The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: MS E

THE ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE: A COLLABORATIVE EDITION, Volume 7 MS. E Susan Irvine Editor

D. S. BREWER . CAMBRIDGE

THE ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE A COLLABORATIVE EDITION

VOLUME 7 . MS. E

THE ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE A COLLABORATIVE EDITION

VOLUME 7 MS. E A semi-diplomatic edition with introduction and indices

Edited by

Susan Irvine

D. S. BREWER . CAMBRIDGE

 Susan Irvine 2004 All Rights Reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner First published 2004 D. S. Brewer, Cambridge ISBN 0 85991 494 1

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D. S. Brewer is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK and of Boydell & Brewer Inc. PO Box 41026, Rochester, NY 14604–4126, USA website: www.boydellandbrewer.com A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 83–17130

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CONTENTS Preface Plate INTRODUCTION The Manuscript History Physical description Scribes Scribal practices The Text The annal-numbers Textual relationships Annals up to 890 Annals from 892 to 981 Annals from 983 to 1043b Annals from 1043b to 1063 Annals from 1064 to 1080 Annals after 1080 The Latin entries The Peterborough material: links with other documents The Peterborough Interpolations The Peterborough Continuations Language Orthography Phonology Morphology Syntax Vocabulary Proper nouns Editorial Conventions Bibliography TEXT OF MS. E Indices Personal names General Insular People-names Place-names

vii ix xi xiii xiii xviii xviii xxiii xxxi xxxi xxxii xxxvi lviii lxiv lxxv lxxxii lxxxiv lxxxviii xc xc ic ciii civ cviii cxxxix clvii clxiii clxv clxvii clxxi 1 141 141 145 161 164

PREFACE Much that is known about Anglo-Saxon England would have remained undiscovered but for the existence of the seven manuscripts which collectively represent the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The importance of the Chronicle, however, extends well beyond its historical content: its composition over a period of time reflects transitions of vital interest to literary and linguistic scholars. Of the extant versions of the Chronicle, the E-text, or ‘The Peterborough Chronicle’, which is edited in this volume, is perhaps the most important; in continuing up to the second half of the twelfth century, its span is by far the longest of all the manuscripts. A new edition of the E-text will, I hope, not only encourage and facilitate study on this particular version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, but also allow the complexity of its interrelationships with the other versions of the Chronicle and other historical works to be more fully recognized. With the publication of this edition, all the main texts of the Chronicle from A to F are now available in the Boydell and Brewer Anglo-Saxon Chronicle collaborative series. Producing a volume which is part of a larger work – the Boydell & Brewer Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition – has been advantageous in many ways. I have appreciated enormously the support of the editors of the other Chronicle texts, in particular that of Professor Janet Bately, who read and commented on a draft of part of the introduction and made many insightful suggestions, and of Professor Katherine O’Brien O’Keeffe, whose pointers in discussion always led me in interesting directions. Caroline Palmer and Vanda Andrews at Boydell & Brewer answered all my questions with alacrity and offered patient encouragement. Producing a volume within a larger work does of course require some compromises. My main regret is that it has not been possible to provide a translation to accompany this edition. There are, however, several good translations available of the E-text and I hope that they can be used where necessary in conjunction with this edition. I have other debts of gratitude. I would like to thank my colleagues in the Department of English at University College London, and in particular Professor Henry Woudhuysen for reading and providing many valuable comments on a draft of the introduction. A grant from the British Academy made it possible for Victoria Condie to prepare the Indices to the text and I am grateful to the former for funding and to the latter for her assiduity in undertaking this task. The staff of the Bodleian Library has been consistently vii

PREFACE

courteous and helpful during my visits there, as indeed have the staff of the British Library and of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, whose manuscript collections I have also consulted. Michael Fraser of the Oxford University Computing Services generated a series of concordances and indices which were immensely helpful in the preparation of the language section. Bruce Mitchell and Jill House both read different parts of the language section and offered extremely useful comments. Gordon Anderson generously lent me Cecily Clark’s copy of her edition, complete with her annotations. Thanks for answers to queries or other kinds of help are due to Valerie Adams, Thomas Bredehoft, Jayne Carroll, Malcolm Godden, Terry Hoad, Peter Jackson, Simon Keynes, Christine Rauer, Jane Roberts, Don Scragg, Eric Stanley, Jo Story, and Elizabeth Tyler. Finally I would like to acknowledge the huge support of my family, who have learnt more about the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle than they would necessarily have wished to. This book is dedicated to the memory of my father, Sir Robin Irvine: god man and wæl luued of alle gode men. Susan Irvine University College London September 2003

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Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Laud Misc. 636, fol. 81r (showing Hand 1 before and after the break in copying at the end of 1121) By permission of the Bodleian Library

INTRODUCTION

THE MANUSCRIPT

HISTORY

Pre-Reformation history The version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle known as E is preserved in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Laud Misc. 636, and consists of annals for 60 BC to AD 1154.1 It is the only extant version of the Chronicle which extends into the twelfth century (indeed it covers over seventy years more than any other version), and it therefore offers important evidence for the continuation of writing in English in the century after the Norman Conquest.2 The medieval origin of the manuscript is Peterborough. The most compelling reason for assigning it to Peterborough is its content. The E-text includes a number of whole annals and parts of annals which recount information relating to Peterborough. These annals are both interspersed amongst earlier annals otherwise shared with other versions of the Chronicle, and also added as later entries. The evidence provided by the manuscript’s contents is supported by its handwriting. The hand of the first scribe has been shown to resemble closely a hand found in London, British Library, MS. Harley 3667, and in London, British Library, MS. Cotton Tiberius C. I, fols 2–42 (originally both parts of one larger manuscript).3 The second and last hand resembles closely a hand found in two other Peterborough manuscripts: the correcting hand in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS. 134, and Society of Antiquaries, MS. 60 (known as the Liber Niger or Black Book of Peterborough), fols 6–71.4 The E-text, all the evidence would suggest, is a copy of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle made at Peterborough in about 1121, perhaps as part of an effort to replenish library stocks after the disastrous fire of 1116, and continued thereafter up to 1154.5 It is curious that the manuscript is not included in medieval Peterborough catalogues, since the attention paid to it in the later medieval period would

1 2 3 4 5

Ker, Catalogue, item 346. For some recent discussions of this issue, see Swan and Treharne, Rewriting Old English. See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xvii. For more palaeographical details, see Clark, ‘Notes on MS. Laud Misc. 636’, pp. 71–2. See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. xvii–xviii, and Bishop, ‘Notes on Cambridge Manuscripts’, p. 440. The fire is recorded in the E-text entry for 1116.

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suggest that it remained at Peterborough after its composition.6 The marginalia in late thirteenth- or fourteenth-century hands predominantly show an interest in Peterborough affairs.7 An inscription written in the fourteenth century recording ownership of the manuscript has been erased and partly cut away; the remaining words read ‘alienauerit . . . sit . . . et a celesti consolacione alienatus’.8 Post-Reformation history To judge by the extent of its annotation, the manuscript was much consulted by post-Reformation antiquarians.9 One set of annotations, written in ink in a sixteenth-century hand on fols 11v, 14r, 34r, 58r, and 59v, has been shown to have links with a hand found in manuscripts from the library of Archbishop Matthew Parker (1504–75).10 A plethora of red chalk markings scattered through the manuscript (underlinings, pointing hands, and folio numbering) also links the manuscript to Parker’s library. Specific links between these markings and quotations in the Parkerian works A Defence of Priestes Mariages and A Testimonie of Antiquitie suggest that the quotations were derived from this manuscript;11 this is supported by explicit reference to ‘the Saxon storye of Peterborowe’ in the preface of A Testimonie of Antiquitie.12 Another sixteenth-century addition on fol. 20v, which records the death of Sexwulf, is in a hand similar to that in notes in other Parker manuscripts, leading Dorothy Whitelock to suggest that ‘the writer of these entries is probably another of Parker’s secretaries’.13 The connection between the manuscript and Parker’s library is partly elucidated by a note in the hand of Parker’s secretary John Joscelyn (1529–1603), now in London, British Library, Cotton MS. Nero C. III. In his list of Anglo-Saxon texts which he made between 1565 and January 1567, Joscelyn describes the manuscript as: ‘Chronica Saxonica Petroburgensis monasterij ab anno Christi primo ad annum Christi 1148. Est in manibus domini Willelmi Ciceli militis. Et habet 6

7 8 9 10 11 12 13

For the medieval Peterborough catalogues, see James, Lists of Manuscripts Formerly in Peterborough Abbey Library. Clark’s tentative suggestion that it may be ‘disguised as Elfredi regis liber anglicus in the twelfth-century booklist in MS. Bodley 163’ (The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xvii) seems implausible in view of Lapidge’s argument that this booklist ‘is datable on palaeographical grounds to c. 1100 (s.xi/xii)’ (‘Surviving Booklists from Anglo-Saxon England’, p. 76 (p. 149 in reprint)). For a discussion of these marginalia, and a transcription of the more significant ones, see Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 21–2. See Ker, Catalogue, p. 426. It is not within the scope of this edition to reproduce and discuss in detail these annotations. This work remains to be done. For a fuller discussion, see Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 22–3. [Parker], A Defence of Priestes Mariages agaynst T. Martin; [Parker], A Testimonie of Antiquitie. For a fuller discussion, see Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 23–4. Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 24.

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eius exemplum Laurentius Nowel’ (fol. 208r).14 Sir William Cecil (1520–98), who owned the manuscript, presumably lent it to Parker in the course of an extensive exchange of manuscripts and transcripts between the two.15 The manuscript was transcribed by Laurence Nowell (d. ?1569) while he was staying in Cecil’s house in 1565.16 After Cecil, the manuscript passed into the ownership of William L’Isle (?1569–1637).17 L’Isle certainly owned the manuscript by the 1620s when contemporary references acknowledge his ownership,18 but the date and means by which he acquired it are unclear. It has recently been suggested by Angelika Lutz that the manuscript ‘may have belonged to Cotton’s collection for some time and from there have passed into the ownership of L’Isle, possibly in exchange for another manuscript’.19 L’Isle is probably responsible for cutting down the manuscript leaves and interleaving this smaller manuscript with paper.20 He annotated the manuscript heavily, mainly by collating it with the A-text, or Parker manuscript, of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.21 The consequent additions, many of which are on the interleaved paper pages, are referred to by a series of symbols such as crosses, triangles and squares. L’Isle also added many underlinings in ink. L’Isle, like Joscelyn and Nowell earlier, may have had in mind an edition of the whole Chronicle, a project which was suggested to him by James Ussher (1581–1656) in 1624.22 The manuscript’s final private owner was Archbishop Laud (1573–1645), who acquired it in 1638. Evidence of his ownership is found in a note at the bottom of fol. 1r (dated 1638) and in the binding with his arms on the upper cover. The manuscript was given by Laud as part of his third donation to the Bodleian Library, sent on 28 June 1639.23 In his letter of gift, Laud expressly stipulated that none of the books he donated should be taken out of the Library except for the purpose of printing

14 15 16

17

18 19 20 21 22 23

The list is reproduced in facsimile and edited by Graham and Watson, ‘The Recovery of the Past’, pp. 54–9; see also Wright, ‘The Dispersal of the Monastic Libraries’, pp. 218–19. Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 25. On the links between Parker and Cecil, see Greg, ‘Books and Bookmen’, pp. 273–7. The transcript survives as BL, Additional MS. 43704. For Nowell’s interest in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, see Flower, ‘Laurence Nowell and the Discovery of England in Tudor Times’, and Lutz, ‘Das Studium der Angelsächsischen Chronik’. For L’Isle’s interest in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, see Tuve, ‘Ancients, Moderns, and Saxons’, Adams, Old English Scholarship in England, pp. 45–7, and Pulsiano, ‘William L’Isle and the Editing of Old English’. See Lutz, ‘The Study of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, p. 18. Lutz, ‘The Study of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, pp. 18–19. Fols 86–90 were not cut down, owing to the presence in their margins of an Anglo-Norman Chronicle (in a late thirteenth-century hand). See Pulsiano, ‘William L’Isle and the Editing of Old English’, pp. 192–8. For the A-text, see Bately, MS. A. See Lutz, ‘The Study of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, p. 23. See Hunt, A Summary Catalogue, pp. 132–3.

xv

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(‘nisi solum ut typis mandentur, et sic publici et juris et utilitatis fiant’).24 The manuscript was, however, borrowed from the Library in 1647 by Sir Simonds D’Ewes (1602–50), apparently without that specific purpose in mind. D’Ewes acknowledged the loan as follows: ‘Received by mee Sir Simonds D’Ewes, of Stowhall in the county of Suffolk, Knight and Baronet, out of the publique University Library at Oxford, one old manuscripte chronicle in the auntient English Saxon tounge, commonly called Chronica Burgi Sancti Petri, my borrowing of it being for a publique use. And I doe faithfully promise to restore [it] againe whensoever it shalbee demanded. In witnes whereof to this presente writing I have hereunto put my hand and seale. Dated this 19th day of October, 1647. Simonds D’Ewes.’25 There is no evidence that D’Ewes intended to print the manuscript, but he may have borrowed it to facilitate his compilation of an Anglo-Saxon dictionary, a project in which he seems to have been engaged from the late 1630s. In embarking on this task, D’Ewes was following in the footsteps of several other earlier or contemporary Anglo-Saxon scholars:26 these included John Joscelyn, of whose Dictionarium Anglo-Saxonico-Latinum D’Ewes possessed a transcript (now Harley MS. 9),27 William L’Isle, who is mentioned as working on an Anglo-Saxon dictionary by Sir William Boswell in a letter to D’Ewes in 1636,28 and Johannes de Laet, who corresponded with D’Ewes about his dictionary.29 In the late 1640s, D’Ewes was still being encouraged to publish his dictionary by William Dugdale;30 when he died in 1650, however, it remained unpublished.31 D’Ewes’s borrowing of the manuscript from the Bodleian in 1647 needs also to be seen in another context. In 1643–4 the first edition of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle had appeared, produced by Abraham Wheeloc as an Appendix to his Editio Princeps of the Old English version of Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica.32 But this edition drew only on two of the AngloSaxon Chronicle manuscripts, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS. 173 24 25 26

27 28 29 30 31

32

See Macray, Annals of the Bodleian Library Oxford, p. 83. I am indebted to Professor Henry Woudhuysen for drawing my attention to this reference. See Macray, Annals of the Bodleian Library Oxford, pp. 83–4. On the various attempts at compiling an Old English dictionary in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Adams, Old English Scholarship in England, pp. 56–7, and Hetherington, ‘The Recovery of the Anglo-Saxon Lexicon’. Watson, The Library of Sir Simonds D’Ewes, pp. 10 and 154 (A433), and Graham, ‘John Joscelyn, Pioneer of Old English Lexicography’, pp. 97–8. Printed by Ellis, Original Letters of Eminent Literary Men, p. 152 (Letter LIII); also printed by Halliwell, The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D’Ewes, II.229. See Watson, The Library of Sir Simonds D’Ewes, p. 10, and Ellis, Original Letters of Eminent Literary Men, pp. 154–5. See Watson, The Library of Sir Simonds D’Ewes, pp. 10–11. The first Anglo-Saxon dictionary eventually to be published was William Somner’s Dictionarium Saxonico-Latino-Anglicum in 1659; see Adams, Old English Scholarship in England, pp. 59–65, and Lutz, ‘The Study of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, pp. 41–8. Wheeloc, Historiæ ecclesiasticæ gentis Anglorum libri V. a venerabili Beda presbytero scripti.

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(MS. A) and London, British Library, MS. Cotton Otho B. XI (MS. G).33 Since E remained unedited, the manuscript itself must have been considered an important primary source by D’Ewes for his lexicographical undertaking. Modern editions The first edition of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle to incorporate the E-text was that of Edmund Gibson whose new fuller edition of the Chronicle appeared in 1692.34 The Chronicon Saxonicum draws on Wheeloc’s printed text, Joscelyn’s transcript of B, Junius’s collations and extracts from F, and E itself, to produce a conflated edition. Gibson’s edition was not superseded until 1833, when James Ingram produced his edition of the Chronicle, once again a conflation but improved by its collation of MSS. C and D.35 Benjamin Thorpe’s synoptic six-text edition of 1861 was the first edition constructed to take account of the way in which the Chronicle comprises a set of works rather than a single one.36 The standard edition of the whole of the E-text since the late nineteenth century has been the parallel edition of 1892–9 by John Earle and Charles Plummer, which presents the A-text and the E-text alongside each other (and interposes other versions where they differ substantially).37 Although this represents a monumental achievement, a new edition of the E-text alone is long overdue: the layout of the parallel edition does not facilitate the consideration of E as a single entity, and moreover the text contains many small errors of transcription.38 Whitelock’s 1954 facsimile edition of the manuscript made the text of the manuscript more accessible to scholars, and its introduction considerably enhanced understanding of the manuscript itself.39 An excellent partial edition of the manuscript is offered by Cecily Clark’s edition of The Peterborough Chronicle 1070–1154, published first in 1957 and followed by a second edition in 1970.40 Clark offers a mainly accurate text of the entries from 1070 onwards, and her introduction is particularly impressive for its close study of the language of this part of the manuscript. For too long, however, scholars have tended, in the wake of Clark, to confine their study of ‘The Peterborough Chronicle’ to the entries from 1070

33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

For a recent assessment of Wheeloc’s edition, see Lutz, ‘The Study of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, pp. 36–9. Gibson, Chronicon Saxonicum. See further Lutz, ‘The Study of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, pp. 58–64. Ingram, The Saxon Chronicle. Thorpe, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, according to the Several Original Authorities. Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel. On these inaccuracies, see Clark, ‘Notes on MS. Laud Misc. 636’, pp. 72–3. Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle.

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onwards, despite the somewhat arbitrary nature of this division; it is hoped that the present edition will encourage study of the E-text in its entirety.

PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION

All 91 folios of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Laud Misc. 636, consist of the E-text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The manuscript consists of nine quires of ten folios, with one odd leaf (fol. 81) added at the end of the eighth quire.41 The folios have been interleaved with seventeenth-century paper.42 The original size of the leaves is indicated by fols 86–90 which have been left uncut to preserve an Anglo-Norman Chronicle added in a late thirteenthcentury hand in their margins (fols 86v–90v).43 The uncut leaves measure about 240 x 165 mm. The other leaves which have been cut down measure about 210 x 145 mm. The written space is approximately 170 x 100 mm. There are thirty lines to the page, with the exception of fols 89r, 90v, and 91r and v, which have 29 lines. The lines are ruled with lead, except for part of the first quire where ruling is with a hard point. The end of fol. 1v and fols 2–7 are in two columns. The binding is seventeenth-century (though it has been more recently rebacked). The manuscript is generally well preserved. Occasional holes and tears were mainly present when the manuscript was written; they are accordingly avoided by the scribes and do not affect the legibility. On fol. 1v, however, the green paint of the initial has eaten through and slightly obscured the text. Legibility is also affected slightly by some heavy brown staining on fols 2v, 3r, 4r and v, 5r and v, and 6r and v, and more severely by some rubbing and crumpling of the last folio.

SCRIBES

The E-text is written by two scribes. The first is by far the more substantial contributor, writing all the entries from fol. 1 to fol. 88v at line 9 (that is, to the end of the annal for 1131). Different stages can be identified in this scribe’s contribution. The consistency of the hand and ink in the writing of the annals up to the end of 1121 (fol. 81r at line 10) would suggest that they were all copied more or less continuously. The annals for 1122 to 1131, however, are much less consistent, with several changes in the appearance of the writing 41 42 43

The implications of this quiring are considered by Clark, ‘Notes on MS. Laud Misc. 636’, p. 72. See my discussion of the post-Reformation history of the manuscript at p. xv above. The Anglo-Norman Chronicle is reproduced in Whitelock’s facsimile edition, where it is also discussed in an appendix by Cecily Clark; see Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 39–43.

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and in the colour of the ink, leading some scholars to assume changes in scribe over this period of the manuscript’s composition.44 Careful analysis by more recent scholars, however, has led to a consensus, with which I concur, that these entries were made by the same scribe who wrote the annals up to the end of 1121, but at different times and in different ink.45 These differences would indicate that the annals were written in six blocks, as follows: (i) 1122; (ii) 1123; (iii) 1124; (iv) 1125 to 1126 lande (at fol. 85r7); (v) 1126 On þes ilces geares (at fol. 85r7) to 1127; (vi) 1128 to 1131. The scribe, with the end of the entry for 1121, apparently brought the Chronicle up-to-date, and then continued over the following ten years or so to add material as it seemed appropriate or as it became available. A second scribe was responsible for the annals from 1132 to 1154 (fols 88r10 to 91v). The uniform appearance of these entries suggests that they were probably entered as one block into the manuscript. Hand 1 The writing of this scribe, who writes over 80 folios of the manuscript in about 1121 and continues sporadically to add entries for 1122–31 (another almost 8 folios), is aptly described by Ker as ‘a neat round hand’.46 The hand characteristically forms ascenders with a tag to the left at the top; its descenders are short and mainly turn to the left at the end. The following letters deserve special mention. a The insular form of a is generally used for both Old English and Latin entries; it appears as rather small and triangular, with a slight curve to the right finishing its upright stem. Occasionally the caroline form of a is found: in the Old English text on fol. 1r (nine times in the first six lines), intermittently in the annal for 1122, and once in the annal for 1128 (normandi 86v3); in the Latin text on fol. 3r in the entries for 114, 124, and 134.47 d The insular round-backed form of d is generally used for both the Old English and the Latin entries. The caroline form with its upright back is found sporadically in both the Old English and Latin entries, mainly towards the beginning and towards the end of this scribe’s contribution. In the Old English text, several instances occur up to fol. 12r: in abædon (1r18), sind (1r23), adrifon (1v5), eadiga (2r, col. 2, 3); the Latin text offers instances on fols 3r, 4r and v, 6r and v, and 11r. After fol. 12v, it is virtually unused by the scribe in his entries up to the end of 1121 (there are occasional exceptions 44 45

See, for example, Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.xxxv. See, for example, Ker, Catalogue, p. 425, Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 14, and Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. xvi–xvii. 46 Ker, Catalogue, p. 425. 47 For the examples of forms of letters cited here and elsewhere, Whitelock’s facsimile edition, The Peterborough Chronicle, may be consulted.

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such as in the Latin dehonestauerant 26v25). The caroline d is used again in the entry for 1122 (decembris 81v5), and then sporadically in subsequent entries (candelmesse 83v15, Lundene 84v10, eorldom 85v1), under- 85v12, deum laudamus 88r20). e Low round-backed e is consistently used. Capital E is straight-backed except for one instance: Eall (84r26). f The insular form of f is generally used in the Old English and the Latin. As one would expect in a late manuscript, the bar transects the descender.48 Occasionally the caroline form is used in Old English: fram (36v5, above the line), fæder (56r13), leaf (58r2), gefestnode (60v30), folc (75v8), and firrer (88r12).49 g The flat-topped insular g is generally used in the Old English and the Latin. The caroline form occurs in the Latin entries on fol. 3r, and Whitelock notes two uses in the Old English entries after 1121: Engleland (81r21), Englalande (84r17).50 h The form is consistently insular, with a slightly wedged ascender and a slightly inward-turning second limb. The capital appears both as a plain capital H and in its uncial form. The latter appears sometimes with a rounded bow, sometimes with an angular shoulder and broken bow (both of which types are exemplified in the first few folios), and sometimes with a broken bow descending below the line (as can be seen on fols 35v and 36r). In the early part of the manuscript, the scribe tends to use the two forms alternately as the first letter of Her at the beginning of annals, but this is not consistently maintained and the uncial form becomes much more common. i Final i is occasionally formed with a descender in the entries from 1127 (85r13) onwards, as in, for example, mæi (85v21). Capital I usually sits on the line but occasionally descends below it (as in Ic 18r14). k The letter occurs in two forms, one with a closed bow (for example, kining 11r20) and one with an open bow (for example, kasere 1r25). The latter is much more common up to the end of 1123 (83r14), after which the former is the more common of the two. m Occasionally in the Old English a small uncial m is used instead of the more usual form, as in, for example, macode 36v12, him 85v1.51 Capital M is usually similar to a larger version of the small uncial m (for example in Mellitus 11r26 and Min 14v17), but a straight-limbed form is used for some instances of Millesimo (for example on fols 43r and 44r). n The uncial (or small capital) form of n is sometimes used instead of the normal form, for example, in (19v24), gefuhton (7v, col. 1, 25), on (23r9, 48 49 50 51

Ker, Catalogue, p. xxix. See also Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 15. The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 15. Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 15.

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INTRODUCTION

58r1). Often, as in the latter two of these examples, it seems to have space-filling as its function. Capital N generally appears as a larger form of the normal n (for example, Nu 10r12), but sometimes appears in a form looking rather like plain capital H but with a descending diagonal crossstroke (the slight variations available to the scribe are exemplified by Ne 11r23, Nones 13v12, and Nu 18r29). r The insular form of r is generally used. Occasionally the caroline form occurs: there are three instances in the Latin text on fol. 3r, and in the Old English text it occurs in Petrus (2r, col. 1, 5), twice in words written above the line (Worr 26v18 and þær 67v16), and twice in the annal for 1122 (geare 81r11 and (within a Latin title) -teriens 81r16). There is also occasional use of the 2-shaped r which follows o in some Latin words: apostolorum (2r, col. 2, 19), Telesphorus (3r, col. 2, 17), and priores (87r10). s A variety of forms of s are used by the scribe. All of them are found on fol. 1r but their patterns of distribution vary thereafter through the manuscript. They are as follows. (i) Long insular s. This is used several times on the first page of the manuscript, for example in is (1r1), moston (1r10), easton (1r13), wiðstent (1r14), wes (1r22, 26), crist (1r24). After fol. 1r the long insular s comes back into use again only from fol. 84r: in the annals for 1125 and 1126 it is used alongside low insular s and high s; in the annals for 1127 to 1131 (fols 85r–88v) long insular s becomes by far the most common form. (ii) Low insular s. This is the most common form of s used on the first page of the manuscript, for example in sind (1r2), brittisc (1r4), wilsc (1r4). It is then virtually the only form of s in use for about 40 folios. At fol. 40r (annal for 994), the high s begins to come back into use; accordingly the use of the low insular s gradually declines and from fol. 48 onwards it is actually overtaken in frequency by the high s. Low insular s is used more frequently again in the annals for 1123–7. (iii) ‘High s’.52 This occurs occasionally on the first page of the manuscript, for example in geswenced (1r26) and his heres (1r27). Given that the scribe also uses some forms closer to caroline s on this page (englisc (1r3), þises (1r5), brittas (1r17), pyhtas (1r17), sum (1r22)), it is not clear how far he distinguishes the two. In the Latin entries on fols 3–5, the scribe also uses both high forms and ones closer to the caroline s. The predominance of low insular s after fol. 5v means that high s is only rarely used until it begins to come into use again at fol. 40r when it gradually increases in frequency. From fol. 48 onwards it becomes the most common form, until the low insular s overtakes it again in the annals for 1123–7. A ligature for st, combining the arched head of high s with the downwards stroke of t, is found on the first page of the manuscript in Erest (1r5) and ærost (1r7, 9) and on 52

See Ker, Catalogue, pp. xxx–xxxi.

xxi

MS. E

some of the other early folios where the scribe still uses high s (for example in ofsticod (1v16) and in the Latin entries on fol. 3r). Where the use of high s resumes in later folios (see above), it is common in st combinations for the headstroke of t to join with or pierce the shaft of a preceding high s. (iv) Minuscule round s. This also appears on the first page of the manuscript in þis (1r2). Elsewhere in the manuscript it is used occasionally, sometimes at the end of the line as in iohannes (85v8), sometimes with the s written above the line (especially in Latin names) as in Clemens (3r, col. 1, 7), heres (31v14). t Capital T usually has a wavy head-stroke and straight descending stroke (as in Tuda 16r22), but once appears with a more rounded descending stroke (Toforan 72v27). u A pointed v-like form of u is occasionally used, for example in Cuðwine (10v1), Suðhumbra (20v3), gemunde (76v29), ut (86v25). w The Old English letter wynn is generally used. Occasionally u, uu, or v occur in its place (see under Language: Orthography). The forms of wynn and p are sometimes confused, for example wynn for p in manuscript wihtum (19v1) and awuldre (34v6), and p for wynn in manuscript palas (1v5) and forspeldon (42v27). Very occasionally the forms for wynn and þ are confused, as has happened in the form twam for þam (45v3). As a capital, W is preferred to capital wynn. y The form is consistently dotted and straight-limbed. æ There are a few examples of e-caudata used for æ, mainly in the Latin entries or Latin words within the Old English entries but occasionally also in Old English words: ð0s (23r3), Wils0te (26v23), s0 (76r15). ð This is the same size and shape as d. The cross-bar turns up sharply at the far end, sometimes transecting the upstroke, sometimes protruding only from the right side of the upstroke. It is used in all positions and predominates medially and finally against þ. (The capital Ð, however, predominates against the capital Þ.) The doubled form ðð, which has a single cross-bar through both upstrokes, is preferred to þð, ðþ, or þþ. The spelling th is sometimes found for ð or þ (an orthographical feature discussed at pp. cv–cvi below). þ This predominates initially against ð except where capitals are used. On the occasional confusion of þ and wynn, see w above. Hand 2 This scribe, who wrote the annals for 1132–54 (fols 88v10–91v), wrote in what Ker describes as ‘a more compressed and later type of script’.53 The letter-forms are consistently caroline rather than insular. Ascenders are 53

Ker, Catalogue, p. 426.

xxii

INTRODUCTION

tagged to the right or to the left or both. Descenders generally turn to the left at the end. The following letters require special comment. d This letter occurs in both caroline and insular forms throughout the scribe’s writing. f The tail of f often descends below the line. k The form with a closed bow is consistently found. r This is sometimes formed sitting on the line and sometimes descending below it. After o the 2-shaped r is consistently used. s Both the caroline s and, more commonly, the long s descending below the line are used. Rounded minuscule is sometimes used finally, for example in sinnes (89v30) and was (90v4); sometimes it is written above the line, as in castles (89r21). The ligature for st is consistently used. w The Old English wynn is frequently used, but is also often replaced by u or uu. For the capital both capital wynn and W occur. y The form is always dotted and both of the strokes forming the upper part of the letter are straight. æ Occasionally e-caudata occurs for æ, for example in 0fter (89r2), c0ste (89v3), and suyth0 (90v14). ð/þ These are both used but ð is not used initially. On the increased use of th for ð/þ, see the discussion of orthography at p. cvii below. Two separate cross-strokes are used for ðð, for example in siððan (89r6).

SCRIBAL PRACTICES

Layout The bulk of the material written by both scribes is entered in single column on 30-line pages (29-line in the case of fols 89r, 90v, 91r and v). In the opening pages of the manuscript the first scribe has sometimes entered annalnumbers and annals in more than one column, presumably to save parchment. The first page and the first half of the second page, containing the Preface and the entry for 60 BC, are entered in single column, but at lines 17–18 of fol. 1v, the scribe has written the annal-numbers in four columns. At line 19, the scribe reverts to single column to enter two annals. At line 22, the scribe moves to double columns, at line 24 a single column is used to enter a one-line annal, then at line 25 the scribe reverts to double columns, which are hitherto used consistently for fols 2r to 7v. At fol. 8r, a single-column layout recommences, and this remains the standard practice for the rest of the manuscript, with the exception of fol. 11r where two annal-numbers are included on line 2. Some material, mainly relating to Peterborough, has been filled in later by the first scribe in gaps that were left in the course of copying. Three substantial additions of this type are easily recognizable from the xxiii

MS. E

continuation of their material into the bottom margin: on fol. 23r an omission has been rectified by an addition, and on fols 51r and 56r Peterborough material has been added at a later stage.

Rubrication The annals up to the end of 1121 and those for 1122 and 1123 are preceded by an annal-number and a space to the left of the beginning of the entry. This annal-number is on a fresh line except for the double-column pages and has been filled in after the writing of the entries.54 The annals for 1124 to 1131 follow a different procedure: here the annal-numbers generally appear at the end of the line before the entry to which they are attached, except for 1126 (which is affected by erasure), 1129 (where the scribe responded to lack of space by putting the annal-number at the beginning of the next line before the entry began), and 1130 (where the scribe responded to lack of space by insetting the annal-number at the end of the first line of the entry). The second scribe has put the annal-numbers at the beginning of the first line of the relevant annal. The amount of space needed to write the number, however, has often been underestimated by this scribe, who has then had to find ways to fit in at least part of the number elsewhere (for example by beginning it on the previous line or writing it above the line).

Decoration The manuscript is relatively plain. On fol. 1r, there is a large initial B (the height of eight manuscript lines) which is green with red inner decoration.55 The annal-numbers are in red. On some folios, the first letter of each annal has been filled in with red. The large capitals beginning the annals from 1124 to the end (on fols 83r to 91v) are in red.

Abbreviations Both scribes use abbreviations. The second scribe abbreviates more frequently than the first. The following abbreviations are found in the Old English entries. (i) Overline above vowel for -m. This is a very common abbreviation; it appears as straight, or curved, or with a hook at either or both ends. The forms a, e, i, o, u, and y are found, and can occur either medially or (most commonly) finally, for example, þa (1r24), 54 55

On the errors in the numbering of the annals, see Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 20. On the similarity of this initial to the initial G in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Bodley 163, fol. 1r, see Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 14.

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INTRODUCTION

nenad (10r4), hi (14r26), co (10r2), langu (1r8), norðhybra (13r23–4). I have found no instance of æ. (ii) Overline above vowel for -n. This occurs occasionally in the combination ig, for example, ofstigan (12v2), cinig (29r29). (iii) Overline above vowel for -den. This is used once by the second scribe in byrie (91v23). In þestre (88v26), the second scribe has omitted in error the overline above the final letter. (iv) Overline above c. This occurs as an abbreviation for cen in abbodri} (76v27). It is used (in a heavily hooked form) for ceastre/cestre in Win} (75r9) and (by the second scribe) in Glou} (90v28). It is used by the second scribe for col in Lin} (88v13). (v) Overline above g for ge. This occurs initially and medially, for example, gweald (28v11), Hygbald (20v29), þegnas (50v7). The second scribe uses it finally as an abbreviation for ges in king (90v25). (vi) Overline above gr for gear. This occurs once (13r6). (vii) Overline above k for king. This is used occasionally (in a heavily hooked form) by the second scribe (for example, 89r10 (an insertion above the line), 89r13, 91r20, 91v23). It is also used once by the second scribe as an abbreviation for kes: munek (91v21). (viii) Overline above m for man or men. This occurs for man in ealdorm (27v4) and for men in m (22v28). The second scribe uses it as an abbreviation for the inflection -men in the infinitive cum (88v24) and the preterite plural nam (89v21). The second scribe abbreviates Normandi as Norm at 88v25. (ix) Overline above n for ne or nn. This is occasionally used, for example, kyneci° (1r19), þon° (23r22). The abbreviation is used once in pæ° for pænega (66r1). (x) Overline above r. This occurs as an abbreviation for ran in Flandr (74r7). It is used (in its heavily hooked form) for rig in Cantwarbyr (73v25). (xi) Overline above t for ter or tre. This is a common abbreviation, used in, for example, wint (7r, col. 1, 8), doht (12v10), æft (17v4). The abbreviation is used once by the second scribe for tres in Pet (88v19). It is used within an abbreviation for Cantwarbyrig in Cantbyrig (79r4), and within an abbreviation for Hagustaldesee in Hagustdee (25v13). (xii) Line through ascender of b. The second scribe uses this for ber in Rodbt (for example at 90v1), and for xxv

MS. E

byri in Cantwarb (90v6) and [Can]teb (91r25). A line through both ascenders of a double b denotes bba in Abbndune (49v4, 51v21). (For abbot and abbodesse, see below.) (xiii) Line through ascender of l. This is an abbreviation for les in Michael (72r22). In Englal it is an abbreviation for land (used by the first scribe at 50r15 and the second scribe at 89r1). In Ierlm it is an abbreviation for usale (2v, col. 1, 24). A line through both ascenders of a double l denotes lle in rihtfull (73v7), and llel in Willm (71v6). (xiv) Line through ascender of þ for þet. This is a very common abbreviation in the hand of the first scribe. When writing the form in full, the scribe clearly prefers þet over þæt: the form þæt is used only eight times by the first scribe (in addition to one instance of ðæt), as opposed to 267 instances of þet (and seven of ðet). The second scribe commonly uses ð as an abbreviation for ðat (48 times); elsewhere in the second scribe’s entries þat occurs 13 times, and þæt and þet each occur once. (xv) Short vertical line above p. This abbreviation, common in Latin, is used by the second scribe for pri in ´ the word psun (90v16, 90v29, 91r2). (xvi) Underline through descender of p. This abbreviation, common in Latin, is used by the second scribe for per in emPice and þemPice (90v18, 90v21, 90v29, 91r13). (xvii) The Tironian symbol &. This is commonly used by both scribes for the conjunction and (though the word is sometimes written out in full). It occurs once as the first element of a compound in &lang (47v28). The second scribe once uses an ampersand (&) for and (91v8). In the Latin text & is used for et. (xviii) Abbreviations for ecclesiastical ranks. The abbreviation abb (with both bs crossed) is used for abbod or abbot (both forms are used in full by the first scribe, whilst the second scribe uses abbot but not abbod). The second scribe once uses the abbreviation ab (91v24). In its inflected forms the word is usually written out by the scribes in full, but occasionally an abbreviated form is used (as in abbs for abbotas 62v22, abb for abbotes 89v23). The abbreviation abb is used occasionally by both scribes in writing the compound abbrice (for example, 64v17, 88v17). The abbreviation abbe is used by the first scribe once for abbode (15v14) and once for abbodesse (27r8) (the use of abb for abbodesse at 45r18 is probably a result of the confusion of Leofwine’s gender by the scribe). The abbreviation abbn for abban in Abbandune is used twice by the first scribe (49v4, 51v21). The abbreviation b for biscop is frequently used by both scribes. It is also used for inflected forms (for example, b for biscopas 28r20, b for biscopes 89v23). The first scribe also occasionally uses b in compounds (for example, bdome 22r22, brice 52r16); the second scribe has no relevant examples. The xxvi

INTRODUCTION

first scribe occasionally uses the abbreviation bis} alone and in compounds (bis} 71v7, bis}rice 73v14, leodbis} (for leodbiscopes) 84v12). The abbreviation bcop is used in bcoprices (73r30). Abbreviations for arcebiscop or ærcebiscop follow a similar pattern of variation in the second element of the compound to that shown by biscop (-b is common and there are occasional instances of -bis}, as in arcebis} 74r3). The first element of the compound is also sometimes abbreviated (for example ar}b 51v10). The word munuc(-) or munec- is normally written in full but there is one instance of m° at 56v11. The term prior is sometimes abbreviated with a short vertical line above the p (for pri), as at 82r8 and 88v5. (xix) Abbreviations in dates. In the numbering of annals an abbreviated Latin word is followed by the relevant Roman numeral. The first scribe generally uses A° to denote Anno, though early on in the manuscript it is sometimes written in full or abbreviated to An°. To denote 1000 in the numbering of annals, the first scribe generally uses Millmo (the cross-stroke begins at the first l and extends through the second) as an abbreviation for Millesimo. Occasionally there is no cross-stroke through the double l (as in the dates 1016, 1046, and 1094); once the scribe uses M with o written above it (1130). The first scribe occasionally uses overlined M, either on its own (1090) or in combination with abbreviated Anno (1096, 1097); the second scribe consistently uses M in dating. Within entries, phrases that express dates are generally in Latin, and dates are accordingly expressed by reference to the kalends, ides, and nones, for ° nonaru which the following abbreviations are found: kl, kl, k; id’; no, N, (once at 12r3–4), non0 (once at 80v30). Given the extreme rarity of inflected forms it is reasonable to assume that the scribes were following the general late Old English usage of the indeclinable forms kalendas, idus, and nonas.56 The names of the months in these phrases are, when written out, almost invariably in their genitive singular forms (Martii 79v15, Augusti 12r24, Septembris 24r8, and several instances of Iunii and Iulii). They are commonly abbreviated as follows: Ia°r, Ia°rii, Ia° (once, by the second scribe, at – ´ (once, by the second scribe, at 90v5); 91v21); Feb, Febr; Mr, MR; AŒr, Apl IUN’; Iul; AUG, Aug’, Augt; Sept, SeŒt, Sept’, Septe, Septeb, Septemb; Octob, – Octobr; Nov’, NOV, NOVEB, Novemb, Nouemb; De}, Deceb, Decemb, Decembr. (For May, Mai is always written.) (xx) Abbreviations in other Latin words or Latin derivatives. There is a heavy use of normal Latin abbreviations in the Latin entries. My examples here are confined to the scribal abbreviations of Latin words that appear within the Old English entries. These are found as follows: actib; aplor (2r, col. 2, 19), am (16v4, 19r10), apls (2r, col. 1, 7), archieŒs (19v9), 56

See Baker and Lapidge, Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, pp. civ–cv. See also Baker, MS. F, p. c.

xxvii

MS. E

dm (2v, col.1, 10), epypha° (71v8), euglista (80r25), frat (2v, col. 1, 10), natiuit (45r13), octab (71v8), pentecost and pente} (an example of each can be seen on fol. 77r at lines 14 and 20), s, s}, s}e, and s}s (for example, 2r, col. 1, 17, 12v15, 84r1), xŒesmæssan and xŒendom (for example, 45r27, 74r12). In proper names, the final -us common in Latin proper names is often abbreviated (mainly as in iacob’ at 2v, col. 1, 9, but there is one instance of philipp° at 77r15), Iohannes is abbreviated as iohs or iohs (an example of each can be seen on fol. 19v at lines 17 and 18), Deusdedit is abbreviated as dsdedit (for example at 14v2), Uniuersal as uniusal (87v12).

Punctuation The prevalent punctuation mark used by both scribes is the punctus, which is used to indicate both major and minor sense divisions. It is consistently used before &. Other punctuation marks are used only sporadically. The punctus versus appears as an indication of a major sense division in the first scribe’s entries for 1016 (47v14), 1017 (49r25), 1066 (58r11), 1070 (59v5), 1083 (62r12), 1086 (64r13), 1114 (78r28 and 78v12), 1127 (86r20), 1128 (86v11), 1129 (87r29), 1130 (87v17). The punctus elevatus is used to indicate the division of two subordinate clauses or a main clause from a subordinate one in the first scribe’s entries for 675 (17v19), 972 (38r23), 992 (39v28), 1117 (79v14), 1122 (81r15), 1127 (85r24). The punctus interrogativus is used four times, with every instance occurring in the annal for 1086 (63v, 9 and 10, and 64r, 9 and 10). Two unusual punctuation marks are each found once: one, separating two main clauses in the entry for 1095 (70v3), looks like a punctus elevatus sideways on; the other, separating a subordinate from a main clause in the entry for 1085a (62r27), slightly resembles the musical sign porrectus.57

Accents Accents, appearing as a thin diagonal line, are not used commonly or consistently in the manuscript. They occur on both long and short vowels. Veronika Kniezsa concludes in her study of the two Peterborough continuations that ‘the marking of vowel length does not appear as a general aim’.58

57

See Clemoes, Liturgical Influence on Punctuation, p. 6. Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 18, notes that it is curious to find this sign in a manuscript from a Benedictine rather than Cistercian house. 58 Kniezsa, ‘Accents and Digraphs’, p. 17.

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INTRODUCTION

Other scribal marks (i) The caret mark appears most commonly as a comma below the line. The first scribe uses a combination of dots and a comma at 53r30, and a dotted y (fols 23r and 56r). (ii) The reverse mark in the first scribe’s hand appears as two dots over the first word and one over the second: feor up (47r13) and cynges broðor (51r18). The second scribe transposes material by using two parallel sloping lines and dots on each side of the phrase to be moved (efter gold & syluer) and a comma (after heom) to show its proper place (89r25–6).59 (iii) Word-division between lines, which occurs frequently, is marked by an upward-sloping line at the end of the line. (iv) The deletion mark is a dot or line beneath the relevant letter or letters. More often than not, however, erasure itself has removed the offending text.60

59

This reading, first discussed by Ker, ‘Some Notes on the Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 137, has been accepted by all later editors. 60 The types of minor errors by the first scribe which have led to erasure are outlined by Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 19.

xxix

THE TEXT THE ANNAL-NUMBERS

The annal-numbers in E generally conform to those found in other manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. There are, however, a number of errors in the annal-numbers, leading in some cases to considerable distortion in their relation to the events they record. (i) Various errors were subsequently corrected by the first (main) scribe. The following annal-numbers have been subject to scribal correction: 22 (corrected from .xiii. by insertion of x and erasure of the third i); 140 (corrected by an erasure between the c and x of .cxl.); 411 (corrected from .cccxi. by insertion of c); 434 (corrected from .cccxxxiiii. by insertion of c); 570 (the final x of .dlxx. is written over an erasure); 612–19 (corrected from .dxii.-.dxix. by insertion of c in each annal-number); 706 (corrected by an erasure after the i of .dccvi.); 712–13 (corrected from .dccii. and .dcciii. by insertion of x in each case); 750 (corrected by an erasure after the l of .dccl.); 785 (corrected by alteration of, and an erasure after, the v of .dcclxxxv.); 800 (the final c of .dccc. is written over an erasure); 964 (corrected by an erasure between the fourth c and the l of .dcccclxiiii.); 1055 (corrected by an erasure after the v of .lv.); 1056 (corrected by an erasure after the i of .lvi.); 1126 (corrected by alteration of the last two numerals of .coxxvi. and an erasure after them). The annal-number 439 is followed by the erasure of a whole annal-number. In the section written by the second scribe, 1132 has been corrected (by erasure). (ii) Other errors were subsequently rectified by a later annotator (probably William L’Isle).1 The annal-number 63 is formed by adding a third i to the repeat of .lxii., and the original annal-number 63 is crossed out. The annalnumber 491 is corrected, probably from .ccccxi. (by alteration of xi to xci). (iii) A considerable number of uncorrected errors in annal-numbers affect E. Some of these pertain to individual annal-numbers: 288 appears as 278; 379 is repeated (as the result of the insertion of a Latin annal), so that the annal for 381 appears in E under 380; 639 is repeated so that the annal for 640 appears in E under 639; 647 (a blank annal) is omitted; 657 is omitted, the material relating to 657 having been entered under 656; 816 is omitted, 1

See my discussion of the post-Reformation history of the manuscript at p. xv above.

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the material relating to 816 having been entered under 815; 852 is repeated; 853 is omitted, the material relating to 853 having been entered under the second 852; 856 (a blank annal) is repeated; 931 (a blank annal) is repeated; 989 appears as 1989 (Mill’mo for AN); 1064 appears for 1065 (this is corrected by the omission of 1065). Others pertain to runs of annal-numbers. As a result of the omission of a blank annal 1039, 1039 appears for 1040, 1040 for 1041, 1041 for 1042, and 1042 for 1043; 1043 is then repeated with the result that the first annal under 1043 reports events relating to 1044 and the second annal under 1043 reports events relating to 1045. Following from this repetition of 1043, 1044 appears for 1046, 1045 appears for 1047; 1046 is then repeated with the result that the first annal under 1046 reports events relating to 1048 and the second reports events relating to 1049. Following from this repetition of 1046, 1047 appears for 1050, and 1048 appears for 1051. With the omission of 1049, 1050, and 1051, the correct chronology is finally restored. Another incorrect run of annal-numbers begins with the repetition of 1085, which means that the second entry under 1085 reports events relating to 1086; subsequently 1086 appears for 1087, and 1087 appears for 1088. With the omission of 1088, the correct chronology is finally restored. The second scribe also omits some annal-numbers (1133, 1134, 1136, 1139, and 1141–53); it is clear, however, that in the second scribe’s stint the strict annalistic form of the manuscript is no longer being maintained and therefore these should not necessarily be considered errors.

TEXTUAL RELATIONSHIPS

In this section I will examine first the relationships of E’s Old English annals with the other extant manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Six other versions of the Chronicle have survived: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS. 173 (MS. A), London, British Library, MS. Cotton Tiberius A. VI (MS. B), London, British Library, MS. Cotton Tiberius B. I (MS. C), London, British Library, MS. Cotton Tiberius B. IV (MS. D), London, British Library, MS. Cotton Domitian A. VIII (MS. F), and London, British Library, MS. Cotton Otho B. XI (MS. G).2 A, the ‘Parker Chronicle’, is the oldest 2

Manuscripts A, B, C, D, and F have all been edited as other volumes in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle collaborative series, and citations are from these unless otherwise stated. For A, see Bately, MS. A; for B, see Taylor, MS. B; for C, see O’Brien O’Keeffe, MS. C; for D, see Cubbin, MS. D; for F, see Baker, MS. F. It has only been necessary rarely in this discussion to cite MS. G, which is edited by Lutz, Die Version G. A fragment of a vernacular chronicle, London, British Library, MS. Cotton Domitian IX, fol. 9 (known as H), which records events relating to 1113–14, also survives, but it is independent of E which is otherwise the only version continuing into the twelfth century.

xxxii

INTRODUCTION

manuscript, written in one hand to near the end of 891 and then continued and revised in a series of hands. B, which is written in or after 977 (the date of its final annal), and C, which is written in various hands in the mid-eleventh century, are closely connected textually with one another. D, which extends to 1079 and was written in the second half of the eleventh century, is linked closely with C and E. F is a bilingual copy of the Chronicle written around 1100, whose vernacular material is drawn from an ancestor of E and from A itself. G is a copy of A made in the early eleventh century.3 E’s textual relationships with these other versions are extremely complex. The following analysis is divided into six sections which reflect the link between chronological blocks and the changing patterns of these textual relationships: annals up to 890; annals from 892 to 981; annals from 983 to 1043b (the second entry for 1043); annals from 1043b to 1063; annals from 1064 to 1080; annals after 1080.4 The relationship between E’s Latin annals and other Chronicle manuscripts is discussed separately from the vernacular annals since it cuts across these chronological sections. The interpolations made at Peterborough do not appear in other Chronicle manuscripts, and their links with other documents are also examined separately in conjunction with the material added at Peterborough from 1122 to 1154. The main focus of the discussion of E’s Old English annals (excluding the Peterborough material) will be the relationship between E and the six other extant versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The nature of E’s textual relationships with other versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, however, is sometimes clarified by considering other related works, and their evidence will be brought to bear where it is significant. In some cases, as with Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica5 and the Historia Regum attributed to Symeon of Durham (which is discussed further below),6 the evidence pertains to sources used by the compiler of the version now in E. In other cases, evidence can be derived from comparison of E with various twelfth-century chronicles written in Latin or Anglo-Norman but apparently drawing on one or more archetypes of E. These chronicles are of varying usefulness in relation to E. Most of them apparently draw on more than one version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and 3

4 5

6

Useful overviews of the relationships between the different chronicle versions for this chronological period are offered by Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.xxxvii–cii, Whitelock, English Historical Documents, pp. 109–25, and Bately, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: Texts and Textual Relationships. Here and elsewhere in this discussion the annal-numbers refer to E’s usage unless otherwise specified. Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History. All subsequent references to Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica are to this edition. On the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’s debt to Bede, see the introduction and notes to Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, and Bately, ‘Bede and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’. Arnold, Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, II.3–283.

xxxiii

MS. E

also draw on a range of Latin sources (some of which are also sources for the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle). It is therefore often difficult to establish how significant a part is played by an archetype of E, or indeed whether an archetype of E (rather than another version of the Chronicle) is a source at all. The Annals of St Neots, for example, written in Latin between c.1120 and c.1140,7 include two entries which are equivalent to Old English annals now in E but not in A, B, C, or D; the compiler, however, may have had access not to an archetype of E but to either the Latin source which supplied the information for these annals or even, perhaps, the annotated MS. A.8 Some other twelfth-century chronicles provide more substantial evidence of having drawn on an archetype or archetypes of E and may help to elucidate the transmission history of E. Henry of Huntingdon’s Latin historical work Historia Anglorum, which was begun in around 1125 and continued for about a quarter of a century, draws on a version of the Chronicle close to E.9 Despite Henry of Huntingdon’s free treatment of his sources, it is clear from errors shared by his work and E against all the other extant versions that he used as source a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle closer to E than to any of the others now available.10 Since his account omits any material deriving from the Peterborough Interpolations (even where it might seem to be of more than local interest), the logical inference is that he drew on an archetype of E rather than E itself.11 The relationship between Henry of Huntingdon and E is complicated by the fact that the Latin chronicler was clearly using in addition a manuscript similar to C, if not C itself.12 Nevertheless Henry of Huntingdon’s work, as we shall see, helps to establish whether E’s unique readings were already available in its exemplar or were possibly introduced by the scribe of E. The Waverly Annals comprise a set of Latin annals compiled in the early thirteenth century, and the annals for 1000 to 1121 offer a close translation of

7 8

Dumville and Lapidge, The Annals of St Neots, p. xvi. See Dumville and Lapidge, The Annals of St Neots, pp. xxxviii–xxxix, and Bately, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: Texts and Textual Relationships, pp. 38–41. Other studies of the relationship between this work and the various versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle include Hart, ‘The East Anglian Chronicle’, Hart, ‘The B text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, and Meaney, ‘St Neots, Æthelweard and the Compilation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’. 9 The work is edited by Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon. 10 See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lv–lvi; Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 32; Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, pp. xci–xcii. The occasional agreements between Henry and F against E mentioned by Greenway on p. xcii all have other explanations (Greenway is misleading in mentioning the annals for 692 and 1024), and do not affect this relationship. 11 See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lvi; Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. xcii. 12 See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lvi, and Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, pp. xcii–xciii.

xxxiv

INTRODUCTION

a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle similar to E.13 The work even includes some of E’s Latin entries which, as we shall see, may have been added to a predecessor of E by the F-scribe, for example those in 1024 (in E and F), 1046a (in E only), 1054 (in E only), 1056 (in E only), and 1062 (in E only).14 This Latin annalist’s source cannot have been E itself, however: not only do the Waverly Annals omit the Peterborough Interpolations, but also the work is occasionally closer to D than to E.15 For E’s annals after 1000, the Waverly Annals can provide a useful indication of the stage at which E’s unique readings entered its transmission history. William of Malmesbury’s Latin history Gesta Regum Anglorum, completed in its earlier form in 1125, derived its material from a wide range of sources, one of which was apparently a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle similar to E.16 The version on which William drew cannot have been E itself: William’s work shows no knowledge of the Peterborough Interpolations and has some information which is in D but not in E (though this may have been drawn from another of William’s sources such as John of Worcester’s chronicle).17 Moreover, as Thomson points out in his recent edition of the work, there is no definite use of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in Gesta Regum Anglorum after 1087.18 Comparison of some readings in E with those in William of Malmesbury’s history can help to establish E’s textual history. The Latin chronicle of John of Worcester, compiled at Worcester in the first half of the twelfth century and traditionally (and wrongly) attributed to the monk Florence of Worcester,19 has as one of its sources for the period at least up to 1067 a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle which is closer to D

13

14 15

16

17 18 19

For the Waverly Annals, see Luard, Annales Monastici, II.127–411. See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.liii, for examples of the shared readings, insertions and omissions, which show the close affinity of the two. The closeness of the relationship is also discussed by Howorth, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, III.313–18, Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 31, and Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. xix–xx. Baker, MS. F, pp. xxxii–xxxiv. The last two of those listed are slightly different in their wording from the Waverly Annals. A particularly telling example is found in the entry for 1070 (D 1071), which in E has been wholly recast to incorporate the Peterborough Interpolation. The corresponding entry in the Waverly Annals is close to that in D, which presumably represents the original version before its Peterborough recasting. See Luard, Annales Monastici, II.191, Cubbin, MS. D, pp. 84–5. For another example of a superior reading shared by D and the Waverly Annals, see Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 69 (note 1075/32). The work is edited by Mynors, William of Malmesbury, Vol. I, and Thomson, William of Malmesbury, Vol. II. For its links with E, see Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lxxxvi–lxxxvii, Thomson, William of Malmesbury, Vol. II, pp. 12–13, Whitelock, English Historical Documents, pp. 120–1. See Whitelock, English Historical Documents, p. 120. Thomson, William of Malmesbury, Vol. II, p. 13. The work is edited by Darlington and McGurk, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Vol. II, and McGurk, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Vol. III. For further discussion, see Darlington and McGurk, ‘The “Chronicon ex Chronicis” ’.

xxxv

MS. E

than to E, having no sign of E’s unique annals or readings.20 For the period from 1080 onwards (and possibly from 1067), however, John of Worcester may have used an archetype of E.21 His chronicle therefore, as we shall see, provides a useful analogue for E’s annals after 1080 when it is the only extant version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.22 Finally, Geffrei Gaimar’s L’Estoire des Engleis, written in Anglo-Norman between 1135 and 1147, apparently drew at least for its earlier part (up to 891) on a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle with links to D and E.23 The difficulty of ascertaining the type or types of Chronicle used by Gaimar makes the evidence of his work for the textual relationships of the Chronicle versions highly speculative: indeed Gaimar’s own list of sources includes two books which might refer to different versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.24 Whilst it seems that the Chronicle version which Gaimar used for the early part of his chronicle was probably closer to D than to E,25 the closeness of his work to some of E’s entries where D is not available may nevertheless offer important corroborating evidence for the nature of D’s and E’s common source.

Annals up to 890 For its annals up to 890, E is using the ‘common stock’ of the Chronicle, also known as the ‘first’ Chronicle or ‘the 890 Chronicle’, represented by A, B, and C.26 A substantial amount of other material in E, however, is not found in A, B, or C, and in this other material E often agrees with D. As Plummer has shown, E did not draw directly or indirectly on D itself, both manuscripts deriving rather from a common ancestor.27 The annals up to 890, as we shall see, offer ample evidence of D’s and E’s independent use of this common ancestor: additional annals and sections of annals, alternative annals, and minor variants shared by D and E against ABC all attest to the relative closeness of their relationship. For this section the common ancestor from which D and E ultimately

20 21 22 23 24

25 26 27

Whitelock, English Historical Documents, p. 120. McGurk, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Vol. III, pp. xx–xxvi. The work is discussed further at pp. lxxxvi–lxxxvii below in relation to E’s annals after 1080. The work is edited by Bell, L’Estoire des Engleis. On its relationship with E, see Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lix; Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 32. Bell, L’Estoire des Engleis, p. lv. Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, notes of Gaimar that he ‘had sources of information that have not come down to us, and this makes it unsafe to pronounce dogmatically on what version of the Chronicle he used’ (p. 32 n. 82). Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 32. See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.xciv; Bately, ‘The Compilation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 60 BC to AD 890’. Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lxi–lxii.

xxxvi

INTRODUCTION

derived is known as the northern recension of the Chronicle.28 This recension is distinguished from other versions of the Chronicle mainly by its additional material relating to northern regions of Anglo-Saxon England. For the annals up to 731 this material has largely been drawn from Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica.29 For the annals from 732 to 800 the additional material seems to have been drawn from a set or sets of Latin Northumbrian annals compiled at or near York. The existence of these annals is attested by the Historia Regum, a work attributed to Symeon of Durham but now thought for this section (732–803) to derive from an otherwise unknown historical compilation by Byrhtferth of Ramsey.30 It is difficult to determine whether the northern recension of the Chronicle is itself northern in origin or merely drawing on northern sources. Plummer argues for a northern origin on the basis of occasional indications of a northern perspective:31 the opposition of ure and Suðanhymbra in E 449 fram þan Wodne awoc eall ure cynecynn & Suðanhymbra eac,32 the use of the word hider in relation to the Picts’ subjection to Northumbria in E 681 (the Canterbury-based scribe of F first writes hider but alters it to þider),33 and the term Suðanhumbre in DE 697, where Bede uses the more specific Mercii.34 Plummer’s view has been disputed: Cyril Hart argues that ‘we now know enough about Byrhtferth’s Northumbrian chronicle to establish that the northern annals were brought south to be incorporated into the national chronicle’.35 Although E (certainly) and D (probably) were themselves copied in the south, there is fascinating evidence for the continued existence

28 29

30

31 32 33 34

35

Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lx–lxiii; Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 28. See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lx–lxi. For a full list of the passages in E which derive from Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica, see Irvine, ‘The Sources of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS. E’. For the correspondences between this work and E, see Irvine, ‘The Sources of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS. E’, where it is cited as an analogue. For the attribution of the northern annals to York, see Hunter Blair, ‘Some Observations on the Historia Regum’, pp. 88–9. For the relationship between the Historia Regum and Byrhtferth of Ramsey, see Lapidge, ‘Byrhtferth of Ramsey’ and Hart, ‘Byrhtferth’s Northumbrian Chronicle’. For the suggestion that the Ramsey Annals also drew on the northern annals for 732–802, see Hart, ‘The Ramsey Computus’. Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lxx–lxxi. Bede, in a passage which is the source here, makes mention only of multarum prouinciarum (Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, p. 50, line 31). See Baker, MS. F, p. 38 n. Bede’s own viewpoint is again not evident in his use of Anglorum (Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, p. 370, line 26). Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, p. 564, line 38. Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lxxi, explains that ‘Mercia was the first kingdom with which Northumbrians came in contact on crossing the Humber’. Hart, ‘The B Text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, p. 279. Compare Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, who states that ‘it is far from clear that [the northern recension] could not have been composed in the Midlands or the South’ (p. 29 n. 2).

xxxvii

MS. E

in the north of a copy or copies of the northern recension in the reference to cronica duo Anglica in a mid-twelfth-century Durham catalogue.36 Determining the extent of this relationship between D and E, and hence how close E is to its source shared with D (here designated %DE), is complicated by the fact that D is a conflation of the northern recension with a version of the Chronicle close to C.37 This means that E is likely to be a more accurate representation of the northern recension than D, which contains much common stock material not in E and probably not in the northern recension (such as the genealogies in D 694, 726, 855, and 885).38 Moreover the usefulness of D in determining the nature of %DE is hindered by the loss of a section of D which would have contained its annals for 262 through to the beginning of 693. Another version of the Chronicle which is closely related to E, the F-text, does cover this chronological period and is therefore also an important witness. F, a bi-lingual version of the Chronicle written around 1100 at Christ Church, Canterbury, is closer to E than to D. F cannot, of course, be drawing on the much later E itself, but must derive from a source shared with E (here, as in Peter Baker’s edition, designated %E).39 The F-scribe, however, whose priority was to produce a chronicle in both Latin and Anglo-Saxon, was not attempting to reproduce a comprehensive version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and the F-text is characterized by selectiveness in choice of entries for inclusion, and abbreviation and rewording of those entries which are included. In those annals common to D, E, and F, D gives a better indication of the contents of E’s source than F does, except where E and F share variants against D. The relationship between E and F, as we shall see, is by no means a straightforward one. Although E and F have both drawn on a shared source or sources (%E), it cannot be assumed that material and readings common to E and F were therefore available in %E. The scribe of F was an habitual reviser of manuscripts as well as copyist in his own right, and, as Baker writes, ‘given his propensities, the prevailing assumption that he only copied from %E, making no alterations in it, seems difficult to justify’.40 Any

36

37 38 39

40

See Piper, ‘Historical Interests’, p. 312, and Story, ‘Concerning the Bishops of Whithorn’, p. 86. I am grateful to Jo Story for these references. For the southern provenance of D, see Cubbin, MS. D, pp. lvi–lxxix. See Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 28–9, and Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xxvi–xxvii. In the case of 855, this leads to duplication in D; for other cases, see Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 28–9. See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.xxxix–xl, and Baker, MS. F, pp. xxix–xxx. Baker argues convincingly that there is no need to posit, as Plummer did, a stage in E’s development when it had features akin to D which were subsequently lost (but retained in F); see MS. F, p. xlv. Baker, MS. F, p. xxx.

xxxviii

INTRODUCTION

changes which the scribe of F made to %E before or as he copied its annals into F would be transmitted eventually to E as well as to F. Possible evidence for such changes will be considered below. The scribe of F’s habit of revising manuscripts has further implications for our understanding of E’s transmission history. MS. A of the Chronicle is marked by a series of more than thirty interventions in its annals up to 616, made by the hand of the principal scribe of F.41 Since these interventions all correspond to annals and readings now found in E, the clear implication is that the F-scribe has altered A to bring it in line with the readings in %E. In the interventions in A, the F-scribe apparently copies %E more closely than he does in compiling F: A has more of the material now in E than F does, and when A’s interventions and F overlap, A is frequently closer to E than to F. The project of revising MS. A, which must have become extraordinarily difficult at around 616 as the amount of additional material in %E suddenly escalated, was abandoned abruptly by the F-scribe, possibly, David Dumville has suggested, because a new project, the compilation of F itself, engaged his attention.42 Although it is of course conceivable that for the annals up to 616 the F-scribe independently added some material to %E, A, and F, it is fair to assume that in general the interventions in A made by the F-scribe give us a closer representation of %E than F does. The evidence they offer is particularly important for the period from 262 when D is not available. For the period up to 890, D, F, and the revisions in A play an important role in establishing the nature of the source or sources available to the compiler of E. The following discussion of the relationship between E’s annals and the other Chronicle manuscripts for this period is divided into four sections: (i) variant readings in D and E against ABC; (ii) variant readings in E and F against D; (iii) annals or parts of annals for 262–693 shared by E and F against ABC; (iv) readings and annals peculiar to E. (i) Variant readings in D and E against ABC Of the 158 annals shared by D and E up to 890 where D is available as a witness (60 BC to AD 261 and AD 693 (incomplete) to 890), more than half include whole entries or variants which indicate a source shared by D and E against ABC.43 Of these, twenty-three are whole annals for which no entry

41

See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.xxxvi, and Bately, MS. A, p. xl (‘Hand 8’). 42 Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, pp. 43–4. 43 The relationship between D and E for this chronological period is examined by Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xvii–xxv. To avoid overlap, I offer only a brief summary of the similarities between D’s and E’s contents here.

xxxix

MS. E

was apparently supplied in the common stock.44 Twenty-three expanded annals, containing additional information often relating to Northumbria, are shared by D and E.45 In fourteen cases, alternative annals containing rewritten versions of annals in the common stock are found in D and E.46 D and E also share numerous minor variants against ABC which confirm their close relationship.47 (ii) Variant readings in E and F against D Despite their indisputable closeness, D and E offer many readings different from each other in their shared material.48 This is not of course surprising given that they derived independently from their common ancestor. But the readings shared by E and F against D suggest that many of E’s variants from D were in %E although they may not have been in the source shared by D and E (%DE). A comparison of readings shared by E and F against D therefore allows us to establish more precisely the nature of E’s source(s). It is possible, as I noted above, that some variant readings shared by E and F against D may derive from alterations made by the F-scribe to %E. In the case of shared errors, this is unlikely. In the case of other shared variants, however, it cannot necessarily be established whether the F-scribe found a reading already in %E, or whether he altered %E in the course of compiling F. This section is divided into two parts: (a) the variant readings in E and F against D which occur in common stock material, and (b) those which occur in material not found in the common stock. (a) Where E and F agree against D in common stock material, the differences are clearly accounted for by D’s use of a Chronicle of the ABC type in addition to a northern recension version. In the case of these variant readings, it may be assumed that %E had the readings now represented by E and F, and that D is following its common stock exemplar. In some cases readings which E and F share against D (and ABC) probably represent errors in %E: in 12, where D (with ABC) includes a reference to Lissian (Lysiam ABC), this is erroneously omitted in E and F (in F, the scribe has reworded the text to make sense of it); in 30, where D (with ABC) includes & Philippus, this is omitted in E and F. In other cases where there is no clear error, the readings 44 45 46 47 48

These annals in E are for the years 155, 693, 697, 699, 702, 727, 735, 741, 757, 765, 766, 768, 776, 778, 780, 782, 788, 789, 791, 793, 795, 798, and 806. These expanded annals in E are for the years 709, 721, 733, 734, 737, 744, 752, 755, 759, 760, 761, 762, 774, 777, 779, 785, 790, 792, 794, 796, 797, 800, and 803. These annals include the Preface and entries for the years 47, 167, 189, 705, 710, 716, 725, 729, 731, 802, 852b, 855, and 873. See Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xxi–xxv, and also 827 DE oþær, ABC se æftera; 845 DE omit ABC gefeaht. See Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xx–xxi, for a list of superficial differences between D and E in their supplementary material.

xl

INTRODUCTION

shared by E and F against D are apparently alternative readings in %E: in 709, where E and F have Aldelm biscop (second occurrence), D agrees with ABC (C 708) in omitting biscop; in 812, where D (with ABC) reads foron begen to Rome, E and F both omit begen (foran to Rome E, ferdan to Rome F); in 870 E and F have for beside rad D (with ABC); in 871 E and F have rad beside com D (with ABC (BC 871)), and also in 871, where D (with ABC (BC 872)) has gefeaht Æþered cyning, E and F omit cyning: gefeaht Æðered E, gefeht Æðered F. In two other cases in common stock material in which E and F agree against D, corroboration of the readings in %E is provided by indications that the F-scribe has altered A to conform with %E’s reading. In 1, where E and F have .lvi. wintra, beside .lxvi. wintra D, D agrees with BC, and A has .lvi. altered from .lxvi. by the erasure of x.49 If the change to A were made by the F-scribe, then %E is likely to have read .lvi. (which is the correct reading). In 2, a single annal in E and F is spread over two annals in D (and BC); in A an attempt has been made, probably by the F-scribe, to combine two annals into one by the insertion of & over erased Her.50 In another two cases correction by the F-scribe, this time in F itself, gives an indication of %E’s readings. Here E and F originally shared errors against D (and ABC) but the errors were corrected at a later stage by the F-scribe in F (but not in %E since E retains the errors) on the basis of comparison with A. In 799, where D (with ABC) has Æþelheard, E has Æðelred, and F (800) has Æðelhardus, F’s reading has been altered from Æðelred, probably by comparison with A.51 The implication is that %E’s reading was Æðelred (as now in E). In 885 E erroneously omits a short passage which is in D (and ABC (BC 886)): þa wæron Hloðwies suna begen. Although F now has this passage it was presumably not in %E, since the F-scribe first omitted it (as in E) then attempted to correct the error from A.52 Occasionally in common stock material E and F agree with ABC against D, and in these cases E and F can again be assumed to represent %E. Thus in 794 and 796, where E and F agree with ABC in the reading Præn against D’s erroneous reading Wræn (caused by the scribe’s confusion of the letter-forms p and wynn), %E’s reading was presumably Præn. (b) In other cases the variant readings shared by E and F against D occur in material which was not in the common stock. Where D’s readings are erroneous, it can be assumed that E and F represent %E, and presumably also %DE: in 774 D lacks a verb before read Cristes mel which is supplied by the

49 50 51 52

Bately, MS. A, p. 2, note to annal 1. Bately, MS. A, p. 2, note to annal 3. See Baker, MS. F, p. 58 (note on AD 800). See Baker, MS. F, p. 73 (note on AD 885).

xli

MS. E

readings in E and F (& men gesegon read Cristes mel E, & me\n/n gesegan read Cristes mæl F); in 795 D has Eard (omitting the second element -wulf in error) where E has Eardwulf and F has Eardulf; in 788 D, confusing p and wynn as in Wræn cited above, has Wincanheale where E and F have Pincanheale.53 In one case, in 155 where D erroneously has Aurelianus for Aurelius, the correct reading Aurelius in both E and a later addition to A by the scribe of F (though the entry is not in F itself) indicates that it was %E’s reading. Where E’s and F’s readings are erroneous, the errors were presumably in %E, though not in %DE: in the Preface, where D has Brytwylsc, E has brittisc & wilsc and F has Brytisc & Wylisc,54 and D has a short passage (þæt hi ne mihton ealle ætgædere gewunian þær. & þa cwædon) which is not in E and F as a result of eye-skip (F omits in addition þa Scottas); in 779, where D has Cynewulf, E and F erroneously have Cynebald.55 In some cases in the variant readings in material which was not in the common stock it cannot be established whether D or EF represents the common ancestor because there is no clear error. In the Preface E and F have scipum where D has ceolum, and E and F have pilum where D has stængum. Possible evidence that the form scipum in E may represent interference by the F-scribe is provided by a curious parallel in 448, where E has ceolum and F has scipan (D has no entry). The F-scribe, it seems reasonable to speculate, may in the Preface have glossed ceolum as scipum in %E and used scipum in F, but may in 448 have refrained from glossing %E whilst nevertheless changing the word when copying into F. In 721 E and F share a minor numerical variant against D (.xiii. dagas EF, .xii. dagas D). In two annals, D has additional material not in E and F which may have been in the northern recension but omitted in %E, or may have been added in D: in 785 D has & mid sibbe ongæn sænde which is not in E and F, and in 793 D has ormete þodenas & ligrescas where E and F have ormete ligræscas.56 This analysis of variant readings in which E and F agree against D helps to

53

Curiously Henry of Huntingdon agrees with D against E and F, but this is probably a coincidental error in the two works, both of whose scribes misread the letters elsewhere; see Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 256. 54 The source, Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica I.i, has Anglorum uidelicet Brettonum Scottorum Pictorum et Latinorum (Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, p. 16). It is possible that E’s reading here was not in %E but resulted from interference by the scribe of F: E’s reading brittisc & wilsc for D Brytwylsc is clearly incorrect since the fif geþeode introducing the list of languages should thereby read six geþeode. F’s omission of & Bocleden at the end of the list means that it retains a list of five. E’s inconsistency would be explained if the scribe of F had altered Brytwylsc in %E but had forgotten to erase & Bocleden. 55 The error was also in Henry of Huntingdon; see Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 252, and Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lv. 56 As we would expect, given the agreement of E and F here, neither of these phrases has a parallel in Henry of Huntingdon’s work; see Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, pp. 254 and 256.

xlii

INTRODUCTION

establish the nature of %E which was drawn on by both F and (ultimately) E. Some significant variants between D and EF can be explained by D’s conflation of %DE and the common stock, or by errors or alterations on the part of the scribe of D. Others are the result of errors or alterations in %E which have come down to E and F; the errors shared by E and F against D in material which does not belong to the common stock indicate that in their annals up to 890 %DE and %E were different copies of the northern recension chronicle. Finally, some variants may conceivably be the result of interference in %E by the F-scribe. There is no clear evidence for this, and certainly no evidence that the F-scribe was adding substantial material in Old English to %E. Indeed for one so accustomed to intervening in other manuscripts, the F-scribe seems to have been remarkably restrained in the case of %E. It is possible that this version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was considered particularly authoritative by the scribe and therefore less open to scribal interference. The fact that the F-scribe so painstakingly altered MS. A of the Chronicle up to AD 616, apparently in accordance with the readings in %E, would seem to support this speculation. (iii) Annals or parts of annals for 262–693 shared by E and F against ABC Absence of any clear evidence that the F-scribe interfered with %E has to be borne in mind when examining the section of annals for which D is not available as a witness (262–693). Although it is possible that some of the extra material in E and F for 262–693 which is not part of the common stock was copied into %E by the F-scribe from another source shared with F, comparison with D elsewhere suggests that most of this material was northern recension in origin and would have been in the missing section of D. The following section examines those annals and parts of annals in E for the period 262–693 which are not found in A (before the F-scribe’s interventions), B, or C, but whose correspondences with F or with the interventions by the F-scribe in A’s annals up to 616 (apparently made on the basis of comparison with %E) suggest that they may have been in %E. It also examines those readings in common stock material where E agrees with F or with A’s interventions (or with both), working again on the assumption that E’s readings in general represent %E. The discussion is divided into three parts: (a) entries which E shares with F, or A’s interventions, or both, which are not found in the common stock; (b) entries which E shares with either F, or A’s interventions, or both, which are found in a significantly different form from the common stock; (c) minor variants which E shares with F, or A’s interventions, or both, against the common stock. Although the bulk of the material added to A by the F-scribe is, we may assume, copied from %E, it should be acknowledged that this scribe may on occasions have copied material from a separate source into both A and %E (and indeed F). The differences between xliii

MS. E

E and F which arise from F’s characteristic abbreviating and rewording of its source are not discussed here unless they are otherwise significant. (a) Extra entries which are in E and F but not in the common stock are those for 286, 423, 583, 624, 655, 667, and 681. Of these, the first three, all very brief, have also been copied by the scribe of F into A (A 283, 423, and 583). Two other entries in E, 379 and 443, the first very brief, the second more substantial, are not in F but have been inserted by the F-scribe into A. These extra entries all derive from Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica.57 The entries for 286, 423, 583, 624, and 655 are of general interest, as are 379 and 443; the entries for 667 and 681 are more northern in their interest. All of them, as far as it is possible to tell, belonged to the northern recension and were in %E. (b) Much of the new material which E shares with F, or with A’s later additions, or with both, consists of annals which represent a significant rewriting and expansion of the corresponding annals in the common stock. In most cases where E and F share these annals, E has more material than F as a result of the abbreviation and rewording of %E by the F-scribe. The interventions in A made by this scribe, where they overlap with both E and F, are frequently closer to E than F is. The implication is that E, for these entries as for others discussed earlier, is generally an accurate representation of its predecessor %E which was used by the F-scribe at the end of the eleventh century. In discussing these recast annals, I will consider first the recast annals shared by E, A’s interventions, and F, secondly the recast annals with extra material which appears in A’s interventions but not in F, and thirdly the recast annals which occur in E and F but are not added to A. The recast annals shared by E with A’s later additions and in many cases also with F are 380 (F 381), 409, 449 (F 448), 519, 534, 547, 560, 565, 592, 593, 603, 604, 605 (A 606), and 616. The most likely explanation for the overlap in these annals is that they were copied by the F-scribe from %E into A and also copied (mainly in abridged form) from %E into F. The scribe’s particular concern to produce an accurate copy in A of these annals from %E is evident from the fact that in many cases A has more of the material now in E than F (for example, in 409, 449 (F 448), and 547). It is also evident from comparing details of F’s and A’s readings with E. In 604, for example, the readings in the F-scribe’s addition to A are closer to those now in E than to those in F, where he seems to have made some attempt to update vocabulary (as in gehaten AE beside clyped F, gesealde AE beside gi|e/f F). In 616, too, the material in A as a later addition is closer to E than F is: F omits some of

57

Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lx–lxi; Irvine, ‘The Sources of the AngloSaxon Chronicle MS. E’.

xliv

INTRODUCTION

the clauses now in E, and E has some different vocabulary and syntax, and includes a small amount of extra material (the latter perhaps linked to the source for 614 since there seems to be some overlap between the two in F). Several phrases which appear in E are omitted in A’s addition (& wearð gefullod, þa wurdon Lundenware heðene þær Mellitus ær wæs, and rixiendum Eadbaldum); one of these appears in F (rixiende Eadbalde) and they were probably all in %E. In general it seems reasonable to surmise in relation to the recast annals that where E, A’s later additions, and F overlap, they all represent %E, and that where E and A’s later additions or alterations agree against F, E and A represent %E. For two of these annals, however, it has been recently suggested by Baker that the F-scribe might have added them to %E, F, and A.58 The first is the annal for 565. Baker’s argument is based on the relationship of the annal to its source (Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica III.iv).59 Although the annal in general follows its source closely, there is, as Baker notes, in the last statement of the annal a ‘strange distortion of what Bede says’:60 Bede limits the authority of the abbot of Iona over the bishops to within the whole province of his monastery (omnis prouincia) whereas the Old English chronicler interprets it on a grander scale as meaning that ealle Scotta biscopes must be subject to him. Baker relates this to ‘the F-scribe’s interest in asserting the supremacy of monks over secular clergy’, and suggests that ‘it has particular relevance to the primacy controversy that preoccupied Canterbury after 1070 in that it asserts the primacy of a monastic establishment’.61 The implied link with Canterbury, combined with the fact that the F-scribe has hardly abbreviated the annal for 565 in copying it into F, led Baker to conclude that the F-scribe personally added it to the common ancestor of E and F. The evidence for the intrusion of the F-scribe here, however, is by no means clear-cut. First, the chronicler’s interpretation of Bede is perhaps not as strange as it seems. The juxtaposition of prouincia with Scottorum appears in both the preceding and succeeding chapters of the Historia Ecclesiastica (III.3 and III.5):62 in that context the chronicler might easily have assumed that omnis prouincia et ipsi etiam episcopi referred to ealle Scotta biscopes. Moreover, the fact that the scribe has abbreviated this annal very little when copying it into F might be evidence of his interest in its material but not necessarily of his responsibility for introducing it. Finally, one of the later chronicles mentioned above, Geffrei Gaimar’s L’Estoire des Engleis, includes

58 59 60 61 62

Baker, MS. F, pp. xxxv–xxxvi. Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, pp. 220–4. Baker, MS. F, p. xxxv. Baker, MS. F, p. xxxv. Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, pp. 218, 228.

xlv

MS. E

a passage which relates closely to E’s and F’s annal for 565.63 The annal now represented by E and F is clearly Gaimar’s source here, though Gaimar characteristically omits much of the Chronicle’s detail.64 Although, as I noted above, the exact version of the Chronicle which Gaimar used remains unidentified, the most straightforward explanation would be that the annal for 565 was part of the northern recension Chronicle close to D which Gaimar drew on elsewhere for the earlier part of L’Estoire.65 The link with Gaimar and hence indirectly with D makes it again less likely than Baker’s argument would suggest that the F-scribe was responsible for this annal.66 The other annal now in E which Baker tentatively attributes to the F-scribe is 605. This recast annal in E is added by the F-scribe to A (for 606). Curiously F itself (for 605) has as its Old English entry only Her forðferde Gregorius papa which corresponds to the common stock.67 But F’s Latin entry translates the Old English now found in E and A’s revised entry. Baker suggests that the annal in the common ancestor of E and F might have originally matched that of the common stock, and that this annal might have been copied and translated in a draft of F and then augmented by the F-scribe in all three copies by the addition of matter from Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica II.2, the Old English inadvertently omitted in F.68 But there is evidence, slender as it may be, that the Old English in F was in fact derived from a version corresponding to E’s: the word papa at the end of F’s Old English appears in E but not the common stock entry. Also the annal is once again found in Gaimar’s L’Estoire des Engleis,69 and therefore (as with the annal for 565 discussed above) may have been in the northern recension chronicle that was one of Gaimar’s sources.70 E’s and F’s shared error here, reproduced in A’s revised entry – Scromail E, Scrocmail A, Scrocmagil F, against Gaimar’s correct Brocmail – is one of the indications that Gaimar used a better text than the common original of E and F.71 Other recast annals in E have extra material which, although not in F, occurs in interventions in A by the F-scribe. A’s annals for 519, 534, 592, 63 64 65 66

67 68 69 70 71

Bell, L’Estoire des Engleis, pp. 29–30; the passage is translated in Hardy and Trice, Lestorie des Engles, II.29–30. Henry of Huntingdon draws on Bede rather than the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for his corresponding passage (Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, pp. 188–90). See Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 32, and my discussion at p. xxxvi above. Since Gaimar omits the Chronicle’s mention of the authority of the abbot over the bishops at Iona, it is possible that the F-scribe added just this statement independently from Bede to F as well as to the common source of E and F and to A. The scribe seems to have had independent recourse to Bede in the course of preparing F; see Baker, MS. F, p. lv. For F’s entry, see Baker, MS. F, p. 29. Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, pp. 140–2. Bell, L’Estoire des Engleis, pp. 33–4. Again Henry of Huntingdon draws on Bede rather than the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for his corresponding passage (Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 164). Bede’s reading is Brocmail; see Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, p. 140.

xlvi

INTRODUCTION

593, and 603 all have additions (some only one or two words, others rather longer) corresponding to readings which are now in E and were presumably also in %E. Where A’s addition constitutes only part of the recast annal now in E (as in 603), it is likely that the whole of E’s annal was in %E and that the F-scribe has copied only some of it into A. F has no annals at all for 592, 593, and 603; in 519 and 534 F’s annals are in the form of the common stock annals rather than the recast annals.72 In 534 the ‘recasting’ is very minor indeed: E has eall Wihtland where B and C have Wihte ealand, and A’s reading is altered to eall Wiht ealand, possibly by the F-scribe, who seems also to have toyed with altering Wiht ealand to Wihtland but decided against it.73 It seems reasonable to assume that the recast annals as they appear now in E, which also occur (at least partly) as later additions in A but not in F, represent fairly closely the equivalent annals in %E, and that their omission from F was a consequence of the F-scribe’s abridging of %E. A number of recast annals occur in E and F but are not added to A. These are all annals after 616, the date when A’s annals cease to be augmented by the F-scribe. Some of these annals include only minor additions common to E and F: 644 (F 645) of his rice, 664 on .v. nonas Mai, 686 his broðor. Some incorporate slight rewriting common to E and F: in 668 E and F have Uitalianus se papa for man ABC and an added clause (& sende hine to Brytene); in 673 E and F have Theodorus ærcebiscop gesomnode for þy geare wæs A(BC); in 688 E and F share some brief additions (the name of the Pope Sergium/Sergie, that Ceadwala died in his baptismal clothing (in F in the Latin only), that he was buried in St Peter’s church, and that Ine went to Rome and died there), and also share an error, ascribing to Ine a reign of .xxvii. wintra rather than .xxxvii. wintra (ABC); in 690 E and F both have extra information about Theodore (he wæs .xxii. wintra biscop), and both transfer material from 690 (in ABC) to 692 (in EF). Some of these annals found in recast form in E and F but not in A represent more substantial additions shared by E and F (often in part only in F): 627, 633, 639 (F 640), 643 (F 644), 653, 678 (F 677), 679, 685, 690, and 692. In 639 (F 640) and 692 (an extra annal in EF but incorporating some material 72

It is interesting to note that in F the annal for 519 and the second part of the annal for 534 (which corresponds to the section where the interventions in A are made) are later insertions, raising the possibility that the F-scribe was drawing for these on a different version of the Chronicle from %E or A. I do not agree with Baker that these insertions came from %E; see his MS. F, pp. xxxviii–xxxix. The F-scribe has also made an alteration in the first part of the 534 annal in F, which would seem not to derive from %E or A: .xxvi. wintra (the reading now in A and E) has apparently been altered to .xxvii. wintra (the reading now in B and C as well as F) by the addition of a second i written over a punctus (the alteration is not mentioned by Baker but is visible in the facsimile; see Dumville, Facsimile of MS. F, fol. 37v). The scribe of F seems to have drawn on a Chronicle source other than %E or A for the additional material in 519 and 534. 73 See Bately, MS. A, p. 21, note to annal 534. In 530 E has Wihtland against all the other versions: Wihte ealond A (cf. BC), Wiht ðæt ealand F (later addition).

xlvii

MS. E

from 690 in ABC) the recast annals appear in full in F as well as E. In 643 (F 644), 678 (F 677), and 679, F’s annals draw on the recast versions of the annals (now in E) but are shorter than E’s versions. In 627 F’s version is again shorter than E’s but also adds a brief report of the baptism of Eanflæd which is in E 626; F also includes the words on Eastran mid his þeode which are not in E but are in ABC (in a different word-order), which may have been added to %E by the F-scribe from A. In 633 F’s version again corresponds to part of E’s recast annal; F’s wording is sometimes closer to ABC than to E, which, combined with evidence from nearby entries such as 627 (where F adds words corresponding to ones in ABC) and 634 (where F resembles ABC), suggests that F is drawing on manuscripts of various recensions here. In 653 the first part of the annal, which belongs to the common stock, is in E but not in F; the second part reporting Honorius’s death and its date is shared by E and F, but oddly the date is in the Latin entry and not in the Old English one in F, and moreover the Latin entry in F adds other material derived from Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica III.20. Either the F-scribe copied from %E the additional material now shared by EF and then returned to Bede for further information for the Latin entry (there is evidence of this modus operandi elsewhere in F),74 or he independently added the notice of the death of Honorius to %E and to F.75 In 685, F’s version is shorter than E’s but both E and F include material which the other lacks; some of the material common to EF but not in ABC has been inserted later into the Old English entry in F but was included in the Latin when the manuscript was first compiled. The evidence from these annals which occur in E and at least in part in F would suggest that E generally represents %E closely, and that the F-scribe in compiling F has drawn on %E, abridging its material and adding material from other sources including other versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. It is possible, but remains unproven, that the F-scribe is responsible for some small Old English additions to both %E and F. (c) In the annals for 262 to 693 there are also cases where E and F, or E and A’s interventions, or all three manuscripts, share minor variants against the common stock versions. Some variants shared by E and F against the common stock seem to have resulted from the misreading of numerals or letters in proper names at some stage in transmission. In 456 E has .iiii. and F feower beside .iiiim. ABC (A 457); it should be noted, however, that the numeral is ‘misread as if .iiii. in *G’ and that in C ‘the macron over iiii is thin and badly controlled’.76 In 74 75

See Baker, MS. F, p. lv. The particular relevance of this addition to Canterbury should be noted. It might be compared with E’s entry for 655, which also relates to Canterbury and is reported in Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica III.20. 76 Bately, MS. A, p. 18, and O’Brien O’Keeffe, MS. C, p. 28.

xlviii

INTRODUCTION

508 E and F (507) have Nazaleod and Nazanleod beside Natanleod and Natanleag respectively in ABC. In 568 E and F have Oslac beside Oslaf ABC (in F the phrase Oslac & Cnebba is a later insertion). In 639 E and F (640) have .xxiiii. wintra beside .xxv. wintra ABC (640). In 654 E and F have .dccc. wintra beside .dccc. & .l. wintra ABC (655). These variants shared by E and F were presumably already in %E. Some minor variants in wording and vocabulary are shared by E and F against the common stock. In 639 E and F (640) have wæs cyning beside rixode ABC (640). In 654, where ABC (for 655) have Her Penda forwearþ, E has Her Oswiu ofsloh Pendan and F has Her Oswi cing \ofsloh/ Pendan cing. In 656, where A(BC) (657) have her forþferde Peada, E(F) have her wæs Peada ofslagan. In 687, in the word ordering of the last clause, E and F (where the clause is a later insertion by the scribe) are closer to each other than to ABC: & þy geara Ceadwala eft forhergode Cent E, & Cedwala eft forhergode Cent F, & þy geare Ceadwalla eft Cent forhergeada A(BC).77 The F-scribe was presumably drawing on %E for these readings. Fascinating evidence for the readings of %E is once again provided by the corrections made by the F-scribe either in F itself or in A. The relationship between E, F, and A suggests that this scribe may have corrected errors in A’s common stock material by comparison with %E. Sometimes all three versions are available for comparison: in 449, for example, the correct reading Martianus, shared by E and F (448) against Mauricius BC, is altered from Mauricius to Martianus in A, probably by the F-scribe.78 Although it is possible that the F-scribe wrote Martianus in F and corrected the error in %E and A by comparison with Bede,79 it seems more likely that %E had the correct reading. Other examples where F itself is not available for comparison apparently show the F-scribe correcting A against %E. In 430, where A has Palladius and E has Patricius, the gloss uel Patricius has been interlined in A by the F-scribe, apparently prompted by the reading Patricius in %E.80 In 530 E offers a minor variant feala for ABC fea; although the relevant clause is not in F, it seems likely that it was in %E since the F-scribe (probably) has altered fea to feala in A.81 In 571, an annal not in F, some alterations have been made to A by the F-scribe (probably), apparently in accordance with %E: Benesingtun E, [Benn]ingtun altered to Bænesingtun A;82 forþfor E, gefor 77 78 79

See Baker, MS. F, p. xxxix. See Bately, MS. A, p. 17. Baker, MS. F, p. lv, argues with reference to other annals that the scribe had independent recourse to Bede in the course of preparing F. 80 See Bately, MS. A, p. 16, note to 430. 81 Bately, MS. A, p. 21. Henry of Huntingdon corresponds to E’s reading here: innumerabilem stragem (Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 100). 82 Henry of Huntingdon has Benesintune (Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 106).

