya SSSR, Svod arkheologicheskikh istochnikov, El-57 (,) Moscow, 1961. LYAPUSHKIN, 1.1. 'Gorodishche Novotroitse' [The fortified settlement of Novotroitse] MIA. no. 74 (,) Moscow-Leningrad, 1958. MONGATT, A. L. Archaeology in the U.S.S.R. Moscow, 1959. RYBAKOV, B. A. Remeslo drevnei Rusi [Handicrafts of ancient Rus']. Moscow, 1948. SBDOV, V. V. 'Sel'skie poseleniya tsentral'nykh raionov Smolenskoi zemli' [Village settlements of the central districts of the Smolensk territory], MIA. no. 92 (,) Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow, i960. TARAKANOVA, S. A. 'Ob arkheologicheskom izuchenii sel'skikh feodal'nykh poselenii v pyatinakh Velikogo Novgoroda' [On the archaeological study of rural feudal settlements in the districts of the territory of Novgorod the Great], in Trudy GIM, vyp. XI, Moscow, 1940. TSALKIN, V. I. 'Materialy dlya istorii skotovodstva i okhoty v Drevnei Rusi' [Materials for a history of livestock farming and hunting in Ancient Rus'], MIA. no. 51 (,) Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow, 1956. Of great interest and importance are the birch bark letters found during the excavations at Novgorod: AttTSiKHOVSKn, A. V. Novgorodskie gramoty tut bereste [Novgorod birch bark letters]. Moscow, 1953 (with M. N. Tikhomirov), letters 1-10; 1954, letters 11-83; 1958 (with V. I. Borkovskii), letters 84-136; 1958 (with V. I. Borkovskii), letters 137-194 1963 (with V. I. Borkovskii), letters 195-318, 1963, letters 319-405. VI. SECONDARY SOURCES

Of general studies on the history of Russian economics it is necessary to mention: DovNAH-ZAPOL'sKn, M. V. Istoriya russkago narodnago khozyaistva [History of Russian Economy], vols. 1-2, Moscow, 1925. KUIISHER, I. M. htiriya russkogo narodnogo Khozyaistra [History of Russian National National Economy], vol. I, 1911. LYASHCHBNKO, P. I. History of the National Economy of Russia to the 1917 Revolution, N.Y. 1949; a translation of the one-volume 1939 edition of: Istoriya narodnogo khozyaistva SSSR [History of the National Economy of the U.S.S.R.]. 3 vok., Gospolitizdat, Moscow, 1950-6. Information U.S.S.R. (basically a translation of vol. 50 of the Great Soviet Encyclopaedia, contains an historical outline). Oxford, 1962. Two important series of papers on agrarian history are: Ezhegodnik po agramoi istorii vostochnoi Evropy [Yearbook on the agrarian history of Eastern Europe]. 1958, Tallin, 1959; 1959 Moscow, 1961; i960, Moscow, 1962; 1961, Riga, 1963. Materialy po istorii zemledeliya SSSR [Materials on the history of agriculture in the U.S.S.R.], 1-2, Moscow-Leningrad, 1952-6; with the third issue, Moscow, 1959, the title of this series became: Materialy po istorii sel'skogo khozyaistva i krest'yanstva SSSR [Materials on the history of farming and the peasantry of the U.S.S.R.]. The following lists some of the most important items relevant to medieval Russian agrarian history. Many of the works listed themselves contain extensive bibliographies. Atlas istorii srednikh vekov [Atlas of medieval history]. GUGK, Moscow, 1952. Atlas istorii SSSR, chast' 1 [Atlas of the history of the U.S.S.R., part 1]. Moscow, 1949.