xlix il

MS. E

‘with þferde added in later hand, possibly that of scribe 8 in an incomplete attempt to replace gefor by forþferde’ A.83 Two erasures in A which involve alteration of u to i may represent the same procedure (-b[u]rg A, -byrig E). In 591, again an annal not in F, alterations have been made to A (which has the Old English but not the Latin) probably by the F-scribe, apparently in accordance with %E: Ceolric E, Ceol\ric/ A; .vi. gear E, .v. gear ‘altered to .vi. by the addition of i in another hand’ A.84 In 614 a minor variant against the common stock appears in E and as a revision to A. The final numeral in E .lxv. has been added to A over an erasure (presumably of .xlvi. which is G’s reading; BC’s reading is .xlv.). The revision may have important implications. F’s entry for 614 is not common stock and is unattested elsewhere in the Chronicle.85 The revision in A, if indeed made by the F-scribe, would suggest that E’s entry for 614 represents %E’s (assuming that the F-scribe is following his usual practice in correcting A against %E), and that F’s alternative entry was introduced at a later stage in the composition of F.86 In all these cases where A has a correction made by the F-scribe which corresponds to a reading in E, it can be assumed that E’s reading represents that of %E. (iv) Readings and annals peculiar to E The following section examines readings which occur only in E, and is divided into two parts: (a) the significant variant readings exclusive to E against the other Anglo-Saxon Chronicle versions, and (b) those annals or parts of annals which are peculiar to E. The aim is to elicit where possible the stage at which E’s unique readings entered its transmission history. It is useful here to consider the evidence not only of the other Chronicle versions but also of Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum. In the case of E’s variant readings against the other manuscripts, it is possible to attribute at least some of them to one of three different stages: %E (used by the F-scribe around 1100), the archetype of E which was drawn on by Henry of Huntingdon, or E itself (or a closer predecessor of E than that on which Henry of Huntingdon drew). In the case of additional material which occurs only in E, it is possible to surmise to some extent whether it was already available in %E or added at a later stage in E’s transmission history. 83 84

Bately, MS. A, p. 24. Bately, MS. A, p. 25. An example of the complex interrelations of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and the twelfth-century Latin chronicles is seen in the various readings: Henry of Huntingdon has Ceolric in agreement with E’s and A’s intervention, but quinque annis against E’s and A’s intervention (Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 108). William of Malmesbury has Ceolric, and annis quinque in one version but VI in another (Mynors, William of Malmesbury, p. 40). 85 See Baker, MS. F, pp. lix–lx. 86 The fact that the annal is written in the top margin of its folio, with the Old English and Latin being inserted at different times, may be further evidence for this. See Baker, MS. F, p. 30.

l

INTRODUCTION

(a) Of the variant readings unique to E, some may have been introduced by the E-scribe, while others have clearly entered E’s transmission history at an earlier stage. I will examine first those readings which occur in common stock material, and secondly those readings which are in material not derived from the common stock. E’s variant readings in common stock are mainly the result of scribal error, whether by the E-scribe or a predecessor. It is possible to some extent to determine more precisely where the error might have entered E’s textual history by bringing to bear the evidence of D, F, and Henry of Huntingdon. Where E’s errors are shared with Henry of Huntingdon against ABC(DF), it is clear that the errors were already in the exemplar copied by the E-scribe and not introduced by that scribe. It is not possible in these cases to say with certainty whether the error was already in %DE, or in %E, or was introduced between %E and the source shared by E and Henry of Huntingdon. When D is available and agrees with ABC, we cannot assume that %DE had the correct reading since D may have derived the reading from its version of the Chronicle close to C. When F is available and agrees with ABC, this offers no certain indication that %E had the correct reading, since it is possible that F’s reading was obtained from A. The errors which E shares with Henry of Huntingdon against ABC(DF) are mainly in proper names: in 527 E has Certicesford and Henry has Certicesforde, against Cerdicesleag(a) ABC;87 in 530 E has Wihtland and Henry has Witland,88 against Wihte ealond A(BC), Wiht ðæt ealand (F as a later insertion);89 in 571 E has Cuþa and Henry has Cutha,90 against Cuþwulf A, Cuðulf BC; in 648 E has Eadrede and Henry has Ædredo,91 against Cuþrede ABC (BC 647);92 in 740 E has Eadberht and Henry has Ædbert,93 against Cuþbryht A(BCD) (A 741) and Cutberht F. One other error in E and Henry of Huntingdon occurs in numerals: in 488 E has .xxxiiii. and Henry has triginta quatuor,94 against .xxiiii. ABC. In all the cases where E and Henry of Huntingdon agree against the other versions of the Chronicle in

87 88

89 90 91 92

93 94

Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 98. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 100. In his passage corresponding to 534 where E again has Wihtland against Wiht ealand A(BC), Henry uses the Latin name Vecta (Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 102). The forms here should be compared with those in 534, an annal which is discussed at p. xlvii above in relation to recast annals. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 106. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 118. It is curious that E shares an error with A elsewhere in this annal: omission of hida in the phrase .iii. þusenda landes. The possibility therefore exists that the F-scribe copied this entry into %E from A. But, if he did make this insertion into %E, it is surprising that a different entry altogether is included in F itself. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 238. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 90.

li

MS. E

common stock material, it can be assumed that E’s exemplar contained these errors and that they were not introduced by the E-scribe. E has some errors in common stock material where the other Chronicle versions and Henry of Huntingdon both have the correct readings. These errors may have been introduced after the source E shared with Henry of Huntingdon, and perhaps by the E-scribe. It cannot, however, be assumed that they entered E’s textual history at this late stage, since Henry’s use of a Chronicle close to C as well as one close to E means that his readings against E may in fact reflect his source close to C. We can say of these errors that they may, but need not necessarily, have been introduced by the E-scribe. These mistakes in E are again largely confined to numerals and proper names. Numerical errors are found in 641, where E has .xxi. wintra, against .xxxi. wintra ABC (A 643) and Henry’s uno et triginta annis,95 and in 745, where E has .xlvi. wintra, against .xliii. wintra ABCD and Henry’s quadragesimo tercio anno.96 Errors in proper names are found in 652, where E has Pendan, against Peadan ABC (653) and Henry’s Peda;97 in 871, where E has Basecg, against Bachsecg A, Bagsceg B (872), Bagsecg CD (C 872), Bagsæc F, and Henry’s Basrecg,98 and E has Witune, against Wiltune ABCDF (BC 872) and Henry’s Wiltune;99 and in 878, where E has Wealwudu, against Sealwyda A, Selewuda B (879), Sealwuda C (879), Sealwudu D, and Henry’s Sealwdu.100 Occasionally other errors involving omission of words or letters occur: in 871 E omits wearð before Hæhmund where it is included in ABCDF (BC 872) and Henry has occisus est;101 in 877 E omits ne in man to mihte against mon to ne meahte A, mon to ne mihte D, and Henry’s nec . . . potuit;102 in 878 E omits final g in cyn against cyning AD, cing BCF (BC 879), and Henry’s regum.103 All these errors may have been introduced by the E-scribe. The prevalence of numerical and proper-name errors, however, both here and and in the errors shared by E and Henry of Huntingdon, may suggest that they were introduced at an earlier stage in E’s textual history than E itself, and that the E-scribe was less likely to have been responsible for these than for the omissions of words and letters. Other errors unique to E’s version of the common stock material cannot be usefully compared with Henry of Huntingdon, who either has no corresponding reading or has a version different from any in the Chronicle. These may 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103

Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 118. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 240. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 120. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 282, and p. 283 n. 38. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 284. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 288. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 284. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 286. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 288.

lii

INTRODUCTION

have been introduced in %DE (where D agrees with ABC, it may have been drawing on its C type source), or %E (where F agrees with ABC(D), it may have been drawing on A), or later in E’s textual history. Again, the majority of these errors occur in either numerals or proper names. Numerical errors are found in 11, where E has the annal-number .xi. against .vi. ABCDF; in 639, where E has the annal-number .dcxxxix. against .dcxl. ABCF; in 694, where E has thre & twenti wintra against .xxxiii. wintra ABCDF; in 752 where E has .xxii. geara against .xii. geare AB(C)D;104 and in 755 where E has .xvi. wintra against .xxxi. wintra ABC, .xxi. wintra D. An error related to a proper name is found in 71 where E omits sunu after Titus Uespasianus (Titus Uespasianus sunu ABCDF).105 Other unique variants in E are not errors but different readings: in 473 E has swiðe þearle against swa þer fyr A,106 swa swa fyr BC, swa swa man flycð fyr F; in 805 E does not have aldormon/ealdorman(n) which is found in ABCD after Heardberht; in 870 E has on þam geare against þy wintra ABCD (BC 871), ðar F. All of these errors and readings may have been introduced in E or at an earlier stage in its textual history; it is tempting to speculate that at least the numerical errors here are not to be attributed to the E-scribe. In the readings which are not derived from the common stock (mainly northern recension material represented by D but also occasionally material in F where D is not available), the evidence has slightly different implications. D’s source must have been %DE (since its source close to C would not have had this material). Similarly Henry of Huntingdon, where he was drawing on the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, must have been consulting his source shared with E rather than his source close to C. In several instances E and Henry of Huntingdon agree against D or F. Where E and Henry of Huntingdon offer a correct reading against D, the error was presumably introduced by the D-scribe: in 778 E has Ealdulf and Henry has Aldulf,107 against Ealwulf D.108 In two cases (both of numerals) it is not clear whether the error is D’s or E’s (and Henry’s): in 765 E has eahta winter and Henry has octo annis,109 against .viiii. winter D (Plummer notes that the correct length is eight and a half years);110 in 766 E has .xxxvi. wintra and Henry has triginta sex annis,111 against .xxxvii. wintra D (Plummer notes that neither of 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111

In A the numeral may stand on an erasure; it is followed by a space sufficient for one or two letters. See Bately, MS. A, p. 36, note on AD 752. In A the reading was originally Vespassianus but the third s has been erased, perhaps by the F-scribe to bring the spelling in line with %E’s. The word þer has been erased in A; see Bately, MS. A, p. 18. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 250. In D, the w of Ealwulf is written over d with a dot beneath; see Cubbin, MS. D, p. 15, note on AD 778. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 248. Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.51. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 250.

liii

MS. E

these is in fact correct).112 These cases represent either an error by the D-scribe or an error which was introduced into E’s textual history after %DE. In one case (a proper name), E and Henry of Huntingdon share an error against F: in 692 E has Nihtred and Henry has Nithred,113 against Wihtred F. It is likely, since the F-scribe seems only to have had limited access to a D-type manuscript and only at a late stage in the compilation of F,114 that F represents the reading in %E, and E’s error was introduced later than %E but not later than the source shared by E and Henry of Huntingdon. In all these cases of errors and readings shared by E and Henry of Huntingdon against the other Chronicle versions in material not from the common stock, it can be assumed that they were already available in the source shared by E and Henry of Huntingdon and were not introduced by the E-scribe. E has some errors in material not from the common stock against other Chronicle versions and against Henry of Huntingdon. Although this may imply that these errors were introduced at a later stage than the source shared by Henry and E, perhaps by the E-scribe, it is also possible that Henry had a different source for his readings. Two of E’s errors are in proper names: in 681 the confusion of the letters p and wynn has produced E’s Wihtum where F has Pihton (and Henry has Pictorum);115 in 737 E has Æðelwold where D has Æþelbald (and Henry has Ædelbold).116 It might be plausible to hypothesize, given the evidence that the E-scribe was not responsible for at least some of the errors in proper names elsewhere, that these errors were already in E’s exemplar (and that Henry obtained his readings from other sources). The third error in E against other Chronicle versions and Henry of Huntingdon entails an omission in E: in 796 E conflates two words in oþerbald, where D is clearly correct in reading oþærne Eanbald (and Henry has alter Enbaldus).117 This error is likely to have been the E-scribe’s own. E has some variants against D in northern recension material where neither Henry of Huntingdon nor F is available for comparison. In some cases they are errors which were introduced by the D-scribe, and E’s readings therefore represent %DE. In 757 E has .ix. kalendas against .viii. kalendas D; since Historia Regum, which may draw for its entry on the same Latin Northumbrian annal as E does, agrees with E, D is likely to be in error here.118 In 779 E has .ix. kalendas against .viii. kalendas D; again, since Historia Regum agrees with E, D is likely to be in error.119 In other cases the 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119

Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.51. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 220. Baker, MS. F, pp. xliv–xlv. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 204. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 238. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 258. Arnold, Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, II.41. Arnold, Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, II.47.

liv

INTRODUCTION

errors are E’s. Some of these are numerical errors: in 768 E has .xiiii. against .xiii. D (here Historia Regum agrees with D);120 in 796 E (presumably through eye-skip) has .iiii. idus (its first occurrence) against .iiii. kalendas D. Others are errors in proper names: in 189 E has Geza against Geta D; in 693 E has Brihthelm against Dryhthelm D; in 710 E has Hygebald against Sigbald D. Two of E’s errors are omissions: in 716 E omits gecyrde (which is supplied from D in my text of E);121 in 797 E (as a result of scribal eye-skip) omits .xvii. kalendas . . . biscop on (which is supplied from D in my text). In other cases D and E offer variant readings where either version might represent their common ancestor: in the Preface E has wudufe(r)stenum against wudu westenum D,122 and in 774 E has the minor variant gear against winter D. These errors and variant readings in E may have entered E’s textual history at any stage. Once again the majority of the errors are associated with numerals and proper names, and these were perhaps already in E’s exemplar. In the absence of other evidence, however, we can conclude with certainty only that the unique errors and variant readings in E (where the explanation is not error on D’s part) may have been introduced either by the E-scribe or at some earlier stage in E’s textual history. (b) As well as having unique variants against the texts of the other versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, E also has some annals and parts of annals which occur only in its version.123 This section will examine first the annals in E which are not found at all in any other version, secondly the unique parts of annals in E which otherwise consist of material shared with A’s interventions or with F, and thirdly the unique parts of annals in E which otherwise consist of common stock material. E is the only version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle to supply any entries for 617, 626, 634, and 684. Significantly all these entries occur after 616, which is the last date at which the F-scribe copied an entry from %E into A, and before 693, which is the date at which D resumes. It seems likely that all these entries belonged to the northern recension of the Chronicle and that E represents %E in including them. The entries were presumably not copied 120 121

Arnold, Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, II.44. In this case F has gewende at the end of the clause; this might be a case of updating vocabulary by the F-scribe, or it might suggest that the omission was in %E and that the F-scribe independently supplied an appropriate verb. 122 E may be correct here: Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica I.2 has siluarum munitum (Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, p. 22). Elsewhere, however, Bede (in I.8) has siluis ac desertis (Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, p. 34) which may be the source of D’s version. 123 This section does not include annals which are also in F if they are slightly reworded there (but does include such annals where there is substantial extra material in E not found in F), nor does it include annals which are copied by the F-scribe into A (which affects entries up to 616). These are discussed in the sections above on shared readings in E and F against D, and annals or parts of annals shared by E and F for 262–693.

lv

MS. E

into A because the F-scribe altered his procedure in relation to A after 616, and were not copied into F as a result of the F-scribe’s characteristic abridging of his source. Much of E’s unique material consists of parts of annals which are otherwise shared either with F or with A’s interventions. Again it is significant that all this material occurs in entries between 616 and 693. Because the F-scribe has generally produced a fuller copy of %E’s entries in A than in F itself, E has a relatively small amount of unique material in entries which overlap with interventions in A. Four of E’s entries copied into A by the F-scribe contain some material not in the versions in A. In two of these the material now in E but not copied into A concerns two subjects (genealogy and northern affairs) which the F-scribe tends to omit in F itself, and it is likely therefore that E’s extra material was in %E. Thus in 593 E uniquely has a short genealogy of Æðelferð (se wæs Æðelricing, Æðelric Iding), and in 603 the second part of E’s entry (from Þær man ofsloh Theodbald), which occurs uniquely in E, is northern in its interest (though the F-scribe has copied into A the first part of the entry which is also northern). In the two others, the material unique to E consists of short phrases which seem mainly to have been omitted by the F-scribe in A’s interventions to avoid unnecessary wordiness. In 592 E uniquely has the phrase on Brytene þes geares. This had presumably been added for purposes of clarification to the common stock part of the entry at the same time as the report that Her Gregorius feng to papdome on Rome was inserted; but the reordering of the entry’s two parts in A means that the F-scribe did not need to add on Brytene þes geares in A. In 616 E has three clauses which are not in A’s intervention: wearð gefullod, Þa wurdon Lundenware heðene, and rixiendum Eadbaldum; the third of these, however, does occur in F’s entry for 616. The omission of the second in A’s intervention is curious. The clause was almost certainly in %E (it is in Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica which is the source here);124 perhaps the F-scribe found this specific reference to the heathenism of Londoners in 616 distasteful. Other unique material in E is found in recast annals which contain other passages common only to E and F. Since the F-scribe apparently had available the recast annal, and since this scribe characteristically abridges %E’s annals, it would seem reasonable to conclude that the material now peculiar to E in these annals was in %E but was omitted by the F-scribe. This view is supported by the types of material which appear in E but not in F, since they conform to the types of omission the F-scribe made elsewhere. Material of northern interest which is now peculiar to E is found in the annals for 627,125

124 125

Colgrave and Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, pp. 154–6. E’s unique material is: & eac þes Paulinus . . . wæs gehaten Blecca.

lvi

INTRODUCTION

633,126 643,127 654,128 664,129 678,130 679,131 and 685.132 Dates constitute other material now found in E only, as in 625 (on .xii. kalendas Augusti), 670 (on .xv. kalendas Martii), 678 (on Auguste), 688 (on .xii. kalendas Mai). One record unique to E may, however, represent an addition to %E by the F-scribe rather than an omission by him in copying %E. In 690 E tells us that Theodore wæs bebyrged innan Cantwarbyrig, an allusion to Canterbury which the F-scribe would presumably have included in F if it had been in his source. Although one might expect him to have included it in F as well as adding it to %E, it cannot be ruled out that he added it to %E at a later stage than the copying of F. Finally, E has some unique material occurring in annals which in every other version (including F) are restricted to common stock. Here we cannot assume that the F-scribe had available anything other than the common stock and there is no direct evidence outside E itself that the expanded version existed in %E. E’s expanded annals of this type were not necessarily part of the northern recension, and their material peculiar to E might therefore have entered E’s textual history after %E. There is some indirect evidence, however, that at least the majority of such material may have been in %E. It exactly conforms to the type of material which the F-scribe characteristically omits. In 641, the material now unique to E is northern in interest;133 in 650 the name of the Northumbrian king Oswiu cining is mentioned only in E. In 571 there is an extra genealogical reference (se Cuþa wæs Ceawlines broðor), and so too in 675 where E alone has Cenfusing after Æscwine. In 650, three dates are found only in E: on .xiii. kalendas Septembris, & þæs ymbe .xii. niht, and on .ii. kalendas Septembris. An exception is found in 501, where E uniquely has the clause & sona land namon; it is impossible to say whether this was in %E (since F’s entry ends just at this point) or inserted at some later stage in E’s textual history. Conclusions for the annals up to 890 Alongside the ‘first compilation’, expanding and adapting its annals, there existed a northern recension of the Chronicle (using northern material but not necessarily compiled in the north), which is now represented most faithfully 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133

E’s unique material is: fram Cadwallan . . . eall Norðhymbra land. E’s unique material is: And her feng Oswine . . . rixade .vii. winter. E’s unique material is: & þa wæron sume ciningas . . . Eastengla ciningas. E’s unique material is: on Brytene igland . . . bebyrged on Wagele. & Ecgbriht his sunu feng to þam rice. The material of northern interest unique to E is: & man gehalgode . . . ærost biscopa. E’s unique material is: be Trentan þær ðær Egferð & Æðelred gefuhton. E’s unique material is: & ðy ilcan geare man ofsloh Ecgferð . . . for to his mynstre on Derawuda, except for Loðere Cantwara cining for\ð/ferde which is also in F. The parts of the annal unique to E are: fram Pendan . . . Bebbanburh ungebrosnode, and & he wæs Kynegilwing . . . læs .xxx. geara (the other parts of the annal are from the common stock).

lvii

MS. E

by E. An archetype of E (%DE) was drawn on in the second half of the eleventh century by the compiler of D (who also drew on a common stock version similar to C), and another archetype of E (%E) was drawn on at the end of the eleventh century by the compiler of F (who also altered the first part of A to make it conform to %E, and who also may have added some Old English entries or otherwise intervened in %E). It is clear that the archetype of E for the annals up to 890 must have been in existence at the end of the eleventh century in a form which was close to the version now available in E.

Annals from 892 to 981 E’s annals for almost a century after the 890 Chronicle are extremely thin compared to A, B, C, and D. Of these four manuscripts, D once again has the strongest link with E. E represents more closely the northern recension, since D continues to be a conflation of two sources, one close to E and one close to C.134 Evidence for the existence of a set or sets of Latin Northumbrian annals on which the compiler of the northern recension might have drawn for this section is found in the annals for 888–957 in the Historia Regum which show close parallels with E’s annals.135 E’s relationship to F is the same as in the annals up to 890: F is generally a copy of %E, but with some abridging of that source. The possibility that some of E’s entries may derive from intervention by the F-scribe in %E again needs to be considered. In particular E has some curious links with A which may be elucidated by considering the relationship between E and F. The thirty-six annals will be considered under the following sections: (i) annals or parts of annals common to A, B, C, D, E, and F; (ii) annals linking D and E, and F; (iii) annals linking E, A, and F; (iv) annals common only to E and F; (v) annals unique to E. (i) Annals or parts of annals common to A, B, C, D, E, and F The majority of these annals or parts of annals fall within the period 934–48, a grouping which, it has been argued, may be significant in terms of source-material.136 In one case, that of 934, a whole entry is common to all the versions (though it may be noted that A’s entry is for 933 and additionally records the death of Byrnstan which is found otherwise only in F’s 134

See Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 28–9, and Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xxix and xxxvi. Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 37 n. 1, suggests that C itself and not an ancestor of C might have been used by the compiler of D. 135 For the relevant material, see Arnold, Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, II.92–4. For its links with E’s corresponding annals, see Irvine, ‘The Sources of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS. E’. See also Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xxv–xxvi. 136 See Bately, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: Texts and Textual Relationships, p. 10, and Bately, MS. A, pp. lviii–lix.

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INTRODUCTION

corresponding Latin entry, itself a translation of A). In four other cases, 940, 944, 945, and 948, E and F have parts of the annals found in A, B, C, and D. Whereas in the first three of these, A, B, C, and D have all the material in E and F (and more than E and F), in 948 (ABCD 946) a more complex interrelationship is found. Here, although E and F overlap with the other manuscripts in the second part of the annal, in its first part E and F, in recording the manner of Edmund’s death, offer information which is not in A, B, and C, but which is in D in a much longer version. F has apparently drawn on %E here; the relationship between D and E is more problematic. One possibility is that D’s entry agrees with %DE’s whilst only an abbreviated form of %DE’s entry was transmitted to %E. A more plausible explanation, however, is that E represents the form of the entry as it was in %DE, and that the compiler of D expanded the entry from another source. Apart from the correspondences in the group 934–48, there are three other entries in which the versions of the Chronicle overlap at least to some extent. The substantial 892 annal is found in all manuscripts (for 893 in BCD); E’s version of this annal shows significant links with A and is therefore discussed below. The annal for 955 (BC 956) is a different case. Although all the versions of this annal partially overlap, some of them have material which is not found elsewhere. E’s annal reads: Her Ædred cyning forðferde, & feng Eadwig to rice Eadmundes sunu. This overlaps with material in A and D, though both A and D offer extra information independently of E and of each other. E’s entry is slightly fuller than BC’s (which omit Eadmundes sunu). F’s entry seems originally to have been a copy of A, to which the F-scribe later added material from D.137 The fact that the F-scribe has clearly copied A here has further implications: did he insert A’s entry (in an abbreviated form) into %E? It would perhaps seem surprising, however, if %E did not already have a record of this important death and accession. The F-scribe’s clear reliance on A for 955 raises the question of whether he has drawn on A elsewhere for the annals common to all versions of the Chronicle, and if so whether E now has this material because he copied it from A into %E. E’s annals here are sparse and %E’s might conceivably have been even sparser. In none of these annals in the group 934–48, however, does F include more of A’s material than is found in E. There is some other specific evidence, moreover, which might indicate that F was drawing on %E and not on A. In 944 E and F share a variant reading against A, B, C, and D: cyneborene mæn E(F), against cyningas AD (cingas BC). This variant reading, on the principle of lectio difficilior, may suggest that E’s entry was originally in %E, since it seems improbable that the F-scribe would alter A’s reading cyningas to cyneborene mæn in both %E and F. Also in 948, where in the first part E and F agree with each other but differ from A (946) and in the 137

See Baker, MS. F, p. xlv.

lix

MS. E

second agree with all versions, the simpler explanation that the F-scribe has copied %E throughout seems more convincing than that he partly revised A’s entry before copying it into both %E and F. The evidence would suggest that much of the material which E has in common with all versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle may be linked to a source covering the period 934–48. It is likely that the annals discussed above in this group were available in %E in a similar form to that in which they are now found in E. The annals were copied thence by the F-scribe into F, where they were augmented with material from other sources including A (and, at a later stage, D). E’s annal for 955, however, which does not belong to this group and which has a rather different relationship with the other manuscripts, may possibly have been transmitted to E as the result of intervention in %E by the F-scribe. (ii) Annals linking D and E, and F Since D or its ancestor continues after 890 to conflate the northern recension source shared with E with a manuscript close to C, D is much fuller for this period than E, and shares many readings with ABC against E.138 Where D and E do share entries and readings against ABC, these are likely to represent the northern recension source on which both D and E ultimately drew. The following annals show agreements between D and E against the other manuscripts: 901, 910, 923, 948 (D 946), 954, 956 (D 957), 959, 966, 969, 970, 972, 975, 978, 979, 980, and 981.139 In some cases (901, 910, 948 (D 946), 956 (D 957)), D shows conflation of the material now in E with that now in C.140 F has entries (often abridged) corresponding to E’s in all these annals except 970 for which F has no annal. The annals were therefore presumably in %E in a form close to that now in E, and the F-scribe has characteristically abridged %E’s entries in copying them into F. E and F share occasional errors against D in entries where C is not available, for example in 972, where efenwyhton E and efenwihte F agree erroneously against efenwyrhtan D. Such errors were presumably in %E but not %DE. In one case (975), E has a brief summary in prose of a passage of verse, probably the work of Archbishop Wulfstan of York, in D.141 Whitelock notes that E’s version is likely 138 139

See Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 28; Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xxvii–xxxix. Conner, The Abingdon Chronicle, pp. xlix and lii, has suggested that the last four of these may be linked to the source shared by C and E. This link is discussed at p. lxv below in relation to the annals from 983 to 1043b. 140 On the first part of 948, see further below under annals unique to E. On a proposed link between 910 and the Mercian Register, see Cubbin, MS. D, p. xxxi. It should be noted, however, that most of the annal in DE derives from the source shared with Historia Regum; see Irvine, ‘The Sources of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS. E’, C.B.17.9.234.01. 141 On D’s verse in 975, see Bredehoft, Textual Histories, p. 108.

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INTRODUCTION

to be a replacement of the verse now found only in D.142 If so, the replacement probably predated %E, since F corresponds to E here. (iii) Annals linking E, A, and F Some curious links between E and A are found in the annals for 892 and 924/925. These links may indicate places where the F-scribe has made alterations to %E. The annal for 892 is included in A, B, C, D, E, and F (BCD 893). D incorporated this annal from its C-type source.143 E and A share significant variant readings against BCD, as follows: æt þes mycclan wuda eastenda E (at þas mucelan wudan eastende F) æt þæs miclam wuda eastende A on þæs ilcan wuda ende D (BC eastende) inne on ðam fænne E (inne on þan fenne F) inne on þæm fenne A inne on þam fæstene D(BC) þridde healf hund scipa E (ðridde healf hund scipon F) .ccl. hunde scipa A .cc. hund scipa D(BC) The agreements between E and A are replicated in the readings in F. The most likely explanation, as Whitelock suggested, is that the F-scribe corrected readings in %E against A.144 It is clear that he had access to A whilst compiling this section of F, and indeed Baker has shown that F’s annal for 891 was copied from A.145 Linguistic evidence adduced by Janet Bately suggests that the annal for 892 circulated independently of the other annals in the 891 to 896 section of the Chronicle; this might explain the unusual textual affiliations and also why E does not have A’s annals for 893 onwards.146 The F-scribe stops copying A’s long annals after 892.147 In the annal for 924, E agrees with A against a longer entry in BCD. The same entry is found in F for 925. E’s entries for 924 and 925 relate in interesting ways to the equivalent entries in A and F. In E, the death of Edward is recorded twice, in the annals for both 924 and 925, making it clear, as Dumville noted, ‘that some process of conflation underlies the text at this spot’.148 The exact nature of this process is hard to determine but it is

142 143 144 145 146 147 148

Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 28. See Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xxviii–xxix. Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 27. Baker, MS. F, p. xli. Bately, ‘The Compilation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle Once More’, p. 18. See Baker, MS. F, p. xliii. Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 53.

lxi

MS. E

reasonable to surmise that the F-scribe played some part in it. The repeated report of Edward’s death in 924 and 925 in E needs to be considered in relation to the first part of E’s entry for 925: Her Wulfelm biscop wes gehalgod. This record is not in BCD, nor originally in A. It was added to A (924), however, in a slightly longer form: Wulfelm feng to þan arcebiscoprice on Cantuarebyri; the hand of this addition is identified by Baker as ‘probably the F-scribe’.149 It was also added to F (925) in a form closer to A than to E: & Wulfelm wearþ gehadod to arcebiscope to Cantwarebyri. The source is unknown but, as Baker has remarked, Wulfhelm’s succession was also recorded by a Canterbury interpolator for the year 924 in the Winchester Chronicle (British Library, MS. Cotton Nero A. VIII).150 It is possible that the F-scribe added the information to both A and F from %E. If so, however, it would seem odd that the record is in an expanded form in A and F, and more odd still that the information as it appears in E and F is in fact incorrect in its details: Plummer notes that ‘E and F are wrong in saying that [Wulfhelm] “was consecrated” to Canterbury. Like his predecessor Athelm, he was translated from Wells, to which he had been consecrated in 914.’151 A different explanation seems to me plausible. The entry for 924 was already in %E (it is in ABCD and has an equivalent in Historia Regum),152 but the F-scribe also copied it in error into %E 925 (F itself reports Edward’s death in 925). Having realized the duplication, he then attempted to replace the record of Edward’s death by another record, that of Wulfhelm’s consecration. The record of Wulfhelm’s consecration was reworded, inaccurately as it turned out, in order to fit into the space above the record of Edward’s death.153 But the F-scribe’s intended deletion of the second record of Edward’s death was not carried through into the next stage of transmission, when a new scribe inadvertently included both Wulfhelm’s consecration and Edward’s death in the annal for 925. (iv) Annals common only to E and F A number of entries are found in E but not in ABCD. Although they were probably not in %DE (since D would otherwise include them), their overlap with entries in F would suggest that at least some of them were in %E. In several cases, whole entries (mainly brief) overlap in E and F: 921, 927, 942, 949, and 952. The most likely explanation for these overlapping entries

149 150

Baker, MS. F, p. xxxvi. The hand is Bately’s hand 8f; see MS. A, p. 69, note on 924. Baker, MS. F, p. xxxvi; Liebermann, Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen, p. 68: ‘Adelmo archiepiscopo succedit Wlfhelmus’. 151 Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.135. 152 See Irvine, ‘The Sources of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS. E’, C.B.17.9.237.01. 153 The entry as it stands in MS. E (with biscop abbreviated to b) would have fitted neatly above Ædward cyning forðferde.

lxii

INTRODUCTION

in E and F is that they have been copied from %E into F. In one case, however, that of 927, the transmission history may be more complicated. The second part of the annal for 927 (& her Wulfelm arcebiscop for to Rom) is probably related in its transmission history to the record of Wulfhelm’s consecration in 925. If it is accepted that the F-scribe added the record of Wulfhelm’s consecration to %E, then it is likely that the record of Wulfhelm’s journey to Rome also entered E’s text-history through the workings of the F-scribe. The kind of source that the F-scribe might have been using for these records could have resembled the sparse Canterbury annals accompanying an Easter table for 988 onwards found in British Library, MS. Cotton Caligula A. XV, which Baker has suggested were used by the F-scribe elsewhere.154 In other cases, entries partially overlap in E and F. In 937 (where A, B, C, and D have the Brunanburh poem), all of E’s entry is in F (938), but F also includes other information relating to the battle at Brunanburh. The F-scribe has presumably copied %E’s entry and then amplified it with further details of the battle from other sources.155 In 948 (also discussed above at p. lix, since the second part of the entry is common to all manuscripts), the first part of the entry (Her Ædmund cyning wearð ofstungen) is only in E and F, and F’s entry is presumably copied from %E. D (946), however, has a more detailed version of the same event: probably, as I suggested above, the compiler of D expanded the entry from another source. One other entry, that for 963, might be mentioned here even though it is not common to E and F. Since in E this entry now consists entirely of a Peterborough Interpolation, it is tempting to speculate that %E had an entry which corresponded to the entry now in F, and that this was incorporated by E’s compiler into the Peterborough Interpolation. Curiously the date in F’s corresponding Latin annal, for which the source is uncertain,156 also appears in the Peterborough Interpolation (on .iii. kalendas Decembris).157 The absence of an entry in D, however, may support Baker’s view that %E had no entry for 963 and that F took its annal from A.158 In the entries shared by E and F, it seems that the form in which they now appear in E can in general be assumed to represent %E, and that differences between E and F can be attributed to alterations in F (usually by the addition of material from other sources). The exception here is the record of 154 155 156 157

Baker, MS. F, p. xlvi. See Baker, MS. F, p. xlii. Baker, MS. F, p. xliii. One of the possible sources for this Peterborough Interpolation is the Vita S. Æthelwoldi by Wulfstan of Winchester, which includes this date (see Lapidge and Winterbottom, Wulfstan of Winchester, pp. 30–1). This would explain its use here, though not necessarily its use in F. See further my discussion of this annal at pp. xciv–xcvi below. 158 Baker, MS. F, p. xliii.

lxiii

MS. E

Wulfhelm’s journey to Rome which, I have argued, may have been added to both %E and F by the F-scribe. (v) Annals unique to E Some annals either occur only in E or occur in a distinctive form in E. The annal for 933, recording the drowning of Ædwine, does not appear elsewhere. The annal for 906 records the same event as the last part of A (905), B, C, and D, but E’s wording (including its additional phrase for neode) is unique. The annal for 918, in contrast to the lengthy entries in A, B, C, and D, offers a brief report of Æðelflæd’s death.159 F has no entries for these annal-dates. The annals were either in %E and omitted by the F-scribe in the process of abridgement, or (possibly) added at a later stage in E’s textual history. Conclusions for the annals from 892 to 981 For the period after the first compilation, the version of the Chronicle drawing on the northern recension, represented by E, was comparatively neglected, receiving some material up to 955 from northern annals, other material from a source which was also available to ABC for 934–48, and other material again from a source containing information of general national interest from 955 to 981. This version of the Chronicle (%DE) was drawn on by the compiler of D in the second half of the eleventh century, who conflated it with a version close to C. A similar version (%E) was drawn on by the compiler of F at the end of the eleventh century; the source used by this compiler was not identical to %DE, as the occasional shared errors in E and F against D and the different versions of the annal for 975 in D and EF attest. The compiler of F not only abridged %E’s entries but also added information from other sources at different stages in the compilation. The same compiler may also have been responsible for various alterations and (relatively brief) additions to %E, which have been transmitted to E. As with the annals up to 890, it is possible to conclude that for the annals from 892 to 981 the archetype of E was in existence at the end of the eleventh century in a form similar to that now found in E.

Annals from 983 to 1043b The group of annals in E which extends from 983 to the end of the first sentence of 1043b is distinguished by its close relationship with C. This relationship, however, is by no means consistent throughout the period, and the relationship of D to both the other manuscripts further complicates the picture. The complex nature of the relationship between all three manuscripts 159

Cubbin, MS. D, p. xxxi, suggests that this was drawn from the Mercian Register.

lxiv

INTRODUCTION

available for comparison here led Sten Körner to propose that, despite their intermittent independence from one another, C, D, and E all go back to a common source for these annals.160 Körner’s conclusions, whilst overly generalizing, have had important implications for the study of this period of the Chronicle, implications which have been developed in particular by David Dumville and Patrick Conner.161 My explanation for the curious patterns of agreement between C, D, and E for this period argues for at least some overlap in C’s and E’s sources but does not assume that C and E drew throughout on a common source. Although this group of annals in E is examined here as one section, it is clear that it is based on more than one underlying source, and that these sources may have overlapped chronologically. The first identifiable source is a collection of annals for 983–1022, known as the Chronicle of Æthelred and Cnut.162 This source was at some stage annotated with notices relating to Abingdon, either at Abingdon itself (as Dumville and Conner argue), or some other centre (Katherine O’Brien O’Keeffe proposes Canterbury).163 The source was ultimately drawn on for both C and E, and the insertion of Abingdon notices as marginalia into this source would explain their different appearances in C and E. An apparent difficulty is raised by C’s inclusion of some earlier material relating to Abingdon (C 979–82). This may have arisen, according to Conner, from the grafting of earlier items on to the beginning of the source (items which were not used for E, perhaps because initial leaves were lost),164 or, according to O’Brien O’Keeffe who sees the interest of these earlier notices as being in the south-west more generally, from the availability of the items as a continuation to the previous exemplar shared with B.165 The second source for this section of E, it has been argued by Dumville and by Conner, was a collection of annals beginning at least at 1022 (where E starts to diverge from C and D), but perhaps at 1017 or 1019, and extending to 1044 (E 1043b).166 The second source was combined with the first to produce a set of annals for 983–1044. This assemblage (denoted %CE by Conner) was copied to produce C; %CE was then conveyed to St Augustine’s,

160 161 162 163

164 165 166

Körner, The Battle of Hastings, England and Europe, pp. 1–24. Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’; Conner, The Abingdon Chronicle. A reconstruction of this Chronicle is planned for the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle collaborative edition by Simon Keynes. Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, pp. 27–8; Conner, The Abingdon Chronicle, pp. xlviii–xlix. Conner’s evidence for the use of an Abingdon ‘house-narrative’ is questioned by Bately, Review of Conner, The Abingdon Chronicle, and O’Brien O’Keeffe, MS. C, pp. lxxx–lxxxix. Conner, The Abingdon Chronicle, pp. xlix, lii–lv. O’Brien O’Keeffe, MS. C, pp. lxii–lxiv. Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 26.

lxv

MS. E

Canterbury, where it became part of the collection from which %E was produced.167 This explanation of E’s origins for 983–1043b accounts for both the close agreement in material between E and C for 983–1022 (including the Abingdon notices), and also the partial agreement in material between C and E after 1022. C and E, however, also have marked divergences from each other in the material after 1022, divergences which are left unexplained by the proposal that C and E are drawing on a common source throughout. To account for these divergences, Conner maintains that %CE ‘was heavily redacted and, perhaps, conflated with other materials in the creation of %E, presumably at St Augustine’s’.168 The pattern of the relationship between C and E in 983–1043b, however, would seem to require further explanation. In the annals for 983–1022, both C and E apparently follow closely a shared source. There is one significant addition in E which may represent later revision. In 999 E alone explains why the Kentish army had to flee: forþam þe hi næfdon fultum þe hi habban sceoldan; Dumville attributes this to ‘the partisan views of the St Augustine’s chronicler’.169 There are also occasional minor changes where E’s readings seem to indicate rewriting from a later perspective: in 1002 E has his rice where C (and D) have ðis rice, and in 1009 E has wæs where C (and D) have is.170 On the whole, however, E’s version of the annals for 983–1022 is very close indeed to the source shared with C. In the annals from 1022 (after the obit of Æthelnoth) to 1041 (C 1042), by contrast, C and E overlap only rarely. C’s annals are very sparse indeed up to 1034, E’s rather fuller; from 1035 to 1042 (C 1043), the two texts have largely different annals. Finally, at the end of this collection, word-for-word agreement between C and E is abruptly reinstated in a small group of annals beginning at Edward’s consecration: the annals for 1042 (C 1043), 1043a (C 1044), and the first sentence of 1043b (the end of C 1044).171 E’s relationship with C in these annals can be seen to vacillate between two extremes for different chronological runs. I would like to consider the implications of this pattern by examining first the last few annals (from 1042 to the first sentence of 1043b in E). As well as reasserting the link between C and E, these annals have other features in common. The most significant, 167 168 169 170 171

Conner, The Abingdon Chronicle, pp. liii–liv. The St Augustine’s connection will be discussed in relation to the following section. Conner, The Abingdon Chronicle, p. lviii. Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 30. It should be noted, however, that in 1002, where F is available, its reading agrees with that in C and D; the implication is that in this case at least the reading ðis rice was in %E. See Conner, The Abingdon Chronicle, p. lvii, for a table setting out the material shared by C and E for this period.

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INTRODUCTION

perhaps, is that the interest in Abingdon found earlier in C’s and E’s annals for 983–1022 is renewed. In E 1043a (C 1043), there are two explicit references to Abingdon, one reporting the consecration of Siward, abbot of Abingdon, as Archbishop of Canterbury (although in fact he merely acted as assistant to Eadsige), and the other reporting the accession of the churchwarden Æthelstan as abbot of Abingdon. Whereas the first of these is clearly of general interest, the second seems to be continuing the pattern of incorporating Abingdon notices which was previously common to C and E. The different contexts of the notice in C and E may suggest that it, like the earlier ones, has its origin in an annotation: C ends its annal, following this notice, with a report of the marriage of Edward to Edith, whilst E repeats a record from its previous annal (Stigand’s accession as bishop of the East Anglians), and then begins a new annal with the marriage of Edward to Edith. As with the earlier Abingdon notices, the inconsistency here might have resulted from different scribal handling of a marginal or interlinear annotation. Two other features of these annals are worthy of comment. First, their absence from D is curious, given that D otherwise seems to be drawing on its source close to C in this section. There seems no reason why these annals would be excluded if they were available to D’s compiler. Secondly, the appearance of these annals in the manuscript of C may suggest that they were not included in C’s source for the preceding annals. Slight distinctions in script in C’s annals after 1043 indicate, Conner suggests, that these annals represent the beginning of annual updating of C: ‘I think that the text for 1043 was composed separately from the text for segment 5 [1035–42] as the last act of copying the Chronicle and bringing it up to date; the lapse of a year before the text for 1044 could be added is responsible for the distinction in the script between 1043 and 1044.’172 These last two features – the absence of the annals from D and evidence in C that they were composed separately from the preceding annals – are intriguing, and may even point to separate circulation of these annals at some stage, perhaps on a leaf which was later joined to a set of annals for 983 to 1042. In his discussion of A’s compilation, Malcolm Parkes has shown how sets of annals lent themselves to compilation in booklets which could be extended with singleton leaves.173 Circulation of annals in small sets might help to explain the complex relationships amongst the various versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in the eleventh century. It seems unlikely, however, that these annals entered E’s textual history separately from the annals for 983–1022. The kind of annotation which the 172 173

Conner, The Abingdon Chronicle, p. xxvi. Parkes, ‘The Palaeography of the Parker Manuscript’. For the place of booklets in the transmission of other Anglo-Saxon material, see Robinson, ‘Self-Contained Units’; for the implications of booklets for twelfth-century homiletic collections, see Irvine, ‘Compilation and Use of Old English Manuscripts’, pp. 56–9.

lxvii

MS. E

Abingdon notices apparently represent in 983–1022 and 1042–3b (C 1043–4) would suggest that E and C draw ultimately on the same annotated source for both sets of entries. If the later annals were composed separately, then by the time they reached E they had already been combined with the earlier set of annals. The problem that remains to be resolved is the divergence between C and E in the intervening annals from 1022 (after the obit of Æthelnoth) to 1041 (C 1042). The argument that E and C shared a source for these annals has depended to a large extent on the clear relationship between E and C in E 1042–3b. There is no reason to assume, however, that because E and C shared a source for 983–1022 and for 1042–3b (C 1043–4), they necessarily shared a source for the intervening material. The evidence would suggest otherwise. There is some overlapping material, as we shall see, in earlier annals (1024, 1034, and 1038), but it is relatively brief and confined mainly to obits, and might easily have been acquired independently. There is no convincing evidence that C and E draw on a common source for 1022–41 (C 1042). If E’s ultimate source for its annals 1022–41 is independent of its source for 983–1022 and 1042–3b, then the annals for 1022–41 now in E probably entered its textual history after (but not necessarily much after) the annals for 983–1022 and 1042–3b. Given the revisions to the annals for 983–1022, this is likely to have occurred at St Augustine’s. A damaged exemplar may have necessitated such interpolation or, more likely perhaps, the St Augustine’s compiler had an assemblage like %CE available to him but chose to replace its annals after 1022 by a different set of annals: in C, after all, the entries for 1024–34 are either barren or sparse, and later entries such as 1036 may have seemed politically inadvisable. A compiler who had recourse to a different set of annals might well have chosen to incorporate them here. It is clear that the nature of the agreements and differences between C and E in the group of annals between 983 and the beginning of 1043b has important implications for our understanding of the textual history of E in this period. I would suggest that the interpolation of a different set of annals between 1022 and 1041 at some stage in E’s textual history accounts more convincingly for the fluctuation in the relationship between C and E than sudden and uncharacteristic heavy redacting in 1022–41 of a single source used throughout for 983–1043b. D probably derives from conflation of its source close to C and of %DE.174 Up to 1031, it has some material shared only with C and some shared only with E; after 1031 there is no evidence that D has drawn on its source shared with E.175 D does not contain the Abingdon notices which appear 174

For the view that D remains a conflation for these annals as well as the earlier ones, see Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, pp. 33–4, and Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xxxix–xlvii. 175 Whitelock, English Historical Documents, pp. 113–15; Cubbin, MS. D, pp. lii–liii.

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INTRODUCTION

sporadically in C and E between 984 and 1018: either its exemplar had not received them or, especially likely if they were still in the form of annotations in the exemplar, they were edited out.176 Nor, as I noted above, does it have the entries common to E (for 1042–3b) and C (for 1043–4); either they had not reached the source close to C drawn on by D (and D seems not to have drawn on its source shared with E after 1031), or they were omitted in D. D occasionally has material now found in neither C nor E (for example, in the annal for 1023); this was probably added at a later stage to D than its sources shared with C and with E. F is again an important witness to E’s textual history. Where E and F agree against C or D or both, these agreements suggest that EF’s shared readings were already in %E. In such cases D is either drawing on its source close to C rather than %DE, or %DE did not have the variant readings which were in %E. D’s relationship to C and E for these annals has been examined by Cubbin who lists variant readings and additions in full.177 To avoid unnecessary overlap, my discussion will focus on four areas: (i) the annals or parts of annals common to C, D, and E; (ii) the shared material in C and E but not D; (iii) the shared material in E and F but not C and D; (iv) readings unique to E. (i) Annals or parts of annals common to C, D, and E For the period up to 1022, every annal is shared at least in part by all three manuscripts. It would seem that C and E share a source here, and that D, as elsewhere, is drawing on its sources shared with C and with E. This is an important basis for comparison with the annals for 1023–43b. Here the three manuscripts have no full annals in common, and the parts of annals shared by all three manuscripts are sparse. Five annals partially contain records common to all three manuscripts: one, 1028, briefly reports Cnut’s journey to Norway, three others are obits (1034: Ætheric; 1036 (CD 1035): Cnut; 1038: Æthelnoth, Æthelric, Brihteh), and the last, 1042 (CD 1043), briefly reports Edward’s accession. The lack of substantial annals in common here would seem to indicate (given that D is drawing on its source close to C) that C and E are not following a shared source between 1023 and 1042. The situation is complicated, however, by agreements between C and E against D elsewhere, which are discussed below.

176

The former is preferred by O’Brien O’Keeffe, MS. C, p. lxvii, the latter by Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.cxvi and n. 2, and Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 37. 177 See Cubbin, MS. D, pp. xxxix–liii.

lxix

MS. E

(ii) Shared material in C and E but not D Some material is found in C and E which is not in D. Although it is, of course, possible that the compiler of D has merely abridged his sources in the process of copying, there are indications that more complex textual reasons might lie behind its absence from D. A series of notices relating to Abingdon for the period between 984 and 1018 are found in C and E but not in D. In 984 E records Edwine’s consecration as abbot at Abingdon, an entry which is in C at the end of its annal for 985. At the beginning of its annal for 989 E records Edwine’s death and Wulfgar’s accession as abbot at Abingdon; this material also appears at the end of C’s annal for 990. In 1016, at the end of a lengthy annal, C and E both record Wulfgar’s death and Æthelsige’s accession as abbot. Another item which might be relevant here even though it does not appear in C is E’s notice at the end of 1018 of Æthelsige’s death and Æthelwine’s accession as abbot. It is curious that in three cases both manuscripts have these notices but that they are placed so differently in two of them, and that in one case E has an Abingdon notice which is not in C. The most likely explanation, as Dumville has noted, is that ‘the common ancestor of C and E had these Abingdon notices as marginalia or interlineations’;178 this would explain why they might appear in different places or, in one case, be overlooked altogether. The Abingdon notices were probably either not in D’s exemplar or were annotations in D’s exemplar which were omitted by the compiler.179 Three other annals in E (two in C) show significant agreements between C and E against D. E’s annals for 1042, 1043a, and 1043b (the first record) overlap almost entirely with C 1043 and 1044 (though C has a small amount of extra material not in E). D’s entry for 1043 begins, with C and E (1042), by recording Edward’s accession, but the rest of the entry is independent of C’s and E’s, and D has no entry for 1044. These annals in C and E, as we saw above, continue the pattern of adding notices pertaining to Abingdon: in E 1043a (C 1044) the notice of the accession of the churchwarden Æthelstan as abbot of Abingdon is similar to the previous notices and may again represent an annotation in the source. There is no doubt that E and C shared a source for the periods represented by 983–1022 and 1042–3b in E. This does not, as I argue above, necessarily imply that they shared a source for the period in between. I would suggest that E drew on a different source from C for 1022–41 (perhaps a later interpolation).

178 179

Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 28. Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 37.

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INTRODUCTION

(iii) Shared material in E and F but not C and D For this chronological period, as for earlier ones, the F-scribe has copied in an abridged form his main source %E. Where E and F overlap, the variants or extra material shared by E and F are significant for establishing the nature of %E in relation to C and D. D’s agreement with C indicates either that D was following its source close to C rather than %DE, or that the variant readings in E and F were introduced between %DE and %E. The shared readings in E and F against C and D indicate that a considerable proportion of E’s variant readings against C and D had been introduced into E’s textual history by the time that %E was used by the scribe of F. Up to 1022, where E overlaps to a large extent with C and D, its agreements with F against C and D consist mainly of variants and small additions and omissions. This seems to reflect the relatively faithful copies of a shared source which have been made in C and E for this period. From 1022 onwards, E and F share a number of entries or parts of entries which are not found at all in C or D. Although this may reflect widely divergent treatments of the same source in C and E, I argue above that different sources would account more plausibly for the changed relationship between the two manuscripts. Whole annals or parts of annals only in E and F are found at 1022, 1023, 1025, 1031, 1032, 1033, 1036, 1037, 1038, 1039, 1040, and 1041. Where E and F do not overlap, it is likely that this is the result of abridging by the F-scribe. The fact that so large a proportion of E’s material is found otherwise only in F supports the possibility that E draws on a different source here from C, and also suggests that E substantially represents its predecessor %E. In the case of variant readings, it is also clear that many of these were transmitted to E via %E. In some cases the variants represent different lexical choices at some stage in transmission at or before %E: 992 eadiga EF, beside haliga CD; 1003 beswac EF, beside becyrde CD; 1013 on þam ilcan geare E(F), beside on þissum ylcan geare C(D); 1016 þær hæfde Cnut sige EF, beside þær ahte Cnut sige C(D); 1016 Englaland E(F), beside Engla þeode CD (although E has an interlinear addition which reads vel þeode, and both E and F have Engla þeode earlier in the same annal); 1016 geherde secgan EF, beside ofahsade C, ofaxade D; 1017 to cwene EF, beside to wife CD. In other cases the variants concern the dates to which records are assigned: where E and F have two separate entries for 987 and 988, C and D have them as one entry (for 988); the entry for 989 in E and F (originally) appears under 990 in C and D (the entry in F was assigned to 990 at a later stage).180 In other cases the variants represent clear errors which have entered E’s textual 180

Baker, MS. F, p. xlv, tentatively relates this to other revisions made to F on the basis of a manuscript like D.

lxxi

MS. E

history at or before %E, mainly in proper names and in numerals. E and F share the following errors in proper names: 1011 Leofwine E, Lifwine F, beside Leofrune CD; 1016 Æðelsiges EF, beside Æþelwines C, Ælfwines D (C’s reading is correct). They share the following errors in numerals: 1012 .viii. þusend punda EF, beside ehta & feowertig þusend punda CD; 1018 .xi. þusend punda EF, beside endlyfte healf þusend punda C(D). In one other numerical variation E and F may be in error: 1007 .xxx. þusend punda E(F), beside .xxxvi. þusend punda CD. In some cases C and D have additional material which is not in E or F; this is likely to have been lost in transmission at or before %E, though it is also possible that it has been added to the source shared by C and D and thus transmitted to D. Sometimes whole clauses are not in E and F: in 1003 CD have & on þam ilcan geare eode se here up into Wiltunscire which is not in E or F; in 1004 C and D have an additional clause at the end not included in E or F; in 1011 C and D have & micel on Hamtunscire which is not in E or F; in 1020 C and D list the names of those who accompanied the king to Assandune and record the consecration of the monastery there. Elsewhere one or two words found in C and D do not occur in E or F: in 1012 C and D, but not E and F, have .xiii. kl. Mai between Sunnanefen and octabas Pasch”; in 1014 neither E nor F includes ears in a list of body-parts removed as a punishment (hiora handa & earan & nosa C(D), heora handa & heora nosa E, heora & heora nosa F: it seems likely that a linguistic confusion of heora and earan is responsible for E’s reading and F’s is clearly erroneous); in 1016 C and D, but not E and F, have Angelcynnes after & ealle þeode; in 1016 where C and D have Eadnoþ bisceop, E and F have merely Eadnoð. In some cases E and F have material which is not in C or D; this may have been omitted in the source shared by C and D or it may have been added at or before %E. Many of these additions are insignificant, for example, in 988 E and F have se halga and geferde þet heofonlice (not in CD), and in 1001 E and F have an extra adverb fæstlice where C and D have heardlice wiðstod. Occasionally the addition seems to be an error: in 1016 the addition in E and F of .clx. scipa probably represents an error.181 One addition in E and F deserves further comment. In 1006 the clause & Brihtwold biscop feng to þam rice on Wiltunscire is found in E and F but not in C or D. It is possible, as Baker has suggested, that this record was added by the F-scribe to %E.182 But a series of shared readings in the first part of this annal in C and D against E suggests that the scribe of D was following D’s source close to C rather than

181 182

Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.195. Baker, MS. F, p. xxxvii.

lxxii

INTRODUCTION

%DE here.183 Although it is not in D, the record may have been available in %DE. The close relationship of E and F in this section conforms to their relationship elsewhere. What is striking here is the difference in the relationship of these two manuscripts to C and D in the annals up to 1022 and the annals after 1022. Whereas the annals up to 1022 show E and F diverging from the other manuscripts in variant readings, the annals after 1022 demonstrate more substantial divergences from C and D. The evidence would suggest that for the annals after 1022 E draws on a source distinct from its source shared with C. (iv) Readings unique to E In the annals after 1022 which E shares only with F (see above), not all of E’s material is included in F, presumably as a result of the F-scribe’s characteristic abridgement of his main source. Corroborating evidence that such material was introduced at least before E itself is offered by comparison with Latin chronicles which drew on archetypes of E, such as the Waverly Annals and Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum. In 1022, for example, three phrases not in F nor any other manuscript are all translated into Latin in the Waverly Annals: & to arcebiscop arwurðlice gehalgode is rendered as et sacravit eum in archiepiscopum; & syððon mid fulre bletsunge ham gewende is rendered as et postea benedictione percepta domum rediit; & on ealles þæs geferscipes þe him mid wæs is rendered as et totius societatis qui cum eo erat.184 In 1025 the phrase ægðer ge deniscra manna ge engliscra is not in F but is rendered in the Waverly Annals (Dacorum et Anglorum).185 In 1039 the length of Harold’s reign and the place of his death are in the Waverly Annals but not in F;186 details of the payment for ships during his reign are in Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia but not in F.187 One passage in 1036 stands out as having no equivalent in the Latin chronicles (& man gerædde þa . . . ungeleaflic manegum mannum); it was, however, probably in %E, its subjective nature prompting its exclusion from other accounts. In the annals up to 1022, where E largely corresponds to C and D, E’s unique readings are confined to variants, and minor additions and omissions. 183

184 185 186 187

CD add on þam ilcan geare, CD micla against EF denisca (%E presumably had denisca), CD add a and ealdan to E hi dydon heora gewuna, CD read herebeacen/-na against E beacna, CD read wendon against E ferdon, CD add & wæron him þa ane niht æt Ceolesige, CD add to Cwicelmeshlæwe & þær onbidedon beotra gylpa forþon oft man cwæð gif he (the last two were probably omissions due to eye-skip in E ). Luard, Annales Monasterii, II.178. Luard, Annales Monasterii, II.179. Luard, Annales Monasterii, II.189. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 370 and n. 102. As Greenway notes, Henry’s misunderstanding of the Old English indicates that the Chronicle was his source here.

lxxiii

MS. E

Many of these readings may already have been in %E; some probably entered E’s transmission history at a later stage. Unless otherwise stated, it should be assumed here that F has no corresponding passage available for comparison. In several cases these are clear errors in E which are likely to have been introduced by the E-scribe. Some are omissions: of one word dæge in 994, of one clause swa into Hamtunscire (probably owing to eye-skip) in 1016, of two clauses (owing to eye-skip) in 1006. Others are misreadings: denisces for CD’s defenisces in 1001; se ege for se sige in 1009; twam for C(D)’s þam in 1012. One error in a proper name occurs: Ælfgetes for C(D)’s Ælfehes in 1017; given the number of such errors elsewhere which have apparently been introduced at an earlier stage in E’s textual history (see, for example, pp. li–lv above), the E-scribe may not have been responsible for this. In other cases variants may have resulted from later rewriting, presumably not by the E-scribe. In 999 E alone explains why the Kentish army had to flee: forþam þe hi næfdon fultum þe hi habban sceoldan; this, as Dumville noted, may perhaps be attributed to partisan views on the part of a later chronicler.188 In 1002, his rice for CD’s ðis rice indicates rewriting from a later perspective, as also does wæs for CD’s is in 1009. F’s reading in 1002 disagrees with E’s and agrees with that in C and D; the implication is that in this case at least the reading ðis rice was in %E (F is not available for comparison in the other cases). One addition almost certainly does represent rewriting by the scribe of E: in 992, the place where Ealdulf was abbot is given in E only (of Burch [Peterborough]). Other variants unique to E represent different lexical choices. Verbs seem particularly prone to variation: in two annals (1003 and 1015) E has tohwurfon where C and D have toforan/-on and toferdon respectively; in 1006 E has ferdon where C and D have wendon; in 1010 E has streddon where C and D have ferdon; in 1013 E has wæron where C and D have læg. Other variants occasionally occur: in 1013 E has þeoda beside leode CD; in 1016 E has hit naht beside hit nan ðinc C, nan þinc D. There are indications that at some stage in transmission attempts have been made to clarify the text: in 1006 wearð has been added before ofslagen in E only; in 1010 another verb namon has been added in E only; in 1011 Cantwaraburh has been repeated (F is available here but the word is not repeated in F); in 1016 cyning is added in E after the first instance of Cnut, and later in the entry Cnut is added in E after se cyng; in 1017 E adds þæs in sunu þæs grætan (beside sunu greatan C(D)). The material unique to E in this section consists on the one hand (in the annals after 1022) of substantial passages which are not found in F, and on

188

Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 30.

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INTRODUCTION

the other hand (in the annals up to 1022) of a series of variants, and minor additions and omissions, which mainly represent the differences between E and CD. As in other sections of the manuscript, it is not always possible to establish whether a reading peculiar to E was introduced by the E-scribe or at an earlier stage in E’s textual history, but useful indications can be provided by comparison with F and Latin chronicles and by the nature of the variants themselves. b

Conclusions for the annals from 983 to 1043 A complex relationship between C, D, and E marks this section. The links between C and E are particularly significant, and I have argued that E and C clearly shared a source for the annals up to 1022 and for 1042–3b (C 1043–4). The lack of significant links between E and C for the intervening annals, however, seems to point to a different source for these annals in E. This source may, of course, have replaced what in a later compiler’s view was an unsatisfactory set of annals for the reign of Cnut and his sons. This would make it likely that the interpolation can be attributed to the St Augustine’s period of E’s textual history. D draws on sources shared with C and with E (and perhaps one or more other sources). In this section D has material shared with E which is not in C up to 1031, but not after that date. The close relationship of E and F throughout the section suggests that once again E itself is largely a faithful representation of the source shared with F which was available at the end of the eleventh century.

Annals from 1043 b to 1063 The first sentence of E’s annal for 1043b derives, as I suggested above, from the same source as the preceding two annals, and the group of annals to be discussed here therefore begins with the second sentence of the annal for 1043b. Although E still shows some links with C and D, its version of the Chronicle for this group of annals is relatively independent of those two texts. C and E no longer seem to share a source here, although there are some interesting correspondences between them which are examined below. D draws on its source close to C up to 1052,189 and may, I will argue, draw partly on a source shared with E from 1053. E continues to have a close relationship with F: both of these texts clearly have a shared source up to 1058 when F stops. The close relationship of E

189

Cubbin, MS. D, p. liii.

lxxv

MS. E

and F again suggests, as we shall see, that E is a fairly accurate representation here of %E. One feature which particularly distinguishes this section of E is its series of references to St Augustine’s, Canterbury, which has led to speculation that it was the origin of at least this part of E’s text.190 The first reference is to the appointment of Wulfric as abbot of St Augustine’s in E 1043b, and the death of Ælfstan, former abbot of St Augustine’s, is noted in E 1044. Wulfric is mentioned again in E 1046b, and then at 1061 his death is noted, and the appointment of his replacement Æðelsige. The author’s considerable knowledge of Kentish events shown in some annals for this section is also suggestive of at least a south-east origin for its composition. There is no evidence in E of particular interest in St Augustine’s after the annal for 1061.191 This section will examine: (i) shared material in C, D, and E; (ii) shared material in E and C but not in D; (iii) shared material in E and D but not in C; (iv) annals and parts of annals only in E and F; (v) material unique to E. (i) Shared material in C, D, and E The fact that there are substantial differences between C, D, and E in this group of annals means that the passages where they do all overlap may be significant. An analysis of the shared material reveals that it is confined exclusively to obits and accessions: 1043b (C 1045, D 1046) & on þis ilcan geare forðferde Brihtwold biscop; 1044 (C 1045, D 1047) Her forðferde Liuing biscop; 1045 (C 1047, D 1048) Her forðferde Grymkytel biscop on Suðsexum, & feng Heca ðes cynges preost þærto. And on þysum geare forðferde Ælfwine biscop; 1047 (C 1050, D 1051) on þisum geare forðferde Eadsige arcebiscop; 1053 & feng Harold eorl his sunu to ðam eorldome; 1055 Her on þisum geare forðferde Siward eorl. The small amount of overlapping material and the fact that its content is restricted to obits and accessions of general interest make it unlikely that such correspondences can be attributed to a shared source. Whilst D may be drawing for this material on its source close to C (and possibly, as we shall see, on %DE), there is little to indicate that C and E had a shared source for these records. (ii) Shared material in E and C but not D A number of passages are found in E and C but not in D. In some cases the extra material consists of details such as dates which might easily have been 190

Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.l; see also Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 30, and Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, pp. 28–31. 191 Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 31, notes that ‘we may feel fairly confident that the St Augustine’s chronicle cannot be followed in E beyond 1063’.

lxxvi

INTRODUCTION

omitted from D in its copying of its source close to C: in 1045 (C 1047), E and C but not D give the date of Ælfwine’s death (on .iiii. kalendas Septembris); in 1047 (C 1050), E and C but not D give the date of Eadsige’s death (.iiii. kalendas Nouembris). In two cases, however, the correspondences between C and E against D are more interesting because they both relate to Abingdon. The first is in 1046a where E (near the beginning of its entry) has Her forðferde Æþelstan abbot on Abbandune; this corresponds to a record in C 1047 (near the end of its entry) & Æþelstan abbod on Abbandune forðferde on þan ylcan geare (C also gives the exact date). The second is in 1048 where E (near the beginning of a lengthy annal) has & se cyng geaf abbotrice [Abbandune] Roðulfe biscop his mæge; this corresponds to a record in C 1050 (near the end of a much shorter entry): Eadwerd cing . . . geaf Roðulfe bisceope his mæge þæt abbudrice on Abbandune. These two parallels in the annals for 1046a (C 1047) and 1048 (C 1050) seem to continue the Abingdon connection between C and E found in the earlier sections. The different dates, placing in the entries, and wording of the versions may, however, suggest that they are not drawing on a common source here, but are independently reporting the events. Moreover, they are only two of a series of references to Abingdon in this section which are otherwise made by D as well as C and E.192 O’Brien O’Keeffe notes that the character of these differs markedly between C’s annals for 928–1023 and those for 1045–66: in the latter ‘the abbots receive notice as part of an interest in national affairs centering in the court and at Canterbury’.193 The prominence of Abingdon from a national perspective might explain the shared Abingdon material in this section. (iii) Shared material in E and D but not C Up to 1052, as I noted above, D draws on its source close to C. Noting that 1052 ‘is near the traditional end of the first stage in the compilation of D, according to palaeographical considerations’, G. P. Cubbin asserts D’s independence from the other versions of the Chronicle in its annals for 1053–63 (except for 1059).194 D and E do, however, have more in common for this period than this summary would suggest. The difficulty in assessing the implications of their shared material arises from the fact that it often consists only of an occasional phrase or clause found amongst an otherwise quite different entry in the two versions; it may therefore represent not a shared source but an overlap of content likely to occur coincidentally in different versions of annals covering the same chronological period. It is noteworthy,

192 193 194

See O’Brien O’Keeffe, MS. C, pp. lxx–lxxi. O’Brien O’Keeffe, MS. C, p. lxxi. Cubbin, MS. D, p. liii.

lxxvii

MS. E

however, that whereas E’s entries between 1046a and 1052 have no significant wording in common with D, every Old English entry in E for 1053–63 contains some material which corresponds closely to material in D. This overlapping material in D and E which is not shared with C consists almost entirely of obits and accessions. In 1053 (D)E have on þisum geare forðferde Godwine eorl and & feng Ælfgar eorl to ðam eorldom þe Harol ær ahte (C has the same information but D’s wording is much closer to E than to C). In 1054 (D)E have forðferde Leo . . . papa . . . & Uictor wæs gecoren to papan (this comes at the end of a much longer entry in D). In 1057 (D)E have & Uictor papa forðferde, & wæs Stephanus gecoren to papan, and & Leofric eorl forðferde, & feng Ælfgar his sunu (the order of the records is reversed in D’s entry). In 1058 (D)E have Her on þisum geare forðferde Stephanus papa, & wæs Benedictus gehalgod to papan, se ylca sænde Stigande arcebiscop pallium (at the beginning of E’s entry but near the end of D’s entry), and Siward abbot to biscop to Hrofeceastre; one other record in E 1058 (forðferde Heaca biscop on Suðseaxan) corresponds to part of D 1057. In 1059 E’s whole entry is found in D (D has an additional record pertaining to Peterborough which is not in E). In 1060 the whole of E’s Old English entry is also found in D, though D has some extra material not in E. In 1061 (D)E have forðferde Duduc biscop on Sumersæton (though this is in D 1060), forðferde Godwine biscop æt Sancte Martine, and forðferde Wulfric abbot æt Sancte Augustine (D and E, however, assign a different date to this last event: .xiiii. kalendas Mai E, .iiii. .x. kalendas Aprilis D). In 1063 (D)E have some brief verbal overlaps in otherwise very different entries: for Harold eorl, and þet land geeodon, and & þet folc . . . gislodon. Although the correspondences between D and E in these annals consist mainly of obits and accessions, the frequency of such correspondences over a run of entries and their closeness in wording (especially in the annals for 1059 and 1060) may suggest that as well as other sources D has drawn on a set of annals which was also part of E’s textual history for this period. Other than the entries for 1059 and 1060, perhaps the most striking correspondence between D and E is the report in 1061 of the death of Wulfric, Abbot of St Augustine’s, since this is one of a series of references in E 1043b–63 to St Augustine’s, Canterbury, which has led to the conclusion that at least this part of E’s text originated from there. It is notable, however, that D has a different date from E for Wulfric’s death and does not report the appointment of his replacement Æthelsige. The correspondences between D and E for 1053–63 may be more significant than has been assumed. Overall, however, the relationship between D and E for this section cannot be said to be close, despite the correspondences outlined above: the two versions are often parallel for only very short sections of otherwise quite different texts. If D and E did draw partly on a shared source for these entries, then this source, as the different dates and lxxviii

INTRODUCTION

placing in the entries attest, must have been at some remove from either D or E or both. (iv) Annals and parts of annals only in E and F In this section E and F share a source (%E) up to 1058 where F stops. The annals in F correspond closely to those in E, including much of the material which is otherwise available only in E. Every annal in E for this section shares material with F’s corresponding annal (though the scribe of F has characteristically abridged %E). Where E overlaps with either C or D or both, and F is available, the readings in F are consistently closer to E than C and D are. In E 1045 (C 1047, D 1048, F 1046), for example, where all the manuscripts overlap in recording Grimcytel’s death and Heca’s accession, and Ælfwine’s death and Stigand’s accession, F’s wording is closer to E’s than either C’s or D’s is. In E 1046a (C 1048, F 1047), where C, E, and F overlap in reporting Siward’s death and Eadsige’s reinstatement as archbishop, F’s wording is much closer to E’s than C’s is. In DEF 1058, where D, E, and F overlap for much of the entry, F is closer to E in the ordering and wording of the various records than to D. Where it is available, F also includes the references to St Augustine’s, Canterbury, which, with the exception of the one in D discussed above, are otherwise exclusive to E. F, like E, mentions therefore the appointment of Wulfric as abbot of St Augustine’s (E 1043b, F 1044), the death of Ælfstan, former abbot of St Augustine’s (E 1044, F 1045), and the presence of Wulfric at the Council of Rheims (E 1046b, F 1048). Although F continues to be an abridged version of this source, it is clear from the relationship between E and F that the archetype of E available to the F-scribe at the end of the eleventh century is represented faithfully for this chronological period (as for earlier ones) by the E-text. (v) Material unique to E Although F, up to 1058, offers evidence that the majority of E’s material was available at the end of the eleventh century, there is some material in E which occurs in no other version of the Chronicle and which may therefore have entered the textual history of E after the stage known as %E. Here again the evidence of Latin chronicles may help ascertain whether a reading was likely to have been in the E-scribe’s exemplar or whether it might have been introduced by that scribe. The close correspondence between the Waverly Annals and E for this period suggests that in general the material and readings in E which are not found in C, D, or F were at least available in the source common to E and the Waverly Annals. E’s annals for 1046a, 1046b, 1047, 1048, 1052, 1053, 1054, 1055, 1057, 1061, and 1063 all contain material which is not found in any of lxxix

MS. E

the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle manuscripts, but which is closely translated in the Waverly Annals.195 Much of this material is also available in other Latin chronicles which drew less slavishly on a version of the Chronicle similar to E: Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum, for example, contains many of E’s details not available in the other Anglo-Saxon Chronicle manuscripts (though in general its account abbreviates its Chronicle source).196 Some of E’s material is not found in the Latin chronicles which drew on an archetype of E for this period. The nature of this material, however, often suggests that it was in the source shared with E but was omitted by the Latin chroniclers. In 1044, for example, the date of the death of Ælfstan (.iii. nonas Iulii) was almost certainly introduced into E’s textual history by the St Augustine’s annalist; this detail was characteristically omitted by the scribe of F, and the obit of Ælfstan would have been of little interest to the Latin chroniclers. In 1046a the report of the accession of Spearhafoc to the abbacy of Abingdon is consistent with the interest in Abingdon elsewhere in C, D, and E in this period; it was almost certainly introduced into E’s textual history by the St Augustine’s annalist and then omitted by the F-scribe and the Latin chroniclers. E’s erroneous annal-numbering in this section, however, is partially to be attributed to the E-scribe. The omission of the annal-number for 1039 in the previous section causes E to become one year behind the other manuscripts. This omission was clearly in %E, since it is also reproduced in F. Further distortion of chronology is caused in E, however, by the repetition of the annal-number 1043, this time an error not found in F. F’s dating then continues one year in advance of E until E’s repetition of the annal-number for 1046, when F’s dating becomes two years in advance of E. The repetition of the annal-numbers for 1043 and 1046 now in E would therefore seem not to have been in %E. But the question of whether they were introduced by the E-scribe is complicated by the chronology of the Waverly Annals. The Waverly Annals agree with E and F in chronology up to 1043. They agree with F in putting the marriage of Edward and Edith in 1044 rather than 1043, suggesting that the repetition of the annal-number for 1043 was not in the source shared by E and the Waverly Annals. The Waverly Annals, however, then omit the annal now in E for 1044, and thus agree with E in their dating of what is now the first part of E’s entry for 1045. Then, however, the Waverly Annals put what is now the second part of E’s entry for 1045 into an entry for 1046, with the result that the Waverly Annals, like F, become one year ahead of E. Where E repeats the annal number 1046, the Waverly Annals, like F, then become two years ahead of E’s chronology. 195

Luard, Annales Monasterii, II.182–8. For an annal-by-annal summary, see Howorth, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, III.360–2. 196 Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, pp. 374–82.

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INTRODUCTION

The omission in the Waverly Annals of the annal which is now E 1044 and F 1045, and the subsequent division of what is now E 1045 and F 1046 into two annals, was probably an independent omission and correction by the compiler of the Waverly Annals. The Waverly Annals also divide one annal into two at 1050 (perhaps following another source), taking its chronology one year ahead of F’s (and three years ahead of E’s). It seems likely that the repetition of the annal-numbers 1043 and 1046 was introduced by the E-scribe, since there is no sign of this repetition in either F or the Waverly Annals. But some distortion of dating had already entered E’s textual history by its %E stage since both E and F omit the blank annal 1039. Various compilers drawing on archetypes of E may have attempted to correct the chronology in different ways, resulting in a confusion which may be reflected by the differences between E, F, and the Waverly Annals. The E-scribe’s repetition of the annal-numbers 1043 and 1046 may at least partly represent that scribe’s own response to chronological confusion in this section of the exemplar. E eventually corrects its chronology by omitting the annal-numbers for 1049, 1050, and 1051. It agrees at this point with the Waverly Annals; F remains one year behind but its omission of any annal for 1052 brings it too in line at 1053 with E and the Waverly Annals. b

Conclusions for the annals from 1043 to 1063 E’s annals for 1043b–63 apparently represent a continuation of the Chronicle made at St Augustine’s, Canterbury. It is likely, as Dumville has suggested, that the Chronicle, as well as being continued at St Augustine’s, underwent some revision there.197 This revision may have included not only small additions (such as the comment in 999 in E only, explaining why the Kentish army was routed by the Danes), but also, as we have seen, the replacement of a whole group of annals (for 1022–41). E is relatively independent of C and D for 1043b–63. Its correspondences with C, including the two reports of Abingdon affairs, probably do not in this section indicate a shared source for C and E. Its agreements with D in 1053–63, however, are sufficiently close in wording to suggest that D and E may each draw partly on a shared set of annals; this is likely, however, given the extent of their differences elsewhere, to have been at some remove from either manuscript. E and F continue to correspond closely; their shared source (%E) is apparently represented more faithfully in E than in F, whose scribe characteristically abbreviates in the course of copying %E. Clearly, at the end of the eleventh century when the scribe of F was working, an archetype of E which

197

Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 30.

lxxxi

MS. E

included this group of annals was already in existence. Links with Latin chronicles, especially the Waverly Annals, confirm that these chroniclers had available to them an archetype or archetypes of E close to that used by the E-scribe. This scribe is, however, probably responsible for the repetition of the annal-numbers 1043 and 1046 which have led to the distortion of chronology in the E-text. Through comparison with F and the Waverly Annals we have seen that the repetitions may represent the E-scribe’s response to chronological confusion which had been introduced earlier in E’s textual history (before or at %E) through the omission of a blank annal 1039.

Annals from 1064 to 1080 For this group of annals E draws partly on a source shared with D, presumably a set of northern annals since the interest of the shared material is mainly northern. There is no reason to suppose that this set of northern annals should be connected to the northern recension which is represented by D and E for the earlier part of the Chronicle.198 E has no significant correspondences with C in these annals. C includes annals for 1065 and 1066, and here D has clearly drawn on a source shared with C as well as a source shared with E. In these annals in E there is no longer any sign of the interest in St Augustine’s, Canterbury, which was evident in the annals for 1043b–63. Since an archetype of E (%E) was certainly at Christ Church, Canterbury, at the end of the eleventh century where it was copied by the F-scribe, it seems likely, as Dumville has suggested, that these annals represent an extension that was added to the St Augustine’s copy of the Chronicle at Christ Church, Canterbury.199 The discussion of this group of annals is divided into two parts: (i) the shared material in D and E; (ii) the material unique to E. (i) Shared material in D and E Although both D and E have material independent of each other in this group of annals, there is sufficient overlap between the two to indicate that at some stage in transmission they shared a source, probably a set of northern annals. The closest parallels between the two are in the annals for 1064 (D 1065) and 1066 where, as Cubbin notes, ‘there are three versions of the Conquest, with D seeming to combine C and E’.200 Thus in 1064 (CD 1065) E’s entry parallels the middle part of D’s, and D’s first and third sections are to be found in C. In 1066 the first part of E’s entry (up to he for ut mid sciphere togeanes 198 199 200

Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 53. Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 52. Cubbin, MS. D, p. xlviii.

lxxxii

INTRODUCTION

Willelme) is exclusive to E, and the first part of D’s entry is shared with C; D and E are then close for a short section from & þa hwile com Tostig eorl up to man cydde Harode after which they each continue independently of each other (D’s entry is much longer than E’s). Since the sections which overlap in D and E concern northern affairs, the shared source may itself have been northern. After 1066, although D and E continue to overlap intermittently, the different arrangement and wording of this material in each make it much more difficult to establish whether or not they share a source. In 1068, for example, whilst there are some close correspondences in wording between E’s entry and the first part of D’s entry, D is clearly drawing on a much more expansive version of events. The last part of D’s entry for 1068 is found as the opening of E’s entry for 1069. In 1070 (D 1071), D and E correspond closely to each other except that the brief reference to Peterborough in D is replaced in E by a lengthy Peterborough insertion. In 1071 (D 1072), 1072 (D 1073), 1073 (D 1074) there is considerable overlap in wording between D and E, although some variations in diction and arrangement of material also occur, and D contains substantially more material than E. The same is true of 1075 (D 1076) and 1076 (D 1077). Although the significance of these intermittent links is difficult to establish, Cubbin may understate the links between the two texts when he asserts that ‘from 1067, D is completely independent, except for about fifty words in 1073, which it shares with E’.201 E’s entries for the last part of this group of annals (1077–80), however, are very different from the equivalent entries in D. In 1077 (D 1078) E’s entry is largely independent of D’s, and has no mention of the material relating to Scottish affairs in D. E has a blank annal for 1078. In 1079 E’s entry is quite different from D’s: E’s includes northern material which is not in D, and the second part of E’s entry records the same event as D’s entry but in different wording and more briefly. In 1080 E has an annal relating to northern matters which is completely different from the added annal in D. It is puzzling that D and E should overlap for so much of their material in this section, and yet that E’s entry for 1077 should be so different from D’s and that E’s entries for 1079 and 1080, which are clearly northern in their interests, should not have been included in D. Dumville notes that E’s version ‘looks like a drastic boiling down by someone not very interested in Scottish affairs’, and suggests convincingly that ‘D and E each draw on northern annals 1065–80, but in somewhat different ways in view of different interests and the availability or not of other sources’.202

201 202

Cubbin, MS. D, p. xlviii. Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, p. 36.

lxxxiii

MS. E

(ii) Material unique to E Since F is no longer available for comparison, it is impossible to say for certain whether the material in this section in E belonged to the archetype of E available at the end of the eleventh century. What is clear, however, is that the archetype or archetypes of E drawn on by some Latin chronicles in the twelfth century included these annals. The Waverly Annals remain close to E throughout this section.203 Where D and E offer variant readings against each other, the Waverly Annals agree with E: in 1064 (D 1065) where D has Ryðrenan, E has norðerne men and the Waverly Annals have Norrenses;204 in 1076 (D 1077) where D has Fiþele, E has Uithele and the Waverly Annals have Vitali.205 Since these examples represent errors in D, D’s readings were presumably introduced in D (or a predecessor). Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum also has close parallels with E for this section, although in general it provides a more abbreviated version of the Chronicle’s material.206 Neither the Waverly Annals nor the Historia Anglorum includes the Peterborough Interpolation in 1070: the compiler of these Latin chronicles clearly had available to him an archetype of E which did not include the Peterborough Interpolations. Conclusions for the annals from 1064 to 1080 Despite their evident differences, E’s correspondences with D in this section point to a shared source for their annals at some stage in transmission. This source was presumably a set of northern annals, which has been considerably altered in the course of its separate transmission to D and to E. The fact that D and E each includes in addition northern material independently of the other may relate to these different treatments or may suggest that more than one set of northern annals was available. Since F is no longer available, we cannot determine whether this part of the Chronicle had been combined with the previous part (up to 1063) by the end of the eleventh century. E’s correspondences with twelfth-century Latin chronicles suggest that a copy of the Chronicle very close to E but without the Peterborough material was available when the compiler of E was working around 1121. The compiler of E presumably drew on such an archetype.

Annals after 1080 None of the versions of the Chronicle that has been considered hitherto 203

Luard, Annales Monasterii, II.188–93. For an annal-by-annal summary, see Howorth, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, III.362–4. 204 Luard, Annales Monasterii, II.188. 205 Luard, Annales Monasterii, II.193. 206 Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, pp. 383–98.

lxxxiv

INTRODUCTION

extends beyond 1080. There is, however, a fragment of a Chronicle in Old English, a single leaf which contains annals for the years 1113 and 1114. This fragment, British Library MS. Cotton Domitian IX, fol. 9, is known as MS. H of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.207 The fragment provides important evidence that the Chronicle continued to be compiled at centres other than Peterborough in the twelfth century, but its material is completely independent of that found in E. In contrast to its annals for 1065–80, E’s annals for 1081–1121 are southern rather than northern in their interest. When or where these annals were combined with the earlier annals now in E is unknown. Christ Church, Canterbury, is the last place at which we know an archetype of E existed before Peterborough. The annals might have been added there, or at another centre at which the annals for 1081–1121 had been composed, or at a different centre altogether.208 What we can establish with some certainty is that the archetype of E on which the Peterborough scribe drew existed as a single exemplar. The evidence for this comes from some of the twelfth-century chronicles written in Latin which have also been shown to be significant in relation to earlier annals in E. Four of these chronicles can be usefully compared with E’s annals after 1080 where no other versions of the Chronicle are available: the Waverly Annals, Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum, John of Worcester’s chronicle, and William of Malmesbury’s Gesta Regum Anglorum. These chronicles seem to draw on an archetype of E extending to 1121. The Waverly Annals, as I noted above, offer in their annals for 1000 to 1121 a close translation of a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle similar to E. The agreements, as Plummer has shown for the annals where E overlaps with other versions, are in peculiar readings, insertions, and omissions.209 After 1080, the Waverly Annals remain close to E’s version, whilst omitting the Peterborough Interpolations made by the compiler of E.210 The Waverly Annals offer important evidence for the existence of an archetype of E extending to 1121 which was very close to E but not E itself. This archetype was presumably compiled somewhere other than Peterborough; in or after 1121 it was lent to Peterborough and copied there by a Peterborough monk. The relationship between the Waverly Annals and E’s archetype does not continue after 1121; the occasional overlaps which do occur between the two

207

Ker, Catalogue, no. 150; its text is printed in Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, I.243–5. 208 Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, pp. 34–5. 209 Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.liii; see also Howorth, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, III.313–18, Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 31, and Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. xix–xx. 210 For the relevant section of the Waverly Annals, see Luard, Annales Monastici, II.193–218.

lxxxv

MS. E

after 1121 are probably coincidental since the information would have been available to the Waverly Annals compiler in other sources.211 Henry of Huntingdon, whose use of a source close to E for his Historia Anglorum has been discussed here in relation to earlier annals, continues to show close affinities with E’s version after no other versions of the Chronicle are available. Again the lack of any material deriving from the Peterborough Interpolations (even where it might seem to be of more than local interest) would suggest that he drew on the archetype of E rather than E itself.212 Henry’s use of this source certainly continued up to at least 1121.213 The question of whether Henry of Huntingdon drew on a predecessor of E for the non-Peterborough material in the annals between 1122 and 1131 also needs to be addressed.214 The strongest argument for this would seem to be that some of Henry’s records of royal meetings are found otherwise only in the corresponding Chronicle entries.215 This evidence is tenuous, however, since Henry records other royal meetings which are not recorded in the Chronicle and for which Henry is the only known source.216 The general nature of the correspondences otherwise between Henry and the Chronicle for the period 1122–31 would not seem to support the view that Henry actually consulted a vernacular Chronicle for this period.217 Once again, as with the Waverly Annals, the evidence points at least to the existence of a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle extending to 1121 which was close to E but without the Peterborough Interpolations. John of Worcester, who, as we have seen, drew for his work on a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle closer to D than E up to at least 1067 (and probably up to 1080),218 may have drawn on an archetype of E for the annals after 1080.219 The numerous parallels that can be identified between the two 211 212 213

214 215 216 217

218 219

For an annal-by-annal comparison of the two between 1122 and 1127, see Howorth, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, III.332–5. See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lvi; Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. xcii. Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, pp. 400–67, cites in notes to the text the links with the Chronicle from 1080 to 1121. Plummer offers particular evidence of Henry’s use of an archetype of E for the year 1098 in Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lv n. 2. For the echoes of E’s annals for 1122–33, see Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. xcii, and the notes to the text on pp. 468–89. See, for example, Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 468 and nn. 195 and 197. See, for example, Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, p. 488 and n. 273. See, however, Greenway, Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, who notes that Henry ‘continues to echo E’s annals down to 1133, beyond the last annal of the continuous section of E, 1121, where Plummer believed that his borrowing ceased’ (p. xcii), and McGurk, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Vol. III, who argues that the regular appearance of John’s reportings of royal transfretations in Henry of Huntingdon to 1133 ‘has rightly been considered as indicating the archdeacon’s use of E to that date’ (p. xxiii). For the period from 1067–79, see McGurk, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Vol. III, p. xxvi. See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lxxxv; Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 31–2.

lxxxvi

INTRODUCTION

in the entries for 1079–1108, 1112, and 1119 suggest that one of John’s sources was a continuation of the E-type chronicle up to 1121 similar to the archetype of E. The relationship has other significant implications, since it also continues beyond 1121, with frequent overlapping of material in the entries between 1122 and 1131.220 Although many of the correspondences might be attributable to coincidence, one Chronicle entry, that for 1130, stands out as being particularly close to the account in John of Worcester’s Chronicle.221 Of this entry for 1130, Whitelock notes that ‘the Chronicon’s account of the dedication of the new church at Canterbury and of the burning of Rochester four days later is couched in terms so similar to those in E as to make independent origin impossible’.222 There is no sign of the Peterborough material in John of Worcester’s Chronicle. It seems that John and the compiler of E have drawn independently on a predecessor of E which extended to 1121 without the Peterborough Interpolations, and also on a continuation of that Chronicle which included events of general interest but not those relating specifically to Peterborough. William of Malmesbury’s Gesta Regum Anglorum, as I noted above, seems to have included amongst its sources for the period up to 1087 an Anglo-Saxon Chronicle with links to D and E.223 After 1087 the evidence is much less certain.224 Thomson, in his edition of the work, notes that in Book IV (covering the reign of William II), ‘William shares information with ASC . . . but seems to have obtained almost all of it independently’, and in Book V (covering the reign of Henry I), ‘William had a few snippets from ASC’.225 The final indication of a possible link between the two is in William of Malmesbury’s chapter 405 which overlaps with E 1119–20.226 Although William is characteristically drawing on a variety of sources, including first-hand accounts, his use of the Chronicle from Book III onwards is certainly more limited than one might expect given the fullness of the E-type Chronicle for the corresponding period.227 In conjunction with the evidence of other Latin chronicles, however, it may be reasonable to propose that William, whilst he mainly chose to draw on other sources in preference to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, had available to him an E-type version of that Chronicle, extending perhaps to 1121 but lacking the material relating specifically to Peterborough. Whereas E’s annals for 1122–32 may draw on a continuation of the 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227

McGurk, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Vol. III, draws attention to the many parallels in the textual notes below the relevant entries. McGurk, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Vol. III, pp. 192–4. Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. 32. See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.lxxxvi–lxxxvii. See also p. xxxv above. See Thomson, William of Malmesbury, Vol. II, p. 13. Thomson, William of Malmesbury, Vol. II, pp. 267 and 354. Mynors, William of Malmesbury, Vol. I, pp. 732–4. See Thomson, William of Malmesbury, Vol. II, pp. 218–19.

lxxxvii

MS. E

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle extending beyond 1121, the last set of annals in E, for 1132–54 (the Final Continuation), is apparently independent of any extant Latin chronicles for the material which is not related specifically to Peterborough.228 Parallels with Gesta Stephani and William of Malmesbury’s Historia Novella have been identified but, as Clark notes, ‘these late annals seem neither to be a source for the parallel records extant nor to be derived from them’.229 The nature of the exemplar on which the compiler drew for these annals (or whether indeed they were independently composed on the basis of eye-witness accounts) must remain speculative. The immediate predecessor of E, according to the evidence of these Latin works, would seem to have been a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle which had been continued up to 1121 at a centre other than Peterborough. It would moreover seem possible to conclude, particularly from the link with John of Worcester’s Chronicle, that the compiler of E also drew for the First Continuation on a further continuation of the Chronicle (again lacking the Peterborough material) which extended from 1122 to 1131.

The Latin entries Latin entries occur sporadically in E throughout the manuscript up to 1062. They are examined here as a group because this most effectively addresses their significance for the textual relationships between E and the other Chronicle manuscripts. E contains thirty-eight Latin entries.230 These entries have traditionally been divided into four groups according to their content: (1) universal ecclesiastical history: 114, 124, 134, 202, 254, 311, 379, 403, 431, 433, 439, 449, 490, 528, 591, 596, 625; (2) caroline history: 425, 769, 778, 788, 800, 810, 812; (3) English ecclesiastical history: 890, 892, 964; (4) continental, mainly Norman, history: 876, 928, 942, 994, 1024, 1031, 1046, 1054, 1056, 1060, 1062.231 The striking feature about these entries is not so much their differences from each other as their uniformity. First, except for the three entries relating to English ecclesiastical history (two of whose sources are unknown and the other whose source is the Annales Wintonienses),232 the entries all derive, as has long been recognized, from a set or sets of Norman annals compiled at 228 229

On the links with the Peterborough chronicle by Hugh Candidus, see pp. xci–ci below. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xxiv. See also Whitelock, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Revised Translation, p. xvii and n. 2. 230 The entries are printed as a group in Dumville, ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing’, pp. 55–7. 231 See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.xlv–xlvi, and Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 27–8. 232 See Baker, MS. F, pp. xxxi–xxxii. For the Annales Wintonienses, see Liebermann, Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen, pp. 3–8. E’s entry for 964 is the only annal in E which has this source though at least twelve annals in F draw on the Annales Wintonienses.

lxxxviii

INTRODUCTION

Rouen in the second half of the eleventh century.233 Versions of a Norman chronicle of this kind circulated widely in England from the end of the eleventh century, as its use by such Latin chroniclers as William of Malmesbury, Henry of Huntingdon, and John of Worcester attests.234 Secondly, the entries as a group point to a close relationship between E and F. Twelve of the entries overlap in E and F: the three on English ecclesiastical history (890, 892, and 964), and nine Norman annals (114, 124, 134, 876, 928, 942, 994, 1024, and 1031). Moreover E and F both have some annals which are derived from the same Norman chronicles but which are found only in one of the two manuscripts and not the other.235 Baker argues convincingly in relation to the shared Norman entries in E and F that the scribe of F is not copying the Latin entries from %E but has added them independently.236 He also notes, however, how extraordinarily similar the Norman annals shared by E and F are textually, and concludes that ‘these annals were in all probability copied into both %E and F from the same source manuscript’ at Christ Church.237 The same source manuscript (or manuscripts) may also have supplied the Norman entries in E and F which do not overlap. The apparent randomness of the scribe’s addition of these Norman annals is evident from the layout of F, where some of the annals have been written at the same time as the main text and others have been inserted later. Of the nine Norman annals shared by E and F, four (876, 928, 1024 (F1023), 1031) were written at the same time as the main text, five (114, 124, 134, 942, 994) inserted later. A similar kind of variation applies to those Norman annals which are found in F but not in E. The division of the Latin annals in E by content masks a different kind of grouping which emerges from the relationship of the Norman annals in E and F, and which may help to explain E’s particular selection of Latin annals. I suggest the following groups based on the Norman annals in E and F. (1) Norman annals up to 158: F12, F15, F26, F28, F30, F38, F39, F44, F45, F47, F48, F50, F52, F53, F56, F58, F62, F63, F68, F70, F72, F74, F82, F96, F98, F99, F100, F104, EF114, F115, EF124, EF134, F137, F145, F157, F158. Of these annals, thirty-three are in F only (mainly as later insertions), three are in both E and F. The F-scribe’s main focus of attention in entering Norman annals for this chronological period is F. 233 234

235 236 237

See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.xlvi–xlvii, Dumville and Lapidge, The Annals of St Neots, pp. xliii–xlvii, Baker, MS. F, pp. l–liv. In Henry of Huntingdon’s work and also in the Waverly Annals, some of the entries ultimately deriving from Norman chronicles were apparently copied from the archetype(s) of E on which they drew; see Howorth, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, III.328–32. The Norman annals in E and F which are independent of each other are listed by Baker, MS. F, p. xxxii n. 13. Baker, MS. F, pp. xxxii–xxxiv. Baker, MS. F, p. xxxiv.

lxxxix

MS. E

(2) Norman annals from 202 to 840: E202, E254, E311, E379, E403, E425, E431, E433, E439, E490, F509, E528, E591, E596, E625, F715, F767, E769, E778, E788, E810, E812, F840. Of these annals, nineteen are in E only and four are in F only (except for F767, the ones in F are written as the same time as the main text). The F-scribe’s main focus of attention in entering Norman annals for this chronological period is %E. (3) Norman annals from 876 to 1031: EF876, EF928, EF942, EF994, EF1024 (F1023), EF1031. These six annals are all in both E and F. In F, four of the annals are part of the main text (876, 928, 1023, 1031) and two are later insertions (942 and 994). The F-scribe has focused on both %E and F in entering Norman annals for this chronological period. (4) Norman annals from 1046 to 1062; E1046, E1054, E1056, E1060, E1062. These five annals are in E only (the last two of course fall outside F’s chronological range). The F-scribe has entered Norman annals exclusively in %E for this chronological period. Patterns of density in relation to the Norman annals in E and F can clearly be seen in these chronological groupings. On the whole, when E has a large number of Norman annals, F has very few, and vice versa. The exception is group (3) for the period from 876 to 1031, where all six annals are in both E and F.238 It seems that the F-scribe’s compilation procedure has considerably affected the distribution of the Norman annals as they now appear in E.

THE PETERBOROUGH MATERIAL: LINKS WITH OTHER DOCUMENTS

The Peterborough Interpolations Unique to the E-text among the extant versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is a series of twenty passages relating to Peterborough which were apparently incorporated by the first scribe in the course of copying the annals up to 1121 from their exemplar. These passages can be identified not only by their subject-matter but also by the distinctively late characteristics of their language. They vary considerably in length, sometimes no more than a few words, sometimes occupying several manuscript pages. They also vary in their relation to the entries to which they are attached: most commonly they are inserted at the end of an existing annal, but they may also occur in the 238

It is interesting to note that the three annals on English ecclesiastical history (890, 892, and 964), which are all in both E and F, also fall within this chronological period (of these F has 890 as a later insertion and the other two written at the same time as the main text).

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INTRODUCTION

middle of an annal or constitute a whole new annal (in one case, that of 852, resulting in two separate annals for one year). Although some of the passages were clearly incorporated by the scribe as he was copying, others have been inserted later by the same scribe, occasionally spilling over into the margins of the page (as in the passages added at the end of the annals for 1041 and 1052). It may be significant that the Peterborough Interpolations contain considerably more erasures than the rest of the text; the relative frequency of scribal error in these passages may imply that the scribe is having more difficulty reading the exemplar or exemplars from which the copy of these passages is being made, or that the scribe is adapting (perhaps even translating) his sources as he writes. Some of the passages can be shown to relate to documents surviving from Peterborough, mainly Latin charters and transcripts which are themselves forgeries. Other links can be shown with a Latin chronicle of Peterborough Abbey written in the mid-twelfth century by Hugh Candidus, probably during the abbacy of William of Waterville (1155–75).239 It is difficult to identify exactly the nature of the relationship between Hugh’s chronicle and E. The respective dates of the two chronicles, and the nature of the similarities between them, suggest that Hugh has drawn from E at least for the post-Conquest material in writing his work, but it is also clear that Hugh has drawn independently for pre-Conquest material on some of the same sources as E’s scribe, some of which have not survived.240 The following section briefly outlines the links between the interpolated Peterborough material in E and other extant documents.241 654 On his time . . . riccere mid Criste. The first Interpolation comprises the middle part of the annal for 654.242 There is some overlap between this passage and the Peterborough Interpolation in 656. But other material shared with Hugh Candidus, such as the origin of the name Medeshamstede, suggests that both may have drawn on an unknown separate source here.

239 240

Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus. See Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. xxi–xxix, Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. 33–4, Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. xxvii–xxviii, and Howorth, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, I.158–204. 241 Unless otherwise stated, it should be assumed that the Interpolations were available to the scribe as the manuscript was copied rather than inserted at a later stage. 242 Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, includes the last sentence of the annal for 654 as part of the Peterborough Interpolation. But this comment on Peada is derived from Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica and was probably (like the material in 654 preceding the Peterborough Interpolation) a northern addition already in the Peterborough compiler’s exemplar. See Irvine, ‘The Sources of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS. E’, C.B.17.9.104.01.

xci

MS. E

656 On his time wæx . . . hundseofenti wintra. This Interpolation, comprising a lengthy extension to an originally brief annal, is largely based on a long Latin charter (dated 664), recounting the foundation of the Medeshamstede abbey and outlining lands and privileges granted by King Wulfhere to the abbey.243 The charter is a post-Conquest forgery, which has been linked with forgeries from St Augustine’s, Canterbury.244 It is clear that Hugh Candidus has drawn independently on this charter for his chronicle, since his wording in many places matches the Latin of the forged document.245 The independence of E’s use of the charter is also evident in its inclusion of material not found in Hugh Candidus’s chronicle: thus, for example, Wulfhere’s brothers Æthelred and Merwala are exclusively mentioned in the charter and the Peterborough Interpolation but not in Hugh Candidus, and there is also a fuller list of signatories included in the charter and in the Peterborough Interpolation than in Hugh Candidus. The Peterborough Interpolator and Hugh Candidus also show curious similarities against the charter, notably in the nature of Wulfhere’s curse against those who diminish his gift to Peterborough.246 It seems possible that the Peterborough Interpolator and Hugh Candidus shared another source here, perhaps a variant form of the charter from that now extant. The Old English version of the charter is followed in the Interpolation by a translation of a letter attributed to Pope Vitalian, whose original is no longer extant but was probably again a forgery.247 Its brevity, as C. M. Peterson notes, suggests that it represents a paraphrase of a twelfth-century document.248 Finally, the Interpolation records a synod held by Theodore in 673; this information may ultimately derive partly from Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica IV.6, but since Cuthbald’s election to abbot in succession to Seaxwulf at Medeshamstede is mentioned independently by both the chronicler and Hugh, it is likely that both drew on another source here.249

243

244

245 246 247 248 249

Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters, no. 68 [hereafter S followed by relevant charter number]; Hart, Early Charters of Eastern England, no. 1 [hereafter H followed by relevant charter number]. It is printed by Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum, vol. 1, no. 22a [hereafter B followed by relevant charter number]. Levison, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century, p. 219. For further discussion of this charter, see Peterson, ‘Studies in the Early History of Peterborough Abbey’, pp. 24–30, who concludes that the charter ‘may have been based to some extent on early materials’ (p. 35). Compare B22a and Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 10–13. The linguistic correspondence of Hugh’s ianitor celi (Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 13) and E’s heofonlice iateward is particularly noteworthy. See Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, III.100. Peterson, ‘Studies in the Early History of Peterborough Abbey’, p. 30. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 15.

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INTRODUCTION

675 On his time þa seonde . . . foces he hafe. Amen. This Interpolation, again a lengthy extension to an originally brief annal, summarizes a Latin document comprising a Bull of Pope Agatho granting privileges to Medeshamstede, an account of the confirmation of these privileges at a Synod of Hatfield presided over by Archbishop Theodore, further confirmation of these privileges, and a grant of lands by King Æthelred (B48, S72, H146).250 It is clearly a forgery, again with possible links to forgeries at St Augustine’s, Canterbury.251 F. M. Stenton notes in relation to this document that ‘a forgery, however gross, may incorporate some fragments of authentic fact, and the list of possessions worked into the present text must be something more than a twelfth-century invention’.252 This document is also drawn on independently by Hugh Candidus, who incorporates it largely verbatim, though with some omissions and reordering.253 The Peterborough Interpolator includes some material from the Latin source which is not included by Hugh Candidus, most strikingly in the section beginning Nu bidde ic þe broðer Theodorus, which is much closer to B48’s version than to Hugh Candidus’s chronicle where it is drastically summarized.254 686 Þæs Cædwala gef . . . Theodorus ærcebiscop on Cent. This brief Interpolation at the end of the annal for 686 is based on a much longer Latin document recording the grant of Hoo in Avery to Medeshamstede during the abbacy of Egbalth (B89, S233). Stenton notes that ‘this document is spurious as it stands, but it is certainly not a sheer invention’, and speculates that ‘some monk of Peterborough, probably before the Norman Conquest, chose to make a great composite charter out of a number of short and ancient documents’.255 Hugh Candidus may have had knowledge of the same document since Ceadwalla is listed by him as one of the kings who acted as benefactors to Medeshamstede.256 777 On þas kinges dæi . . . tune Freoricburna hatte. This Interpolation at the end of the annal for 777 is based on two separate Latin documents. The first part of the Interpolation paraphrases a document 250 251 252 253 254 255 256

B49, an ‘Anglo-Saxon Version of No. 48’, is E’s version. For further discussion of the Latin document, see Peterson, ‘Studies in the Early History of Peterborough Abbey’, pp. 31–5. Levison, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century, p. 219. Stenton, ‘Medeshamstede and its Colonies’, p. 180. See B48 and Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 16–19. See B48, p. 77, and Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 19. Stenton, ‘Medeshamstede and its Colonies’, pp. 189, 190. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 22.

xciii

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in which Beonna, abbot of Medeshamstede, grants land to Cuthbert at Swineshead in return for certain payments by Cuthbert (B271, S1412, H147). This document is generally accepted to be authentic.257 The second part of the Interpolation draws on a document signed at Freoricburna in which a grant of immunities is made to the church of Woking at the request of the abbot of Medeshamstede Pusa and Offa’s praefectus Brorda (B275, S144). This document is also probably genuine.258 Neither of these documents is drawn on by Hugh Candidus in his chronicle. 852a Her on þis tima leot . . . ealdorman & feola oðre. This Interpolation (a whole new annal) contains a summary of a longer Latin document recording an agreement between Abbot Ceolred and the community at Medeshamstede, and Wulfred, recording the conditions on which Wulfred is granted the estate at Sempringham (B464, S1440, H149).259 The document is generally accepted as authentic.260 It is not drawn on by Hugh Candidus. 870 & fordiden ealle . . . to nan þing. This Interpolation comprises the middle part of the annal for 870. The destruction of the abbey of Medeshamstede is also recorded by Hugh Candidus.261 Given the brevity and general nature of the Interpolation, the two are probably drawing independently on accepted tradition rather than on a shared lost Latin source. 963 Her fram Eadgar cyning . . . þe he þær wæs. This Interpolation (a whole new annal) has links with several extant documents.262 For its material addressing the activities of St Æthelwold, the Interpolation has correspondences with the late tenth-century Vita S. Æthelwoldi by Wulfstan of Winchester, chapters 16, 20, 22, 23, and 24.263 This work was not necessarily the Old English author’s direct source, though it is interesting

257 258 259 260 261 262 263

See, for example, Stenton, ‘Medeshamstede and its Colonies’, pp. 179–80. See Stenton, ‘Medeshamstede and its Colonies’, pp. 188–9. The grant is also printed (with translation and notes) in Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters, pp. 12–13 (with notes at 271–4). See Stenton, ‘Medeshamstede and its Colonies’, pp. 179–80. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 23–4. It is likely that E’s predecessor, like D, had no annal for 963. F’s brief entry is probably taken from A; see Baker, MS. F, p. xliii. See also my discussion at p. lxiii above. Lapidge and Winterbottom, Wulfstan of Winchester, pp. 28–30, 36–40. See also Peterson, ‘Studies in the Early History of Peterborough Abbey’, p. 9.

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to note that since it was drawn on by Hugh Candidus, it is likely that there was a copy of it at Peterborough in the twelfth century.264 The second document (or set of documents) which may have been a source for the Interpolation is referred to by the Old English writer as writes þet Headda abbot heafde ær gewriton. This presumably corresponds to the so-called Relatio Hedde Abbatis, which was incorporated into Hugh Candidus’s chronicle.265 Stenton, noting that the Relatio ‘is unlikely to be older than the early twelfth century’, suggests that it draws on the Peterborough Interpolation;266 it seems more likely, as Peterson proposes, that the Peterborough Interpolator has drawn on the Relatio.267 The tradition that authoritative writings had been found hidden in the walls of the ruined monastery of Peterborough which is upheld in the Peterborough Interpolation was one familiar also to Hugh Candidus, who similarly refers to documents que monachi iam mortui in ipsis parietibus ecclesie inter petras absconderant.268 The information explicitly attributed in the Peterborough Interpolation to the Relatio – that Wulfhere and Æthelred established the monastery and obtained its freedom in relation to the king, bishops and all secular service, and that Pope Agatho and Archbishop Deusdedit ratified the agreement – is readily available in previous Peterborough Interpolations for the years 656 and 675. It is also available in the opening section of King Edgar’s foundation charter (B1258, B1280 (a later version of B1258), S787, H15), a document from which the Old English writer derives much of the rest of this Interpolation’s material. This charter, generally thought to be spurious, was also incorporated largely verbatim by Hugh Candidus in his chronicle.269 There are occasional noteworthy discrepancies between the charter, Hugh’s chronicle and the Old English version. The Peterborough Interpolation includes Eastfield as well as Dogsthorpe, Eye, and Paston as appurtenances of Peterborough, where the charter and Hugh have only the latter three.270 The Peterborough Interpolation includes in the grant of freedom twa dæl of Witlesmere, where the charter has partem stagni quod dicitur Wiclesmere and Hugh has dimidiam

264 265

266 267 268 269 270

Lapidge and Winterbottom, Wulfstan of Winchester, pp. clxi–clxii. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, Appendix II, pp. 159–61. The relationship between this document and the different versions of Hugh’s chronicle is evident in the edition (based on Walter of Whittlesey’s version) by Joseph Sparke, Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Varii, pp. 23–5. Stenton, ‘Medeshamstede and its Colonies’, pp. 190–1, n. 4. Peterson, ‘Studies in the Early History of Peterborough Abbey’, p. 147. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 31. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 33–7. B1258, p. 542, Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 34. Mellows, comparing Hugh Candidus and the Peterborough Interpolation, suggests that this might be ‘a simple omission’ on the part of Hugh, but the correspondence between Hugh and the charter makes it more likely that it represents an addition by the Old English writer (The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. xxiii).

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partem stagni quod dicitur Witlesmere.271 The Peterborough Interpolation omits two passages which are in both the charter and Hugh Candidus’s chronicle, probably a result of scribal error.272 Dunstan’s response is expanded considerably in the Peterborough Interpolation from its form in the charter where Dunstan merely grants his assent with the sign of the cross. The list of signatories in the Peterborough Interpolation corresponds to that in Hugh Candidus’s version (these names and more are appended to B1280).The final section of this Interpolation, recording the sequence of abbots at Peterborough and outlining some of Ælfsige’s activities, is also found in Hugh Candidus’s chronicle.273 1013 & ða hwile þe . . . & Sancte Peter. This Interpolation at the end of the annal for 1013, reporting the purchase by Abbot Ælfsige of the body (without the head) of St Florentine from the impoverished monastery of Bonneval, has a counterpart in Hugh Candidus’s chronicle,274 which gives much more information about Ælfsige’s abbacy generally and about Peterborough’s relic collection. 1041 & on þis ilcan tyme . . . swiðe bilehwit. This brief notice, inserted at the end of the annal by the scribe at a later stage, records Ælfsige’s death and the succession of Earnwig to the abbacy at Peterborough. The similarity in wording between Hugh Candidus’s description of Earnwig (uir mire sanctitatis et simplicitatis) and the Old English chronicler’s explanation of why he was appointed (forðan þe he wæs swiðe god man & swiðe bilehwit) is striking.275 1052 & on þis ilcan tyme . . . & on seolfer. This notice of Earnwig’s death and Leofric’s appointment to the abbacy is inserted by the scribe at a later stage at the end of the annal, continuing into the bottom margin. It can be compared with Hugh Candidus’s chronicle, which also includes such details as Earnwig’s living on for eight years after resigning the abbacy and Peterborough’s acquisition in Leofric’s day of the 271 272 273

274 275

B1258, p. 543, Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 35 (see also n. 7: in Walter of Whittlesey’s version, the reading is for ‘dimidiam’ is ‘quartam’.) The passages are printed in B1258, p. 543, lines 16–20 and lines 25–7; Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 35, lines 18–23, p. 36, lines 5–7. See, for example, Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 50–1, on the translation to Peterborough of the bodies of St Cyneburh and St Cyneswith from Castor and of St Tibba from Ryhall. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 49. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 65.

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title ‘Golden Borough’ on the strength of its endowments of land, gold, and silver.276 1066 & ða wæs Leofric . . . hit gemyltse. This Interpolation comprises the end of the annal for 1066. Its first part, recording Leofric’s death and eulogising his abbacy, expands on the 1052 Interpolation with information also found in Hugh Candidus’s chronicle.277 The second part of the Interpolation, which records the subsequent tribulations of Peterborough, also shares details with Hugh Candidus’s account, and even the neat contrast of gildene burh with wrecce burh corresponds to a comment by Hugh Candidus in a different context: Tunc illa que uocabatur ciuitas aurea facta est pauperima.278 1069 & on þisum ilcan geare . . . on .v. kalendas Decembris. Abbot Brand’s death, which is the subject of this brief Interpolation at the end of the annal, is also recorded by Hugh Candidus.279 1070 Þa on þam ilcan geare . . . yfel dæde hæfden don. This Interpolation comprises the middle part of the annal; its inclusion required some restructuring by the scribe of the original annal represented now by D 1071. Its description of the plundering of Peterborough is close in overall structure and details to the account by Hugh Candidus.280 1102 & on ðisum ylcan geare . . . calicen & candelsticcan. This Interpolation at the end of the annal, recording a theft by robbers from the Continent, is similar (though with less detail) to the account by Hugh Candidus.281 An intriguing distinction between the two is seen in the Chronicle’s reading of Aluearnie where Hugh reads Alemannia; with no independent corroboration it is impossible to determine their relative accuracy.282 276 277 278 279 280 281 282

Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 65–6. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 66–7. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 76–7 and 80. At pp. xxiv–xxv, Mellows sets out in tabular form the similarities between the two accounts. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 77. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 77–82. The parallels are outlined by Mellows at pp. xxvi–xxvii. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 87. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. xxvii, argues that ‘it is easier to imagine that Alemannia is a correction of an (to the writer) obscure reading than that Aluearnie is a corruption of a clear one’.

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1103 On ðisum ylcan geare . . . & þær bebyrged. This Interpolation at the end of the annal records the death of Abbot Matthew after only one year in his abbacy; it is close in its details to Hugh’s chronicle.283 1107 & æt þes ylcan syðe . . . abbodrice on Burh. This brief Interpolation, occurring mid-annal, records the succession of Ernulf to the abbacy at Peterborough, an event which is also recorded by Hugh Candidus.284 1114 On þæs ylcan tyme . . . on Portesmuðe. This fairly substantial Interpolation at the end of the annal corresponds in many of its details to Hugh Candidus’s chronicle, which also records the king’s appointment of Ernulf to the bishopric of Rochester (despite Ernulf’s reluctance), the grief of the Peterborough monks at the loss of their abbot, the succession of John to the abbacy, and his journey to Rome for Archbishop Ralph’s pallium.285 The scribal alteration from is to wæs in the Interpolation suggests that the monk Warner was still alive when the passage was originally written. 1115 & se abbot Iohan of Burh This very brief marginal addition records John’s return from Rome with Archbishop Ralph’s pallium; Hugh Candidus also notes his return: Et anno alio ante festiuitatem sancti Petri reuersus est.286 1116 On þisum ylcan geare . . . .ii. nonas Augusti. This Interpolation, which occurs at the end of the annal, records the destruction by fire of Peterborough’s abbey and most of its town; it overlaps with the material found in Hugh Candidus’s chronicle, though the latter offers extra information about the fire not in E.287

283 284 285 286 287

Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 87–8. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 90. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 96–7. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 97. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 97.

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INTRODUCTION

The Peterborough Continuations Although some of the material of general interest in E’s annals from 1122 onwards may have been copied from a version of the Chronicle which had been continued beyond 1121 at a centre other than Peterborough (see above), the passages which relate to Peterborough were presumably added independently by E’s compiler (just as the Interpolations were). These passages feature prominently in the First and Final Continuations in E. Clearly independent of the main Latin chronicle tradition, they do, however, continue to show close links with the Latin chronicle by Hugh Candidus. As with the Peterborough Interpolations discussed above, the nature of the relationship between Hugh’s chronicle and E is not a straightforward one and is complicated here by the fact that at least some of the events must have been experienced at first hand by their respective authors. If the two are directly linked (which seems possible given the close parallels between them), then their dates of composition would point to Hugh’s drawing on E rather than vice versa.288 If so, then Hugh presumably selected the material relating to Peterborough from E, since E contains other material of more general interest which Hugh often omits. Hugh’s chronicle, however, is at times more informative than E, and seems to have drawn on sources independent of E (as attested by its inclusion of the bulls of Pope Eugenius III where E’s annal for 1137 alludes to them only indirectly). It is not inconceivable that both Hugh’s chronicle and E are drawing on common Peterborough sources for their shared material, perhaps some pre-existing history of Peterborough Abbey. If the compiler of E were drawing partly on a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle continuing after 1121, and partly on a Peterborough source, at least up to 1131, this would seem to fit well with the compiler’s method earlier in E (and would incidentally offer an alternative explanation for why Hugh omitted so much of E’s material not specifically related to Peterborough for 1122–31). The links between Hugh Candidus’s chronicle and the Peterborough Continuations are outlined briefly below.

FIRST CONTINUATION

1125 & þes ilces geares forðferde se abbot Iohan of Burch on .ii. idus Octobris. Hugh’s chronicle also reports Abbot John’s death, but there is no evidence that the parallel is anything other than coincidental.289 288 289

Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xxvii. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 99.

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1127 Ðes ilce gæres he gæf þone abbotrice . . . God scawe fore. In this section, Hugh’s chronicle and E are closely linked, not only in their content but also in their choice of words.290 The two are not always parallel: the vivid comparison of Abbot Henry of St Jean d’Angely to drones in a hive, for example, is unique to E. The Chronicle writer of E was apparently writing this entry without the knowledge that Abbot Henry was expelled in 1132 (Þis was his ingang; of his utgang ne cunne we iett noht seggon); Hugh gives no such indication. 1128 & þes ilces geares ferde se forensprecene abbot . . . ofer þet wrecce stede. Hugh’s chronicle and E report the same course of events relating to Abbot Henry; the similarity here is more general than in the previous entry, though there are occasional verbal parallels.291 1130 Ðes ilces geares com se abbot Heanri . . . ham to his ærde. This passage is closely parallel to its counterpart in Hugh’s chronicle.292 E’s colloquial proverb and exclamation (Hæge sitteð þa aceres dæleth. God ælmihtig adylege iuele ræde!) are not included in Hugh’s chronicle; the exclamation again points to contemporary composition. 1131 Ðes ilces geares for se abbot Heanri . . . eall Cristenes folc. In this passage, Hugh’s chronicle and E are closely parallel, both in content and verbal details (though the author’s viewpoint in E is expressed rather more colourfully than Hugh’s).293 The two exclamations closing the annal again point to contemporary composition.

FINAL CONTINUATION

1132 Ðis gear com Henri king . . . into the minstre (whole annal) Hugh’s account and E’s are closely parallel.294 Hugh gives the name of 290 291

Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 99–101. Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 101. I do not concur with Howorth’s view that this passage must originally have been written abroad; see Howorth, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, I.187–8. 292 Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 101–2. 293 Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 102–3. 294 Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 103.

c

INTRODUCTION

Henry’s nephew (Gerard) which is not in E, but such information was presumably common knowledge and need not imply another source. 1135 On þis gære for se king Henri . . . sone ræuede oþer þe mihte. Hugh’s account and E’s are closely linked, both in content and verbal details.295 The telescoping of events for 1133 and 1135 into one year is, Clark notes, a feature peculiar to these two chronicles.296 1137 On al þis yuele time heold Martin . . . God & gode men. Hugh’s account and E often correspond closely in verbal detail in this account of Martin’s abbacy.297 Hugh, however, has incorporated in full the papal bulls of Eugenius to which E’s author alludes only briefly and indirectly, and the ordering of the two accounts is very different. It is tempting to speculate that E’s extended use of Latin in identifying the date on which the monks were brought into the new minster (anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo .cxl. a combustione loci .xxiii.) reflects a Latin source, particularly since Hugh uses the same wording, but convention alone may explain the usage here. 1154 Þat ilce dæi þat Martin . . . byrieden þabbot hehlice. Both Hugh’s chronicle and E report Abbot Martin’s death but the two are probably independent of each other.298

295

Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, p. 104. The two passages are compared by Ker, ‘Some Notes on the Peterborough Chronicle’, pp. 136–7, to support the manuscript reading þestre. 296 Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. xxvii and 105 (1135/6 n.). 297 Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 105, 108–19, 122–3. 298 Mellows, The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, pp. 123–4.

ci

LANGUAGE The language of the E-text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle provides fascinating testimony to the ways the English language developed in its period of transition from Old to Middle English. It offers a wide spectrum of linguistic forms, ranging from the mainly standard late West Saxon of those annals up to 1121 which are copied from earlier versions of the Chronicle to the early Middle English, distinctively East Midland in dialect, which characterizes the annals making up the First and Final Continuations of the manuscript. This examination of the language of the E-text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is divided into sections on orthography, phonology, morphology, syntax, and vocabulary. Within these sections, I have separated Hand 1 from Hand 2 for the purposes of linguistic analysis and, where appropriate, I have also separated within Hand 1 the entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations), the Peterborough Interpolations, and the First Continuation. It is clear that there are further distinctions to be made between entries and even within individual entries in terms of the ways the language may reflect different sources which have been drawn on in the course of transmission, but it is not within the scope of this study to attempt to distinguish where such changes in source may have affected the language except in relation to the categories given above.1 The relationship between graphemes and phonemes in Old English is a controversial one, as recent accounts of Old English phonology have acknowledged.2 The traditional practice in discussions of Old English linguistic development is to outline sounds and sound changes in spelling terms.3 In accordance with the other volumes of the collaborative series, I have followed this practice (using italics to denote spelling terms), although I have used phonetic symbols (in square brackets) where helpful for clarity. In exemplifying linguistic forms, I have (except where otherwise indicated) listed the instances and given the number of times each occurs (for example, 2x). Where there is only one instance, or where the distribution of instances among entries seems significant (which applies most often to the 1 2 3

Mitchell and Thornton, ‘Computer-Aided Analysis of Old English Manuscripts’, attempt to show how different sources may have affected the various spellings of the word cyning. See, for example, Hogg, A Grammar of Old English, chapter 2, and Hogg, ‘Phonology and Morphology’, pp. 67–72. See, for example, Campbell, Old English Grammar (Campbell explains his procedure on p. xvi). Hogg, ‘Phonology and Morphology’, on p. 102, for example, outlines sound changes in spelling terms for the purposes of clarification.

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Peterborough Interpolations), the date of the annal or annals has been given. Where multiple instances are recorded but I have given only one date, this indicates that the instances all appear in the annal for that date. The grammatical function of a form is given where ambiguity might otherwise arise. In exemplifying forms where spellings with þ and ð both occur, the two spellings are not cited separately (unless the distinction is significant, as in the section on orthography). Proper names, which often undergo a different linguistic development, have been used only rarely as evidence, and mainly only where they exemplify scribal variation within the manuscript.4

ORTHOGRAPHY

Hand 1 The orthography of the first scribe of the E-text of the Chronicle is generally consistent with standard late West Saxon. Two forms of æ, here printed æ and 0, are used (the former much more frequently than the latter). The letter g is used for both the voiced fricative and the voiced stop. Both ð and þ are used for the voiceless and voiced dental spirants. The runic letter wynn is used for w. In Latin names u is used for v. The following variants and distributions are noteworthy. (i) Old English c (for the voiceless velar stop [k]) frequently appears as k before e, i, and y. It would seem that the scribe’s dialect is moving towards the normal Middle English spellings of c before a, o, and u, and k before e, i, and y. Hence we find: keie 1x (656); kepten 1x (1127); kinerice 1x (1124); kinnes 1x (675); makedon 1x (1094), (ge)makian 3x (beside (ge)macod- 3x, macunge 1x (1101)). The scribe’s inconsistency in this spelling usage can be seen in the following examples: cydde 5x, kydde 1x (1064); kinerice 1x (1124), cinerice 1x (871); cynehelm 1x (1086), kinehelm 1x (1086). Occasionally k is used before a, for example in kasere 5x (beside casere(-) 5x) and in the proper names Kantwarabyri(g) 1x (656) (beside Cantwar(a)byri- 49x) and Karl(-) 3x (beside Carl(-) 4x). The scribe’s use of k before e, i, and y is more common in the Peterborough Interpolations and First Continuation annals than in the Chronicle annals up to 1121. This can be exemplified by the spellings of Old English cyn(in)g/ cin(in)g: in the Chronicle annals up to 1121 the word is spelled almost 600 times with c and only 3 times with k, whereas in the Peterborough Interpolations and First Continuation annals the word is spelled

4

See Baker, MS. F, p. lxxxii.

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INTRODUCTION

26 times with c and 118 times with k. This presumably reflects differences in the date and origin of the sources upon which the scribe was drawing. (ii) Initial c is spelled as ch once in chor (1083). A. Campbell notes that initial ch is rare in Old English.5 The form here derives from Latin chorus, and would be replaced in the thirteenth century by the the French word quer.6 (iii) The Old English spelling cg is sporadically found as the Middle English gg, for example, hegge 1x (547); brigge(s)/ Brigge 4x; segg- 3x. The letters c and g are reversed in segcean 1x (1116). (iv) Old English voiced f ([v]), used medially between vowels or other voiced sounds, is sometimes spelled as u. In the Chronicle annals up to 1121, spellings with u are rare, appearing in proper names in some later annals: Liuing 3x (1020, 1038, 1044) (beside Lifing 1x (1013)); Luuaine 1x (1121). Spellings with u are more frequent in the Peterborough Interpolations and in the Final Continuation annals: heaued 1x (1127); iuele 1x (1130); lauerdes 1x (675) (beside laferd 1x (1123), laford 1x (1124)); leue 6x, læuede 1x (1127) (beside leafe 1x (1052), læfe 1x (1131)); liue 1x (656) (beside life 1x (1052)); liuode 1x (1128) (beside lifode 1x (1052), lifede 1x (1066)); loue 4x, louien 1x (656), luued(-) 4x, luuen 6x (beside lufe 1x (656)); Roueceastre 4x (beside (H)rofe- 4x). (v) Old English palatal g is sometimes spelled as i. Such spellings are, according to Campbell, a feature of early texts.7 In the Chronicle annals up to 1121, this spelling is found in Latin proper names, in the Old English proper names Ianbeht 1x (762), Ianberht 1x (785), and Ianbriht 1x (790), and occasionally elsewhere in iunga 2x and iunge 1x (1052) (beside geonga 1x (871), gingra (comparative) 1x (423), and gungne 1x (501)). It should be noted that the number of spellings of i for palatal g significantly increases in the Peterborough Interpolations and First Continuation annals, as the following examples from these sections show: iateward 2x (656); iæf(-) 3x (1125, 1127x2) (beside gaf 1x (1123), gæf 1x (1127)); iærnde 1x (1127); iætte 1x (1127); iedon 1x (1123); iete 1x (675); iett 1x (1127); ietten 1x (656). (vi) The letter h is sometimes spelled as ch in the proper name Burch (beside Burh 21x). It appears once as Burhc (1127). The proper name spelled Burhred 3x appears once as Burhcred (868). The spelling hg appears once for gh in the place-name Heabureahg (686). (vii) The digraph th is used for ð and þ in some proper names, both foreign and native: Bethleem 1x (2); Kynesuith 1x (675), Kynesuuith 1x (656); 5 6 7

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §57(3) n. 4. Clark, ‘Studies in the Vocabulary of the Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 80. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §58.

cv

MS. E

Scithian 1x (Pref); Theodorus/-um 7x; Theophanie 1x (1118); Thorp 1x (963)). It is also used in thre 1x (694) (beside þreo, þry, and ðry elsewhere). Occasionally ht appears for th: Norhthamtune 1x (1122); Norhtwic 1x (1122); Penwihtsteort 1x (997). The use of hð for ð in wærhð 1x (833) may be the result of a similar orthographical confusion. The form th is explained by Campbell as an early Old English spelling,8 which cannot account for its use by this scribe (and by the scribe of the Final Continuation). There may, however, be some connection between the early Old English th and its sporadic use in the twelfth century.9 (viii) The letter wynn (equivalent to w) is occasionally represented by uu or u, particularly in proper names: Cynesuith 1x (656), Cynesuuith 1x (656), Kynesuith 1x (675), Kynesuið 1x (963), Kynesuuith 1x (656) (beside Kyneswiðes 1x (656)); læuued 1x (1127) (beside læwed 1x (1127), lawed 2x (656, 1125)); Noruuic 1x (1130); Osuuald 1x (641) (beside Oswald(-) 7x); Wulfuuold 1x (1084). It is once represented by vv (normalized to W in my edited text): Vvaleram 1x (1124, fol. 83r19) (beside Wal- 8x). Hand 2 The orthography of the second scribe of the E-text of the Chronicle is again consistent on the whole with standard late West Saxon. Two forms of æ, printed æ and 0, are used (again the former is more common than the latter). The letter g is used for both the voiced fricative and the voiced stop. Both ð and þ are used for the voiceless and voiced dental spirants. The runic letter wynn is used for w. In Latin names u is used for v. The following variants and distributions are noteworthy. (i) Old English c (for the voiceless velar stop [k]) appears almost exclusively as k before e, i, and y, as in the following examples: king(-) 54x; maked(-)/ maket 12x (beside maced 1x (1137), macod 1x (1137)); smoke 1x (1137), smoked 1x (1137); snakes 1x (1137); weorkes 1x (1137). (ii) Old English c appears as ch in rachenteges 1x (1137). (iii) Old English voiced f ([v]) is frequently spelled as u, as in the following examples: æure 3x, næure/ neure 7x; haued 1x (1154), hauen 1x (1140); hæued 1x (1137) (beside hefed 1x (1137)). (iv) Old English g appears as ch or gh in folecheden 1x (1140); halechede 1x (1135), halechen 1x (1137); sloghen 1x (1138).10 8 9 10

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §57(5). Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §16. For a similar spelling halechen in Hand 7a of the A-text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, see Bately, MS. A, p. cxxviii.

cvi

INTRODUCTION

(v) Old English palatal g is sometimes spelled as i: iaf(-) 6x, iauen 1x (1140), aiauen 1x (1140); iæde 1x (1140), ieden 1x (1137) (beside gæde 1x (1137)); iiuen 2x (beside gyuen 2x); iunge 1x (1140). (vi) Old English h appears as hc in þurhc 2x (1140). It is omitted altogether in þur 1x (1137) (and compare two instances of þurh in 1132 where h has been added later). (vii) Old English h is occasionally spelled as þ: þoþ 1x (1135); þoþwæthere 1x (1140), þoþwethere 1x (1137) (beside þohuuethere 1x (1135)). (viii) Old English ts appears as c in milce 1x (1132). This is the result of French influence.11 The form bletcæd 2x (1154) presumably arises from a confusion of the Old English and French spellings. (ix) Both þ and ð remain common, although ð is never used initially. It is, however, used frequently as an abbreviation for ðat (expanded silently according to the conventions of this series). The digraph th is used much more frequently by this scribe than by the first scribe, as in the following examples: bathe 1x (1137); byrthen 1x (1135); cuthe 1x (1140); hethen 1x (1137); nouther 1x (1137); sithen/-on 4x; thare 1x (1137); the 10x; thre 2x; throte 1x (1137). The letter t is used by itself without h in the proper name Teodbald 1x (1140) and in te 34x.12 (x) Although the letter wynn is still common, there are many instances of uu for initial wynn, as in the following examples: uuan 1x (1137) (beside wan 2x); uuard 1x (1135) (beside ward 2x); uuare(-) 2x, uuæren 1x (1137), uueron 1x (1137) (beside ware(-) 2x, wæron/-en 12x); uuenden 1x (1137); uuolde 4x; uurecce 2x. The spelling uu also occurs medially and finally: fæu 1x (1138); neuuæ 1x (1137); Noruuic 1x (1137); þohuuethere 1x (1135) (beside two instances with wynn). After consonants u is sometimes used for wynn, for example cuen 2x; suencten 1x (1137); suinc 1x (1137). The second scribe’s use of u and uu for wynn is attributed by Clark to a ‘borrowing from Romance orthography’.13 It should be noted, however, that these spellings are used in the A-text of the Chronicle,14 and are also used sporadically by the first scribe of E.15 (xi) z is once used for Old English st in æuez (1138) (Old English æfæst).

11 12 13 14 15

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §53. See further the discussion of consonants at pp. cxxxvii–cxxxix below. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lxiv–lxv. See Bately, MS. A, p. cxxvii. On their use in early West Saxon and Northumbrian texts, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §60.

cvii

MS. E

PHONOLOGY

Hand 1 Short vowels in stressed or partly stressed syllables 1. West Saxon a/o before nasals Throughout his copying, the scribe uses the spelling a almost invariably (for example, fram, land(-), lang(-), manig(-), ongan). This is characteristic of late West Saxon;16 it is also characteristic of northern and North-east Midland dialects in the twelfth century.17 Spellings with o are found in the entries up to 1121 in forms of the word (ge)somn- 8x (beside gesamn- 2x). A spelling with æ is found in ealdormæn 1x (652). 2. West Saxon æ In all sections of his copying the scribe uses most commonly the spelling æ. West Saxon æ is also found as e, ea, and a. The variety of spellings throughout the sections may reflect orthographical confusion relating to the late Old English falling together of the sounds [æ] and [e] in short vowels. It may also represent Mercian second fronting or the Kentish change æ > e.18 The spellings with ea are explained by the monophthongisation of ea, which led to inverse spellings with ea for æ in the twelfth century.19 The spellings with a, which are markedly more common in the Peterborough Interpolations and the First Continuation, may reflect the Middle English lowering from æ to a.20 The following distributions exemplify the variation in usage from one section to another. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): æftra(n)/æftre 3x, eaftran 1x (975); ælmihtiga 3x, elmihtiga 1x (1085b); æt 185x, at 1x (782); bocleden 1x (Pref); forbærnd- 12x, forbearnd- 4x; Hædde 1x (703), Hedde 1x (676); hæfde- 70x, heafd- 19x, hafde 1x (755), heofdon 1x (449); (h)rædlice 3x, hredlice 1x (876); mæss- 46x, mess- 3x; næfde/-on 8x, nefdon 1x (443); næs 14x, nes 1x (565); togædere 18x, toged- 2x; wæs 490x, wes 33x, weas 2x; wræc 1x (755), wrecc- 4x; wræcsiðe 1x (792), wreccesið 1x (658). The unusual distribution of the forms ærcebiscop(-) 22x, ercebiscop(-) 11x, arcebiscop(-) 91x may be affected by this word’s origin as a Latin loan-word.21 16 17 18 19 20 21

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §130. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §30. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §§164–9, 288–9. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §32. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §32. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §496.

cviii

INTRODUCTION

(ii) Peterborough Interpolations: æfter 20x, eafter 1x (777); ærcebiscop 21x, arcebiscop(-) 10x (963x5, 1114x5), ercebiscop 1x (963); æt 7x, at 3x (777); hæfde 1x (1070), heafde 3x (963, 1066, 1070), hafde 2x (656, 777); mæssan 2x (1102, 1103)/ mæsseniht 1x (1066)/ mæssahakeles 1x (1070), messehacel 1x (963); togadere 1x (654); wæs 95x, was 5x (656x3, 777x2), wes 2x (675, 963); wæter 3x (656, 963x2), wateres/watres 2x (656, 963) (iii) First Continuation: acer(es) 3x; ærcebiscop 21x, ercebiscop(-) 3x; æt 3x, at 8x; hæfde 12x, hafde 5x, heafde 5x, hefde 1x (1124); messe 11x/ messeniht 1x (1129); spreac (preterite singular) 1x (1131); togedere 1x (1124); wæs 92x, was 8x, wes 4x, weas 3x. 3. West Saxon e The spelling e is most often used in all sections of the scribe’s copying. It is also found as æ and ea. As with West Saxon æ, the variety of spellings within each section may reflect orthographical confusion relating to the falling together of the sounds [æ] and [e] in short vowels. The following lists exemplify the distributions amongst the different sections. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): Cent(-) 25x, Cænt 2x; ege 3x, æge 1x (1006); ende 7x, ænde 1x (1100); eft 54x, æft 1x (1101); fela 28x, feala 12x, feola 2x; feredon 2x, færedon 1x (1006); se 629x, sæ 1x (755); suðwest 2x, suðweast 1x (1097); þeg(e)n(-) 10x, þæg(e)n(-) 5x; wel(l) (adverb) 7x, wæll 3x; west(-) 97x, wæst- 23x, weast- 11x. (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: blets- 4x (656, 675x3), blæts- 2x (963, 1114); fela 2x (1070), feola 8x (656, 777x2, 852a, 963x4); for(en)sprec- 2x (656), forenspræcena 1x (1070); forhergode 1x (1013), forhærgod 1x (1070); neafe 1x (1114); tællen 1x (1070); twælf 1x (852a); ðegnas 1x (656), þægn- 3x (656); wel(l) (adverb) 2x (675, 1114), wæl 2x (654 (noun), 656 (adverb)); weres (‘weir’) 1x (656), wæres 1x (963). (iii) First Continuation: clerchades 1x (1123), clærchade 1x (1127); fela 6x, feola/-e 5x, feala/-e 2x (1122, 1125), fæla 1x (1124); þei(g)n- 4x (1123x3, 1127); ðæines 1x (1124).22

22

On the Anglian spelling of æ for e in the word þegn, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §259 n. 1.

cix

MS. E

The ea and eo spellings of fela may represent back umlaut which occurred rarely in West Saxon and generally in Anglian,23 with eo subsequently being unrounded to ea.24 Other eo for e inverted spellings suggest that ‘there is no longer any phonetic distinction between old spellings and new’;25 these occur occasionally in all three sections. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): geseogene 1x (774), seogen 1x (789) (these two may be by analogy with (ge)seon); steod- 2x (1086, 1119) (beside sted- 4x); teollan 1x (1086) (beside tell- 4x); geþeoncean 1x (1006) (beside geþencean 1x (1085b)). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: ætbeorstan 1x (656); efeostlice 1x (1114); feon- 5x (656x4, 963), feonlandes 1x (1070) (beside fen 1x (656)/ fennes 1x (656)); feostnige/-node 3x (656, 963x2), fulfeostnodon 1x (675) (beside festnia/-nie 4x (656, 675x3)); heorotogas 1x (656); reonneð 1x (963) (beside renneð 1x (656)); (ge)seond(-) 10x (656x6, 675x4) (beside sende(n) 3x (1066, 1114x2)); seotte 1x (656) (beside sett(-) 2x (675, 963), sæt(-) 4x (963)); steode 1x (656) (beside stede 3x (656, 675, 1013)). (iii) First Continuation: leong 1x (1123); geseogen (past participle) 1x (1122) (beside segon 1x (1127)/ sægon 1x (1127)); tweolf 1x (1128) (beside twelf(e) 3x (1124, 1125, 1131)). 4. Late West Saxon i/y (from earlier i) Late West Saxon y for earlier i in the neighbourhood of labials and r and in weakly stressed words26 is found in the scribe’s spelling throughout. The late Old English unrounding of y to i, which first appeared clearly in the North-east Midlands and the North,27 is also in evidence, as is represented by the decreasing proportion of y spellings in relation to i spellings between the entries up to 1121 and the Peterborough Interpolations, and then again between the Peterborough Interpolations and the First Continuation. The stages of development can be exemplified by the word syþþan/siþþan for which the entries up to 1121 have siþþ- 10x and syðð- 108x, the Peterborough Interpolations have siþþ- 6x and syþþ- 11x, and the First Continuation has 23 24 25

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §210. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §281. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xlvi. Phillips, ‘Lexical Diffusion as a Guide to Scribal Intent’, finds in the Continuations ‘a sound change in progress where inverse or hypercorrect spellings nonetheless appear’ (p. 384). 26 For late West Saxon i for y, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §318. 27 Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §41.

cx

INTRODUCTION

siþþ- 22x and no instances of syþþ-. The following examples show the distributions in those words where both spellings are used. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): cyric- 11x (beside circean 1x (1066)); myccl-/mycl-/mycel(-) 153x (beside micel(-) 5x); mystlicean 1x (1120) (beside mis(t)lic- 5x); nyðerade 1x (1100) (beside niðer 1x (1012)); sym(b)le 21x (beside simle 1x (959)); synoð 1x (1046b) (beside sinoð 10x and seonod 1x (782), perhaps a hypercorrection); syndon 1x (979) (beside sind/sindon 8x); syððan/-on 108x (beside siþþan/-on 10x); swylc(-) 11x (beside swilc- 19x); tymbr- 2x (beside timbrian 2x); þrym 1x (1008) (beside þrim 3x); þyder(-) 7x (beside þider 20x); ylc- 20x (beside ilc- 104x). The spellings swyster 1x (1048) and swust- 7x, suster 1x (604) probably derive from the combinative back umlaut of swist-.28 (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: mycel(-) 8x (1066, 1070x4, 1102, 1114) (beside micel 1x (675)); syþþan/-on/-en 11x (963x6, 1052, 1066, 1070x2, 1103) (beside siþþan/-on/-en 6x (656)); ylc- 6x (1102, 1103x2, 1114x2, 1116) (beside ilc- 14x (656, 675x2, 777x3, 852ax2, 870, 1041, 1052, 1066, 1069, 1070)). (iii) First Continuation: cyrce 1x (1131) (beside circe 2x (1127, 1129)); mycel(-) 6x (beside micel(-) 31x); ylc- 2x (beside ilc- 26x). 5. Late West Saxon i/y (from early West Saxon ie) (a) i/y from original e after a palatal (e > ie > i/y) Forms with i and y are both used. As with late West Saxon i/y from earlier i (see above), the proportion of i spellings increases in accordance with chronological development. Non-West Saxon spellings appear in all three sections. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): Examples of distributions: forgif- 5x, forgyf- 2x; gife- 5x, gyfene 1x (1107); gild 1x (1013), gyld(-) 15x; ongytan 1x (979). There are occasional instances of non-West Saxon e: gecerde 1x (616) (beside (ge)cyrd(-) 13x), gecerran 1x (627) (beside cyrran 1x (1094)).29 There is one eo spelling in geold 2x (1040, 1087), which is probably an inverted spelling (see above under West Saxon e).

28

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §210.2 n. 3; on the movement of swuster to suster, see Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §36 remark 2. 29 Campbell, Old English Grammar, §200; Hogg, A Grammar of Old English, §5.82.

cxi

MS. E

(ii) Peterborough Interpolations: Examples of distributions: gife(-) (verb and noun) 20x/ giuen (infinitive) 2x (777, 963)/ forgiuenesse 2x (675, 963), gyfe (noun) 2x (656). Examples of non-West Saxon e spellings: geld 1x (656), geold 1x (675) (as with the instances above, the eo of geold is probably an inverted spelling). (iii) First Continuation: Although i spellings are predominant, some i and y variation persists, for example: gifen (past participle) 1x (1127)/ giuen (past participle) 1x (1126), gyfe (noun) 1x (1123). Examples of non-West Saxon spellings: begeton (infinitive) 1x (1131), beieten (past participle) 1x (1127), beieton (infinitive) 1x (1130), geoldes 1x (1124). (b) i/y from i-mutation of ea (ea > ie > i/y) Alongside i and y, some non-West Saxon spellings are found. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): Examples of distributions: fyrd(-) 81x; gehwirfede 1x (601), gehwyrfed(-) 2x; git 3x, gyt 6x (and also geat 1x (1086)); landfyrd(-) 10x; miht(-) more than 100x, myhte 1x (1010) (and also muhte 1x (1004) and muhton 1x (992)); Mircena 1x (704), Myrc- 45x; niht(-) 51x. Examples of the non-West Saxon spelling e:30 bescered 1x (821), erfewærdes 1x (565) (beside yrfeweard 1x (1101), yrfe 1x (1010), and yrfenuma(n) 5x); Mercum 1x (731). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: Forms with i are predominant: miht(on) 3x (1070x3) (no examples of myht-); niht(-) 3x (777, 1070x2) (no examples of nyht-). The form dærne 1x (1114) is non-West Saxon,31 as also is næht 1x (852a).32 The forms feord 1x (1066) and feording 1x (675) are probably inverted spellings for non-West Saxon e. (iii) First Continuation: Forms with i are also predominant: mihte 12x (no examples of myht-); niht(-) 5x (no examples of nyht-). The form erue 1x (1125) is non-West Saxon.33 (c) i/y from i-mutation of io (io > ie > i/y) (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): The late West Saxon form gyrnd- 7x is found as well as the early West Saxon

30

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §200; Hogg, A Grammar of Old English, §5.82. Bately, MS. A, p. cxxxviii, urges caution in assuming that the e-spelling is non-West Saxon. 31 See Campbell, Old English Grammar, §193(a), for Anglian e or æ before r + consonant. 32 Campbell, Old English Grammar, §628(3). 33 See Campbell, Old English Grammar, §193(a), for Anglian e before r + consonant.

cxii

INTRODUCTION

form gernd- 2x (1048, 1052) and the non-West Saxon form geornd- 2x (1011, 1048).34 (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: The non-West Saxon form georn(d)- 9x (656x7, 675, 777) occurs. The forms seox 1x (656) and sex 2x (852a) may have a similar explanation.35 (iii) First Continuation: The non-West Saxon forms ieornden 1x (1123) and iærnde 1x (1127) occur. 6. West Saxon y from i-mutation of u The spelling y is commonly found (in, for example, mynster). The unrounding of y to i, characteristic of the North-east Midlands and the North,36 is attested in the spelling of the entries up to 1121 but is more frequently represented in the spelling of the Peterborough Interpolations, and more frequently still in the First Continuation. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): The unrounding of y to i is attested in: cing (in its various forms) 180x (beside various forms of cyng about 500x); Bricge/Brigge/brigge 3x (beside Brycge/Brycge 10x); dide 1x (616) (beside dyd- 53x, gedyd- 9x). Occasionally this y appears as e which may suggest Kentish influence:37 tremede 1x (1052) (beside trymedon 1x (1048) (MS. F also has one instance of getremmed);38 embe 3x (beside ymb(e) 28x) (embe, however, is also found in late West Saxon as a result of reduction of stress).39 (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: The unrounding of y to i is attested in: cining(-) 3x (777x2, 852a)/ king(-) 5x (777, 963x4)/ kining(-) 7x (656x2, 675x2, 777x3) (beside cyng(-) 19x (963x5, 1052, 1066x4, 1070x3, 1114x6)/ cyning(-) 3x (654, 656, 963)/ kyng(-) 5x (963x4, 1070)/ kyning(-) 29x (656x22, 675x5, 777x2));40 did(-) 2x (654, 656)/ fordiden 1x (870) (beside dyd(-) 8x (656, 1066x2, 1070x4, 1114)/ undyde 1x (656)).

34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §201(1); also compare the spellings in MS. F, discussed by Baker, MS. F, p. lxxxv (§117). It is, however, unclear to what extent palatal umlaut may have applied; see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §305, and Hogg, A Grammar of Old English, §5.113 n. 2. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §317; Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §41. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §288. See Baker, MS. F, p. lxxxv (§118). Campbell, Old English Grammar, §372 n. 2. The various forms of cyng/king show differences of distribution between the Interpolations and in relation to the First Continuation which may be significant; see Mitchell and Thornton, ‘Computer-Aided Analysis of Old English Manuscripts’.

cxiii

MS. E

(iii) First Continuation: The unrounding of y to i is attested in: king(-) 23x (beside cyng 1x (1127)/ kyng(-) 47x/ kyning 1x (1126)); brigges 1x (1125)/ Brigge 1x (1126) (no examples with y); did(-) 13x/ undide 1x (1122) (beside dyde 1x (1123)). 7. West Saxon ea (a) Breaking of æ before l + consonant This has occurred consistently, as is characteristic of West Saxon and Kentish.41 Spellings with æ and a also appear; these probably represent the movement of ea before l-groups to æ around 1000, and then from 1100 onwards to a, rather than the unbroken Anglian a.42 (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): aldormen 1x (822), ældormen 1x (568) (beside eald- more than 100x, and, curiously, æaldorman 1x (800)); halfe 2x (1048, 1119) (beside healf(-) 21x); stal(l) 4x (beside steal(l) 4x). In proper names, Ald- occurs 9x, Bald- occurs 12x, Scald occurs once (883), Halfdene occurs once (871) (beside Healfdene(-) 3x). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: ældorman 3x (656) (beside ealdorman 9x (656x2, 777x2, 852ax2, 963x3)); ælle 6x (656x5, 675), ælre 1x (1066), alle 4x (656x3, 675), alswa 1x (675) (beside eall(-) 74x)); grundwalla 1x (654) (beside wealle/-as 3x (963)); half(e) 2x (656, 675); hælden 1x (656), gehalden 1x (656) (beside (ge)healden/-on 5x (675x3, 963x2)). (iii) First Continuation: ælmæst 1x (1130), alremest 1x (1124), alle 1x (1128) (beside eall(-) 93x); alswa 1x (1129) (beside eal(l)swa 2x); half 4x (beside healfe 1x (1122)); derfald 2x; orfcwalm 1x (1131) (beside cwealm 1x (1125)); sælde 1x (1124). (b) Breaking of æ before [χ] This has occurred consistently throughout (as exemplified in geseah, eaht5x, (ge)feaht).43 Occasional æ or e spellings may represent the monophthongisation of ea, or Anglian smoothing, or late West Saxon smoothing.44 (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): ehta (Pref), wexan 1x (999), wexende 1x (1107). 41 42 43 44

For breaking of æ before l + consonant, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §143. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §61. For breaking of æ before [χ], see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §145. For Anglian smoothing, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §§223–33. For late West Saxon smoothing, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §312.

cxiv

INTRODUCTION

(ii) Peterborough Interpolations: æhte 1x (1070). (iii) First Continuation: The form faht 1x (1122) may be Anglian.45 (c) Breaking of æ before r + consonant This is consistently attested. Occasionally the spellings æ and a occur; these spellings, as with their occurrence in MS. F,46 represent the transition to Middle English and not the Northumbrian dialect.47 (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): cynebarn 1x (519) (beside cynebearna 1x (654)); forbarn 7x (beside forbearn 1x (1067)); east(e)ward(e) 3x (beside east(e)weard(-) 4x); erfewærdes 1x (565) (beside yrfeweard 1x (1101)); foreward- (noun) 12x (beside foreweard 1x (1103)); ward 1x (1106) (beside weard 8x); warð 3x (beside wearð 80x, wearþ 1x (605), werð 1x (653)). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: ærm(e) 3x (1013); wærð 1x (656) (beside wearð 4x (870, 1066x2, 1103)); iateward 2x (656), ongeanward 1x (963) (beside eastweard 1x (963), forewearde 1x (852a)). (iii) First Continuation: ærde 1x (1130); ærme 1x (1124); wærð 3x, warð 1x (1127) (beside weard 1x (1128), wearð 7x). (d) ea by palatal diphthongisation This has regularly occurred, as the numerous instances of geaf and ceastrattest. Forms with e may represent late West Saxon smoothing; they may also, like the forms with æ or a spellings, represent the changes associated with the transition to Middle English.48 (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): gef 1x (449) (beside geaf 19x); Gleawcestre 1x (577) (beside Gleawceastre 6x). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: gare 1x (656); gef 2x (656, 686) (beside geaf 7x); iateward 2x (656); Castra

45 46 47 48

Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §63. See Baker, MS. F, p. lxxxvi (§119). Campbell, Old English Grammar, §329.1; Hogg, A Grammar of Old English, §§5.215–16. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §58.

cxv

MS. E

2x (963), Rofecæstre 1x (656), Rofecestre 2x (656, 675) (beside Wintanceastr4x (963), Gleawceastre 1x (1103). (iii) First Continuation: gæf 1x (1127), iæf 2x (1127), gaf 1x (1123) (beside geaf 8x); Gleucæstre 1x (1126), Gleucestre 2x, Gleawecestre(-) 2x (1122), Wincestre 1x (1127) (beside Ceastre 1x (1123), Gleawceastre 1x (1123), Roueceastre 4x, Winceastre 5x). The emended form Cic\a/estre 1x (1130) may suggest a counter-productive scribal attempt to reproduce a standard West Saxon form. 8. West Saxon eo The spelling eo (which had come to represent [ø] in the eleventh century) is generally retained. The East Midland and northern unrounding of eo to e which took place in the twelfth century49 may be attested in the occasional e spellings. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): erðan 1x (979) (beside eorð- 15x). The forms gedyrfsum 1x (1105) (beside gedeorfsum 2x), hyrde 1x (616) (for heord ‘herd, flock’), and wyrede 1x (755) may be hypercorrections by a non-West Saxon scribe.50 The isolated eo for o spelling in eofermodigan 1x (750) may be a hypercorrection on the basis of the form eoferwic which the scribe had recently copied (annal for 744). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: heuenrice 1x (675) (beside heofenrice 3x (656)); mildhertnesse 1x (1070); undernæðen 1x (1070). (iii) First Continuation: beneðan 2x (1125); clepunge 1x (1129); wefod 2x (1123, 1125) (beside the emended form we\o/fede in 1127). Between w and r, as is characteristic in late West Saxon, early West Saxon eo is often spelled wur- and occasionally wyr-.51 Jordan notes that in Middle English wur- appears in the South and generally in the Midland as against wor- in the North.52 49 50

Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §65. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. xlii–xliii. The variant forms werod and weorod are used elsewhere (with occasional æ for e): wer- 5x, wær- 3x; weor- 3x. It is possible that the e spellings represent early Middle English unrounding of eo to e, but they may also represent the late West Saxon variant form where eo has become e by analogy; see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §210(1). 51 Campbell, Old English Grammar, §§320–4; also compare the spellings in MS. F, noted by Baker, MS. F, p. lxxxvi (§120). 52 Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §66 remark 3.

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(i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): wurð- 26x and wurþlice 1x (167) (beside weorð-/weorþ- 10x); arwurð-/ arwurþ- 6x; forwurþ- 2x (beside forweorþ- 1x (1103)). The forms weorce (noun) 1x (1097) and weorc- (verb) 2x (beside wyrcean (verb) 1x (1086)) may be hypercorrections by a non-West Saxon scribe (compare the use of the eo spelling in this word in the Final Continuation). This word, however, may have undergone a different development,53 and Campbell notes that weorc rather than the Anglian werc appears in the Rushworth Glosses.54 (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: arwurðen 1x (656), wurð(-) 8x (656x2, 675x4, 1066, 1070), wurðfulle 1x (675), wurðminte(n) 2x (654, 656), wurðscipe 1x (656) (beside weoruld(-) 2x (654, 963), sweord 1x (656)). The Anglian form werce occurs once in 656 (there are no instances here of weorc- or wyrc-). (iii) First Continuation: wurðon 1x (1129), wurðscipe 9x (beside weorð- 2x, weoruld 1x (1123)). The late West Saxon syl- (from earlier sel-) is used by the scribe in the word sylf.55 Also found are self (from Old English self), which is attested elsewhere in Kent and the East Midlands in early Middle English,56 and the Anglian form seolf. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): sylf(-) 25x, selfum 1x (855). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: sylfe 1x (963), silue 1x (963), selue 2x (656, 963), seolf 1x (675). (iii) First Continuation: selue/-a 2x (1127), sellice 1x (1127), hemself 1x (1131), seolue 1x (1127). The past tense forms sceolde and scolde were both used in late West Saxon.57 The use of both forms by the first scribe may indicate the Middle English disappearance of the glide sound58 combining with orthographic conservatism. In the Final Continuation, only the form sculde(st) occurs.

53 54 55 56 57

Hogg, A Grammar of Old English, §5.30. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §227 n. 2. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §325. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §68. Hogg, A Grammar of Old English, notes that ‘usage is as often a matter of individual scribal preference as of dialect variation’ (§5.69 n. 2). 58 Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §80.

cxvii

MS. E

Long vowels and diphthongs in stressed syllables 1. West Saxon a This is consistently spelled a by the scribe. Very occasional spellings with æ or e occur, for example, ærerde 1x (718) and aseh 1x (1123). 2. West Saxon æ Throughout the scribe’s copying, West Saxon ™ of both origins appears predominantly as æ. The appearance of some e spellings may attest to the transitional nature of the scribe’s language (including quantitative changes) and dialectal influence.59 ™1 (West Germanic a) Spellings with e (occasionally the inverted ea) may suggest Kentish influence,60 or the confusion of the symbols e and æ affecting long as well as short vowels (see above under West Saxon ™), or the operation of various combinative changes.61 Occasional spellings with a probably derive from forms already available in late West Saxon. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): Examples of spellings with e: æghwer 5x (beside æghwær 2x); brec (preterite singular) 1x (885); hwer 1x (449); mel 1x (774). The word þær, which appears 282x as þær, is also spelled þear 1x (877), þer 7x, and þar 7x (the spelling with a is already a variant in late West Saxon).62 The West Saxon spelling of West Germanic a as a where a back vowel follows after a single consonant is found in some forms:63 lagon/-en 8x (beside lægen 4x); gesawon 3x (beside gesegon 1x (774)). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: Examples of spellings with e: dedbote 1x (675) (beside dædbote 2x (963), dæde 1x (1070)); hwere 1x (656); mel(e) 8x (656) (beside mæl 1x (963)); red 2x (656, 777) (beside ræd 3x (656)); sprece (noun) 1x (1114); Stretford 1x (675). The word þær, which appears 47x as þær, is also spelled with the late West Saxon variant spelling a in þarabutan 1x (656). (iii) First Continuation: Examples of spellings with e: red 1x (1129) (beside ræd 3x); sedlæpas 3x (1124) (beside sædhwæte 1x (1124), sædaten 1x (1124)). The words þær and 59 60 61 62 63

Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §§23 and 48-9. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §288. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xliv. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §678. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §162.

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INTRODUCTION

hwær also appear with the inverted spelling ea for æ and the late West Saxon variant spelling a: hwear 1x (1122), hwar 1x (1130); þear 3x (beside þær 39x), þaræftor 1x (1127) (beside þæræfter 11x). ™2 (West Germanic ai with i-mutation) The frequency of e spellings (occasionally the inverted ea) is higher throughout the scribe’s writing than for æ1. The e spellings may suggest Kentish influence but are not necessarily exclusively Kentish.64 (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): Examples of spellings with e (or ea): clene 1x (1110); del 1x (878) (beside dæl(-) 15x); ear 2x (1041, 1066) (beside ær 124x); erest 1x (Pref), erestan 1x (787), erost 1x (409) (beside ærest/-ost 30x, æror/-ur 16x, ærra 1x (1001)); geled 1x (1052) (beside gelæd 1x (693), gelead 1x (1076)); gelest 1x (1012) (beside gelæst 4x); heðen- 5x (beside hæðen(-) 13x); leafe 2x (1048, 1097) (beside læfe 1x (1043a)); se 3x (616, 885, 1013) (beside sæ 54x, seo 1x (1013)). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: Examples of spellings with e: efre 1x (675) (beside æfre 1x (1114)); delnimende 1x (656) (beside dæl 2x (963, 1116)); heðene 1x (963) (beside hæðene 1x (963)); lerede 1x (656) (beside læred 1x (656)); nefre 1x (1066) (beside næfre 1x (1114)). Spellings with a appear in ahte 1x (656), betahten (preterite plural) 1x (654) (beside betæhtan 1x (1070); both forms are available in late West Saxon).65 The form ani 2x (656, 675) appears beside æni 1x (656).66 (iii) First Continuation: Examples of spellings with e (or ea): eahte 2x (1124, 1128), ear 2x (beside ær 13x); elces (beside ælc(es) 2x); flesc- 1x (1131); hese 1x (1123); heðene 1x (1128); mest 1x (1123), meast 1x (1123); nefra 1x (1129); sibreden 2x (1127); totwemde 1x (1127), totweamde 1x (1127). Spelling with a is found in betahte (preterite singular) 1x (1126) (beside betæhte 1x (1123) and beteahte 1x (1125)). 3. West Saxon e The spelling e is normally retained. Some æ spellings occur, and occasional eo or y spellings are also attested. The æ spellings may reflect Kentish or

64 65 66

Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §48; Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xliv. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §753(9)(b)(2). Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §48 remark 3.

cxix

MS. E

Mercian provenance.67 They may also be the result of the falling together of [e:] and [æ:].68 The eo spellings may be examples of labial rounding69 or inverted spellings indicating a lack of phonetic distinction between old spellings and new.70 The y spellings may be hypercorrections by the non-West Saxon scribe.71 The following forms include spellings other than West Saxon e. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): awæston 1x (1087) (beside aweston 2x (1087)); bægen 3x (beside begen 7x); benæmde 2x (1102, 1104); cwæn(e) 3x (beside cwen(e) 15x); dryfdon 1x (1118); fæddon 1x (1085a), fædde 1x (994) (beside fedan infinitive 1x (1012)); færde/færdon 3x, feorde 1x (1095), feordon 1x (1016) (beside ferd(-) 108x); forðfyrde 1x (1077) (beside forðferde 169x); gespædde 1x (1096); hæt (preterite singular) 2x (685, 1086) (beside het 36x); ræðe 1x (1086) (beside reðe 2x (793, 1100)); twægen 4x (beside twegen/-an 12x); wænde 1x (1016) (beside wende 1x (1043a), wendon 2x (994, 1087)).72 (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: æcon 1x (675) (beside ece 1x (656), eceð 1x (656)); feorde 2x (656, 1114) (beside ferde 1x (1070), forðferde 3x (1041, 1069, 1103)); heot (preterite singular) 2x (656, 675) (beside het 2x (777, 963)); leot (preterite singular) 5x (675, 852a, 963x3) (beside let 1x (777)); spæddon 1x (1114) (beside spedde 1x (656)); þeonestmen 1x (656); wændon 2x (1070) (beside wendon 2x (1066, 1070)). (iii) First Continuation: The scribe wrote leot (preterite singular) 1x (1127) but corrected it to lett (beside let 7x). 4. West Saxon i As with West Saxon i, the spellings i and y are used. The spellings with i may represent the late Old English unrounding of y to i. It is possible that shortening preceded rounding of the vowel in at least some of the examples below.73 67 68 69 70 71 72

73

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §§288–90. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xliv, suggests that this is particularly likely in some cases where shortening may have occurred. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §51 remark 2. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xlvi. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xliii; compare also the examples of y for eo and eo. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, suggests that cwæne, hæt, forlæt, and ræðe may be inverted spellings due to the special raising before point consonants (p. xliv n. 4). On benæmde, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §197 n. 4; it also seems possible that the scribe was influenced by writing belænde previously. See also Baker, MS. F, p. lxxxvii (§123).

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(i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): hefigtyme 4x (beside hefigtime 2x); lyfe(s) 2x (beside lif- 20x); swyðe 31x (beside swið- 102x); tyma(-) 2x (beside tima(-) 10x). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: swyðe 3x (654x2, 963) (beside swiðe 14x (656x4, 777, 963, 1041x2, 1052, 1066x3, 1070, 1114)); tyme 3x (1041, 1052, 1114) (beside tim- 5x (654, 656, 675, 852a, 870)). (iii) First Continuation: tyma 2x (1123) (beside tima 1x (1123)). 5. Late West Saxon y/i (from early West Saxon ie) Spellings with both y and i, indicative of late West Saxon, occur, for example in the entries up to 1121: (with y) anydde 1x (823), crismlysing 1x (878), gehyrsum- 2x, lyfan 1x (Pref); (with i) alisde 1x (1096), hihste 1x (1101), niwan 6x. Some non-West Saxon spellings, however, appear throughout the scribe’s language. For the i-mutation of ea, non-West Saxon e is occasionally used.74 For io from Primitive Germanic iu (subject to i-mutation in West Saxon only), non-West Saxon e or eo is occasionally used.75 In the latter, the spellings with e and æ may represent the early Middle English loss of the diphthong eo.76 The contrast between the earlier annals and the annals of the First and Final Continuations in their representation of late West Saxon y/i is not perhaps as marked as Clark suggests.77 (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): Non-West Saxon e for the i-mutation of ea: æteowde 2x, ætewdon 1x (540), atewoden 1x (729), ateowede 1x (678) (beside ætywde/-an 10x, atywde 1x (1032)); egland 3x (Pref, 565, 641) (beside igland(-) 7x); geflemd- 3x (514, 552, 568) (beside geflymd- 12x); herdon 1x (851), geherde 1x (1016) (beside gehyrd(-) 6x, hyrdon 1x (681)); nehst 1x (878). Non-West Saxon e or eo for io from Primitive Germanic iu: aðeostr- 2x, aðestrode 3x (beside aðistr- 5x, aþystrode 2x); underþædde 2x, underþeodd5x. (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: Non-West Saxon e for the i-mutation of ea: alesednesse 1x (656); gemelest 1x (1070); (ge)herd- 5x (1066, 1070x3, 1114), geheord 1x (675), heorda (preterite singular) 1x (656); hersumie 1x (656); stepel 1x (1070). The forms with eo are presumably inverted spellings. 74 75 76 77

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §200. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §201(3). Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §84. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xlvi.

cxxi

MS. E

Non-West Saxon e or eo for io from Primitive Germanic iu: underþed 1x (656). (iii) First Continuation: Non-West Saxon e for the i-mutation of ea: aflemde(n) 2x (1124); begemen 1x (1129); flemd(en) 2x (1129, 1131); herd(-) 3x (1127), geheord 1x (1122); hersumnesse 1x (1131); stepel 1x (1122). Non-West Saxon e or eo for io from Primitive Germanic iu: underðed 1x (1130), underþeodnysse 1x (1123). 6. West Saxon y (i-mutation of u) This appears regularly as y. In the entries up to 1121, some variation is found in the forms litel(ne)/litl- 18x (beside lytel/lytle/-um 3x) (in the Peterborough Interpolations and First Continuation, no lyt-spellings occur). Shortening in syncopated forms, extended by analogy to unsyncopated forms, may account for the i spellings here, since variation is more common in short i/y.78 Other words spelt with i provide a clearer indication of the unrounding of y to i which was characteristic of the North-east Midlands and the North:79 the Peterborough Interpolations have the past participle forms behid 1x (1070) and hidde 1x (963), and the First Continuation has fir 5x (contrast the use of fyr(e) 2x (1070) in the Peterborough Interpolations) and hiue 1x (1127). 7. West Saxon ea The spelling ea commonly remains. Signs of the monophthongisation of ea are seen in spellings with æ and e.80 Some words with e may show late West Saxon smoothing. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): æðelice 1x (1085b) (beside eaðe 2x); æstan 1x (887) (beside eastan 5x); Æsterdæg 2x (1012, 1042) (beside Easter-/Eastor- 6x); Estenglum 1x (885) (beside Eastengl- 24x); forebecna 1x (793) (beside beacna 1x (1006)); hæfodmenn 1x (1102) (beside heafodmen(n)/-mæn/-man(-) 12x). Words with e which may show late West Saxon smoothing are: agefon/-an 2x (beside ageafon 2x), hehburh 1x (60BC), neh 5x (beside neah 2x), nehhebur(-) 2x (beside neahheburas 1x (1100)). The spelling þæh 3x (beside þeah(-) 23x) is unlikely to show Anglian smoothing.81 It may represent as above the monophthongisation of ea or (possibly) be a sign of Kentish influence.82

78 79 80 81 82

See Baker, MS. F, p. lxxxvii (§124). Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §39. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §329(2); Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §81. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §225. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §314.

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INTRODUCTION

(ii) Peterborough Interpolations: æ 1x (656); æc 1x (675) (beside eac 2x (777, 1116)); æsthalfe 1x (656) (beside eastweard 1x (963)); cæs 3x (963) (beside ceas 1x (1041)); dæd 1x (1066) (beside dead 1x (1103)); gemelest 1x (1070); gæte 1x (675), geten 1x (675), getton 3x (656, 675x2), iete 1x (675), ietten 1x (656), geotton 1x (656) (beside geate 5x (656, 675, 963x2, 1070), geatte 1x (1066), geatton 2x (963)); haueleste 1x (675); ræf 1x (963) (beside reafes 1x (1070)). Occasional spellings with æ before [χ] are unlikely to reflect Anglian smoothing, for example, hæge (dative singular of heah); they probably represent as above the monophthongisation of ea or Kentish influence. (iii) First Continuation: dæd 1x (1128) (beside dead 2x (1123)); iæfen 1x (1125); iætte 1x (1127); læfe 1x (1131), leue 6x; forlæs 1x (1127); sedlæpas 3x (1124). The forms heh 1x (1125) and togænes 2x (beside togeanes 9x) may show late West Saxon smoothing. The spelling þæh 1x (1123) (beside þeah 2x) is again more likely to represent monophthongisation of ea or Kentish influence than Anglian smoothing. 8. West Saxon eo The spelling eo is commonly retained. Occasional e spellings occur which may represent unrounding of eo (for [ø]) during the twelfth century in the East Midlands and North.83 These spellings are more frequent in the Peterborough Interpolations and the First Continuation than in the entries up to 1121. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): bedan 1x (1011) (beside beodan 2x); ben 1x (1070) (beside beon 22x); larewas 1x (601); prestan 1x (1093) (beside preost(-) 13x). The form geyde 1x (617) (beside (ge)eod- 38x) may be a hypercorrection. (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: bedon (infinitive) 1x (675) (beside beode (first person singular present) 2x (675), bebeode 3x (675)); betwenen 1x (1066); geeadnewion 1x (963); forbede 1x (656) (beside forbeode 1x (675)); geden 1x (1070) (beside eodon 1x (1066), geodon 1x (1070)); infangenþef 1x (963) (beside þeofas 1x (1102)); secræman 1x (1070) (beside seoc 1x (1070)); þeudom 2x (675, 1070), þewdom 1x (675), þeuwian 1x (963), þewian 1x (963), weoruldþeudom 1x (963). (iii) First Continuation: ben (infinitive) 2x (1127) (beside beon 2x (1128, 1130)); beheld (preterite 83

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §329(2); Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §84.

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MS. E

singular) 1x (1123), behelde (preterite singular subjunctive) 1x (1128); betwenan/-en 3x (1123, 1128x2) (beside betweonen 1x (1124)); cesen (infinitive) 2x (1123); derfald 2x; iedon 1x (1123); forgede 1x (1129); þefas 1x (1124); þre 4x (beside þreo 1x (1125)). The form fower 1x (1122) (beside feower 3x (1124)) may represent the transference of stress seen in late Northumbrian fouer.84

Vowels of unstressed syllables 1. Falling together of unstressed back vowels (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): There are signs that the late West Saxon falling together of the unstressed back vowels a, o, and u85 was already well established in this scribe’s language. Unstressed o for u appears in, for example, scipo (nominative and accusative plural) 7x, and in -on for -um, for example, eallon 12x, dagon 2x. Unstressed u for o appears in, for example, truwude 1x (1043a), weorþuste 2x. Unstressed o for a appears in, for example, efenwyrhton (nominative plural) 1x (972), gelæron (infinitive), beheonon 1x (1102) (beside beheonan 2x). Unstressed a for o is very common in, for example: the spelling -an for preterite plural -on (coman 18x (beside comon 46x), rixodan 2x (beside rixodon 1x)); the spelling -ad(-) for -od(-) in preterite and past participle of class II weak verbs (rixade 34x (beside rixode 2x), wunade 1x (855) (beside wunode 22x), forewitegad 1x (47)); other positions such as medially (heofanlice 1x (1089) (beside heofonlic- 4x)) and the superlative (weorðast 1x (1097)). Unstressed a for u appears in -an for -um, for example, dagan 3x, wundan 1x (1119), munecan 2x.86 (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: Here too, it is clear that the falling together of the back vowels is well established (although the unstressed back vowels have more markedly fallen together with the front vowels (see below) than in the entries up to 1121). Unstressed o for a appears in, for example, Sunnondæg, and frequently in infinitive forms (such as cumon and secgon in 656). Unstressed a for o appears in, for example, sinað 3x (656, 675x2), in some preterite plural forms (such as ongunnan 1x (654)), and in some preterite singular and past participle forms of class II weak verbs (such as preterite singular andswerade 1x (963), and past participle gebletsad 1x (675)). Unstressed a for u appears in, for example, munac 1x (963). 84

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §302; Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §109 remark 2. 85 Campbell, Old English Grammar, §377. 86 Campbell, Old English Grammar, §378.

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INTRODUCTION

(iii) First Continuation: Again the falling together of the back vowels shows itself to be well established, though to some extent this is obscured by the falling together of the back vowels with the front vowels (see below). Unstressed o for a appears, for example, in wiðinnon 1x (1125) and in the infinitive forms begeton 1x (1131) and sprecon 1x (1129). Unstressed a for o appears in, for example, the pronoun þane 1x (1127) and in the preterite plural forms coman 1x (1125), wæran 2x, wendan 1x (1123). 2. Falling together of all unstressed vowels (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): Some spellings suggest that the unstressed back vowels were falling together with the unstressed front vowels into the sound [ə], often written e. Some of these spellings already occurred in certain contexts in late West Saxon: (a) the interchange of certain suffixes:87 broðer 31x, broðær 1x (1091) (beside broðor 38x);88 hunger 4x (beside hungor 7x); werede 3x, weored 1x (449) (beside weorod(e) 2x, werad 1x (456)). (b) the reduction of vowels in medial unstressed syllables:89 gehorsedan/-um 2x; heofenum 2x; muneca(-) 14x (beside munucum 1x (596)); riceste 1x (1087); suðewearde 1x (Pref). (c) occasional confusion of -ung and -ing in, for example, heftninge 1x (1079).90 Other spellings indicate, despite the orthographic conservatism of these annals, that back and front vowels were falling together more extensively in the scribe’s language than in late West Saxon. The following spellings exemplify this more wholesale falling together which reflects the transitional nature of the scribe’s language: -a for -e in preterite singular wolda (616), aflymda (1070), and in dative singular eastenda (892), -forda (800); -e for -a in weak masculine nominative singular þridde (827) and genitive plural harme (1048); -as for -es in genitive singular ciningas (639), æðelingas (755); -es for -as in nominative and accusative plural wærteres, biscopes (565); -an for -en in past participle ofslagan (633, 656, 789, 794, etc.); -en for -an in the weak noun forms geferen (755), ærendracen (785); -en for -on in preterite plural geðingoden (694), forðferden (794), adrifen (823); -on for -en in past participle gefohton (658); -að for -eð in present singular restað (716, 755).

87 88 89 90

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §381. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §§629 and 631. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §385. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §383.

cxxv

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(ii) Peterborough Interpolations: The falling together of the unstressed back vowels with the unstressed front vowels into the sound [ə], often written e, is more markedly represented than in the entries up to 1121. As with the entries up to 1121, some of the spellings are carried over from late West Saxon: (a) the interchange of certain suffixes is seen in, for example, broðer 9x (beside broðor 4x). (b) the reduction of vowels in medial unstressed syllables is seen in, for example, heofenlice 2x, heofenrice 3x, heofne 1x (656); middewarde 1x (1070); munec- 24x; preterites of class II weak verbs such as luuede 3x (654, 656, 777) and cleopede 2x (656, 1052). A reverse spelling is seen in bliþolice 1x (1066) (beside bliþelice 1x (963)). (c) the occasional confusion of -ung and -ing is seen in bletsinge 1x (656) and haleging 1x (675). The more extensive falling together of the back and front vowels is seen in the following examples: -a for -e in sætta (preterite singular) 1x (963); -e for -a in genitive plural forms broðre 1x (656) and oðre godene manne 1x (656); -as for -es in the genitive singular form cyningas 1x (654); -es for -as in nominative and accusative plural forms such as eorles 2x, wateres 1x (656); -an for -en in the subjunctive plural form secan 1x (656); -en for -an in toforen 4x, in the weak noun luuen 4x, and in infinitives such as wircen 2x (656, 963) and wurðminten 1x (656); -en for -on in preterite plural forms such as betahten 1x (654), diden 1x (654), ongunnen 1x (656), wolden 3x, and writen 1x (963); -on for -en in past participle gewriton 2x (656, 963), sprecon 2x (675, 963), and tobrocon 1x (963); -e for -um in þisse 1x (656). (iii) First Continuation: The falling together of the back vowels with the front vowels is, as in the Peterborough Interpolations, clearly attested. Again late West Saxon accounts for some of the relevant spellings: (a) the interchange of certain suffixes is seen in hunger 1x (1125) (beside hungor 1x (1124)). In general the e spelling is preferred, as in broðer 4x (no instances of -or) and dohter 5x (no instances of -or). (b) the reduction of vowels in medial unstressed syllables is seen in adylege 1x (1130); hennefugeles 1x (1131); Monendæig 1x (1129), Moneniht 1x (1131); munec- 12x; ricceste 1x (1129); Sunendæi(es) 2x; preterites of class II weak verbs such as gisleden 1x (1129), halgede 1x (1130), and wunede 1x (1127). The past participle form gewunded 1x (1128) may result from analogy with the preterite form. The more advanced falling together of all unstressed vowels, consistent with the transition to early Middle English, is seen in the following examples: -a for -e in nefra 1x (1129) and in present singular singað 1x (1127); -e for -a in feole/feale 4x, the noun pape 6x, and the genitive plural cxxvi

INTRODUCTION

form manne 2x; -es for -as in nominative and accusative plural forms such as biscopes 7x and gersumes 2x; -an for -en in past participle forms such as ongunnan 1x (1122) and underfangan 2x; -en for -an in betweonen/ betwenen 3x, toforen 6x, and wiðinnen 1x (1127), and in the weak noun luuen 2x, and in infinitives such as acwencen 1x (1122), cumen 6x, and understanden 2x; -en for -on in numerous preterite plural forms such as comen 4x and sungen 2x; o for e in beræfoð (present singular) 1x (1124), forloron (past participle) 1x (1131), and þaræftor 1x (1127).

Consonants 1. Interchange of d, ð, and t The use of d for ð occurs sporadically throughout the scribe’s copying. There are also some instances of ð for d (although this is less common). Occasionally t occurs for d or ð.91 The scribe’s usage in the various sections is exemplified here. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations): d for ð: ædelne 1x (501); da 1x (885); fultumiad 1x (Pref); madman 1x (1110), madmas 1x (1006), madmehus 1x (1086); nemnad 1x (565); odde 1x (1102); odre 2x (1086, 1120); restad 1x (721); seonod 1x (782); sudan 2x (1012, 1013); weard (preterite singular) 1x (1048). ð for d: hamwearð 1x (885) (beside hamweard 4x); hæftneðe 3x; geæðstaþelede 1x (1092). t for d or ð: gemunet 1x (1099); Ostryðe 1x (697). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations: d for ð: cwæd 2x (656), cwed 1x (963), cwede 1x (963); fordi 1x (963); haued 1x (675); odðre 1x (1107); tyde 1x (656). t for ð: breket (present singular) 1x (675); Ostriðe 1x (675); tobreket (present singular) 1x (675). (iii) First Continuation: d for ð: ladlice 2x (1127). ð for d: wiðcwæðen 2x (1123). 2. Loss of final d Loss of final d is seen in the annals up to 1121 in the form an 1x (1120). A similar form appears in the F-text of the Chronicle in the annal for 806.92 The 91

See Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §§200–8, for the early Middle English sound changes reflected by these spellings. 92 Baker, MS. F, p. xc (§134).

cxxvii

MS. E

form forferde 3x (101, 772, 797) may represent the loss of d because of the interchange of ð and d (see above). 3. Intrusive d after n in unstressed syllables This occurs only rarely: in the annals up to 1121 appears the form foresprecenda 1x (1010); in the Peterborough Interpolations appears the form seoueðende 1x (656). 4. Late development of g Some features of the late West Saxon and early Middle English development of g are clearly represented throughout the first scribe’s language. The use of i or ig for Old English g (the palatal spirant [j]) at the end of syllables is one such feature.93 This occurs throughout but is more fully represented in the Peterborough Interpolations and the First Continuation annals than in the Chronicle annals up to 1121. Thus, for example, in the annals up to 1121, the forms dæi and mæssedæi occur once each (992 and 972 respectively), beside dæg(-) 42x and mæssedæg(e) 14x; in the Peterborough Interpolations, dæi occurs 11x and læi 3x, beside dæg 2x and læg 1x (1013); in the First Continuation annals, we find dæi 6x, deig 1x (1123), dæies 10x, dæiges 1x (1123), dæirime 1x (1122), messedæi 2x, messedæig 1x (1125), Sunendæi 1x (1122), beside dæges 3x. The loss of Old English g (the palatal spirant [j]) after æ, e, or i and before d, ð, or n94 is also occasionally attested in the scribe’s language. Thus in the annals up to 1121 the form sædan, for example, occurs 4x, beside sægdon 6x. In the Peterborough Interpolations the form sæde occurs once (1066), beside sægde/-on 2x (1070), sæide 1x (963). In the First Continuation annals the forms sæde and sæden occur once each (both in 1123), beside sæide 3x and sæidon 3x. The loss of Old English g (the palatal spirant [j]) in the ending -ig95 occurs sporadically in the scribe’s language, for example in the Peterborough Interpolations in the forms ani 2x (656, 675), æni 1x (656), and twenti 2x (675, 1070), and in the First Continuation annals in æni 1x (1124), feowerti 1x (1124), halidom 1x (1131), heui 1x (1124), peni 1x (1125), and twenti 3x. 5. Loss of h in syllable-initial groups The loss of h in hl, hn, and hr, apparently already silent about 1000,96 is well attested throughout the scribe’s language. In the annals up to 1121 the 93 94 95 96

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §269; Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §190. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §243; Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §191. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §267; Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §190. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §195.

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INTRODUCTION

following distributions occur: lammæssan 1x (beside hlamm- 2x); raðe 8x, raðor 2x (beside hraðe 4x, hraðost 1x (755)); rædlice 1x (1085a), rædlicost 1x (1006) (beside hrædlice 2x, hredlice 1x (876)); Rofe(s)ce(a)stre 6x (beside Hrofe- 13x). In the Peterborough Interpolations the forms lauerdes 1x (675), læfdige 1x (1013), luddor 1x (656), and Rofecæstre /-cestre 3x (beside Hrofeceastre 1x (1114)) show omitted initial h. In the First Continuation annals the forms laferd 1x (1123), laford 1x (1124), radlice 1x (1127), reilþein 1x (1131) (for Old English hræglþegn), and Roueceastre 4x, show omitted initial h. The inverted spelling huðe (for preterite singular uðe) appears in the Peterborough Interpolations annal for 656. 6. Change of m to n in unstressed syllables This change, already well established in late Old English,97 is frequently attested throughout the scribe’s language: (in the annals up to 1121) dagan (-an for -um) 3x, munecan (-an for -um) 2x, wundan (-an for -um) 1x (1119); (in the Peterborough Interpolations) þan for þam 2x.98 7. Loss of n in unstressed syllables The loss of n in unstressed syllables is common and can be linked with the changes in morphology associated with the transition to Middle English.99 In the annals up to 1121, the loss can be exemplified by ciniges 1x (755), me (for man) 2x, mid(d)ewinter (and oblique case forms) 10x (beside middanwintra(n) 5x), suðewearde 1x (Pref). Examples of the loss of n in the Peterborough Interpolations are the infinitive forms segge (675) and gife (852a), the present subjunctive plural forms getiðe (656) and write (656), and middewarde 1x (1070). Examples in the First Continuation are the weak feminine accusative singular adjective form swarte (for swartan) (1122) and me (for man) 1x (1124). 8. The combinations ng and nc These have apparently become interchangeable, as suggested by the following forms: (in the annals up to 1121) Deorlingc 1x (1016), Frangland 3x (beside Francland 2x), geswincg 1x (1009) (beside geswinc(-) 6x), þingc 1x (1097), and Þingcferþing 1x (755) (beside þing(-) 37x); (in the First Continuation) swengt 1x (1128) (beside suencten 1x (1137) in the Final Continuation). An example of a reverse spelling is found in Ceawling 2x.

97 98 99

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §378. See also pp. cxxiv–cxxv above. See pp. cxxxix–cliii below.

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9. Loss of r in sprecan The scribe fluctuates between sprecan and its late Old English form specan:100 specað 1x (1086), spec 1x (1046b); spræc(on) 5x, sprec(on) 7x, spreac 1x (1131). In the First Continuation form s\r/precende (1123), the scribe has attempted to restore r to specende but has inserted it in an incorrect position. 10. Simplification of double consonants Double consonants are occasionally simplified, for example: (in the annals up to 1121) midewinter/-ra/-re 8x (beside middewintres 2x, middanwintra(n) 5x); (in the Peterborough Interpolations) wircene (inflected infinitive) 1x (656); (in the First Continuation) Sunendæies 1x (1127). An example of a reverse spelling (presumably an orthographical error) is unnþances 1x (1055). 11. Metathesis of consonants Late Old English metathesis by which rht becomes r-ht with the vowel after the r101 is common in the annals up to 1121 (wroht- 6x, beside worht- 5x, and numerous instances of proper names Briht(-) and -briht(-)), and in the Peterborough Interpolations (wroht(en) 3x (654, 675, 963), and some proper names such as Brihtnoþ 2x (963) and Cuðbriht 2x (777)). The forms renneð 1x (656) and reonneð 1x (963) in the Peterborough Interpolations may attest to the removal of Old English metathesis as the result of Norse influence.102 12. Assimilation The examples of assimilation cited here correspond to forms available in late Old English, and also conform to early Middle English developments:103 (in entries up to 1121) cydde 5x, cyddon 1x (1094), kydde 1x (1064), stent 1x (1009); (in the Peterborough Interpolations) cydde 2x (675, 1070), halt (present singular) 1x (675), hælt (present singular) 1x (656), sæt (present singular) 1x (963); (in the First Continuation) wimmen 1x (1123).

100 101 102 103

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §475. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §459. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §165. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §§481 and 484; Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §§204 and 216.