822

BIBLIOGRAPHIES

BAEHRUSHIN, S. V. Knyazheskoe khozyaistvo XV i pervoi poloviny XVI veka [The princdy economy of the 15th and first half of the 16th cent.], reprinted in Bakhrushin, S. V., Nauchnye trudy, n, Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow, 1954. BERNADSKn, V. N. Novgorod i Novgorodskaya zemlya v XV veke [Novgorod and the Novgorod territory in the 15th cent.]. Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow-Leningrad, 1961. BLUM, J. Lord and peasant in Russiafromthe 9th to the 19th century, Princeton, 1961. BUCHINSEII, I. E. O klimate proshlogo russkoi ravniny [On the climate of the past in the Russian plain]. Gidrometeoizdat, Leningrad, 1957. CHERBPNIN, L. V. Obrazovanie russkogo tsentralizovannogo gosudarstva v XW-XV vekakh, Izd-vo. Sots.-ek. lit. Moscow, i960. DANOOVA, L. V. Ocherki po istorii zemlevladeniya i khozyaistva v Novgorodskoi zemle v XW-XV vv. [Sketches on the history of landholding and economy in the I4th-I5th cent. Novgorod territory]. Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow, 1955. ECK, A. Le tnoyen age russe. Paris, 1933. EL'YASHEVICH, V. B. Istoriya prava pozemel'noi sobstvetmosti v Rossii [A history of the law of landed property in Russia]. 2 vols. Paris, 1948-51. GNEVUSHBV, A. M. Ocherki ekonomicheskoi i sotsial'noi zhizni sel'skago naseleniya Novgorodskoi oblasti [Studies in the economic and social life of the rural population of the Novgorod region], vol. 1, 1915. GORSKH, A. D. Ocherki ekonomicheskogo polozheniya krest'yan Severo-vostochnoi Rusi XW-XV vv. [Essays on the economic situation of the peasants in North-East Rus' in the I4th-I5th cents.]. Izd-vo Moskovskogo universiteta, Moscow, i960. GREKOV, B. D. Krest'yane na Rusi s drevneishikh vremen do 17 v. [The peasants in Rus' from the earliest tunes to the 17th cent.]. Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow-Leningrad, 1946. 'Ocherki po istorii feodalizma v Rossii' [Outlines of the history of feudalism in Russia, Izvestiya GAIMK, 72 (,) Moscow-Leningrad, 1934. 'Rabstvo i feodalizm v Kievskoi Rusi' [Slavery and feudalism in Kiev Rus'], Izvestiya GAIMK, 86 (,) Moscow-Leningrad, 1934. GKOMOV, G. G. 'Podsechno-ognevaya sistema zemledeliya krest'yan Novgorodskoi oblasti v XLX-XX w . ' [The slash and burn or fire system of tillage of Novgorod oblast peasants in the I9th-2oth cents.], in Vestnik Moskovskogo universiteta, Istorikofihlogicheskaya seriya, no. 4, 1958. KASHIN, V. N . 'Krest'yanskaya zhelezodelatel'naya promyshlennost* na poberezh'e Finskogo zaliva po pistsovym knigam 1500-5 gg.' [Peasant iron-making on the shores of the Gulf of Finland according to the cadastral surveys of 1500-5], in Problemy istorii dokapitalisticheskogo obshchestva, no. 4, 1934. KOPANEV, A. I. Zemlevladenie Bebzerskogo kraya XV-XVI vv. [Landownership of the Belozero krai in the I5th-i6th cents.]. Moscow-Leningrad, 1951. LAPPO-DANnavsKn, A. S. Ocherk istorii obrazovaniya ghvneishikh razryadov krest'yanskago naseleniya [An outline of history of the formation of the main categories of peasant population]. St Petersburg, 1905. MILYUKOV, P. N. Spomye voprosyfinansovoiistorii moskovskago gosudarstva [Debatable questions of the financial history of the Moscow State]. St Petersburg, 1892. Ocherki istorii SSSR [Outlines of the history of the U.S.S.R.], Period feodalizma IX-XV vv. [Feudal period, 9th-i5th cents.], 2 vols., Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow, 1953; Konets XV v.-nachalo XVII v. [End I5th-carly 17th cents.], Moscow, 1955. Ocherki po istorii russkoi derevni X-XIII vv. [Sketches on the history of the Russian 10th13th cent, village], Trudy GIM, vyp. 32 i 33, Goskul'tprosvetizdat, Moscow, 1956, 1959PAVLOV-Sn.'vANSKn, N . P. Feodalizm v drevnei Rusi [Feudalism in ancient Russia]. St Petersburg, 1907. Feodalizm v udel'noi Rusi [Feudalism in Russia of the apanage period], St Petersburg, 1910. Pochvenno-geograficheskoe raionirovanie SSSR [The division of the U.S.S.R. into soil and geographic districts]. Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow, 1962.