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INTRODUCTION

Hand 2 Short vowels in stressed or partly stressed syllables 1. Old English a, including before nasals Before nasals, the spelling a is regularly used, for example, lang(-) 3x, mani5x, land(-) 21x, fra(m) 3x. This is characteristic both of late West Saxon and of northern and North-east Midland dialects in the twelfth century.104 The word oc 9x (for Old English ac) is a Norse form.105 2. West Saxon æ This is spelled æ, e, or a. The increase of a spellings from Hand 1 is presumably associated with the Middle English lowering of æ to a.106 Examples of variant spellings and distributions: æfter 1x (1140), efter 5x, herefter 1x (1135), þærefter 1x (1140), þerefter 7x; æt 6x, at 7x; æuez 1x (1138) [from Old English æfæst ‘law-fast’, trusty]; bar 1x (1137); dæi 8x, dei 1x (1135); hæfden 1x (1140), hefden 2x, hadden 3x; mæssedæi 1x (1137), messedei 1x (1132), massedæi 1x (1135); wæs 10x, wes 6x, was 32x. 3. West Saxon e The spelling e is commonly retained, with occasional spellings of æ: wæl 2x (1137, 1154) (beside wel 1x (1137), welneh 1x (1132)). 4. Late West Saxon i/y (from earlier i) The unrounding of y to i, which appeared initially in the North-east Midlands and the North,107 is more frequently attested than in Hand 1. Spellings with y occur as a variant in some words: cyrce(-) 3x (beside circe(-) 3x); mycel 1x (1137) (beside micel(-) 20x); sythen 2x (1137) (beside sithen 2x (1140), siððan 1x (1135)). 5. Late West Saxon i/y (from early West Saxon ie) (a) i/y from original e after a palatal (e>ie>i/y) Forms with i and y occur, for example, gyuen (infinitive) 2x, iiuen (infinitive) 2x.108 There are also some instances of non-West Saxon e (or æ) spellings: 104 105 106 107 108

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §130; Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §30. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. lxix. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §32. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §§36 and 41. See Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §79 remark 1, for discussion of the verb giuen.

cxxxi

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bigæton (infinitive) 1x (1140); gæildes 1x (1137); gestes 1x (1137); get 1x (1137), gæt 1x (1137). (b) i/y from i-mutation of ea (ea>ie>i/y) Again forms with i and y occur, for example, myhte(-) 3x, mihte 2x (and muhten 1x (1140)); niht(es) 3x. Non-West Saxon spellings are seen in forms with r + consonant:109 ferd 2x (1140), færd 2x (1138, 1140), feord 1x (1140). 6. West Saxon y from i-mutation of u The unrounding of y to i, characteristic of the North-east Midlands and the North,110 is now consistently attested: king(-) 54x, dide(-) 26x, sinnes 1x (1137). 7. West Saxon ea (a) Breaking of æ before l + consonant Both æ and a spellings occur. This combination suggests not the failure of breaking but the early Middle English monophthongisation of ea to æ followed by the movement to a from 1100 onwards.111 Examples of forms with æ: ælle 1x (1137); manifældlice 1x (1137); stæl 1x (1140). Examples of forms with a: ald 1x (1135); alle 15x, alre 1x (1135), als(e) 5x, alsua 1x (1154), alsuic 1x (1137); halden 3x; half 1x (1137); hals 1x (1137); stal 1x (1140) (and proper names Aldewingle and Balduin). (b) Breaking of æ before [χ] The form fleh 3x (1140) (compare fleah 2x in the entries up to 1121) may represent late West Saxon smoothing; it may also be a Normanized twelfthcentury spelling for the monophthongisation of ea to æ.112 (c) Breaking of æ before r + consonant The monophthongisation of the broken ea to æ is attested in cyrceiærd 1x (1137), wærd 3x, and winiærd 1x (1137). The spelling a occurs, consistent with the transition to Middle English, in forewarde 1x (1140), foruuardes 1x (1140), nowiderwardes 1x (1137), uuard 1x (1135), ward 2x, wart 1x (1140), warth 1x (1135).

109 110 111 112

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §193(a). Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §§39 and 41. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §61. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §32.

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INTRODUCTION

(d) ea by palatal diphthongisation The monophthongisation of ea is seen in the forms begæt 2x (1137) and scærp(e) 2x (1137), and in the proper names Cæstre 1x (1140), Wincestre 3x, Gloucestre 3x, and Execestre 1x (1135). It may attest to late West Saxon smoothing or to the Normanized twelfth-century spelling for the monophthongisation of ea to æ. The form iaf 6x attests to the transition of æ to a which occurred after 1100.113 8. West Saxon eo Occasional spellings with e attest to the East Midland and northern unrounding of eo to e in the course of the twelfth century:114 clepeden 1x (1137); erthe 1x (1137); sterres 1x (1135). The curious spelling æorl in 1140 is presumably due to orthographic confusion of æ and e. The form scort 1x (1137) may be a Mercian or Kentish spelling,115 or represent the disappearance of the glide sound in Middle English.116 Spellings with wur- for early West Saxon weor- are characteristic both of late West Saxon and of Middle English wur- in the South and Midlands (contrasting with wor- in the North):117 wurscipe 1x (1132), wurthen 1x (1140), wurtscipe 4x, wurðe 1x (1135). As with similar spellings earlier in the manuscript, the forms weorkes 1x (1137) and castelweorces 1x (1137) may be hypercorrections by a non-West Saxon scribe. This word, however, may have undergone a different development.118 The late West Saxon syl- (from earlier sel-) is spelled by the scribe with æ in the word heomsælf 1x (1154). The Anglian form sculde(st) is used 14x (there are no instances of sceold- or scold-).

Long vowels and diphthongs in stressed syllables 1. West Saxon a Whereas this is consistently spelled a by the first scribe, the Final Continuation occasionally has spellings with o, indicating a neutralising to [ɔ:] in the scribe’s language: onne 1x (1137) (an is common but anne/ænne is not used); 113 114 115 116 117 118

Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §58. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §65. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §183. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §80. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §66. Hogg, A Grammar of Old English, §5.30; Campbell, Old English Grammar, §227 n. 2. Compare the similar spellings (cited on p. cxvii above) in the entries up to 1121.

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nammor(e) 2x (1132, 1137) (beside mar(e) 7x); nowiderwardes 1x (1137).119 Clark notes that ‘the restricted scope of the change here seems dialectally appropriate’.120 2. West Saxon æ Here the scribe’s practice is very similar to that of the first scribe. The spelling æ is predominantly used, but there are some spellings with e which may attest to the transitional nature of the scribe’s language and dialectal influence. æ1 (West Germanic a) Occasional spellings with e may, as in the usage of the first scribe (see pp. cxviii–cxix), suggest Kentish influence, or the confusion of the symbols e and æ affecting long as well as short vowels, or various combinative changes: leten 1x (1140); red 1x (1140) (beside ræd 1x (1140)); slepen 1x (1137); ther 1x (1137), þer 3x (beside þær 2x). The latter also appears spelled with a in þar(e) 5x, thare 1x (1137), þarinne 1x (1137), þarof 1x (1137), tharof 1x (1137), and þarto 1x (1137): this spelling is already a variant in late West Saxon.121 The West Saxon spelling of West Germanic a as a where a back vowel (here levelled to e) follows a single consonant122 is found in drapen (preterite plural) 2x (1137) and forbaren (preterite plural) 2x (1137). Other forms with a, for example nadres 1x (1137), represent the shortened Old English æ.123 æ2 (West Germanic ai with i-mutation) A higher proportion of e spellings occur for æ1 than for æ2 (though æ is still the prevailing spelling). The e spellings may suggest Kentish influence but are not necessarily exclusively Kentish:124 beteht (past participle) 1x (1138); del 1x (1137); flec (for flesc) 1x (1137); hethen 1x (1137); lered 1x (1137); manred 2x (1137, 1140); neure 4x (beside næure 3x, æfre 1x (1140), æuert 1x (1140), æure 3x); todeld 1x (1137), todeled 1x (1140) (beside todælde 1x (1140)). The form ani occurs once (1137).125

119 120 121 122 123 124 125

For the geographical distribution of this neutralizing in the early Middle English period, see Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §44 remark 1. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. lxv. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §678. Campbell, Old English Grammar, §162. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §32. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §48; Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. xlix–l. On the form ani 1x (1137), see Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §48 remark 3.

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INTRODUCTION

3. West Saxon e The spelling e is normally retained. As with the first scribe, occasional instances of æ and of eo occur. The æ spellings may reflect Kentish or Mercian provenance or the falling together of [e:] and [æ:]: hær (beside her(e) 4x); læt (beside let 1x (1140)). The eo spellings may reflect labial rounding or may be inverted spellings due to orthographic conservatism: feorde(n) 3x, fordfeorde 1x (1140) (beside ferde(n) 9x). The form tegædere 1x (1137) (beside togædere 1x (1135)) is probably to be ascribed to scribal error. 4. West Saxon i The spelling i is commonly used, but some words are spelled also with y: suythe/suyðe 6x (beside suithe/suiðe 3x). 5. West Saxon y/i (from early West Saxon ie) As with the first scribe, there are occasional non-West Saxon spellings. For the i-mutation of ea, non-West Saxon e appears: flemden 1x (1138); herde 1x (1140). For io from Prim. Gmc. iu (subject to i-mutation in West Saxon only), non-West Saxon e, æ, or eo appears: dære 1x (1137); neuuæ 1x (1137); treuthe(s) 2x (1137, 1140), treothes 1x (1137); þestrede 2x (1135, 1140), þestre 1x (1135); underþeden 1x (1132). 6. West Saxon y (i-mutation of u) As with the first scribe, the word litel 3x is spelled with i (in the Final Continuation there are no examples with y spelling for this word); this spelling is also found in late West Saxon and may be explained by shortening since variation is more common in short i/y. 7. West Saxon ea The monophthongisation of ea is seen in spellings with æ and e: ded 6x; forles 1x (1140); hæued 1x (1137), hefed 1x (1137); rachenteges 1x (1137); ræflac 1x (1135); ræueres 1x (1137); ræuede(n) 3x; reuede 1x (1140). Forms such as agænes 2x, agenes 5x, gær(e) 8x, and undergæton 1x (1137) (beside gear 1x (1132)), heglice 1x (1137), hehlice 1x (1154), and welneh 1x (1132)) may reflect late West Saxon smoothing or Kentish influence. There are occasional curious spellings with eo for ea: beom 1x (1137); eom 1x (1137). Jordan notes that Old English southern Northumbrian forms of this type ‘have left behind no trace of a special ME development’.126 126

Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §81 remark 3.

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8. West Saxon eo As with the first scribe, there are signs in the Final Continuation of the unrounding of eo (for [ø]) to e which occurred during the twelfth century in the East Midlands and North:127 ben (infinitive) 5x; dær 1x (1135); frend 1x (1135) (beside freond 2x (1140)); gæde 1x (1137), iæde 1x (1140), ieden 1x (1137); held(-) 5x (beside heold(-) 7x); thre 2x (1135, 1137); undep 1x (1137).

Vowels of unstressed syllables 1. Falling together of unstressed back vowels Although it is clear that, consistent with the transition to early Middle English, the back vowels have generally coalesced with the front vowels into the sound [ə], often written e (see below), there are nevertheless some spellings of back vowels which attest to the late West Saxon falling together of back vowels. Unstressed o for u appears in ouer sithon 1x (1137). Unstressed o for a appears in the infinitives bæron 1x (1137) and bigæton 1x (1140). Unstressed a for o appears in the preterite plural forms coman 1x (1137) and tocan 1x (1135). 2. Falling together of all unstressed vowels The unstressed back and front vowels have fallen together into the sound [ə], generally written e. Unstressed front vowels are hardly ever spelled with a back vowel, but unstressed back vowels are frequently spelled with e. To some extent the changes represent a more pronounced form of late West Saxon, and also attest to a more advanced stage in relation to these changes than Hand 1 of the manuscript. Hence, for example, where certain suffixes interchanged in late West Saxon, there are no -or spellings for words such as brother 3x, dohter 1x (1140), and hungær 3x. The vowels of medial unstressed syllables are regularly reduced, for example in midewintre 1x (1135), and in preterites of class II weak verbs such as clepeden 1x (1137), makede 7x, pineden 1x (1137). Past participles of such verbs with -ed for -od, such as maked 2x, ofwundred 1x (1140), pined 2x, may result from analogy with the preterite forms. In other ways, the falling together of the unstressed vowels shows the language to be moving beyond late West Saxon into early Middle English. The following spellings of unstressed syllables show the advanced stage of this falling together: -e for -a in sone 4x; -es for -as commonly occurs in the nominative and accusative plural, as in muneces 3x; -en for -an occurs in 127

Campbell, Old English Grammar, §329.2; Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §84.

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halechen (weak noun nominative plural) 1x (1137) and also frequently in infinitives, as in underþeden 1x (1132) and uuerrien 1x (1135), and also in beforen 2x and widuten 1x (1140); -en for -on occurs frequently in the preterite plural, as in namen 6x and sæden 2x, and also in enmang 1x (1135); o for e is rare but occurs in the past participle begunnon 1x (1154); -æ as an unstressed vowel appears in bletcæd (past participle) 1x (1154), flugæn (preterite plural) 2x, forcursæd (past participle) 1x (1137), and neuuæ (accusative singular) 1x (1137); i as an unstressed vowel occurs in stali (preterite plural) 1x (1140). The loss of vowels altogether in unstressed syllables is seen most blatantly in the omission of -e or -on at the end of preterite singular or plural forms of weak verbs, as in henged (preterite singular) in 1137, macod (preterite singular) in 1137, and pined (preterite plural) in 1137 (see also pp. clvi–clvii below). A similar type of omission is found in MS. F.128 This is to be linked to the decline in the use of distinctive inflections which is characteristic not only of the second scribe of this manuscript but also of the transition to Middle English more generally.

Consonants 1. Interchange of d, ð, and t The use of d for ð occurs quite often in this scribe’s copying, as in the following examples: fordfeorde 1x (1140); haued (present singular) 1x (1154); ward (preterite singular) 2x, uuard 1x (1135), wærd 3x; wid 2x, wyd 2x, widuten 1x (1140). Occasionally t appears for d or ð: maket (present singular) 1x (1137); wart (preterite singular) 1x (1140). 2. Loss of final d Final d is lost occasionally in this scribe’s language: an 1x (1135); þusen 1x (1137). 3. Late development of g Features of the development of g consistent with late West Saxon and early Middle English development are attested in the hand of the second scribe. These features are similar to those of the first scribe but more pronounced. At the end of syllables i regularly appears for Old English g (the palatal spirant [ j]): dæi 8x, dei 1x (1135), Fridæi 1x (1137), middæi 1x (1135), massedæi 1x (1135), mæssedæi 1x (1137), messedei 1x (1132); lai 1x (1135); mai 1x (1137). After æ, e, or i, and before d, ð, or n, g is regularly lost, for example,

128

Baker, MS. F, p. lxxxix (§132).

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sæde 1x (1140), sæden 2x. In the ending -ig, g is regularly lost: ani 1x (1137); hali 1x (1137), halidom 1x (1140); mani 3x, manifældlice 1x (1137). Some curious ch and gh spellings occur for Old English g; see p. cvi above. 4. Loss of h in syllable-initial groups H is regularly lost before l, r, and w, as can be seen in the following examples: Lammasse 1x (1135); lauerd 2x; refen 1x (1137); Rouecestre 1x (1140); wua sua 1x (1135) (for hwa swa); war sæ 1x (1137), ware se 1x (1140) (for hwær swa); wat 1x (1137); wile 4x (for hwile). Initial h is also lost in adde 1x (1138) (beside hadde 2x, hedde 1x (1140)). 5. Loss of l before palatal c ([
]) This early Middle English change129 is rarely attested in the scribe’s language. It is found, however, in the form æuric 3x (for æfre-ælc) (beside ælc 1x (1137)). 6. Loss of n in unstressed syllables This change, associated with the transition to Middle English, is attested in forms such as midewintre 1x (1135), midwintre 1x (1154), and o 1x (1137) (for on).130 7. Loss of r in sprecan The only relevant instance shows the late Old English loss of r: spac (1140). 8. Simplification of double consonants Double consonants are occasionally simplified, for example in midewintre 1x (1135), rachenteges 1x (1137) (from Old English racentteah). There are some instances of doubling of consonants which may indicate lengthening: fuhtten 1x (1140) (beside fuhten 2x); lundenissce 1x (1140) (beside lundenisce 1x (1135)); þemperrice 1x (1140) (beside þemperice 2x (1140), Emperice 2x (1140)). 9. Metathesis of consonants Late Old English metathesis of rht to r-ht occurs in wrohte 1x (1137). The removal of Old English metathesis as the result of Norse influence may be attested in the forms brenden/-on 2x (1137).131 129 130 131

Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §167. See also p. cxxxvi above. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §165.

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10. Assimilation Assimilation is seen in preterite forms of habban: hadde 2x (1137), adde 1x (1138), hadden 3x (1137) (beside hæfden 1x (1140), hefde 1x (1140), hefden 2x (1137)).132 The definite article form te results from the assimilation of the þ of the definite article to a preceding t or d.133 The form te occurs in the following contexts: æt te 2x, & te 27x, mid te 2x, þat te 1x (1132), ðat te 2x. Assimilation of the definite article with a following word beginning with a vowel occurs in þabbot 1x (1154), þabbotrice 1x (1137), and þemper(r)ice 3x.

MORPHOLOGY

Hand 1 The morphology of Hand 1 of the E-text essentially conforms to the morphology of late West Saxon. There are signs, however, that the changes in the morphological system characteristic of the transition to early Middle English are under way in the scribe’s dialect. In many cases these changes are associated with the levelling developments in unstressed syllables discussed above. The scribe seems to have copied fairly faithfully the morphology of the exemplar or exemplars used for these entries, since morphological practices vary according to the different sections of the scribe’s writing.

Nouns and adjectives The following variant spellings conform to the levelling developments of vowels in unstressed syllables (for examples see the section on unstressed syllables at pp. cxxiv–cxxvii above): strong noun genitive singular -as for -es; strong noun dative singular and genitive plural -a for -e; strong noun nominative and accusative plural -es for -as; strong noun and adjective -a and -e for -u; strong adjective dative singular -an and -on for -um, strong and weak noun and adjective dative plural -an and -on for -um; oblique cases of weak nouns -en and -on for -an; masculine nominative singular of weak adjective -e for -a. These spellings occur sporadically throughout the scribe’s language but are more extensively attested in the Peterborough Interpolations and First Continuation than in the entries up to 1121.

132 133

Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §216. Jordan, Handbook of Middle English Grammar, §204.

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Other variations from late West Saxon which occur are examined here section by section. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations) (a) Final n is sometimes omitted in the oblique cases of weak adjectives, and in most cases the inflection is reduced to -e, for example, ða hæðene ciningas (871), þa wise menn (1052), for his mycele strengþe (1086). Occasionally -a is found (probably as a result of -a for -e spelling), for example in þære goda cwæne (1100). Final n is also omitted sometimes in the dative singular of strong adjectives and the dative plural of weak and strong nouns and adjectives (where -um was becoming -an/-on), and then reduced to -e, for example, mycele wærede (neuter dative singular) (823), on twam healfe (1009), æfter læwede mannum (1083). Occasionally -a is found (probably again as a result of -a for -e spelling), for example, horsa in mid hira horsa (1016) and manna in mid þæs cynges Heanriges manna (1100). Other inflections are occasionally reduced to -e, for example, genitive singular -es appears as -e in cininge (852b), feminine dative singular adjective -re appears as -e in on ælce healfe (1009). (b) The historical Old English inflection is occasionally omitted altogether; hence, for example, -e is omitted in stow (dative singular) (456), to cining (785), to þam cyning (1009), þære fyrding (genitive singular) (1016), on ægðer halfe (accusative singular) (1048), manig men (nominative plural) (1089), -es is omitted in Eadmund (genitive singular) (975), and -re is omitted in mid mycel unsibbe (887). (c) The inflection -e (or equivalent abbreviation) is sometimes added to an historically endingless form, for example, se fyrdinge (1006), scyre (nominative singular) (1064), hlaforde (accusative singular) (1086), menne (accusative plural) (1094). (d) The masculine plural inflection -as (spelled -es) is occasionally extended to the plural of nouns which did not have this inflection in Old English, for example, huses (nominative plural) (1117). An isolated confusion of genre is unlikely to account for this form since the Peterborough Interpolations and First Continuation contain other examples of such levelling. (e) The noun scip exemplifies the wide variety of inflections. In the nominative and accusative plural the forms scipa, scipo and scipu are all found, as are scipan, scipon, and scipum in the dative plural. The variety can be exemplified by the inflections used in the phrase to . . . scip(-) where scip(-) is plural in sense and might be either accusative or dative in case since to is used to govern both. The following spellings occur: to (his) scipon 12x, to scipan 2x, to scipa 1x (997), to scipu 1x (1004), to heora scipum 1x (885). (f) Some confusion of weak and strong nouns is evident in the occasional cxl

INTRODUCTION

appearance of weak forms for Old English strong forms, as the following examples show: duran (accusative plural) (1085a) (beside dura in the same entry); sciran (nominative plural) (1097); sunan (nominative and accusative plural) (501, 1069, 1086, 1087); syðan (dative singular) (1048); þeodan (accusative singular) (1097) (accusative and genitive plural) (1096). (g) The historical gender of nouns is occasionally not maintained. Thus, for example, feminine nouns are apparently treated as masculine in se fyrd (1016) and mid mycclum fyrde (1079), and also in to ælcen cyrcean (1086), on þisne þeodan (1097), and innon þam sciran (1097). It is likely that such forms represent the priority of case marking over gender.134 (h) Occasionally hypercorrections may have been introduced, for example, æfter þam gehorsedum here (877) (strong adjective dative singular -um for weak form -an). Scribal error probably accounts for otherwise unexplained inflections, such as þrittigum sum (878) and healdes in to healdes ealles Englelandes (1036). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations (a) The dative case is becoming obsolete. After prepositions dative inflections are less common than in the entries up to 1121; the effect is evident in phrases like mid land & mid huses (656). The frequent difficulty in identifying the case after a preposition can be exemplified in the phrases buton to þa munecan ane (656) where þa suggests accusative plural, munecan suggests dative plural, and ane could be either (reduced to -e), and toforen ealle his ðægna (656) where the inflections might suggest dative plural (reduced forms of -um) or accusative plural (with -as reduced to -a). Various examples show that it is not only after prepositions that the dative case was disappearing: betahten hit þa an munec (654), leaf eall folc (1066), se cyng heafde gifen þet abbotrice an frencisce abbot (1070), geaf se cyng þone abbotrice an munec (1114). (b) Final n is sometimes omitted in the oblique cases of weak nouns and adjectives, for example in nama (accusative singular) (654) and grundwalla (accusative singular) (654). In adjectives the inflection is normally reduced to -e, for example in to þe rihte æ (656). A tendency to reduce inflections generally to -e can be seen in, for example, accusative plural -e for -as in þægne (656) and genitive plural -e for -ra and -a respectively in mine worde (656). The spelling -a for reduced -e (from -as) may be seen in utlaga (nominative plural) (1070) (beside utlagas and utlages in the same entry). (c) The historical Old English inflection is occasionally omitted altogether, 134

See Jones, ‘The Grammatical Category of Gender’. See also the section on demonstrative pronouns at pp. cxlv–cxlvi below.

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in both nouns and adjectives, for example in þurh his agen cwen (656), be al his gewiten ræd læred & lawed (656), witnes (nominative plural) (656), be nam (656), þurh heora gemelest (1070). (d) The inflection -e (or equivalent abbreviation) is sometimes added to an historically endingless form, for example in Gode (accusative singular) (656), betwix þas worde (656) (assuming that betwix is governing the accusative here), griðe (accusative singular) (1070). Prepositional phrases such as æfter þone abbode (656) and on þone tuna (1114) may show added -e on the nouns if þone represents the Old English masculine accusative singular form here. (e) The masculine plural inflection -as (also spelled -es) is occasionally extended to the plural of nouns which did not have this inflection in Old English. This can be seen clearly in bokes (accusative plural) (1070), huses (accusative plural) (1070), and husas (nominative plural) (1116). It is also probable that mid huses (656) and of eall þa feonlandes (1070) show mid and of followed by the accusative case, although the link with the AB dialect ‘case 3’ where -es expresses the equivalent of the dative case after prepositions is interesting.135 (f) Strong nouns occasionally occur with inflections reminiscent of weak nouns, for example, roden (accusative plural) (1070, 1102) and calicen (accusative plural) (1102). (g) Some nouns seem not to be accorded their historical gender or to be uncharacteristically flexible in gender, for example, on þære mynstre (686) and in þone cyrce (1070). Such forms are likely to represent case marking rather than a change of gender.136 (h) Hypercorrections occur occasionally in the use of strong adjective inflections instead of weak forms, for example, be his halre life (1052) (where lif is apparently treated as feminine), þes ylces dæges (1114). (iii) First Continuation (a) The use of the dative case is minimal. The indirect object is often expressed by the accusative, relying on word order to make the sense clear, for example, he sæde þone kyng (1123), se king . . . beteahte hine siððon þone ærcebiscop (1125), and he gæf þone abbotrice of Burch an abbot (1127). Prepositions generally govern the accusative case rather than the dative, for example (with a plural noun) wið his agene men (1124), and (with

135

See d’Ardenne, Þe Liflade ant te Passiun of Seinte Iuliene, p. 205. See also my discussion in Old English Homilies from MS Bodley 343, p. lxxii. 136 See Jones, ‘The Grammatical Category of Gender’, and Jones, Grammatical Gender in English, chapter 4. See also pp. cxlvii–cxlix below, and Clark, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle’, pp. 112–13, and Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lix–lxiii.

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a singular noun) mid þone kyng (1129, 1131).137 In the singular, inflected forms with -e are not uncommon but, as Clark notes, these tend to be confined to certain words and phrases, mainly with monosyllabic stems.138 (b) The omission of n and reduction to -e in the oblique cases of weak adjectives are frequent, for example in to þa swarte nihte (1122), þeos ilce geares (1122) (where þeos is a spelling for þæs), on þa litle hwile (1124), on þe selue derfald (1127), and þes feorðe dæges (1130); it is also found in the oblique cases of weak nouns, for example in wið þone eorðe (1122) and on ane circe (1127). The masculine accusative plural inflection -as is reduced to -e in ræde (1130). (c) The historical Old English inflection is sometimes omitted altogether. In the oblique cases of feminine nouns final -e may not appear, either when the noun acts as the direct object, for example, eall weoruld (accusative singular) (1123) and eall þet lentedtid (accusative singular) (1127), or when it follows a preposition, for example, on an half (1123) and for sibreden (1127x2). In strong adjective forms the inflections may be omitted (particularly common with eal(l)), for example, ofer eal Englalande (1123), at an market (1124), eall digelnesse (feminine accusative singular) (1124), ðes oðer dæies (1131), eall Cristenes folces (genitive singular) (1131), and in ælc hyrne (1131), and the same is true of weak adjectives, for example, fram his an castel (1124), ðone riht hand (accusative with genitive function) (1125), and fram þon oðer pape (1129).139 (d) There are occasional instances of the addition of -e to an historically endingless form, for example in bærnende fir (neuter nominative singular) (1131). It is often difficult to identify the addition of -e because of the ambiguity of cases after prepositions; in tofor þone weofede (1127) and in þa tune (1127), for example, the -e on the nouns may be the vestige of the dative case, perhaps preserved particularly in set phrases.140 (e) The inflection -es is sometimes added to denote the plural of nouns which historically did not have this inflection, for example, mid strange geoldes (strong neuter accusative plural) (1124), brigges (strong feminine nominative plural) (1125), lagas (strong feminine accusative plural) (1125), on swarte bucces (weak masculine accusative plural) (1127), huntes (weak masculine accusative plural and nominative plural) (1127x2), wiles (strong neuter accusative plural) (1128), wifes (strong neuter accusative plural) (1129x3), bodlaces (strong neuter accusative plural) (1129), and papes (weak masculine nominative plural) (1129). (f) The inflection -es may also be used here for the genitive plural in of 137 138 139 140

See further my discussion of demonstrative pronouns at p. cl below. See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. liv. See also Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. lvii. See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. liv.

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earcedæcnes wifes & of preostes wifes (1129).141 It is possible, however, that this represents the preposition of followed by the accusative case. (g) Loss of historical gender is more extensive in the First Continuation than elsewhere in the scribe’s language. Historically neuter nouns are frequently treated as masculine, for example, þone godspel (accusative singular) (1122), se fir (nominative singular) (1122), and at anne market (1125); historically feminine nouns are frequently treated as masculine, for example, þes niht (genitive singular) (1122), þes cwenes (genitive singular) (1123), and amang þane messe (accusative singular) (1127).142 Some historically masculine or feminine nouns seem to be treated as neuter since they are preceded by þet/þæt; these forms may, as Clark notes, be attributable to an emphatic sense in the pronoun.143 (h) Hypercorrection occurs occasionally, as in the strong inflection on ilces in the phrase on þes ilces geares (passim). It is possible that the -e inflections added to nouns after prepositions may be attributed to hypercorrection, for example, to wife 4x, mid wrange (1124), and to biworde (1130), but such inflections may represent the vestiges of the dative case.

Pronouns The scribe’s use of pronouns clearly relies on the Old English system. There are some variations, however, particularly in the forms of the third person pronoun and of the demonstrative pronouns. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations) Personal pronouns The first and second person pronoun forms, where they are used, conform to the Old English ones. There is one spelling of wæ (1090) for the first person plural pronoun. The third person pronoun forms generally conform to the Old English ones. Only two forms are noteworthy: the feminine accusative singular form appears twice as hy (1048, 1099) and once as heo (1086) (the latter is probably based on the nominative form); the feminine dative singular form normally appears as hire but once as hyre (1093). There is more variety of spelling in the plural forms of the third person pronoun, as the following list of plural 141 142

See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lii–liii. See Clark, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle’, pp. 112–13, for further examples and discussion; on the likelihood that case marking rather than change of gender is responsible for such forms, see Jones, ‘The Grammatical Category of Gender’, and Jones, Grammatical Gender in English, chapter 4. 143 See Clark, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 8 n. 18, and The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lxi–lxii.

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forms shows (where examples are rare, references to relevant entries are given): Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative

hi, hy, hig, heo (not used in this context after the entry for 755), he (755) hi, hig (1064, 1083), hie (871) heora, hyra, heoran (1101, 1119), heore (979), hera (1090), hira (1016) heom, him

In the dative, it is more usual to find heom for the plural and him for the singular, but there are instances of him for the plural (for example in 565, 877, 997, and 1011). There are occasional usages of the dative form for the accusative function, for example in & he heom ealle to eadmodere hyrsumnesse gedyde (828) (where E has heom, D has him, A, B, and C have hi(e)). Demonstrative pronouns The table below shows the various forms of the simple demonstrative pronoun and definite article. Where there is more than one form, the first cited is the most common.

Accusative Genitive Dative

Singular Masculine Feminine se, seo, sæ (755), seo, þeo (1087), þe (in entries 1083–8) se (1016) þone, þæne, ðane (1048) þa, þe (892) þæs, þes þære þam, þan, þon þære, þere

Instrumental

þy

Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative

Plural (all genders) þa, þone (565) þa þara, þæra, þeora (449, 1086), ðera (1048, 1107), ðere (654) þam, þan

Nominative

Neuter þet, þæt þet, þæt þæs, þes þam, þan, þon, þonn (455)

þy, þi, þe (1120)

The levelling of initial s in the masculine and feminine nominative singular to the initial þ of other forms is characteristic of Middle English. The use of þe in the entries for 1083–8 is discussed by Clark and Millar.144 The different forms otherwise display the kinds of spelling variation that would be expected in vowels of unstressed syllables. There is some evidence that historical gender is not always maintained. 144

Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xxiii; Millar, ‘Some Patterns in the Non-Historical Demonstrative Usage’.

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Uses of seo with masculine nouns cannot be adduced here since seo is in these cases purely a spelling variation.145 The same may apply to se for seo in se fyrd (feminine nominative singular) (1016). The scribe elsewhere uses historically masculine or neuter inflections with this noun (for example, mid mycclum fyrde (1079)). The scribe also uses a masculine (or neuter) demonstrative pronoun before a feminine noun, for example in innon þam sciran (1097) (compare on þisne þeodan (1097)), and a neuter demonstrative pronoun before a masculine noun in þet mæste dæl (1086). It is likely that these are early indications of the priority of case marking over gender which becomes more extensive in later sections of the E-text.146 The forms of the compound (emphatic) demonstrative pronoun in general correspond to Old English usage, with a few noteworthy variants. The genitive singular appears twice as þeoses (1086 (masculine), 1100 (neuter)). The masculine and neuter dative singular appear in a myriad of forms, largely as a result of the levelling developments in unstressed syllables: þis(s)um, þys(s)um, þis(s)an, þysan, þison, þyson, þeosan 1x (1100). It is possible that þis is used for the dative singular in the phrase on þis ilcan geare used sporadically (alongside uses of the same phrase but with one of the dative forms listed above) in entries from 1039 onwards (and compare on þis land(e) in 1087 and 1102), but the preposition on governs the accusative and the dative interchangeably in the scribe’s language and these may represent accusative rather than dative forms of the pronoun. (ii) Peterborough Interpolations Personal pronouns The first and second pronoun forms again generally correspond to the Old English ones. Two exceptions should be noted: the second person nominative plural appears once as geo (656) (elsewhere as ge 5x); the second person genitive plural (possessive) appears only as iure (twice in 656), a Northumbrian spelling.147 The third person pronoun forms show further departures from standard Old English usage. The masculine nominative singular occurs twice as heo (654, 686) (elsewhere as he). The masculine genitive singular (possessive) occurs once before a plural noun as hise (1070) (elsewhere his). The nominative plural occurs once as hii (656) (elsewhere hi). The genitive plural occurs several times in two different forms which may imply distinct sources for the relevant entries: here (in 656 and 675) and heora (in 1070). In the dative 145 146

See Clark, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 111 n. 9. See further Jones, ‘The Grammatical Category of Gender’, and Jones, Grammatical Gender in English, chapter 4. 147 See Campbell, Old English Grammar, §702.

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the form him is used for the singular and heom for the plural. The most radical departure from Old English is the use of the dative form in some instances for the accusative function. Hence in the masculine singular both hine and him fulfil the accusative function. Hine is used twice, once as the direct object (seo kining hine luuede, 777) and once after the preposition wið (griðedon wið hine, 1070). Him (or hi) is used 43x; in many instances it follows a preposition where the dative function may persist, but in other instances it represents the direct object where one would expect the accusative case (for example, him luuede al þeode, 654; halgode him þa abbot, 963; & senden him þa to Ædgar, 1066; he sceolde him læden to Cantwarabyrig, 1114). In the plural, heom is used to fulfil the accusative function, as is clearly evident in instances where it represents the direct object (for example, & brohte heom to Burch, 963; and offrede heom eall Sancte Peter, 963). I found no instances of hi (or other spellings) representing the accusative plural. In the neuter singular the accusative function is always represented by hit; feminine forms of the third person pronoun are found only in hire, once representing the genitive singular (possessive) in mid hire broþer (1013) and once as the dative singular in mid hire for to þone mynstre (1013).148 Demonstrative pronouns The table below gives an indication of the variety of forms of the simple demonstrative pronoun and definite article. Where there is more than one form, the first cited is the most common. Other exceptional usages are discussed below. The instrumental case has disappeared. For the purposes of this table it is assumed that prepositions can govern either the accusative or dative case (though it is clear that the accusative is gradually becoming the predominant case).

Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative

Masculine se, seo, þa, þe þone, þe, þa þæs, þes, þeos (656) þam, þan, þon

Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative

þa, þe þa, þe þære —

Singular Feminine seo þa, þe, þone — þære

Neuter þet, þæt þet, þæt, þe þæs, þes þam, þan, þon

Plural (all genders)

148

See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lv–lvi, on the implications of the pronouns here and in the First Continuation for the evolution of modern English pronouns.

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MS. E

The use of the simple demonstrative pronoun in the Peterborough Interpolations is more confused than in the entries up to 1121. I will first examine examples where levelling and hypercorrection seem to have played a part, and then examples where gender seems to be significant. In the masculine nominative singular, levelling is evident in forms beginning with the analogical þ which occur sporadically: forms with þa include þa kyning (656) and þa densce biscop (1070); forms with þe include þe scyrbiscop (675) and þe arcebiscop (963). The forms þone in buton swa micel swa þone abbot wile (675) and in þet wæs þone hæcce (1070) may be the result of hypercorrection. In the masculine accusative singular, levelling is evident in the uses of þa and þe (alongside, most commonly, þone): þa dæi (656), þa tun (1070), þe kynehelm (1070) and (post-prepositionally) upp to þe stepel (1070) and on middewarde þe sæ (1070). More confusion is caused by an apparent attempt at some stage in transmission to over-compensate for the levelling.149 Hence the appearance of seo in the accusative as well as in the nominative: ic Agatho . . . grete wel seo wurðfulle Æþelred (675). After prepositions hypercorrection may also explain instances such as buton seo abbot (656), æt se king (963), to se cyng (963), and butan se Captelhus & se Slæpperne (1116). The use of nominative forms here, however, may be associated with the greater flexibility of case usage after prepositions. In the masculine genitive singular, levelling may be responsible for on þe cininges tune (777), while hypercorrection may account for be se ærcebiscopes ræd (656) and seo kyninges Æðelredes geornunge (675). In the feminine accusative singular after prepositions, levelling is seen in the forms þe (for þa) in to þe riht æ (656) and to þe halge rode (1070), and hypercorrection probably accounts for to seo forensprecone Norðburh (656). In the neuter accusative singular, levelling to þe (from þet/þæt) is seen in mid þe lerede folc (656), of þe selue mynstre (656), into þe mynstre (1070). In the plural, levelling of þa to þe in the nominative is seen in þe munecas (1114), and in the accusative in ealle þe þing (656). Some curious instances of hypercorrection are seen after prepositions in buton . . . se munuces (656) and of þone muneca (675). Some other non-Old English usages of the simple demonstrative pronoun are linked to apparent confusion of gender. The noun mynster is neuter in gender, but in the neuter nominative singular the forms se and seo occur with it (se mynstre 1070, seo mynstre 656); in the accusative singular there occurs seo mynstre (656) and þone mynstre (1070); after prepositions it attracts a variety of pronouns, giving a good indication of the flexibility of gender and case possible in the language here: of þe mynstre (656), to þet mynstre (675),

149

See also Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. lxi.

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INTRODUCTION

of þet mynstre (675), on þære minstre (686), of þere minstre (777), into þa mynstre (777), of þone minstre (963), to þære mynstre (963), into þe mynstre (963, 1070), abutan þone mynstre (963), to þone mynstre (963, 1066), into þet mynstre (1066), into þam mynstre (1070). Other examples where confusion of gender may affect the pronouns are: seo land (nominative singular) (777), þone cyrce (accusative singular) (1070), þa tun (accusative singular) (1070), on þere werce (656), on þa ece lif (656), on þære tuna (1114); case marking may, however, have taken priority over gender here.150 The forms of the compound (emphatic) demonstrative pronoun are also more erratic than in the entries up to 1121. The form þis is used for the nominative and accusative singular across all genders, with only occasional use of other forms, for example, ðes writ (neuter nominative singular) (656), ðas is se gife (feminine nominative singular) (656), and hit is litel þeos gife (feminine nominative singular) (656). After prepositions þis is common, but þisum is used 4x in the phrase on þisum ylcan geare (1069, 1102, 1103, 1116), and þisse is used once in of þisse liue (656). (The form þes in on þes oðer gear (963) is probably genitive singular of the simple demonstrative rather than a compound demonstrative form.) The form þas is used for the nominative and accusative plural (as in Old English). (iii) First Continuation Personal pronouns First and second person pronouns are rarely attested (there is one instance of ic in 1123, two of we in 1127, and one of ure in 1124). The third person pronoun shows similar developments to those evident in the Peterborough Interpolations, with some modifications. The masculine nominative singular is always he and never heo (which occurs twice in the Peterborough Interpolations). The use of hise for the masculine genitive singular (possessive) before nouns in the plural becomes more common (five instances as compared with one in the Peterborough Interpolations). There is also one use of hise before a neuter noun in the plural (hise write, 1123). The genitive plural usually appears as here, but there are two instances of heora in 1125. The use of the dative form for the accusative function is common in the masculine and feminine singular and in the plural. Thus both hine and him are used for the masculine accusative singular, hire (twice in 1127) for the feminine accusative singular, and hi (1125) and hem for the accusative plural. It should be noted that hem is a spelling not found in the Peterborough

150

For further examples and discussion, see Clark, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle’; for the possibility that such forms relate to case marking rather than gender change, see Jones, ‘The Grammatical Category of Gender’, and Jones, Grammatical Gender in English, chapter 4.

cil cxlix

MS. E

Interpolations (which consistently use heom in the accusative and dative plural); the First Continuation uses both hem and heom for the dative plural. The use of the dative form for the accusative function does not occur in the neuter where hit is consistently used.151 Demonstrative pronouns The use of the forms of the simple demonstrative pronoun and definite article in the First Continuation is similar to that in the Peterborough Interpolations but with a more extensive loss of differentiation between the various genders and cases. This is particularly noticeable in the increased rarity of distinctive dative forms; I found only three instances: to þam kyng (1123), to þam wolcne (1122), and (perhaps) fram þon oðer pape (1129) (although þon may be a spelling for þone since elsewhere fram is followed by þone (1126, 1129, 1130)). It is clear that after prepositions the form of the pronoun is variable. This can be exemplified by an examination of prepositions followed by a pronoun and a masculine singular noun. Here the Old English accusative form þone sometimes precedes the noun (for example, mid þone kyng (1129, 1131)); in several other instances þe is used (for example, mid þe cyng (1127), on þe selue derfald (1127)); elsewhere again we find þa (for example, on þa ilca tyma (1123), in þa tune (1127)); þet (which may already have an emphatic aspect) is found in on þet dæi (1122) and ofer þet wrecce stede (1128);152 finally (perhaps through hypercorrection) we have a number of instances with se (for example, wið se king (1124), þurh se Scotte kyng (1126), and of se eorl (1127)). Some variation is also found in the use of feminine and neuter demonstrative pronouns after prepositions (þa is most common with feminine nouns, þet/þæt with neuter ones); as with the Peterborough Interpolations case marking seems to have taken priority over gender in some unusual forms, for example, amang þane messe (1127) (where messe in Old English is feminine) and of þa mynstre (1131) (where mynster in Old English is neuter; elsewhere of þe mynstre occurs (1123)). A few other observations are noteworthy. The masculine nominative singular form is se, with only rare exceptions: once the spelling variation seo (seo ærcebiscop, 1122), once ða (ða flescmete,1131),153 and an occasional emphatic þet (þet corn, 1124). In the masculine and neuter genitive singular, the normal form is þes or þæs (spelled once as þeos (þeos ilce geares, 1122)), but once þa is used (ða eorles sunu, 1127) and once þone (þone eorles sunu, 1127). The form þære is now used (alongside þær) as the adverb ‘there’ and not as a form of the simple demonstrative pronoun. 151 152

See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lv–lvi, for further discussion of these pronouns. On the emphatic aspect of þet, see Clark, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 113 n. 18, and Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lxi–lxii. 153 Clark’s example (The Peterborough Chronicle, p. lviii) of þa drane in 1127 is in fact plural.

cl

INTRODUCTION

The forms of the compound (emphatic) demonstrative pronoun are similar to those found in the Peterborough Interpolations. The form þis has become virtually indeclinable, being used in the nominative and accusative singular across all genders and after prepositions. In the First Continuation, the form þis is also used for the genitive singular in the phrase ðis (ilces) geares (1129x2, 1130). Other forms which occur are þes for the nominative singular in þes unfrið (1124) and þes ilce Willelm (1127), þise in to ðise lande (1125), and þyssum in on þyssum geare (1123). Relative pronouns The changing usage of relative pronouns associated with early Middle English is already in evidence here. Both þa and þe are used after animate antecedents, whether singular or plural, and are also used after inanimate antecedents in the plural. The form þet is used after singular inanimate antecedents, and also occasionally after plural inanimates.154

Verbs The variant spellings of the verbal inflections conform in many respects to the levelling developments of vowels in unstressed syllables (for examples see pp. cxxiv–cxxvii above): infinitive -an appears also as -on and (less often) -en; present singular -eð appears also as -að; preterite singular -e appears also as -a; preterite plural -on appears also as -an and -en; past participle -en appears also as -an and -on; preterite singular and plural and past participle of class II weak verbs -od(-) appears also as -ad(-). Other significant variations from late West Saxon are noted here section by section. (i) Entries up to 1121 (excluding the Peterborough Interpolations) In the preterite singular, final e is occasionally omitted, for example, bodad (627), metsod (1006), and todæld (1017). The inflection -de is omitted in bebyrig (544). (ii) Peterborough Interpolations (a) In the infinitive, final n is occasionally omitted, for example, segge (675) and gife (852a). (b) In the third person present indicative singular, syncopation occurs with verbs whose stems end in a dental consonant, for example, hælt (656), halt 154

For further discussion, see McIntosh, ‘The Relative Pronouns Þe and Þat in Early Middle English’, pp. 75–6, and Kivimaa, ‘Þe’ and ‘Þat’ as Clause Connectives in Early Middle English, pp. 104–7.

cli

MS. E

(675), sæt (963). This is common in both Old and Middle English.155 The lack of syncopation otherwise suggests a non-West Saxon dialect.156 (c) In the present indicative plural, -an/-en is used alongside -ð, for example, louien (first person plural) (656), liggan and liggen (third person plural) (656) (beside liggeð (656, 675) and lin (963x2)). (d) In the present subjunctive plural, final n is occasionally omitted, for example, þet hii wirce (656), getiðe (second person) (656), write (second person) (656). (e) In the present participle, final e is occasionally omitted, for example, cwæðend (656). (f) Weak class II verbs sometimes lose the medial -i(g)-, showing forms characteristic of eastern and northern Middle English dialects.157 Hence there occur, for example, the infinitive forms arwurðen (656), wunen (656), locon (963), macen (963), hergon (1070), and blætson (1114), and the third person present subjunctive singular forms gemyltse (1066) and gemiltse (1070). Forms retaining -i(g)- are still attested, for example, first person present indicative singular feostnige (963), first person present indicative plural louien (656), and third person present subjunctive singular adylige (656) and wunie (1114). (iii) First Continuation (a) In the inflected infinitive, final e is occasionally omitted, for example, to begemen & to locen (1129). Final e is once added to an infinitive (after the auxiliary wolden) in done (1129), suggesting that the scribe may have had an inflected infinitive in mind. (b) In the third person indicative singular, mutation and syncopation are absent, and h is omitted in contracted verbs, indicating a non-West Saxon dialect,158 for example, ofercumeð (1123), ofslæð (1124), seoð (1124), seð (1124), beræfoð (1124), singað (1127), and dæleth (1130). As in the Peterborough Interpolations, the few syncopated forms that do occur are mainly from verbs whose stems end in a dental, for example læt (1124), and this syncopation was common throughout Old and Middle English. (c) In the present indicative plural, -en is used as well as -eð, for example, dragen (third person) (beside dragað) (1127), seggen (first person) (1127).159 (d) In the preterite indicative singular, the final e of a weak verb inflection is omitted in behofed (1131).160 155 156 157 158 159 160

See d’Ardenne, Þe Liflade ant te Passiun of Seinte Iuliene, p. 235. See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xlvii. See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xlviii. See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xlvii. Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. xlvii-xlviii, attributes this to an East Midland dialect. For similar forms, see Hand 2 below.

clii

INTRODUCTION

(e) In the preterite subjunctive singular, final e has been omitted (through elision) in wær it (1128). (f) In the preterite plural, the form ridone (1127) has an added e (perhaps through scribal error). In wære þær (1129), final n has been omitted (probably as a result of the following dental consonant). (g) In weak class II verbs, the medial -i(g)- is often lost, more consistently than in the Peterborough Interpolations. This feature is characteristic of eastern and northern dialects.161 Hence we find, for example, the infinitive forms beweddan (1127) and ðolen (1127) (beside tyþian (1123) and wunien (1128)), the inflected infinitive to locen (1129), and third person present subjunctive singular scawe (1127) and geare (1128) (beside adylege (1130)).

Hand 2 The morphology of Hand 2 of the E-text shows many of the same departures from late West Saxon that have been discussed for Hand 1. Hand 2, however, incorporates these departures far more extensively than Hand 1, and the morphological system now reflects a considerably more advanced stage of the transition to early Middle English. As with Hand 1, the changes are in many respects associated with the levelling developments in unstressed syllables discussed above.

Nouns and Adjectives The falling together of the back and front vowels into a sound generally written as e has a major impact on the scribe’s morphological system. The following variant spellings which reflect the levelling developments of vowels in unstressed syllables are found in the morphology of the Final Continuation (for examples, see pp. cxxxvi–cxxxvii above): strong noun nominative and accusative plural -es (for -as); genitive plural of nouns and adjectives -(r)e for -(r)a; oblique cases of weak nouns and adjectives -en for -an, usually reduced to -e. Other developments in the morphology of nouns and adjectives are as follows. (a) The dative case is virtually unused. The accusative form is used for the indirect object in, for example, pais he makede men & dær (1135), and alle þe pines ðat hi diden wrecce men (1137). After prepositions, nouns in the singular show a mixture of inflected and uninflected forms; after the preposition in, for example, the nouns scip (1135) and hus (1137) are uninflected 161

See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xlviii.

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MS. E

whereas the nouns quarterne (1137) and tune (1137) are inflected. Expressions of time (which may be either in the genitive or dative in Old English) are sometimes uninflected, for example, þat ilc gær (1135) and ælc gær (1137, added later). Nouns in the plural almost invariably use accusative (or nominative) forms after prepositions, for example, efter þe muneces (1132), mid deoules & yuele men (1137), on her fet (1137), mid rapes (1140). For singular feminine nouns after prepositions, see (c) below. For adjectives after prepositions, see (b) below. (b) Adjectives tend either to be uninflected (in the singular) or to have the inflection -e added (in the plural). In the singular, expressing the direct object we find, for example, nan treuthe (1137) and litel blisse (1140) (both examples are feminine accusative singular), and after prepositions we find mid micel wurscipe (1132), mid ful smoke (1137), and for þe micel eie (1154). Some forms with -e in the singular occur after demonstratives, suggesting that a distinction between weak and strong forms may be partially retained, for example, on al þis yuele time (1137) and to þe iunge eorl (1140). There are no instances of the singular strong adjective inflections -ne or -es. In the plural, expressing the direct object we find, for example, wrecce men (1137) and scærpe stanes (1137), and after prepositions we find mid suilce dædes (1137) and mid . . . yuele men (1137). Some uninflected forms in the plural also occur, for example, nan martyrs (1137), hethen men (1137), lered men (1137), and (after a preposition) ouer al landes (1135). The plural also retains the genitive inflection (spelled -re), for example in alre fyrst (1135). Clark notes that the simplification of adjectival inflection is characteristic of northern and Midland dialects.162 (c) The oblique cases of feminine nouns in the singular occur sometimes with an -e and sometimes without. This variation appears both in expressions of the direct object and after prepositions, for example (with an -e) scæ hedde litel blisse (1140) and mid al hire strengthe (1140), and (without an -e) macod he his gadering (1137) and mid ormete færd (1138). (d) The plural inflection -es is frequently used to form the plural nouns which did not have this plural inflection in Old English. Examples of strong feminine nouns with -es plural are: dædes (1137), [fe]teres (1140), foruuardes (1140), rachenteges (1137), sinnes (1137), treothes (1137), treuthes (1140). An example of a strong neuter noun with -es plural is castelweorces (1137). Examples of weak nouns with -es plural are: bryniges (1137), neues (1137), snakes (1137), suikes (1137), swikes (1135), þumbes (1137). One exception occurs: halechen (1137). Of circewican (1137) and horderwycan (1137), Clark notes that they ‘probably show incorporation of -n into the stem’.163 162 163

The Peterborough Chronicle, p. lviii. The Peterborough Chronicle, p. xlix n. 1.

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INTRODUCTION

(e) There are indications that the inflection -es may also represent the genitive plural (as in the First Continuation). Three instances of this usage appear in ne hi ne forbaren biscopes land ne abbotes ne preostes (1137). (f) Grammatical gender is no longer preserved in the hand of the second scribe; this is related to (a), (b), (c), and (d) above, and also to pronoun usage (see below).164

Pronouns Whereas the personal pronouns retain distinctive forms clearly related to their Old English origin, the forms of the demonstrative pronouns have tended to blur into one another. Personal pronouns The first and second person pronouns are rarely attested; it is noteworthy only that the first person singular pronoun appears as i 2x (no instances of ic). The third person pronoun has its accusative function entirely taken over by the dative form, except for the neuter singular, where it (once hit) represents the accusative (and nominative) case. Thus him is used for the masculine accusative singular, hire is used for the feminine accusative singular, and heom for the accusative plural. The form hise for the masculine genitive singular (possessive) occurs once (1137) (elsewhere his is used). The accusative plural is always heom (never hem). The genitive plural usually appears as heore, but appears six times as here and twice as her. Demonstrative pronouns The form þe has become the usual form of the simple demonstrative pronoun and definite article in any context. Grammatical gender is clearly becoming obsolete and is being replaced by the sex-based categories of modern English.165 There are some exceptions. The form se (in se king) occurs once (1135), presumably a hypercorrection, the spelling variation the appears ten times (passim) and þæ once (in 1137), and the spelling te occurs after a dental consonant as a result of assimilation (see p. cxxxix above). The nominative singular feminine (referring to a woman) is expressed by the form scæ (six times).166 The form þa is still used for the nominative and accusative plural, but seems to have taken on an emphatic role, for example (in the nominative) þa rice men þe wæron swikes (1135), and (in the accusative) þa 164

On the loss of grammatical gender in the Final Continuation, see Clark, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle’, pp. 113–15. 165 See Clark, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle’, pp. 111–12. 166 For discussion of the possible origins of this form, see Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lxvi–lxvii.

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MS. E

namen hi þa men (1137). There is a curious vestige of grammatical gender in the use of þa for the feminine accusative singular in diden an scærp iren abuton þa mannes throte (1137). The form þat is used several times as a demonstrative pronoun, usually with an historically neuter noun but also in rare instances with historically masculine or feminine nouns, for example, ðat oþer dei (1135) and to ðat forewarde (1140). The most likely explanation is the beginning of the development of þat into an emphatic demonstrative independent of gender.167 It is difficult to determine whether the instances of þat before a neuter noun should be considered as emphatic or as the vestiges of grammatical gender. The form þis has become the usual form of the compound (emphatic) demonstrative pronoun in any singular context, for example, on þis kinges time (1135). There is one instance of the form þas for the plural in þa þestre sona þas landes (1135). Relative pronouns The tendencies already evident in the First Continuation (see p. cli above) have developed into a more rigid system. Here þe (never þa) is invariably used with an animate antecedent, whether singular or plural, and þat is used with an inanimate antecedent, again whether singular or plural. There is one exception where a plural inanimate antecedent is followed by þe rather than þat: þe landes þe lien to þe circewican (1137).168

Verbs The variant forms of the verbal inflections are closely associated with the levelling developments of vowels in unstressed syllables:169 infinitive -en for -an; preterite plural -en and -æn for -on; past participle -æd and -æn for -od and -en. Other significant variations from Old English are as follows. (a) The infinitive occasionally drops final n, for example, sei (1135). (b) The inflected infinitive invariably drops final e, for example, to uuerrien (1135), to gyuen (1137), and to æten (1140). (c) The second person singular present indicative loses final t in þu myhtes faren (1137) (but compare sculdest thu in the same annal). (d) The present indicative plural tends to end in -en (compare the Peterborough Interpolations and Final Continuation), for example, lien (1137x2) and willen (1137). 167

See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lxvii–lxviii, and Clark, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 113 n. 18. 168 For further discussion, see McIntosh, ‘The Relative Pronouns Þe and Þat in Early Middle English’, pp. 74–6. 169 For examples, see pp. cxxxvi–cxxxvii above.

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INTRODUCTION

(e) The preterite singular of weak verbs sometimes loses final e. This often seems to be related to elision, since many instances occur before a following vowel or h: behoued & (1137), goded it (1137), henged up (1137), macod he (1137), smoked heom (1137), todeld it (1137). In other instances, however, elision cannot be adduced: henged bi (1137), mint to (1137), scatered sotlice (1137). (f) The preterite singular of a strong verb is once altered from held to helde (1140) (but held is used twice elsewhere (in 1135 and 1154)). (g) The final n of the preterite plural is often omitted before a dental consonant, for example, wurðe sæhte (1135), makede ðat (1140), and sahtlede sua (1140). The loss of n seems to have led to the further omission of e before a subsequent vowel or h, for example, bebyried him (1137) (beside byrieden him also in 1137), pined heom (1137), and læd him (1140). The e has not been omitted in cursede æure (1137); in stali hi ut (1140), the final vowel (spelled i here) has also not been omitted. (h) The preterite plural form we þolenden (1137) has an additional -n- in its inflection. (i) The present participle loses final e in ridend (1137) (beside sittende in the same annal). (j) Weak verbs class II lose medial -i(g)-, for example in the infinitive forms axen (1140), enden (1154), rixan (1140), and þolen (1140). Curiously the infinitive uuerrien (1135), a verb of French origin, retains medial -i-.

SYNTAX

This section draws attention to what seem to me some important syntactic differences between E and the other primary versions of the Chronicle (A, B, C, and D) in those annals or parts of annals where they overlap in their material.170 This overlap covers the annals up to 1080, excluding the Peterborough Interpolations and other annals or parts of annals exclusive to E. There is no overlap with other manuscripts in E’s annals from 1080 to 1154. The syntactic developments in the language of E’s annals from 1070 onwards are discussed by Clark;171 the syntax of the entries from 1122 to 1154 is discussed in more detail by Bruce Mitchell and by David L. Shores.172 For other writings on the syntax of the E version of the Chronicle, 170

The citations from other manuscripts are, as elsewhere, from the editions of the collaborative edition by Bately (for A), Taylor (for B), O’Brien O’Keeffe (for C), Cubbin (for D), and Baker (for F). 171 Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, pp. lxix–lxxiv. 172 Mitchell, ‘Syntax and Word-order in the Peterborough Chronicle 1122–1154’; Shores, A Descriptive Syntax of the Peterborough Chronicle. The latter is based on the now little-used linguistic system of tagmemics.

clvii

MS. E

Mitchell’s critical bibliography of Old English syntax and the supplements by Mitchell and Irvine may be consulted.173 Some of the syntactic differences noted here will have arisen as a result of variations in the exemplars in the course of historical transmission; some may have been introduced by the scribe of E. Where E shares syntactic usages with F against the other versions of the Chronicle, these correspondences are noted: they may give some indication of the stage at which these usages entered E’s transmission history, although it is also possible that in some cases the scribes of E and F modernized independently. Those syntactic peculiarities in E which comparison of the manuscripts shows clearly to have arisen as a result of scribal error are not included. Verbs (a) In 731, E (in common with F) prefers an impersonal man construction to a passive construction: man gehalgode Tatwine E(F); Tatwine wæs gehalgod A; wæs Tatwine gehalgod BC(D). (b) In 836, E has an inflected participle aflymde where the other manuscripts have an uninflected participle (afliemed A, aflymed BCD): & hine ær hæfde Offa Myrcena cining & Byrhtric Wæstsæxna cining aflymde E; & hine hæfde ær Offa Miercna cyning & Beorhtric Wesseaxna cyning afliemed A(BCD) (F has aflymd). As Mitchell notes, however, it is likely that E’s reading involves scribal error, since the correct reading for an inflected participle here would be aflymdne.174 (c) In 876, E (in common with F) supplies the infinitive don after the auxiliary verb noldon: þe hi ær nanre þeode don noldon E(F); þe hie ær nanre þeode noldon A(D); þe hie ær noldan nanre þeode B(C) (877). (d) In 999, E has a plural verb in a subordinate clause whose referent is the collective noun folc, whereas C and D have the singular: þet earme folc þe on ðam scipon lagon E; þæt earme folc þæt on ðam scipon læg C(D).175 Compare the example with flota at (i) below. (e) In 1004, E fluctuates between a plural verb and a singular verb after a singular subject qualified by a phrase introduced by mid, whereas C and D use the singular both times (which would be the normal usage in this context in Old English):176 Her com Swegen mid his flotan to Norðwic & þa burh ealle gehergade & forbærndon E; Her com Swegen mid his flotan to Norðwic & þa buruh eall geheregode & forbærnde C(D). F also fluctuates between 173

Mitchell, Old English Syntax: A Critical Bibliography of Publications to the End of 1984; Mitchell and Irvine, Supplements for 1985–1988, 1989–1992, and 1993–1996. The Supplement for 1997–2000 is currently in preparation. 174 Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §712 n. 164. 175 For the use of singular and plural verbs with collective nouns in Old English, see Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §§79–86. 176 For other examples, see Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §1501.

clviii

INTRODUCTION

singular and plural verbs but its inconsistency is the reverse of E’s: Her com Swegen mid his flotan to Norþwic & þa burh eall forheregodan & forbærnde.177 (f) In 1004, E (in common with F) uses magan + infinitive whereas C and D use the preterite subjunctive: & he fyrst næfde þet he his fyrde gegadrian mihte E; & he fyrst næfde þæt he his fyrde gegaderede CD.178 (g) In 1006, E is alone in adding the singular verb wearð to agree with the singular subject of the clause, where C and D allow the plural verb from the previous clause to carry over: & Wulfeah & Ufegeat wæron ablende, & Ælfelm ealdorman wearð ofslagen E; & Wulfeah & Ufegeat wæron ablende, & Ælfelm ealdorman ofslagen C(D). (h) In 1009, the verbs lifian and wendan are used reflexively in C and D but not in E (or in F though it is only available for comparison in the case of wendan). Thus E has & lifedon of Eastseaxum where C and D have & lifdon him of Eastseaxum. With wendan, the distinction between the reflexive and non-reflexive usage is clear despite the variety of punctuation offered here by the manuscripts’ modern editors: ongean; hi gewendon þa E(F); ongean hi, wendon him ða C; ongean; hi wendon him þa D. (i) In 1013, E has a plural verb in a subordinate clause whose referent is the collective noun flota, where C and D have a singular one: mid þam flotan þe on Temese wæron E; mid þam flotan þe on Temese læg CD. Compare the example with folc at (d) above. Pronouns (a) In 718, E has heo where the other manuscripts have the third person genitive plural pronoun (possessive): heo swustra E; hiera swostur A; heora swystor B; hira sweostor C; heora s\w/ustra D. Although this is probably simply a scribal or morphological error on the scribe’s part, it is possible, given the examples in 755 (see (c) below), that the scribe has in mind here the third person nominative plural pronoun form as the subject of the clause (with swustra in apposition to heo). (b) In 755, E is alone in omitting the third person plural pronoun before se æðeling gehwilcan feoh & feorh bead (in A, B, and D this is preceded by the genitive hiera/heora, in C it is preceded by the dative him). (c) In 755, E has heo where the other manuscripts have the third person genitive plural pronoun (compare (a) above): & heo nænig þicgan noldan E; & hiera nænig hit geþicgean nolde A; & heora nan þæs onfon wolde B; & hira

177

It is possible that -e sometimes indicates the preterite indicative plural; see Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §§19 and 601a(5). 178 For examples in Old English where an indicative form of magan + infinitive may be equivalent to a subjunctive, see Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §1014.

clix

MS. E

nænig þicgan nolde C(D). It is notable that only E has a plural auxiliary verb here, suggesting that the scribe has in mind the third person nominative plural pronoun as the subject of the verb, with nænig either in apposition to it or as the object of the verb (in the neuter accusative, as would befit agreement with either of the two previous nouns to which it could refer, feoh and feorh). (d) In 871, E uses hwæðer dependently in the phrase on hwæðre hond, where the other manuscripts have on gehw0þere hond A, on gehweþre hand B (872), on gehwære hand C (872), on gehwæðre hond D. E’s usage may, as Mitchell suggests, be the result of scribal error,179 a view which is supported by the usage on gehwaðere hand earlier in the same entry in E. (e) In 972, the pronoun after wið is left unexpressed in E whereas in D the pronoun hine is expressed: & ealle wið trywsodon þet hi woldon efenwyhton beon E; & ealle wið hine getreowsodon þæt hi woldon efenwyrhtan beon D. (f) In 1006, E reads [hi] atendon heora beacna where C (D) have atendon hiora herebeacna. Although this is ostensibly a lexical differentiation between beacna and herebeacna, it is included here because it seems to me likely that the scribe omitted here- either to avoid confusion with the preceding heora or because he thought the exemplar had erroneously repeated the pronoun.180 (g) In 1014, E has the third person genitive plural pronoun heora where C and D have the noun earan: & cearf of heora handa & heora nosa E; & cearf of hiora handa & earan & nosa C(D). F’s reading seems to correspond to E’s (with handa omitted in error by its scribe and supplied by its modern editor): & cearf of heora & heora nosa F.181 (h) In 1016, E has the negative indefinite pronoun naht where C and D both have nan ðinc: Ða hi ealle tosomne comon, þa ne beheold hit naht þe ma þe hit oftor ær dyde E; Þa hi ealle tosomne comon, þa ne beheold hit nan ðinc þe ma ðe hit oftor ær dyde C(D). (i) In 1017, E has a demonstrative pronoun (in the genitive masculine singular agreeing with the noun Æðelmæres and the adjective grætan) which is not in C or D: Æðelword Æðelmæres sunu þæs grætan E; Æþelweard Æþelmæres sunu greatan C(D). Numerals In 972, E seems to have a weak form of an being used other than in the exclusive function: & he wæs þa ana wana .xxx. wintra. D’s reading is ambiguous: 179 180

Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §435 n. 114. For here spellings for the genitive plural of the third person personal pronoun (particularly prevalent in the First Continuation), see the discussion of pronouns at pp. cxliv–cli above. 181 Baker, MS. F, p. 106.

clx

INTRODUCTION

& he wæs þa ane wana .xxx. wintre. E’s reading may, as Mitchell has suggested, involve scribal error as a result of the sequence þa . . . wana . . . wintra;182 on the other hand D’s reading may also be a scribal error, a weakened form of ana.183 Adverbs (a) In 975, E uses the adverbs wide and side separated by a verb, where D reads swiðe for side: cyningas hine wide wurðodon side E; cynegas hyne wide wurðodon swiðe D. Whilst Bosworth and Toller cite this passage from E as an example of the way side generally occurs with wide, the words are usually connected by and or oþþe, and D’s reading may well be correct here.184 (b) In 1012, E has þæra where C and D have þær: & hi þæra ða swa lange wæron E; & hi ðær þa swa lange wæron C(D). Similarly in 1016, E has þære where C and D have ðær and þær respectively: buton se cyng þære wære E; buton þæt wære þæt se cyng ðær mid wære C(D). The form with -e occurs in Middle English but is not normally found in Old English.185 Prepositions (a) In 887, E has the preposition of where the other manuscripts have on: heora nan næs of fædrenhalfe geboren E; hira nan næs on f0dren healfe to geboren A(BCD (BC 888)). (b) In 997, the preposition æt (followed by the dative) is used in E where C and D have no preposition (and the place-name is accordingly in the accusative): & Ordulfes mynster æt (æ)Tefingstoce forbærndon E; & Ordulfes mynster Tæfingstoc forbærndon CD. The scribe of E has apparently written æt a second time in error, then altered it to Tefingstoce but neglected to erase the æ. (c) In 1001, E has of as well as the genitive case where C and D have the genitive case only: fyrde of defenisces folces E; fyrde defenisces folces CD. This may be indicative of the tendency in E’s language to use of where the genitive alone would be used in Old English, a usage which becomes more prevalent in the Peterborough Interpolations and the Continuations.186

182 183 184 185 186

Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §544. Mitchell, personal communication, May 2003. Bosworth and Toller, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, p. 870. The second scribe uses the forms thare and þare in E 1137 and 1140 respectively. See Clark, The Peterborough Chronicle, p. lxxi. On the development of the usage of the preposition of in Old and early Middle English, see Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §§1199–203, and Mustanoja, A Middle English Syntax, pp. 74–8. On the use of of in MS. F, see Baker, MS. F, pp. xcvii–xcviii (§157).

clxi

MS. E

(d) In 1001, E has in where C and D have into: & þanon wendon in Wihtland E; & ðanon wendon into Wihtlande C(D). (e) In 1007, E has on where C and D have geond (and F has ouer): on Myrcena rice E; geond Myrcna rice CD; ouer eal Myrcena rice F. (f) In 1009, E has an extra to not in C or D: gif hi þe raðor to him friðes to ne girndon E; gif hi ðe hraðor to him friðes ne gyrndon C(D). It is difficult to identify the function of E’s second to; it is unlikely to express the link between girndon and friðes because to with genitive expresses only time, the object of motion, and degree.187 It may be the result of scribal error. (g) In 1016, C and D have the preposition mid but E does not: þa ne onhagode him buton se cyng þære wære E; ða ne onhagode heom ðarto buton þæt wære þæt se cyng ðær mid wære C(D). (h) In 1016, E has to where C and D have æt: to Brentforda E; æt Brentforda CD. Conjunctions In 1016, E has buton where C and D have buton þæt: þa ne onhagode him buton se cyng þære wære E; ða ne onhagode heom ðarto buton þæt wære þæt se cyng ðær mid wære C(D).188 The splitting of groups In 661, E (in common with F) uses genitive inflections for both of two split elements dependent on the same noun, whereas A, B, and C use genitive for the first but not for the second: & Eoppa preost be Wilferðes worde & Wulfheres cininges brohte Wihtwarum fulwiht ærost manna E; & Eoppa mæssepreost be Wilferþes worde & Wulfhere cyning brohte Wihtwarum fulwiht ærest A(BC). (D is not available owing to a lacuna in the manuscript.) According to Plummer, the construction in ABC is ‘an antique construction by which, when two names depend on the same noun, the second name is put in the direct case’, and the one in E is a ‘more modern construction’.189 Mitchell, however, attributes this to error on the part of the scribe of the lost exemplar of A, B, and C: ‘I suggest that the erring scribe in haste and carelessness mentally grouped the wrong elements in the split construction by linking Eoppa and Wulfhere rather than Wilferþ and Wulfhere and so wrote Wulfhere cyning nominative instead of the genitive which was in the original and was preserved by the scribe of the archetype of E.’190

187 188 189 190

See Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §1213. On butan as a conjunction, see Mitchell, Old English Syntax, §§3626–33. Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.673. Mitchell, Old English Syntax, I, §1470.

clxii

INTRODUCTION

Simple and complex sentences In 1016, E has a complex sentence where C and D have a simple one: & þa wæs ymbe twa niht þet se cyning gewende ofer æt Brentforda E; & þa ðæs ymbe twa niht gewende se cyning ofer æt Bregentforda C(D). Both of these are acceptable Old English constructions, but it is possible that the difference between the two arises from a misreading of þ as the letter wynn or vice versa (in wæs/þæs) at some stage in the course of transmission. Element order (a) In 465, E has the order Subject-Verb-Adverb where A has SubjectAdverb-Verb and B and C have Adverb-Verb-Subject: heora an þegn wearð þær ofslegen E; hiera þegn an þær wearþ ofslægen A; heora ðær wearð an ofslegen B(C) (461). It should be noted that for this example and the two below, D has a lacuna and is therefore not available for comparison. (b) In 641, E (in common with F) has the order Adverb-Verb-Subject, whereas A, B, and C have the order Adverb-Subject-Verb: Her wæs Osuuald ofslagen E(F); Her Oswald . . . ofslægen wæs A (642); Her Oswald . . . wæs ofslegen BC. (c) In 687, a clause introduced by the conjunction & and an adverbial group is followed in E by Subject-Verb-Object and in A, B, and C by Subject-Object-Verb: & þy geara Ceadwala eft forhergode Cent E; & þy geare Ceadwalla eft Cent forhergeada A(BC).

VOCABULARY

This section draws attention to differences in lexical choice between E and the other versions of the Chronicle in those annals or parts of annals where they overlap in their material. The vocabulary here, in contrast to the material of later origin, is on the whole characteristically late West Saxon with only sporadic differences from that of the other versions.191 In a number of instances, however, E demonstrates different lexical choices from the other primary versions. As in the section on syntax, readings where E and F overlap against the other versions are included. For the implications of these variants for the relationships between the versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, see the section above on ‘Textual Relationships’.

191

For the vocabulary of E for the annals from 1070 to 1154, the most comprehensive study is Clark, ‘Studies in the Vocabulary of the Peterborough Chronicle’.

clxiii

MS. E

Nouns and adjectives Preface: scipum E (and F), beside ceolum D; pilum E (and F), beside stængum D; wuduferstenum E, beside wudu westenum D 530: feala E, beside fea ABC 774: gear E, beside winter D 870: geare E, beside wintra ABCD (BC 871) 1006: denisca E (and F), beside micla CD 1009: ege E, beside sige CD 1013: þeoda E, beside leode CD 1016: Englaland \vel þeode/ E (Ænglaland F), beside Engla þeode CD 1017: cwene E (and F), beside wife CD 1068: portmen E, beside burhmenn D 1076: feola E, beside unarimede D (1077)

Verbs 571: forþfor E, beside gefor ABC192 870: for E (and F), beside rad ABCD (BC 871) 871: rad E (and F), beside com ABCD (BC 872) 988: forlet þis lif E, beside gefor CD and forðferde F 1003: beswac E (and F), beside becyrde CD; tohwurfon E, beside toforan/-on CD 1006: ferdon E, beside wendon CD 1010: streddon E, beside ferdon CD 1015: tohwurfon E, beside toferdon CD 1016: hæfde E (and F), beside ahte CD; geherde secgan E (and F), beside ofahsade C (ofaxade D) 1074: nam E, beside toc D (1075); geuðe E, beside gelagade D (1075) 1075: genam E, beside gefeng D (1076); gefestnode E, beside sette on prisun D (1076); fordyde E, beside fordymde D (1076)

Adverbs 473: swiðe þearle E, beside swa þer fyr A, swa swa fyr BC, and swa swa man flycð fyr F 975: side E, beside swiðe D193 1001: fæstlice E, beside heardlice CD and fæstlice & heardlice F 1009: þa E (in swa hit þa æfre wæs), beside gyt CD

192

A has þferde added at the end later; see Bately, MS. A, p. 24 n. 4, and Bately, ‘The Compilation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, p. 109 n. 2. 193 See also p. clxi above.

clxiv

INTRODUCTION

PROPER NOUNS

The proper nouns in E are different on a number of occasions from those in the other versions of the Chronicle. Often the differences are the result of the various orthographic, phonological, and morphological features which characterized the language of the first scribe.194 Other differences, however, are more substantial. The following list comprises those proper nouns which show significant differences from those in the other versions and in many cases apparently represent materially different names. The forms shared by E and F against the other primary versions are again included here. For the implications of these variants for the relationships between the different versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, see the section above on ‘Textual Relationships’. Personal names (i) Foreign names 430: Patricius E, beside Palladius ABCF 449: Martianus E (and F (448)), beside Mauricius ABC (ii) Anglo-Saxon names 568: Oslac E (and F), beside Oslaf ABC 571: Cuþa E, beside Cuþwulf A, Cuðulf BC 591: Ceolric E, beside Ceol ABC (altered to Ceolric in A, probably by the F-scribe) 648: Eadrede E, beside Cuþrede ABC (BC 647) 652: Pendan E, beside Peadan ABC (653) 693: Brihthelm E, beside Dryhthelm D 710: Hygebald E, beside Sigbald D 737: Æðelwold E, beside Æþelbald D 740: Eadberht E, beside Cuðbryht ABCDF (A 741) 778: Ealdulf E, beside Ealwulf D195 779: Cynebald E (and F), beside Cynewulf D 795: Eardwulf E, beside Eard D 799: Æðelred E, beside Æþelheard ABCDF (F 800, over an erasure) 1011: Leofwine E (and Lifwine F), beside Leofrune CD 1016: Æðelsiges E, beside Æþelwines C, Ælfwines D 1017: Ælfgetes E, beside Ælfehes C, Ælfeges D 194

For these features see the relevant sections above. It should be noted, however, that proper names have been used only rarely as evidence since they often undergo a different linguistic development. 195 In D w is written over d with a dot beneath; see Cubbin, MS. D, p. 15.

clxv

MS. E

Place-names 527: Certicesford E, beside Cerdicesleag ABC 530 and 534: Wihtland E, beside Wihte ealand ABC 878: Wealwudu E, beside Sealwyrda ABC (BC 879), Sealwudu D196 1015: Mealdelmesbyrig EF, beside Ealdelmesbyrig CD 1016: Wæringscire E, beside Wærincwicscire CD; Gillinga E, beside Gillingaham CD; Brentforda E (2x), beside Bregentforda C(D) (2x)

196

See Plummer, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, II.94.

clxvi

EDITORIAL CONVENTIONS This volume, like the others in the collaborative edition of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, has as its aim a semi-diplomatic edition of one version of the Chronicle, and the editorial conventions in this volume mainly conform to those of the other volumes. Hence the text of the manuscript is faithfully reproduced, with the following exceptions. Abbreviations are silently expanded (except & for and in the Old English; in the Latin it has been expanded to et). It is hoped that the disadvantages of this practice for linguistic study will be countered by a detailed outlining of the abbreviations used by the scribes at pp. xxiv–xxviii above, and by the availability of a facsimile edition of the manuscript where individual usages can be readily checked.1 Accents are not reproduced.2 Punctuation is modern, a convention which I have accepted with some reluctance, sharing as I do Mitchell’s concern that modern punctuation may distort the flow of Old English writing.3 In my punctuation of the text, I have attempted to reflect the scribes’ relatively straightforward, if not entirely consistent, punctuating procedures by bearing in mind throughout the principle which Mitchell and I used elsewhere in relation to the punctuation of Old English poetry: ‘No punctuation where the sense is clear without any.’4 In the case of the co-ordinate conjunction &, I have used no conjunction where the subject remains the same over two clauses; where the subject changes and there is no connection save chronology between the two clauses I have generally begun a new sentence; where the subject changes but there is a clear connection between the two clauses I have used a comma, semi-colon, or no punctuation depending on the context. In deciding where to place sentence breaks I have occasionally been guided by manuscript punctuation. Capitalization is also modern; the conventions of the collaborative edition specify lower case for proper adjectives. Where the scribes use uncials or capitals within words these are normalized to lower case.5 Word division is modern and follows established convention as far as possible. The Old English letter-forms Æ, æ, *, 0, Ð, ð, Þ, and þ are printed but wynn is replaced by the modern character w. Both V and v have generally been 1 2 3 4 5

Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle. For the use of accents, see p. xxviii above. Mitchell, ‘The Dangers of Disguise’. Mitchell and Irvine, ‘Beowulf’ Repunctuated, p. 26. For the scribes’ punctuation, see p. xxviii above. For examples, see the discussion of the scribes’ hands at pp. xix–xxiii above.

clxvii

MS. E

normalized to U and u. The exception is in the context of Roman numerals (mainly dates) where v is always used for manuscript u or v. Numerals are always preceded and followed by a low point although the points are inconsistently used in the manuscript. In the list of year-numbers the form AN. is always printed for any form of annus regardless of the form in the manuscript. The form Millesimo, which is abbreviated in various ways in the manuscript, is written out in full, and the form M. is used for manuscript M. (with or without a bar above it). The manuscript annal-numbers are retained; I emend only where an individual annal-number is clearly out of sequence as a result of scribal error. Where two annals are attributed to the same date, superscript a and b are used to distinguish them. Each annal is its own paragraph; in accordance with the conventions of the collaborative edition, there is no further paragraphing within an annal. I have, however, presented the verse passages in verse lines to acknowledge their metrical form. A smaller type size is used to distinguish the Peterborough Interpolations from the remainder of the text. Editorial emendations have been minimised in keeping with the aim of a semi-diplomatic edition. Emendations are generally made only where confusion might otherwise arise. Emendations are signalled as follows: []

() \/

indicate supply by the editor of letters or words physically lost from the manuscript, usually through erasure; indicate supply by the editor of letters or words, whether by addition or alteration. Unless otherwise noted, it should be assumed that the material is added; indicate letter or words found in the manuscript-text but the result of scribal error and to be disregarded; indicate scribal insertions, above the line unless otherwise noted.

Erasures are noted in the apparatus where they are substantial or may be significant. Unless otherwise specified, erasures occupy the space of approximately one to three manuscript letters. In accordance with the practice in earlier volumes of the collaborative edition, the text has been indexed and there are three Indices: Personal Names (divided into a list of those people not known to have visited Britain (‘General’) and of those at some time resident in this island (‘Insular’)); People-names; Place-names. Only one reference per annal is cited unless significant variations of form occur. Variant forms are cited in parentheses after the annal number. The grammatical case is also cited for clarification where it is relevant to the variant form. The following abbreviations are used in the Indices: L. for Latin, nom. for nominative, acc. for accusative, gen. for genitive, dat. for dative, abl. for ablative, sg. for singular, and pl. for plural. In headwords th has been used for þ and ð. Square brackets denote clxviii

EDITORIAL CONVENTIONS

information which is not present in the text, italics indicate context given in the text. The Bibliography includes only those works which are referred to in this edition.

clxix

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ADAMS, Eleanor N., Old English Scholarship in England from 1566–1800 (New Haven, 1917) ARNOLD, Thomas (ed.), Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, Rolls Series 75 (2 vols, London, 1882–85) BAKER, Peter S. (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, Vol. 8: MS. F (Cambridge, 2000) BAKER, Peter S. and Michael Lapidge (edd.), Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, EETS, supplementary series, 15 (Oxford, 1995) BATELY, Janet M. (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, Vol. 3: MS. A (Cambridge, 1986) BATELY, Janet, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: Texts and Textual Relationships, Reading Medieval Studies Monograph 3 (Reading, 1991) BATELY, Janet, ‘Bede and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, in Saints, Scholars and Heroes: Studies in Medieval Culture in Honour of Charles W. Jones, ed. M. H. King and W. Stevens (2 vols, Collegeville, Minn., 1979), I.233–54 BATELY, Janet, ‘The Compilation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 60 BC to AD 890: Vocabulary as Evidence’, Proceedings of the British Academy 64 (1980), 93–129 BATELY, Janet, ‘The Compilation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle Once More’, Leeds Studies in English, new series, 16 (1985), 7–26 BATELY, Janet, Review of Patrick W. Conner, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, Vol. 10: The Abingdon Chronicle, A.D. 956–1066 (MS. C, with Reference to BDE), Bryn Mawr Review 96.11.06 (1996) BELL, Alexander (ed.), L’Estoire des Engleis by Geffrei Gaimar, Anglo-Norman Text Society 14–16 (Oxford, 1960) BIRCH, Walter de Gray (ed.), Cartularium Saxonicum: A Collection of Charters relating to Anglo-Saxon History (3 vols, London, 1885–93) BISHOP, T. A. M., ‘Notes on Cambridge Manuscripts, Part I’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 1 (1949–53), 432–41 BOSWORTH, Joseph and T. N. Toller, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary (Oxford, 1882–98; supplement by T. N. Toller, 1908–21; second supplement by A. Campbell, 1972) BREDEHOFT, Thomas A., Textual Histories: Readings in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Toronto, 2001) CAMPBELL, A., Old English Grammar (Oxford, 1959) CLARK, Cecily, ‘Gender in The Peterborough Chronicle 1070–1154’, English Studies 38 (1957), 109–15 CLARK, Cecily, ‘Notes on MS. Laud Misc. 636’, Medium Ævum 23 (1954), 71–5 and plates I–II CLARK, Cecily (ed.), The Peterborough Chronicle 1070–1154, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1970)

clxxi

MS. E

CLARK, Cecily, ‘Studies in the Vocabulary of the Peterborough Chronicle, 1070– 1154’, English and Germanic Studies 5 (1952–3), 67–89 CLEMOES, Peter, Liturgical Influence on Punctuation in Late Old English and Early Middle English Manuscripts, Department of Anglo-Saxon Occasional Papers Number 1 (Cambridge, 1952) COLGRAVE, Bertram and R. A. B. Mynors (edd. and trans.), Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People (Oxford, 1969) CONNER, Patrick W. (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, Vol. 10: The Abingdon Chronicle, A.D. 956–1066 (MS. C, with Reference to BDE) (Cambridge, 1966) CUBBIN, G. P. (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, Vol. 6: MS. D (Cambridge, 1996) D’ARDENNE, S. R. T. O. (ed.), Þe Liflade ant te Passiun of Seinte Iuliene, EETS, original series, 248 (London, 1961) DARLINGTON, R. R. and P. McGurk, ‘The “Chronicon ex Chronicis” of “Florence” of Worcester and its Use of Sources for English History before 1066’, AngloNorman Studies V: Proceedings of the Battle Conference 1982, ed. R. Allen Brown (Woodbridge, 1983), 185–96 DARLINGTON, R. R. and P. McGurk (ed.), Jennifer Bray and P. McGurk (trans.), The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Vol. II: The Annals from 450 to 1066 (Oxford, 1995) DUMVILLE, David (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, Vol. 1: Facsimile of MS F: The Domitian Bilingual (Cambridge, 1995) DUMVILLE, David N., ‘Some Aspects of Annalistic Writing at Canterbury in the Eleventh and Early Twelfth Centuries’, Peritia 2 (1983), 23–57 DUMVILLE, David and Michael Lapidge (edd.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, Vol. 17: The Annals of St Neots with Vita Prima Sancti Neoti (Cambridge, 1985) ELLIS, Henry (ed.), Original Letters of Eminent Literary Men of the Sixteenth, Seventeenth, and Eighteenth Centuries, Camden Society 23 (1843) FLOWER, Robin, ‘Laurence Nowell and the Discovery of England in Tudor Times’, Proceedings of the British Academy 21 (1935), 47–73 GIBSON, Edmund (ed.), Chronicon Saxonicum (Oxford, 1692) GRAHAM, Timothy, ‘John Joscelyn, Pioneer of Old English Lexicography’, in Graham, The Recovery of Old English, pp. 83–140 GRAHAM, Timothy (ed.), The Recovery of Old English: Anglo-Saxon Studies in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 2000) GRAHAM, Timothy and Andrew G. Watson, The Recovery of the Past in Early Elizabethan England: Documents by John Bale and John Joscelyn from the Circle of Matthew Parker, Cambridge Bibliographical Society Monograph 13 (Cambridge, 1998) GREG, W. W., ‘Books and Bookmen in the Correspondence of Archbishop Parker’, The Library, 4th series, 16 (1935), 243–79 GREENWAY, Diana (ed. and trans.), Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon: ‘Historia Anglorum’, The History of the English People (Oxford, 1996) HADDAN, Arthur West and William Stubbs (edd.), Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland, vol. III (Oxford, 1871)

clxxii

BIBLIOGRAPHY

HALLIWELL, James Orchard (ed.), The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D’Ewes, Bart., during the Reigns of James I and Charles I (2 vols, London, 1845) HARDY, Thomas Duffus and Charles Trice Martin (edd.), Lestorie des Engles solum la Translacion Maistre Geffrei Gaimar, Vol. I, Text, Vol. II, Translation, Rolls Series 91.i and 91.ii (London, 1888–9) HART, Cyril, ‘The B Text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, Journal of Medieval History 8 (1982), 241–99 HART, Cyril, ‘Byrhtferth’s Northumbrian Chronicle’, English Historical Review 97 (1982), 558–82 HART, C. R., The Early Charters of Eastern England (Leicester, 1966) HART, Cyril, ‘The East Anglian Chronicle’, Journal of Medieval History 7 (1981), 249–82 HART, Cyril, ‘The Ramsey Computus’, English Historical Review 85 (1970), 29–44 HETHERINGTON, M. Sue, ‘The Recovery of the Anglo-Saxon Lexicon’, in Anglo-Saxon Scholarship: The First Three Centuries, ed. Carl T. Berkhout and Milton McC. Gatch (Boston, Mass., 1982), pp. 79–89 HOGG, Richard M., A Grammar of Old English, Vol. 1: Phonology (Oxford and Cambridge, Mass., 1992) HOGG, Richard M., ‘Phonology and Morphology’, in The Cambridge History of the English Language, Vol. I: The Beginnings to 1066, ed. Richard M. Hogg (Cambridge, 1992) HOWORTH, Henry H., ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, its Origins and History’, Archaeological Journal 65 (1908), 141–204 [Part I], 66 (1909), 105–44 [Part II], 69 (1912), 312–70 [Part III] HUNT, R. W. (ed.), A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, vol. I (Oxford, 1953) HUNTER BLAIR, Peter, ‘Some Observations on the Historia Regum Attributed to Symeon of Durham’, in Celt and Saxon: Studies in the Early British Border, ed. N. K. Chadwick (Cambridge, 1963), pp. 63–118 INGRAM, J[ames] (ed.), The Saxon Chronicle (London, 1823) IRVINE, Susan, ‘The Compilation and Use of Manuscripts Containing Old English in the Twelfth Century’, in Swan and Treharne, Rewriting Old English in the Twelfth Century, pp. 41–61. IRVINE, Susan (ed.), Old English Homilies from MS Bodley 343, EETS, original series, 302 (Oxford, 1993) IRVINE, Susan, ‘The Sources of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS. E (Cameron B.17.9)’, 2002, Fontes Anglo-Saxonici: World Wide Web Register, http:// fontes.english.ox.ac.uk/; also available in Fontes Anglo-Saxonici, CD-ROM Version 1.1, 2002 JAMES, M. R., Lists of Manuscripts Formerly in Peterborough Abbey Library (Oxford, 1926) JONES, Charles, ‘The Grammatical Category of Gender in Early Middle English’, English Studies 48 (1967), 289–305 JONES, Charles, Grammatical Gender in English: 950–1250 (London, New York, and Sydney, 1988)

clxxiii

MS. E

JORDAN, Richard, Handbook of Middle English Grammar: Phonology, trans. and rev. Eugene J. Crook, Janua Linguarum, Series Practica, 218 (The Hague, 1974) KER, N. R., Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford, 1957) KER, N. R., ‘Some Notes on the Peterborough Chronicle’, Medium Ævum 3 (1934), 136–8 KIVIMAA, Kirsti, ‘Þe’ and ‘Þat’ as Clause Connectives in Early Middle English with Especial Consideration of the Emergence of the Pleonistic ‘Þat’ (Helsinki, 1966) KNIEZSA, Veronika, ‘Accents and Digraphs in the Peterborough Chronicle’, Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 21 (1988), 15–23 KÖRNER, Sten, The Battle of Hastings, England, and Europe 1035–1066 (Lund, 1964) LAPIDGE, Michael, ‘Byrhtferth of Ramsey and the Early Sections of the Historia Regum Attributed to Symeon of Durham’, Anglo-Saxon England 10 (1982), 97–122; repr. in his Anglo-Latin Literature 900–1066 (London, 1993), pp. 317–42 LAPIDGE, Michael, ‘Surviving Booklists from Anglo-Saxon England’, in Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England: Studies Presented to Peter Clemoes on the Occasion of his Sixty-fifth Birthday, ed. Michael Lapidge and Helmut Gneuss (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 33–89; repr. (with corrections) in Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts: Basic Readings, ed. Mary P. Richards (New York and London, 1994), pp. 87–167 LAPIDGE, Michael and Michael Winterbottom (edd.), Wulfstan of Winchester: The Life of St Æthelwold (Oxford, 1991) LEVISON, Wilhelm, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1946) LIEBERMANN, F. (ed.), Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen (Strassburg, 1879) LUARD, Henry Richards (ed.), Annales Monastici, vol. II, Rolls Series 36.ii (London, 1865) LUTZ, Angelika, ‘Das Studium der Angelsächsischen Chronik im 16. Jahrhundert: Nowell und Joscelyn’, Anglia 100 (1982), 301–56 LUTZ, Angelika, ‘The Study of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in the Seventeenth Century and the Establishment of Old English Studies in the Universities’, in Graham, The Recovery of Old English, pp. 1–82 LUTZ, Angelika (ed.), Die Version G der Angelsächsischen Chronik. Rekonstruktion und Edition (Munich, 1981) McGURK, P. (ed. and trans.), The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Vol. III: The Annals from 1067 to 1140 with the Gloucester Interpolations and the Continuation to 1141 (Oxford, 1998) McINTOSH, Angus, ‘The Relative Pronouns Þe and Þat in Early Middle English’, English and Germanic Studies 1 (1947–8), 73–87 MACRAY, William Dunn, Annals of the Bodleian Library Oxford with a Notice of the Earlier Library of the University, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1890) MEANEY, Audrey L., ‘St Neots, Æthelweard and the Compilation of the AngloSaxon Chronicle: A Survey’, in Studies in Earlier Old English Prose: Sixteen Original Contributions, ed. Paul E. Szarmach (Albany, New York, 1986), pp. 193–243

clxxiv

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MELLOWS, W. T. (ed.), The Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, A Monk of Peterborough (Oxford, 1949) MILLAR, Robert McColl, ‘Some Patterns in the Non-Historical Demonstrative Usage of the Peterborough Chronicle Annals 1070–1121’, Notes and Queries, new series, 44 (1997), 161–4. MITCHELL, Bruce, A Critical Bibliography of Old English Syntax to the End of 1984 (Oxford, 1990) MITCHELL, Bruce, ‘The Dangers of Disguise: Old English Texts in Modern Punctuation’, Review of English Studies, new series, 31 (1980), 385–413; repr. in his On Old English: Selected Papers (Oxford, 1988), pp. 172–202 MITCHELL, Bruce, Old English Syntax (2 vols, Oxford, 1985) MITCHELL, Bruce, ‘Syntax and Word-order in the Peterborough Chronicle 1122– 1154’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 65 (1964), 113–44; repr. in his On Old English: Selected Papers (Oxford, 1988), pp. 221–42 MITCHELL, Bruce and Susan Irvine, ‘Beowulf’ Repunctuated, Old English Newsletter Subsidia 29 (Michigan, 2000) MITCHELL, Bruce and Susan Irvine, ‘A Critical Bibliography of Old English Syntax: 1985–1988 Supplement’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 93 (1992), 1– 56 MITCHELL, Bruce and Susan Irvine, ‘A Critical Bibliography of Old English Syntax: 1989–1992 Supplement’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 97 (1996), 1–28, 121–61, 255–78 MITCHELL, Bruce and Susan Irvine, ‘A Critical Bibliography of Old English Syntax: 1993–1996 Supplement’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 103 (2002), 3–32, 179–204, 275–304 MITCHELL, J. L. and Kellen C. Thornton, ‘Computer-Aided Analysis of Old English Manuscripts’, in Computing in the Humanities, ed. Peter C. Patton and Renee A. Holoien (Lexington, Mass., and Toronto, 1981), pp. 105–12 MUSTANOJA, Tauno F., A Middle English Syntax, Part I: Parts of Speech, Mémoires de la Société Néophilologique de Helsinki 23 (Helsinki, 1960) MYNORS, R. A. B. (ed.), completed by R. M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom, William of Malmesbury: Gesta Regum Anglorum, The History of the English Kings, Vol. I (Oxford, 1998) O’BRIEN O’KEEFFE, Katherine (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, Vol. 5: MS. C (Cambridge, 2001) [PARKER, Matthew (ed.)], A Defence of Priestes Mariages Stablysshed by the Imperiall Lawes of the Realme of Englande, agaynst a Ciuilian, Namyng Hym Selfe Thomas Martin Doctour of the Ciuile Lawes (London, 1566–7) [PARKER, Matthew (ed.)], A Testimonie of Antiquitie, Shewing the Ancient Fayth in the Church of England Touching the Sacrament of the Body and Bloude of the Lord Here Publikely Preached, and Also Receaued in the Saxons Tyme, aboue 600. Yeares Agoe (London, 1566; repr. Amsterdam and New York, 1970) PARKES, M. B., ‘The Palaeography of the Parker Manuscript of the Chronicle, Laws and Sedulius, and Historiography at Winchester in the Late Ninth and Tenth Centuries’, Anglo-Saxon England 5 (1976), 149–71 PETERSON, C. M., ‘Studies in the Early History of Peterborough Abbey c.650– c.1066’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Birmingham, 1995)

clxxv

MS. E

PHILLIPS, Betty S., ‘Lexical Diffusion as a Guide to Scribal Intent: A Comparison of ME “eo” and “e” Spellings in the Peterborough Chronicle and the Ormulum’, in Historical Linguistics 1993: Selected Papers from the 11th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, ed. Henning Andersen (Amsterdam and Philadelphia, Penn., 1995), pp. 379–86 PIPER, A. J., ‘The Historical Interests of the Monks of Durham’, in Symeon of Durham: Historian of Durham and the North, ed. David Rollason (Stamford, 1998), pp. 301–32 PLUMMER, Charles (ed.), Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, with Supplementary Extracts from the Others. A Revised Text on the Basis of an Edition by John Earle (2 vols, Oxford, 1892–9; rev. imp., by D. Whitelock, 1952) PULSIANO, Phillip, ‘William L’Isle and the Editing of Old English’, in Graham, The Recovery of Old English, pp. 173–206 ROBERTSON, A. J. (ed.), Anglo-Saxon Charters (Cambridge, 1939) ROBINSON, Pam R., ‘Self-Contained Units in Composite Manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon Period’, Anglo-Saxon England 7 (1978), 231–8 SAWYER, P. H., Anglo-Saxon Charters: An Annotated List and Bibliography (London, 1968) SHORES, David L., A Descriptive Syntax of the Peterborough Chronicle from 1122 to 1154 (The Hague and Paris, 1971) SPARKE, Joseph (ed.), Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Varii, e Codicibus Manuscriptis (London, 1727) STENTON, F. M., ‘Medeshamstede and its Colonies’, in Historical Essays in Honour of James Tait, ed. J. G. Edwards, V. H. Galbraith, and E. F. Jacob (Manchester, 1933), pp. 313–26; repr. in Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Doris Mary Stenton (Oxford, 1970), pp. 179–92 STORY, Joanna ‘ “Concerning the Bishops of Whithorn and their Subjection to the Archbishops of York”: Some Observations on the Manuscript Evidence and its Links with Durham’, Durham Archaeological Journal 14–15 (1999), 77–83 SWAN, Mary and Elaine M. Treharne (edd.), Rewriting Old English in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 2000) TAYLOR, Simon (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, Vol. 4: MS B (Cambridge, 1983) THOMSON, R. M. (ed.) with Winterbottom, M., William of Malmesbury: Gesta Regum Anglorum, The History of the English Kings, Vol. II, General Introduction and Commentary (Oxford, 1999) THORPE, Benjamin (ed. and trans.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, according to the Several Original Authorities (2 vols, London, 1861) TUVE, Rosemond, ‘Ancients, Moderns, and Saxons’, Journal of English Literary History 6 (1939), 165–90 WATSON, Andrew G., The Library of Sir Simonds D’Ewes, British Museum Bicentenary Publications (London, 1966) WHEELOC, Abraham (ed.), Historiæ ecclesiasticæ gentis Anglorum libri V. a venerabili Beda presbytero scripti . . . quibus in calce operis Saxonicam chronologiam . . . contexuimus (Cambridge, 1643) WHITELOCK, Dorothy, English Historical Documents c.500–1042, 2nd edn (London, 1979)

clxxvi

BIBLIOGRAPHY

WHITELOCK, Dorothy (ed.), The Peterborough Chronicle (The Bodleian Manuscript Laud Misc. 636), Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile, vol. 4 (Copenhagen, 1954) WHITELOCK, Dorothy (trans.) with David C. Douglas and Susie I. Tucker, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Revised Translation (London, 1961) WRIGHT, C. E., ‘The Dispersal of the Monastic Libraries and the Beginning of Anglo-Saxon Studies: Matthew Parker and his Circle: A Preliminary Study’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 1 (1949–53), 208–37

clxxvii

TEXT OF MS. E

TEXT

[Preface] (1r) Brittene1 igland is ehta hund mila lang & twa hund brad, & her sind on þis iglande fif geþeode: englisc & brittisc & wilsc & scyttisc & pyhtisc & bocleden. Erest weron bugend þises landes Brittes þa coman of Armenia & gesætan suðewearde Bryttene ærost. Þa gelamp hit þet Pyhtas coman2 suþan of Scithian mid langum scipum na manegum & þa coman ærost on norþ Ybernian up & þær bædo Scottas þet hi ðer moston wunian. Ac hi noldan heom lyfan, forðan hi cwædon 33 þa Scottas: ‘We eow magon þeahhwaðere ræd gelæron. We witan oþer egland her be easton þer ge magon eardian gif ge willað, & gif hwa eow wiðstent, we eow fultumiad þet ge hit magon gegangan.’ Ða ferdon þa Pihtas & geferdon þis land norþanweard, & suþanweard hit hefdon Brittas swa we ær cwedon. And þa Pyhtas heom abædon wif æt Scottum4 on þa gerad þet hi gecuron heor kynecinn aa on þa wifhealfa; þet hi heoldon swa lange syððan. & þa gelamp hit imbe geara rina þet Scotta sum dæl gewat of Ybernian on Brittene & þes landes sum dæl geeodon, & wes heora heratoga Reoda gehaten from þam heo sind genemnode Dælreodi. [60 BC] Sixtigum wintrum ær þam þe Crist were acenned, Gaius Iulius Romana kasere mid hundehtatigum scipum gesohte Brytene. Þer he wes ærost geswenced mid grimmum gefeohte & micelne dæl his heres forlædde. & þa he (1v) forlet his here abidan mid Scottum & gewat into1 Galwalum1 & þer gegadorode six hund scipa mid þam he1 gewat eft into Brytene. & þa hi ærost togedore geræsdon,1 þa man1 ofsloh ðes caseres gerefan se wes Labienus1 gehaten. Ða genamon þa Walas & adrifon sumre1 ea ford ealne mid scearpum pilum greatum innan þam wetere;1 sy ea hatte Temese.1 Þa þet onfundon ða Romani, þa noldon1 hi faron ofer1 þone ford. Þa flugon þa Brytwalas to þam wudufe(r)stenum.1 & se kasere geeode wel manega hehburh mid mycelum gewinne & eft gewat into Galwalum. [1] AN.i. Octauianus rixade .lvi. wintra, & on þam .xlii. geare his rices Crist wæs acenned.

[Preface]

[60 BC]

1 The B is a large green initial with red decoration. 2 Erasure of about three letters between coman and suþan. 3...3 Omitted in error from E and reproduced here from D. 4 Tiny hole in the parchment obscures part of S. 1 The i of into and abbreviated um of Galwalum are slightly

obscured by the green paint of the initial overleaf eating through the parchment. This also affects he, geræsdon, man, Labienus, sumre, wetere, Temese, noldon, ofer, wudufe(r)stenum.

3

MS. E

[2]

AN.ii. Þa tungelwitegan of eastdæle coman to þan þet hi Crist wurðoden; and þa cild on Bethleem ofslagene wæron for ehtnesse fram Herode, & he swealt ofsticod fram him sylfum, & Archelaus his sune feng to rice. AN.iii. AN.iv. AN.v. AN.vi. AN.vii. AN.viii. AN.ix. AN.x. AN.xi. Fram frymðe middaneardes oþ þis gear wæron agan .v. þusend wintra & .cc. wintra. AN.xii. Philippus & Herodes todældon Iudeam. iiii. ricu todældon. AN.xiii. AN.xiiii. AN.xv. AN.xvi. Her feng Tiberius to rice. AN.xvii. AN.xviii. AN.xix. AN.xx. AN.xxi. AN.x\x/ii.1 AN.xxiii. AN.xxiiii. AN.xxv. AN.xxvi. Her onfeng Pilatus gymene ofer þa Iudeas. (2r) AN.xxvii. AN.xxviii. AN.xxix. AN.xxx. Her wæs Crist gefullod, & Petrus & Andreas gehwyrfede & Iacobus & Iohannes & þa .xii. apostolas. AN.xxxi. AN.xxxii. AN.xxxiii. Hær wes Crist ahangen fram fruman middaneardes ymb .v. þusend wintra & .cc. & .xxvi.1 AN.xxxiiii. Her wæs Sanctus Paulus gehwyrfed & Sanctus Stephanus oftorfod.

[10] [11] [12]

[16]

[20]

[26]

[30]

[33] [34]

[22] [33]

1 1

An extra i has been erased at the end of the annal-number. vi is written over an erasure.

4

TEXT

[35]

AN.xxxv. Her se eadiga apostol Petrus geset biscopsetl on Antiochia ceastre. AN.xxxvi. AN.xxxvii. AN.xxxviii. AN.xxxix. Her onfeng Gaius to rice. AN.xl. AN.xli. AN.xlii. AN.xliii. AN.xliiii. AN.xlv. Her se eadiga Petrus se apostol geset biscopsetl on Rome. AN.xlvi. Her Erodes swealt, se ðe Iacobum ofsloh anum geare ær his agenum deaðe. AN.xlvii. Her Claudius Romana cining gewat mid here on Brytene & þet igland geeode & ealle Pyhtas & Walas underþeodde Romana rice. Ðis gefeoht he gefremede þam feorðan geare his rices. Þam geare gewearð se mycla hunger on Siria þe wes forewitegad on Actibus Apostolorum þurh Agabum þone witegan. Þa feng Nero to rice æfter Claudie, se æt nextan forlet Brytene igland for his uncafscipe. AN.xlviii. AN.xlix. AN.l. AN.li. AN.lii. AN.liii. (2v) AN.liiii. AN.lv. AN.lvi. AN.lvii. AN.lviii. AN.lix. AN.lx. AN.lxi. AN.lxii. Her Iacobus frater Domini þrowade. AN.lxii.1 Her Marcus se godspellere forðferde. (AN.lxiii.) AN.lxiiii.

[39] [40]

[45] [46] [47]

[50]

[60] [62] [63]

[63]

1

The final i was omitted in error by the scribe who also erroneously added AN.lxxiii. below this entry. (The i has been added and AN.lxiii. crossed out by a later annotator.)

5

MS. E

AN.lxv. AN.lxvi. AN.lxvii. AN.lxviii. AN.lxviiii. Her Petrus & Paulus þrowodon. AN.lxx. Her Uespasianus onfeng rice. AN.lxxi. Her Titus Uespasianus <sunu>1 in Ierusalem ofsloh Iudea .cxi. þusend. AN.lxxii. AN.lxxiii. AN.lxxiiii. AN.lxxv. AN.lxxvi. AN.lxxvii. AN.lxxviii. AN.lxxix. AN.lxxx. AN.lxxxi. Her feng Titus to rice, se ðe sede þet he þone dæg forlure ðe he naht to gode on ne dyde. AN.lxxxii. AN.lxxxiii. AN.lxxxiiii. Her Domitianus Tites broðor feng to rice. AN.lxxxv. AN.lxxxvi. AN.lxxxvii. Her Iohannes se godspellere in Pathma þam iglande wrat þa boc Apocalypsin. AN.lxxxviii. AN.lxxxix. AN.xc. AN.xci. AN.xcii. AN.xciii. AN.xciiii. AN.xcv. AN.xcvi. AN.xcvii. (3r) AN.xcviii. AN.xcix. AN.c. Her Simon se apostol wæs ahangen, & Iohannes se godspellere hine gereste in Effesia. AN.ci. Her Clemens papa forferde.

[69] [70] [71]

[80] [81]

[84]

[87]

[90]

[100] [101] [71]

1

sunu was omitted by the scribe in error (but was added by a later hand).

6

TEXT

AN.cii. AN.ciii. AN.ciiii. AN.cv. AN.cvi. AN.cvii. AN.cviii. AN.cix. AN.cx. Her Ignatius biscop ðrowade. AN.cxi. AN.cxii. AN.cxiii. AN.cxiiii. Alexander hic constituit aquam benedictam fieri. AN.cxv. AN.cxvi. AN.cxvii. AN.cxviii. AN.cxix. AN.cxx. AN.cxxi. AN.cxxii. AN.cxxiii. AN.cxxiiii. Syxtus papa hic constituit ymnum decantare ‘Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus’, in officio miss0. AN.cxxv. AN.cxxvi. AN.cxxvii. AN.cxxviii. AN.cxxix. AN.cxxx. AN.cxxxi. AN.cxxxii. AN.cxxxiii. AN.cxxxiiii. Telesphorus papa hic constituit ymnum angelicum cantari ‘Gloria in excelsis Deo’ diebus festis. AN.cxxxv. AN.cxxxvi. AN.cxxxvii. AN.cxxxviii. AN.cxxxix. AN.cxl.1

[110]

[114]

[120]

[124]

[130]

[134]

[140] [140]

1

Erasure, perhaps of x, between c and x.

7

MS. E

[150]

[155]

[160]

[167]

[170]

AN.cxli. AN.cxlii. AN.cxliii. AN.cxliiii. (3v) AN.cxlv. AN.cxlvi. AN.cxlvii. AN.cxlviii. AN.cxlix. AN.cl. AN.cli. AN.clii. AN.cliii. AN.cliiii. AN.clv. Her Marcus Antonius & Aurelius his broðer fengon to rice. AN.clvi. AN.clvii. AN.clviii. AN.clix. AN.clx. AN.clxi. AN.clxii. AN.clxiii. AN.clxiiii. AN.clxv. AN.clxvi. AN.clxvii. Her Eleutherius on Rome onfeng biscopdom & þone wurþlice .xv. winter geheold. To ðam Lucius Brytwalana cing sende men & bead fulluhtes, & he him sona sende, & heo siððan wunodon on rihtan gelefan oððe Dioclitianus rice. AN.clxviii. AN.clxix. AN.clxx. AN. clxxi. AN.clxxii. AN.clxxiii. AN.clxxiiii. AN.clxxv. AN.clxxvi. AN.clxxvii. AN.clxxviii. AN.clxxix. 8

TEXT

[180]

AN.clxxx. AN.clxxxi. AN.clxxxii. AN.clxxxiii. AN.clxxxiiii. AN.clxxxv. AN.clxxxvi. AN.clxxxvii. AN.clxxxviii. AN.clxxxix. Her Seuerus feng to rice & ferde mid here on Brytene & mid gefeohte geeode þes iglandes mycelne dæl, & (4r) þa gewrohte he weall mid turfum & bredweall ðæron ufon fram sæ to sæ, Britwalum to gebeorge. He rixade .xvii. gear & þa geendode on Eoferwic. Bassianus his sunu feng to rice; oðer his sunu wes gehaten Geza,1 se forwearð. AN.cxc. AN.cxci. AN.cxcii. AN.cxciii. AN.cxciiii. AN.cxcv. AN.cxcvi. AN.cxcvii. AN.cxcviii. AN.cxcix. AN.cc. AN.cci. AN.ccii. Uictor papa hic constituit ut pascha die dominico celebretur sicut predecessor eius Eleutherius. AN.cciii. AN.cciiii. AN.ccv. AN.ccvi. AN.ccvii. AN.ccviii. AN.ccix. AN.ccx. AN.ccxi. AN.ccxii. AN.ccxiii.

[189]

[190]

[200] [202]

[210]

[189]

1

Erasure after Geza.

9

MS. E

[220]

[230]

[240]

[250]

[254]

AN.ccxiiii. AN.ccxv. AN.ccxvi. AN.ccxvii. AN.ccxviii. AN.ccxix. AN.ccxx. AN.ccxxi. AN.ccxxii. AN.ccxxiii. AN.ccxxiiii. AN.ccxxv. AN.ccxxvi. AN.ccxxvii. AN.ccxxviii. AN.ccxxix. AN.ccxxx. AN.ccxxxi. AN.ccxxxii. AN.ccxxxiii. AN.ccxxxiiii. AN.ccxxxv. AN.ccxxxvi. AN.ccxxxvii. (4v) AN.ccxxxviii. AN.ccxxxix. AN.ccxl. AN.ccxli. AN.ccxlii. AN.ccxliii. AN.ccxliiii. AN.ccxlv. AN.ccxlvi. AN.ccxlvii. AN.ccxlviii. AN.ccxlix. AN.ccl. AN.ccli. AN.cclii. AN.ccliii. AN.ccliiii. Cornelius papa hic de catacumbas leuauit per noctem corpora apostolorum et posuit Pauli quidem uia ostensi ubi decollatus est, Petri autem iuxta locum ubi crucifixus est. 10

TEXT

[260]

[270]

[280]

[286]

[290]

AN.cclv. AN.cclvi. AN.cclvii. AN.cclviii. AN.cclix. AN.cclx. AN.cclxi. AN.cclxii. AN.cclxiii. AN.cclxiiii. AN.cclxv. AN.cclxvi. AN.cclxvii. AN.cclxviii. AN.cclxix. AN.cclxx. AN.cclxxi. AN.cclxxii. AN.cclxxiii. AN.cclxxiiii. AN.cclxxv. AN.cclxxvi. AN.cclxxvii. AN.cclxxviii. AN.cclxxix. AN.cclxxx. AN.cclxxxi. AN.cclxxxii. AN.cclxxxiii. AN.cclxxxiiii. AN.cclxxxv. AN.cclxxxvi. Her þrowade Sanctus Albanus martyr. AN.cclxxxvii. AN.cclxx<x>viii. AN.cclxxxix. AN.ccxc. AN.ccxci. AN.ccxcii. AN.ccxciii. AN.ccxciiii. AN.ccxcv. AN.ccxcvi. AN.ccxcvii. 11

(5r)

MS. E

[300]

[310] [311]

[320]

[330]

AN.ccxcviii. AN.ccxcix. AN.ccc. AN.ccci. AN.cccii. AN.ccciii. AN.ccciiii. AN.cccv. AN.cccvi. AN.cccvii. AN.cccviii. AN.cccix. AN.cccx. AN.cccxi. Sanctus Siluester papa .xxiii.: huius tempore celebratur nicenum concilium, arelatense quoque primum in quo fuit Auitianus Rotomagi archiepiscopus. AN.cccxii. AN.cccxiii. AN.cccxiiii. AN.cccxv. AN.cccxvi. AN.cccxvii. AN.cccxviii. AN.cccxix. AN.cccxx. AN.cccxxi. AN.cccxxii. AN.cccxxiii. AN.cccxxiiii. AN.cccxxv. AN.cccxxvi. AN.cccxxvii. AN.cccxxviii. AN.cccxxix. AN.cccxxx. AN.cccxxxi. AN.cccxxxii. AN.cccxxxiii. AN.cccxxxiiii. AN.cccxxxv. AN.cccxxxvi. AN.cccxxxvii. AN.cccxxxviii. 12

TEXT

[340]

[350]

[360]

[370]

[379] [379]

AN.cccxxxix. AN.cccxl. AN.cccxli. AN.cccxlii. AN.cccxliii. AN.cccxliiii. AN.cccxlv. (5v) AN.cccxlvi. AN.cccxlvii. AN.cccxlviii. AN.cccxlix. AN.cccl. AN.cccli. AN.ccclii. AN.cccliii. AN.cccliiii. AN.ccclv. AN.ccclvi. AN.ccclvii. AN.ccclviii. AN.ccclix. AN.ccclx. AN.ccclxi. AN.ccclxii. AN.ccclxiii. AN.ccclxiiii. AN.ccclxv. AN.ccclxvi. AN.ccclxvii. AN.ccclxviii. AN.ccclxix. AN.ccclxx. AN.ccclxxi. AN.ccclxxii. AN.ccclxxiii. AN.ccclxxiiii. AN.ccclxxv. AN.ccclxxvi. AN.ccclxxvii. AN.ccclxxviii. AN.ccclxxix. Her Gratianus feng to rice. AN.ccclxxix. Hoc t[e]mpore celebratur constantinopolitanum 13

MS. E

[380]

[390]

[400]

[403]

[409]

concilium .cl. patrum aduersus Macedonum et Eunomium sub Damaso. AN.ccclxxx. Her Maximus feng to rice. He wæs on Brytenlande geboren, & þanon he for in Galwalas, & he ðær ofsloh þone kasere Gratianum & his broðer adraf of eðele, se wæs gehaten Ualentinianus; & se Ualentinianus eft gesamnode weorod & ofsloh Maximum & feng to rice. On þam tidum aras Pelaies gedwild geond middangeard. AN.ccclxxxi. AN.ccclxxxii. AN.ccclxxxiii. AN.ccclxxxiiii. AN.ccclxxxv. AN.ccclxxxvi. (6r) AN.ccclxxxvii. AN.ccclxxxviii. AN.ccclxxxix. AN.cccxc. AN.cccxci. AN.cccxcii. AN.cccxciii. AN.cccxciiii. AN.cccxcv. AN.cccxcvi. AN.cccxcvii. AN.cccxcviii. AN.cccxcix. AN.cccc. AN.cccci. AN.ccccii. AN.cccciii. Innocentius papa hic misit decretalem epistolam Uictricio rotomagensi archiepiscopo. Hic constituit sabbato ieiunare quia eo die Dominus iacuit in sepulchro. AN.cccciiii. AN.ccccv. AN.ccccvi. AN.ccccvii. AN.ccccviii. AN.ccccix. Her wæs tobrocen Romana burh fram Gotum ymb .xi. hund wintra & .x. wintra þæs þe heo getimbred wæs. Siððan ofer þet ne rixodan leng Romana cinigas on Brytene. Ealles hi ðær rixodan .iiii. hund wintra & hundseofenti wintra siððan Gaius Iulius þet land erost gesohte. 14

TEXT

[410]

AN.ccccx. AN.cc\c/cxi. AN.ccccxii. AN.ccccxiii. AN.ccccxiiii. AN.ccccxv. AN.ccccxvi. AN.ccccxvii. AN.ccccxviii. Her Romane gesamnodan ealle þa goldhord ðe on Brytene wæron & sume on eorðan behyddan þet heo nan man syððan findon ne mihton & sume mid heom on Gallia læddon. AN.ccccxix. AN.ccccxx. AN.ccccxxi. AN.ccccxxii. (6v) AN.ccccxxiii. Her Ðeodosius se gingra feng to rice. AN.ccccxxiiii. AN.ccccxxv. Huius temporis 0tate extitit exordium regum Francorum, primus Faramundus. AN.ccccxxvi. AN.ccccxxvii. AN.ccccxxviii. AN.ccccxxix. AN.ccccxxx. Her Patricius wæs asend fram Celestine þam papan to bodianne Scottum fulluht. AN.ccccxxxi. Hoc tempore diabolus in Creta Iudeis in specie Moysi apparens ad terram repromissionis per mare pede sicco perducere permittit, sicque plurimis necatis reliqui ad Christi gratiam conuertuntur. AN.ccccxxxii. AN.ccccxxxiii. Celestinus papa: huius tempore aggregata est ephesina synodus ducentorum episcoporum cui prefuit Cirillus alexandrinus presul aduersus Nestorium constantinopolitanum episcopum. AN.cc\c/cxxxiiii. AN.ccccxxxv. AN.ccccxxxvi. AN.ccccxxxvii. AN.ccccxxxviii. AN.ccccxxxix.1 Leo papa hic sanciuit calcedonensem sinodum.

[418]

[420]

[423] [425]

[430] [431]

[433]

[439]

[439]

1

An extra whole annal-number has been erased here.

15

MS. E

[440]

[443]

[449]

[450]

[455]

[456]

AN.ccccxl. AN.ccccxli. AN.ccccxlii. AN.ccccxliii. Her sendon Brytwalas ofer \sæ/ to Rome & heom fultumes bædon wið Peohtas, ac hi þær nefdon nænne, forþan ðe hi feordodan wið Ætlan Huna cininge, & þa sendon hi to Anglum & Angelcynnes æðelingas þes ilcan bædon. AN.ccccxliiii. AN.ccccxlv. AN.ccccxlvi. AN.ccccxlvii. (7r) AN.ccccxlviii. AN.ccccxlix. Huius tempore celebratur calcedonense concilium .dcxxx. episcoporum aduersus Euticem abbatem et Dioscorum. Her Martianus & Ualentinus onfengon rice & rixadon .vii. winter; & on þeora dagum gelaðode Wyrtgeorn Angelcin hider, & hi þa coman on þrim ceolum hider to Brytene on þam stede Heopwinesfleot. Se cyning Wyrtgeorn gef heom land on suðaneastan ðissum lande wið ðan þe hi sceoldon feohton wið Pyhtas. Heo þa fuhton wið Pyhtas & heofdon sige swa hwer swa heo comon. Hy ða sendon to Angle, heton sendon mara fultum & heton heom secgan Brytwalana nahtscipe & þes landes cysta. Hy ða sona sendon hider mare weored þam oðrum to fultume. Ða comon þa men of þrim megðum Germanie: of Aldseaxum, of Anglum, of Iotum. Of Iotum comon Cantwara & Wihtwara, þet is seo megð þe nu eardaþ on Wiht, & þet cyn on Westsexum þe man nu git hæt Iutnacynn. Of Ealdseaxum coman Eastseaxa & Suðsexa & Westsexa. Of Angle comon, se a syððan stod westig betwix Iutum & Seaxum, Eastangla, Middelangla, Mearca & ealla Norþhymbra. Heora heretogan wæron twegen gebroðra Hengest & Horsa, þet wæron Wihtgilses suna. Wihtgils wæs Witting (Witting), Witta Wecting, Wecta Wodning; fram þan Wodne awoc eall ure cynecynn & Suðanhymbra eac. AN.ccccl. AN.ccccli. AN.cccclii. AN.ccccliii. AN.ccccliiii. AN.cccclv. Her Hengest & Horsa fuhton wið Wyrtgerne þam cininge (7v) on þære stowe þe is cweden Ægelesþrep, & his broðor Horsan man ofsloh; & æfter þonn feng to rice Hengest & Æsc his sunu. AN.cccclvi. Her Hengest & Æsc gefuhton wið Bryttas on þere stow 16

TEXT

þe is gecweden Crecganford & þer ofslogon .iiii. werad, & þa Bryttas forleton þa Kentland & mid mycclum ege flugon to Lundenbyrig. AN.cccclvii. AN.cccclviii. AN.cccclviiii. AN.cccclx. AN.cccclxi. AN.cccclxii. AN.cccclxiii. AN.cccclxiiii. AN.cccclxv. Her Hengest & Æsc gefuhton wið Walas neh Wippedesfleote & ðær ofslogon .xii. wilsce 1ealdormen, & heora an þegn wearð þær ofslegen þam wæs nama Wipped. AN.cccclxvi. AN.cccclxvii. AN.cccclxviii. AN.cccclxix. AN.cccclxx. AN.cccclxxi. AN.cccclxxii. AN.cccclxxiii. Her Hengest & Æsc gefuhton wið Walas & genamon unarimenlicu herereaf, & þa Walas flugon þa Englan swiðe þearle. AN.cccclxxiiii. AN.cccclxxv. AN.cccclxxvi. AN.cccclxxvii. Her com Ælle on Brytenland & his .iii. suna Cymen & Wlencing & Cissa mid .iii. scipum on ða stowe þe is genemnad Cymenesora, & þær ofslogon manige Walas & sume on fleame bedrifon on þone wudu þe is nemned Andredeslege. AN.cccclxxviii. AN.cccclxxix. AN.cccclxxx. (8r) AN.cccclxxxi. AN.cccclxxxii. AN.cccclxxxiii. AN.cccclxxxiiii. AN.cccclxxxv. Her Ælle gefeaht wið Walas neh Mearcredesburnan steðe. AN.cccclxxxvi.

[460]

[465]

[470]

[473]

[477]

[480]

[485]

[465]

1

Erasure of subpuncted æ before ealdormen.

17

MS. E

AN.cccclxxxvii. AN.cccclxxxviii. Her Æsc feng to rice & wæs .xxxiiii. wintra cining. AN.cccclxxxix. AN.ccccxc. Hoc tempore beatus Mamertus episcopus uiennensis1 solennes letanias instituit rogationum. AN.ccccxi.1 Her Ælla & Cissa ymbsæton Andredesceaster & ofslogon ealle þa ðe þærinne eardedon; ne wearð þær forþen an Brit to lafe. AN.ccccxcii. AN.ccccxciii. AN.ccccxciiii. AN.ccccxcv. Her coman twegen ealdormen on Brytene, Certic & Cynric his sunu, mid .v. scipum on þone stede þe is gehaten Certicesora, & on þam ilcan dæge gefuhton wið Walas. AN.ccccxcvi. AN.ccccxcvii. AN.ccccxcviii. AN.ccccxcix. AN.d. AN.di. Her com Port on Brytene & his twegan sunan Bieda & Mægla mid .ii. scipum in þære stowe (8v) þe is gecweden Portesmuða, & sona land namon & ofslogon ænne gungne brytiscne man swiðe ædelne. AN.dii. AN.diii. AN.diiii. AN.dv. AN.dvi. AN.dvii. AN.dviii. Her Certic & Cinric ofslogon ænne bryttiscne cining þam wæs nama Nazaleod & .v. þusend wera mid him; & æfter þan wæs þet land genemnad Nazanleog a oþ Certicesford. AN.dix. AN.dx. AN.dxi. AN.dxii. AN.dxiii. AN.dxiiii. Her com Westseaxa in Brytene mid þrim scipum in þa

[488]

[490] [491]

[495]

[500] [501]

[508]

[510]

[514]

[490] [491]

1 1

Erasure between uiennensis and solennes. xi has been corrected to xci by a later hand in brown ink.

18

TEXT

stowe ðe is gecweden Certicesora, & Stuf & Wihtgar fuhton wið Bryttas & hi geflemdon. AN.dxv. AN.dxvi. AN.dxvii. AN.dxviii. AN.dxix. Her Certic & Kynric onfengon Westseaxna rice, & þi ilcan geare hi gefuhton wið Bryttas ðer man nu nemnað Certicesford; & siððan rixadon Westseaxna cynebarn of þam dæge. AN.dxx. AN.dxxi. (9r) AN.dxxii. AN.dxxiii. AN.dxxiiii. AN.dxxv. AN.dxxvi. AN.dxxvii. Her Certic & Kynric1 gefuhton wið Brittas on þære stowa ðe is gecweden Certicesford. AN.dxxviii. Hoc tempore Dionisius in urbe Roma circulum paschalem composuit. Tunc Priscianus profunda grammatica rimatus est. AN.dxxix. AN.dxxx. Her Certic & Cynric genaman Wihtland & ofslogon feala manna on Wihtgarasbirig. AN.dxxxi. AN.dxxxii. AN.dxxxiii. AN.dxxxiiii. Her Certic forþferde, & Cynric his sunu rixade forþ .xxvi. wintra, & heo sealdon heora twam nefum Stufe & Wihtgare eall Wihtland. AN.dxxxv. AN.dxxxvi. AN.dxxxvii. AN.dxxxviii. Her sunne aðestrode on .xiiii. kalendas Martii from ærmorgene oþ underne. AN.dxxxix. AN.dxl. Her sunne aðeostrode on .xii. kalendas Iulii, & steorran heo ætewdon fulneh healfe tid ofer under. AN.dxli.

[519]

[520]

[527] [528]

[530]

[534]

[538]

[540]

[527]

1

The r of Kynric has been corrected from another letter.

19

MS. E

[544]

[547]

[550] [552]

[556]

[560]

[565]

AN.dxlii. AN.dxliii. (9v) AN.dxliiii. Her Wihtgar forðferde, & hine mon bebyrig on Wihtgarasbyrig. AN.dxlv. AN.dxlvi. AN.dxlvii. Her Ida feng to rice, þanon Norðhymbra cynekyn ærost awoc, & rixade .xii. gear, & he getimbrade Bebbanburh, sy wæs ærost mid hegge betined & þæræfter mid wealle. AN.dxlviii. AN.dxlix. AN.dl. AN.dli. AN.dlii. Her Kynric feaht wið Bryttas on þære stowe þe is genemned Searobyrig, & þa Bryttas geflemde. AN.dliii. AN.dliiii. AN.dlv. AN.dlvi. Her Kynric & Ceawling fuhton wið Bryttas æt Beranbyrig. AN.dlvii. AN.dlviii. AN.dlix. AN.dlx. Her Ceawling rice onfeng on Weastseaxum, & Ælle feng to Norðhymbra rice, Idan forðgefarenum, & hyra ægðer rixade .xxx. wintra. AN.dlxi. AN.dlxii. AN.dlxiii. AN.dlxiiii. AN.dlxv. Her feng Æðelbriht to Cantwara rice (10r) & heold .liii. wintra. On his dagum sende Gregorius \us/ fulluht, & Columba messapreost com to Pyhtum & hi gecyrde to Cristes geleafan – þet sind þone wærteres be norðum morum – & heora cyning him gesealde þet egland þe man nemnad Ii, þær sindon .v. hida ðæs þe men cweðaþ. Þær se Columba getymbrade mynster, & ðær he(r) wæs abbot .xxxii. wintra & þær forðferde ða ða he wæs .lxxvii. wintra. Ða stowe habbað nu git his erfewærdes. Suðpyhtas wæron mycle ær gefullode: heom bodade fulwiht Nimia biscop, se wæs on Rome gelæred, þæs cyrice & his mynster is æt Hwiterne on Martines naman gehalgod; þær he restað mid manegum halgum wærum. Nu sceal beon æfre on Ii abbod næs bisceop, & þam sculon 20

TEXT

1 underþædde ealle Scotta biscopes, forþam ðe Columba wæs abbod nes bisceop. AN.dlxvi. AN.dlxvii. AN.dlxviii. Her Ceawlin & Cuþa gefuhton wið Æðelbriht &1 hine on Cent geflemdon & .ii. ældormen on Wibbanduna ofslogon, Oslac & Cnebban. AN.dlxix. AN.dlxx.1 AN.dlxxi. Her Cuþa gefeaht wið Brytwalas æt Biedcanforda & feower tunas genam, Lygeanbyrig & Æglesbyrig & Benesingtun & Egonesham, & on þam ilcan geare he forþfor; se Cuþa wæs Ceawlines1 broðor. AN.dlxxii. AN.dlxxiii. AN.dlxxiiii. AN.dlxxv. AN.dlxxvi. (10v) AN.dlxxvii. Her Cuðwine & Ceawlin gefuhton wið Bryttas, & hi .iii. ciningas ofslogon, Coinmagil & Candidan & Farinmagil, in þære stowe þe is gecweden Deorham, & genamon .iii. ceastra Gleawcestre & Cirenceaster & Baþanceaster. AN.dlxxviii. AN.dlxxix. AN.dlxxx. AN.dlxxxi. AN.dlxxxii. AN.dlxxxiii. Her Mauricius feng to Romana rice. AN.dlxxxiiii. Her Ceawlin & Cuþa gefuhton wið ða Bryttas on þam stede ðe man nemnaþ Feþanlea, & Cuþan man ofsloh, & Ceawlin maniga tunas genam & unarimedlice herereaf. AN.dlxxxv. AN.dlxxxvi. AN.dlxxxvii. AN.dlxxxviii. Her Ælle cining forðferde, & Æðelric rixade æfter him fif gear. AN.dlxxxix. AN.dxc.

[568]

[570] [571]

[577]

[580]

[583] [584]

[588]

[590] [565] [568] [570] [571]

1 1 1 1

Supplied here from A and F. Erasure between & and hine. The final x is written over and followed by an erasure. The w of Ceawlines has been corrected from another letter.

21

MS. E

[591]

AN.dxci. Her Ceolric rixade .vi. gear. Gregorius papa hic augmentauit in predicatione canonem: ‘Diesque nostros in tua pace disponas.’ AN.dxcii. Her Gregorius feng to papdome on Rome; & mycel wæl gewearð on Brytene þes geares æt Wodnesbeorge, & Ceawlin wæs ut adrifen. AN.dxciii. Her Ceawlin & Cwichelm & Crida forwurdon, & Æðelferð1 feng to rice on Norðhymbrum; (11r) se wæs Æðelricing, Æðelric Iding. AN.dxciiii. AN.dxcv. AN.dxcvi. Hoc tempore monasterium Sancti Benedicti a Longobardis destructum est. Her Gregorius papa sende to Brytene Augustinum mid wel mane(n)gum munucum þe Godes word Engla þeoda godspellodon. AN.dxcvii. Her ongan Ceolwulf rixian on Weastseaxum, & symbe he feaht & wan, oððe wið Angelcynn oþþe wið Walas oððe wið Pyhtas oððe wið Scottas. AN.dxcviii. AN.dxcix. AN.dc. AN.dci. Her sende Gregorius papa Augustine arcebiscope pallium on Brytene & wel manega godcunde larewas him to fultume; & Paulinus biscop gehwirfede Eadwine Nor\ð/hymbra cining to fulluhte. AN.dcii. AN.dciii. Her Ægðan Scotta cining feaht wið Deolreda & wið Æðelferþe Norðhymbra kining æt Dægsanstane, & man ofsloh mæst ælne his here. Þær man ofsloh Theodbald Æðelferðes broðor mid eallan his weorode. Ne dorste siððan nan Scotta cininga lædan here on þas þeoda. Hering Hussan sunu lædde þone here ðider. AN.dciiii. Her Augustinus gehalgode .ii. biscopas Mellitum & Iustum. Mellitum he sende to bodianne Eastseaxum fulluht, þær wes se cing gehaten Sæberht, Ricolan sunu Æðelberhtes suster, þone Æðelberht gesette þær to cininga, & Æðelberht gesealde Mellite biscopsetle on Lu\n/denwic. And Iusto (11v) he sealde Hrofesceaster, seo is .xxiiii. mila fram Dorwitceastre. AN.dcv. Her forðferde Gregorius papa. And her Æðelfrið lædde his ferde to Legaceastre & þær ofsloh unrim Walana, & swa wearþ gefild Augustinus witegunge þe he cwað: ‘Gif Wealas nellaþ sibbe

[592]

[593]

[596]

[597]

[600] [601]

[603]

[604]

[605]

[593]

1

The last three letters of Æðelferð are written over an erasure.

22

TEXT

[607]

[610] [611]

[614]

[616]

[617]

[620]

wið us, hy sculon æt Seaxena handa forwurþan.’ Þær man sloh eac .cc. preosta þa comon ðider þet heo scoldan gebiddan for Walana here. Scromail wæs gehaten hyra ealdor, se ætbærst ðanon fiftiga sum. AN.dcvi. AN.dcvii. Her Ceolwulf gefaht wið Sudseaxum. AN.dcviii. AN.dcix. AN.dcx. AN.dcxi. Her Kynegils feng to rice on Weastseaxum & heol\d/ .xxxi. wintra. AN.d\c/xii. AN.d\c/xiii. AN.d\c/xiiii. Her Kynegils & Cwichelm gefuhton on Beandune & ofslogon .ii. þusend Walana & .lxv. AN.d\c/xv. AN.d\c/xvi. Her forðferde Æþelberht Cantware cining, se rixade .lvi. wintra; & æfter him feng Eadbold to rice his sunu, se forlet his fulluht & lifode on heðenum þeawe swa þet he heafde his feder lafe to wife. Ða mynte Laurentius þe ða wæs ercebiscop on Cænt þet he wolde suþ ofer se & þet eall forlæton, ac him com to on niht se apostol Petrus & hine hetelice swang, forþan þet he wolda swa þa Godes hyrde forleton, & het hine gan to þam cininge & him rihte geleafan bodian, & he swa dide, & se (12r) cining gecerde & wearð gefullod. On þises cininges dagum Laurentius ercebiscop ðe wæs on Cent æfter Augustinus forðferde & wæs bebyrged be Augustine in die .iiiio. nonarum Februarii. Þa æfter him feng Mellitus to \erce/biscopdome, þe ær wæs biscop on Lundene – þa wurdon Lundenware heðene þær Mellitus ær wæs – & þes þa ymb .v. wintra rixiendum Eadbaldum Mellitus for to Criste. Þa æfter feng to þam ercebiscopdome Iustus, & he gehalgode to Hrofeceastre Romanum þær he ær wæs biscop. AN.d\c/xvii. Her wærð Æðelfrið Norðhymbra cining ofslagen fram Reodwalde Eastengla cininge, & Eadwine Ælling feng to rice & geyde eall Brytene buton Cantware anre & adrefde ut þa eðelingas, Æðelfriðes suna, þet wæs ærest Eanfrid, Oswald & Oswiu, Oslac, Oswudu, Oslaf & Offa. AN.d\c/xviii. AN.d\c/xix. AN.dcxx. AN.dcxxi. AN.dcxxii. AN.dcxxiii. 23

MS. E

[624] [625]

AN.dcxxiiii. Her forðferde Mellitus ercebiscop. AN.dcxxv. Her Iustus arcebiscop gehalgode Paulinum to biscope on .xii. kalendas Augusti. Hic ciclus Dionisii quinque decennouenalibus constantibus, hoc est .xcv. annis, sumitque exordium a .xxxo. anno incarnationis Domini et desinit in .dcxxvi. anno. Hic ordo decennouenalis quem Greci ‘ennia kaide Iohannes papa kaderida’ uocat a sanctis patribus in Nicea sinodo fuit constitutus, in quo .xiiii. luna paschalis omni anno sine ulla dubitatione. (12v) AN.dcxxvi. Her com Eomer fram Cwichelme Westseaxna cininge; þohte þet he wolde ofstingan Eadwine cininge, ac e1 ofstang Lillan his ðegn & Forðhere & ðone cining gewundode. & þære ilcan nihte wes Eadwine dohter acenned, seo wæs gehaten Eanfled. Þa gehet se cining Pauline þet he wolde his dohter gesyllan Gode gif he wolde abiddan æt Gode þet he moste his feond afyllan, þe þone scaðan þider ær sende. & he þa for on Westseaxum mid fyrde & afylde þær .v. ciningas & þæs folces mycel ofsloh. & Paulinus gefullade his dohter on Pentecosten twelfa sum, & se cining binnan .xii. monað wæs gefullod on Eastrum mid eallum his dugoðe; þa wæron Estran on .ii. idus Aprilis. Ðis wæs gedon on Eoferwic þær he ær het getimbrian cyrican of treowe, seo wæs gehalgod on Sancte Petres naman; þær se cining sealde Pauline biscopsetl, & þær he het eft timbrian maran cyrican of stane. & her feng Penda to rice & rixade .xxx. wintra. AN.dcxxvii. Her wes Eadwine cining gefullod fram Pauline, & eac1 þes Paulinus bodad fulluht on Lindi\s/se þær gelifde ærest sum rice man mid ealre his duguðe, se wæs gehaten Blecca. & in ðas tid Honorius feng to papdome æfter Boniface, þe sende Pauline hider pallium, & Iustus ercebiscop forðferde .iiii. idus Nouembris, & Honorius2 wes gehalgod fram Pauline on Lincollan; þam Honorium se papa sende eac pallium, & he sende Scottum gewrit þet hi scoldon gecerran to rihtum Eastrum. AN.dcxxviii. Her Kynegils & Cwichelm gefuhton wið Pendan æt Cirnceastre & geþingodon þa. AN.dcxxix. (13r) AN.dcxxx. AN.dcxxxi. AN.dcxxxii. Her wæs Eorpwald gefullod. AN.dcxxxiii. Her wearð Eadwine cining ofslagan fram Cadwallan

[626]

[627]

[628]

[630] [632] [633]

[626] [627]

1 1 2

MS. ðe. Erasure between eac and þes. Erasure between Honorius and wes.

24

TEXT

& Pendan on Heðfelda on .ii. idus Octobris, & he rixade .vii. gear, & eac man sloh his sunu Osfrið mid him; & þa syððan foran Ceadwala & Penda & fordydan eall Norðhymbra land. Þa þet Paulinus geseah, þa genam Æðelburge Eadwines lafe & gewat on scipe to Cent, & Eadbold & Honorius him onfengon swiðe arwurðlice & sealdon him biscopsetle on Rofescestre, & he þær wunode to his ende. AN.dcxxxiiii. Her feng to Dearne1 rice Osric þone Paulinus ær gefullode, se wæs Ælfrices sunu Ædwines federan, & to Bærnicum feng Æðelfriðes sunu Eanfrið. & eac her Birinus bodade ærest Weastseaxum fulluht under Cynegilse cininge; se Birinus com þider be Honorius wordum þes papan, & he ðær wes biscop oþ his lyfes ende. And Oswold eac her feng to Norðanhymbran rice, & he rixade .ix. winter; man getealde him þet nigonðe for þan heðenscipe þe hi drugon þe hi þet an gear rixodon betwix him & Eadwine. AN.dcxxxv. Her Kynegils wæs gefullod fram Byrine þam biscope on Dorcaceastre, & Oswold Norðhymbra cining his onfeng. AN.dcxxxvi. Her wæs Cwichelm gefullod on Dorceceastre, & þam ilcan geare he forðferde; & Felix biscop bodade Easteanglum Cristes gelefan. AN.dcxxxvii. AN.dcxxxviii. AN.dcxxxix. Her Byrinus fullode Cuðred on (13v) Dorceceastre & onfeng hine him to sunu. AN.dcxxxix. Her Eadbald Cantwara cining forðferde, se wæs cining .xxiiii. wintra. Þa feng his sunu Ercenbriht to þam rice, se towearp ealla þa deofelgyld on his rice, & ærost engliscra cininga he gesette Eastorfeasten; þæs dohter wæs gehaten Ercongota, halifemne & wundorlic man, þære modor wæs Sexburh Annan dohter Eastengla ciningas. AN.dcxl. AN.dcxli. Her wæs Osuuald ofslagen Norðhymbra cining fram Pendan Suþhymbrum on Maserfeld on ðam dæge nonas Augusti, & his lic wæs bebyrged on Bearðanege; þæs halines & wundor wæron syððan manigfealde gecydde geond his egland, & his handa sindon on Bebbanburh ungebrosnode. And her Cenwalh feng to Wæstseaxena rice & heold .xxi. wintra; se Cenwalh het atimbrian þa cyrican on Wintanceastre, & he wæs Kynegilwing. & þam ilcan

[634]

[635] [636]

[639] [639]

[640] [641]

[634]

1

Above Dearne is written deira in brown ink; this may have been added by the main scribe but is more likely to be a later addition by an annotator.

25

MS. E

geare ðe Oswald wæs ofslagen, feng Oswiu his broðor to Norþanhymbran rice, & he rixode twa læs .xxx. geara. AN.dcxlii. AN.dcxliii. Her forðferde Paulinus ærcebiscop on Rofesceastre .vi. idus Octobris; se wæs biscop an læs .xx. wintra & .ii. monðas & .xxi. daga. And her feng Oswine(s) <Edwines> fedran suna sunu Osrices to Dearne rice & rixade .vii. winter. AN.dcxliiii. Her Cenwalh wæs adrifen of his rice fram Pendan cininge. AN.dcxlv. Her Cenwalh wæs gefullod. AN.dcxlvi. (14r) AN.dcxlviii. Her Cenwalh gesealde Eadrede his mege .iii. þusenda landes be Æscesdune. AN.dcxlix. Her Ægelbriht of Galwalum æfter Byrine þam romanisca biscop onfeng Sexena biscopdomas. AN.dcl. Her het Oswiu cining ofslean Oswine cining on .xiii. kalendas Septembris, & þæs ymbe .xii. niht forðferde Aidanus biscop on .ii. kalendas Septembris. AN.dcli. AN.dclii. Her Middalengle onfengon under Pendan ealdormæn rihtne geleafan. AN.dcliii. Her Anna cining werð ofslagen, & Botuulf ongan timbrian mynster æt Icanhoe; & her forðferde Honorius ercebiscop on .ii. kalendas Octobris. AN.dcliiii. Her Oswiu ofsloh Pendan on Winwidfelda & .xxx. cynebearna mid him, & þa wæron sume ciningas, ðere sum wæs Æðelhere Annan broðer Eastengla ciningas. Ða wæs agan fram fruman middangeardes fif þusend wintra & .dccc. wintra, & Peada feng to Myrcena rice Pending. On his time þa comon togadere heo &

[643]

[644] [645] [648] [649] [650]

[652] [653]

[654]

Oswiu Oswaldes broðor cyningas & sprecon þet hi wolden an mynstre areren Criste to loue & Sancte Petre to wurðminte. And hi swa diden & nama1 hit gauen Medeshamstede, forþan þet ðær is an wæl þe is gehaten Medeswæl, & hi ongunnan þa þet grundwalla & þæron wrohten; betahten hit þa an munec2 Saxulf3 wæs gehaten. He wæs swyðe Godes freond, & him luuede al4 þeode, & he wæs swyðe æþelboren on weorulde & rice; h[e]5 is nu mycelne riccere mid Criste. Oc se kining Peada ne rixade nane 6hwile, forþan he wæs

beswicen þurh his agen cwen on Estrentide. [654]

1 2 3 4 5 6

Erasure between nama and hit. Erasure between munec and Saxulf. Erasure between Saxulf and wæs. Erasure between al and þeode. Erasure between h[e] and is. Erasure, perhaps of w, before hwile.

26

(14v)

TEXT

[655]

AN.dclv. Her Iðamar Rofeceastre biscop gehalgode Deusdedit to Cantwarabyrig on .vii. kalendas Aprilis. AN.dclvi. Her wæs Peada ofslagan, & Wulfere Pending feng to Myrcena rice. On his time wæx þet abbodrice Medeshamstede swiðe rice,

[656]

þet his brðor hafde ongunnen. Þa luuede se1 kining hit swiðe for his broðer luuen Peada & for his wedbroðeres luuen Oswi & for Saxulfes luuen þes abbodes; cweð þa þet he wolde hit wurðminten & arwurðen be his broðre ræd Æðelred & Merwala & be his swustre red Kyneburges & Kyneswiðes & be se ærcebiscopes ræd se wæs gehaten Deusdedit & be al his gewiten ræd, læred & lawed, þe on his kynerice wæron, & he swa dide. Ða seonde se kyning æfter þone abode2 þet he æuestelice scolde to him cumon3, & he swa dyde. Ða cwæd se kyning to þan abbode: ‘La leof Sæxulf, ic haue geseond æfter þe for mine saule þurfe, & ic hit wile þe wæl secgon forhwi. Min broðor Peada & min leoue freond Oswi ongunnen an mynstre Criste to loue & Sancte Petre, oc min broðer is faren of þisse liue swa swa Crist wolde, oc ic wile ðe gebidden, la leoue freond, þet hii wi\r/ce æuostlice on þere werce, & ic þe wile finden þærto gold & siluer, land & ahte & al þet þærto behofeð.’ Ða feorde se abbot ham & ongan to wircene. Swa he spedde swa him Crist huðe, swa þet in feuna geare wæs þet mynstre gare. Ða þa kyning heorda þæt gesecgon, þa wærð he swiðe glæd; heot seonden geond al hi<s> þeode æfter4 alle his þægne, æfter ærcebiscop & æfter biscopes & æfter his eorles & æfter alle þa þe Gode luuedon, þet hi scoldon to him cumene; & seotte þa dæi 5hwonne man scolde þet mynstre gehalegon. Ða (15r) man halgode seo mynstre, þa wæs seo kyning Wulfere þær & his broðer Æðelred & his swustre Kyneburg & Kynesuuith; & seo mynstre halgode seo ærcebiscop Deusdedit of Cantwarbyrig & seo biscop of Rofecæstre Ithamar & seo biscop of Lundone þe wæs Wina gehaten & seo Myrcene biscop6 Ieruman wæs gehaten & Tuda biscop, & þær wæs Wilfrid preost þe siððon wæs biscop, & þær wæron ælle his ðegnas þe wæron on his kynerice. Ða seo mynstre wæs gehalgod on Sancte Petres nama & Sancte Paules & Sancte Andreas, þa stod seo kyning up toforen ealle his ðægna & cwæd luddor stefne: ‘Ðancod wurð hit þon hæge ælmihti God þis wurðscipe þet her is gedon, & ic wile wurðigen þis dæi Crist & Sancte Peter, & ic wille þet ge ealle getiðe mine worde. Ic Wulfere gife to dæi Sancte Petre & þone abbode Saxulf & þa munecas of þe mynstre þas landes & þas wateres & meres & fennes & weres & ealle þa landes þa þærabuton liggeð ða of mine kynerice sindon freolice, swa ðet nan man na haue þær nan onsting buton seo

[656]

1 2 3 4 5 6

Erasure between se and kining. MS. abdode. Altered by a later hand to comon. Erasure, perhaps of a short word, between æfter and alle. Erasure of one stroke before hwonne. Erasure between biscop and Ieruman.

27

MS. E

abbot & se muneces. Ðas is se gife: fram Medeshamstede to Norðburh, & swa to ðet stede þet man cleopeð Folies, & swa æl se feon riht to Esendic, & fra Esendic to þet steode þe man cleopeð Feðermuðe, & swa þet rihte weie .x. mile lang to Cuggedic, & swa to Raggewilh, & fra Raggewilh .v. mile to þe rihte æ þe gað to Ælm & to Wisebece, & swa abutan .iii. mile to Þrokonholt, & fra Þrokonholt riht þurh al ðe fen to Dereuorde þet is .xx. mile lang, & swa to Grætecros, & fra Grætecros þurh an scyrwæter Bradanæ hatte, & þeonon .vi. mile to Paccelade, & swa forð þurh ælle þa meres & feonnes þa liggen toward Huntendune porte, & þas meres & laces Scælfremere & (15v) Witlesmere, & ælle þa oþre þa þarabutan liggan mid land & mid huses þa sindon on æsthalfe Scælfremere, & þeonen ælle þa feonnon to Medeshamstede, & fra Medeshamstede al to Welmesforde, & fra Welmesforde to Cliue, and þeonen to Æstune, & fra Æstune to Stanford, & fra Stanford swa swa þet wæter renneð to seo forensprecone Norðburh.’ Ðis sindon þa landes & ða feonnes þe seo kyning gef into Sancte Petres mynstre. Ða cwæð seo kyning: ‘Hit is litel þeos gife, ac ic wille þet hi hit hælden swa kynelice & swa freolice þet þær ne be numen of na geld ne gaule buton7 to þa munecan ane. Ðus ic wille freon þis minstre þet hit ne be underþed buton Rome ane, & hider ic wille þet we secan Sancte Petre, ealle þa þa to Rome na magen faren.’ Betwix þas worde þa geornde seo abbode þet he scolde him tyþian þet he æt8 him geornde, & seo kining hit him tydde: ‘Ic haue here godefrihte muneces þa wolden drohtien here lif on ankersetle gif hi wisten hwere, oc her is an igland þet man cleopeð Ancarig, & wile þes geornen þet we moten þær wircen an mynstre Sancte Marie to loue, þet hi moten þær wunen þa ða here lif wilen læden mid sibbe & mid reste.’ Ða andswerode seo kyning & þus cwæð: ‘Saxulf la leof, ne þet an þet ðu geornest oc ealle þa þing þet ic wat þet ðu geornest on ure Drihtnes halfe, swa ic lufe & tyðe. And ic bidde þe broðer Æðelred & mine swustre Cyneburh & Cynesuuith, for iure sawle alesednesse,9 þet ge beon witnesse & þet geo hit write mid iure fingre. And ic bidde ealle þa ða æfter me cumen, beon hi mine sunes, beon hi mine breðre, ouþer kyningas þa æfter me cumen, þet ure gyfe mote standen, swa swa hi willen beon delnimende on þa ece lif & swa swa hi wilen ætbeorstan (16r) þet ece wite. Swa hwa swa ure gife10 ouþer oðre gode[n]e11 manne gyfe wansiaþ, wansie him seo heofenlice iateward on heofenrice, & swa hwa swa hit eceð, ece him seo heofenlice iateward on heofenrice.’ Ðas sindon þa witnes þe þær wæron & þa þet gewriten mid here fingre on Cristes mele & ietten mid here tunge. Ðet wæs f\i/rst seo kyning Wulfere þe þet feostnode first mid his worde & siððon mid his fingre gewrat

[656]

7 8 9 10 11

Erasure between buton and to. The æ in æt is difficult to distinguish from an a. Erasure between the first e and s in alesednesse. Erasure between gife and ouþer. A small hole in the parchment obscures whether [n] of gode[n]e is n or r.

28

TEXT

on Cristes mel & þus cwæð: ‘Ic Wulfere kyning mid þas kyningas & mid eorles & mid heorotogas & mid þægnas þas gewitnesse mines gifes, toforan þone ærcebiscop Deusdedit ic hit festnia mid Cristes mel.†.’ ‘And ic Oswi Norþhimbre kyning þeos mynstres freond & þes abbotes Saxulf hit loue mid Cristes mel.†.’ ‘And ic Sighere kyning hit tyðe mid Cristes mel.†.’ ‘And ic Sibbi kyning hit write mid Cristes mel.†.’ ‘And ic Æðelred þes kyningas broðer þet12 ilce tyde mid Cristes mel.†.’ ‘And13 we þes kyningas swustre14 Cyneburh & Cynesuith we hit louien.’ ‘And ic Kantwarabyrig ærcebiscop Deusdedit hit tyðe.’ Siððan þa getton hit ælle þa oðre þe þær wæron mid Cristes mel.†. Ðet wæron be nam: Ithamar biscop of Rofecestre and Wine biscop of Lundene & Ieruman se wæs Myrcene biscop & Tuda biscop & Wilfrid preost seo wæs siððon biscop & Eoppa preost þe seo kyning Wulhfere seonde to bodian Cristendome on Wiht & Saxulf abbot & Immine ealdorman & Eadberht ealdorman & Herefrid ældorman & Wilberht ældorman & Abon ældorman, Æðelbold, Brordan, Wilberht, Ælhmund, Freðegis; þas & feola oþre þa wæron þær kyninges þeonestmen hit geotton ealle. Ðes writ wæs gewriton æfter ure Drihtnes acennednesse15 .dclxiiii., (16v) þes16 kyningas Wulhferes seoueðende gear, þes ærcebiscopes Deusdedit .ix. gear. Leidon þa Godes curs & ealre halgane curs & al Cristene folces þe ani þing undyde þet þær wæs gedon. ‘Swa beo hit,’ seiþ alle, ‘Amen.’ Þa þis þing wæs gedon, þa seonde seo kyning to Rome to seo papa Uitalianus þe þa was, & geornde þet he scolde tyðian mid his writ & mid his bletsinge eal þis forsprecene þing, & seo papa seonde þa his writ þus cwæðend: ‘Ic Uitalianus papa geate þe Wulhfere cyning & Deusdedit ærcebiscop & Saxulf abbot ealle þe þing þe ge geornon, & ic forbede þet ne kyning ne nan man ne haue nan onsting buton þon abbot ane, ne he ne hersumie nan man buton þone papa on Rome17 & se ærcebiscop on Cantwarbyrig. Gif hwa þis tobrekeþ æni þing, Sancte Petre mid his sweord him adylige. Gif hwa hit hælt, Sancte Petre mid heofne keie undo him heofenrice.’ Ðus wæs seo mynstre Medeshamstede agunnen þet man siððon cleopede Burh. Siððon com an oþre ærcebiscop to Cantwarbyrig seo wæs gehaten Theodorus, swiðe god man & wis, & heold his sinoþ mid his biscopes & mid þe lerede folc. Þa wæs Winfrid Myrcene biscop don of his biscoprice, & Saxulf abbot was þær gecoren to biscop, & Cuðbald munec of þe selue mynstre wæs coren to abbot. Þis sinað was gehalden æfter ure Drihtnes acennednesse seox hundred wintra & .iii. & hundseofenti wintra.

AN.dclviii. Her Cenwealh gefeaht æt Peonnum wið Walas & heo geflymde oð Pedredan. Þis wæs gefohton syððan he of Eastengla

[658] [656]

12 13 14 15 16 17

Erasure between þet and ilce. Erasure between And and we. Erasure between t and r of swustre. Erasure between e and s of acennednesse. Small hole in vellum beneath s of þes. The m of Rome is written over an erasure.

29

MS. E

com; he wæs þær .iii. gear on wreccesið. Hæfde hine Penda adrefedne & rices benumene forþan þet he his swustor forlet. (17r) AN.dclix. AN.dclx. Her Æglbriht biscop gewat fram Ce\n/wala, & Wine heold ðone biscopdome .iii. gear; & seo Æglbriht onfeng Persa biscopdomes on Galwalum be Sigene. AN.dclxi. Her Cenwealh feaht on Eastron on Posentesbyrig, & gehergode Wulfhere Pending of Æscesdune; & Cuþred Cwichelming & Centbriht cining on anum geare forðferdon. And on Wiht gehergode Wulfhere Pending & gesealde Wihtwarum Æðelwolde Suðseaxena cininga forþan Wulfhere hine onfeng æt fulwihte; & Eoppa preost be Wilferðes worde & Wulfheres cininges brohte Wihtwarum fulwiht ærost manna. AN.dclxii. AN.dclxiii. AN.dclxiiii. Her sunne aðestrode on .v. nonas Mai. & on ðissum geare com micel mancwealm on Brytene igland, & on þam cwealme forðferde Tuda biscop & wæs bebyrged on Wagele. & Ercenbriht Cantwara cining forðferde, & Ecgbriht his sunu feng to þam rice. & Coleman mid his geferum for to his cyððe. & Ceadde & Wilferð wæron gehadode. & on þam ilcan geare seo ærcebiscop Deusdedit forðferde. AN.dclxv. AN.dclxvi. AN.dclxvii. Her Oswiu & Ecbriht sendon Wigheard preost to Rome þet hine man scolde halgian to ærcebiscope, ac he forðferde sona swa he þider com. AN.dclxviii. Her Uitalianus se papa gehadode Theodorus to arcebiscop & sende hine to Brytene. (17v) AN.dclxix. Her Egbriht cining sealde Basse preost Raculf mynster to tymbrianne. AN.dclxx. Her Oswiu forðferde Norðanhymbra cining on .xv. kalendas Martii, & Ecferð his sunu rixade æfter him. & Hlothere feng to biscopdome ofer Weastseaxum, Æglbrihtes biscopes nefa, & heold .vii. gear, & Þeodorus biscop hine halgode. AN.dclxxi. Her wæs þet mycele fugla well. AN.dclxxii. Her fordferde Cenwalh, & Sexburh an gear rixade his cwen æfter him. AN.dclxxiii. Her Egbriht Cantwara cining forðferde, & Theodorus ærcebiscop gesomnode sinoð æt1 Heortforde, & Sancte Æðeldriþ ongan þet mynster æt Helige.

[660]

[661]

[664]

[667]

[668] [669] [670]

[671] [672] [673]

[673]

1

Erasure between æt and Heortforde.

30

TEXT

[674] [675]

AN.dclxxiiii. Her feng Æscwine to rice on Westseaxum. AN.dclxxv. Her Wulfhere Pending & Æscwine Cenfusing gefuhton æt Bedanheafde; & þa ilcan geare Wulfhere forðferde, & Æðelred feng to rice. On his time þa seonde he to Rome Wilfrid biscop to1

þam pape þe þa wes, Agatho he wæs gehaten, & cydde him mid writ & mid worde hu his breðre Peada & Wulfhere & se abbot Saxulf heafden wroht an minstre Medeshamstede wæs gehaten, & þet hi hit heafden gefreod wið kyning & wið biscop of ealle þewdom, & bed him þet he scolde þet geten mid his writ & mid his bletsunge. And seo papa seonde þa his gewrite to Englalande þus cweðende: ‘Ic Agatho papa of Rome grete wel seo wurðfulle Æþelred Myrcene kyning & se ærcebiscop Theodorum of Can\t/warbyrig & seo Myrcene biscop Saxulf seo ær wæs abbot & alle þa abbotes þa sindon on Englalande Godes gretinge & minre bletsunge. Ic haue geheord seo kyninges Æðelredes geornunge (18r) & þes ærcebiscopes Theodorus & þes biscopes Saxulfes & þes abbotes Cuthbaldes, & ic hit wille þet hit on ælle wise beo swa swa ge hit sprecon hauen. And ic bebeode of Godes half & Sancte Petres & ealra halgan & ealre hadode heafde þet ne kyning ne biscop ne eorl ne \n/an man ne haue nan onsting, ne gafle2 ne geold ne feording ne3 nanes cinnes ðeudom ne nime man of þet abbotrice of Medeshamstede. Ic beode æc þet þe scyrbiscop ne seo swa dyrstlece þet he ne hading ne haleging ne do on þis abbotrice buton seo abbot hit him bidde; ne biscopwite ne sinað ne nanes kinnes þing na haue þær nan onsting. &4 ic wille þet seo abbot beo gehealden for legat of Rome ofer eal þet iglande, & hwilc abbot þe beþ þær coren of5 þe munecan þet he beo gebletsad of þan ærcebiscop of Cantwarbyrig. Ic wille & tyðe þet hwilc man swa haued behaten to faren to Rome and he ne muge hit forðian, ouðer for untrumnisse ouðer for lauerdes neode ouðer for haueleste ouðer for6 hwilces cinnes oðer neod he ne muge þær cumon, beo he of Englelande ouðer of hwilc oðer igland beo he, cume to þet mynstre on Medeshamstede & haue þet i\l/ce forgiuenesse of Criste & Sancte Peter & of þone abbot & of þone muneca þet he scolde hauen gif he to Rome fore. Nu bidde ic7 þe broðer Theodorus þet þu lete bedon geond æl Englelande þet seo sinað wurðe gegaderod & þis write wurðe geredd & gehealdon. Alswa ic beode þe Saxulf biscop þet swa swa þu hit geornest þet seo mynstre beo freo, swa ic forbeode þe & ealle þe biscopas þe æfter ðe cumon of Criste & of ealle his halgan þet ge nan onsting ne hauen of þet mynstre buton swa micel swa þone

[675]

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Erasure between to and þam. The f of gafle is written over an erasure. Erasure between ne and nanes. Erasure between & and ic. The f of of is written over an erasure. Erasure between for and hwilces. Between ic and þe is an erased stroke.

31

MS. E

abbot wile. Nu wille ic hit segge mid worde þet hwa swa halt þis write & þis (18v) bode, þa wurðe he efre wuniende mid God ælmihti on heuenrice, & hwa swa hit tobreceð, þa wurðe he amansumed & aniðrod mid Iudas & mid ealle deofle on helle buton he cume to dedbote. Amen.’ Ðas writ seonde seo papa Agatho & an hundred & fif & twenti biscopes bi Wilfrid ærcebiscop of Eoferwic to Englalande. Þis wæs gedon æfter ure Drihtnes acennednesse .dclxxx., þes kininges .vi. gear Æðelredes. Ða heot seo kining þone ærcebiscop Theodorus þet he scolde setton ealle gewitene mot æt þone stede þet man cleopeð Heatfelde. Ða hi wæron þær gegaderod, þa leot he rædon þa gewrite þe seo papa þider seonde, & ealle hit getton & fulfeostnodon. Ða seide8 se kyning: ‘Ealle þa þing þe min broðer Peada & min broðer Wulfere & mine swuster Kineburh & Kynesuith geafon & getton Sancte Peter & þone abbot, þa wile ic þet stande; & ic wile on min dæi hit æcon for here sawle & for minre sawle. Nu gife ic Sancte Peter to dæi into his minstre Medeshamstede þas landes & eal þet þærto ligged: þet is Bredune, Hrepingas, Cedenac, Swineshæfed, Heanbyrig, Lodeshac, Scuffanhalch, Costesford, Stretford, Wætelleburne, Lufgeard, Æþelhuniglond, Barþanig. Ðas landes ic gife Sancte Peter eal swa freolice swa ic seolf hit ahte, & swa þet nan min æftergengles þær nan þing of ne nime. Gif hwa hit doð, þes papa curs of Rome & ealre biscope curs he habbe & here ealre þe her be gewitnesse, & þis ic festnie mid Cristes tacne.†.’ ‘Ic Theodorus ærcebiscop of Cantwarbyrig am witnesse of þas gewrite of Medeshamstede, & ic festnie mid min gewrite, & ic amansumie ealle þa þær ani þing (19r) of breke, & ic bletsie ealle þa þe hit healden.†.’ ‘Ic Wilfrid ærcebiscop of Æferwic ic eam witnesse of þas gewrite, & ic gæte þæs ilce curs.†.’ ‘Ic Saxulf þe wæs first abbot & nu eam biscop ic gife hi min curs & ealle min æftergengle þe þis tobreket.’ ‘Ic Ostriðe Æðelredes cwen hit tyðe.’ ‘Ic Adrianus legat hit iete.’ ‘Ic Putta biscop of Rofecestre ic hit write.’ ‘Ic Waldhere biscop of Lundene hit festnie.’ ‘Ic Cuðbald abbot hit geate swa þet hwa swa hit breket, ealre biscope cursunge & eal Cristene foces he hafe. Amen.’

AN.dclxxvi. Her Æscwine forðferde, & Hedde feng to biscopdome, & Centwine feng to Westseaxna rice; & Æðelred Myrcena cining oferhergode Centland. AN.dclxxvii. AN.dclxxviii. Her ateowede cometa se steorra on Auguste & scan .iii. monðas ælce morgen swilce sunnebeam. & Wilferð biscop wæs adrifen of his biscopdome fram Ecferðe cininge, & man gehalgode1 .ii. biscopas on his stal: Bosan to Derum & Eatan to

[676]

[678]

[675]

8

[678]

1

The i of seide has been formed by erasure of preceding letters (originally read seonde). The second g of gehalgode has been corrected from t.

32

TEXT

Beornicum; & man gehalgode Lindiswarum to biscope Eadhed se wæs on Lindissi ærost biscopa. AN.dclxxix. Her man ofsloh Ælfwine be Trentan þær ðær Egferð & Æðelred gefuhton. & her forðferde Sancte Æðeldrið, & Coludesburh forbarn mid godcundum fyre. AN.dclxxx. Her geset Theodorus ærcebiscopes sinoð on Hæðfelda, forþan þe he wolde þone Cristes gelæfan gerihtan. & þy geare Hild abboðessa on Streonesheale forðferde. AN.dclxxxi. Her man halgode Trumbriht (19v) biscop to Hagustaldesea, & Trumwine

ihtum,1 forþan hy hyrdon þa hider. AN.dclxxxii. Her on ðissum geare Centwine geflymde Britwalas oþ sæ. AN.dclxxxiii. AN.dclxxxiiii. Her on ðissum geare sende Ecgferð here on Scottas & Briht his ealdorman mid, & earmlice hi Godes cyrican hyndan & bærndon. AN.dclxxxv. Her hæt Ecgerð cining gehalgian Cuðberht to biscope, & Theodorus archiepiscopus hine gehalgode on Eoferwic þam forman Eastordæge to biscope to Hagustaldesham, forþam Trumbriht wæs adon of ðam biscopdome. & ðy ilcan geare man ofsloh Ecgferð cining be norðan sæ & mycelne here mid him on .xiii. kalendas Iunii; he wæs .xv. winter cining, & Aldfrið his broðor feng æfter him to rice. & her ongan Ceadwala winnan æfter rice. & þy ilcan geare Loðere Cantwara cining for\ð/ferde. & man gehalgode Iohannes on Agustaldesea to biscope, & he þær wæs oððe Wilfriþ incom. Syððan feng Iohannes to Ceastre biscopdome, forðan Bosa biscop wæs forðfaren; þa wæs Wilferð his preost syððan gehalgod Ceastre to biscope, & Iohannes1 for to his mynstre on Derawuda. AN.dclxxxvi. Her Ceadwala & Mul his broðor forhergodan Cent & Wiht. Þæs Cædwala gef into Sancte Petres minstre Medeshamstede1 Hoge

[679]

[680]

[681] [682]

[684]

[685]

[686]

þet is2 in an igland Heabureahg hatte. Þa wæs abbot on þære minstre Egbalth wæs gehaten; heo wæs se þridde abbot æfter Saxulfe. Þa wæs Theodorus ærcebiscop on Cent.

AN.dclxxxvii. Her Mul wærð on Cent bærned & oðre .xii. men mid him, & þy geara Ceadwala eft forhergode Cent. (20r) AN.dclxxxviii. Her for Ceadwala cining to Rome & onfeng fulluht

[687] [688]

[681] [685] [686]

1 1 1 2

MS. wihtum. Iohannes is denoted by a cross. stede is written over an erasure. Erasure of one subpuncted letter between is and in.

33

MS. E

æt Sergium þam papan, & he him s\c/op Petrum to name, & he syððan ymbe .vii. niht forðferde on .xii. kalendas Mai under Cristes claðum, & he wæs gebyrged innan Sancte Petres cyrican. & Ine feng to rice on Wæstsæxna æfter him, se rixade .xxvii. wintra & syððan gewat to Rome & þær wunode oþ his endedæg. AN.dclxxxix. AN.dcxc. Her Theodorus ærcebiscop forðferde; he wæs .xxii. wintra biscop, & he wæs bebyrged innan Cantwarbyrig. AN.dcxci. AN.dcxcii. Her Brihtwold wæs gecoren to ærcebiscop on kalendas Iulii; he wæs ær abbot on Raculfe. Ær þissan wæron romanisce biscopas & syððan wæron englisce. Þa wæron .ii. ciningas on Cent, Nihtred & Wæbheard. AN.dcxciii. Her wæs Brihtwald gehalgod to ærcebiscope fram Godune Galwala biscop on .v. nonas Iulii. Innan þas tyd Gifemund biscop forðferde, & Brihtwald gehalgode Tobian on his steall; & Brihthelm wæs of lyfe gelæd. AN.dcxciiii. Her Cantwara geðingoden wið Ine & him gesealdon .xxx. þusenda, forðan þe hi ær Mul forbærndon. & Wihtred feng to Cantwara rice & heold thre & twenti wintra. AN.dcxcv. AN.dcxcvi. AN.dcxcvii. Her Suðanhumbre ofslogon Ostryðe Æðelredes cwen, Ecgfrides swuster. AN.dcxcviii. AN.dcxcix. Her Pyhtas slogon Berht ealdorman. (20v) AN.dcc. AN.dcci. AN.dccii. Her Kenred feng to Suðhumbra rice. AN.dcciii. Her Hædde biscop forðferde, & he heold þone biscopdom .xxvii. wintra on Wintanceastre. AN.dcciiii. Her Æðelred Pending Mircena cining onfeng munuchade & þet rice heold .xxix. wintra; þa feng Kenred to. AN.dccv. Her Aldfrið Norþanhymbra cining forðferde on .xix. kalendas Ianuarii on Driffelda; þa feng Osred his sunu to rice. AN.dccvi.1 AN.dccvii. AN.dccviii. AN.dccix. Her Aldelm biscop forðferde seo wæs be wæstan wudu biscop; & wæs todæled on foreweardum Danieles dagum on .ii.

[690]

[692]

[693]

[694]

[697]

[699] [700] [702] [703] [704] [705]

[709]

[706]

1

Erasure after i.

34

TEXT

biscopscyra Wæstseaxna landes, & ær hit wæs an: oðer heold Daniel, oðer Aldelm biscop. Æfter Aldelme Forhere feng to, & Ceolred feng to Myrcena rice. & Cenred for to Rome & Offa mid him, & Cenred wæs þær oð his lifes ende. & þi ilcan geare Wilferð biscop forðferde in Undalum, & his lic man lædde to Ripum; he wæs biscop .xlv. wintra, þone Ecgferð cining ær bedraf to Rome. AN.dccx. Her Acca Wilferðes preost feng to þam biscopdome þe he ær heold. & þam ilcan geare feoht Beorhtfrið ealdorman wið Pyhtas betwix Hæfe & Cære, & Ine & Nun his mæi gefuhton wið Gerente Weala cininge; & þam ilcan geare man ofsloh Hygebald. AN.dccxi. (21r) AN.dcc\x/ii. AN.dcc\x/iii. AN.dccxiiii. Her Guðlac seo halga forðferde. AN.dccxv. Her Ine & Ceolred gefuhton æt Wodnesbeorge. AN.dccxvi. Her Osred Norðanhymbra cininga wærð ofslagen be suðan gemære, se hæfde .vii. winter æfter Ealdferþe; þa feng Cenred to rice & heold .ii. gear, & þa Osric & heold .xi. gear. & eac on þam ilcan geare Ceolred Myrcena cining forþferde, & his lic restað on Licetfelda & Æðelredes Pendinges on Bearðanege; & þa feng Æðelbald to rice on Myrcum & heold .xli. wintra. & Ecgbyrht se arwurþa wer 1 Ie hiwan to rihtum Eastrum & to Sancte Petres scære. AN.dccxvii. AN.dccxviii. Her Ingild forðferde Ines broðor; & heo1 swustra wæron Cwenburh & Cuðburh, & seo Cuðburh þet lyf æt Winburnan ærerde, & heo wæs forgifen Norðhymbra cininge Ealdferðe, & heo be him lifigendum gedældon. AN.dccxix. AN.dccxx. AN.dccxxi. Her Daniel for to Rome. & þi ilcan geare Ine ofsloh Cynewulf þone æþeling. & her forðferde se halga biscop Iohannes se wæs biscop .xxxiii. geara & .viii. monðas & .xiii. dagas, & his lic restad in Beoferlic. AN.dccxxii. Her Æðelburh cwen towærp Tantun þone Ine ær tymbrade; & Ealdbriht wrecca gewat on Suðrege & on Suðseaxe. AN.dccxxiii. AN.dccxxiiii. (21v) AN.dccxxv. Her Wihtred Cantwara cining forðferde on nonas

[710]

[714] [715] [716]

[718]

[720] [721]

[722]

[725]

[716] [718]

1 1

Omitted in error from E and supplied here from D. MS. heo emended here according to D’s reading.

35

MS. E

kalendas Mai, se rixade .xxxiiii. wintra; & Ine gefeaht wið Suðseaxum & þær ofsloh Ealdberht þone æþeling þe he ær ut flemde. AN.dccxxvi. Her Ine for to Rome, & feng Æðelheard to Westseaxna rice his mæi & heold .xiiii. gear. AN.dccxxvii. Her forðferde Tobias biscop in Rofecestre, & on his stal Brihtwold ærcebiscop gehalgode Aldulf to biscope. AN.dccxxviii. 1 AN.dccxxix. Her atewoden twegen cometan. & þi ilcan geare Osric forðferde seo wæs .xi. winter cining, & seo halga Ecgbriht in Ii. Þa feng Ceolwulf to rice & heold .viii. gear. AN.dccxxx. Her Oswald æðeling forðferde. AN.dccxxxi. Her Brihtwold ærcebiscop forðferde on idus Ianuarii, seo wæs biscop .xxxvii. wintre & six monðas & .xiiii. dagas. & þy ilcan geare man gehalgode Tatwine to ærcebiscop, seo wæs ær in Mercum preost in Breodune; hine halgodan Daniel Wæntan biscop & Ingwald Lunden biscop & Aldwine Licetfelda biscop & Aldulf Rofesceastre biscop die .x. Iunii mensis. AN.dccxxxii. AN.dccxxxiii. Her Æðelbold geeode Sumortun, & sunne aðestrode, & Acca wæs adrifen of biscopdome. AN.dccxxxiiii. Her wæs se mona swilce he wære mid blode begoten, & Tatwine forðferde ercebiscop & eac Beda, & man gehalgode Ecgbriht to biscope. AN.dccxxxv. Her onfeng Ecgbriht biscop pallium æt Rome. AN.dccxxxvi. Her Noþhelm ercebiscop onfeng (22r) pallium fram Romana biscope. AN.dccxxxvii. Her Forðhere biscop & Fryðegiþ cwen ferdon to Rome, & Ceowulf cining feng to Petres scære & sealde his rice Edberhte his federan sunu se rixade .xxi. winter; & Æðelwold biscop & Acca forðferdon, & Cynewulf man gehalgode to biscope. & þy ilcan geare Æðelwold hergode Norðhymbra land. AN.dccxxxviii. Her Eadbriht Eating, Eata Leodwalding, feng to Norðhymbra rice & heold .xxi. wintra; & his broðor wæs Ecgbriht Eating ærcebiscop, & heo restað begen on Eoferwicceastre on anum portice. AN.dccxxxviiii. AN.dccxl. Her Æðelherd cining forferde, & fæng Cuðred his mæg to Westseaxna rice & heol\d/ .xvi. gear & heardlice gewann wið

[726] [727]

[729]

[730] [731]

[733] [734]

[735] [736] [737]

[738]

[740]

[729]

1

A marginal gloss, of which only ruit survives, is probably by the main scribe. Whitelock suggests that it originally read cometa apparuit (Peterborough Chronicle, p. 20).

36

TEXT

Æðelbold Myrcena cining; & Eadberht wæs to ærcebiscop gehalgod & Dunn biscop to Rofescæstre. AN.dccxli. Her forbarn Eoferwic. AN.dccxlii. AN.dccxliii. Her Æðelbald Myrcena cining & Cuðred Westseaxna cining gefuhton wið Wealas. AN.dccxliiii. Her Daniel gesæt on Wintancæstre, & Un1 feng to biscopdome, & steorran foran swyðe scotienda, & Wilferð seo iunga se wæs biscop on Eoferwic forðferde on .iii. kalendas Mai, se wæs .xxx. wintra biscop. AN.dccxlv. Her Daniel forðferde; þa wæs .xlvi. wintra agan syððan he onfeng biscopdome. AN.dccxlvi. Her man sloh Selred cining. AN.dccxlvii. AN.dccxlviii. Her wæs ofslagen Cynric Westseaxna æþeling; & Eadbriht Cantwara cining forðferde. (22v) AN.dccxlix. AN.dccl.1 Her Cuðred2 Wæstseaxna cining gefeaht wið Æþelhun ðone eofermodigan ealdorman. AN.dccli. AN.dcclii. Her Cuþred Wæstseaxna cining gefeaht þy .xxii. geara his rices æt Beorhforda wið Æðelbald Myrcena cing & hine geflymde. AN.dccliii. Her Cuðred Wæstseaxna cyning gefeaht wið Wealas. AN.dccliiii. Her Cuðred Wæstsæxna cining forðferde, & Cyneheard onfeng biscopdome æfter Hunferðe on Wintanceastre; & Cantwarabyrig forbarn ðy geare, & Sigbriht his mæg feng to Wæstseaxna rice & heold .i. gear. AN.dcclv. Her Cynewulf benam Sigebrihte his mæge his rice & Wæstseaxna witan for unrihtum dædum buton Hamtunscyre, & he hafde þa oð he ofsloh ðone ealdorman þe him lengs wunode. & hine þa Cynewulf1 on Andred adrefede, & he þær wunode oþ þet an swan hine ofstang æt Pryftesflodan; sæ swan wræc ðone ealdorman Cumbran. & se Cynewulf oft feaht mycclum gefeahtum wið Britwealas. & ymb .xvi. wintra þæs þe he rice hæfde, he wolde adræfan ænne æðeling se wæs Cyneheard gehaten; se Cyneheard wes þæs Sigebrihtes broðor. & þa acsode he þone cining lyt wyrede

[741] [743] [744]

[745] [746] [748]

[750]

[752]

[753] [754]

[755]

[744] [750] [755]

1 1 2 1

Omitted in error from E and supplied here from D. Final l is followed by an erasure. The e of Cuðred is written over an erasure. Erasure between Cynewulf and on.

37

MS. E

on wifcyððan2 on Merantune3 & hine þær berad & þone bur uto\n/ beeodon ær hine þa men afundan þe mid þam cyninge wæron. & þa ongeat se cyning þet, & he on ða duru eode & þa unheanlice hine werode oð he on þone æþeling (23r) locade, & þa ut resde on hine & hine mycclum gewundode; & he ealle on ðone cining feohtende wæron oð þet hig hine ofslægen hæfdon. & þa on ð0s wifes gebæron onfundon þæs ciningas þegnas þa unstilnessa & þa þider urnon swa hwilc swa ðonne gearo wearð hraðost. & se æðeling gehwilcan feoh & feorh bead, & heo nænig þicgan noldan, ac heo symle feohtende wæron oþ hig ealle ofslagene wæron buton anum brytwyliscum gisle, & se swyðe \ge/wundod wæs. Þa on morgen gehyrdon þet þes ciniges þegnas þe him bæfton wæron þet se cining ofslagen wæs, þa ridon þider & his ealdorman Osric & Wiferð his þegn & þa men þe he him beæfton læfde ær, & þone æþeling on þære byrig gemetton þær se cining ofslagen læg, & heo þa gatu heom 4\to beloce[n] hæfdon; & ða ðerto eodon. & þa bead he5 heom6/4 heora agene dom feos & landes gif heo him þæs rices uðon, & heom cydde þet heora maga him mid wæron ða þe him fram noldon. & þa cweðon hig þet heom nænig mæg leofra nære þone heora hlaford & heo næfre his banan folgian noldon, & þa budon hi heora magon þet hi heom gesunde fram eodon. & hi cwædon þet þet ilce heora geferum geboden wære þe ær mid þam cininge wæron; ða cwædon hi þet þet hi þæs ne gemundon þonne ma þe heora geferen þe mid þam cininge wæron ofslagene. Hi þa ymb ða gatu feohtende wæron oð hi7 þærin flugon & þone æþeling ofslogon & þa men ðe mid him wæron ealle buton anum se wæs þes ealdormannes godsunu, & he his feorh generede, & he wæs oft gewundod. & se Cynewulf rixade .xxxi. wintra, & his lic ligð on Wintanceastre & þæs æðelingas on Axanmynster, & heora rihtfæderancyn gæð to Certice. & þy ilcan geare man ofsloh Æðelbald (23v) Myrcene cining on Secandune, & his lic restað on Reopandune, & he rixade .xli. wintra; & þa feng Beornred to rice & litle hwile heold & ungefealice. & þa ilcan geare Offa geflymde Beornred & feng to þam rice & heold .xxxix. wintra, & his sunu Ecgferð heold .xli. daga & .c. daga; se Offa wæs Þingcferþing. [755]

2 wifcyððan written over an erasure. 3 Erasure between Meran and tune. 4...4 Inserted in margin and below the 5 6 7

main body of the text by the scribe owing to a previous eye-skip. Erasure between he and heom. heom altered from heora. The i of hi has been altered from another letter.

38

TEXT

AN.dcclvi. AN.dcclvii. Her Eadberht Norðhymbra cining feng to1 scære, & Osulf his sunu feng to þam rice & rixade .i. gear, & hine2 ofslogon his hiwan on .ix. kalendas Augusti. AN.dcclviii. Her Cuðbriht ærcebiscop forðferde.1 AN.dcclix. Her Bregowine wæs to ærcebiscop gehalgod to Sancte Michaeles tyde, & Moll Æðelwold feng to rice on Norðhymbrum & rixade .vi. winter & hit þa forlet. AN.dcclx. Her Æðelbriht Cantwara cining forðferde, & Ceolwulf eac forðferde. AN.dcclxi. Her wæs se myccla winter; & Moll Norþhymbra cining ofsloh Oswine æt Ædwinesclife on octauo idus Augusti. AN.dcclxii. Her Ianbeht wæs gehadod to ærcebiscop on ðon .xl. dæg ofer midewinter, & Friðewald biscop æt Witerne forðferde on nonas Mai, se wæs gehalgod on Ceastrum on .xviii. kalendas Septembris þam .vi. wintra Ceolwulfes rices, & he wæs biscop .xxix. wintra; þa man gehalgode Pyhtwine to biscop æt Ælfetee on .xvi. kalendas Augusti to Hwiterne. AN.dcclxiii. AN.dcclxiiii. AN.dcclxv. Her feng Alhred to Norðhymbra rice & rixade eahta winter. (24r) AN.dcclxvi. Her forðferde Ecgberht ærcebiscop in Eoferwic on .xiii. kalendas Decembris, se wæs biscop .xxxvi. wintra, & Friðeberht in Hagustaldesee, se wæs biscop .xxxiiii. wintra, & man gehalgode Æðelberht to Eoferwic & Ealhmund to Hagustaldesee. AN.dcclxvii. AN.dcclxviii. Her forðferde Eadberht Eating on .xiiii. kalendas Septembris. AN.dcclxix. Initium regni Karoli regis. AN.dcclxx. AN.dcclxxi. AN.dcclxxii. Her Mildred biscop forferde. AN.dcclxxiii. AN.dcclxxiiii. Her Norðhymbra fordrifon heora cining Alhred of Eoferwic on Eastertid & genamon Æðelred1 Molles sunu heom to hlaforde, & se rixade .iiii. gear; & men gesegon read Cristes mel on heofenum æfter sunnan setlangange. On þy geare gefuhton Myrce

[757]

[758] [759]

[760] [761] [762]

[765] [766]

[768] [769]

[772] [774]

[757] [758] [774]

1 2 1 1

Erasure (occupying space for about four letters) between to and scære. Erasure of one stroke between hine and ofslogon. Erasure above ð of forðferde. Erasure between Æðelred and Molles.

39

MS. E

& Cantwara æt Ottanforda, & wundorlice nædran wæron geseogene on Suðseaxna lande. AN.dcclxxv. AN.dcclxxvi. Her forðferde1 Pehtwine biscop on .xiii. kalendas Octobris, se wæs biscop .xiiii. wintra. AN.dcclxxvii. Her Cynewulf & Offa geflyton ymb Benesingtun, & Offa genam þone tun. & þy ilcan geare man gehalgode Æðelberht to biscope to Hwiterne in Eoferwic on .xvii. kalendas Iulii. On þas

[776] [777]

kinges dæi Offa, wæs an abbot on Medeshamstede Beonne gehaten. Se ilca Beonne þurh ealle þa muneke red of þere minstre þa let he Cuthbriht ealdorma .x. bondeland (24v) at Swinesheafde mid læswe & mid mædwe & mid eal þet ðærto læi, & swa þet seo1 Cuðbriht geaf þone abbote .l. punde þærfore. & ilca gear anes nihtes feorme ouðer .xxx. scyllinge penega, swa eac þet eafter his dæi scolde seo land ongean into þa mynstre. At þis gewitnesse wæs seo kining Offa & seo kining Egferð & seo ærcebiscop Hygeberht & Ceolwulf biscop2 & Inwona biscop & Beonna abbot & feola oþre biscopes & abbotes & feola oðre rice men. On þes ilca Offa dæi wæs an ealdorman Brordan wæs gehaten. He geornde at se kyning þet he scolde for his luuen freon his ane mynstre Wocingas het, forþi ðet he hit wolde giuen into Medeshamstede & Sancte3 Peter & þone abbote þe þa was; he was Pusa gehaten. Seo Pusa wæs æfter Beonna, and seo kining hine luuede swiðe. & seo kyning freode þa þet mynstre Wocingas wið cining & wið biscop & wið eorl & wiþ ealle men swa þet nan man ne hafde þær nan onsting buton Sancte Peter & þone abbot. Ðis wæs don on þe cininges tune Freoricburna hatte.