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823

PRONSHTBIN, A. P. Velikii Novgorod v XVI veke. Kharkov, 1957. ROZHKOV, N. A. Gorod i derevnya v russkoi istorii [Town and village in Russian history]. Petrograd, 1923. Sel'skoe khozyaistvo Moskovskoi Rust v XVI veke [Agriculture of Moscow Rus'in the 16th cent.]. Moscow, 1899. SAKHAROV, A. M. Goroda severo-vostochnoi Rusi XIV-XV vv. [The towns of north-east Rus' in the I4th-I5th cents.]. Moscow, 1959. SAVICH, A. A. 'Glavneishie momenty monastyrskoi kolonizatsii russkogo severa XIV-XVII w . ' [Major aspects of monastic colonisation of the Russian north in the I4th-i7th cents.], in Sbomik Obshchestva istoricheskikh,fiU>sofskikh i sotsial'nykh nauk pri Permskom un-te., vyp. 3, Perm', 1929; translated as: Savich, A., Die Agrarwirtschaft der Klostergiiter des russichen Nordens im 14.-17. Jahrkundert, Zekschrift fur osteuropische Geschichte, v (1931), vi (1932). Solovetskaya votchina XV-XVII v. [The Solovki estate in the isth-i7th cents.]. Perm', 1927. SMIKNOV, P. P. ' Obrazovanie Russkogo tsentralizovannogo gosudarstva v XIV-XV w . ' [The formation of the Russian centralised state in the I4th-I5th cents.], in Voprosy istorii, no. 2-3, no. 4, 1946. Posadskie lyudi i ikh klassovaya bor'ba do serediny XVII veka [The people of the artisan and trading quarter and their class struggles prior to the mid-iytb. cent.]. 2 vols. Moscow-Leningrad, 1947-8. SMITH, R. E. F. The Origins of Farming in Russia. Paris, The Hague, 1959. SZEFTEL, M. 'Aspects of feudalism in Russian history', in Feudalism in history, ed. by R. Coulborn, Princeton, 1956. TTCHOMIROV, M. N. Drevnerusskiegoroda [Ancient Russian towns]. 2nd ed. Gospolitizdat, Moscow, 1956; translated as: The towns of ancient Rus, Moscow, 1959. Srednevekovaya Moskva v XIV-XV vekakh [Medieval Moscow in the I4th-I5th cents.]. Izd-vo Moskovskogo universiteta, Moscow, 1957. TRBT'YAKOV, P. N. 'Drevlyanskie "grady"' [The Drevlyane 'towns'], in Akademiku B. D. Grekovu ko dnyu semidesyatiUtiya, Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow, 1952. 'Podsechnoe zemledelie v Vostochnoi Evrope' [Slash and burn tillage in Eastern Europe], in Izvestiya GAIMK, 14, vyp. 1, Moscow, 1932. URLANIS, B. T S . Rost naseleniya v Evrope [The growth of population in Europe]. Moscow, 1941. VASIL'EV, K. G. and SEGAL, A. E. Istoriya epidemii v Rossii [A history of epidemics in Russia]. Medgiz, Moscow, i960. VESELOVSKH, S. B. K voprosy o proiskhozhdenii votchinnago rezhima [On the problem of the origin of the heritable tenure regime]. Moscow, 1927. Selo i derevnya v severo-vostochnoi Rust XIV-XVI vv. [Village and hamlet in I4th-i6th cent. North-Eastern Rus']. Moscow-Leningrad, 1936. Feodal'noe zemlevladenie v severo-vostochnoi Rust [Feudal landholding in NorthEastern Rus']. vol. 1, Izd-vo AN SSSR, Moscow-Leningrad, 1947. YANDJ, V. L. Denezhno-vesovye sistemy russkogo srednevekov'ya, domongol'skii period [Monetary and weight systems of die Russian middle ages, pre-Mongol period]. Izd-vo Moskovskogo universiteta, Moscow, 1956. ZELENIN, D. K. Russkaya sokha, eya istoriya i vidy [The Russian sokha, its history and forms]. Vyatka, 1907. §7. E N G L A N D I. BIBLIOGRAPHIES

DAVENPORT, F. G. A Classified list of Printed Original Materials for English Manorial and Agrarian History during the Middle Ages. Boston, 1824. GROSS, C. The Sources and Literature ofEnglish Historyfrom the earliest times to about 1485. 2nd ed. London, 1915. MOORE, M. L. A Select Bibliography ofEnglish Medieval Economic History. London, 1914. Two Select Bibliographies of Medieval Historical Study. London, 1912.


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AAKJABR, S. (ed.). Kong Valdemars Jordebog, vols. l-m. Copenhagen, 1926-45. ALMQUIST, J. A. (ed.). 'Arvid Trolles jordebok 1489', in Historiska Handlingar, 31, Stockholm, 1938. BEAUCHE, L. (ed.). Loi de Vestgothie. Paris, 1894. BERGELIN, A. (ed.). The Law of the Westgoths, m. Rock Island, 1906. BRAHE, P. Gamble grefwe Peer Brakes...oeconomia eller huuezholdz-book. Stockholm, 1920.

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AAEJAES, S. 'Villages, cadastres et plans parcellaires au Danemark', in AHES. Paris, 1929. • 'Bosaettelse og bebyggelsefoimer i Danmark', in Bidrag till bondesamfundets historic, utg. Instituttetfor sammenlignende kulturforskning, i-n, Oslo, 1933. 'Maal, Vaegt og Taxter i Danmark', in Nordisk Kultur, xxx, Stockholm, 1936. 'Land Measurement and Land Valuation in Medieval Denmark', in The Scandinavian Economic History Review, vol. vn:2, Stockholm, 1959. 'Maal, Vaegt og Taxter i Danmark', in Nordisk Kultur, xxx, Stockholm, 1936. BJOERKVIK, H. 'Det norske kronogodset i mellomalderen', in Historisk Tidsskrift, vol. 40, Oslo, 1961. Bom*, S. Ledung ochfiaelse, Lund, 1934. BULL, E. 'Byene i Norge i Middelalderen', in Nordisk Kultur, xvm, Stockholm, 1933. CHRISTENSEN, A. E. 'Danmarks befolkning og bebyggelse i middelalderen', in Nordisk Kultur, n, Stockholm, 1938. DOVBING, F. Attung och markland. Lund, 1947. ERIKSSON, M. 'Jordbruket under medeltiden', in Svenskafolket genom tidema, red. av E. Wrangel, vol. n, Stockhohn, 1938. EBTXON, S. 'Byar och samfaelligheter', in Svensk Lantmaeteritidskrift, Stockhohn, 1955. ERSLEV, K. Valdemaremas Storhedstid. Copenhagen, 1898. HAFSTROM, G. Ledung och marklandsindelning. Uppsala, 1949. 'Hammarskipt', in Skrifter utg. av Institutet Jo rattshistorisk forskning, n:i, Stockhohn, 1951. HAGEN, A. 'Korndyrkningi i Noreg i eldre tid', in Instituttetfor sammenlignende kulturforskning, Ser. A. xrv, Oslo, 1933. 'Studier i Jernalderens gaardssamfund', in Universitetets Oldsakssamlings Skrifter, rv, Oslo, 1953. HAID, K. Vore stednavne. Copenhagen, 1950. HANNERBERG, A. 'Jordbrukets yttre rationalisering fran det medeltida solskiftet till 1947 irs jordbruksreform*, in Svensk Geografisk Arsbok, 26, Stockholm, 1950. HANNBRBERG, A. 'Die Alteren skandinavischen Ackermasse', in Lund Studies in Geography, Ser. B, no. 12, Lund, 1955. 'Byam&l och tomtreglering i Mellansverige fore solskiftet', in Meddelanden fran Geografiska Institutions vid Stockholms Hogskola, no. 119. Stockhohn, 1959. HASUND, S. 'Korndyrkinga i Norge', in Bidrag til Bondesamfundets Historie, utg. Instituttet for sammanlignende kulturforskning, i-n, Oslo, 1933. Or Norges bondesoge. vol. i-n. Oslo, 1942-4. HATT, G. 'Praehistoric fields in Jylland', in Ada archaeologica, n, Copenhagen, 1931. Landbrug i Danmarks Oldtid. Copenhagen, 1937. ' "The ownership of Cultivated Land', in Det kgt. danske Videnskabernes Selskabs Skrifter, hist.-filol. medd. xxvt, 6, Copenhagen, 1939. JBSSBN, K. 'Oldtidens korndyrkning i Danmark', in Viking, tidsskrift for norron arkeologi, Oslo, 1951. JOHNSBN, O. A. 'Norges folk i middelalderen', in Nordisk Kultur, n, Stockhohn, 1938. JUTIKKALA, E. 'Besittningen av akerjord i Finland fore tegskiftets inforande', in Rig, vol. 29, Stockholm, 1946. LAUBTDSBN, P. ' Om Skyldjord eller terra in censu', in Aarboegerfor Nordisk Oldkyndighed, n Raekke, 18 Bind, Copenhagen, 1903. LUNDHOLM, K.-G. Sten Sture d. a. och stormannen. Lund, 1956. METNICH OISBN, K. Norsk almenningsrett. Oslo, 1928. METTZEN, A. Siedlungen und Agrarwesen der Westgermanen und Ostgermanen, der Kelten, Romer, Finnen und Slaven, vol. m. Berlin, 1895. MEYER, P. Danske bylag. Copenhagen, 1949. NORBORG, L.-A. Storforetaget Vadstena kloster. Lund, 1958. NORDHOLM, G. 'Kungasangen Raften eller kungsmarken', in Skinegillets i Stockholm Asskrift, Stockhohn, 1936. 53