AN.dcclxxviii. Her Æðebald & Hearberht ofslogon .iii. heahgerefan: Ealdulf Bosing æt Ciningesclife & Cynewulf & Ecgan æt Helaþyrnum on .xi. kalendas Aprilis; & þa feng Alfwold to rice & Æðelred bedraf on lande, & he rixade .x. winter. Karolus in Hispanias intrauit. Karolus Saxoniam uenit. Karolus Pampileniam urbem destruxit atque C0saraugustam exercitum suum coniunxit et acceptis obsidibus subiugatis Sarracenis per Narbonam Wasconiam Franciam rediit. AN.dcclxxix. Her Ealdseaxe & Francon gefuhton; & Norðhymbra heahgerefan forbearndon Beorn (25r) ealdorman on Seletune on .ix. kalendas Ianuarii, & Æðelberht ercebiscop forðferde in Ceastre, & on þæs stall Eanbald wæs gehalgod, & Cynebald biscop gesæt in Lindisfarnaee.

[778]

[779]

[776]

1

[777]

1 2 3

Erasure (occupying space for about five letters) between forðferde and Pehtwine. The s of seo has been formed from another letter (probably h). biscop is written over an erasure. Abbreviated Sancte is written over an erasure, leaving a gap before Peter.

40

TEXT

[780]

AN.dcclxxx. Her Alchmund biscop in Hagustaldesee for\ð/ferde on .vii. idus Septembris, & Tilberht man gehalgode on his steal on .vi. nonas Octobris, & Higbald man gehalgode to biscop æt Soccabyrig to Lindisfarnaee; and Ælfwold cining sende man æfter pallium to Rome, & Eanbald dyde ærcebiscop. AN.dcclxxxi. AN.dcclxxxii. Her forðferde Wærburh Ceolredes cwen & Cynewulf biscop in Lindisfarnaee, & seonod wæs at Aclea. AN.dcclxxxiii. AN.dcclxxxiiii. Her Cynehearh ofsloh Cynewulf cining, & he wærð þær ofslagen & .lxxxiiii. manna mid him; & þa onfeng Brihtric Westseaxna cining to rice, & he rixade .xvi. gear, & his lic lið ær Wærham, & his rihtfæderncyn gæð to Certice. AN.dcclxxxv.1 Her forðferde Botwine abbot in Hripum. & her wæs geflitfullic sinoð æt Cealchyðe, & Ianberht ercebiscop forlet sumne dæl his biscopdomes, & fram Offan cininge Hygebriht wes gecoren & Ecgferð to cining gehalgode. & in ðas tid wæren ærendracen gesend of Rome fram Adrianum papan to Ænglalande to niwianne þone geleafan & þa sibbe ðe Sanctus Gregorius us sende þurh þone biscop Augustinum, & hi \man/ mid wurðscipe underfeng. AN.dcclxxxvi. AN.dcclxxxvii. Her1 nam Breohtric cining Offan dohter Eadburge. & on his dagum comon (25v) ærest .iii. scipu Norðmanna of Hereðalande, & þa se gerefa þærto rad, & he wolde drifan to ðes cininges tune þy he nyste hwæt hi wæron, & hine man ofsloh þa; ðæt wæron þa erestan scipu deniscra manna þe Angelcynnes land gesohton. AN.dcclxxxviii. Her wæs sinoð gegaderod on Norðhymbra lande æt Pincanheale on .iii\i/. nonas Septembris, & Aldberht abbot forðferde. Karolus per Alemanniam uenit ad fines Bauuarie. AN.dcclxxxix. Her Alfwold Norðanhymbra cining wæs ofslagan fram Sigan on .ix. kalendas Octobris, & heofenlic leoht wæs1 gelome seogen ðær þer he ofslagen wæs, & he wæs bebyrged on Hagustaldesee innan þære cyrican. & sinoð wæs gegaderod æt Aclea. & Osred Alchredes sunu feng to rice æfter him, se wæs his nefa. AN.dccxc. Her Ianbriht arcebiscop forðferde; & þy ilcan geare

[782]

[784]

[785]

[787]

[788]

[789]

[790]

[785]

1

[787] [789]

1 1

The final numeral v has been formed by the alteration of other numerals and is followed by an erasure. Erasure between Her and nam. The s of wæs is written over an erasure.

41

MS. E

wæs gecoren Æðelheard abbot to arcebiscop, & Osred Norðanhymbra cining wæs beswicen1 & of rice adrefed, & Æðelred2 Aðelwaldes3 sunu eft feng to rice. AN.dccxci. Her wæs Baldwulf gehalgod to biscop to Hwiterne on .xvi. kalendas Augusti fram Eanbalde arcebiscop & fram Æðelberhte biscope. AN.dccxcii. Her Offa Myrcena cining het Æðelbrihte þet heafod ofslean, & Osred þe wæs Norþanhymbra cining æfter wræcsiðe ham cumenum gelæht wæs and ofslagen on .xviii. kalendas Octobris, & his lic ligð æt Tinanmuþe.1 & Æðelred cining feng to niwan wife seo wæs Ælfled gehaten on .iii. kalendas Octobris. AN.dccxciii. Her wæron reðe forebecna cumene ofer Norþanhymbra land & þet folc earmlice (26r) bregdon: þet wæron ormete ligræscas, & wæron geseowene fyrene dracan on þam lyfte fleogende. Þam tacnum sona fyligde mycel hunger, & litel æfter þam þæs ilcan geares on .vi. idus Ianuarii earmlice heðenra manna hergung adiligode Godes cyrican in Lindisfarenaee þurh reaflac & mansleht. & Sicga forðferde on .vii\i/. kalendas Martii. AN.dccxciiii. Her Adrianus papa & Offa cining forðferden, & Æðelred Norðanhymbra cining wæs ofslagan fram his agenre þeode on .xiii. kalendas Mai, & Ceolwulf biscop & Eadbald biscop of þan lande aforon, & Ecgferð feng to Myrcene rice & þy ilcan geare forðferde. & Eadbriht onfeng rice on Cent, þam wæs oðer nama nemned Præn. & Æðelheard ealdorman forðferde on kalendas Augusti. & þa hæðenan on Norðhymbrum hergodon & Ecgferðes mynster æt Donemuþe berefodon, & þær heora heretogena sum ofslægen wearð, & eac heora scipu sume þurh oferweder wurdon tobrocene, & heora feala þær adruncon, & sume cuce to þam stæðe comon, & þa man sona ofsloh æt ðære ea muðan. AN.dccxcv. Her wæs seo mona aðistrod betwux hancred & dagunge on .v. kalendas Aprilis; & Eardwulf feng to Norþanhymbran cinedome on .ii. idus Mai, & he wæs syððan gebletsod & to his cinestole ahofen on .vii. kalendas Iunii on Eoferwic fram Eanbalde arcebiscop & Æðelberhte & Higbalde & Badewulfe. AN.dccxcvi. Her forðferde Offa Myrcena 1 on .iiii. idus Augusti, se rixode .xl. wintra, & Eanbald arcebiscop on .iiii. idus Augusti þæs ilcan geares, & his lic ligð on Eoferwic. & þes ilcan

[791]

[792]

[793]

[794]

[795]

[796]

[790] [792] [796]

1 2 3 1 1

The sw of beswicen is written over an erasure. & Æð is written over an erasure. The last three letters of Aðelwaldes are written over an erasure. The a of Tinanmuþe has apparently been altered from another letter. Omitted in error from E and supplied here from D.

42

TEXT

geares forðferde Ceolwulf biscop, & man gehalgode oþerbald2 on þæs oðres stal on .xix. (26v) kalendas Septembris. & þy ilcan geare Ceolwulf Myrcena cining oferhergode Cantware & Merscware & gefengon Præn heora cining & gebu\n/de[n]n[e]3 hine læddon on Myrce. AN.dccxcvii. Her Romane Leone þam papan his tungan forcurfan & his eagan ut astungon and hine of his setle aflymdon, & þa sona eft Gode gefultumiendum he mihte1 geseon & sprecan & eft wæs papa swa he ær wæs. & Eanbald onfeng pallium on .vi. idus Septembris, & Æðelberht biscop forferde on 22 .iii. kalendas Nouembris. AN.dccxcviii. Her wæs mycel gefeoht on Norðhymbra lande on lengtene on .iiii. nonas Aprilis æt Hweallæge, & þær man ofsloh Alric Heardberhtes sunu & oðre mænige mid him. AN.dccxcix. Her Æðelred arcebiscop & Cynebriht Wæstsæxna biscop foran to Roma. AN.dccc.1 Her wæs se mona aðistrad on ðære oðre tid on niht on .xvii. kalendas Februarii; & Brihtric cining forðferde & Wo\r/r æaldorman, & Ecgberht feng to Wæstseaxna rice. & þy ilcan dæg rad Æþælmund ealdorman of Hwiccum of\er/ æt Cynemæresforda; þa gemette hine Weohstan ealdorman mid Wilsætum, & þær wærð mycel gefeoht, & þær begen ofslagene wæron þe ealdormen, & Wils0te na<mo>n2 sige. Karolus rex imperator factus est et a Romanis appellatus Augustus; qui illos qui Leonem papam dehonestauerant morte damnauit, sed precibus papae morte indulta exilio retrusit. Ipse enim papa Leo imperatorem eum sacrauerat. AN.dccci. AN.dcccii. Her aðeostrade se mona on dagunge on .xiii. kalendas Ianuarii; & Beornmod wæs (27r) gehalgod to biscop to Rofeceastre þy ilcan geare. AN.dccciii. Her forðferde Higbald Lindisfarna biscop on .viii. kalendas Iulii, & man gehalgode on his steal Ecgberht on .iii. idus Iunii; & Æðelherd arcebiscop forðferde on Cent, & Wulfred to arcebiscop gehalgod.

[797]

[798]

[799] [800]

[802]

[803]

[796] [797] [800]

2 3

Omitted in error from E and supplied here from D. The bracketed n and e were erased by the scribe and left as gaps (both A and D read gebundenne). 1 The m of mihte is written over an erasure. 2...2 Omitted in error by the scribe and supplied here from D. 1 The final c is written over an erasure. 2 MS. nan (emended reading supplied here from A and D).

43

MS. E

[804] [805]

AN.dccciiii. Her Wulfred arcebiscop onfeng pallium. AN.dcccv. Her Cuðred cining forðferde on Cantwarum & Ceolburh abbodesse & Heardberht. AN.dcccvi. Her se mona aðistrode on kalendas Septembris; & Eardwulf Norðanhymbra cining wæs of his rice adrifen, & Eanberht Hagusteald biscop forðferde. AN.dcccvii. AN.dcccviii. AN.dcccix. AN.dcccx. Karolus cum Niceforo imperatori constantinopolitano pacem fecit. AN.dcccxi. AN.dcccxii. Her Karl cining forðferde, & he rixade .xlv. wintra; & Wulfred arcebiscop & Wigbriht Wæstsæxna biscop foran to Rome. Cireneius Karolo imperatori legatos suos cum pace mittit. Karolus imperator obiit. AN.dcccxiii. Her Wulfred arcebiscop mid bletsunge þæs papan Leon hwearf eft to his agenum biscopdome. & þy geare gehergode Ecgberht cining on Westwalas fram easteweardum oð westewearde. AN.dcccxiiii. Her Leo se æðela papa & se halga forðferde, & æfter him Stephanus feng to rice. AN.dcccxv. Her Stephanus papa forðferde, & æfter him wæs Paschalis to papan gehalgod. & þy ilcan geare forbarn Angelcynnes scolu. (27v) AN.dcccxvii. AN.dcccxviii. AN.dcccxix. Her Cenwulf Myrcena cining forðferde, & Ceolwulf feng to rice; & Eadberht ealdorman forðferde. AN.dcccxx. AN.dcccxxi. Her wærð Ceolwulf his rices bescered. AN.dcccxxii. Her twægen aldormen wurdon ofslagene Burhhelm & Muca; & sinoð æt Clofesho. AN.dcccxxiii. Her wæs Weala gefeoht & Defena æt Gafolforda. & þy ilcan geare gefeaht Ecgberht Westseaxna cining & Beornulf Myrcena cining æt Ellandune, & Ecgberht sige nam, & þær wæs mycel wæl geslægen. Þa sende he Æðelwulf his sunu of þære ferde & Ealhstan his biscop & Wulfheard his ealdorman to Cent mycele wærede, & h1 Baldred þone cining norð ofer Temese adrifen, & Cantwara him to cyrdon & Suðrig & Suðseaxe &

[806]

[810]

[812]

[813]

[814] [815]

[819] [820] [821] [822] [823]

[823]

1

MS. hi.

44

TEXT

Eastseaxe, þy hi fram his magum ær mid unrihte anydde wæron. & þy ilcan geare Eastengla cining & seo þeod gesohte Ecgbriht cining him to friðe & to mundburan for Myrcena ege; & þi ilcan geare slogon Eastengle Beornulf Myrcena cining. AN.dcccxxiiii. AN.dcccxxv. Her Ludecan Myrcena cining & his .v. ealdormen man ofsloh mid him, & Wiglaf feng to rice. AN.dcccxxvi. AN.dcccxxvii. Her se mona aðistrode on middes wintres messaniht. & þy geare geeode Ecgbriht cining Myrcena rice & eal1 þet be suðan Humbre wæs. & he wæs se eahtoða cining se þe Brytenwealda wæs; & ærest wæs Ælle Suðseaxna cining se þus mycel hæfde, oþær wæs (28r) Ceawlin Westseaxna cining, þridde Æþelbriht Cantwara cining, feorðe Redwald Eastengla cining, fifta Ædwine Norþanhymbra cining, sixta wæs Oswald þe æfter him rixade, seofaðe wæs Oswiu Oswaldes broþor, eahtoða wæs Ecgbriht Westseaxna cining. & se Ecgbriht lædde fyrde to Dore wið Norþanhumbra, & hi him þær eadmedo budon & þwærnessa, & hi mid þan tohwurfon. AN.dcccxxviii. Her Wiglaf eft onfeng Myrcena rice; & Æðelbald biscop forðferde. & þy ilcan geare Ecgbriht cining lædde fyrde on Norðwealas, & he heom ealle to eadmodere hyrsumnesse gedyde. AN.dcccxxix. Her Wulfred ærcebiscop forðferde. AN.dcccxxx.1 Her Ceolnoþ wæs to biscop gecoren & gehadod; & Feolagild abbot forðferde. AN.dcccxxxi. Her Ceolnod ærcebiscop onfeng pallium. AN.dcccxxxii. Her hæðene men oferhergodon Sceapege. AN.dcccxxxiii. Her Ecgbriht cining gefeaht wið .xxv. sciphlæsta æt Carrum, & þær wærhð mycel wæl geslagen, & þa Deniscan ahton wælstowe geweald. & Hereferð & Wigferð .ii. biscopas forðferdon, & Duda & Osmod .ii. ealdormen forðferdon. AN.dcccxxxiiii. AN.dcccxxxv. Her com micel sciphere on Wæstwealas, & hi to anum1 gecyrdon & wið Ecgbriht Wæstseaxna cining wuniende wæron. Þa fyrdode him togeanes & wið him feaht æt Hengestesdune & þær ægðer aflymde ge þa Wealas ge þa Deniscan. AN.dcccxxxvi. Her Ecgbriht cining forðferde, & hine ær hæfde Offa Myrcena cining & Byrhtric Wæstsæxna cining aflymde .iii.

[825]

[827]

[828]

[829] [830] [831] [832] [833]

[835]

[836]

[827] [830] [835]

1 1 1

The l of eal is written over an erasure. Red decoration between number and text of annal. to is written over an erasure, and abbreviated anum is followed by an erasure.

45

MS. E

gear of Angel(28v)cynnes lande on Francland ær he cining wære. & se Ecgbriht rixade .xxxvii. winter & .vii. monðas, & feng Æþelwulf his sunu to Westseaxna rice, and Æðelstan his oðer sunu feng to Cantwara rice & to Suðrigan & to Suðseaxna rice. AN.dcccxxxvii. Her Wulfheard ealdorman gefeaht æt Hamtune wið .xxxiii. sciphlesta & þær mycel wæl gesloh & sige nam; & þy geare forðferde Wulfheard. & Æþelhelm ealdorman gefeaht wið þa Deniscan on Port mid Dorsætum, & se ealdorman wærð ofslægen, & þa Deniscan ahton wælstowe geweald. AN.dcccxxxviii. AN.dcccxxxix. Her wæs mycel wælsleht on Lundene & on Cantwic & on Rofescæstre. AN.dcccxl. Her Ædelwulf cining gefeaht æt Carrum wið .xxxv. sciphlesta, & þa Deniscan ahton wælstowe geweald. AN.dcccxli. AN.dcccxlii. AN.dcccxliii. AN.dcccxliiii. AN.dcccxlv. Her Earnulf dux mid Sumorsæton & Ealchstan biscop & Osric dux mid Dorsæton gefuhton æt Pedredan muþan wið denisce here & þær mycel wæl geslogon & sige namon. AN.dcccxlvi. AN.dcccxlvii. AN.dcccxlviii. AN.dcccxlix. AN.dcccl. (29r) AN.dcccli. Her Ceorl ealdorman gefeaht wið heðene men mid Defenescire æt Wicgeanbeorge & þær mycel wæl1 geslogon & <sige>2 genamon; & hæðene men on Tenet ofer winter gesæton. & þy ilcan geare com feorþe healf hund scipa on Temese muþan & bræcon Cantwareburh & geflymdon Brihtwulf Myrcena cining mid his fyrde & foran þa suð ofer Temese on Suðrige, & him gefeaht wið Æðelwulf cining & Æðelbald his sunu æt Aclea mid Wæstsæxna fyrde & þær \þet/ mæste wæl geslogon on hæðene here þe we æfre gesecgan herdon & þær sige namon. And þy ilcan geare Æðelstan cining and Ealhere dux gefuhton on scipum & mycelne here ofslogon æt Sandwic & .ix. scipu gefengon & þa oðre geflymdon. AN.dccclii. Her on þis tima leot Ceolred abbot of Medeshamstede & þa

[837]

[839] [840]

[845]

[850] [851]

[852a]

munecas Wulfrede to hande þet land of Sempigaham to þet forewearde þet [851]

1 2

Erasure between wæl and geslogon. MS. wig emended here according to A and D.

46

TEXT

æfter his dæi scolde þet land into þe minstre, & Wulfred scolde gifen þet land of Sliowaforda into Medeshamstede, & he scolde gife ilca gear into þe minstre sixtiga foðra wuda1 & twælf foður græfan & sex foður gearda & twa tunn(n)an fulle hlutres aloð & twa slægnæt & sex hund hlafes & ten mittan wælsces aloð & ilca gear an hors & þrittiga scillinga & ane næht gefeormige. Her wæs wið se cining Burhred & Ceolred ærcebiscop and Tunberht biscop & Ceured biscop & Alhhim biscop & Berhtred biscop & Wihtred abbot & Werhtherd abbot, Æðelheard ealdorman, Hunberht ealdorman & feola oðre.

[852b]

AN.dccclii. Her Burhred Myrcene cining underðeodde him Norðwealas mid Æþelwulfes (29v) cininge fultume. & þy ilcan geare Ealhhere mid Cantwarum & Huda mid Suðrigum gefuhton on Tenet wið hæðene here, & þær wæron feala ofslægene & adruncen1 on ægðre hand & þa ealdormen bege dæde. & Burhred Myrcene cining feng to Æðelwulfes dohtor Westseaxna cininges. AN.dcccliiii. AN.dccclv. Her hæþene men ærest on Sceapege ofer winter sæton. & þy ilcan geare gebocade Æðelwulf cining teoðan dæl his landes ofer eal his rice Gode to lofe & him selfum ecre hæle. And þy ilcan geare ferde to Rome mid mycclum wurðscipe & þær wunade .xii. monað, & he feng to Karles dohter Francna cining þa he hamweard wæs & gesund ham com & þæs ymbe .ii. gear forðferde, & his lic lið on Wintanceastre, & he rixade .ix. gear. He wæs Ecgbrihting. & þa fengon his .ii. sunu to rice: Æðelbald to Westseaxna rice and to Suðrigean, & he rixade .v. gear. (AN.dccclvi.) AN.dccclvi. AN.dccclvii. AN.dccclviii. AN.dccclix. AN.dccclx. Her Æðelbald cining forðferde, & his lic lið æt Scireburnan, & feng Æðelbriht to eallum þam rice his broðor. & on his dæge com mycel sciphere up & abræcon Wintanceastre, & wið þone here fuhton Osric ealdorman mid Hamtunescire & Æðelwulf ealdorman mid Barrucscire, & þone here geflymdon & wælstowe geweald ahton. & se Æðelbriht rixade .v. gear, & his lic lið æt Scirburnan. (30r) AN.dccclxi. AN.dccclxii. AN.dccclxiii. AN.dccclxiiii.

[855]

[860]

[852a] [852b]

1 1

The w of wuda has been altered from another letter. Erasure between adruncen and on.

47

MS. E

AN.dccclxv. Her sæt se hæðene here on Tenet & genam frið wið Cantwarum, & Cantware heom feoh beheton wið ðam friðe, & on þam feohbehate se here hine on niht up bestæl & oferhergode ealle Cent eastewarde. AN.dccclxvi. Her feng Æðe\l/red Æðelbrihtes broðor to Westseaxna rice. And þy ilcan geare com mycel hæðen here on Angelcynnes land & wintersetle namon æt Eastenglum & þær gehorsade wurdon, & hi heom wið frið genamon. AN.dccclxvii. Her for se here of Eastenglum ofer Humbre muðan to Eoferwicceastre1 on Norðanhymbre. & þær wæs mycel unðwærnesse ðere þeode betwux heom sylfum, & hi hæfdon heora cining aworpene Osbriht & ungecynde cining underfengon Ællan, & hi late on geare to þam gecyrdon þet hi wið þone here winnende wæron, & hi ðeah myccle fyrd gegadorodan & þone here sohton æt Eoferwicceastre & þa ceastre bræcon, & hi sume inne wurdon, & þær wæs ungemet wæl geslægen Norðanhymbra, sume binnan sume butan, & þa ciningas bægen ofslægene, & seo lafe wið þone here fryð nam. & þy ilcan geare gefor Ealhstan biscop, & he hæfde þet biscoprice æt Scireburnan .l. winter, & his lic lið þær on tune. AN.dccclxviii. Her for se ilca here innan Myrce to Snotingham & þær wintersetle namon; and Burhcred Myrcena cining and his witan bædon Æðe\l/red Westseaxna cining & Ælfred his broðor þet hi him (30v) fultumedon þæt hi wið þone here gefuhton, & þa færdon hi mid Wæstsæxa fyrde inon Myrcene oþ Snotingaham & þone here metton þær on þam geweorce & hine inne besetton, & þær nan hefilic gefeaht ne wearð, & Myrce frið namon wið þone here. AN.dccclxix. Her for se here eft to Eoferwicceastre & þær sæt an gear. AN.dccclxx. Her for se here ofer Myrce innon Eastængle & wintersetle namon æt Ðeodforda. & on þam geare Sancte Ædmund cining him wið gefeaht, & þa Deniscan sige naman & þone cining ofslogon & þet land eall geeodon & fordiden ealle þa mynstre þa hi to

[865]

[866]

[867]

[868]

[869] [870]

comen. On þa ilcan tima þa comon hi to Medeshamstede, beorndon & bræcon, slogon abbot & munecas & eall þet hi þær fundon, macedon hit þa þet ær wæs ful rice, þa hit wearð to nan þing. & þy geare gefor Ceolnoþ arcebiscop.

AN.dccclxxi. Her rad se here to Readingum on Westseaxe, & þes ymb .iii. niht ridon twegen eorlas up; þa gemette Æðelwulf ealdorman hie on Englafelda & heom þær wið gefeaht & sige nam, & wearð þær1 se oþer ofslægen þæs nama wæs Sidrac. Ða ymb .iiii.

[871]

[867] [871]

1 1

The last two letters of Eoferwicceastre are written over an erasure. Erasure between þær and se.

48

TEXT

niht Æðelred cining & Ælfred his broðor þær mycle fyrd to Rædingum gelæddon & wið þone here gefuhton, & þær wæs mycel wæl geslægen on gehwaðere hand, & Æðelwulf ealdorman wearð ofslægen, & þa Deniscan ahton wælstowe geweald. And ymb .iiii. niht gefeaht Æðered cining & Ælfred his broðor wið ealne ðone here on Æscesdune, & hi wæron on twam gefylcum: on oðrum wes Basecg (31r) & Halfdene ða hæðene ciningas, & on oðrum wæron þa eorlas. & ða feaht se cining Æðered wið ðara cininga getruman, & þær wearð se2 cining Bagsecg ofslægen, & Ælfred his broðor wið þara eorla getruman, & þær wearð Sidrac eorl ofslægen se ealda & Sidrac se geonga & Osbearn eorl & Fræna eorl & Harold eorl, & þa hergas begen geflymde, & feala þusenda ofslagenra, & onfeohtende wæron oð niht. & ðæs ymb .xiiii. niht gefeaht Æðered cining & Ælfred his broðor wið þone here æt Basingum, & þar þa Deniscan sige genamon. & þæs ymb twægen monðas gefeaht Æðered & Ælfred his broðor wið þone here æt Mæredune, & hi wæron on twam gefylcum, & hi butu geflymdon & lange on dæg sige ahton, & þar wearð mycel wælsliht on hwæðre hand, & þa Dæniscan ahton wealstowe geweald, & þær Hæhmund3 biscop ofslagen & feala godra manna. & æfter þisum gefeohte com mycel sumerlida to Readingum. & þæs æfter Eastron gefor Æðered cining, & he rixade .v. gear, & his lic lið æt Winburnan mynster. Ða feng Ælfred Æðelwulfing his broðor \to/ Westseaxna rice; & þæs ymb .i. monað gefeaht Ælfred cining wið ealne þone here litle werede æt Witune & hine lange on dæg geflymde, & þa Deniscan ahton wælstowe geweald. & þes geares wurdon .ix. folcgefeoht gefohten wið þone here on þam cinerice be suðan Temese, butan þam þe hi Ælfred þes cinges broðer & ealdormen & ciningas þægnas oft rada on riden þe man na ne rimde. & þæs geares wæron ofslagene .ix. eorlas & an cyning; & þy geare namon Westseaxa frið wið þone here. AN.dccclxxii. Her for se here to Lunden(31v)byrig fram Redingum & þær nam wintersetle, & þa naman Myrce frið wið þone here. AN.dccclxxiii. Her nam se here wintersetle æt Turcesige. AN.dccclxxxiiii. Her for se here of Lindesse to Hreopedune & þær wintersetle nam & þone cining Burgred ofer sæ adrefdon ymb .xxii. wintra þæs þe he rice hæfde, & þet land eall geeodan; & he for to Rome & þær sæt, & his lic lið on Sancta Marian cyrican on 1 Angelcynnes scole. & þy ilcan geare hi sealdon Ceolwulfe anum

[872] [873] [874]

[871]

2 3

[874]

1

The s of se is written over an erasure. Hæhmund is written over an erasure. The scribe has apparently omitted wearð (which is in A and D) before Hæhmund (though the sense is still clear). Erasure at the beginning of the line before Angelcynnes.

49

MS. E

unwisum cynges þegne Myrcena rice to healdenne, & he him aðas swor & gislas sealde þet hit him georo wære swa hwilce dæge swa hi hit habban woldon & he geare wære mid him sylfum & mid eallum þam þe him gelæstan wolden to þæs heres þærfe. AN.dccclxxv. Her for se here fram Hreopedune, & Healfdene for mid sumum þam here on Norðanhymbre & nam wintersetle be Tinan þære ea, & se here þet land geeode & oft gehergode on Pehtas & on Strætlædwealas; & for Godrum & Oscytel & Anwend þa þry ciningas of Hreopedune to Grantanbrycge myd mycclum here & sæton þær an gear. & þy sumera for Ælfred cyning ut on sæ mid sciphere & gefeaht wið .vii. sciphlesta & heora an gefeng & þa oðre geflymde. AN.dccclxxvi. Her hine bestæl se here into Wærham Westseaxna fyrde, & siððan wið þone here se cyning frið nam, & him þa gislas sealdon þe on þam here weorþuste wæron to þam cyninge, & him þa aðas sworon on þam halgan beage, þe hi ær nanre þeode don noldon, þet hi hredlice of his rice foron, (32r) & hi þa under þam hi nihtes bestælon þære fyrde se gehorsade here into Exanceastre. & þy geare Healfdene Norðanhymbra land gedælde, & hergende weron & heora tiligende wæron. Rollo cum suis Normanniam penetrauit et regnauit annis .liii.. AN.dccclxxvii. Her com se here to Exanceastre fram Werham, & se sciphere seglode west ymbutan, & þa gemette hi mycel yst on1 sæ, & þear forwearð .cxx. scipa æt Swanawic. & se cing Ælfred æfter þam gehorsedum here mid fyrde rad oð Exanceaster & hi hindan ofridan ne mihte ær hi on þam feastene wæron þær him man to 2 mihte, & hi him þar foregislas sealdon swa feala swa he habban wolde & mycele aðas sworon & þa godne frið heoldan. & þa on herfeste gefor seo he(o)ra on Myrcena land & hit gedældon sum and sum Ceolwulfe sealdon. AN.dccclxxviii. Her hine bestæl se here on midne winter ofer twelftan niht to Cippanhamme & geridan Westseaxna land & gesetton & mycel þæs folces ofer sæ adræfdon & þæs oðres þone mæstan dæl hi geridon butan þam cynge Ælfrede; litle werede unyðelice æfter wudum for & on morfestenum. & þes ilcan wintra wæs Iweres broðor & Healfdenes on Westsexum on Defenanscire, & hine mon þær sloh & .dccc. manna mid him & .xl. manna his heres, & þar wæs se guðfana genumen þe hi ræfen heton. & þæs on Eastron wrohte Ælfred cyning lytle werede geweorc æt Æðeligaige

[875]

[876]

[877]

[878]

[877]

1 2

Erasure between on and sæ. Omitted in error from E and supplied here from A and D.

50

TEXT

& of þam geweorce wæs winnende wið þone here & Sumersætena se del þe þær nehst wæs. Þa on ðere seofeðan wucan ofer Eastron he gerad (32v) to Ecgbrihtesstane be easton Wealwudu, & him comon þær ongean Sumorsæte ealle & Willsæte & Hamtunscyr se dæl þe hire beheonan sæ wæs & his gefægene wæron. & he for ymb ane niht of þam wicum to Æglea & þæs ymb ane niht to Eðandune & þær gefeaht wið ealne here & hine geflymde & him æfter rad oð þet geweorc & þær sæt .xiiii. niht. & þa sealde se here him gislas and mycele aðas þet hi of his rice woldon & him eac geheton þet heora cyng fulwihte onfon wolde, & hi þet gelæston. & þæs ymb .iii. wucan com se cyn Godrum þrittigum sum þara manna þe in þam here weorðuste wæron æt Alre, & þet is wið Æðelingaige, & his se cyng onfeng þær æt fulwihte, & his crismlysing wæs æt Wedmor, & he wes .xii. niht mid þam cynge, & he hine mycclum & his geferan mid feo weorðode. AN.dccclxxix. Her for se here to Cirenceastre of Cippanhamme & sæt þær an winter. Þy geare gegaderodon an hloð wicinga & gesæt æt Fullanhamme be Temese. & þy ilcan geare aþystrode seo su\n/ne an tid dæges. AN.dccclxxx. Her for se here of Cirenceastre on Eastengle & gesæt þet land & gedælde. & þy ilcan geare for se here ofer sæ þe on Fullanhamme sæt on Frangland to Gent & sæt þær an gear. AN.dccclxxxi. Her for se here ufor on Frangland, & þa Francan him wið gefuhton. & þær þa warð se here horsad æfter þam gefeohte. AN.dccclxxxii. Her for se here up andlang Mæse ofor on Frangland & þær sæt an gear. & þy ilcan geare for Ælfred cyng mid scipum ut on sæ & gefeaht wið .iiii. sciphlæstas deniscra manna & þara (33r) scipa twa genamon & þa men ofslogon, & twa him on hand eodon, & þa men wæron myclum ofslagene & forwundode ær hi on hand eodan. AN.dccclxxxiii. Her for se here up on Scald to Cundoð & þær sæt an gear; & Marinus papa sende þa lignum domini Ælfrede cynge.1 & þy ilcan geare lædde Sighelm & Æðelstan þa ælmessan to Rome þe Ælfred cing gehet þider & eac on Indea to Sancte Thome & to Sancte Bartholomee, þa hi sæton wið þone here æt Lundene, & hi þær Godes2 þances swyðe bentigðe wæron æfter þam gehatum. AN.dcclxxxiiii. Her for se here up on Sunnan to Embenum & þær sæt an gear.

[879]

[880]

[881]

[882]

[883]

[884]

[883]

1 2

cynge emended from cynde. The last two letters of Godes are written over an erasure.

51

MS. E

AN.dcclxxxv. Her1 todælde se forsprecena here on twa, oðer east oðer dæl to Hrofeceastre, & ymbsæton þa ceastre & wrohton oðer fæsten ymb hi sylfe, & hi þeah þa ceastre aweredan oð ðet Ælfred cyng com uton mid fyrde. Þa eode se here to heora scipum & forleton þet2 geweorc, & hi wurdon þær behorsade & sona þy ilcan sumera eft ofer se gewiton. Ðy ilcan geare sænde Ælfred cyng sciphere of Cænt on Eastengle; sona swa hi comon on Sture muðan þa gemætton hi .xvi. scipa wicinga & wið da gefuhton & þa scipa ealle geræhton & þa men ofslogen. Þa hi þa hamwearð wæron mid þære herehuðe, þa gemetton hi3 mycelne sciphere wicinga & wið þa gefuhton þy ilcan dæge, & þa Deniscan ahton sige. & þy ilcan geare ær middanwintra forðferde Carl Francna cyng, & hine ofsloh an eofor. & ane geare ær his broðor forðferde – se heafde eac þet westrice – se forðferde (33v) þy geare þe seo sunne aðystrode; se wæs Carles sunu þe Aðelwulf Westseaxna cyng his dohtor hæfde to cwene. Ðy ilcan geare forðferde se goda papa Marinus se gefreode Angelcynnes scole be Ælfredes bene Westseaxna cyninges, & he sende him myccle gifa & þære rode dæl þe Crist on ðrowode. & þy ilcan geare for se here on Estenglum & brec frið wið Ælfred cyning. AN.dccclxxxvi. Her for se here eft west þe ær east gelende & þa up on Sigene & þær wintersætu namon æt Paris þære byrig. Ðy ilcan geare gesette Ælfred cyning Lundenburh, & him eall Angelcyn to gecyrde þet butan deniscra manna hæfnede wes, & he þa befeste þa burh Æþerede ealdormen to healdenne. AN.dccclxxxvii. Her for se here up þurh ða brycge æt Paris & þa up andlang Sigene oð Mæterne & þa up on Mæterne oð Caziei & þa sæton þar innan Ionan twa winter on ðam twam stedum. & þy ilcan geare forðferde Carl Francena cyng, & Earnulf his broðor sunu hine .vi. wucan ær he forðferde berædde æt þam rice, & þa wearð þet rice todæled on .v. &1 fif cyningas to gehalgode. Þet weas þæh mid Earnulfes þafunge, & hi cwæðon þet hi him þet to handa healdan scoldan, forðan þet heora nan næs of fædrenhalfe geboren butan him anum. Earnulf wunode on þam lande be æstan Rine, & Hroðulf þa feng to þam middelrice, & þa2 to þam weastdæle, & Beorngar & Wiða to Langbeardna lande & to þam landum on þa3

[885]

[886]

[887]

[885] [887]

1 2 3 1 2 3

Erasure between Her and todælde. Erasure between þet and geweorc. Erasure between hi and mycelne. Erasure between & and fif. MS. þa; ABC read Oda. Erasure between þa and healf(n)e.

52

TEXT

healf(n)e muntes, & þet heoldan mid mycel unsibbe, & twa folcgefeoht gefuhton & þet land oft & gelome forhergodon, & æghweðer oðerne oftrædlice ut adræfde. & þy ilcan geare þe se here (34r) for forð up ofer þa brycge æt Paris, Æðelhelm ealdorman lædde Weastseaxna ælmessan & Ælfredes cyninges to Rome. AN.dccclxxxviii. Her lædde Beocca ealdorman Westseaxna ælmessan & Ælfredes cyninges to Rome, & Æðelswið cwæn seo wæs Ælfredes swustor cyninges; & heo for\ð/ferde, & hire lic lið æt Pauian. & þy ilcan geare Æðered arcebiscop & Aþewold ealdorman1 forðferdon on anum monþe. AN.dccclxxxviiii. On1 þissum geare næs nan færeld to Rome buton twegen hleaperes Ælfred cyng sende mid gewritum. AN.dcccxc. Her lædde Beornhelm abbot Westseaxna ælmessan to Rome & Ælfredes cynges; & Godrum se norðerne cyning forðferde þæs fulluhtnama wæs Æðelstan – se wæs Ælfredes godsune cyninges – & he bude on Eastenglum & þet land ærest gesæt. & þy ilcan geare for se here of 1 Sigene to Scandlaudan þet is betwix Bryttum & Francum, & Bryttas him wið gefuhton & hæfdon sige & hi bedrifon ut on ane ea, & manige adrencton. Hic Plegemundus archiepiscopus a Deo et omni populo electus est. AN.dcccxci. AN.dcccxcii. Her for se myccla here þe we gefyrn ær ymb spræcon eft of þam eastrice weastward to Bunan & þær wurdon gescipode swa þet hi asætton hi on ænne sið ofer mid horsum mid ealle & þa comon up on Limene muðan mid þridde healf hund scipa. Se muða is on eastwarde Cent æt þes mycclan wuda eastenda þe we Andræd hatað; se wudu is westlang & eastlang hund twelftig mila lang oððe lengre & .xxx. mila brad; se ea þe we ær ymb spræcon lið ut of þam wealda. On þe ea hi tugon (34v) up heora scipa oð ðone weald .iiii. mila fram þam muþan utanweardum & þær abræcon an geweorc; inne on ðam fænne sæton feawa cyrlisce men on, & wæs samworht. Þa sona æfter þam com Hæsten mid .lxxx. scipa up inne Tæmese muþe & worhte him geweorc æt Middeltune & seo oðer here æt A

uldre.1 Hic obiit Wulfhere Norðanhymbrorum archiepiscopus. AN.dcccxciii. AN.dcccxciiii.

[888]

[889] [890]

[892]

[888] [889] [890] [892]

1 1 1 1

The l in ealdorman is written over another letter. On is written over an erasure (perhaps of Her). Erasure between of and Sigene. MS. awuldre.

53

MS. E

AN.dcccxcv. AN.dcccxcvi. AN.dcccxcvii. AN.dcccxcviii. AN.dccxcix. AN.dcccc. AN.dcccci. Her gefor Ælfred cyning .vii. kalendas Nouembris, & he heold þet rice .xxviii. wintra & healf gear; & þa feng Ædward his sunu 1 rice. AN.dccccii. AN.dcccciii. AN.dcccciiii. AN.dccccv. AN.dccccvi. Her gefestnode Eadward cyng for neode frið ægðer ge wið Eastengla here ge wið Norðhymbre. AN.dccccvii. AN.dccccviii. AN.dccccix. AN.dccccx. Her Engle here & Dene gefuhton æt Teotanheale, & Æþered Myrcena ealdor forð(35r)ferde, & Eadward cyng feng to Lundenbyrig & to Oxnaforda & to ealle þam landum þe þærto gebyredon;1 & mycel sciphere hider com suþan of Lidwicum & hergedon swiðe be Sefærn, ac hi þær mæst ealle siððan forforon. AN.dccccxi. AN.dccccxii. AN.dccccxiii. AN.dccccxiiii. AN.dccccxv. AN.dccccxvi. AN.dccccxvii. AN.dccccxviii. Her Æðelflæd forðferde Myrcena hlæfdige. AN.dccccxix. AN.dccccxx. AN.dccccxxi. Her Sihtric cyng ofsloh Niel his broþor. AN.dccccxxii. AN.dccccxxiii. Her Regnold cyng gewan Eoferwic. AN.dccccxxiiii. (Her Ædward cyning forðferde, & Æþelstan his sunu feng to rice).

[900] [901]

[906]

[910]

[918]

[921] [923] [924]

[901] [910]

1 1

to added here in accordance with A and D. The erasure above gebyredon is probably an annotator’s erasure of a later addition.

54

TEXT

AN.dccccxxv. Her Wulfelm biscop wes gehalgod. & þy ilcan geare Ædward cyning forðferde. AN.dccccxxvi. AN.dccccxxvii. Her Æþelstan cyning fordraf Guðfrið cyng. & her Wulfelm arcebiscop for to Rom. AN.dccccxxviii. Willelm suscepit regnum et .xv. annis regnauit. AN.dccccxxix. AN.dccccxxx. AN.dccccxxxi. (35v) (AN.dccccxxxi.) AN.dccccxxxii. AN.dccccxxxiii. Her adranc Ædwine æðeling on sæ. AN.dccccxxxiiii. Her for Æþelstan cyning on Scotland ge1 mid landhere2 ge mid sciphere & his mycel oferhergode. AN.dccccxxxv. AN.dccccxxxvi. AN.dccccxxxvii. Her Æðelstan cyning lædde fyrde to Brunanbyrig. AN.dccccxxxviii. AN.dccccxxxix. AN.dccccxl. Her Æðelstan cyning forðferde, & feng Ædmund to rice his broðor. AN.dccccxli. AN.dccccxlii. Her Anlaf cyning forðferde. Et Ricardus uetus suscepit regnum et regnauit annos .lii.. AN.dccccxliii. AN.dccccxliiii. Her Ædmund cyning geeode ealle Norðhymbre & ut aflymde twegen cyneborene mæn Anlaf & Regnald. AN.dccccxlv. Her Ædmund cyning oferhergode eall Cumbra land. AN.dccccxlvi. AN.dccccxlvii. AN.dccccxlviii. Her Ædmund cyning wearð ofstungen, & feng Ædred his broðor to rice, & he sona gerad eall Norðhymbra land him to gewealde, & Scottas him aðas sworon þet hi eall wolden þet he wolde. AN.dccccxlix. Her com Anlaf Cwiran on Norðhymbra land. AN.dccccl. (36r) AN.dccccli. AN.dcccclii. Her Norðhymbre fordrifan Anlaf cyning & underfengon Yric Haroldes sunu. AN.dccccliii.

[925]

[927] [928] [930]

[933] [934]

[937]

[940]

[942]

[944] [945]

[948]

[949] [950] [952]

[934]

1 2

Erasure above g of ge. Erasure between landhere and ge.

55

MS. E

AN.dccccliiii. Her Norðhymbre fordrifon Yric, & Ædred feng to Norðhymbra rice. AN.dcccclv. Her Ædred cyning forðferde, & feng Eadwig to rice Eadmundes sunu. AN.dcccclvi. Her forðferde Wulstan arcebiscop. AN.dcccclvii. AN.dcccclviii. AN.dcccclix. Her Eadwig cyning forðferde, & feng Eadgar1 his broðor to rice. On his dagum hit godode georne, & God him geuðe þet he wunode on sibbe þa hwile þe he leofode, & he dyde swa him þearf wes, earnode þes georne. He arerde Godes lof wide & Godes lage lufode2 & folces frið bette swiðost þara cyninga þe ær him gewurde be manna gemynde. & God him eac fylste þet cyningas & eorlas georne him to bugon & wurden underþeodde to þam þe he wolde, & butan gefeohte eal he gewilde þet he sylf wolde. He wearð wide geond þeodland swiðe geweorðad, forþam þe he weorðode Godes naman georne & Godes lage smeade oft & gelome & Godes lof rærde wide & side & wislice rædde oftost a simle for Gode & for worulde eall his þeode. Ane misdæda he dyde þeah to swiðe, þet he ælþeodige unsida lufode & hæðene þeawas innan þysan lande gebrohte to fæste & utlændisce hider in tihte & deoriende leoda bespeon to þysan3 earde. Ac God him geunne þet his gode dæda swyðran wearðan þonne misdæda his sawle to gescyl\d/nesse (36v) on langsuman syðe.4 AN.dcccclx. AN.dcccclxi.

[954] [955] [956]

[959]

[960]

[959]

1 2 3 4

The gar of Eadgar is written over an erasure. The l of lufode has been formed from another letter. Erasure after þysan (at the end of the MS. line). The verse layout acknowledges the passage’s poetic features; it follows the lineation suggested by Thomas Bredehoft (private communication). See Bredehoft, Textual Histories, p. 85, for a comparison of D’s and E’s versions of this passage.

56

TEXT

AN.dcccclxii. AN.dcccclxiii. Her \fram/ Eadgar cyning to ðe biscopdome on Wintan-

[963]

[963]

ceastra1 wes gecoren Sancte Aðelwold, & þe arcebiscop of Cantwarbyrig Sancte Dunstan him gehalgod2 to biscop on þe fyrste Sunnondæg of Aduent,3 þet wæs on .iii. kalendas Decembris. On þes oðer gear syððon he wæs gehalgod, þa makode he feola minstra & draf ut þa clerca of þe biscoprice, forþan þet hi noldon nan regul healden, & sætta þær muneca. He macode þær twa abbotrice: an of muneca oðer of nunna; þet wæs eall wiðinnan Wintanceastra. Syððan þa com he to se cyng Eadgar, bed him þet he scolde him giuen ealle þa minstre þa hæðene men heafden ær tobrocon, fordi þet he hit wolde geeadnewion, & se kyng hit bliþelice tyðode. And se biscop com þa fyrst to Elig þær Sancta Æðeldrið lið & leot macen þone mynstre, geaf hit þa his an munac Brihtnoð wæs gehaten, halgode him þa abbot & sætte þær munecas Gode to þewian þær hwilon wæron nun;4 bohte þa feola cotlif æt se king & macode hit swyðe rice. Syððon com se biscop Aðelwold to þære mynstre þe wæs gehaten Medeshamstede ðe hwilon wæs fordon fra heðene folce. Ne fand þær nan þing buton ealde weallas & wilde wuda; fand þa hidde in þa ealde wealle writes þet Headda abbot heafde ær gewriton: hu Wulfhere kyng & Æðelred his broðor hit heafden5 wroht, & hu hi hit freodon wið king & wið biscop & wið ealle weoruldþeudom, & hu se papa Agatho (37r) hit feostnode mid his write & se arcebiscop Deusdedit. Leot wircen þa þet mynstre & sætte þær abbot se wæs gehaten Aldulf, macede þær munecas þær ær ne wæs nan þing. Com þa to þe cyng & leot him locon þa gewrite6 þe ær wæron gefunden, and se kyng andswerode þa & cwed: ‘Ic Ædgar geate & gife to dæi toforen Gode & toforen þone ærcebiscop Dunstan freodom Sancte Petres mynstre Medeshamstede of kyng & of biscop, & ealle þa þorpes þe ðærto lin, þet is Æstfeld & Dodesthorp & Ege & Pastun, & swa ic hit freo þet nan biscop ne haue þær nane hæse buton se abbot of þone minstre. And ic gife þone tun þe man cleopeð Undela mid eall þet þærto lið, þet is þet man cleopeð Eahtehundred & market & toll, swa freolice þet ne king ne biscop ne eorl ne scrreue7 ne haue þær nane hæse, ne nan man buton se abbot ane & þam þe he þærto sæt. And ic gife Crist & Sancte Peter, & þurh þes biscopes bene Aðelwold, þas land, þet is Barwe, Wermingtun, Æsctun, Ketering, Castra, Egleswurðe, Waltun, Wiðringtun, Ege, Thorp & an myneter in Stanforð. Ðas land & ealla þa oðre þe lin into þe mynstre þa cwede ic scyr, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Erasure between Wintanceastra and wes. Erasure of a second l before god in gehalgod (error caused by line-break after gehal). Erasure after t of Aduent. Erasure before and after nun. Erasure between heafden and wroht. Erasure of þe after gewrite (at the end of the MS. line). MS. scr reue (with a line-break in the middle of the word).

57

MS. E

þ<et is>8 saca & socne, toll & team & infangenþef. Þas rihting & ealle oðre ða cweðe ic scyr Crist & Sancte Peter. And ic gife þa twa dæl of Witlesmere mid watres & mid wæres & feonnes & swa þurh Merelade on an to þet wæter þet man cleopeð Nen & swa eastweard to Cynges Dælf. And ic wille þet markete beo in þe selue tun, & þet nan oþer ne betwix Stanford & Hutandune. & ic wille þet þus be gifen se toll: fyrst fra Witlesmære eall to þe cynges toll of Norðmannes cros hundred, & eft ongeanward fra Witlesmære þurh Merelade on an to Nen & swa swa þet wæter (37v) reonneð to Crulande, & fra Crulande to Must, & fra Must to Cynges Dælf & to Witlesmære. And ic wille þet ealle þa freodom & ealle þa forgiuenesse þe mine forgengles geafen þet hit stande. & ic write & feostnige mid Cristes rodetacne.†.’ Ð\a/ andswerade se arcebiscop Dunstan of Cantwarbyrig & sæide: ‘Ic tyðe þet ealle þa þing þe her is gifen & sprecon & ealle þa þing þe þin forgengles & min geatton, þa wille ic þet hit stande; & swa hwa swa hit tobrecoð, þa gife ic him Godes curs & ealra halgan & eallre hadede heafde & min, buton he cume to dædbote. & ic gife tocnawlece Sancte Peter min messehacel & min stol & min ræf Criste to þeuwian.’ ‘Ic Oswald arcebiscop of Eoferwic geate ealle þas worde þurh þa halgo rode þet Crist wæs on þrowod.†.’ ‘Ic Aðelwold biscop blætsige ealle þe þis healdon, & ic amansumie ealle þe þis tobræcon, buton he cume to dædbote.’ Her wæs Ælf\s/tan biscop, Aþulf biscop & Escwi abbot & Osgar abbot & Æþelgar abbot & Ælfere ealdorman, Æðelwine ealdorman, Brihtnoþ, Oslac ealdorman & feola oðre rice men, & ealle hit geatton, & ealle hit writen mid Cristes mæl.†. Ðis wæs gedon syððon ure Drihtnes acennednesse .dcccclxxoiio. þes kinges .xvi. gear. Ða bohte se abbot Aldulf landes feola & manega & godede þa þet mynstre swiðe mid ealle & wæs þær þa swa lange þet se arcebiscop Oswald of Eoferwic wæs forðgewiton, & man cæs him þa to ercebiscop, & man cæs þa sona oðer abbot of þe sylfe minstre,9 Kenulf wæs gehaten, se wæs syððon biscop in Wintanceastre. & he macode fyrst þa wealle abutan þone mynstre, geaf hit þa \to/ nama Burch þe ær het (38r) Medeshamstede; wæs þær swa lange þet man sette him to biscop on Wintanceastre. Þa cæs man oðer abbot of þe silue minstre þe wæs gehaten Ælfsi; se Ælfsi wæs þa abbot syððon fiftig wintre. He nam up Sancta Kyneburh & Sancta Kynesuið þe lægen in Castra and Sancta Tibba þe læi in Rihala & brohte heom to Burch and offrede heom eall Sancte Peter on an dæi & heold þa hwile þe he þær wæs.

AN.dcccclxiiii.1 Hic expulsi sunt canonici de Ueteri Monasterio. AN.dcccclxv. AN.dcccclxvi. Her Þored Gunneres sunu forhergode Westmoringaland. & þi ilcan geare Oslac feng to ealdordome. AN.dcccclxvii.

[964] [966]

[963] [964]

8 9 1

The emendation corresponds to a gap in the MS. Erasure after minstre (as well as a gap owing to stitching of parchment). Erasure between last c and l.

58

TEXT

AN.dcccclxviii. AN.dcccclxix. Her on þissum geare Eadgar cyng het oferhergian eall Tenetland. AN.dcccclxx. Her forðferde Eadmund æþeling. AN.dcccclxxi. AN.dcccclxxii. Her wæs Eadgar eþeling gehalgod to cyninge on Pentecoste mæssedæi on .v. idus Mai þe .xiii. geare þe he to rice feng æt Hatabaðum, & \he/ wæs þa ana wana .xxx. wintra. & sona æfter þam se cyng geleadde ealle his sciphere to Lægeceastre, & þær him comon ongean .vi. cyningas, & ealle wið trywsodon þet hi woldon efenwyhton beon on sæ & on lande. AN.dcccclxxiii. AN.dcccclxxiiii. AN.dcccclxxv. Her Eadgar gefor Angla reccent (38v) Westseaxena wine & Myrcene mundbora. Cuð wæs þet wide geond feola þeoda þet aferan Eadmund<es>1 ofer ganetes bað cyningas hine wide wurðodon side, bugon to cyninge swa wæs him gecynde. Næs se flota swa rang ne se here swa strang þet on Angelcynne æs him gefetede þa hwile þe se æþela cyning cynestol gerehte.2 And her Eadward Eadgares sunu feng to rice. & þa sona on þam ilcan geare on herfeste æte\o/wde cometa se steorra, & com þa on þam eaftran geare swiðe mycel hungor & swyðe mænigfealde styrunga geond Angelcyn. & Ælfere ealdorman het towurpon swyðe manig munuclif þe Eadgar cyng het ær þone halgan biscop Aðelwold gestaðelian. & on þam timan wæs eac Oslac se mæra eorl geutod of Angelcynne. AN.dcccclxxvi. AN.dcccclxxvii. AN.dcccclxxviii. Her on þissum geare ealle þa yldestan Angelcynnes witan gefeollan æt Calne of anre upfloran, butan se halgan Dunstan arcebiscop ana ætstod uppon anum beame, & sume þær swiðe gebrocode wæron, & sume hit ne gedygdan mid þam life. AN.dcccclxxix. Her wæs Eadward cyng ofslagen on æfentide æt

[969] [970] [972]

[975]

[978]

[979]

[975]

1 2

Emended here according to D’s reading. Bredehoft, Textual Histories, p. 82, argues that metrical pointing by the scribe of E ‘attests to a recognition of this passage as a poem’, and suggests this lineation on p. 92.

59

MS. E

Corfesgeate on .xv. kalendas Aprilis, & hine man bebyrigde æt Wærham buton ælcum cynelicum wurðscipe. Ne wearð Angelcynne nan wærsa dæd gedon þonne þeos wæs syððon hi ærest Brytonland gesohton. Men hine ofmyrðrodon, ac God hine mærsode. He wæs on life eorðlic cing; he is nu æfter deaðe heofonlic sanct. Hine nolden his eorðlican magas wrecan, ac hine hafað his heofonlica fæder (39r) swiðe gewrecen. Þa eorðlican banan woldon his gemynd on erðan adilgian, ac se uplica wrecend hafað his gemynd on heofenum & on eorðan tobræd. Þa þe nolden ær to his libbendum lichaman onbugan, þa nu eadmodlice on cneowum abugað to his dædum banum. Nu we magon ongytan þet manna wisdom & smeagunga & heore rædas syndon nahtlice ongean Godes geþeaht.1 And her feng Æðelred to rice, & he wæs æfter þam swiðe hrædlice mid mycclum gefean Angelcynnes witon gehalgod to cyninge2 æt Cyningestun. AN.dcccclxxx. Her on þisum geare Ælfere ealdorman gefette þes halgan cyninges lichaman æt Wærham & geferode hine mid mycclum wurðscipe to Scæftesbyrig. AN.dcccclxxxi. Her comon ærest þa .vii. scipum and gehergoden Hamtun. AN.dcccclxxxii. AN.dcccclxxxiii. Her for\ð/ferde Ælfere ealdorman, & feng Ælfric to þam ilcan ealdordome. AN.dcccclxxxiiii. Her forðferde se halga biscop Aðelwold muneca fæder. & her wæs Eadwine to abbot gehalgod to Abbandune. AN.dcccclxxxv. Her Ælfric ealdorman wæs ut adræfed. AN.dcccclxxxvi. Her se cyning fordyde þet biscoprice æt Hrofeceastre. And her com ærest se myccla yrfcwalm on Angelcyn. AN.dcccclxxxvii. Her Wecedport wes gehergod. AN.dcccclxxxviii. Her wæs Goda se dænisca1 þægn ofslagen

[980]

[981]

[983] [984] [985] [986] [987] [988]

[979]

1

[988]

2 1

The verse layout here acknowledges the passage’s poetic elements, although, as Bredehoft notes (Textual Histories, p. 86), ‘this passage’s rhetorically balanced antitheses may well have been perceived merely as heightened prose’. The lineation follows that suggested by Bredehoft (private communication). Erasure (perhaps of s) between cyninge and æt. Emended here according to the reading in C and D. In the entry for 1001, the scribe has emended a similar error with an interlinear addition of fe.

60

TEXT

& mycel wæl mid him. & her Dunstan se halga arcebiscop forlet þis lif & geferde þet heofonlice, and (39v) Æðelgar biscop feng æfter him to arcebiscopstol, & he litle hwile æfter þam leofode, butan an gear & .iii. monðas. .dcccclxxxix.1 Her Ædwine abbot forðferde, & feng Wul\f/gar to. & her Siric wæs gehadod to arcebiscop. AN.dccccxc. AN.dccccxci. Her wæs G[ypes]wic1 gehergod, & æfter þam swyðe raðe wæs Brihtnoð ealdorman ofslægen æt Mældune. & on þam geare man gerædde þet man geald ærest gafol deniscan mannum for þam mycclan brogan þe hi worhtan be þam særiman; þet wæs ærest .x. þusend punda. Þæne ræd gerædde Siric arcebiscop. AN.dccccxcii. Her Oswald se eadiga arcebiscop forlet his lif & geferde þet heofonlice, & Æðelwine ealdorman gefor on þam ilcan geare. Ða gerædde se cyng & ealle his witan þet man gegaderode þa scipu þe ahtes wæron to Lundenbyrig, & se cyng þa betæhte þa fyrde to lædene Ealfrice ealdorman & Þorode eorl & Ælfstane biscop & Æscwige biscop, & sceoldan cunnian gif hi muhton þone here ahwær utene betræppen. Ða sende se ealdorman Ælfric & het warnian þone here, & þa on þere nihte ðe hi on ðone dæi togædere cumon sceoldon, ða sceoc he on niht fram1 þære fyrde him sylfum to mycclum bismore, & se here þa ætbærst, buton an scip þær man ofsloh. & þa gemætte se here ða scipu of Eastenglum & of Lunden, & hi ðær ofslogon mycel wæl & þet scip genamon eall gewæpnod & gewædod þe se ealdorman on wæs. & ða æfter Oswaldes arcebiscopes forðsiðe feng Ealdulf abbot of Burch to Eoferwicstole and to Wigeraceastre, & Kenulf to þam abbotrice æt Burch. (40r) AN.dccccxciii. Her on ðissum geare wæs Bæbbanburh tobrocon & mycel herehuðe þær genumen, & æfter þam com to Humbran muðe se here & þær mycel yfel gewrohtan ægðer ge on Lindesige ge on Norðhymbran. Þa gegaderode man swiðe mycele fyrde, & þa hi togædere gan sceoldan, þa onstealdon þa heretogan ærest þone fleam; þet wæs Fræna & Godwine & Friðegist. On þysum ilcan geare het se cyng ablendan Ælfgar Ælfrices sunu ealdormannes. AN.dccccxciiii. Her on þisum geare com Anlaf & Swegen to Lundenbyrig on Natiuitas Sancte Marie mid .iiii. & hundnigontigum scipum, & hi ða on ða burh festlice feohtende wæron & eac hi mid fyre ontendan woldon, ac hi þar gefeordon maran hearm & yfel

[989] [990] [991]

[992]

[993]

[994]

[989] [991]

1 1

[992]

1

MS. Mill’mo (for Millesimo). The manuscript has a gap between G and wic, emended here according to the reading in C and D. Subpuncted h between fram and þære.

61

MS. E

þonne hi æfre wendon þet heom ænig burhwaru gedon sceolde. Ac se halige Godes modor on ðam hire mildheortnisse þære burhware gecyðde & hi ahredde wið heora feondum, & hi þanon ferdon & wrohton þet mæste yfel þe æfre ænig here don mihte on bærnette & hergunge & on manslihtum ægðer be ðam særiman on Eastseaxum & on Centlande & on Suðseaxum & on Hamtunscire, & æt nyxtan1 naman heom hors & ridon swa wide swa hi woldon & unasecgendlice yfel wircende wæron. Þa gerædde se cyng & his witan þet him man to sende & him gafol behete & metsunge wið þon þe hi þære hergunge geswicon, & hi þa þet underfengon; & com þa eall se here to Hamtune & þær wintersetle namon, & hi man þær fædde geond eall Westseaxna rice & him man geald .xvi. þusend punda. Þa sende se cyn2 æfter Anlafe cyninge Ælfeach biscop & Æðelward ealdorman, & man gislade þa hwile3 (40v) into þam scipum, & hi þa læddan Anlaf mid mycclum wurðscipe to þam cynge to Andeferan. & se cyng Æðelred his anfeng æt4 biscopes handa & him cynelice gifode, & him þa Anlaf behet swa he hit eac gelæste þet he næfre eft to Angelcynne mid unfriðe cumon nolde. Hic Ricardus uetus obiit, et Ricardus filius eius suscepit regnum et regnauit .xxxi. annis. AN.dccccxcv. Her on þissum geare æteowde cometa se steorra, & Siric arcebiscop forðferde. AN.dccccxcvi. Her on þissum geare wæs Ælfric gehalgod to arcebiscope to Cristes cyrcean. AN.dccccxcvii. Her on þissum geare ferde se here abutan Defnanscire into Sæfern muðon & þær gehergodon ægðer on Cornwealum ge on Norðwalum & on Defenan & eodon him þa up æt Wecedport & þær mycel yfel wrohtan on bærnette & on manslihtum, & æfter þam wendon eft abutan Penwihtsteort on ða suðhealfe and wendon þa into Tamermuðan & eodo\n/ þa up oð þet hi comon to Hlidaforda & ælc þing bærndon & slogon þet hi gemetton & Ordulfes mynster æt (æ)Tefingstoce forbærndon & unasecgendlice herehuðe mid him to scipa brohtan. AN.dccccxcviii. Her gewende se here eft eastweard into Frommuðan & þær æghwær1 up eodon swa wide swa hi woldon into Dorsætan, & man oft fyrde ongean hi gegaderode, ac sona swa hi togædere gan sceoldan, þonne wearð þær æfre þurh sum þing

[995] [996] [997]

[998]

[994]

[998]

1 2 3 4 1

The y in nyxtan has been altered from another letter (perhaps i). Erasure between MS. cyn and æfter. The h in hwile is written over an erasure. The æ in æt resembles te. æghwær is written over an erasure.

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fleam astiht, & æfre hi æt ende sige ahton. & þonne oðre hwile lagen heom on Wihtlande & eoton heom þa hwile of Hamtunscire & of Suðseaxum. AN.dccccxcix. Her com se here eft abuton into Temese & wendon þa up andlang Medewægan to (41r) (to) Hrofeceastre, & com þa seo centisce fyrde þær ongean, & hi þær fæste togedere fengon, ac wala þet hi to hraðe bugon & flugon, forþam þe hi næfdon fultum þe hi habban sceoldan. Þa ahton þa Dæniscan wælstowe geweald & naman þa hors & ridan swa wide swa hi woldon sylf & fornæh ealle Weastcentingas fordydon & forhergodan. Ða rædde se cyng wið his witan þet man sceolde mid scipfyrde & eac mid landfyrde him ongean faran, ac ða þa scipu gearwe wæron, þa elkede man fram dæge to dæge & swencte þet earme folc þe on ðam scipon lagon, & a swa hit forðwearde beon scolde, swa hit lætre wæs fram anre tyde to oðre, & a hi leton heora feonda wærod wexan, & a man rymde fram þære sæ, & hi ferdon æfre forð æfter, & þonne æt þam ende ne beheold hit nan þing seo scipfyrding buton folces geswinc & feos spilling & heora feonda forðbylding. AN.Millesimo. Her on ðissum geare se cyng ferde into Cumerlande & hit swiðe neah1 eall forhergode, & his scipu wendon ut abuton Legceastre and sceoldan cumon ongean hine, ac hi ne mihton. Þa gehergodon hi Mænige, & seo2 unfriðflota wæs þæs sumeres gewend to Ricardes rice. Millesimo.i.1 Her com se here to Exanmuðan & up ða eodan to ðere byrig & þær fæstlice feohtende wæron, ac him man swyðe fæstlice wiðstod & heardlice. Ða gewendon hi geond þet land & dydon eall swa hi bewuna wæron: slogon & beorndon. Þa gesomnode man þær ormæte fyrde of de\fe/nisces folces2 & sumorsætisces, & hi ða tosomne comon æt Peonno,3 & sona swa hi togædere fengon, þa beah seo englisce fyrd, (41v) & hi þær mycel wæl ofslogon & ridan þa ofer þet land, & wæs æfre heora æftra syð wyrse þonne se ærra, & mid him þa mycele herehuðe to scipon brohton & þanon wendon in Wihtland & þær him ferdon onbuton swa swa hi sylf woldon, & him nan þing ne wiðstod, ne him to ne dorste sciphere on sæ ne landfyrd, ne eodon hi swa feor up. Wæs hit þa on ælce wisan hefig tyma, forðam þe hi næfre heora yfeles geswicon.

[999]

[1000]

[1001]

[1000] [1001]

1 2 1 2 3

Erasure (occupying space for four or five letters) between neah and eall. Erasure between seo and unfriðflota. Hereafter (with only occasional exceptions, such as 1096 and 1097) the annal numbers are no longer marked by AN. but by Mill’mo (for Millesimo). Erasure between o and l of folces. MS. Peonnbo.

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MS. E

Millesimo.ii. Her on þissum geare se cyng gerædde & his witan þet man sceolde gafol gyldon þam flotan, & frið wið hi geniman wið þon þe hi heora yfeles geswican sceoldan. Ða sende se cyng to þam flotan Leofsig ealdorman, & he þa þæs cynges worde & his witena grið wið hi gesætte & þet hi1 to metsunge fengon & to gafle; & hi þa þet underfengon, & him man þa geald .xxiiii. þusend punda. Ða ongemang þysum ofsloh Leofsig ealdorman Æfic þæs cynges heahgerefan, & se cyng hine ða geutode of earde. And þa on þam ilcan lengtene com seo hlæfdige Ricardes dohtor hider to lande. On ðam ilcan sumera Ealdulf arcebiscop forðferde. & on ðam geare se cyng het ofslean ealle ða deniscan men þe on Angelcynne wæron on Bricius messedæg, forþon þam cynge wæs gecydd þet hi woldon hine besyrewian æt his life & syððan ealle his witan & habban syþðan his rice. Millesimo.iii. Her wæs Eaxeceaster abrocen þurh þone frenciscan ceorl Hugon þe seo hlefdige heafde hire gesett to gerefan, & se here þa burh mid ealle fordyde & mycle herehuðe þær genamen. Ða gegaderode man swiðe mycele fyrde of Wiltunscire & of Hamtunscire, & swiðe anrædlice wið þæs heres weard wæron. Ða sceolde (42r) se ealdorman Ælfric lædan þa fyrde, ac he teah forð þa his ealdan wrenceas. Sona swa hi wæron swa gehende þet ægðer heora on oðer hawede, þa gebræd he hine seocne & ongan hine brecan to spiwenne & cweð þet he gesiclod wære & swa þet folc beswac þet he lædan sceolde swa hit gecweðen is: ðonne se heretoga wacað, þonne bið eall se here swiðe gehindred. Ða Swegen geseah þet hi anræde næron & ealle tohwurfon, þa lædde he his here into Wiltune, & hi ða burh gehergodon & forbærndon & eodon þa to Searbyrig, & þanon eft to sæ ferde þær he wiste his yðhengestas. Millesimo.iiii. Her com Swegen mid his flotan to Norðwic & þa burh ealle gehergade & forbærndon. Þa gerædde Ulfkytel wið þa witan on Eastenglum þet him bætere weron þet man wið þone here friðes ceapode, ær hi to mycelne hearm on þam earde gedydon, forþam þe hi unwares comon, & he fyrst næfde þet he his fyrde gegadrian mihte. Ða under þam griðe þe heom betweonan beon sceolde, þa besteal se here up fram scipon & wendan heora fore to Þeodforda. Ða Ulfcytel þet undergeat, þa seonde he þet man sceolde þa scipu toheawan, ac hi abruðon þa ðe he to þohte. & he þa gegaderode his fyrde diglice swa he swyðost muhte, & se here com þa to Þeodforda binnon .iii. wuca þæs þe hi ær gehergodon

[1002]

[1003]

[1004]

[1002]

1

Erasure between hi and to.

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[1005]

[1006]

[1006]

Norðwic & þær binnon ane niht wæron & þa burh hergodon & forbærndon. Þa on morgen þa hi to scipu woldon, þa com Ulfcytel mid his werode, & hi þær togædere feastlice fengon, & mycel wæl þær on ægðære hand gefeoll. Ðær wærð Eastengla folces seo yld ofslagen, ac gif þet fulle mægen þær wære, ne eodan hi næfre eft to scipon, swa hi sylfe sædon. Millesimo.v. Her on þyssum geare wæs se (42v) mycla hungor geond Angelcynn swilce nan man ær ne gemunde swa grimne. & se flota þæs geares gewende of þissum earde to Dænemearcon and litelne fyrst let þet he eft ne com. Millesimo.vi. Her forðferde Ælfric arcebiscop, & Ælfeah biscop feng æfter him to ðam ærcestole, & Brihtwold biscop feng to þam rice on Wiltunscire, & Wulfgeate wæs eall his are of genumen, & Wulfeah & Ufegeat wæron ablende, & Ælfelm ealdorman wearð ofslagen, & Kenulf biscop forðferde. & þa ofer þone midne sumor com þa se denisca flota to Sandwic & dydon eallswa hi ær gewuna wæron: hergodon & bærndon & slogon swa swa hi ferdon. Þa het1 se cyng abannan ut ealne ðeodscipe of Westseaxum & of Myrcean,2 & hi lagon ute þa ealne þone herfest on fyrdinge ongean þone here, ac hit naht ne beheold þe ma þe hit oftor ær dyde. Ac for eallum þissum se here ferde swa he sylf wolde, & se fyrdinge dyde þære landleode ælcne hearm, þet him naðor ne dohte ne innhere ne uthere. Ða hit winterleohte, þa ferde se fyrd ham, & se here com þa ofer Martnus3 mæssan to his fryðstole to Wihtlande & tilode him þær æghwer þæs ðe4 hi behofdan. & þa to ðam middanwintran eodon heom to heora garwan feorme ut þurh Hamtunscire into Barrucscire to Rædingan, and hi dydon heora gewuna: atendon heora beacna swa swa hi ferdon. & ferdon þa to Wealingaforda & þet eall fors<w>eldon,5 & wæn\d/on him þa andlang Æscesdune 66 Cwicchelmeshlæwe gesohton þet hi næfre to sæ gan ne sceoldan; wendon þa oðres wæges hamweard. Þa wæs þær fyrd gesomnod æt Cynetan, & hi þær togædere fengon, (43r) & sona þet wærod on fleame gebrohtan & syððan hyra herehuðe to sæ færedon. Þær mihton geseon Winceastreleodan rancne here & unearhne, þet hi be hyra gate to 1 The h in het has been altered from another letter with 2 Erasure of one stroke before &. 3 MS. Martnus 4 Erasure between ðe and hi. 5 MS. forspeldon. 6...6 Omitted in error from E and supplied here from D.

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a long descender.

MS. E

sæ eodon & mæte & madmas ofer .l. mila him fram sæ fættan. Þa wæs se cyng gewend ofer Temese into Scrobbesbyrigscire & nam þær his feorme in þære middewintres tide. Þa wearð hit swa mycel æge fram þam here þet man ne mihte geþeoncean ne asmægian hu man of earde hi gebringon sceolde oððe þisne eard wið hi gehealdan, forþan þe hi hæfdon ælce scire on Westsexum stiðe gemarcod mid bryne & mid hergunge. Agan se cyng georne to smeagenne wið his witan hwet heom eallum rædlicost þuhte þet man þisum earde gebeorgan mihte ær he mid ealle fordon wurðe. Ða gerædde seo cyng & his witan eallum þeodscipe to þearfe, þeah hit him eallum lað wære, þet man nyde moste þam 7 gafol gyldan. Ða sende se cyng to þam here & him cyþan het þet he wolde þet heom grið betweonan beon sceolde, & him man gafol and metsunge syllan sceolde, & hi ða ealle þet underfengon, & him man metsod geond Angelcyn. Millesimo.vii. Her on ðissum geare wæs þet gafol gelæst þam unfriðehere, þet wæs .xxx. þusend punda. & on ðissum geare eac wæs Ædric gesett to ealdorman on Myrcena rice. Millesimo.viii. Her bebead se cyng þet man sceolde ofer eall Angelcynn scipu feastlice wircean, þet is þonne 1 þrym hund hidum & of .x. hidon ænne scegð & of .viii. hidum helm & byrnan. Millesimo.ix. Her on þissum geare gewurdon þa scipu gearwe þe we ær ymbe spræcon, & heora wæs swa (43v) feala swa næfre ær þes, ðe us bec secgað, on Angelcynne ne gewurdon on nanes cynges dæg, & hi man þa ealle togædere ferode to Sandwic, & þær sceoldan licgan & þisne eard healdan wið ælcne uthere. Ac we gyt næfdon þa geselða ne þone wurðscipe þet seo scipfyrd nytt wære ðisum earde þe ma þe heo oftor ær wæs. Ða gewearð hit on þisum ilcan timan oððe litle ær þet Brihtric Eadrices broðor ealdormannes forwregde Wulfnoð cild þone Suðseaxscian to þam cyning, & he þa ut gewende & him þa to aspeon þet he heafde .xx. scipa, & he þa hergode æghwer be ðam suðriman & ælc yfel wrohton. Þa cydde man into þære scipfyrde þet hi mann eaðe befaran mihte gif man ymbe beon wolde. Ða genam se Brihtric him to hundeahtatig scipa & þohte þet he him myceles wordes wircean sceolde, þet he Wulfnoð cuconne oððe deadne begytan sceolde. Ac þa hi þyderweard wæron, þa com him swilc wind ongean swilce nan mann ær \ne/ gemunde & þa scipo ða ealle tobeot & toþræsc & on land wearp, & com se Wulfnoð sona & ða scipo forbærnde. Ða þis cuð wæs to ðam oðrum scipon þær se

[1007]

[1008]

[1009]

[1006] [1008]

7 1

Omitted in error from E and supplied here from D. Omitted in error from E and supplied here from D.

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cyng wæs hu ða oðre geferdon, wæs þa swilc hit eall rædleas wære, & ferde se cyng him ham & þa ealdormenn & þa heahwitan, & forleton þa scipo þus leohtlice. & þet folc þa þe on ðam scipe wæron færcodon ða scipo eft to Lundene & leton ealles ðeodscipes geswincg þus leohtlice forwurðan, & næs se ege na betera þe eall Angelcynn to hopode. Þa ðeos scipfyrd ðus geendod wæs, þa com sona æfter hlammessan se ungemetlica unfriðhere to Sandwic & sona wendon heora fore to Cantwarbyrig & þa burh raðe geeodon, gif hi þe raðor to him friðes to ne girndon. & (44r) ealle Eastcentingas wið þone here frið genamon & him gesealdon .iii. þusend punda, & se here þa sona æfter þam gewende abuton oð þet hi comon to Wihtlande & þær æghwer on Suðseaxum & on Hamtunscire & eac on Bearrucscire hergodon & bærndon swa heora gewuna wæs. Þa het se cyng abannan ut ealne þeodscipe þet mann on ælce healfe wið hi gehealden sceolde, ac þeahhweðere hi ferdon loc hu hi woldon. Þa sum siðe heafde se cyng hi fore began mid ealre fyrde þa hi to scipan woldon, & eall folc gearu wæs heom on to fonne, ac hit wæs ða þurh Eadric ealdorman gelet swa hit þa æfre wæs. Ða æfter Sanctus Martinus mæssan þa ferdon hi eft ongean to Cent & namon him wintersettl on Temesan & lifedon of Eastseaxum1 & of ðam scirum þe þær nyxt wæron on twam healfe Temese, & oft hi on þa burh Lundene gefuhton, ac si Gode lof þet heo gyt gesund stent, & hi þær æfre yfel geferdon. Ða æfter middanwintra hi namon þa ænne upgang \ut/ þurh Ciltern & swa to Oxneforda & þa burh forbærndon & namon hit þa on twa healfe Temese to scipan weard. Þa gewarnode man hi þet þær wæs fyrd æt Lundene ongean; hi gewendon þa ofer æt Stane & þus ferdon ealne þone winter, & ðone lencten wæron him on Cent and bettan2 heora scipa. Millesimo.x. Her on ðissum geare com se foresprecenda here ofer Eastron to <East>englum1 & wendon up æt Gipeswic & eodon anreces þær hi geaxodon Ulfcytel mid his fyrde. Ðis wæs on þam dæg prima Ascensio Domini. & þa sona flugon Eastengla; þa stod Grantabrycgscir fæstlice ongean. Þær wæs ofslægen Æðelstan þes cynges aðum & Oswi & his sunu & Wulfric Leofwines sunu & Eadwig Æfices broðor & feala oðra godra þegna & folces ungerim. Þone (44v) fleam ærest astealde Þurcytel Myranheafod, & þa Dæniscan ahton wælstowe geweald & þær wurdon gehorsode &

[1010]

[1009]

1 2

[1010]

1

The u in Eastseaxum has been altered from another letter (probably a). The dot under the second t in bettan may be scribal subpuncting but, if so, it is difficult to offer an explanation for it (C and D both have bett-). East omitted in error from E and supplied here from D.

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MS. E

[1011]

syððon ahton Eastengle geweald, & þone eard .iii. monþas hergodon & bærndon, ge furðon on þa wildan fennas hi ferdon, & menn & yrfe hi slogon & bærndon geond þa feonnas & Þeodford forbærndon & Grantabrycge & syððon wendon eft suðweard into Temese, & ridon þa gehorsedan menn ongean þa scipo & syððon hrædlice wendon westweard on Oxnafordscire & þanon to Bucinghamscire & swa andlang Usan oð hi comon to Bedanforda & swa forð oð Temesanford & a bærndon swa hi geferdon. Wendon þa eft to scipon mid heora herehuðe, & þone hi to scipon streddon, þonne sceolde fyrd ut eft ongean þet hi up woldon; þonne ferde seo fyrd ham. & þonne hi wæron be easton, þonne heold man fyrde be westan, & þonne hi wæron be suðan, þonne wæs ure fyrd be norðan. Ðonne bead man ealle witan to cynge, & man þonne rædan scolde hu man þisne eard werian sceolde, ac þeah man hwæt þonne rædde, þet ne stod furðon ænne monað. Æt nyxtan næs nan heafodman þet fyrde gaderian wolde, ac ælc fleah swa he mæst myhte, ne furðon nan scir nolde oðre gelæstan æt nyxtan. Þa ætforan Sanctus Andreas mæssan ða com se here to Hamtune & þone port sona forbærndon & þær namon abuton swa mycel swa hi woldon sylfe & þanon wendon ofer Temese into Westseaxum & swa wið Caninganmærsces & þet eall forbærndon. Þa hi swa feor gegan hæfdon swa hi þa woldon, þa comon hi to ðam middanwintra to scipon. Millesimo.xi. Her on þissum geare sende se cyng & his witan to ðam here & georndon friðes (45r) & him gafol & metsunga behetan wið þam þe hi heora hergunga geswicon. Hi heafdon þa ofergan Eastengla .i. and Eastseaxe .ii. & Middelseaxe .iii. & Oxenafordscire .iiii. & Grantabrycgescire .v. & Heortfordscire .vi. & Bucingahamscire .vii. & Bedanfordscire .viii. & healfe Huntadunscire .x. & be suðan Temese ealle Centingas & Suðseaxe & Hæstingas & Suðrig & Bearrucscire & Hamtunscire & micel on Wiltunscire. Ealle þas ungesælða us gelumpon þurh unrædes, þet mann nolde him to timan gafol bedan, ac þonne hi mæst to yfele gedon hæfdon, þonne nam man grið & frið wið hi, & naðelæs for eallum þisum griðe & friðe & gafole hi ferdon æghwider folcmælum & hergodon & ure earme folc ræpton & slogon. & on þissum geare betwyx Natiuitas Sancte Marie & Sancte Michaeles mæssan hi ymbesætan Cantwaraburh, & hi þærinto comon þurh syrewrenceas, forþon Ælmær hi becyrde Cantwaraburh, þe se arcebiscop Ælfeah ær generede his life, & hi þær þa genaman þone arcebiscop Ælfeah & Ælfword þæs cynges gerefan & Leofwine abbodesse & Godwine biscop, & Ælmær abbot hi lætan aweg, & hi þær genaman inne ealle þa gehadode menn & weras & wif – þet 68

TEXT

wæs unasecgendlic ænigum menn hu mycel þæs folces wæs – & on þære byrig siððon wæron swa lange swa hi woldon, & þa hi hæfdon þa burh ealle asmeade, wendon him þa to scipon & læddon þone arcebiscop. 1Mid him wæs ða ræ

ling2 se þe ær wæs Angelcynnes heafod &3 Cristendomes. Þær man mihte þa geseon earmðe þær man ær geseah blisse on þære ærman byrig þanon us com ærest Cristendom & blisse for Gode & for worulde.1 & hi heafdon þone arcebiscop mid him swa lange oð þone timan þe hi hine gemartyredon. Millesimo.xii. Her on þissum geare com Eadric (45v) ealdorman & ealle þa yldestan witan, gehadode & leawede, Angelcynnes to Lundenbyrig toforan1 þam Eastron; wæs Æsterdæg þa on am2 datarum idus Aprilis. & hi þæra ða swa lange wæron oð þet gafol wæs eall gelæst ofer Eastran, þet wæs .viii. þusend punda. Þa on þone Sæternesdæg wearð swiðe gestired se here ongean þone biscop, forþan þe he nolde heom nan feoh behaten & forbead þet man nan þing wið him syllan ne moste; wæron hi eac swyðe druncene, forþam þær wæs gebroht win sudan. Genamon þa þone biscop, leaddon hine to heora hustinga on þone Sunnanefen octabas Pasch0 & hine þa þær oftorfodon mid banum & mid hryðera heafdum, & sloh hine þa an heora mid anre æxe yre on þet heafod þet he mid þam dynte niðer asah, & his halige blod on ða eorðan feoll, & his þa haligan sawle to Godes rice asende. & þa biscopas Eadnoð & Ælfhun & seo burhwaru underfengon þone haligan lichaman on mergen & feredon hine to Lundene mid ealre arwurðnisse & hine bebyrigdon on Sanctus Paulus mynstre, & þær nu God swutelað þæ<s>3 halgan martires mihta. Ða þet gafol gelest wæs & þa friðaðas gesworene, þa toferde se here wide swa he ær gegaderod wæs. Ða bugon to þam cyninge of þam here .xlv. scipa & him beheton4 þet hi woldon þisne eard healdan, & he hi fedan scolde & scrydan. Millesimo.xiii. On þam æftran geare þe se arcebiscop wæs gemartyrod se cyng gesætte Lifing biscop to Cantwarabyrig to ðam arcestole. & on þam ilcan geare toforan þam monðe Augustus com Swegen cyning mid his flotan to Sandwic & wende swyðe

[1012]

[1013]

[1011]

1...1

[1012]

2 3 1 2 3 4

Bredehoft, Textual Histories, p. 91, characterizes E’s version as a ‘proselike’ copying of an original metrical structure. MS. ræwling. & is written over a punctus. Erasure between to and foran. MS. twam, emended here in accordance with C’s reading. MS. þær. Erasure between beheton and þet.

69

MS. E

raðe abutan Eastenglum into Humbran muðan & swa uppweard andlang Trentan þet he com to Gegnesburh. & þa sona abeah Uhtred eorl (46r) & eall Norðhymbra to him & eall þet folc on Lindesige & syððan þet folc of Fifburhingan & raðe þæs eall here be norðan Wætlingastræte, & him man sealde gislas of ælcere scire. Syððan he undergeat þet eall folc him to gebogen wæs, þa bead he þet man sceolde his here metian & horsian, & he þa gewende syððan suðweard mid fulre fyrde & betæhte his scipa & þa gislas Cnute his sunu, & syððan he com ofer Wæclingastræte, hi wrohton þet mæste yfel þe ænig here don mihte. Wende þa to Oxnaforda, & seo burhwaru sona abeah & gislode, & þanon to Winceastre & þet ilce dydon. Wendon þa þanon eastward to Lundene, & mycel his folces adranc on Temese, forðam hi na\n/re brycge ne cepton. Ða he to þære byrig com, þa nold\e/ seo burhwaru abugan, ac heoldan mid fullan wige ongean, fordan þær wæs inne se cyning Æþelred & Þurkil mid him. Þa wende Swegen cyning þanon to Wealingaforda & swa ofer Temese westweard to Baðon1 & sæt þær mid his fyrde, & com Æþelmer ealdorman þider & þa weasternan þægnas2 mid him & bugon ealle3 to Swegene & gislodon. Þa he eall þus gefaren heafde, wende þa norðweard to his scipon, & eall þeodscipe hine heafde for fullne cyning, & seo burhwaru æfter þam on Lundene beah & gislode, forþam hi ondreddon þet he hi fordon wolde. Bead4 þa Swegen full gild & me\t/sunga to his here þone winter, & Þurcyl bead þet ilce to þam here þe læg on Grenawic, & buton þam hi hergodan swa oft swa hi woldon. Ða ne duhte naðor þisse þeoda ne sudan ne norðan. Þa wæs se cyng sume hwile mid þam flotan þe on Temese wæron, & seo hlafdige wende þa ofer seo to hire broðor Ricarde & Ælsige abbot of Burh mid hire. & se cyng sende Ælfun biscop mid þam æþelinge Eadwarde & Ælfrede ofer se þet he hi bewitan sceolde. & se cyng ge(46v)wende þa fram þam flotan to ðam middanwintra to Wihtlande & wæs þær þa tid & æfter þære tide gewende þa ofer sæ to Ricarde & wæs þær mid him oð ðone byre þe Swegen dead wearð. & ða hwile þe seo læfdige mid hire broþer wæs begondon sæ, Ælfsige abbot of Burh þe þær wæs mid hire for to þone mynstre þe is gehaten Boneual þær Sancte Florentines lichama læg. Fand þær ærm stede, ærm abbot & ærme muneces, forþan þe hi forhergode wæron. Bohte þa þær5 æt þone abbot & æt

[1013]

1 2 3 4 5

The o of Baðon has been altered from e. The gn of þægnas has been altered from gin. Erasure (occupying space for about four letters) between ealle and to. There is a short stroke over the a in Bead. Erasure between þær and æt which obscures part of the æ of æt.

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þe muneces Sancte Florentines lichaman eall buton þe heafod to .v. hundred6 punda, & þa þe he ongean com, þa offrede hit Crist & Sancte Peter.

[1014]

Millesimo.xiiii. Her on þissum geare Swegen geendode his dagas to Candelmæssan .iii. nonas Februarii, & se flota eall gecuron Cnut to cyninge. Ða geræddan þa witan ealle, ge hadode ge læwede, þet man æfter þam cyninge Æðelrede sende, & cwædon þet him nan leofre hlaford nære þonne heora gecynde hlaford gif he hi rihtlicor healdan wolde þonne he ær dyde. Ða sende se cyng his sunu Eadward mid his ærendracan hider & het gretan ealne his leodscipe & cwæð þæt he heom hold hlaford beon wolde & ælc þæra þinga betan þe hi ealle ascunedon, & ælc þæra þinga forgifan beon sceolde þe hi<m>1 gedon oððe gecweðen wære wið þam þe hi ealle anrædlice buton swicdome to him gecyrdon. & man þa fullne freondscipe gefæstnode mid worde & mid wædde on ægðere healfe, & æfre ælcne denisce cyning utlagede of Englalande gecwædon. Ða com Æðelred cyning innan þam lenctene ham to his agenre ðeode, & he glædlice2 fram heom eallum onfangen wæs. & þa syððon Swegen dead wæs, sætt Cnut mid his here on Gegnesburh oð ða Eastron, & gewearð him (47r) & þam folce on Lindesige anes þet hi hine horsian sceoldan & syððan ealle ætgædere faran & hergian. Ða com se cyning Æðelred mid fulre fyrde þider ær hi gearwe wæron to Lindesige, & mann þa hergode & bærnde & sloh eall þet mancynn þet man aræcan mihte. Se Cnut gewende him ut mid his flotan – & wearð þet earme folc þus beswican þurh hine – & wænde þa suðweard od þet he com to Sandwic & let þær up þa gislas þe his fæder gesealde wæron & cearf of heora handa & heora nosa. & buton eallum þisum yfelum se cyning het gyldan þam here þe on Grenewic læg .xxi. þusend punda. & on þissum geare on Sancte Michæles mæsseæfan com þet mycele sæflod geond wide þisne eard & ærn swa feor up3 swa næfre ær \ne/ dyde & adrencte feala tuna & manncynnes unarimædlice geteall. Millesimo.xv. On þissum geare1 wæs þet mycele gemot on Oxonaforda, & þær Eadric ealdorman beswac Sigeferð & Morcær þa yldestan þægenas into Seofonburgum: bepæhte hi into his bure, & hi man þærinne ofsloh ungeri<sen>lice,2 & se cyng þa genam eall

[1015]

[1013] [1014] [1015]

6 1 2 3 1 2

hundred is written over an erasure. Emended in accordance with C’s and D’s reading. Erasure of g between he and glædlice, and lice is written over an erasure. MS. up feor, with two dots above up and one above feor. Erasure (occupying space for about four letters) between geare and wæs. MS. ungerinselice, emended here in accordance with C’s reading.

71

MS. E

heora æhta & het nimon Sigeferðes lafe & gebringon binnon Mealdelmesbyrig. Þa æfter litlum fece ferde Eadmund æðeling to & genam þet wif ofer þes cynges willan & heafde him to wife. Ða toforan Natiuitas Sancte Mari0 ferde se æðeling wæston norð into Fifburgum & gerad sona ealle Sigeferðes are & Morcares, & þet folc eall him to beah. & þa on ðam ylcan timan com Cnut cyng to Sandwic & wende sona abutan Centland into Westseaxen oð he com to Fromuðan & hergode þa on Dorsætum & on Wiltunscire & on Sumærsæton; þa læg se cyng seoc æt Cosham. Ða gaderode Eadric ealdorman fyrde & se æðeling Eadmund (47v) be norðan. Ða hi togædere comon, þa wolde se ealdorman beswicon þone æþeling, & hi tohwurfon þa buton gefeohte forþam & rimdon heora feondum. & Eadric ealdormann aspeon þa .xl. scipa fram þam cyning & beah þa to Cnute, & Westseaxe bugon & gislodon & horsodon þone here, & he wæs þær þa oð3 midne winter. Millesimo.xvi. Her on þissum geare com Cnut cyning mid his here .clx. scipa & Eadric ealdormann mid him ofer Temese into Myrcan æt Cræcilade & wendon þa to Wæringscire innon þære middewintres tide & hergodon & bærndon & slogon eall þet hi to comon. Ða ongan se æðeling Eadmund to gadrienne fyrde. Þa se fyrd gesomnod wæs, þa ne onhagode him buton se cyng þære wære & hi hæfdon þære burhware fultum of Lundene; geswicon þa þære fyrding, & færde ælc mann him ham. Ða æfter þære tide þa bead mann eft fyrde be fullum wite þet1 ælc mann þe feor wære forð gewende, & mann sende to þam cyninge to Lundene & bædon hine þet he come ongean þa fyrde mid þam fultume þe he gegaderian mihte. Ða hi ealle tosomne comon, þa ne beheold hit naht þe ma þe hit oftor ær dyde. Þa cydde mann þam cyninge þet hine mann beswicon wolde, þa þe him on fultume beon sceolden. Forlet(on) ða þa fyrde & cyrde him eft to Lundene. Ða rad se æþeling Eadmund to Norðhymbran to Uhtrede eorl, & wænde ælc mann þet hi woldon fyrde somnian ongean Cnut cyng. Þa ferdon hi into Stæffordscire & into Scrobbesbyrig & to Legeceastre, & hergodon hi on heora h\e/alfe & Cnut on his, & wende him þa ut þurh Buccingahamscire into Beadafordscire & þanon to Huntandunscire andlang fennes to Stanforda & ða into Lincolnescire, þanon to Snotingahamscire & swa to Norðhymbran to Eoforwic weard. Ða (48r) Uhtred geaxode þis, ða forlet he his hergunga & efeste norðweard & beah þa for nede & ealle Norðhymbran mid him, & he gislode, & hine man ðeahhwæðere ofsloh & Þurcytel Nafanan sunu

[1016]

[1015] [1016]

3 1

The ð of oð has been altered from another letter (possibly n). Erasure between abbreviated þet and ælc.