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CHAPTER VIII

Crisis: From the Middle Ages to the Modem Times Listed below are both works of general interest and some more special contributions the data of which have been used to illustrate the author's account by concrete instances. I. GENERAL SURVEYS OF THE ECONOMIC SITUATIONS, FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES

ABEL, W. Agrarkrisen und Agrarkonjunktur in Mitteleuropa vom 13 bis zum 19 Jahrhundert. Berlin, 1935. DELATOUCHB, R. 'Agriculture medieVale et population', in Les Etudes Sodaks, 1955, n. 28, 13-23. 'La arise du xiv siecle en Europe ocddentale', in Les Etudes Sociales, 1959, n. 2-3, 1-19. DOBB, M. Studies in the Development of Capitalism. London, 1946. DUBY, G. L'iconomie rurale et la vie des campagnes dans VOccident midiival (France, Angleterre, Empire, IX-XVsticks). Paris, 1962. GRAUS, F. 'Die erste Krise des Feudalismus', in Zeitschriftfur Geschichtswissenschaft, m, 1955, 552-92HILTON, R. H. 'Y eut-il une crise gen&ale de la ffodalite"?', in AnnalesESC, vi, 1951, 23-30. KOETZSCHKE, R. Allgemeine Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Mittelalters (Handbuch der Wirtschafisgeschichte, ed. G. Brodnitz). Jena, 1924. KOSMINSKY, A. E. ' The Evolution of Feudal Rent in Englandfromthe Xlth to the XVth Centuries', in Past and Present, no. 7, April 1955,12-36. 'Peut-on considerer le xrv et xv siedes comme 6poque de la decadence de l'economie europeenne?', in Studi in onore di Armando Sapori, Milan, 1957,1, 553-69. KOWALEWSKY, M. Die okonomische Entwicklung Europas bis zum Beginn der Kapitalistischen Wrtschaftsform (Bibliothek der Volkswirtschaftslehre und Gesellschaftswissenschafi), m-v. Berlin, 1905-11. KunscHER, J. Allgemeine Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit (Handbuch der mittelalterlichen und neueren Geschichte, ed. von Below and Meinecke), vol 1. Munich and Berlin, 1927; revised ed. 1954. LEWIS, A. R. "The Closing of the Medieval Frontier', in Speculum, xxxm, 1958,475-83. LUBTGE, F. 'Das 14-15 Jahrhundert in der Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte', in Jahrbucher fUr Nationalokonomie und Statistik, CLXH, 1950, 161-213.


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DOPSCH, A. Die altere Wirtschafts- und Soziatgeschichte der Bauern in den Alpenlandem Oesterreichs (Instituttetfor Sammenlignende Kulturforskning, SerieA: Forelesninger IX). Oslo, 1930. STOLZ, O. Rechtsgeschichte des BauemsUmdes und der Landwirtschaft in Tirol und Vorarlberg. Bozen, 1949. D'HABNENS, A. L'abbaye Saint-Martin de Toumai de 1290 a 1350. Origines, Evolution et dinouement d'une arise. Louvain, 1961. GENICOT, L. L'iconomie rurale namuroise an has tnoyen dge. 1199-1430. I, La seigneurie fonciire. II, Les hommes. La noblesse. Louvain, 1943 and i960. SABBE, E. ' Grondbezit en Landbouw, economische en sociale toestanden in de kastelenij Kortrijk op het einde der XIV eeuw', in Handelingen van de Koninklijke Geschieden— Oudheidkundige Kring van Kortrijk, Nieuwe reeks, xv, 1936, 394-452. VAN UYTVBN, R. 'La Flandre et le Brabant "terres de promission" sons les dues de Bourgogne', in Revue du Nord, xua, 1961, 281-318. VEBRIBST, L. Le regime seignueurial en Hainautdu XI stick a la Revolution. Louvain, 1917. GRAUS, F. Dejiny venkovski ho lidu v Cechdch v dotepfedhusitskl II. Dejiny venkovsktho lidu odpoloviny 13. stol. do roku 1419 [History of rural populations in Bohemia during the pre-Hussite period. II. History of rural populations from the mid thirteenth century until 1411.] Prague, 1957. ALUX, A. IJ Olsons au mayen &ge. Etude degiographie historiaue en haute montagne, d'apris des documents inidits. 2nd ed. Paris, 1929. BBZABD, Y. La vie rurale dans lesud de la region parisienne de 145001560. Paris, 1929. BLOCH, M. Les caractires originaux de I'histoire ruralefrancaise. new ed. Paris, 1952. BOUTHUCHE, R. La arise d'une sociiti. Seigneurs et paysans du Bordelais pendant la Guerre de Cent ans (Publications de la Faculty des Lettres de l'Universite' de Strasbourg, fasc. n o ) . Paris, 1947. BOUYSSOU, L. '£tude sur la vie rurale dans la region d'Aurillac au x v siecle', in Positions des thises de l'6cole des Chartes, 1941. ds RIBBE, C. La sociiti provencale a la fin du tnoyen dge d'apris des documents inidits. Paris, 1898. DUBY, C. 'Le grand domaine de la fin du moyen age en France, in Premikre conference Internationale d'histoire iconomique. Stockholm i960. FouKQUiN, G. Les campagnes de la rigion parisienne & lafin du moyen dge. Paris, 1964. FOSSIER, R. and L. 'Aspects de la crise frumentarie du xiv siecle en Artois et en Flandre gallicantes, in Recueil de travaux offert a M. Clovis Brunei, 1, Paris, 1955,436-47. GRAND, R. (with the collaboration of R. Delatouche,). Vagriculture au moyen age, de la fin de I'empire romain au XVI siecle (Vagriculture a trovers les ages, m). Paris, 1950. GUEBIN, I. La vie rurale en Sologne aux XIV et XV sticks. Paris, i960. LATOUCHE, R. La vie en Bas-Quercy du quatorzihne au dix-huitibne slide (Bibliothiaue MMdionale publiie sous les auspices de la FacuUi des Lettres de Toulouse, 2nd ser., XDX). Toulouse, 1923. Sexploitation agricole dans le Maine du XEH au XVI siecle', in Annales de Bretagne, u , 1944, 218-29. Luc, P. Vie rurale et pratiquejuridujue en Biam aux XIV et XV sticks. Toulouse, 1943.


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ABEL, W. 'Wadutumsschwankungenmitteleuropaischer Volker seit dem Mittelalter', in JahrbucherfUr Nationalokonomie und Statistik, cxtn, 1935,670-92. ARNOULD, M. A. Les dinombrements de foyers dans le comti de Hainaut (XW-XVI stick) (Academic royale de Belgique. Commission royale d'histoire, Publications in 4to). Brussels, 1956. BARATJHR, E. La Dimographie provencale du XIII au XVI siicle. Paris, 1961. BAUTIER, R. 'Feux, population et structure sociale au milieu du X V siecle. L'exemple de Carpentras', in Annales ESC. xiv, 1959, 255-68. BBLOCH, K. J. Bevolkerungsgeschichte Italiens. 3 vol. Berlin-Leipzig, 1937, 1939, 1961. BENNBT, M. K. The World's Food. Stanford, 1954.


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Cambridge University Press


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The Cambridge Economic History of Europe from the Decline of the Roman Empire, Second edition, Volume 1: Agrarian Life of the Middle Ages

The Cambridge Economic History of Europe from the Decline of the Roman Empire, Volume 2: Trade and Industry in the Middle Ages

The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Volume 1

History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire

The History of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Volume 1

The History of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Volume 1