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TEXT

mid him. & þa æfter þam se cyng Cnut gesætte Yric into Norðhymbran to eorle eallswa Uhtred wæs & syððan wendon him suðweard oðres weges eall be westan, & com þa eall se here toforan þam Eastron to scipon, & se æþeling Ædmund wende to Lundene to his fæder, & þa æfter Eastron wende se cyng Cnut mid eallum his scipum to Lundene weard. Ða gelamp hit þet se cyng Æðelred forðferde ær ða scipu comon; he geendode his dagas on Sanctus Georius mæssedæge æfter mycclum geswince & earfoðnissum his lifes. & \þa/ æfter his ende ealle þa witan þe on Lundene wæron & se burhwaru gecuron Eadmund to cynge, & his rice he heardlice werode þa hwile þe his tima wæs. Þa comon þa scipo to Grenawic to þam Gandagum & binnon lytlum fæce wendon to Lundene & dulfon þa ane mycele dic on ða suðhealfe & drogon heora scipa on westhealfe þære brycge & bedicodon2 syððon þa burh uton þet nan mann ne mihte ne inn ne ut & oftrædlice on ða burh fuhton, ac hi heom heardlice wiðstodon. Ða wæs Eadmund cyng ær þam gewend ut & gerad þa Westseaxan, & him beah eall folc to, & raðe æfter þam he gefeaht wið þone here æt Peonnan wið Gillinga, & oðer gefeoht he gefeaht æfter middansumera æt Sceorstane, & þær mycel wæll feoll on ægðre healfe, & þa heres him sylfe toeodon on ðam gefeohte, & Eadric ealdorman & Ælmær Deorlingc wæron þam here on fultume ongean Eadmund cyng. & þa gegaderode he .iii. siðe fyrde & ferde to Lundene & þa burhware ahredde & þone here aflymde to scipon. & þa wæs ymbe twa niht þet se cyning gewende ofer æt Brentforda & þa wið þone here gefeaht & hine aflymde, & þær adranc mycel (48v) ænli<s>ces3 folces on heora agenre gymeleaste, þa ðe ferdon beforan þære fyrde & fang woldon fon. & se cyning wende æfter þam to Westseaxan & his fyrde gesomnode. Ða gewende se here sona to Lundene & þa burh utone besæton & hire stranglice wið feaht ge be wætere ge be lande, ac se ælmihtiga God hi ahredde. Se here gewende þa æfter þam fram Lundene mid heora scipum into Arwan & þar up foran & feordon on Myrcean & slogon & bærndon swa hwæt swa hi oferforon swa heora gewuna wæs & heom metes tilodon, & hi drifon ægðer ge scipa ge heora drafa into Medewæge. Ða gesomnode Eadmund cyng .iiii. siþe ealle Engla þeode & ferde ofer Temese to Brentforda & ferde innan Cent, &4 se here him fleah beforan mid hira horsa into Sceapige, & se cyng ofsloh heora swa

[1016]

2 3 4

MS. bebdicodon, with the third letter subpuncted. MS. ænlices, emended here in accordance with D’s reading. & is over an erasure.

73

MS. E

feala swa he offaran mihte. & Eadric ealdormann gewende þa ðæne cyng ongean æt Ægelesforda; næs nan mare unræd gered þonne se wæs. Se here gewende eft up on Eastseaxan & ferde into Myrcean & fordydon eall þet he oferferde. Ða se cyng geaxode þet se here uppe wæs, ða gesomnode he .v. siðe ealle Engla þeode & ferde him æthindan & offerde hi innan Eastseaxan æt þere dune þe mann hæt Assandun, & þær togædere heardlice fengon. Ða dyde Eadric ealdormann swa he oftor ær dyde: astealde þone fleam ærest mid Magesæton & swa aswac his cynehlaforde & ealle þeode. Þær hæfde Cnut sige & gefeaht him eall Englaland \vel þeode/. Þær wearð ofslagen Eadnoð & Wulsige abbot & Ælfric ealdorman & Godwine ealdorman and Ulfcytel of Eastenglan & Æðelward Æðelsiges sunu ealdormannes & eall se dugoð on Angelcinne. Ða æfter þisum gefeohte gewende Cnut cing upp mid his here to (49r) Gleaweceastrescire, þær he geherde secgan þet se cyng wæs Eadmund. Ða gerædde Eadric ealdormann & þa witan þe ðær wæron þet þa cyningas seht namon heom betweonan, & hi gislas sealdon heom betweonan, & þa cyningas comon togædere æt Olanige & heora freondscipe þær gefæstnodon ge mid wedde ge mid aðe & þet gyld setton wið þone here, & hi tohwurfon þa mid þisum sehte, & feng Eadmund cing to Weastseaxan & Cnut to Myrcean. Se here gewende þa to scipon mid þam þingum þe hi gefangen hæfdon, & Lundenewaru griðede wið þone here & heom frið gebohtan, & se he5 gebrohton heora scipa on Lundene & heom wintersetle þærinne namon. Ða to Sanctus Andreas mæssan forðferde se cyng Eadmund & is byrged mid his ealdan fæder Eadgare on Glæstingabyrig. & on þam ilcan geare forðferde Wulfgar abbot on Abbandune, & feng Æðelsige to. Millesimo.xvii. Her on þisum geare feng Cnut cyning to eall Angelcynnes rice & hit todæld on fower: him sylfum Westseaxan & Þurcylle Eastenglan & Eadrice Myrcean & Yrice Norðhymbran. & on þisum geare wæs Eadric ealdormann ofslagen & Norðman Leofwines sunu ealdormannes & Æðelword Æðelmæres sunu þæs grætan & Brihtric Ælfgetes sunu on Dæfenanscire. & Cnut cyng aflymde ut Ædwig æðeling & Eadwig ceorla cyng. & þa toforan kalendas Augusti het se cyng feccan him Æðelredes lafe þes oðres cynges him to cwene Ricardes dohtor. Millesimo.xviii. On þisum geare wæs þet gafol gelæst ofer eall Angelcynn, þet wæs ealles1 .lxxii. þusend punda, buton þam þe

[1017]

[1018]

[1016] [1018]

5 1

MS. se he, emended in accordance with C’s reading. The first letter in ealles has been altered from æ.

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seo burhwaru on Lundene (49v) guldon .xi. þusend punda. & se here ferde þa sum to Denme\a/rcon, & .xl. scipo belaf mid þam cyninge Cnute, & Dene & Engle wurdon sammæle æt Oxnaforda. & her Æðelsige abbot forðferde on Abbandune, & feng Æðelwine to. Millesimo.xix. Her gewende Cnut cyng to Denmearcon & þær wunode ealne winter. Millesimo.xx. Her com Cnut cyng to Englalande. & þa on Eastron wæs mycel gemot on Cyrnceastre, þa geutlagode mann Æðelword ealdorman. & on þissum geare se cyng for to Assandune, & Liuing arcebiscop forðferde, & Æðelnoð munuc & decanus æt Cristes cyrcan wæs þe ilcan geare þarto gehadod to biscop. Millesimo.xxi. Her on þysum geare Cnut cyng to Martinus mæssan geutlagode Þurkil eorl. Millesimo.xxii. Her Cnut cyng for ut mid his scipum to Wiht. & Æðelnoð biscop for to Rome & wæs underfangen þær fram Benedicte þam papan myd mycclum wurðscipe, & mid his agenum handum him his pallium on sette & to arcebiscop arwurðlice gehalgode, & he syððan mid þam pallium þær mæssode swa se papa him gewissode, & he hine gereordode æfter þam mid þam papan & syððon mid fulre bletsunge ham gewende. & Leofwine abbot se wæs unrihtlice of Elig adræfed wæs his gefera & hine þæs ælces þinges geclænsode þe him mann on sæde, swa se papa him tæhte, on þes arcebiscopes gewitnesse & on ealles þæs geferscipes þe him mid wæs. Millesimo.xxiii. Her forðferde Wulfstan arcebiscop, & feng Ælfric to. & þæs ilcan geares Æðelnolð arcebiscop ferede Sancte Ælfeges arcebiscop reliquias to Cantwarbyrig of Lundene. (50r) Millesimo.xxiiii. Hic Ricardus secundus1 obiit. Ricardus filius eius regnauit prope uno anno, et post eum regnauit Rodbertus frater eius .viii. annis. Millesimo.xxv. Her for Cnut cyng to Denmearcon mid scipon to þam holme æt ea þære halgan, & þær comon ongean Ulf & Eglaf & swiðe mycel here, ægðer ge landhere ge sciphere, of Swaðeode, & þær wæs swiðe feala manna forfaren on Cnutes cynges healfe, ægðer ge deniscra manna ge engliscra, & þa Sweon heafdon weallstowe geweald. Millesimo.xxvi. Millesimo.xxvii. Millesimo.xxviii. Her for Cnut cyng of Englalande mid fiftig

[1019] [1020]

[1021] [1022]

[1023]

[1024]

[1025]

[1028]

[1024]

1

secundus is written over an erasure.

75

MS. E

[1029] [1030]

[1031]

[1032]

[1033] [1034] [1036]

[1037]

[1038]

scipum to Norwegum & adraf Olaf cyning of þam lande & geahnode him þet land. Millesimo.xxix. Her com Cnut cyng eft ham to Englalande. Millesimo.xxx. Her com Olaf cyng eft into Norwegum, & þet folc gegaderode him togeanes & him wið gefuhton, & he wearð þær ofslagen. Millesimo.xxxi. Her for Cnut cyng to Rome. & þy ilcan geare he for to Scotlande, & Scotta cyng him to beah Mælcolm & twegen oðre cyningas Mælbæþe & Iehmarc. Rodbertus comes obiit in peregrinatione, et successit rex Willelmus in puerili 0tate. Millesimo.xxxii. Her on þissum geare atywde þet wildefyr ðe nan mann æror nan swylc ne gemunde, & gehwær hit derode eac on manegum stowum. & on þam ilcan geare forðferde Ælfsige biscop on Winceastre, & Ælfwine þæs cynges preost feng þærto. Millesimo.xxxiii. Her on þisum geare forðferde Merehwit biscop on Sumersæton, & he is bebyrged on Glestingabyrig. (50v) Millesimo.xxxiiii. Her forðferde Æðeric biscop. Millesimo.xxxv. Millesimo.xxxvi. Her forðferde Cnut cyng æt Sceaftesbyrig, & he is bebyrged on Winceastre on Ealdan Mynstre, & he wæs cyng ofer eall Englaland swyðe neh .xx. wintra. & sona æfter his forsiðe wæs ealra witena gemot on Oxnaforda, & Leofric eorl & mæst ealle þa þegenas be norðan Temese & þa liðsmen on Lunden gecuron Harold to healdes ealles Englelandes him & his broðer Hardacnute þe wæs on Denemearcon. & Godwine eorl & ealle þa yldestan menn on Westseaxon lagon ongean swa hi lengost mihton, ac hi ne mihton nan þing ongean wealcan. & man gerædde þa þet Ælfgifu Hardacnutes modor sæte on Winceastre mid þæs cynges huscarlum hyra suna, & heoldan ealle Westseaxan him to handa, & Godwine eorl wæs heora healdest mann. Sume men sædon be Harolde þet he wære Cnutes sunu cynges & Ælfgiue Ælfelmes dohtor ealdormannes, ac hit þuhte swiðe ungeleaflic manegum mannum, & he wæs þæh full cyng ofer eall Englaland. Millesimo.xxxvii. Her man dræfde ut Ælfgife Cnutes cynges lafe seo wæs Hardacnutes cynges modor, & heo gesohte þa Baldewines grið be suðan sæ, & he geaf hire wununge on Bricge, & he hi mundode & heold þa hwile þe heo þær wæs. Millesimo.xxxviii. Her forðferde Æðelnod arcebiscop on kalendas Nouembris & þæs ymbe litel Æðelric biscop on Suðseaxum & þa toforan Cristesmæssan Brihteh biscop on Wigraceastrescire & raðe þæs Ælfric biscop on Eastenglum; & þa feng Eadsige biscop to þam arcebiscoprice & Grymcytel to ðam on Suðsexum & Liuing biscop to Wigraceastrescire & to Gleaweceastrescire. (51r) 76

TEXT

[1039]

Millesimo.xxxix. Her forðferde Harold cyng on Oxnaforda on .xvi. kalendas Aprilis, & he wæs bebyrged æt Westmynstre, & he weolde Englalandes .iiii. gear & .xvi. wucan, & on his dagum man geald .xvi. scipan æt ælcere hamulan .viii. marc, eall swa man ær dyde on Cnutes cynges dagum. & on þis ilcan geare com Hardacnut cyng to Sandwic .vii. nihtum ær middansumera, & he wæs sona underfangen ge fram Anglum ge fram Denum, þeah þe his rædes menn hit syððon strange1 forguldon, ða hi gerædden þet man geald .lxii. scipon æt ælcere hamelan .viii. marc. & on þis ilcan geare eode se sæster hwætes to .lv. penega & eac furðor. Millesimo.xl. Her wæs þet here geold gelæst, þet wæron .xxi. þusend punda and .xcviiii. punda, & mann geald syððan .xxxii. scipon .xi. þusend punda & .xlviii. punda. & on ðis ilcan geare com Eadward Æðelredes sunu cinges hider to lande of1 Weallande, se wæs Hardacnutes cynges broðor;2 hi wæron begen Ælfgiues suna, seo wæs Ricardes dohtor eorles. Millesimo.xli. Her forðferde Hardacnut cyng æt Lambhyðe on .vi. idus Iunii, & he wæs cyng ofer eall Englaland twa gear buton .x. nihtum, & he is bebyrged on Ealdan Mynstre on Winceastre mid Cnute cynge his fæder, & ear þan þe he bebyrged wære, eall folc geceas Eadward to cynge on Lundene; healde þa hwile þe him God unne. & eall þet gear wæs swiðe hefigtime on manegum þingum & mislicum, ge on unwæderum ge on eorðwæstmum, & swa mycel orfes wæs þæs geares forfaren swa nan man ær ne gemunde, ægðer ge þurh mistlice coða ge þurh ungewyderu. 1& on

[1040]

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þis ilcan tyme forðferde Ælf[sige] abbot of Burh, & man ceas þa Arnwi munec to abbot, forðan þe h[e] wæs swiðe god man & swiðe bilehwit2.1 (51v)

[1042]

[1039] [1040] [1041]

Millesimo.xlii. Her wæs Æðward gehalgod to cyng on Winceastre on Æsterdæg mid mycclum wurðscipe, & þa wæron Eastron on .iii. nonas Aprilis. Eadsige arcebiscop hine halgode & toforan eallum folce hine well lærde, & to his agenre neode & ealles folces well monude. & Stigand preost wæs gebletsod to biscope to Eastenglum; & raðe þæs se cyng let geridan ealle þa land þe his modor ahte him to handa & nam of hire eall þet heo ahte on golde & on

1

Between strange and forguldon the scribe apparently began to form a g which is left uncorrected. 1 of is written over an erasure. 2 MS. broðor cynges with two dots above broðor and one dot above cynges. 1...1 This Peterborough Interpolation extends into the right hand and bottom margins, suggesting that it was added later. The text is slightly damaged from later trimming. 2 bilehwit is written over an erasure.

77

MS. E

seolfre & on unasecgendlicum þingum, forþan heo hit heold to feste wið hine. Millesimo.xliii. Her Eadsige arcebiscop forlet þet biscoprice for his untrumnisse & bletsode þærto Siward abbot of Abbandune to biscope be þæs cynges læfe & ræda & Godwines eorles; hit wæs elles feawum mannum cuð ær hit gedon wæs, forþan se arcebiscop wende þet hit sum oðer mann abid\d/an wolde oððe gebicgean, þe he his wyrs truwude and uðe, gif hit ma manna wiste. & on þisum wæs swyðe mycel hungor ofer Englaland, & corn swa dyre swa nan mann ær ne gemunde, swa þet se sester hwætes eode to .lx. penega & eac furðor. & þæs ylcan geares se cyng for ut to Sandwic mid .xxxv. scipon, & Æðelstan cyriceweard feng to ðam abbotrice æt Abbandune, & Stigand feng to his biscoprice. Millesimo.xliii. Her nam Ædward cyng Godwines dohtor eorles him to cwene. & on þis ilcan geare forðferde Brihtwold biscop, & he heold þæs biscoprices .xxxviii. wintra, & Hereman þes cynges preost feng to þam biscoprice. & on þysum geare man halgode Wulfric to abbot æt Sancte Augustine to Cristesmæssan on Stephanes mæssedæg be þes cynges gelæfan & Ælfstanes abbotes for his mycelre untrumnysse. (52r) Millesimo.xliiii. Her forðferde Liuing biscop on Defenascire, & Leofric feng þærto se wæs þæs cynges preost. And on þisum ilcan1 geare forðferde Ælfstan abbot æt Sancte Augustine .iii. nonas Iulii. & on þis ilcan geare wearð aflemed ut Osgot Clapa. Millesimo.xlv. Her forðferde Grymkytel biscop on Suðsexum, & feng Heca ðes cynges preost þærto. And on þysum geare for\ð/ferde Ælfwine biscop on Winceastre on .iiii. kalendas Septembris, & feng Stigand biscop be norðan þærto. & on ðam ilcan geare ferde Swegen1 eorl ut to Baldewines lande to Brycge & wunode þær ealne winter & wende þa to sumere ut. Millesimo.xlvi. Bellum1 apud Uallium Dunas. Her forðferde Æþelstan abbot on Abbandune, and feng Spearhafoc munuc to of Sancte Eadmundes byrig. & on þis ilcan geare forðferde Siward biscop, & feng Eadsige arcebiscop eft to eallum þam biscoprice. & on þis ilcan geare comon to Sandwic Loðen & Yrling mid .xxv. scipon & namon þær unasecgendlice herehuðe on mannum & on golde & on seolfre, þet nan man nyste hwæt þæs ealles wes, & wendon þa onbuton Tenet & woldon þær þet ilce don, ac þet landfolc hardlice wiðstodon & forwerndon heom ægðer ge upganges

[1043a]

[1043b]

[1044]

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[1046a]

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ilcan is written over an erasure. Erasure between Swegen and eorl. Erasure between Bellum and apud.

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ge wæteres & aflymdon hi þanon mid ealle; & hi wendon heom þanon to Eastseaxan & hergodon þær & namon menn & swa hwæt swa hi findan mihtan & gewendon him þa east to Baldewines land & sealdon þær þet hi gehergod hæfdon & ferdon heom syððon east þanon þe hi ær comon. Millesimo.xlvi. Her on þisum geare wæs se myccla synoð æt Sancte Remei. Þær wæs on Leo se papa & se arcebiscop of Burgundia & se arcebiscop of Bysincun & se arcebiscop of Treueris & se arcebiscop of Remis & manig mann þærto (52v) ge hadode ge læwede. & Edward cyng sende þider Dudocc biscop & Wlfric abbot of Sancte Augustine & Elfwine abbot, þet hi sceolden þam cynge cyðan hwæt þær to Cristendome gecoren wære. & on þis ylcan geare ferde Eadward cyng ut to Sandwic mid mycclan sciphere, & com Swegn eorl in mid .vii. scipon to Bosenham & griðode wið þone cyng, & behet man him þet he moste wurðe ælc þæra þinga þe he ær ahte. Ða wiðlæg Harold eorl his broðor & Beorn eorl þet he ne moste beon \nan/ þæra þinga wurðe þe se cyng him geunnen hæfde, ac sette man him .iiii. nihta grið to his scipon. Ða wearð hit under þam þet þam cynge com word þet unnfrið scipa lægen be westan and hergodon. Ða ge<wende> Godwine eorl west onbuton mid þes cynges .ii. scipum – þam anan steorde Harold eorl & þam oðran Tostig his broðor – & landesmanna scipa .xlii. Þa scyfte man Harold eorl up þæs cynges scipe þe Harold eorl ær steorde. Þa gewendon hi west to Peuenesea & lægen þær wederfeste. Þa þes binnon .ii. dagum þa com Swegen eorl þider & spec wið his feder1 & wið Beorn eorl2 & bed Beorn þet he sceolde faran mid him to ðam cynge to Sandwic & fylstan him to þæs cynges freondscipe, & he þæs tiðode. Gewendon heom þa swylce hi woldon to ðam cynge. Ða amang þam þe hi ridon, þa bæd Swegen hine þet he sceolde faran mid him to his scipon, tealde þet his sciperes woldon wændon fram him buton he þe raðor come. Hi gewendon þa begen þær his scipu lægen. Þa hi þyder comon, þa bæd Swegen eorl hine þet he sceolde gewendon mid him to sc\i/pe. He forweornde swiðe swa lange oð his sciperes gefengon hine & wurpon hine on þone bat & bundon hine & reowan to scipe & dydon hine þæron; (53r) tugon þa up heora segel & urnon west to Axamuðan & hæfdon hine mid heom oð þet hi ofslogon hine & namon þone lichaman & bebyrgedon innan anre cyrican. & comon

[1046b]

[1046b]

1 2

feder is written over an erasure. The last two letters of Beorn and the first two of eorl are written over an erasure.

79

MS. E

þa his freond & litsmen3 of Lundene & namon hine up & feredon hine to Winceastre to Ealdan Mynstre, & he is þær byrged wið Cnut cyng his eam. & Swegen gewende þa east to Baldewines lande & sæt þær ealne winter on Brycge mid his fullan griðe. & on þam ylcan geare forðferde Eadnoð biscop be norðan, & sette man Ulf to biscop. Millesimo.xlvii. Her on þisum geare wæs mycel gemot on Lundene to midfestene, & man sette ut .ix. litsmanna scipa, & fif belifan wiðæftan. & on þysum ilcan geare com Swegen eorl into Englalande. & on þysum ilcan geare wæs se mycele sinoð on Rome, & Eadward cyng sende þider Hereman biscop & Ealdred biscop, & hi comon þyder on Easteræfen, & eft se papa hæfde sinoð on Uercel, & Ulf biscop com þærto, & forneah man sceolde tobrecan his stef gif he ne sealde þe mare gersuman, forðan he ne cuðe don his gerihte swa wel swa he sceolde. & on þisum geare forðferde1 Eadsige arcebiscop .iiii. kalendas Nouembris. Millesimo.xlviii. Her on þisum geare Eadward cyng gesette Rodbyrd on Lundene to arcebiscop to Cantwarabyrig on Lengtene, & þæs sylfan Lentenes he for to Rome æfter his pallium. & se cyng geaf þet biscoprice on Lundene Sparhafoc abbot of Abbandune, & se cyng geaf abbotrice Roðulfe biscop his mæge. Ða com se arcebiscop fram Rome ane dæge ær Sanctus Petrus mæsseæfene & gesæt his arcebiscopstol æt Cristes cyrcean on Sanctus Petrus mæssedæg & sona þæs to þam cyng gewænde. Ða com Sparhafoc abbot \be weg[e]/1 to him mid þæs cynges gewrite2 & insegle, (53v) to þan þet he hine hadian sceolde to biscop into Lundene. Þa wiðcweð se arcebiscop & cwæð þet se papa hit him forboden hæfde. Þa gewende se abbot3 ongean þone arcebiscop eft to ðam & þær þes biscophades gernde, & se arcebiscop him anrædlice forwernde & cwæð þet se papa hit him forboden hæfde. Ða gewende se abbot to Lundene & sæt on þam biscoprice þe se cyng him ær geunnan hæfde be his fulre leafe ealne \þone/4 sumor & þone hærfest. & com þa Eustatius fram geondan sæ sona æfter þam biscop & gewende to ðam cynge & spæc wið hine þet þet he þa wolde & gewende þa hamweard. Þa he com to Cantwarbyrig east,

[1047]

[1048]

[1046b] [1047] [1048]

3 1 1 2 3 4

Erasure between litsmen and of. Erasure between forðferde and Eadsige. be weg[e] has been added by the main hand in the right hand margin (the e has been cropped off later). Erasure between gewrite and &. A space has been left after abbot, perhaps for the abbot’s name. þone has been added by the main hand in the left hand margin.

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þa snædde he þær & his menn & to Dofran gewende. Ða he wæs sume mila oððe mare beheonan Dofran, þa dyde he on his byrnan & his geferan ealle & foran to Dofran. Þa hi þider comon, þa woldon hi innian hi þær heom sylfan gelicode. Þa com an his manna & wolde wician æt anes bundan huse his unðances & gewundode þone husbundon, & se husbunda ofsloh þone oðerne. Ða wearð Eustatius uppon his horse & his gefeoran uppon heora & ferdon to þam husbundon & ofslogon hine binnan his agenan heorðæ5 & wendon him þa up to þære burge weard6 & ofslogon ægðer ge wiðinnan ge wiðutan ma þanne .xx. manna, & þa burhmenn ofslogon .xix. menn on oðre healfe & gewundoden þet hi nystan hu fela. & Eustatius7 ætbærst mid feawum mannum & gewende ongean to þam cynge & cydde be dæle hu hi gefaren hæfdon, & weard se cyng swiþe gram wið þa burhware, & ofsænde se cyng Godwine eorl & bæd hine faran into Cent mid unfriða to Dofran, forþan Eustatius hæfde gecydd þam cynge þet hit sceolde beon mare gylt þære burhwaru þonne his, ac \hit/ næs na swa. & se eorl nolde na geðwærian þære infare, (54r) forþan him wæs lað to amyrrene his agenne folgað. Ða sende se cyng æfter eallon his witan & bead heom cuman to Gleaweceastre neh þære æftre Sancta Maria mæssan. Þa hæfdon þa welisce menn gewroht ænne castel on Herefordscire on Swegenes eorles folgoðe & wrohten ælc þæra harme & bismere þæs cynges mannan þærabutan þe hi mihton. Ða com Godwine eorl & Swegen eorl & Harold eorl togædere æt Byferesstane & manig mann mid heom, to ðon þet hi woldon faran to heora cynehlaforde & to þam witan eallon þe mid him gegaderode wæron, þet hi þæs cynges ræd hæfdon & his fultum & ealra witena hu hi mihton þæs cynges bismer awrecan & ealles þeodscipes. Ða wæron þa wælisce menn ætforan8 mid þam cynge & forwregdon ða eorlas þet hi ne moston cuman on his eagon gesihðe, forðan hi sædon þet hi woldon cuman þider for þes cynges swicdome. Wæs þær cuman Siward eorl & Leofric eorl & mycel folc mid heom norþan to þam cynge, & wæs þam eorle Godwine & his sunan gecydd þet se cyng & þa menn þe mid him wæron woldon rædon on hi; & hi trymedon hi fæstlice ongean, þæh him lað wære þet hi ongean heora cynehlaford standan sceoldan. Ða gerædden þa witan on ægðer halfe þet man ða ælces yfeles [1048]

5 6 7 8

Erasure after heorðæ. The d of weard has been altered from ð by the erasure of a cross-stroke. The abbreviation for us in Eustatius has been erased and the name written in full. MS. tætforan, with the first t subpuncted.

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geswac, & geaf se cyng Godes grið & his fulne freondscipe on ægðre healfe. Ða gerædde se cyning & his witan þet man sceolde oðre syðan habban ealra gewitena9 gemot on Lundene to hærfestes emnihte, & het se cyning bannan uthere, ægðer ge be suðan Temese ge be norðan, eall þet æfre betst10 wæs. Ða cwæð man Swegen eorl utlah, & stefnode man Godwine eorle & Harolde eorle to þon gemote swa raðe swa hi hit gefaran mihton. Þa hi þider ut comon, þa stefnede heom man (54v) to gemote. Þa gyrnde he griðes & gisla þet he moste unswican into gemote cuman & ut of gemote. Ða gyrnde se cyng ealra þæra þegna þe þa eorlas ær hæfdon, & hi letan hi ealle him to handa. Þa sende se cyng eft to heom & bead heom þet hi comen mid .xii. mannum into þæs cynges ræde. Þa geornde se eorl eft griðes & gisla þet he moste hine betellan æt ælc þæra þinga þe him man on lede. Þa wyrnde him mann ðera gisla, & sceawede him mann .v. nihta grið ut of lande to farenne, & gewende þa Godwine eorl & Swegen eorl to Bosenham & scufon ut heora scipu & gewendon heom begeondan sæ & gesohton Baldewines grið & wunodon þær ealne þone winter. & Harold eorl gewende west to Yrlande & wæs þær ealne þone winter on þes cynges griðe. & sona þæs þe þis wæs, þa forlet se cyng þa hlæfdian seo wæs gehalgod him to cwene & let niman of hire eall þet heo ahte on lande & on golde & on seolfre & on eallon þingon & betæhte hy his swyster to Hwerwillon. & Sparhafoc abbot wearð ða adrifen ut of þam biscoprice on Lundene, & wes Willelm þæs cynges preost gehadod þærto. & mann sette þa Oddan to eorle ofer Defenascire & ofer Sumersæton & ofer Dorseton & ofer Wealas, & mann sette Ælfgar Leofrices sunu eorles ðane eorldom on handa þe Harold ær ahte. [1052]

[1048] [1052]

Millesimo.lii. Her on ðisum geare forðferde Ælfgiue Ymma Eadwardes cynges modor & Hardacnutes cynges. & on þam sylfan geare gerædde se cyng & his witan þet mann sceolde forðian ut to Sandwic scipu, & setton Raulf eorl & Oddan eorl to heafodmannum þærto. Ða gewende Godwine eorl ut fram Brycge (55r) mid his scipum to Yseran and1 let ut ane dæge ær midsumeres mæsseæfene þet he com to Næsse þe is be suðan Rumenea. Þa com hit to witenne þam eorlum ut to Sandwic, & hi þa gewendon ut æfter þam oðrum scipum, & bead man landfyrde ut ongean þa scipu. Þa

9 10 1

The ge in gewitena is underlined in a slightly lighter ink. Erasure above first t of betst. The a of and is written over an erasure.

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amang þison þa wearð Godwine eorl gewarnod & gewende him þa into Pefenesea, & wearð þet2 wæder swiðe strang þet þa eorlas ne mihton gewitan hwet Godwine eorl gefaren hæfde. & gewende þa Godwine eorl ut agean þet he com eft to Brycge, & ða oðra scipu gewenden heom eft ongean to Sandwic, & gerædde man þa þet þa scipu gewendan eft ongean to Lundene, & sceolde man setton oðre eorlas & oðre hasæton to þam scipum. Ða lengde hit man swa lange þet seo scipfyrd eall belaf & gewendon ealle heom ham. Ða geaxode Godwine eorl þet & teah þa up his segl & his lið & gewendon heom þa west on an to Wiht & eodon þær up & hergodon swa lange þær þet þet folc geald heom swa mycel swa hi heom on legden, & gewendon heom þa westweard3 oð þet hi comon to Portlande & eodon þær up & dydon to hearme swa hwet swa hi don mihton. Þa wes Harold gewend ut of Yrlande mid nigon scipon & com þa up æt Portlocan, & wes þær mycel folc gegaderod ongean, ac he ne wandode4 na him metes to tylienne. Eode up & ofsloh þær mycelne ende þes folces & nam him on orfe & on mannum & on æhtum swa him gewearð, & gewende him þa eastweard to his feder. & gewendon heom þa begen eastweard þet hi comon to Wiht & namon þær þet him ær wiðæftan wæs. & gewendon heom þa þanon to Pefenesea & begeat forð mid him swa fela scipu swa þær fera wæron & swa forð þet he com to Næsse & begeat ealle þa scipu þe (55v) wæron on Rumenea & on Hyþe & on Folcesstane. & gewendon þa east to Dofran & eodon þær up & namon him þær scipu & gislas swa fela swa hi woldon & ferdon swa to Sandwic & dydon hand þet sylfa, & heom man geaf æghwer gislas & metsunga þær þær hi gyrndon. & gewendon heom þa to Norðmudan & swa to Lundene weard, & sume þa scipu gewendon binnon Scepige & dydon þær mycelne hearm. & gewendon heom to Middeltune þæs cynges & forbearndon þet eall & wæron heom to Lundene weard æfter þam eorlan. Ða hi to Lundene comon, þa læg se cyng & þa eorlas ealle þær ongean mid .l. scipum. Þa sendon þa eorlas to þam cynge & gerndon to him þet hi moston beon wurðe ælc þæra þinga þe heom mid unrihte of genumen wæs. Ða wiðlæg se cyng sume hwile þeah, swa lange oð þet folc þe mid þam eorle wes wearð swiðe astyred ongean þone cyng & ongean his folc swa þet se eorl sylf earfoðlice gestylde þet folc. Þa ferde Stigand biscop to mid Godes fultume & þa wise menn ægðær ge binnan burh ge buton, & geræddon þet man tremede gislas on ægðer healfe, & man swa [1052]

2 3 4

Erasure (occupying space for three or four letters) after abbreviated þet. The d of westweard has been altered from ð by the erasure of a cross-stroke. The e of wandode has been altered from an o.

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MS. E

dyde. Ða geaxode Rotberd arcebiscop & þa frencisce menn þet, genamon heora hors, & gewendon sume west to Pentecostes castele, sume norð to Rodbertes castele. & Rodberd arcebiscop & Ulf biscop gewendon ut æt Æstgeate & heora geferan, & ofslogon & elles amyrdon manige iunge men, & gewendon heom on an to Ealdulfesnæse, & wearð him þær on an on unwræste scipe, & ferde him on an ofer sæ & forlet his pallium & Cristendom ealne her on lande swa swa hit God wolde þa he ær begeat þone wurðscipe swa swa hit God nolde.5 Ða cwæð mann mycel gemot wiðutan Lundene, & ealle þa eorlas & þa betstan menn þe wæron on þison lande wæron on þam gemote. Þær bær Godwine eorl up his mal & betealde hine þær wið Eadward cyng his (56r) hlaford & wið ealle landleodan þet he wæs6 unscyldig þæs þe he him geled wæs & on Harold his sunu & ealle his bearn. & se cyng forgeaf þam eorle & his bearnum his fulne freondscype & fulne eorldom & eall þet he ær ahte & eallon þam mannon þe him mide wæron, & se cyng geaf þære hlæfdian eall þet heo ær ahte. & cweð man utlaga Rotberd arcebiscop fullice & ealle þa frencisce menn, forðan þe hi macodon mæst þet unseht betweonan Godwine eorle & þam cynge. & Stigand biscop feng to þam arcebiscoprice on Cantwarabyrig. 7\& on þis ilcan

tyme forlet Arnwi abbot of Burh abbotrice be his halre life & geaf hit Leofric munec be þes cynges leafe & b[e] þære munece; & se abbot Arnwi lifode syððon .viii. wintre, & se abbot Leofri[c go]dede þa þet mynstre swa þet man hit cleopede þa Gildene Burh; þa wæx hit swi[ðe] on land & on gold & on seolfer./ 7

[1053]

Millesimo.liii. Her on þisum geare forðferde Godwine eorl on .xvii. kalendas Mai, & he is bebyrged on Winceastre on Ealda Mynstre, & feng Harold eorl his sunu to ðam eorldome & to eallum þam þe his fæder ahte, & feng Ælfgar eorl to ðam eorldom þe Harol ær ahte. Millesimo.liiii. Bellum apud Mare Mortuum. Her on þisum geare forðferde Leo se halga papa on Rome, & on þisum geare wæs swa mycel orfcwealm swa man ne gemunde fela wintrum ær, & Uictor wæs gecoren to papan. Millesimo.lv.1 Her on þisum geare forðferde Siward eorl, & þa bead man ealre witenagemot .vii. nihton ær mid lenctene, & utlagode mann Ælfgar eorl, forðon him man wearp on þet he wæs

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5 The first three letters of nolde are written over an erasure. 6 Erasure between wæs and unscyldig. 7...7 The last part of this annal, a Peterborough Interpolation, 1

later into the bottom and right hand margins. The last numeral v is followed by an erasure.

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TEXT

þes cynges swica & ealra landleoda, & he þæs geanwyrde wes ætforan eallum þam mannum þe þær gegaderode wæron, þeah him þet word ofscute his unnþances. & se cyng geaf þone eorldom Tostige Godwines sunu eorles, ðe Siward eorl ær ahte. & Ælfgar eorl gesohte Griffines geheald on Norðwealan, & on þisum geare Griffin & Ælfgar forbærndon Sancte Æðelbryhtes mynster & ealle þa burh Hereford. Millesimo.lvi.1 Hic Henricus Romanorum imperator obiit cui successit filius eius Henricus. (56v) Millesimo.lvii. Her on þisum geare com Ædward æðeling Eadmundes sunu cynges hider to lande & sona þæs gefor, & his lic is bebyrged innon Sanctus Paulus mynstre on Lundene. & Uictor papa forðferde, & wæs Stephanus gecoren to papan se wæs abbot on Monte Cassino. & Leofric eorl forðferde, & feng Ælfgar his sunu to þam eorldome þe se fæder ær hæfde. Millesimo.lviii. Her on þisum geare forðferde Stephanus papa, & wæs Benedictus gehalgod to papan, se ylca sænde Stigande arcebiscop pallium hider to lande. & on þisum geare forðferde Heaca biscop on Suðseaxan, & Stigand arcebiscop hadode Ægelric munuc1 æt Cristes cyrcean to biscop to Suðseaxum & Siwar\d/ abbot2 to biscop to Hrofeceastre. Millesimo.lix. Her on þisum geare wæs Nicolaus to papan gecoren se wæs biscop æt Florentie þære burh, & wæs Benedictus ut adrifen se wæs ær papa. Millesimo.lx. Hic Henricus rex Francorum obiit cui successit Phylippus filius eius. On þissum geare forðferde Kynsige arcebiscop on Eoforwic on .xi. kalendas Ianuarii, & feng Ealdred biscop þærto, & Walter feng to þam biscoprice on Hereforda. Millesimo.lxi. Her on þisum geare forðferde Duduc biscop on Sumersæton, & feng Gisa to. And on þam ilcan geare forðferde Godwine biscop æt Sancte Martine on .vii. idus Martii. And on þam sylfan geare forðferde Wulfric abbot æt Sancte Augustine innon þære Easterwucan on .xiiii. kalendas Mai. Ða com þam cynge word þet se abbot Wulfric forðgefaren wæs, þa geceas he Æðelsige munuc þærto of Ealdon Mynstre – folgode þa Stigande arcebiscop – & wearð gehalgod to abbot æt Windlesoran on Sanctus Augustinus mæssedæg.

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The last numeral i is followed by an erasure. The abbreviation for munuc here is mo (corresponding to Latin monachus). The a of abbot has been altered from another letter by erasure of an ascender.

85

MS. E

[1062]

Millesimo.lxii. Hoc anno subiugata est Cynoman(57r)nia comiti Normanni0 Willelmo. Millesimo.lxiii. Her for Harold eorl & his broðor Tostig eorl, ægðer ge mid landfyrde ge mid sciphere, into Brytlande & þet land geeodon, & þet folc heom gislodon & to bugon & foron syððan to & ofslogon heora cyng Griffin & brohton Harolde his heafod, & he sette oþerne cyng þærto. Millesimo.lxiiii. Her on þisum geare foron Norðhymbra togædere & utlagodon heora eorl Tostig & ofslogon his hiredmenn ealle þa hi mihton to cuman, ægðer ge englisce ge dænisce, & namon ealle his wepna on Eoferwic & gol & seolfor & ealle his sceattas þe hi mihton ahwar þær geaxian, & senden æfter Morkere Ælfgares sune eorles & gecuron hine heom to eorle. & he for suð mid eallre þære scire & mid Snotinghamscire & Deorbiscire & Lincolnascire oð he com to Hamtune, & his broðor Eadwine him com togeanes mid þam mannum þe on his eorldome wæron, & eac fela Bryttas comon mid him. Ðær com Harold eorl heom togeanes, & hi lægdon ærende on hine to þam cynge Eadwarde & eac ærendracan mid him sendon & bædon þet hi moston habban Morkere heom eorle. & se cyng þæs geuðe & sende eft Harold heom to Hamtune on Sancte Simones & Iudan mæsseæfen & kydde heom þet ilce & heom þet on hand sealdon, & he niwade þær Cnutes lage. & þa norðerne men dydan mycelne hearm abutan Hamtune þa hwile þe he for on heora ærende, ægðer þet hi ofslogon men & bærndon hus and cornn & namon eall þet orf þe hi mihton to cuman, þet wæs fela þusend, & fela hund manna1 hi namon & læddon norð mid heom swa þet seo scyre & þa oðra scyre þe þærneh sindon wurdon fela wintra þe wyrsan. & Tostig eorl and his wif & ealle þa þe woldon þet he wolde foron suð ofer sæ (57v) mid him to Baldewine eorle, & he hig ealle underfeng, & hi wæron ealne þone winter þær. Millesimo.lxvi. On þissum geare man halgode þet mynster æt Westmynstre on Cilda mæssedæg, & se cyng Eadward forðferde on twelfta mæsseæfen, & hine mann bebyrgede on twelftan mæssedæg innan þære niwa halgodre circean on Westmynstre. & Harold eorl feng to Englalandes cynerice swa swa se cyng hit him geuðe, & eac men hine þærto gecuron, & wæs gebletsod to cynge on twelftan mæssedæg. & þy ilcan geare þe he cyng wæs, he for ut mid sciphere togeanes Willelme. & þa hwile com Tostig eorl into1 Humbran mid .lx. scipum. Eadwine eorl com <mid> landfyrde &

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The a of manna has been altered from another letter (perhaps u). Erasure (occupying space for about four letters) between into and Humbran, and also an erasure in the left hand margin.

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draf hine ut, & þa butsecarlas hine forsocan. & he for to Scotlande mid .xii. snaccum, & hine gemette Harold se norrena cyng mid .ccc. scipum, & Tostig him to beah, & hi bægen foran into Humbran oð þet hi coman to Eoferwic, & heom wið feaht Morkere eorl & Eadwine eorl, & se norrena cyng ahte siges geweald. & man cydde Harode cyng hu hit wæs þær gedon & geworden, & he com mid mycclum here engliscra manna & gemette hine æt Stængfordesbrycge & hine ofsloh & þone eorl Tostig & eallne þone here ahtlice ofercom. & þa hwile com Willelm eorl upp æt Hestingan on Sancte Michaeles mæssedæg, & Harold com norðan & him wið feaht ear þan þe his here come eall, & þær he feoll & his twægen gebroðra Gyrð & Leofwine. And Willelm þis land geeode & com to Westmynstre, & Ealdred arcebiscop hine to cynge gehalgode, & menn guldon him gyld & gislas sealdon & syððan2 heora land bohtan. & ða wæs Leofric abbot of Burh æt þet ilca feord & sæclode þær &

com ham & wæs dæd sone þæræfter on ælre halgan mæsseniht. God (58r) are his saule! On his dæg wæs ealle blisse & ealle gode on Burh, & he wæs leaf eall folc, swa þet se cyng geaf Sancte Peter & him þet abbotrice on Byrtune & se of Couentre, þet se eorl Leofric þe wæs his eam ær heafde macod, & se of Crulande & se of Þorneie. & he dyde swa mycel to gode into þet mynstre of Burh on golde & on seolfre & on scrud & on lande swa nefre nan oðre ne dyde toforen him ne nan æfter him. Þa wearð Gildene Burh to Wrecce Burh. Ða cusen þa munecas to abbot Brand prouost, forðan þet he wæs swiðe god man & swiðe wis, & senden him þa to Ædgar æðeling, forðan þet þe landfolc wendon þet he sceolde cyng wurðen, & se æðeling hit him geatte þa bliþolice. Þa þe cyng Willelm geherde þet secgen, þa wearð he swiðe wrað & sæde þet se abbot him heafde forsegon. Þa eodon gode men heom betwenen & sahtloden heom, forðan þet se abbot wæs goddera manne. Geaf þa þone cyng .xl. marc goldes to sahtnysse, & þa lifede \he/ litle hwile þæræfter buton þry gear. Syððon comen ealle dræuednysse & ealle ifele to þone mynstre. God hit gemyltse!

Millesimo.lxvii. Her for se cyng ofer sæ & hæfde mid him gislas & sceattas & com1 þæs oðres geares on Sancte Nicolaes mæssedæg, & þæs dæges forbearn Cristes cyrce on Cantwarabyrig, & he geaf ælces mannes land þa he ongean com. & þæs sumeres for Eadgar cild ut & Mærleswegen & fela manna mid heom, & foran to Scotlande, & se cyng Melcolm hi ealle underfeng2 & genam þes cildes swuster to wife Margaretan. Millesimo.lxviii. Her on þissum geare Willelm cyng geaf Rodberde

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Tiny hole in the parchment between the a and n in syððan. & com is written over an erasure. Erasure after un (at the end of the MS. line) of underfeng.

87

MS. E

e\o/rle þone eorldom on Norðhymbra land. Ða comon þa landesmenn togeanes him & hine ofslogon & .ix. hund manna mid him. And Eadgar æðeling com þa mid eallum Norðhymbran to Eoferwic, & þa portmen wið hine (58v) griðedon. & se cyng Willelm com suðan mid eallan his fyrde & þa burh forhergode & fela hund manna ofsloh, & se æðeling for eft to Scotlande. Millesimo.lxviiii. Her man wrægde þone biscop Ægelric on Burh & sende hine to Westmynstre & utlagode his broðer Ægelwine biscop. Þa betwyx þam twam Sancta Marian mæssan comon eastan of Dænmarcun1 mid .ccc.2 scipum þet wæron Swægnes sunan cynges & his broðer Osbearn eorl. & þa ferde se eorl Walþeaf ut, & com he & Eadgar æðeling & fela hund manna mid heom & gemetton þet lið innan Humbran & ferdon to Eoferwic & upp eodan & þa castelas gewunnan & ofslogon fela hund manna & to scipe læddon sceattas fela & þa heafodmen hæfdon on beandon & lagon betwyx Usan & Trentan ealne þone winter. & se cyng Willelm for into þære scire & hi eall forde. & on þisum ilcan geare forðferde

[1069]

Brand abbot of Burh on .v. kalendas Decembris.

Millesimo.lxx. Her se eorl Walþeof griðede wið þone cyng. & þæs on lengten se cyng let hergian ealle þa mynstra þe on Englalande wæron. Þa on þam ilcan geare com Swegn cyng of1 Denmarcan2 into

[1070]

Humbran, & þet landfolc comen him ongean & griðedon wið hine, wændon þet he sceolde þet land ofergan. Þa comen into Elig Cristien þa densce biscop & Osbearn eorl & þa densca huscarles3 mid heom, & þet englisce folc of eall þa feonlandes comen to heom, wendon þet hi sceoldon winnon eall þet land. Þa herdon þa munecas of Burh sægen þet heora agene menn wolden hergon þone mynstre, þet wæs Hereward & his genge; þet wæs forðan þet hi herdon sæcgen þet se cyng heafde gifen þet abbotrice an frencisce (59r) abbot Turolde wæs gehaten, & þet he wæs swiðe styrne man & wæs cumen þa into Stanforde mid ealle hise frencisce menn. Þa wæs þære an cyrceweard Yware wæs gehaten; nam þa be nihte eall þet he mihte, þet wæron Cristes bec & mæssahakeles & cantelcapas & reafes & swilce litles hwat, swa hwat swa he mihte, & ferde sona ær dæg to þone abbot Turolde & sægde him þet he sohte his griðe, & cydde him hu þa utlages sceolden cumen to Burh. Þet he dyde eall be þære mu\n/ece ræde. Þa sona on morgen comen ealle þa utlaga mid fela scipe & woldon into

[1069]

1

[1070]

2 1 2 3

The u of Dænmarcun is slightly larger than usual and has a line over it (perhaps altered from a). After .ccc. the scribe wrote hund and then erased it. MS. onf. Erasure between Den and marcan. Gap left at the beginning of the MS. line before carles to avoid a defect in the parchment.

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þam mynstre, & þa munecas wiðstoden þet hi na mihton in cumen. Þa lægdon hi fyr on & forbærndon ealle þa munece huses & eall þa tun buton ane huse. Þa comen hi þurh fyre in æt Bolhiðe geate, & þa munecas comen heom togeanes, beaden heom grið; ac hi na rohten na þing, geodon into þe mynstre, clumben upp to þe halge rode, namen þa þe kynehelm of ure Drih\t/nes heafod eall of smeate golde, namen þa þet fotspure þe wæs undernæðen his fote, þet wæs eall of read golde, clumben upp to þe stepel, brohton dune þet hæcce þe þær wæs behid, hit wæs eall of \gold/ & of seolfre. Hi namen þære twa gildene scrines & .ix. seolferne, & hi namen fiftene mycele roden ge of golde ge of seolfre. Hi namen þære swa mycele gold & seolfre & swa manega gersumas on sceat & on scrud & on bokes swa nan man ne mæi oðer tællen, sægdon þet hi hit dyden for ðes mynstres holdscipe. Syððon geden heom to scipe, ferden heom to Elig, betæhtan þær þa ealla þa gærsume. Þa denescæ menn wændon þet hi sceoldon ofercumen þa frencisca men, þa todrefodon ealle þa munekes; beleaf þær nan butan an munec, he wæs gehaten Leofwine Lange, he læi seoc in þa secræman (59v) in. Ða com Turold abbot & æhte siþe twenti frencisce men mid him & ealle full wepnode. Þa he þider com, þa fand he forbærnd wiðinnan & wiðutan eall butan þa cyrece ane. Þa wæron þa utlagas ealle on flote, wistan þet he scolde þider cumen. Þis wæs don þæs dæges .iiiio. nonas Iunii. Þa twegen kyngas Willelm & Swægn wurðon sæhtlod, þa ferdon þa dænesca menn ut of Elig mid ealle þa forenspræcena gærsume & læddon mid heom. Þa hi comen on middewarde þe sæ, þa com an mycel storm & todræfede ealle þa scipe þær þa gersumes wæron inne – sume ferdon to Norwæge, sume to Yrlande, sume to Dænmarce – & eall þet þider com þet wæs þone hæcce & sume scrine & sume roden & fela of þa oðre gærsume; & brohten hit to an cynges tun 4 hatte, & dyden \hit/ eall þa in þone cyrce. Ða syððon þurh heora gemelest & þurh heora dru\n/cenhed on an niht forbærnde þa cyrce & eall þet þærinnæ wæs. Ðus wæs se mynstre of Burch forbærnd & forhærgod; ælmihtig God hit gemiltse þurh his mycele mildhertnesse! And þus se abbot Turolde \com/5 to Burh, & þa munecas comen þa ongean & dydan Cristes þeudom in þære cyrce, þet ær hæfde standen fulle seofeniht forutan ælces cynnes riht. Ða herde Ægelric biscop þet gesecgon, þa amansumede he ealle þa men þa þet yfel dæde hæfden don. Ða wæs mycel hunger þæs geares;

& þa þæs sumeres com þet lið norðan of Humbran into Tæmese & lagon þær twa niht & heoldan syððon to Dænmercan. And Baldewine eorl forðferde, & his sunu Arnulf feng to rice, & Willelm eorl sceolde ben his geheald & Franca cyng eac, & com þa Rodbriht eorl & ofsloh his mæg Arnulf & þone eorl & þone cyng aflymda and his menn ofsloh fela þusenda.

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4 5

Erasure after tun, leaving a large space at the end of the MS. line, perhaps to allow the name of the town to be added. com has been added by the main hand in the left hand margin.

89

MS. E

Millesimo.lxxi. Her Ædwine eorl & Morkere eorl (60r) ut hlupon & mislice ferdon on wudu & on felda. Þa gewende Morkere eorl to Elig on scipe, and Eadwine eorl wearð ofslagen arhlice fram his agenum mannum. & com se biscop Egelwine & Siward Bearn & fela hund manna mid heom into Elig. & þa þe se cyng Willelm þet geaxode, þa bead he ut scipfyrde & landfyrde & þet land abutan sæt & brycge gewrohte & inn for, & seo scipfyrde on þa sæhealfe. & þa utlagan þa ealle on hand eodan, þet wæs Egelwine biscop & Morkere eorl & ealle þa þe mid heom wæron buton Herewarde ane & ealle þa þe mid him woldon, & he hi ahtlice ut lædde. & se cyng genam scipa & wæpna & sceattas manega, & þa men he ateah swa swa he wolde, & þone biscop Egelwine he sende to Abbandune, & he þær forðferde sona þæs wintres. Millesimo.lxxii. Her Willelm cyng lædde scipfyrde & landfyrde to Scotlande & þet land on þa sæhealfe mid scipum ymbelæg & his landfyrde æt þam gewæde inn lædde; & he þær naht ne funde þæs þe him þe bet wære. & se cyng Melcolm com & griðede wið þone cyng Willelm & gislas sealde & his man wæs, & se cing ham gewende mid ealre his fyrde. & se biscop Egelric forðferde; he wæs to biscop hadod to Eoferwic, ac hit wæs mid unrihte him of genumon, & man geaf him þet biscoprice on Dunholme, & he heafde hit þa hwile þe he wolde & forlet hit syððan & ferde to Burch to Sancte Petres mynstre & þær drohtnode .xii. gear. Þa æfter þam þe Willelm cyng gewan Englalande, þa nam he hine of Burch & sende \hine/ to Westmynstre, & he forðferde on idus Octobris, & he is bebyrged þær innan þam mynstre innon Sanctes Nicholaus portice. Millesimo.lxxiii. On þisum geare Willelm cyng lædde engliscne here & frencisce ofer sæ & gewan þet land Mans. & hit englisce men swyðe amyrdon: wingeardas hi fordydon & burga forbærndon &1 swiðe þet land (60v) amyrdon. & hit eall abegdon Willelme to handa, & hi syððon ham gewendon to Englalande. Millesimo.lxxiiii. On þisum geare for Willelm cyng ofer sæ to Normandig; & Eadgar cild com of Scotland to Normandige, & se cyng hine geinlagode & ealle his men, & he wæs on þes cynges hyrede & nam swilce gerihta swa se cyng him geuðe. Millesimo.lxxv. On þisum geare Willelm cyng geaf Raulfe eorle Willelmes dohtor Osbearnes sunu. & se ylca Raulf wæs bryttisc on his moder healfe, & his fæder wæs englisc, Raulf hatte, & wæs geboren on Norðfolce. Þa geaf se cyng his sunu þone eorldom on Norðfolc & Suðfolc, þa lædde he þet wif to Norðwic:

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Erasure between & and swiðe.

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þær wes þet brydeala mannum to beala.1 Ðær wæs Roger eorl & Walþeof eorl & biscopas & abbotes, & ræddon þær swa þet hi woldon þone cyng gesettan ut of Englelandes cynedome; & hit wearð sona gecydd þam cynge to Normandige hu hit wæs geræd. Þet wæs Roger eorl & Raulf eorl þe wæron yldast to ðam unreode, & hi speonan þa Bryttas heom to & sendon east to Denmearcan æfter sciphere heom to fultume. & Roger ferde west to his eorldome & gegaderode his folc to þæs cynges unþearfe, ac he wearð gelet. & Raulf eac on his eorldome wolde forðgan mid his folce, ac þa castelmen þe wæron on Englalande & eac þet landfolc him togeanes comen & gemacodon þet he naht ne dyde, ac for to scipe æt Norðwic. & his wif wæs innan þam castele & hine heold swa lange þet man hire grið sealde, & heo ut ferde þa of Englalande & ealle hire menn þe hire mid woldon. & se cing syððan com to Englalande & genam Roger eorl his mæg & gefestnode hine,2 & Walþeof eorl he genam eac. (61r) & sona æfter þam comon eastan of Denmearcan .cc. scipa, & þæron wæron twægen heafodmenn Cnut Swægnes sunu & Hacun eorl. & hi ne dorstan nan gefeoht healdan wið Willelm cynge, ac heoldon ofer sæ to Flandran. & Eadgið seo hlæfdig forðferde on Winceastre .vii. nihton ær Cristesmæssan. & se cyng hi let bryngan to Westmynstre mid mycclan wurðscipe & lægde hi wið Eadward kyng hire hlaforde; & se wæs on Westmynstre þone midewinter, & man fordyde þær ealle þa Bryttas þe wæron æt þam brydealoð æt Norðwic: sume hy wurdon ablænde & sume of lande adrifene, swa wurdon Willelmes swican geniðrade.3 Millesimo.lxxvi. On þisum geare forðferde Swægn cyng on Dænmercan, & Harold his sunu feng to \þe/ kynerice. & se cyng geaf Westmynster Uithele abbode se wæs ær abbot on Bærnege. & Walþeof eorl \wes/ beheafdod on Winceastre, & his lic wearð gelead to Crulande. & se cyng for ofer sæ & lædde his fyrde to Brytlande & beset þone castel Dol, & þa Bryttas hine heoldon þet se cyng com of Francland, & Willelm þanon for & þær forleas ægðer1 ge men ge hors & feola his gersuma. Millesimo.lxxvii. Her on þisum geare wurdon sæhte Franc\a/ cyng

[1076]

[1077] [1075]

1 2 3

[1076]

1

Bredehoft, Textual Histories, p. 84, finds both rhyme and alliteration in this short poetic passage. Erasure between hine and &. The printing in verse lines acknowledges the passage’s poetic features. See Bredehoft, Textual Histories, p. 85. Erasure between ægðer and ge.

91

MS. E

& Willelm Englalandes cyng, ac hit heold litle hwile. & ðes geares forbarn Lundenburh anre nihte ær Assumptio Sancte Mari0 swa swyðe swa heo næfre ær næs syðþan heo gestabeled wæs. And on þisum geare forðfyrde Ægelwig abbot on Euesham on þam dæge .xiiii. kalendas Martii. And Hereman biscop eac forðferde on þam dæge .x. kalendas Martii. Millesimo.lxxviii. Millesimo.lxxviiii. On þisum geare com Melcolm cyng of Scotlande into Englelande betwyx þam twam Mariam mæssan mid mycclum fyrde, & gehergode Norðhymbra land (61v) oð hit com to Tine, & ofsloh feala hund manna & ham lædde manige sceattas & gersuma & menn \on h/eftninge. And þi ilcan geare se cyng Willelm gefeaht togeanes his sunu Rotbearde wiðutan Normandige be anum castele Gerborneð hatte. & se cyng Willelm wearð þær gewundod & his hors ofslagen þe he on sæt, & eac his sunu Willelm wearð þær gewundod & fela manna ofslagene. Millesimo.lxxx. On þisum geare wæs se biscop Walchere ofslagen on Dunholme æt anum gemote & an hund manna mid him frencisce & flemisce, & he sylf wæs on Hloðeringa geboren. Ðis dydon Norðhymbran on Maies monðe. Millesimo.lxxxi. On þisum geare se cyng lædde fyrde into Wealan & þær gefreode fela hund manna. Millesimo.lxxxii. Her nam se cyng Odan biscop. & her wæs mycel hungor. Millesimo.lxxxiii. On þisum geare aras seo ungehwærnes on Glæstingabyrig betwyx þam abbode Þurstane & his munecan. Ærest hit com of þæs abbotes unwisdome, þet he misbead his munecan on fela þingan. & ða munecas hit mændon lufelice to him & beadon hine þet he sceolde healdan hi rihtlice & lufian hi, & hi woldon him beon holde & gehyrsume. Ac se abbot nolde þæs naht, ac1 dyde heom yfele & beheot heom wyrs. Anes dæges þe abbot eode into capitulan & spræc uppon þa munecas & wolde hi mistukian & sende æfter læwede mannum, & hi comon into capitulan on uppon þa munecas full gewepnede. & þa wæron þa munecas swiðe aferede of heom, nyston hwet heom to donne wære, ac toscuton. Sume urnon into cyrcean & belucan þa duran into heom, & hi ferdon æfter heom into þam mynstre & woldon hig ut dragan, þa ða hig ne dorsten na ut gan. Ac reowlic þing (62r) þær gelamp on dæg: þet þa frencisce men bræcen þone chor &

[1079]

[1080]

[1081] [1082] [1083]

[1083]

1

Erasure between ac and dyde.

92

TEXT

torfedon towærd þam weofode ær2 ða munecas wæron, & sume of ðam cnihtan ferdon uppon þone uppflore & scotedon adunweard3 mid arewan toweard þam haligdome swa þet on þære rode þe stod bufon þam weofode sticodon on mænige arewan; & þa wreccan munecas lagon onbuton þam weofode, & sume crupon under, & gyrne cleopedon to Gode his miltse biddende ða þa hi ne mihton nane miltse æt mannum begytan. Hwæt magon we secgean buton þet hi scotedon swiðe, & þa oðre ða dura bræcon þær adune & eodon inn & ofslogon sume þa munecas to deaðe & mænige gewundedon þærinne swa þet ðet blod com of ðam weofode uppon þam gradan & of ðam gradan on þa flore; þreo þær wæron ofslagene to deaðe & eahteteone gewundade. & on þæs ilcan geares forðferde Mahtild Willelmes cynges cwen on þone dæg æfter ealra halgena mæssedæg. And on þes ylcan geares æfter midewintre se cyng let beodan mycel4 gyld & hefelic ofer eall Englaland, þet wæs æt ælcere hyde twa & hundseofenti peanega. Millesimo.lxxxiiii. Her on ðisum geare forðferde Wulfuuold abbot on Ceortesege on þam dæge .xiii. kalendas Mai. Millesimo.lxxxv. On þisum geare menn cwydodon & to soðan sædan þet Cnut cyng of Denmearcan, Swægnes sune cynges, fundade hiderward & wolde gewinnan þis land mid Rodbeardes eorles fultume of Flandran, forðan \þe/ Cnut1 heafde2 Rodbeardes dohter. Ða Willelm Englalandes cyng, þe þa wæs sittende on Normandige forðig he ahte ægðer ge Englaland ge Normandige, þis geaxode, he ferde into Englalande mid swa mycclan here ridendra manna & gangendra of Fra\n/crice and of Brytlande swa næfre ær þis land ne gesohte, swa þet menn wundredon hu (62v) þis land mihte eall þone here afedan. Ac se cyng \let/ toscyfton þone here geond eall þis land to his mannon, & hi fæddon þone here ælc be his landefne. & men heafdon mycel geswinc þæs geares, & se cyng lett awestan þet land abutan þa sæ þet gif his feond comen upp þet hi næfdon na on hwam hi fengon swa rædlice. Ac \þa/ se cyng geaxode to soðan þet his feond gelætte wæron & ne mihten na geforðian heora fare, þa lett he sum þone here faren to heora agene lande, & sum he heold on þisum lande ofer winter. Ða to þam midewintre wæs se cyng on Gleaweceastre

[1084] [1085a]

[1083]

[1085a]

2 3 4 1 2

The þ of þær includes a cross-stroke (the scribe apparently wrote initially the abbreviated form of þet). Erasure above the first letter of adunweard. Erasure of & between mycel and gyld. Erasure between Cnut and heafde. Erasure between heafde and Rodbeardes.

93

MS. E

mid his witan & heold þær his hired .v. dagas, & syððan þe arcebiscop & gehadode men hæfden sinoð þreo dagas. Ðær wæs Mauricius gecoren to biscope on Lundene & Willelm to Norðfolce & Rodbeard to Ceasterscire; hi wæron ealle þæs cynges clerecas. Æfter þisum hæfde se cyng mycel geþeaht & swiðe de\o/pe spæce wið his witan ymbe þis land, hu hit wære gesett oððe mid hwylcon mannon. Sende þa ofer eall Englaland into ælcere scire his men & lett agan ut hu fela hundred hyda wæron innon þære scire oððe hwet se cyng him sylf hæfde landes & orfes innan þam lande oððe hwilce gerihtæ he ahte to habbanne to .xii. monþum of ðære scire. Eac he lett gewritan hu mycel landes his arcebiscopas hæfdon & his leodbiscopas & his abbotas & his eorlas, & – þeah ic hit lengre telle – hwæt oððe hu mycel ælc mann hæfde þe landsittende wæs innan Englalande on lande oððe on orfe & hu mycel feos hit wære wurð. Swa swyðe nearwelice he hit lett ut aspyrian þet næs an ælpig hide ne an gyrde landes ne furðon – hit is sceame to tellanne, ac hit ne þuhte him nan sceame to donne – an oxe ne an cu ne an swin næs belyfon þet næs gesæt on his gewrite; & ealle þa gewrita wæron gebroht to him syððan. (63r) Millesimo.lxxxv. Her se cyng bær his corona & heold his hired on Winceastre to þam Eastran, & swa he ferde þet he wæs to þam Pentecosten æt Wæstmynstre & dubbade his sunu Henric to ridere þær. Syððan he ferde abutan swa þet he com to Lammæssan to Searebyrig, & þær him comon to his witan and ealle þa landsittende1 men þe ahtes wæron ofer eall Engleland, wæron þæs mannes men þe hi wæron, & ealle hi bugon to him & weron his menn & him holdaðas sworon þet hi woldon ongean ealle oðre men him holde beon. Ðanon he ferde into Wiht, forþig he wolde faran into Normandige & swa dyde syððan. And þeah he dyde ærest æfter his gewunan: begeat swiðe mycelne sceatt of his mannan þær he mihte ænige teale to habban, oððe mid rihte oððe elles. Ferde þa syððan into Normandige. & Eadgar2 æþeling Ædwardes mæg cynges beah þa fram him, forþig he næfde na mycelne wurðscipe of him; ac se ælmihtiga God him gife wurðscipe on þam toweardan. & Cristina þæs æðelinges swuster beah into mynstre to Rumesege & underfeng halig reft. & þæs ilcan geares wæs swiðe hefelic gear & swiðe swincfull & sorhfull gear innan Englelande on orfcwealme, & corn & wæstmas wæron ætstandene, & swa mycel ungelimp on wæderunge swa man naht æðelice

[1085b]

[1085b]

1 2

MS. landstsittende, with first s and t subpuncted. Erasure between Eadgar and æþeling, and gar of Eadgar is written over an erasure.

94

TEXT

geþencean ne mæg, swa stor þunring & lægt wes swa þet hit acwealde manige men. & aa hit wyrsode mid mannan swiðor & swiðor. Gebete hit God elmihtiga þonne his willa sy! Millesimo.lxxxvi. Æfter ure Drihtnes Hælendes Cristes gebyrtide an þusend wintra & seofan & hundeahtatig wintra, on þam an & twentigan geare þæs þe Willelm weolde & stihte Engleland swa him God uðe, gewearð swiðe hefelic and swiðe woldberendlic gear on þissum lande. Swylc coðe com on (63v) mannum þet fullneah æfre þe oðer man wearð on þam wyrrestan yfele, þet is on ðam drife, & þet swa stranglice þet mænige menn swulton on ðam yfele. Syððan com þurh þa mycclan ungewiderunge þe comon swa we beforan tealdon swyðe mycel hungor ofer eall Engleland, þet manig hundred manna earmlice deaðe swulton þurh þone hungor. Eala hu earmlice & hu reowlic tid wæs ða, ða ða wreccæ men lægen fordrifene fullneah to deaðe, & syððan com se scearpa hungor & adyde hi mid ealle. Hwam ne mæg earmian swylcere tide? Oððe hwa is swa heardheort þet ne mæg wepan swylces ungelimpes? Ac swylce þing gewurðaþ for folces synna þet hi nellað lufian God & riwisnesse.1 Swa swa hit wæs þa on ðam dagum þet litel rihtwisnesse wæs on þisum lande mid ænige menn buton mid munecan ane þær þær hi wæll ferdon. Se cyng & þa heafodmen lufedon swiðe & oferswiðe gitsunge on golde & on seolfre & ne rohtan hu synlice hit wære begytan buton hit come to heom. Se cyng sealde his land swa deore to male swa heo de\o/rost mihte. Ðonne com sum oðer & bead mare þonne þe oðer ær sealde, & se cyng hit lett þam menn þe him mare bead. Ðonne com se þridde & bead geat mare, & se cyng hit let þam men to handa þe him eallra meast bead & ne rohte na hu swiðe synlice þa gerefan hit begeatan of earme mannon ne hu manige unlaga hi dydon. Ac swa man swyðor spæc embe rihte lage, swa mann dyde mare unlaga: hy arerdon unrihte tollas, & manige oðre2 unriht hi dydan þe sindon earfeþe to areccenne. Eac on ðam ilcan geare ætforan hærfeste forbarn þet halige mynster Sancte Paule þe biscopstol on Lundene & mænige oðre mynstres & þet mæste dæl & þet rotteste eall þære burh. Swylce eac on ðam ilcan timan forbarn fullneah ælc heafodport on eallon Englelande. Eala reowlic & wependlic tid wæs þæs geares þe swa manig ungelimp wæs forðbringende. Eac (64r) on þam ilcan geare toforan Assumptio Sancte Marie for Willelm cyng of Normandige into France mid fyrde & hergode

[1086]

[1086]

1 2

MS. rithwisnesse, and erasure before this word. Short stroke above the o of oðre.

95

MS. E

uppan his agenne hlaford Philippe þam cynge & sloh of his mannon mycelne dæl & forbearnde þa burh Maðante & ealle þa halige mynstres þe wæron innon þære burh, & twegen halige menn þe hyrsumedon Gode on ancersettle wuniende þær wæron forbearnde. Ðissum þus gedone, se cyng Willelm cearde ongean to Normandige. Reowlic þing he dyde, & reowlicor him gelamp. Hu reowlicor? Him geyfelade, & þet him stranglice eglade. Hwæt mæg ic teollan? Se scearpa deað þe ne forlet ne rice menn ne heane, seo hine genam. He3 swealt on Normandige on þone nextan dæg æfter Natiuitas Sancte Marie, & man bebyrgede hine on Caþum æt Sancte Stephanes mynstre; ærer he hit arærde & syððan mænifealdlice gegodade. Eala hu leas & hu unwrest is þysses middaneardes wela. Se þe wæs ærur rice cyng & maniges landes hlaford, he næfde þa ealles landes buton seofon fotmæl, & se þe wæs hwilon gescrid mid golde & mid gimmum, he læg þa oferwrogen mid moldan. He læfde æfter him þreo sunan: Rodbeard het se yldesta se wæs eorl on Normandige æfter him, se oðer het Willelm þe bær æfter him on Engleland þone kinehelm, se þridda het Heanric þam se fæder becwæð gersuman unateallendlice. Gif hwa gewilniged to gewitane hu gedon mann he wæs oððe hwilcne wurðscipe he hæfde oððe hu fela lande he wære hlaford, ðonne wille we be him awritan swa swa we hine ageaton, ðe him on locodan & oðre hwile on his hirede wunedon. Se cyng Willelm þe we embe specað wæs swiðe wis man & swiðe rice & wurðfulre and strengere þonne ænig his foregenga wære. He wæs milde þam godum mannum þe God lufedon & ofer eall gemett stearc þam mannum þe wiðcwædon his willan. On ðam ilcan (64v) steode þe God him geuðe þet he moste Engleland gegan, he arerde mære mynster & munecas þær gesætte & hit wæll gegodade. On his dagan wæs þet mære mynster on Cantwarbyrig getymbrad & eac swiðe manig oðer ofer eall Englaland. Eac þis land wæs swiðe afylled mid munecan, & þa leofodan heora lif æfter Sanctus Benedictus regule, & se Cristendom wæs swilc on his dæge þet ælc man hwæt his hade to belumpe folgade se þe wolde. Eac he wæs swyðe wurðful. Þriwa he bær his cynehelm ælce geare swa oft swa he wæs on Englelande: on Eastron he hine bær on Winceastre, on Pentecosten on Westmynstre, on midewintre on Gleaweceastre. & þænne wæron mid him ealle þa rice men ofer eall Englaland: arcebiscopas & leodbiscopas, abbodas & eorlas, þegnas & cnihtas. Swilce he wæs eac swyðe stearc man & ræðe swa þet man ne dorste [1086]

3

Erasure between He and swealt.

96

TEXT

nan þing ongean his willan don. He hæfde eorlas on his bendum þe dydan ongean his willan, biscopas he sætte of heora biscoprice & abbodas of heora abbotrice & þægnas on cweartern, & æt nextan he ne sparode his agene broðor, Odo het. He wæs swiðe rice biscop on Normandige – on Baius wæs his biscopstol – & wæs manna fyrmest toeacan þam cynge. & he hæfde eorldom on Englelande, & þonne se cyng <wæs> on Normandige, þonne wæs he mægester on þisum lande; & hine he sætte on cweartern. Betwyx oðrum þingum nis na to forgytane þet gode frið þe he macode on þisan lande, swa þet an man þe him sylf aht wære mihte faran ofer his rice mid his bosum full goldes ungederad. & nan man ne dorste slean oðerne man, næfde he næfre swa mycel yfel gedon wið þone oðerne. & gif hwilc carlman hæmde wið wimman hire unðances, sona he forleas þa limu þe he mid pleagode. He rixade ofer Englæ(65r)land & hit mid his geapscipe swa þurhsmeade þet næs an hid landes innan Englælande þet he nyste hwa heo hæfde oððe hwæs heo wurð wæs & syððan on his gewrit gesætt. Brytland him wæs on gewealde, & he þærinne casteles gewrohte & þet manncynn mid ealle gewealde. Swilce eac Scotland he him underþædde for his mycele strengþe. Normandige þet land wæs his gecynde, & ofer þone eorldom þe Mans is gehaten he rixade. & gif he moste þa gyt twa gear libban, he hæfde Yrlande mid his werscipe gewunnon & wiðutan ælcon wæpnon. Witodlice on his timan hæfdon men mycel geswinc & swiðe manige teonan. Castelas he let wyrcean & earme men swiðe swencean. Se cyng wæs swa swiðe stearc & benam of his underþeoddan man manig marc goldes & ma hundred punda seolfres. Ðet he nam be wihte & mid mycelan unrihte of his landleode for littere neode. He wæs on gitsunge befeallan, & grædinæsse he lufode mid ealle. He sætte mycel deorfrið, & he lægde laga þærwið þet swa hwa swa sloge heort oððe hinde, þet hine man sceolde blendian. He forbead þa heortas swylce eac þa baras; swa swiðe \he/ lufode þa headeor swilce he wære heora fæder. Eac he sætte be þam haran þet hi mosten freo4 faran. His rice men hit mændon, & þa earme men hit beceorodan. Ac he <wæs> swa stið þet he ne rohte heora eallra nið,

[1086]

4

Erasure between freo and faran.

97

MS. E

ac hi moston mid ealle þes cynges wille folgian gif hi woldon libban oððe land habban, land oððe eahta oððe wel his sehta. Walawa þet ænig man sceolde modigan swa, hine sylf upp ahebban & ofer ealle men tellan. Se ælmihtiga God cyþæ his saule mildheortnisse & do him \his/ synna forgifenesse!5 Ðas þing we habbað be him gewritene, ægðer ge gode ge yfele, þet þa godan men niman æfter þeora godnesse & forleon mid ealle (65v) yfelnesse & gan on ðone weg þe us lett to heofonan rice. Fela þinga we magon writan þe on ðam ilcan geare gewordene wæron. Swa hit wæs on Denmearcan þet þa Dænescan, þe wæs ærur geteald eallra folca getreowast, wurdon awende to þære meste untriwðe & to þam mæsten swicdome þe æfre mihte gewurðan: hi gecuron & abugan to Cnute cynge & him aðas sworon & syððan hine earhlice ofslogon innan anre cyrcean. Eac wearð on Ispanie þet þa hæðenan men foran & hergodan uppon þam Cristenan mannan & mycel abegdan to heora anwealde; ac se Cristena cyng, Anphos wæs gehaten, he sende ofer eall into ælcan lande & gyrnde fultumes, & him com to fultum of ælcen lande þe Cristen wæs, & ferdon & ofslogon & aweg adrifan eall þet hæðena folc & gewunnon heora land ongean þurh Godes fultum. Eac on þisan ilcan6 lande on þam ilcan geare forðferdon manega rice men: Stigand biscop of Ciceastre & se abbot of Sancte Augustine & se abbot of Baðon & þe of Perscoran & ða heora eallra hlaford Willelm Englælandes cyng þe we ær beforan embe spæcon. Æfter his deaðe his sune, Willelm hæt eallswa þe fæder, feng to þam rice & wearð gebletsod to cynge fram Landfrance arcebiscope on Westmynstre þreom dagum ær Mich\a/eles mæssedæg, & ealle þa men on Englalande him to abugon & him aðas sworon. Ðisum þus gedone, se cyng ferde to Winceastre & sceawode þet madmehus & þa gersuman þe his fæder ær gegaderode; þa wæron unasecgendlice ænie men hu mycel þær wæs gegaderod on golde & on seolfre & on faton & on pællan & on gimman & on manige odre deorwurðe þingon þe earfoðe sindon to ateallene. Se cyng dyde þa swa his fæder him bebead ær he dead wære: dælde þa gersuman for his fæder saule to ælcen mynstre þe

[1086]

5

6

The lineation here is based on that suggested by Bredehoft in his forthcoming article, ‘Ælfric and Late Old English Verse’, which he kindly allowed me to see in advance of publication. On the manuscript pointing of rhymes in this passage, see Bredehoft, Textual Histories, pp. 80–1. Erasure, perhaps of geare, between ilcan and lande.

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wes innan7 Englelande, to suman mynstre .x. marc goldes, to suman .vi. & to ælcen cyrcean (66r) uppeland .lx. pænega, & into ælcere scire man seonde hundred punda feos to dælanne earme mannan for his saule; & ær he forðferde he bead þet man sceolde unlesan ealle þa menn þe on hæftnunge wæron under his anwealde. & se cyng wæs on ðam midewintre on Lundene. Millesimo.lxxxvii. On þisum geare wæs þis land swiðe astirad & mid mycele swicdome afylled, swa þet þa riceste frencisce men þe weron innan þisan lande wolden swican heora hlaforde þam cynge & woldon habban his broðer to cynge Rodbeard þe wæs eorl on Normandige. On þisum ræde wæs ærest Oda biscop & Gosfrið biscop & Willelm biscop on Dunholme. Swa wæll dyde se cyng be þam biscope þet eall Englaland færde æfter his ræde & swa swa he wolde; & he þohte to donne be him eallswa Iudas Scarioth dyde be ure Drihtene. & Rogere eorl wæs eac æt þam unræde & swiðe mycel folc mid heom ealle frencisce men, & þæs unræd wærð geræd innan þam lengtene. Sona swa hit com to þam Eastron, þa ferdon hi & hergodon & bærndon & aweston þæs cynges feorme hames, & eallra þæra manna land hi fordydon þe wæron innan þæs cynges holdscipe. & heora ælc ferde to his castele & þone mannoden & metsoden swa hig betst mihton. Gosfrið biscop & Rodbeard a Mundbræg ferdon to Bricgstowe1 & hergodon & brohton to þam castele þa hergunge, & syððon foron ut of ðam castele & hergodon Baðon & eall þet land þærabutan, & eall Beorclea hyrnesse hi awæston. & ða men þe yldest wæron of Hereforde & eall þeo scir forð mid & þa men of Scrobscyre mid mycele folce of Brytlande comon & hergodon & bærndon on Wiðreceastrescire forð þet hi comon to þam porte sylfan & woldon þa ðæne port bærnen & þet mynster reafian & þæs cynges castel gewinnan heom to handa. Ðas þing geseonde, se arwurða biscop Wlstan wearð swiðe gedrefed on his mode, forðig him wæs betæht þe castel to healdene; þeahhweðer (66v) his hiredmen ferdon ut mid feawe mannan of þam castele & þurh Godes mildheortnisse & þurh þæs biscopes geearnunga ofslogon & gelæhton fif hundred manna & þa oðre ealle aflymdon. Se biscop of Dunholme dyde to hearme þet he mihte ofer eall be norðan. Roger het an of heom, se hleop into þam castele æt Norðwic & dyde git eallra wærst ofer eall þet land. Hugo eac an þe 2hit ne gebette nan þing, ne innan Lægreceastrescire ne

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MS. oinnan with initial o subpuncted. Erasure between Bricg and stowe. Gap at the beginning of the MS. line before hit.

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MS. E

innan Norðhamtune. Ðe biscop Odo þe þas yng3 of awocan ferde into Cent to his eorldome & fordyde hit swyðe – & þæs cynges land & þæs arcebiscopes mid ealle aweston – & brohte eall þet god into his castele on Hrofeceastre. Ða þe cyng undergeat ealle þas þing & hwilcne swicdom hi dydon toweard his, þa wearð he on his mode swiðe gedrefed; sende þa æfter englisce mannan & heom fore sæde his neode & gyrnde heora fultumes & behet heom þa betsta laga þæ æfre ær wæs on þisan lande, & ælc uriht geold he forbead & geatte mannan heora wudas and slætinge; ac hit ne stod nane hwile. Ac englisce men swa þeah fengon to þam cynge heora hlaforde on fultume: ferdon þa toweard Hrofeceastre & woldon þone biscop Odan begytan, þohtan gif hi hæfdon hine þe wæs ærur heafod to ðam unræde þet hi mihton þe bet begytan ealla þa oðre. Hi comon þa to þam castele to Tonebricge; þa wæron innan þam castele Oda biscopes cnihtas & oðre manige þe hine healdon woldan ongean þone cyng, ac þa englisce men ferdon & tobræcon þone castel, & þa men þe þærinne wæron griðodon wið þone cyng. Se cyng mid his here ferde toweard Hrofeceastre & wendon þet se biscop wære þærinne, ac hit wearð þam cynge cuð þet se biscop wæs afaren to ðam castele a Pefenesea; & se cyng mid his here ferde æfter & besætt þone castel abutan mid swiðe mycele here fulle six wucan. Betwyx þissum se eorl of Nor(67r)mandige Rodbeard þes cynges broðer gaderode swiðe mycel folc & þohte to gewinnane Engleland mid þæra manna fultume þe wæron innan þisan lande ongean þone cyng, & he sende of his mann(n)an to þisum lande & wolde cuman him sylf æfter. Ac þa englisce men þe wær\d/edon þære sæ gelæhton of þam mannon & slogon & adrengton ma þonne ænig man wiste to tellanne. Syððan heom ateorede mete wiðinnan þam castele, ða gyrdon hi griðas & agefan hine þam cynge, & se biscop swor þet he wolde ut of Englelande faran & na mare cuman on ðisan lande butan se cyng him æfter sende, & þet he wolde agifan þone castel on Hrofeceastre. Ealswa se biscop ferde & sceolde agifan þone castel & se cyng sende his men mid him, ða arisan þa men þe wæron innan þam castele & namon þone biscop & þes cynges men & dydon hi on hæftnunge. Innan þam castele wæron swiðe gode cnihtas: Eustatius þe iunga & Rogeres eorles þreo sunan & ealle þa betstboren men þe wæron innan þisan lande oððe on Normandige. Ða se cyng undergeat þas þing, þa ferde he æfter mid þam here þe he ðær hæfde & sende ofer eall Englalande & bead þet ælc man þe wære [1087]

3

MS. cyng.

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TEXT

unniðing sceolde cuman to him, frencisce & englisce, of porte & of uppelande. Him com þa mycel folc to, & he for Hrofeceastre & besætt þone castel oð ðet hi griðedon þæ þærinne wæron & þone castel ageafon. Se biscop Odo mid þam mannum þe innan þam castele wæron ofer sæ ferdon, & se biscop swa forlet þone wurðscipe þe he on þis lande hæfde. Se cyng syððan sende here to Dunholme & let besittan þone castel, & se biscop griðode and ageaf þone castel & forlet his biscoprice & ferde to Normandige. Eac manige frencisce men forleton heora land & ferdon ofer sæ, & se cyng geaf heora land þam mannum þe him4 holde wæron. (67v) Millesimo.lxxxix. On þisum geare se arwurða muneca feder & frouer Landfranc arcebiscop gewat of þissum life, ac we hopiað þet he ferde \to/ þet heofanlice rice. Swilce eac gewarð ofer eall Engleland mycel eorðstyrunge on þone dæg .iii. idus Augusti, & wæs swiðe lætsum gear on corne & on ælces cynnes wæstmum swa þet manig men ræpon1 heora corn onbutan Martines mæssan & gyt lator. M.xc. INDICTIONE.XIII. Ðissum þus gedon eallswa wæ ær abufan sædan be þam cynge & be his broðer & be his mannon, se cyng wæs smægende hu he mihte wrecon his broðer Rodbeard, swiðost swencean & Normandige of him gewinnan. Ðeah þurh his geapscipe oððe þurh gærsuma he begeat þone castel æt Sancte Waleri & þa hæfenan, & swa he begeat þone æt Albemare, & þarinne he sette his cnihtas, & hi dydon hearmes uppon þam lande on hergunge & on bærnete. Æfter þisum he begeat ma castelas innan þam lande & \þær/inne his rideras gelogode. Se eorl of Normandige Rodbeard1 syððan he undergeat þet his gesworene men him trucedon & agefon hera castelas him to hearme, þa sende he to his hlaforde Philippe Francena cynge, & he com to Normandige mid mycelan here. & se cyng & se eorl mid ormætre fyrde besæton þone castel abuton þær þæs cynges men of Engleland inne wæron. Se cyng Willelm of Englalande sende to Philippe Francena cynge; & he for his lufan oððe for his mycele gersuma forlet swa his man þone eorl Rodbeard & his land & ferde ongean to France & let heom swa weorðan. & betwyx þisum þingum þis land wæs swiðe fordon on2 unlagagelde & on oðre manige ungelimpe. Millesimo.xci. On þisum geare se cyng Willelm heold his hired to

[1089]

[1090]

[1091] [1087] [1089] [1090]

4 1 1 2

Erasure between him and holde. men ræpon is written over an erasure. Rodbeard is denoted here and occasionally hereafter in the MS. by R. The o of on has been altered from u.

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Cristesmessan on Wæstmynstre, & þæræfter to (68r) Candelmæssan he ferde for his broðær unþearfe ut of Englalande into Normandige. Onmang þam þe he þær wæs, heora sehte togædere eode on þet gerad þet se eorl him to handan let Uescam & þone eorldom æt Ou & Kiæresburh, and þærtoeacan þes cynges men sacleas beon moston on þam castelan þe hi ær þes eorles unþances begiten hæfdon. & se cyng him ongean þa Manige behet, þe ær heora fæder gewann & þa fram þam eorle gebogen wæs, gebygle to donne, & eall þet his fæder þærbegeondan hæfde butan þam þe he þa<m> cynge þa geunnen hæfde; & þet ealle þa þe on Englelande for þam eorle æror heora land forluron, hit on þisum sehte habban sceoldan, & se eorl on Englelande eallswa mycel swa on heora forewarde wæs. And gif se eorl forðferde butan sunu be rihtre æwe, wære se cyng yrfenuma of eallon Normandig; be þisre sylfan forewarde gif se cyng swulte, wære se eorl yrfenuma ealles Englalandes. Ðas forewarde gesworan .xii. þa betste of þes cynges healfe and .xii. of þes eorles, þeah hit syððan litle hwile stode. Onmang þisum sæhte wearð Eadgar æþeling belandod of þam þe se eorl him æror þær to handa gelæten hæfde, & ut of Normandig for to þam cynge his aðume to Scotlande & to his swustor. Onmang þam þe se cyng Willelm1 ut of Englelande wæs, ferde se cyng Melcolm of Scotlande hider into Englum & his mycelne dæl oferhergode, oð þet þa gode mæn þe þis land bewiston him fyrde ongean sændon & hine gecyrdon. Ða þa se cyng Willelm into Normandige þis gehyrde, þa gearcode he his fare & to Englelande com & his broðer se eorl Rodbeard mid him & sona fyrde het ut abeodan, ægðær scipfyrde & landfyrde, ac seo scipfyrde ær he to Scotlande cuman mihte ælmæst earmlice forfor feowan dagon toforan Sancte Michæles mæssan. And se cyng & his broðer mid þære landfyrde ferdon, ac þa ða (68v) se cyng Melcolm gehyrde þet hine man mid fyrde secean wolde, he for mid his fyrde ut of Scotlande into Loðene on Englaland & þær abad. Ða þa se cyng Willelm mid his fyrde genealehte, þa ferdon betwux Rodbeard eorl & Eadgar æðeling, & þæra cinga sehte swa gemacedon þet se cyng Melcolm to uran cynge com & his man wearð to eall swilcre gehyrsumnisse swa he ær his fæder dyde & þet mid aðe gefestnode, & se cyng Willelm him behet on lande & on eallon þinge þæs þe he under his fæder ær hæfde. On þisum sehte wearð eac Eadgar eþeling wið þone cyng gesæhtlad. & þa cyngas þa mid mycclum sehte tohwurfon, ac þet litle hwile stod. And se eorl Rodbeard her oð Cristesmæsse forneah mid þam cynge wunode & litel soðes [1091]

1

Willelm is denoted here and frequently hereafter in the MS. by W.

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þæronmang of heora forewarde onfand & twam dagon ær þære tide on Wiht scipode & into Normandig for & Eadgar æðeling mid him. Millesimo.xcii. On þisum geare se cyng Willelm mid mycelre fyrde ferde norð to Cardeol & þa burh geæðstaþelede & þone castel arerde & Dolfin ut adraf þe æror þær þes landes weold & þone castel mid his mannan gesette; & syððan hider suð gewænde & mycele mænige eyrlisces folces mid wifan & mid orfe þyder sænde, þær to wunigenne þet land to tilianne. Millesimo.xciii. On þisum geare to þam længtene warð se cyng Willelm1 on Gleaweceastre to þam swiðe geseclod þet he wæs ofer eall dead gekyd. & on his broke he Gode fela behæsa behet: his agen lif on riht to lædene & Godes cyrcean griðian & friðian & næfre ma eft wið feo gesyllan & ealle rihte lage on his þeode to habbene. And þet arcebiscoprice on Cantwarbyrig þe ær on his agenre hand stod Anselme betæhte, se wæs ær abbot on Bæc, & Rodbeard his cancelere þet biscoprice on Lincolne & to manegan mynstren land geuðe, ac þet he syððan ætbræd þa him gebotad wæs & ealle þa gode laga (69r) forlæt þe he us ær behet. Ða æfter þisson sende <se> cyng of Scotlande & þære forewarde gyrnde þe him behaten wæs, and se cing Willelm him steofnode to Gloweceastre & him to Scotlande gislas sende & Eadgar æþeling æfter & þa men syððan ongean þe hine mid mycclon wurðscipe to þam cynge brohtan. Ac þa ða he to þam cynge com, ne mihte he beon weorðe naðer ne ure cynges spæce ne þæra forewarde þe him ær behatene wæron, & forþi hi þa mid mycclon unsehte tohwurfon, & se cyng Melcolm ham to Scotlande gewænde. Ac hraðe þæs þe he ham com, he his fyrde gegaderode & into Englelande hergende mid maran unræde ferde þone him a behofode, & hine þa Rodbeard se eorl of Norðhymbran mid his mannan unwæres besyrede & ofsloh; hine sloh Moræl of Bæbbaburh se wæs þæs eorles stiward & Melcolmes cinges godsib. Mid him wæs eac Eadward his sune ofslagen se æfter him cyng beon sceolde gif he hit gelifode. Ða þa seo gode cwen Margarita þis gehyrde, hyre þa leofstan hlaford &2 sunu þus beswikene, heo wearð oð deað on mode geancsumed & mid hire prestan to cyrcean eode & hire gerihtan underfeng & æt Gode abæd þet heo hire gast ageaf. & ða Scottas þa Dufenal to cynge gecuron Melcolmes broðer & ealle þa Englisce ut adræfdon þe ær mid þam cynge Melcolme wæron. Ða þa Dunecan Melcolmes cynges sunu þis eall gehyrde þus gefaren, se on þæs cynges hyrede Willelmes wæs swa swa his fæder hine ures cynges fæder ær to gisle geseald

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The W (for Willelm) is decorated in red. Erasure between & and sunu.

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hæfde & her swa syððan belaf, he to þam cynge com & swilce getrywða dyde swa se cyng æt him habban wolde;3 & swa mid his unne to Scotlande for mid þam fultume þe he begytan mihte Engliscra & Frenciscra and his mæge Dufenal þes rices benam & to cynge wearð underfangen. Ac þa Scottas hi eft sume gegaderoden & forneah (69v) ealle his mænu ofslogan, & he sylf mid feawum ætbærst. Syððan hi wurdon sehte on þa gerad þet he næfre eft Englisce ne Frencisce into þam lande ne gelogige. Millesimo.xciiii. Her hæfde se cyng Willelm to Cristesmæssan his hired æt Gleaweceastre; & him þider fram his broðer Rodbearde of Normandig bodan coman, þa cyddon þet his broðer grið & forewarde eall æftercwæð butan se cyng gelæstan wolde eall þet hi on forewarde hæfdon ær gewroht, & uppon þet hine forsworenne & trywleasne clypode buton he þa forewarda geheolde oððe þider ferde & hine þær betealde þær seo forewarde ær wæs gewroht & eac gesworen. Ða ferde se cyng to Hæstingan to þam Candelmæssan, & onmang þam þe he þær wederes abad, he let halgian þet mynster æt þære Bataille & Herbearde Losange þam biscope of Þeotfordan his stæf benam; & þæræfter to midlengtene ofer sæ for into Normandige. Syððan he þider com, he & his broðer Rodbeard se eorl gecwæðan þet hi mid griðe togædere cuman sceoldan & swa dydon & gesemede beon ne mihtan. Syððan eft hi togædere coman mid þam ilcan mannan þe ær þet loc makedon & eac þa aðas sworen; & ealne þone bryce uppon þone cyng tealdon, ac he nolde þæs geþafa beon ne eac þa forewarde healdan, & forþam hi þa mid mycelon unsehte tocyrdon. And se cyng syððan þone castel æt Bures gewann & þes eorles men þærinne genam, þa sume ihyder to lande sende. Ðær togeanes, se eorl mid þes cynges fultume of France gewann þone castel æt Argentses & þearinne Rogger Peiteuin genam & seofen hundred þes cynges cnihta mid him, & syððan þone æt Hulme. & oftrædlice heora ægðer uppon oðerne tunas bærnde & eac menn læhte. Ða sende <se> cyng hider to lande & het abeodan ut .xx. þusenda engliscra manna (70r) him to fultume to Normandig; ac þa hi to sæ coman, þa het hi man cyrran & þet feoh syllan to þæs cynges behofe þe hi genumen hæfdon, þet wes ælc man healf punda, & hi swa dydon. & se eorl innon Normandig æfter þison mid þam cynge of France & mid eallon þan þe hi gegaderian mihton ferdon towardes Ou þær se cyng Willelm inne wæs & þohtan hine inne to besittanne & swa foran oð hi coman to Lungeuile. Ðær wearð se cyng of France þurh gesmeah

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3

Erasure between wolde and &.

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gecyrred, & swa syððan eal seo fyrding tohwearf. Her onmang þison se cyng Willelm sende æfter his broðer Heanrige se wæs on þam castele æt Damfront, ac forþi þe he mid friðe þurh Normandig faran ne mihte, he him sende scipon æfter & Hugo eorl of Ceastre. Ac þa ða hi towardes Ou faran sceoldan þær se cyng wæs, hi foran to Englelande & up coman æt Hamtune on ealra halgena mæsseæfne & her syððon wunedon & to Cristesmæssan wæron on Lunden. Eac on þisum ylcan geare þa wylisce menn hi gegaderodon & wið þa Frencisce, þe on Walon oððe on þære neawiste wæron & hi ær belandedon, gewinn up ahofon & manige festena & castelas abræcon & men ofslogon. An syððan heora gefylce weox, hi hi on ma todældon. Wið sum þæra dæle gefeaht Hugo eorl of Scrobscire & hi aflymde, ac þeahhweðer þa oðre ealles þæs geares nanes yfeles ne geswicon þe hi don mihton. Ðises geares eac þa Scottas heora cyng Dunecan besyredon & ofslogan & heom syððan eft oðre syðe his fæderan Dufenal to cynge genamon, þur þes lare & totihtinge he wearð to deaðe beswicen. Millesimo.xcv. On þisum geare wæs se cyng Willelm to Cristesmæssan þa feower forewarde dagas on Hwitsand & æfter þam feorðan dæge hider to lande for & upp com æt Doferan. And Heanrig þes cynges broðer her on lande oð (70v) lengten wunode & þa ofer sæ for to Normandig mid mycclon gersuman on þæs cynges heldan uppon heora broðer Rodbeard eorl & gelomlice uppon þone eorl wann & him mycelne hearm ægðer on lande & on mannan dyde. And þa to Eastran heold se cyng his hired on Winceastre; & se eorl Rodbeard of Norðhymbran nolde to hirede cuman, & se cyng forðan wearð wið hine swiðe astyrod & him to sænde & heardlice bead gif he griðes weorðe beon wolde þet he to Pentecosten to hired come. On þisum geare wæron Eastron on .viiio. kalendas Aprilis; & þa uppon Eastron on Sancte Ambrosius mæsseniht, þet is .ii. nonas Aprilis, wæs gesewen forneah ofer eall þis land swilce forneah ealle þa niht swiðe mænifealdlice steorran of heofenan feollan, naht be anan oððe twam ac swa þiclice þet hit nan mann ateallan ne mihte. Heræfter to Pentecosten wæs se cyng on Windlesoran & ealle his witan mid him butan þam eorle of Norðhymbran, forþam se cyng him naþer nolde ne gislas syllan ne uppon trywðan geunnon þet he mid griðe cumon moste & faran. & se cyng forþi1 his fyrde bead & uppon þone eorl to Norðhymbran for, & sona þes þe he þider com, he manege & forneah ealle þa betste of þes eorles hirede innan anan fæstene gewann & on

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Short stroke over the f of forþi.

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hæftene gedyde & þone castel æt Tinemuðan besæt oð ðet he hine gewann & þæs eorles broðer þærinne & ealle þa þe him mid wæron, and syððan ferde to Bebbaburh & þone eorl þærinne besæt. Ac þa ða se cyng geseah þet he hine gewinnan ne mihte, þa het he makian ænne castel toforan Bebbaburh & hine2 on his spæce Malueisin het, þet is on Englisc Yfel Nehhebur, & hine swiðe mid his mannan gesætte & syððan suðweard for. Ða sona æfter þam þe se cyng wæs suð afaren, feorde se eorl anre nihte ut of Bebbaburh towardes Tinemuðan, ac þa þe innan (71r) þam niwan castele wæron his gewær wurdon & him æfter foran & onfuhton & hine gewundedon & syððan gelæhton, & þa þe mid him wæron sume ofslogan, sume lifes gefengon. Onman þison wearð þam cynge cuð þet þa wylisce men on Wealon sumne castel heafdon tobroken Muntgumni hatte & Hugon eorles men ofslagene þe hine healdon sceoldan. & he forþi oðre fyrde het fearlice abannan & æfter Sancte Michaeles mæsse into Wealan ferde & his fyrde toscyfte & þet land eall þurhfor swa þet seo fyrde eall togædere com to ealra halgena to Snawdune; ac þa Wylisce a toforan into muntan and moran ferdan þet heom man to cuman ne mihte, & se cyng þa hamweard gewende, forþam he geseah þet he þær þes wintres mare don ne mihte. Ða þa se cyng ongean com, þa het he niman þone eorl Rotbeard of Norðhymbran & to Bæbbaburh lædan & ægðer eage ut adon buton þa þe þærinne wæron þone castel agyfan woldan; hine heoldan his wif & Moreal se wæs stiward & eac his mæg. Ðurh þis wearð se castel þa agyfen, & Moreal wearð þa on3 þes cynges hirede, & þurh hine wurdon manege, ægðer ge gehadode & eac læwede, geypte þe mid heora ræde on þes4 cynges unheldan wæron. Þa se cyng sume ær þære tide het on hæftneðe gebringan; & syððan swiðe gemahlice ofer eall þis land beodan þet ealle þa þe of þam cynge land heoldan, eallswa hi friðes weorðe beon woldan, þet hi on hirede to tide wæron. And þone eorl Rotbert het se cyng5 to Windlesoran lædan & þær innan þam castele healdan. Eac on þis ylcan geare togeanes Eastron com þæs papan sande hider to lande – þet wæs Waltear bisceop swiðe god lifes man of Albin þære ceastre – & þam arcebiscope Ansealme uppon Pentecosten of þæs papan healfe Urbanus his pallium geaf, & he hine underfeng æt his arcestole on Cantwarabyrig. (71v) And se biscop Waltear her on lande þæs geares syððan lange wunode, & [1095]

2 3 4 5

hine has been altered from his. The o in on has been altered from another letter. Erasure between þes and cynges. Erasure between cyng and to.

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man syððan þet Romgesceot be him sende swa man manegan gearan æror ne dyde. Ðises ylcan eac geares wæron swiðe untidgewidera, & forþi geond eall þis land wurdon eorðwæstmas eall to medemlice gewende. AN.M.xcvi. On þison geare heold se cyng Willelm his hired to Cristesmæssan on Windlesoran. & Willelm biscop of Dunholme þær forðferde to geares dæge. And on octabas Epyphanie wæs se cyng & ealle his witan on Searbyrig. Þær beteah Gosfrei Bainard Willelm of Ou þes cynges mæg þet he heafde gebeon on þes cynges swicdome & hit him on gefeaht & hine on orreste ofercom, & syððan he ofercumen wæs, him het se cyng þa eagan ut adon & syþðan belisan,1 & his stiward Willelm hatte, se wæs his modrian sunu, het se cyng on rode ahon. Ðær wearð eac Eoda eorl of Campaine þæs cynges aðum & manege oðre belende, & sumne man to Lundene lædde & þær spilde. Ðises geares eac to þam Eastran wearð swiðe mycel styrung geond ealle þas þeode & fela oðra þeodan þurh Urbanus se wæs papa gehaten þeah þe he þæs setles naþing næfde on Rome; & ferde unarimedlice folc mid wifan & cildan to þi þet hi uppon hæðene þeodan winnan woldan. Ðurh þas fare wearð se cyng & his broðor Rodbeard eorl sehte, swa þet se cyng ofer sæ for & eall Normandig æt him mid feo alisde, swa swa hi þa sehte wæron. And se eorl syððan ferde & mid him se eorl of2 Flandran & se of Bunan & eac manege oðre heafodmen; & se eorl Rotbeard & þa þe mid him3 ferdon þone winter on Puille wunedon. Ac þes folces þe be Hungrie for, fela þusenda þær & be wæge earmlice forforan, & fela hreowlice & hungerbitene ongean winter ham tugon. Ðis wæs swiðe hefigtime gear geond eall Angelcyn, ægðer ge þurh mænigfealde gylda & eac þurh swiðe (72r) hefigtymne hunger þe þisne eard þæs geares swiðe gedrehte. Eac on þison geare þa heafodmen þe þis land heoldan oftrædlice fyrde into Wealon sendon & mænig man mid \þam/ swiðe gedrehtan, ac man þær ne gespædde butan manmyrringe & feohspillinge. AN.M.xcvii. Her on þison geare weas se cyng Willelm to Cristesmæssan on Normandig & þa togeanes Eastron hider to lande for,1 forþam he þohte his hired on Winceastre to healdenne, ac he wearð þurh weder gelet oð ðet Eastre æfen þet he upcom ærost æt Arundel & forþi his hired æt Windlesoran heold. & þæræfter mid mycclum here into Wealon ferde & þet land swiðe mid his fyrde

[1096]

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MS. belisman. of is written over an erasure. Erasure between him and ferdon. for is written over an erasure.

107

MS. E

þurhfor þurh sume þa Wyliscean þe him to wæron cumen & his lædteowas wæron; & þærinne wunode fram middesumeran forneah oð August & mycel þærinne forleas on mannan & on horsan & eac on manegan oðran þingan. Ða wylisce men syððon hi fram þam cynge gebugon, heom manege ealdras of heom sylfan gecuron, sum þæra wæs Caduugaun gehaten þe heora weorðast wæs, se wæs Griffines broðer sunu cynges. Ac þa ða se cyng geseah þet he nan þingc his willes þær geforðian ne mihte, he ongean into þison lande for, & hraðe æfter þam he be þam gemæron castelas let gemakian. Ða uppon Sancte Michaeles mæssan .iiiio. nonas Octobris ætywde an selcuð steorra on æfen scynende & sona to setle gangende; he wæs gesewen suðweast, & se leoma þe him of stod wæs swiðe lang geþuht suðeast scinende & forneah ealle þa wucan on þas wisan ætywde. Manige men leton þet hit cometa wære. Sona æfter þyson se arcebiscop Ansealm of Cantwarbyrig leafe æt þam cynge nam, þeah hit þam cynge ungewill wære þæs þe men leton, & ofer sæ for, forþam him þuhte þet man on þisne þeodan lytel æfter rihte & æfter his dyhte dyde. And se cyng þæræfter uppon Sancte (72v) Martines mæssan ofer sæ into Normandig for, ac þa hwile þe he wederes abad, his hired innon þam sciran þær hi lagon þone mæston hearm dydon þe æfre hired oððe here innon friðlande don sceolde. Ðis wæs on eallon þingan swiðe hefigtyme gear & ofergeswincfull on ungewederan þa man oððe tilian sceolde oððe eft tilða gegaderian & on ungyldan þa næfre ne ablunnon. Eac manege sciran þe mid weorce to Lundenne belumpon wurdon2 þærle gedrehte þurh þone weall þe hi worhton onbutan þone Tur & þurh þa brycge þe forneah eall toflotan wæs & þurh þæs cynges heallegeweorc þe man on Westmynstre worhte; & mænige man3 þærmid gedrehte. Eac on þysum ylcan geare sona uppon Sancte Michaeles mæssan ferde Eadgar æþeling mid fyrde þurh þæs cynges fultum into Scotlande & þet land mid stranglicum feohte gewann & þone cyng Dufenal ut adræfde, & his mæg Eadgar se wæs Melcolmes sunu cynges & Margarite þære cwenan he þær on þæs cynges Willelmes heldan to cynge gesette & syddan ongean into Engleland for. Millesimo.xcviii.1 On þysum geare to Cristesmæssan wæs se cyng Willelm on Normandig; & Walcelin biscop on Winceastre & Baldewine abbot on Sancte Ædmund innan þære tide bægen

[1098]

[1097]

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[1098]

1

The o of wurdon has been altered from another letter. The scribe initially wrote men, then altered it by subpuncting e and adding a above. The abbreviation here is Mill’o rather than the usual Mill’mo.

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forðferdan. & on þisum geare eac Turold abbot of2 Burh forðferde. Ðises geares eac to þan sumeran innan Barrucscire æt Finchamstæde an mere blod weoll, swa swa manige trywe men sædan þe hit geseon sceoldan. & Hugo eorl wearð ofslagen innan Anglesege fram utwikingan, & his broðer Rodbert wearð his yrfenuma, swa swa he hit æt þam cynge ofeode. Toforan3 Sancte Michaeles mæssan ætywde seo heofon swilce heo forneah ealle þa niht byrnende wære. Ðis wæs swiðe geswincfull gear þurh manigfealð ungyld & þurh mycele renas þe ealles geares ne ablunnon; forneah ælc tilð on mersc(73r)lande forferde. Millesimo.xcix. Her wæs se cyng Willelm to midewintra on Normandig & to Eastron hider to lande com & to Pentecosten forman siðe his hired innan his niwan gebyttlan æt Westmynstre1 heold – & þær Rannulfe his capellane þet biscoprice on Dunholme geaf, þe æror ealle his gemot ofer eall Engleland draf & bewiste – & sona þæræfter ofer sæ for & þone eorl Elias of þære Manige adraf & hy syððan on his geweald gesætte & swa to Sancte Michaeles mæssan eft hider to lande com. Ðises geares eac on Sancte Martines mæssedæg asprang up to (to) þan swiðe sæflod & swa mycel to hearme gedyde swa nan man ne gemunet þet hit æfre æror dyde; & wæs ðæs ylcan dæges luna prima. And Osmund biscop of Searbyrig innon Aduent forðferde. Millesimo.c. On þison geare se cyng Willelm heold his hired to Cristesmæssa on Gleaweceastre & to Eastron on Winceastre & to1 Pentecosten on Westmynstre. & to þam Pentecosten wæs \ge/sewen innan1 Barrucscire æt anan tune blod weallan of eorþan, swa swa mænige sædan þe hit geseon sceoldan. And þæræfter on morgen2 æfter hlammæsse dæge wearð se cyng Willelm on huntnoðe fram his anan men mid anre fla ofsceoten & syððan to Winceastre gebroht & on þam biscoprice bebyrged; þet wæs þæs þreotteðan geares þe he rice onfeng. He wæs swiðe strang & reðe ofer his land & his mænn & wið ealle his3 neahheburas & swiðe ondrædendlic. & þurh yfelra manna rædas þe him æfre gecweme wæran & þurh his agene gitsunga, he æfre þas leode mid here & mid ungylde tyrwigende wæs, forþan þe on his dagan ælc riht afeoll & ælc

[1099]

[1100]

[1098] [1099] [1100]

2 3 1 1 2 3

The o of of is over an erasure and perhaps altered from another letter. The n of Toforan has a dot above it. Erasure between Westmynstre and heold. Gap between to and Pentecosten, and between in and nan of innan, caused by a hole in the MS. MS. morgem, with last minim subpuncted. his written over an erasure.

109

MS. E

unriht for Gode & for worulde up aras. Godes cyrcean he nyðerade; & þa biscoprices & abbotrices þe þa ealdras on his dagan feollan, (73v) ealle he hi oððe wið feo gesealde oððe on his agenre hand heold & to gafle gesette, forþan þe he ælces mannes, gehadodes & læwedes, yrfenuma beon wolde, & swa þet þæs dæges þe he gefeoll, he heafde on his agenre hand þet arcebiscoprice on Cantwarbyrig & þet bisceoprice on Winceastre & þet on Searbyrig & .xi. abbotrices, ealle to gafle gesette. And þeah4 þe ic hit læng ylde, eall þet þe Gode wæs lað & ri\h/tfulle mannan, eall þet wæs gewunelic on þisan lande5 on his tyman, & forþi he wæs forneah ealre his leode lað & Gode andsæte, swa swa his ænde ætywde, forþan þe he on middewardan his unrihte buten behreowsunge & ælcere dædbote gewat. On þæne Þunresdæg he wæs ofslagen & þæs on morgen bebyrged. & syðþan he bebyrged wæs, þa witan þe þa neh handa wæron his broðer Heanrig to cynge gecuran. & he þærrihte þet biscoprice on Winceastre Willelme Giffarde geaf & siþþan to Lundene for; & on þan Sunnandæge þæræfter toforan þam weofode on Westmynstre Gode & eallan folce behet ealle þa unriht to aleggenne þe on his broðer timan wæran & þa betstan lage to healdene6 þe on æniges cynges dæge toforan him stodan. And hine syððan æfter þam se biscop of Lundene Mauricius to cynge gehalgode, & him ealle on þeosan lande to abugan & aðas sworan & his men wurdon. And se cyng sona æfter þa, be þære ræde þe him abutan wæran, þone biscop Rannulf of Dunholme let niman & into þam Ture on Lundene let gebringon & þær healdan. Ða toforan Sancte Michaeles7 mæssan com se arcebiscop Ansealm of Cantwarbyrig hider to lande, swa swa se cyng Heanrig be his witena ræde him æfter sende, forþan þe he wæs ut of þis lande gefaren for þan mycelan unrihte þe se cyng Willelm him dyde. And siðþan sona heræfter se cyng genam Mahalde him to wife, Malcolmes cynges dohter of Scotlande & Margareta þære goda (74r) cwæne Eadwardes cynges magan & of þan rihtan Ænglalandes kynekynne. & on Sancte Martines mæssedæg heo wearð him mid mycelan weorðscipe forgifen on Westmynstre, & se arcebiscop Ansealm hi him bewæddade & siððan to cwene gehalgode. And se arcebiscop Thomas of Eoferwic heræfter sona forðferde. Ðeoses ylces geares eac innan hærfest com se eorl Rotbert ham into Normandi, & se eorl Rotbert of Flandran & Eustatius eorl of Bunan fram Ierusalem. [1100]

4 5 6 7

Erasure between þeah and þe. Erasure between lande and on. Hole in MS. between healdene and þe. The ae of Michaeles has been altered from al.

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& sona swa se eorl Rotbert into Normandig com, he wearð fram eallan þam folce bliþelice underfangen butan þam castelan ðe wæron gesætte mid þæs cynges Heanriges manna, togeanes þan he manega gewealc & gewinn hæfde. Millesimo.ci. Her on þisum geare to Cristesmæssan heold se cyng Heanrig his hired on Westmynstre & to Eastran on Winceastre. & þa sona þæræfter wurdon þa heafodmen her on lande wiðerræden1 togeanes þam cynge, ægðer ge for heora(n) agenan mycelan ungetrywðan & eac þurh þone eorl Rodbert of Normandig þe mid unfriðe hider to lande fundode. And se cyng syddan scipa ut on sæ sende his broðer to dære & to lættinge, ac hi sume æft æt þære neode abruðon & fram þam cynge gecyrdon & to þam eorle Rotberte gebugan. Ða to middesumeran ferde se cyng ut to Pefenesæ mid eall his fyrde togeanes his broðer & his þær abad. Ac onmang þison com se eorl Rotbert up æt Portesmuðan .xii. nihtan toforan Hlafmæssan, &2 se cyng mid ealre his fyrde him togeanes com. Ac þa heafodmen heom betwenan foran & þa broðra gesehtodan on þa gerad þet se cyng forlet eall þet he mid streangðe innan Normandig togeanes þam eorle heold, & þet ealle þa on Englelande heora land ongean heafdon þe hit ær þurh þone eorl forluron, & Eustaties eorl eac eall his fæder land her on lande, & þet se eorl Rotbert ælce geare sceolde of Englalande (74v) þreo þusend marc seolfres habban, & lochweðer \þæra ge/broðra oðerne oferbide wære yrfeweard ealles Englalandes & eac Normandiges, buton se forðfarena yrfenuman heafde be rihtre æwe; & þis þa mid aðe gefestnodan .xii. þa hihste of ægðre healfe. And se eorl syððan oððet ofer Sancte Michaeles mæsse her on lande wunode, & his men mycel to hearme3 æfre gedydon swa hi geferdon þa hwile þe se eorl her on lande wunode. Ðises geares eac se biscop Rannulf to þam Candelmæssan ut of þam Ture on Lunden nihtes oðbærst þær he on hæftneðe wæs & to Normandige for, þurh þes macunge mæst & tospryttinge se eorl Rotbert þises geares þis land mid unfriðe gesohte. Millesimo.cii. On þisum geare to Natiuiteð wæs se cyng Heanrig on Westmynstre & to Eastron on Winceastre. & sona þæræfter wurdon unsehte se cyng & se eorl Rotbert of Bælæsme se hæfde þone eorldom her on lande on Scrobbesbyrig þe his fæder Roger

[1101]

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The on of on lande wiðerræden has been added in the margin at the end of the line and lande wiðerræden is written over an erasure at the beginning of the next line. Erasure between & and se. Erasure (occupying space for four or five letters) between hearme and æfre.

111

MS. E

eorl ær ahte & micel rice þærto,1 ægðer ge beheonon sæ ge begeondon. & se cyng ferde & besæt þone castel æt Arundel, ac þa he hine swa hraðe gewinnan ne mihte, he let þærtoforan castelas gemakian & hi mid his mannan gesette & syððan mid ealre his fyrde ferde to Brigge & þær wunode oð ðet he þone castel hæfde & þone eorl Rotbert belænde & ealles benæmde þes he on Englalande hæfde. & se eorl swa ofer sæ gewat, & se fyrde syððan ham cyrde. Ða þæræfter to Sancte Michaeles mæssen wæs se cyng æt Wæstmynstre & ealle þa hæfodmen on þis lande, gehadode & læwede. & se arcebiscop Ansealm heold gehadodra manna sinoð, & hi þær manega beboda setton þe to Cristendome belimpað, & ægðer manige, Frencisce & Englisce, þær heora stafas & rice forluron þe hi mid unrihte begeaton odde mid woge þæron lifedon.

& on ðisum ylcan geare on Pentecosten mæssan wuce þa coman (75r) þeofas, sum of Aluearnie, sum of France & sum of Flandres, & breokan2 þa mynstre of Burh & þærinne naman mycel to gode3 on golde & on seolfre, þet wæron roden & calicen & candelsticcan.

[1103]

Millesimo.ciii. Her on þisum geare to midewintra wæs se cyng Heanrig æt Westmynstre; & þæræfter sona ferde se biscop Willelm Giffard ut of þis land, forþan þe he ongean riht nolde his hades onfon æt þam arcebiscope Girarde of Eoferwic. & þa to þan Eastran heold se cyng his hired on Winceastre; & þæræfter ferde se arcebiscop Ansealm of Cantwarbyrig to Rome, swa swa him & þam cynge gewearð. Ðises geares eac com se eorl Rotbert of Normandig to sprecene wið þone cyng her on lande, & ær he heonne ferde he forgeaf þa þreo þusend marc þe him seo cyng Heanrig be foreweard ælce geare gifan sceolde. On þisum geare eac æt Heamstede innan Barrucscire wæs gesewen blod of eorðan. Ðis wæs swiðe gedeo\r/fsum gear her on lande þurh mænifealde gyld & þurh orfcwealm & wæstma forweorþenesse, ægðer ge on corne & eac on eallon treowwæstman. Eac on morgen uppon Sancte Laurentius mæssedæg gedyde se wind swa mycel to hearme her on lande on eallon westman swa nan man ne gemunde þet æfre ænig ær gedyde. On ðisum ylcan geare Mathias abbot of Burh forðferde, se ne lyfode na leng þan an geare syððan \he/1 abbot wæs. Æfter Sancte Michaeles mæssan on .xii. kalendas Nouembris he wæs mid procession underfangan to abbote, & on ðam ylcan dæge þes oðres geares he wearð dead on Gleawceastre & þær bebyrged.

[1102] [1103]

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Erasure of ge after þærto at the end of the line. Erasure above the k of breokan. The o of gode may have been altered from e. Erasure of ascender after syððan \he/.

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[1104]

Millesimo.ciiii. Her on þisum geare to Cristesmæssan heold se cyng Heanrig his hired æt Wæstminstre & to Eastron on Winceastre & to Pentecosten eft on Westmynstre. Ðises geares wæs se forma Pentecostes dæg on nonas Iunii, & on þam (75v) Tiwæsdæge þæræfter ætywdan feower circulas to þam middæge onbutan þære sunnan hwites hiwes, ælc under oðran gebroiden swylce hi gemette wæron. Ealle þe hit gesawon wundredon, forþan hi næfre ær swilce ne gemundon. Heræfter wurdon sehte se eorl Rotbert of Normandig & Rotbert de Bælesme þe se cyng Heanri æror belænd hæfde & of Englalande adrifen, & þurh heora sehte wurdon wiðerræde se cyng of Englalande & se eorl of Normandig. & se cyng his folc ofer sæ into Normandig sende, & þa heafodmen þær on lande hi underfengon & on heora hlafordes þæs eorles swicdome into heora castelan gelogodan, þanon hi manige gedrecednissa on hergunga & on bærninge þam eorle gedydon. Eac þises geares Willelm eorl of Moretoin heonon of lande into Normandig for, ac syððan he afaren wes he wið þone cyng geworhte, forhwan hine se cyng ealles benæmde & belænde þæs þe he her on lande hæfde. Nis eaðe to asecgenne þises landes earmða þe hit to þysan timan dreogende wæs þurh mistlice & mænigfealdlice unriht & gyld þæ næfre ne geswican ne ne ateorodon; & æfre ealswa se cyng for, full hergung þurh his hired uppon his wreccea folc wæs & þæronmang foroft bærneta & manslihtas: eall þis wæs God mid to gremienne & þas arme leode mid to tregienne.1 Millesimo.cv. On þisum geare to Natiuiteð heold se cyng Heanrig his hired æt Windlesoran; & þæræfter to þam lengtene he for ofer sæ1 into Normandig uppon his broðer Rotbert eorl. & onmang þam þe he þær wunode he gewann of his broþer Caþum & Baius, & mæst ealle þa castelas & þa heafodmen þær on lande him wurdon underþeodde. & se syððan to herfest eft ongean hider to lande com; & þet he on Normandig gewunnen hæfde, syððan on sibbe & him gebygle wunode butan þa þe þam eorle Willelme of Mortoin ahwær neah wunedon, þa2 he ge(76r)lomlice geswæncte swa he swiðost mihte for his landlyre her on lande. And þa toforan Cristesmessan com Rotbert de Bælesme hider to lande to þam cynge. Ðis wæs swiðe gedyrfsum gear her3 on lande þurh wæstma

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1 2 3

Bredehoft, Textual Histories, p. 82, suggests that the pointing in this passage fits into a tradition of pointing rhyme words in poetry. The æ of sæ has been altered from e. Erasure between þa and he. MS. gearoher with the o subpuncted.

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forwordenessa & þurh þa mænigfealde gyld þe næfre ne geswican ær se cyng oferfore & þa hwile þe he þær wæs & eft syððan he ongean com. Millesimo.cvi. Her on þyson geare wæs se cyng Henrig to Natiuiteð on Westmynstre & þær his hired heold. & uppon þære tide Rotbert de Bælesme mid unsehte fram þam cynge ut of þison lande into Normandige for. Ða heræfter onforan længtene wæs se cyng æt Norðhamtune, & se eorl Rotbert his broðer of Normandig þyder to him com, & forþam se cyng him nolde agifan þet þe he on Normandige uppon him genumen hæfde, hi mid unsehte tohwurfon, & se eorl ferde ofer s0 sona eft ongean. On þære forman længtenwucan on þone Frigedæg \.i.xiiii. kalendas Martii/ on æfen ætywde an ungewunelic steorra & lange stunde þæræfter wæs ælce æfen gesewen hwile scinende. Se steorra ætywde innon þet suðwest; he wæs litel geþuht and deorc, ac se leoma þe him fram stod wæs swiðe beorht & swilce ormæte beam geþuht norðeast scinende, & sumne æfen wæs gesæwen swilce se beam ongeanweardes wið þes steorran ward fyrcliende wære. Gehwylce sædon þet hig ma on þison timon uncuðra steorra gesawon, ac we1 hit openlicor ne awriton, forþam þe we1 hit sylfe ne sawon. On þa niht þe on morgen wæs Cena Domini, þet is se Þunresdæg toforan Eastran, wæron gesewen twegen monan on þære heofonan toforan þam dæge, oðer be eastan & se oðer be westan, begen fulle, & þæs ylcan dæges wæs se mona .xiiiia. To Eastran wæs se cyng æt Baðan & to Pentecosten æt Searbyrig, forþam þe he nolde on his fundunge ofer sæ hired healdan. Ðæræfter to(76v)fora\n/ August ferde se cyng ofer sæ into Normandig, & ealle mæst þe þær on lande wæron him on his willan to gebugon wiðuton Rotbert de Bælesme & þam eorle of Moretoin & feawa oðre of þam heafodmannan þe mid þam eorle of Normandige þe gyt heoldan. & forþan se cyng syððan mid fyrde for & besæt þæs eorles ænne castel of Moretoin Tenercebrai hatte. Onmang þam þe se cyng þone castel besæt, com se eorl Rotbert of Normandig on Sancte Michaeles mæsseæfen uppon þone cyng mid his fyrde, & mid him Rotbert de Bælesme & Willelm eorl of Moretoin & ealle þa þe mid heom woldan. Ac seo streongðe & se sige wearð þæs cynges. Ðær wearð se eorl of Normandig gefangen & se eorl of Moretoin & Rotbert de Stutteuile & to Englalande syððan gesende & on hæftneðe gebrohte. Rotbert de Bælesme þær wearð aflymed & Willelm Crispin gelæht & manige forð mid. Eadgar æþeling þe litle ær fram þam cynge to

[1106]

[1106]

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we is written over an erasure.

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þam eorle wæs gefaren þær wæs eac gefangen; þone let se cyng syððan sacleas faran. Syððan geeode se cyng eall þet on Normandige wæs & hit on his willan & geweald gesette. Ðises geares eac wæron swiðe hefige & sinlice gewinn betwux þam casere of Sex\l/ande & his sunu; & onmang þam gewinnan se fæder forðferde, & se sunu feng to þam rice. Millesimo.cvii. On þisum geare to Cristesmæssan wæs se cyng Henri on Normandig & þet land on his geweald dihte & sette, & þæræfter to længtene hider to lande com; & to Eastran his hired on Windlesoran heold & to Pentecosten on Westminstre & syððan eft to Augustes anginne on Westmynstre wæs, & þær þa biscopricen & abbodricen geaf & sette þe on Englelande1 oððe on Normandige buton ealdre & hyrde <wæron>. Ðera wæron swa fela swa nan man næs þe gemunde þet æfre ær swa fela togædere gyfene wæron. & æt

[1107]

þes ylcan (77r) syde, onmang þa o(d)ðre þe abbodrices underfengon, Ernulf þe ær wæs prior on Cantwarbyrig feng to þam abbodrice on Burh. Ðis wæs

rihtlice ymbe .vii. gear þæs þe se cyng Henri cynedomes onfeng, & wæs þet an and fowertigeðe gear þæs þe Francan þises landes weoldan. Manege sædon þet hi on þam monan þyses geares mistlice tacna gesawon & ongean cynde his leoman wexende & waniende. Ðises geares forðferdon Mauricius biscop on Lunden & Rotbert abbot on Sancte Eadmundes byrig & Ricard abbot on Elig. Ðises geares eac forðferde se cyng Eadgar on Scotlande idus Ianuarii, & feng Alexander his broðer to þam rice swa se cyng Henri him geuðe. Millesimo.cviii. Her on þisum geare wes se cyng Henri to Natiuiteð on Westmynstre & to Eastron on Winceastre & to Pentecosten eft on Westmynstre, & þæræfter toforan August he ferde into Normandig. & se cyng of France Philippus forðferde nonas Augusti, & feng his sunu Loðewis to þam rice, & wurdon syððon manege gewinn betwux þam cynge of France & þam of Englelande þa hwile þe he on Normandig wunode. On þisum geare eac forðferde se arcebiscop Girard of Eoferwic toforan Pentecosten, & wearð syððan Thomas þærto gesett. Millesimo.cix. Her on þison geare wæs se cyng Henri to Cristesmæssan & to Eastron on Normandig, & toforan Pentecosten hider to lande com & his hired on Westmynstre heold. Ðær wurdon þa forewarda full worhte & þa aðas gesworene his dohter þam casere to gifene. Ðises geares gewurdon swiðe fela þunra & þa swiðe ægeslice. And se arcebiscop Ansealm of Cantwarabyrig forðferde

[1108]

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Erasure between Englelande and oððe.

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on þam dæge .xi. kalendas Aprilis; & wæs se forma Easterdæg on Letania Maior. Millesimo.cx. On þisum geare heold se cyng Henri his hired to Cristesmæssan æt Westmynstre, & to Eastron (77v) he wæs æt Mærlebeorge, & to Pentecosten forman siþe his hired on þam niwan Windlesoran heold. Ðises geares sende se cyng toforan længtene his dohter mid mænigfealdan madman ofer sæ & hi þam casere forgeaf. On þære fiftan nihte on Maies monðe ætywde se mona on æfen beorhte scinende, & syððan litlan & litlan his leoht wanode swa þet he sona nihtes to þam swiðe mid ealle acwanc þet naþer ne leoht ne trændel ne nan þing mid ealle of him wæs gesæwen, & swa þurhwunode fullneah oð dæg & syðþan full & beorhte scinende ætywde; he wæs þæs ylcan dæges feowertyne nihta eald. Ealle þa niht wæs seo lyft swiðe clene & þa steorran ofer eall þa heofon swiðe beorhte scinende, & tr\e/owwæstmas wurdon þære nihte þurh forste swiðe fornumene. Ðæræfter on Iunies monðe ætywde an steorra norðan eastan, & his leoma stod toforan him on þet suðwest, & þus manega niht wæs gesæwen, & furðor nihtes syððan he ufor astah he wæs gesewen on bæc on þet norðwest gangende. Ðises geares wurdon belænde Philippus de Brause & Willelm Malet & Willelm Bainart. Eac þises geares forðferde Elias eorl þe þa Mannie of þam cynge Heanri geheold & onceow,1 & æfter his forsiðe feng to se eorl \of/ Angeow & hi togeanes þam cynge heold. Ðis wæs swiðe gedeorfsum gear her on lande þurh gyld þe se cyng nam for his dohter gyfte & þurh ungewædera, for hwan eorðwestmas wurdon swiðe amyrde & treowwestmas ofer eall þis land forneah eall forwurdon. Ðises geares me began ærost to weorcenne on þam niwan mynstre on Ceortesæge. Millesimo.cxi. On þison geare ne bær se kyng Henri his coronan to Cristesmæssan ne to Eastron ne to Pentecosten. & innan August he ferde ofer sæ into Normandig for unsehte þe wið him hæfdon sume be þam gemæran of France & swiðost for þam eorle of Angeow þe þa Mannie togeanes him heold; and (78r) syððan he þyder ofer com, manega unrada & bærnetta & hergunga hi heom betweonan gedydan. On þison geare forðferde se eorl Rotbert of Flandran, & feng his sunu Baldewine þærto. Ðises geares wæs swiðe lang winter & hefigtyme & strang, & þurh þet eorðwæstmas wurdon swiðe amyrde, & gewearð se mæsta orfcwealm þe ænig mann mihte gemunan.

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[1111]

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MS. oncweow.

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Millesimo.cxii. Eall þis gear wunode se cyng Henri on Normandig for þære unsehte þe he hæfde wið France & wið þone eorl of Angeow þe þa Mannie togeanes him heold. & onmang þam þe he þær wæs, he belænde þone eorl of Eureus & Willelm Crispin & ut of Normandi adraf, & Philippe de Braus his land ageaf þe ær wæs belænd, & Rotbert de Bælesme he let niman & on prisune don. Ðis wæs swiðe god gear & swiðe wistfull on wudan & on feldan, ac hit wæs swiðe hefigtyme & sorhfull þurh ormætne mancwealm. Millesimo.cxiii. Her on þison geare wæs se cyng Henri to Natiuiteð & to Eastron & to Pentecosten on Normandig. & þæræfter to sumeran he sænde hider to lande Rotbert de Bælesme into þam castele to Wærham, & him sylf sona þæræfter hider to lande com. Millesimo.cxiiii. On þison geare heold se cyng Henri his hyred to Natiuiteð on Windlesoran, & þæs geares syððan he ne heold hired nan oftar. And to middansumeran he ferde mid fyrde into Wealon, & þa Wyliscean coman & wið þone cyng griðedon, & he let þærinne castelas weorcean. & þæræfter innan September he for ofer sæ into Normandig. Ðises geares on æfteward Mai wæs gesewen an selcuð steorra mid langan leoman manege niht scinende. Eac on þis ylcan geare wæs swa mycel ebba æghwær anes dæges swa nan man æror ne gemunde & swa þet man ferde ridende & gangende ofer Tæmese be eastan þære brigge on Lunden. Þises geares wæron swiðe mycele windas on Octobris monðe, ac he wæs ormæte mycel on þa niht octabe Sancti Martini, & þet gehwær on wudan & on (78v) tunan gecydde. Eac on þisum geare se cyng geaf þet arcebiscoprice on Cantwarabyrig Raulfe se wæs æror biscop on Hrofeceastre. And se arcebiscop on Eoferwic Thomas forðferde, & feng Turstein þærto se wæs æror þæs cynges capelein. On þæs ylcan tyme feorde se cyng toweard þone sæ & ofer wolde, ac wæder him lætte. Þa hwile þa sende he his writ æfter þone abbot Ernulf of Burh & bebead him þet he efeostlice scolde to him cuman, forþi þet he wolde sprecon mid him dærne sprece. Ða he to him com, þa neodde he him to þam biscoprice of Hrofeceastre, & þa arcebiscopes & biscopes & þet dugeð þet wæs on Englalande forð mid se cyng. & he lange wiðstod, ac hit ne forheol naht, & se cyng þa bebead þone arcebiscop þet he sceolde him læden to Cantwarabyrig & blætson him to biscop, wolde he nolde he. Þis wæs don on þære tuna þa man cleopad Burne, þet wæs þes dæges .xvii. kalendas Octobris. Ða þe munecas of Burch hit herdon sægen, þa wæron hi swa sari swa hi næfre ær ne wæron, forði þet he wæs swiðe god & softe man & dyde mycel to gode, wiðinnan & wiðutan, þa hwile þe he þær wunode. God ælmihtig wunie æfre mid him! Ða sona þæræfter þa geaf se cyng þone abbotrice an munec of Sæis, Iohan wæs gehaten, þurh þæs arcebiscopes gearnunge of Cantwarbyrig, & sona þæræfter sende se cyng him & se arcebiscop of Cantwarbyrig to Rome

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\æfter þes ærcebiscopes pallium/1 & an \munec/2 mid him, Warner wæs3 gehaten, & þone ærcediæcne Iohan þes arcebiscopes neafe, & hi þær well spæddon. Ðis wæs don þes dæges .xi. kalendas Octobris on þone tuna þe man cleopað Rugenore, & þes ylces dæges eode se cyn\g/ on scipa on Portesmuðe.

[1115]

Millesimo.cxv. Her wæs se cyng Henri to Natiuiteð on Normandig; & onmang þam þe he þær wæs, he dyde þet ealle þa heafodmæn on Normandig dydon manræden & holdaðas his sunu Willelme þe he be his cwæne hæfde, & æfter þan syððan innon Iulies monðe hider into lande com. Ðises geares wæs swa strang winter mid snawe & mid forste swa nan man þe þa lifode (79r) ær þan nan strengre ne gemunde, & wearð þurh þet ungemæte orfcwealm. On þison geare sænde se papa Paschalis Raulfe ærcebiscop on Cantwarabyrig pallium hider to lande, & he his onfeng mid mycelan wurðscipe æt his arcestole on Cantwarabyrig; hine brohte Ansealm abbot of Rome se wæs nefa Ansealmes ærcebiscop \& se abbot Iohan of Burh/.1 Millesimo.cxvi. On þison geare wæs se cyng Henri to Natiuiteð æt Sancte Albane & þær let þet mynster halgian & to Eastron on1 Wudiham. & wes eac þyses geares swiðe hefigtyme winter & strang & lang wið orf & wið ealle þing. And se cyng æfter Eastron sona ferde ofer sæ2 into Normandig, & wurdon manega unrada & ræfunga & castelas genumene betwux France & Normandig. Mæst þis unsehte wæs forþan þe se cyng Henri fylste his nefan þam eorle Tædbalde de Blais þe þa wyrre hæfde togeanes his hlaforde þam cynge of France Loðewis. Ðis wæs swiðe geswincfull gear & byrstfull on eorðwæstman þurh þa ormæte reinas þe coman sona onforan August & swiðe gedrehton & geswencton þe gyt þe com Candelmæssan. Eac þis gear wæs swa gæsne on mæstene swa þet on eallon þison lande ne eac on Wealon ne gehyrde me of nanan segcean. Ðis land & þas leodan wurdon eac þyses geares oftrædlice sare geswencte þurh þa gyl\d/3 þe se cyng nam, ægðer ge binnan burgan & butan. On þisum ylcan geare bærnde eall þet mynstre of Burh &

[1116]

eallæ þa husas butan se Captelhus & se Slæpperne, & þærto eac bærnde eall þa

[1114]

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2 3 1 1 2 3

The insertion, which is in a different ink, is above the line, running into the right hand margin and the beginning of the subsequent line. The insertion is in the right hand margin in a different ink. wæs has been inserted above a subpuncted is in a different ink. The insertion is in the right hand margin in a different ink. Erasure between on and Wudiham. The æ of sæ has been altered from e. The d has been inserted above the line in a different ink.

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mæste dæl of þa tuna. Eall þis belamp on an Frigdæg, þet wæs .ii. nonas Augusti.

[1117]

Millesimo.cxvii. Eall þis gear wunode se cyng Henri on Normandig for þes cynges unsehte of France & his oðra nehhebura. & þa to ðan sumeran com se cyng of France & se eorl of Flandra mid him mid fyrde into Normandig & ane niht þærinne wunedon & on morgen butan gefeohte on(79v)gean ferden. & Normandig wearð swiðe gedreht, ægðer ge þurh gyld ge þurh fyrde þe se cing Henri þærongean gaderode. Eac þeos þeode þurh þis ylce þurh manigfealde gyld wearð strange geswenct. Ðises geares eac on þære nihte kalendas Decembris wurdon ormætlica wædera mid þunre & lihtinge & reine & hagole. And on þære nihte .iiio. idus Decembris wearð se mona lange nihtes swylce he eall blodig wære & syððan aðistrode. Eac on þære nihte .xvii. kalendas Ianuarii wæs seo heofon swyðe read gesewen swylce hit bryne wære. And on octabas Sancti Iohannis1 Euangelist0 wæs seo mycele eorðbyfung on Lumbardige, for hwan manega mynstras & turas & huses gefeollon2 & mycelne hearm on mannan gedydon. Ðis wæs swyðe byrstful gear on corne þurh þa renas þe forneh ealles geares ne geswicon. And se abbot Gilebert of Westmynstre forðferde .viii. idus Decembris, and Farits abbot of Abbandune .vii. kalendas Martii. And on þisum ylcan geare3 Millesimo.cxviii. Her eall þis gear wunode se cyng Henri on Normandig for þes cynges wyrre of France & þæs eorles of Angeow & þæs eorles of Flandran. & se eorl of Flandra warð innan Normandig gewundod & swa gewundo1 into Flandran for. Ðurh þisra unsehte wearð se cyng swyðe gedreht & mycel forleas, ægðer ge on feoh & eac on lande. & mæst hine dryfdon his agene mæn þe him gelome fram bugon & swicon & to his feondan cyrdon & heom to þæs cynges hearme & swicdome heora castelas ageafon. Eall þis strange gebohte Englaland þurh þa mænigfealdlice gyld þe ealles þises geares ne geswicon. On þison geare on þære wucon Theophanie wæs anes æfenes swyðe mycel lihtinge & ungemetlice slæge þæræfter. And seo cwen Mahald (80r) forðferde on Westmynstre þæs dæges kalendas Mai & þær wæs bebyrged. And se eorl Rotbert of Mellent þises geares eac forðferde. Eac on þison geare to Sancte Thomas mæsse wæs swa swiðe ungemetlice mycel

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The abbreviation of Iohannis here ends with is; elsewhere the abbreviation ends with es or s. The first o of gefeollon has been altered from another letter. Almost two lines are left blank here. MS. gewundon.

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wind þet nan man þe þa lifode nænne maran ne gemunde, & þet wæs æghwer geseone, ægðer ge on husan & eac on treowan. Ðises geares eac forðferde2 se papa Paschalis, & feng Iohan of Gaitan to þam papdome, þam wæs oðer nama Gelasius. Millesimo.cxix. Ðis gear eall wunode se cyng Henri on Normandig, & wæs þurh þæs cynges wyrre of France & eac his agenra manna, þe him mid swicdome fram wæron1 abugon, oftrædlice swyðe gedreht, oð ðet þa twegen cyngas innan Normandige mid heoran folcan coman togædere. Þær wearð seo cyng of France aflymed & ealle his betste mæn genumene. & syððan þæs cynges mæn Heanriges manega him to gebugen & wið hine acordedan þe æror mid heora castelan him togeanes wæron, & sume þa castelas he mid strengðe genam. Ðises geares ferde Willelm, þæs cynges sunu Heanriges & þære cwene Mahalde, into Normandige to his fæder & þær wearð him forgifen & to wife beweddod þæs eorles dohter of Angeow. On Sancte Michaeles2 mæsseæfen wæs mycel eorðbifung on suman steodan her on lande, þeah swyðost on Gloweceastrescire & on Wigreceastrescire. On þis ylcan geare forðferde se papa Gelasius on þas halfe þære muntan & wæs on Clunig bebyrged; & æfter him se arcebiscop of Uiana wearð to papan gecoren, þam wearð nama Calixtus, se syððan to Sancte Lucas mæssan euangelista com into France to Ræins & þær heold concilium. & se arcebiscop Turstein of Eoferwic þyder ferde, & forþi þe he togeanes rihte & togeanes þam arcestole on Cantwarabyrig & togeanes þæs cynges willan his had æt þam papan underfeng, him wiðcwæð se cyng ælces geanfares to Englalande, & he þus his arcebiscoprices þærnode & mid ðam (80v) papan towardes Rome for. Eac on þison geare forðferde se eorl Baldewine3 of Flandran of þam wundan þe he innan Normandige gefeng, & æfter him feng Carl his faðasunu to þam rice, se wæs Cnutes sunu þæs haligan cynges of Denmarcan. Millesimo.cxx. Ðises geares wurdon sehte seo cyng of Englelande & se of France, & æfter heora sehte acordedan ealle þæs cynges Heanriges agene mæn wið hine innan Normandige & se eorl of Flandran &1 se of Puntiw. Syððan heræfter sætte se cyng Henrig his castelas & his land on Normandi æfter his willan & swa toforan

[1119]

[1120]

[1118] [1119]

2 1

[1120]

2 3 1

The ð of forðferde has been altered from another letter (perhaps f ). The word mid is written between wæron and abugon but is underlined for deletion. The ae in Michaeles has been altered from al. Baldewine has been altered from Bab dewine by erasure of loop. Erasure between & and se.

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Aduent hider to lande for. & on þam fare wurdon adrncene þæs cynges twegen sunan Willelm & Ricard & Ricard eorl of Ceastre & Ottuel his broðor & swyðe manega of þæs cynges hired: stiwardas & burþenas & byrlas & of mystlicean wican & ungerim swyðe ænlices folces forð mid. Ðysra deað wæs heora freondan twyfealdlic sar: an þet hi swa fearlice þises lifes losedan, oðer þet feawa heora lichaman ahwær syððan fundena wæron. Ðises geares com þet leoht to Sepulchrum Domini innan Ierusalem twiges, ænes to Eastron and odre siðe to Assumptio Sanct0 Marie, swa swa geleaffulle sædon þe þanon coman. An se arcebiscop Turstein of Eoferwic wearð \þurh/ 2 þone papan wið þone cyng acordad & hider to lande com & his biscoprices onfeng, þeah hit þam arcebiscope of Cantwarabyrig swyðe ungewille wære. Millesimo.cxxi. Her wæs se cyng Henri to Cristesmæssan on Bramtune & þæ\r/æfter toforan Candelmæssan on Windlesoran him to wife forgyfen Aðelis & syððan to cwene gehalgod, seo wæs þæs heretogan dohtor of Luuaine. And se mona aþystrode on þære nihte non0 Aprilis (81r) & wæs .xiiii. luna. And se cyng wæs to Eastran on Beorclea, and þæræfter to Pentecosten he heold mycelne hired on Westmynstre and syððan þæs sumeres mid ferde into Wealan for, & þa Wyliscean him ongean coman, & æfter þes cynges willan hi wið hine acordedan. Ðises geares com se eorl of Angeow fram Ierusalem into his lande & syððan hider to lande sende. & his dohter let feccean, seo wæs Willelme þes cynges sune æror to wife forgyfan. And on þære nihte Uigilia Natalis Domini wæs swyðe mycel wind ofer eall þis land, & þet wearð on manegan þingan swyðe gesene. Millesimo.cxxoiio. On þis geare wæs se king Heanri on Cristesmæssan on Norhtwic, & on Pasches he weas on Norhthamtune. & on þone lententyde þærtoforen forbearn se burch on Gleawecestre. Þa hwile þe þa munecas sungen þære messe, & se dæcne hafde ongunnan þone godspel Preteriens Iesus, þa com se fir on ufenweard þone stepel & forbearnde ealle þe minstre & ealle þa gersumes þe þærbinnen wæron foruton feawe bec & .iii. messehakeles; þet wes \þes/ dæies .viii. idus Martii. & þæræfter þe Tywesdæi æfter Palmes Sunendæi wæs swiðe micel wind on þet dæi .xi. kalendas Aprilis. Þæræfter comen feale tacne wide hwear on Engleland, & feole dwild wearen geseogen & geheord. & þes niht .viii. kalendas Augusti wæs swiðe micel eorðdyne ofer eal Sumersetescire & on Gleawecestrescire. Siððon on þæs dæi .vi.

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[1122]

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2

þurh has been added in the main hand in the left hand margin.

121

MS. E

idus Septembris, þet wæs \on/ Sancte Mari0 messedæi, þa wearð swiðe micel wind fram þa undern dæies to þa swarte nihte. Þeos ilce geares forðferde Raulf seo ærcebiscop of Cantwarbyrig; þet wæs on þæs dæies .xiiio. kalendas Nouembris. Þæræfter wæron feole scipmen on sæ & on wæter & sædon þet hi sægon on norðeast fir micel & brad 1wið þone eorðe, & weax on lengþe up on an to þam (81v) wolcne, & se wolcne undide on fower healfe and faht þærtogeanes swilc hit scolde acwencen, & se fir weax na þa ma up to þe heouene. Þæt fir hi seagon in ðe dæirime, and læste swa lange þet hit wæs liht ofer2 eall; þet wæs þæs dæies .viio. idus Decembris. Millesimo.cxxoiiio. On þyssum geare wæs se king Henri on Cristestyde at Dunestaple, & þær comen þes eorles1 sandermen of Angeow to him. & þeonen he ferde to Wudestoke & his biscopes & his hird eal mid him. Þa tidde hit on an Wodnesdei, þet wæs on .iiiio. idus Ianuarii, þet se king rad in his derfald and se biscop Roger of Seresbyrig on an half him and se biscop Rotbert Bloet of Lincolne on oðer half him, & riden þær s<pr>ecende.2 Þa aseh dune se biscop of Lincolne & seide to þam kyng: ‘Laferd kyng, ic swelte.’ & se kyng alihte dune of his hors & alehte hine betwux his earmes & let hine beran ham to his inne; & wearð þa sone dead, & man ferode hine to Lincolne mid micel wurðscipe & bebyrigde hine toforen Sanct0 Mari0 wefod, & hine bebyrigde se biscop of Ceastre, Rotbert Pecceþ wæs gehaten. Ða sone þæræfter sende se kyng hise write ofer eal Englalande & bed hise biscopes & hise abbates & hise þeignes ealle þet hi scolden cumen to his gewitenemot on Candelmesse deig to Gleawceastre him togeanes; & hi swa diden. Ða hi wæran þær gegaderod, þa bed se kyng heom þæt hi scoldon cesen hem ærcebiscop to Cantwarabyrig swa hwam swa swa hi woldon, & he hem hit wolde tyþian. Ða spræcon ða biscopas hem betwenan and sæden þæt hi næfre mare ne wolden hafen munec(82r)hades man to ercebiscop ofer hem, ac3 iedon ealle samodlice to þone kyng and ieornden þet hi mosten cesen of clerchades man swa hwam swa swa hi wolden to ercebiscop; & se kyng hit hem tidde. Ðis wæs eall ear gedon ðurh se biscop of Seresbyrig & þurh se biscop of Lincolne ær he wære dead, forði þet næfre ne luueden hi munece regol, ac wæron æfre togænes

[1123]

[1122] [1123]

1 2 1 2 3

Erasure of three letters at the beginning of the line before wið. Erasure of three letters between ofer and eall. Erasure of two letters between eorles and sandermen. MS. s\r/pecende. Erasure between ac and iedon.

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muneces & here regol. And se prior & se munecas of Cantwarabyrig & ealle þa oðre þe ðær wæron munechades men hit wiðcwæðen fulle twa dagas, ac hit naht ne beheld, for se biscop of Særesbyrig wæs strang & wealde eall Engleland & wæs þærtogeanes eall þet he mihte & cuðe. Ða cusen hi an clerc, Willelm of Curboil wæs gehaten, he was canonie of an mynstre Cicc hatte, & brohten him toforen se kyng, & se kyng him geaf ðone ærcebiscoprice. & ealle þa biscopas him underfengen; him wiðcwæðen muneces & eorles & þeignes ealle mest þe þær wæron. On þa ilca tyma ferden þes eorles sandermen mid unsæhte fram kyng, na of his gyfe naht ne rohton. On þa ilca tyma com an legat of Rome, Henri wæs gehaten – he wæs abbot of Sancte Iohannis mynstre of Anieli, & he com æfter þe Romescot – & he sæde þone kyng þet hit wæs togeanes riht þet man scolde4 setten clerc ofer muneces, & swa swa hi hæfden cosen ærcebiscop5 æror in her\e/ capitele æfter rihte, ac se kyng hit nolde undon for þes biscopes luuen of Særesbyrig. Ða ferde se ærcebiscop sone þæræfter to Can\t/warabyrig & wæs þær underfangan þæh hit wære here unþancas & was þære sone gebletsod to biscop (82v) fram se biscop of Lundene & se biscop Ernulf of Roueceastre & se biscop Willelm Gifard of Winceastre & se biscop Bernard of Wales & se biscop6 Roger of Searesbyrig. Ða sone in þe lenten ferde se ærcebiscop to Rome æfter his pallium, & mid him ferde se biscop Bernard of Wales & Sefred abbot of Gleastingbyrig & Anselm abbot of Sancte Ædmund & Iohan ærcedæcne of Cantwarabyrig & Gifard, wæs þes kinges hirdclerc. On þa ilca tima ferde se ærcebiscop Ðurstan of Eoferwic to Rome þurh þes papes hese & com þider ðre dagas ær se ærcebiscop of Cantwarabyrig come & wæs þære underfangan mid micel wurðscipe. Ða com se ærcebiscop of Cantwarabyrig & wæs ðære fulle seoueniht ær he mihte cumen to þes papes spræce, þet wæs forþan þet hit wæs don ðone pape to understanden þet he hæfde underfangen ðone ærebiscoprice togeanes þa muneces of þe mynstre & togeanes rihte. Ac þet ofercom Rome þet ofercumeð eall weoruld, þet is gold & seolure, & se pape sweðolode & gaf him his pallium, & se ærcebiscop swor him underþeodnysse of ealle ða þing þet se papa him onleide on Sancte Petres heuod and Sancte Paules, &7 sende him ham ða mid his bletsunge. Ða hwile þet se

[1123]

4 5 6 7

Erasure between scolde and setten. Erasure between ærcebiscop and æror. Erasure between abbreviated biscop and Roger. Erasure between & and sende.

123

MS. E

ærcebiscop wæs ut of lande, geaf se kyng ðone biscoprice of Baðe þes cwenes canceler, Gode\f/reið wæs gehaten, he wæs boren of Luuein; þet wæs þes dæiges Annuntiatio Sancte Marie at Wudestoke. Ða sone þæræter 8 ferde se king to Winceastre & wæs eall Eastrentyde þære. & þa hwile þet he þær wæs, þa geaf he þone biscoprice of Lincolne an clerc Alexander wæs gehaten, he wæs þes biscopes nefe of Searesbyrig; þis he dyde eall for þes biscopes luuen. Ða ferde se kyng þenen to Portesmuðe & læi þære eall ofer Pentecostewuce; þa sone swa he hæfde wind swa ferde he ofer (83r) into Normandie & betæhte þa \eall/ Engleland to geamene & to wealden þone biscop Roger of Searesbyrig. Ða wæs se kyng eall þes geares in Normandie, & weax þa micel unfrið betwux him & hise þeignas, swa þet se eorl Walaram of Mellant & Hamalri & Hugo of Mundford & Willelm of Romare and fela oðre wendan fram him & helden here castles him togeanes. & se kyng held stranglice hem togeanes, & þes ylces geares he wan of Walaram his castel Punt Aldemer & of Hugo Mundford, & siððen he spedde æfre leong þe bet. Ðes ylce geares, ær se biscop of Lincolne com to his biscoprice, forbearn eall meast se burh of Lincolne, & micel ungerime folces wæpmen & wimmen forburnen, & swa mycel hearm þær wæs gedon swa nan man hit cuðe9 oþer secgen; þet wæs þes dæges .xiiiio. kalendas Iunii. Millesimo.coxxoiiiio. Eall þis gear wes se king Heanri on Normandi; þet wes for se miccle unfrið þet1 he heafde wið se king Loðewis of France & wið se eorl of Angeow & wið his agene men alremest. Þa gelamp hit on þes dæges Annuntiatio Sanct0 Marie þet se eorl Waleram of Mellant ferde fram his an castel Belmunt het to his an oðer castel Watteuile; mid him ferde þes kinges stiward of France Amalri & Hugo Gerueises sunu & Hugo of Munford & fela oðre godre cnihte. Þa comen \hem/ togeanes2 þes kinges cnihtes of3 ealla þa casteles ða þærabuton wæron & fuhton wið hem & aflemden hem & namen þone eorl Waleram & Hugo Gerueises sunu & Hugo of Mundford & fif & twenti oðre4 cnihtes & brohton hem to þone kinge. & se king let don þone eorl Waleram & Hugo Gerueises sunu on heftnunge5 on ðone castel on Roðem, & Hugo of

[1124]

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8 9 1 2 3 4 5

MS. þær ærter. Erasure between cuðe and oþer, with ðe of cuðe written over an erasure. Erasure between abbreviated þet and he. The a of togeanes has been altered from another letter (perhaps n). Erasure between of and ealla. Erasure between oðre and cnihtes. The scribe initially wrote heftninge, then subpuncted i and added u above.

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Mundford he sende to Eng\l/eland & let hine don on (83v) ifele bendas on þone castel on Gleucestre, & of þa oðre swa fela swa him þuhte he sende norð & suð to hise casteles on heftnunge. Ða siððon ferde se king & wan ealle þes eorles casteles Waleram þa wæron on Normandi & ealla þa oðre þa his wiðrewines healden him togeanes. Eall \was/ þes unfrið for þes eorles sunu Rotbert of Normandi,6 Willelm het. Se ilce Willelm hefde numen Fulkes eorles gingre dohter to wife of Angeow, & forði se7 king of France & ealle þas eorles heolden mid him8 & ealle þa rice men & sæidon þet se king heold his broðer Rotbert mid wrange on heftnunge & his9 sunu Willelm mid unrihte aflemde ut of Normandi. Ðes ilces geares wæron fæla untime on Englelande on corne & on ealle westme, swa þet betweonen10 Cristesmesse & Candelmesse man sælde þet acer sædhwæte, þet is twegen sedlæpas,11 to six scillingas, & þet bærlic, þet is12 þre sedlæpas, to six scillingas, & þet acer sædaten, þet \is/ feower sedlæpas, to feower scillingas. Þet wæs forþi þet corn wæs litel, & se penig wæs swa ifel þet se man þa hæfde at an market an pund, he ne mihte cysten þærof for nan þing twelfe penegas. On þes ilces geares forðferde se eadig biscop Ernulf of Roueceastre se æror13 wæs abbot on Burch; þet wæs þes dæies idus Martii. & þæræfter forðferde se king Alexander of Scotlande on þes dæies .ix. kalendas Mai. & Dauid his broðer, þa wæs eorl on Norðhamtunescire, feng to rice and hæfde ða baðe togedere þone kinerice on Scotlande & þone eorldom on Englelande. & on þæs dæies .xix. kalendas Ianuarii forðferde14 se pape on Rome, Calistus wæs gehaten, & Honorius (84r) feng to papedom. Ðes ilces geares æfter Sancte Andreas messe toforen Cristesmesse held Raulf Basset & þes kinges ðæines gewitenemot on Leþecæstrescire at Hundehoge & ahengen þær swa fela þefas swa næfre ær ne wæron: þet15 wæron on þa litle hwile ealles feower & feowerti manne, &16 six men spilde of here ægon & of here stanes. Fela

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Erasure, perhaps of a punctus, between Normandi and Willelm. Erasure between se and king. Erasure between him and &. Erasure between his and sunu. betweonen has an extra minim between the first e and t. The æ of sedlæpas has been formed from another letter (probably e). Erasure between is and þre. Small hole (but not right through the parchment) between ær and or in æror. Erasure between forð and ferde in forðferde. Erasure between þet and wæron. Erasure between & and six.

125

MS. E

soðfeste men sæidon þet þær wæron manege mid micel unrihte gespilde, oc ure Laford God ælmihtig, þa eall digelnesse seð & wat, he seoð þet man læt þet ærme folc mid ealle unrihte: ærost man hem beræfoð her eahte and siþðon man hem ofslæð. Ful heui gær wæs hit: se man þe æni god heafde, him me hit beræfode mid strange geoldes & mid strange motes; þe nan ne heafde stærf of hungor. Millesimo.coxxvo. On þis1 gær sende se king Henri toforen Cristesmesse of Normandi to Englalande2 & bebead þet man scolde beniman ealla þa minetere þe wæron on Englelande heora liman, þet wæs here elces riht hand & heora stanen beneðan;3 þet wæs for se man ðe hafde an pund he ne mihte cysten ænne peni at anne market. & se biscop Roger of Særesbyrig sende ofer eall Englalande & bebead hi ealle þet hi scolden cumen to Winceastre to Cristesmesse. Þa hi ðider coman, ða nam man an & an & benam ælc ðone riht hand & þa stanes beneðan. Eall þis wæs gedon wiðinnon þa twelf niht, & þet wæs eall mid micel rihte, forði þet hi hafden fordon eall þet land mid here micele fals þet hi4 ealle abohton. On þes ilces gæres sende se papa of Rome to ðise lande an cardinal, Iohan of Creme wæs gehaten. He (84v) com first to þone king on Normandi, & se king hine underfeng mid micel wurðscipe; beteahte hine siððon þone ærcebiscop5 Willelm of Cantwarabyrig, & he hine ledde to Cantwarabyrig, & he wæs þær underfangen mid micel wurðscipe & mid micel processionem, & he sang6 ðone heh messe on Eastrendæi æt Cristes wefod. & siððon he ferde ofer eall Englalande to ealle þa biscoprices & abbotrices þa wæron on þis lande, & ofer eall he wæs underfangen mid wurðscipe, & ealle hine iæfen micele gife & mære. & siððon he heold his concilie on Lundene fulle þreo dagas on Natiuitas Sanct0 Mari0 on September7 mid ærcebiscopes & mid leodbiscopes & abbotes & læred & lawed, & bead þær þa ilce8 lagas þa Anselm ærcebiscop hæfde æror beboden & feala ma, þeah hit litel forstode. & þeonon he for ofer sæ sone æfter Sancte Michaeles messe & swa to Rome, & se ærcebiscop Willelm of Cantwarabyrig & se ærcebiscop Turstein9

[1125]

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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Erasure between þis and gær. The g of Englalande has been formed from another letter. The ð of beneðan has been formed from o. Erasure between hi and ealle. Erasure between abbreviated ærcebiscop and abbreviated Willelm. Erasure between sang and ðone. The t of September has been altered from e. The l of ilce has been altered from c. The abbreviation for Turstein is T.

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of 10Eferwic & se biscop Alexander11 of Lincolne & se biscop of Loþene Iohan12 & se abbot of Sancte Alban Gosfreið,13 & wæran þær underfangen of þone pape Honorius mid micel wurðscipe, & wæron þære eall þone wintre. On ðes ilces geares wearð swa micel flod on Sancte Laurentius messedæig þet feola tunes & men weorðan adrencte & brigges tobrokene & corn & mædwe spilt mid ealle & hunger & cwealm on men & on erue, & on ealle westme swa micel untime wearð swa hit ne wæs feola gear ær. & þes ilces geares forðferde se abbot Iohan 14\of Burch on .ii. idus Octobris. Millesimo.coxxvi.1 Eall þis gear wæs se kyng/ Heanri on Normandi eall to æfter heruest. Þa com he to þis lande betwyx Natiuitas Sancte Marie & Michaeles messe; mid him com se cwen & his dohter þet he æror hafde giuen þone kasere Heanri o(n)f Loherenge to wife. & he brohte mid him (85r) þone eorl Waleram & Hugo Gerueises sunu, & þone eorl he sende to Brigge on heftnunge, & þeonon he sende him to Walingeforde siððon & Hugo to Windlesofra & let hine don on harde bande. & þa æfter Michaeles messe com se Scotte kyng Dauid of Scotlande hider to lande, & se king Heanri underfeng hine mid micel wurðscipe, & he wunode þa eall þet gear on þis lande.2 On þes ilces geares let se kyning nimen his broðer Rotbert fram þone biscop Roger of Særesbyri & betahte hine his sune Rotbert eorl of Gleucæstre, & let hine læden to Bricstowe & þær3 diden on þone castel. Þæt wæs eall don ðurh his dohtres ræd & þurh se Scotte kyng Dauid hire eam. Millesimo.coxxviio. Ðis gear heald se kyng Heanri his hird æt Cristesmæsse on Windlesoure. Þær wæs se Scotte kyng Dauid & eall ða heaued, læred & læuued, þet wæs on Engleland, & þær he let swere\n/ ercebiscopes & biscopes & abbotes & eorles & ealle þa ðeines ða þær wæron his dohter Æðelic Englaland & Normandi to hande æfter his dæi, þe ær wæs ðes caseres wif of Sexlande; & sende hire siððen to Normandi, & mid hire ferde hire broðer Rotbert eorl of Gleucestre & Brian þes eorles sunu Alein Fergan, &

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10 11 12 13 14

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1

2 3

Erasure at the beginning of the line before Eferwic. The abbreviation for Alexander is A. The abbreviation for Iohan is I. The abbreviation for Gosfreið is G. This insertion (which extends to se kyng in the next entry) has been inserted in paler ink over an erasure and also runs into the left hand margin. The abbreviation for Millesimo here is Mill’. The last two numerals (vi) of the annal-number have been altered from another number and followed by an erasure. The ink changes at this point to a much paler colour. The æ of ær has been altered in dark ink (perhaps to þar).

127

MS. E

lett1 hire beweddan þes eorles sunu of Angeow, Gosfreið Martæl wæs gehaten. Hit ofþuhte na þe ma ealle Frencisc & Englisc, oc se kyng hit dide for to hauene sibbe of se eorl of Angeow & for helpe to hauene togænes his neue Willelm. Ðes ilces gæres on þone lententide wæs se eorl Karle of Flandres ofslagen on ane circe þær he læi & bæd hine to Gode tofor þone we\o/fede amang þane messe fram his agene manne. & se kyng of France brohte þone eorles2 sunu Willelm of Normandi & iæf hine þone (85v) eorldom, & þet landfolc him wið toc. Þes ilce Willelm hæfde æror numen ðes eorles dohter of Angeow to wife, oc hi wæron siððen totweamde for sibreden; þet wes eall ðurh þone kyng Heanri of Engleland. Siððen þa nam he þes kynges wifes3 swuster of France to wife, & forþi iæf se kyng him þone eorldom of Flandres. Ðes ilce gæres he gæf þone abbotrice of Burch an abbot, Heanri wæs gehaten, of Peitowe, se hæfde his abbotrice Sancte Iohannis of Angeli on hande. & ealle þa ærcebiscopes & biscopes seidon þet hit wæs togeanes riht, & þet he ne mihte hafen twa abbotrices on hande. Oc se ilce Heanri dide þone king to understandene þet he hæfde læten his abbotrice for þet micele unsibbe þet wæs on4 þet land, & þet he dide ðurh þes papes ræd & leue of Rome & ðurh þes abbotes of Clunni & þurh þæt he wæs legat of ðone Romescott; oc hit ne wæs na ðe ma eallswa, oc he wolde hauen baðe on hande & swa hafde swa lange swa Godes wille wæs. He wæs on his clærchade biscop on Scesscuns; siððan warð he munec on Clunni & siððon prior on þone seolue minstre, & siððon he wærð prior on Sauenni. Þaræftor5 þurh þet he wæs ðes kynges mæi of Engleland & þes eorles of Peitowe, þa geaf se eorl him þone abbotrice of Sancte Iohannis minstre of Angeli. Siððon þurh his micele wrences ða beiæt he þone ærcebiscoprice of Besencun & hæfde hit þa on hande þre dagas; þa forlæs he þet mid6 rihte, forþi þet he hit hæfde æror beieten mid unrihte. Siððon þa beiet he þone biscoprice of Seintes, þet wæs fif mile fram his abbotrice, þet he hæfde fulneah seoueniht on hande; þenon brohte se abbot him of Clunni swa swa he æror dide of Besencun. Þa beþohte he him þet gif (86r) he mihte ben rotfest on Engleland þet he mihte habben \e/al his wille; besohte þa ðone kyng & sæide him þet he wæs eald man & [1127]

1 2 3 4 5 6

lett has been altered from leot. Erasure between eorles and sunu. Erasure between wifes and swuster. The o of on has been altered from a. Erasure between þar and æftor. The d in mid is over an erasure.

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forbroken man, & þet he ne mihte ðolen þa micele unrihte & þa micele unsibbe ða wæron on here land, & iærnde þa þurh him & ðurh ealle his freond namcuðlice þone abbotrice of Burhc, & se kyng hit him iætte, forði þet \he/ wæs his mæi, & forþi þet he wæs an hæfod ða að to swerene & witnesse to berene þær ða eorles sunu of Normandi & þes eorles dohter of Angeow wæron totwemde for sibreden. Þus earmlice wæs þone abbotrice gifen betwix Cristesmesse & Candelmesse at Lundene, & swa he ferde mid þe7 cyng to Wincestre, & þanon he com to Burch. & þær he wunede eallriht swa drane doð on hiue: eall þet þa beon dragen toward, swa frett þa drane & dragað fraward. Swa dide he: eall þet he mihte tacen wiðinnen & wiðuten, of læred & of læwed, swa he sende ouer sæ;8 & na god þær ne dide ne na god ðær ne læuede. Ne þince man na sellice þet we soð seggen, for hit wæs ful cuð ofer eall land þet swa radlice swa he þær com, þet wæs þes Sunendæies þet man singað Exurge Quare Obdormis Domine?, þa son þæræfter þa sægon & herdon fela men feole huntes hunten: ða huntes wæron swarte & micele & ladlice, & here hundes ealle swarte & bradegede & ladlice, & hi ridone on swarte hors & on swarte bucces. Þis wæs segon on þe selue derfald in þa tune on Burch & on ealle þa wudes ða wæron fram þa selua tune to Stanforde, & þa muneces herdon ða horn blawen þet hi blewen on nihtes. Soðfeste men9 heom kepten on nihtes; sæidon, þes þe heom þuhte, þet þær mihte wel ben abuton twenti oðer þritti hornblaweres. Þis wæs sægon & herd fram þet he þider com eall þet lentedtid on an to Eastren. (86v) 10Þis was his ingang; of his utgang ne cunne we iett noht seggon. God scawe fore! Millesimo.coxoxoviii. Eall þis geare weas se kyng Heanri on Normandi for þone unfrið þet wæs betwenen him & his nefe ðone eorl of Flandres. Oc se eorl wearð gewunded at an gefiht fram anne swein, & swa gewundod he for to Sancte Berhtines minstre & sone þear wearð munec & liuode1 siððon fif dagas, & he wearð þa dæd & þær bebyriged – God geare his sawle! – þet wæs ðes daies .vi. kalendas Augusti. Ðes ilces geares forðferde se biscop Randulf Passeflambard of Dunholme & þære bebyriged on nonas Septembris. & þes ilces geares ferde se forensprecene abbot Henri

[1128]

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7 8 9 10

[1128]

1

Erasure between þe and cyng. The æ of sæ has been altered from e. Erasure between men and heom. The writing is very faint from here to the end of the entry. An Anglo-French chronicle begins in the margins here. Erasure of fif between liuode and siððon.

129

MS. E

ham to his agen minstre to Peitou be þes kynges leue. He dide ðone king to understanden þet he wolde mid alle forlæten þone minstre & þet land & þær wunien mid him on Englalande & on ðone mynstre of Burh, oc hit ne was na ðe ma swa; he hit dide forði þet he wolde þurh his micele wiles ðear beon wær it tweolf monð oððe mare & siððon ongeon cumen. God ælmihtig haue his milce ofer þet wrecce stede! Ðes ilces geares com fram Ierusalem Hugo of þe temple to ðone kyng on Normandig, & se kyng him underfeng mid micel wurðscipe & micele gersumes him geaf on gold & on silure. & siððon he sende him to Englalande, & þær he wæs underfangen of ealle gode men, & ealle him geauen gersume & on Scotlande ealswa. & be him senden to Ierusalem micel eahte mid ealle on gold & on silure. & he bebead folc ut2 to Ierusalem; & þa for mid him & æfter him swa micel folc swa næfre ær ne dide siððon þet se firste fare was on Urbanes dæi pape, þeah hit litel behelde. He seide þet fulle feoht was sett betwenen ða Cristene & þa heðene; þa hi þider comen, ða ne was hit noht buton læsunge. Þus earmlice weard \eall/ þet folc \swengt/. (87r) Millesimo.coxxoixo. On ðis gear sende se kyng to Englaland æfter þone eorl Waleram & æfter Hugo Gerueises sunu, & þær hi gisleden hem. & Hugo ferde ham to his agen land to France, & Waleram belaf mid þone kyng, & se kyng him geaf eall his land buton his castel ane. Siððon þa com se kyng to Englaland innon heruest, & se eorl com mid him, & wurðon þa alswa gode freond swa hi wæron æror feond. Ða sone be þes kynges ræd & be his leue sende se ærcebiscop Willelm of Cantwarbyrig ofer eall Englaland & bead biscopes & abbotes & ærcedæcnes & ealle þa priores, muneces & canonias þa wæron on ealle þa cellas on Englaland, & æfter ealle þa þet Cristendome hæfdon to begemen & to locen, & þet hi scolden ealle cumen to Lundene at Michaeles messe & þær scolden sprecon of ealle Godes rihtes. Þa hi ðider comen, þa began þet mot on Monendæig & heold onan to ðe Fridæig. Þa hit eall com forð, þa weorð hit eall of earcedæcnes wifes & of preostes wifes þet hi scolden hi forlæten be Sanctes Andreas messe, & se þe þet ne wolden done forgede his circe & his hus & his ham & nefra ma nan1 clepunge þærto na hafde mare; þis bebæd se ærcebiscop Willelm of Cantwarabyrig & ealle þa leodbiscopes ða a2 wæron on

[1129]

[1128] [1129]

2 1 2

MS. u may have been formed from another letter. nan has been altered from nen. MS. wa.

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[1130]

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Englalande. & se kyng hem geaf ealle leue ham to farene, & swa hi ferdon ham. & ne forstod noht ealle þa bodlaces; ealle heoldon here wifes be þes kynges leue swa swa hi ear didon. Ðis ilces geares forðferde3 se biscop Willelm Giffard of Winceastre & þear bebyriged on .viii. kalendas Februarii; & se kyng Henri geaf þone biscoprice æfter Micheles messe þone abbot Henri his nefe of Glastingbyri, & he wæs gehalgod to biscop fram þone ærcebiscop Willelm of Cantwarabyri þes dæies .xv. kalendas Decembris. Þes ilces geares forðferde Honorius papa. 4Ær he wære wel ded, þa wære þær coren twa papes.4 (87v) Se an wæs gehaten Petrus: he wæs munec of Clunni & weas boren of þa ricceste men of Rome; mid him helden ða of Rome & se duc of Sicilie. Se oðer het Gregorius: he wæs clerc & wærð flemd ut of Rome fram þon oðer pape & fram his cinnesmen; mid him held se kasere of Sexlande & se kyng of France & se kyng He\a/nri of Engleland & ealle þa be þis half þa muntes. Nu wærð swa mycel dwyld on Cristendom swa it næfre ær ne wæs. Crist sette red for his wrecce folc! Ðis ilces geares on Sancte Nicholaes messeniht litel ær dæi wæs micel eorðdine. Millesimo.coxxxo.1 Ðis geares wæs se mynstre of Cantwarabyri halgod fram þone ærcebiscop Willelm þes dæies .iiiio. nonas Mai. Ðær wæron þas biscopes: Iohan of Roueceastre, Gilebert Uniuersal of Lundene, He\a/nri of Winceastre, Alexander of Lincolne, Roger of Særesbyri, Simon of Wigorceastre, Roger of Couentre, Godefreith of Bathe, Eourard of Noruuic, Sigefrid of Cic\a/estre, Bernard of Sancte Dauid, Audoenus of Euereus of Normandige, Iohan of Sæis. Þes feorðe dæges þæræfter wæs se king He\a/nri on Roueceastre, & se burch forbernde ælmæst, & se ærcebiscop Willelm halgede Sancte Andreas mynstre & ða forsprecon biscopes mid him. & se kyng Heanri ferde ouer sæ into Normandi on heruest. Ðes ilces geares com se abbot Heanri of Angeli æfter Æsterne to Burch & seide þet he hæfde forlæten þone mynstre mid ealle. Æfter him com se abbot Clunni Petrus gehaten to Englelande bi þes kynges leue & wæs underfangen ouer eall swa hwar swa he com mid mycel wurðscipe. To Burch he com & þær behet se abbot Heanri him þet he scolde beieton him þone mynstre of Burch þet hit scolde beon underðed into Clunni; oc2 man seið to

3 The ð of forðferde is written over an erasure, perhaps 4...4 Written over an erasure. ° 1 The abbreviation of Millesimo here is M. 2 The c of oc has been altered from another letter.

131

of f.

MS. E

biworde: ‘Hæge sitteð þa aceres dæleth.’ God ælmihtig adylege iuele ræde! & sone þæræfter ferde se abbot of Clunni ham to his ærde. Millesimo.cxxxi. (88r) Ðis gear æfter Cristesmesse on an Moneniht æt þe forme slæp wæs se heouene o ðe norð half eall swilc hit wære bærnende fir, swa þet ealle ðe hit sægon wæron swa offæred swa hi næfre ær ne wæron; þet wæs on .iii. idus Ianuarii. Ðes ilces geares wæs swa micel o\r/fcwalm swa hit næfre ær ne wæs on manne gemynd ofer eall Engleland – þet wæs on næt & on swin – swa þet on þa tun þa wæs tenn ploges oðer twelfe gangende, ne belæf þær noht an, & se man þa heafde twa hundred oðþe ðre1 hundred swin, ne beleaf him noht an. Þæræfter swulten2 þa hennefugeles; þa scyrte ða flescmete & se ceose & se butere. God hit bete þa his wille beð! & se kyng Heanri com ham to Engleland toforen heruest æfter Sancte Petres messe þe firrer. Ðes ilces geares for se abbot Heanri toforen Eastren fram Burch ofer sæ to Normandi & þær spreac mid þone kyng & sæide him þet se abbot of Clunni heafde him beboden þet he scolde cumen to him & betæcen him þone abbotrice of Angeli, & siðþen he wolde cumen ham be his læfe; & swa he ferde ham to his agen mynstre & þær wunode eall to midsumerdæi. & ðes oðer dæies æfter Sancte Iohannis messedæi cusen þa muneces abbot of hem self and brohten him into cyrce mid processionem, sungen Te Deum Laudamus, ringden þa belle, setten him on þes abbotes settle, diden him ealle hersumnesse swa swa hi scolden don here abbot. & se eorl & ealle þa heafedmenn & þa muneces of þa mynstre flemden se oðer abbot Heanri ut \of/ þa mynstre. Hi scolden nedes: on fif & twenti3 wintre ne biden hi næfre an god dæi. Her him trucode ealle his mycele cræftes; nu him behofed þet he crape in his mycele codde in ælc hyrne, gif þær wære hure an unwreste wrenc þet he mihte get beswicen anes Crist & eall Cristene folc. Þa ferde he into Clunni, & þær man him held þet he ne mihte na east na west; sæide se abbot of Clunni (88v) þet hi heafdon forloron Sancte Iohannis mynstre þurh him & þurh his mycele sotscipe. Þa ne cuþe he him na betre bote bute behet4 hem & aðes swor on halidom þet gif he moste Engleland secen þet he scolde begeton hem ðone mynstre of Burch, swa þet he scolde setten þær prior of Clunni & circeweard & hordere & reilþein, & ealle þa ðing þa wæron wiðinne mynstre &

[1131]

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1 2 3 4

The ð of ðre has been altered from t. The u of swulten has been altered from another letter. Erasure between twenti and wintre. Erasure between be and het.

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wiðuten, eall he scolde hem betæcen. Þus he ferde into France & þær wunode eall þet gear. Crist ræde for þa wrecce muneces of Burch & for þet wrecce \stede/ nu hem behofeð Cristes helpe & eall5 Cristenes folces. M.cxxxii.1 Ðis gear com Henri king to þis land. Þa com Henri abbot & uureide þe muneces of Burch to þe king forþi ðat he uuolde underþeden ðat mynstre to Clunie, sua ðat te king was welneh bepaht & sende efter þe muneces; & þur\h/ Godes milce & þur\h/ þe biscop of Seresbyri & te biscop of Lincol & te oþre rice men þe þer wæron, þa wiste þe king ðat he feorde mid suicdom. Þa he nammor ne mihte, þa uuolde he ðat his nefe sculde ben abbot in Burch, oc Crist it ne uuolde. Was it noht suithe lang þerefter þat2 te king sende efter him & dide him gyuen up ðat abbotrice of Burch & faren ut of lande, & te king iaf ðat abbotrice an prior of Sancte Neod, Martin was gehaten; he com on Sancte Petres messedei mid micel wurscipe into the minstre. M.cxxxv. On þis gære for se king Henri ouer sæ æt te Lammasse; & ðat oþer dei þa he lai an slep in scip, þa þestrede þe dæi ouer al landes, & uuard þe sunne suilc als it uuare thre niht ald mone, an sterres abuten him at middæi. Wur\þ/en men suiðe ofuundred & ofdred, & sæden ðat micel þing sculde cumen herefter; sua dide, for þat ilc gær warth þe king ded ðat oþer dæi efter Sancte Andreas massedæi on Normandi. Þa þestre sona þas landes, for æuric man sone ræuede oþer þe mihte. Þa namen1 his sune & his frend & brohten his lic to Engleland & bebiriend in Redinge. God man he wes, & micel æie wes of him: durste nan man misdon wið oðer on his time; pais he makede men & dær; wua sua bare his byrthen gold & sylure, durste nan man sei to him naht bute god. (89r) Enmang þis was his nefe cumen to Engleland Stephne de Blais, & com to Lundene, & te lundenisce folc him underfeng & senden 0fter þe ærcebiscop Willelm Curbuil, & halechede him to kinge on midewintre dæi. On þis kinges time wes al unfrið & yfel & ræflac, for agenes him risen sona þa rice men þe wæron swikes, alre fyrst Balduin de Reduers, & held Execestre agenes him, & te king it besæt, & siððan Balduin acordede. Þa tocan þa oðre & helden her castles agenes him, & Dauid king of Scotland toc to uuerrien him;

[1132]

[1135]

[1131] [1132]

5 1

[1135]

2 1

Erasure between eall and Cristenes. The last two numerals (ii) have been formed from another number and over an erasure. The þ of þat is written over an erasure. The a of namen is written partly over an erasure.

133

MS. E

þa, þohuuethere þat, here sandes feorden betwyx heom, & hi togædere comen & wurðe sæhte, þoþ it litel forstode. M.cxxx\vii/. Ðis gære for þe \king/ Stephne ofer sæ to Normandi & ther wes underfangen, forþi ðat hi uuenden ðat he sculde ben alsuic alse the eom wes, & for he hadde get his tresor, ac he todeld it & scatered sotlice. Micel hadde Henri king gadered gold & syluer, & na god ne dide me for his saule tharof. Þa \þe/ king Stephne1 to Englaland com, þa macod he his gadering æt Oxeneford, & þar he nam þe biscop Roger of Serebyri & Alexander biscop of Lincol & te canceler Roger hise neues & dide ælle in prisun til hi iafen up here castles. Þa the suikes undergæton ðat he milde man was & softe & god & na iustise ne dide, þa dide\n/ hi alle wunder. Hi hadden him manred maked2 & athes suoren, ac hi nan treuthe ne heolden; alle he wæron forsworen & here treothes forloren, for æuric rice man his castles makede & agænes him heolden & fylden þe land ful of castles. Hi suencten suyðe þe uurecce men of þe land mid castelweorces; þa þe castles uuaren maked, þa fylden hi mid deoules & yuele men. Þa namen hi þa men þe hi wenden ðat ani god hefde\n/, bathe be nihtes & be dæies, carlmen & wimmen, & diden heom \in prisun/ &3 pined heom efter gold & syluer untellendlice pining, for ne uuæren næure nan martyrs swa pined alse hi wæron. Me henged up bi the fet & smoked heom mid ful smoke. Me henged bi the þumbes4 other bi the hefed & hengen bryniges on \her/ fet. Me dide cnotted strenges abuton here (89v) hæued & uurythen it5 ðat it gæde to þe \h/ærnes. Hi diden heom in quarterne þar nadres & snakes & pades wæron inne, & drapen heom swa. Sume hi diden in crucethus, ðat is in an c0ste þat was scort & nareu & undep, & dide scærpe stanes þerinne & þrengde þe man þærinne ðat him bræcon alle þe limes. In mani of þe castles wæron lof & grin, ðat wæron rachenteges ðat twa oþer thre men hadden onoh to bæron onne; þat was sua maced: ðat is fæstned to an beom, & diden an scærp iren abuton þa mannes throte & his hals ðat he \ne/ myhte nowiderwardes ne sitten ne lien ne slepen, oc bæron al ðat iren. Mani þusen hi drapen mid hungær. I ne can ne I ne mai tellen alle þe wunder ne alle þe pines ðat hi diden wrecce men on þis

[1137]

[1137]

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4 5

The abbreviation for Stephne here is S. Erasure between maked and &. MS. efter gold & syluer & pined heom, with marks denoting that & pined heom should precede efter gold & syluer. See Ker, ‘Some Notes on the Peterborough Chronicle’, pp. 137–8. Erasure between abbreviated þumbes and other. For the reading it in preference to to, see Ker, ‘Some Notes on the Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 138.

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land; & ðat lastede þa .xix. wintre wile Stephne was king, & æure it was uuerse & uuerse. Hi læiden gæildes o\n/ the tunes æure um wile & clepeden it tenserie. Þa þe uurecce men ne hadden nammore to gyuen, þa ræueden hi & brendon alle the tunes, ðat wel þu myhtes faren al a dæis fare, sculdest thu neure finden man in tune sittende ne land tiled. Þa was corn dære & flec & cæse & butere, for nan ne wæs o þe land. Wrecce men sturuen of hungær;6 sume ieden on ælmes þe waren sum wile rice men, sume flugen ut of lande. Wes næure gæt mare wre\c/cehed on land ne næure hethen men werse ne diden þan hi diden, for ouer sithon ne forbaren \hi/ nouther circe ne cyrceiærd, oc namen al þe god ðat þarinne was & brenden sythen þe cyrce & al tegædere. Ne hi ne forbaren biscopes land ne abbotes ne preostes, ac ræueden munekes & clerekes, & æuric man other þe ouermyhte. Gif twa men oþer .iii. coman ridend to an tun, al þe tunscipe flugæn for heom, wenden ðat hi wæron ræueres. Þe biscopes & lered men heom cursede æure, oc was heom naht þarof, for hi uueron al forcursæd & forsuoren & forloren. War sæ me tilede, þe erthe ne bar nan corn, for þe land was al fordon mid suilce dædes. & hi sæden openlice ðat Crist slep & his halechen. Suilc & mare þanne we cunnen sæin we þolenden .xix. wintre for ure sinnes. (90r) On al þis yuele time heold Martin abbot his abbotrice .xx. wintre & half gær & .viii. dæis mid micel suinc, & fand þe munekes & te gestes al þat heom behoued & heold mycel carited in the hus & þoþwethere wrohte on þe circe & sette þarto landes & rentes & goded it suythe & læt it refen & brohte heom into þe neuuæ7 mynstre on Sancte Petres mæssedæi mid micel wurtscipe; ðat was anno ab incarnatione Domini Millesimo .cxl. a combustione loci .xxiii. & he for \to/ Rome & þær wæs wæl underfangen fram þe pape Eugenie & begæt thare priuilegies: an of alle þe landes of þabbotrice & an oþer of þe landes þe lien to þe circewican; & gif he leng moste8 liuen, alse he mint to don of þe horderwycan. & he begæt in landes þat rice men hefden mid strengthe: of Willelm Malduit þe heold Rogingham þæ castel he wan Cotingham & Estun, & of Hugo of Walteuile he uuan Hyrtlingbyri & Stanewig & .lx. solidos of Aldewingle \ælc gær/. & he makede manie munekes & plantede winiærd & makede mani weorkes & wende þe tun betere þan it ær wæs & wæs god munec & god man, & forþi him luueden God & gode men.9 Nu we willen [1137]

6 7 8 9

The gær of hungær is written over an erasure. The æ of neuuæ may have been formed from another letter. Erasure (occupying space for three or four letters) between moste and liuen. The scribe begins a new line at this point.

135

MS. E

sægen sum del wat belamp on Stephnes kinges time. On his time þe Iudeus of Noruuic bohton an Cristen cild beforen Estren & pineden him alle þe ilce pining ðat ure Drihten was pined & on Lang Fridæi him on rode hengen for ure Drihtines luue & sythen byrieden10 him; wenden ðat it sculde ben forholen, oc ure Dryhtin atywede ðat he was hali martyr. & t<e>11 munekes him namen & bebyried him heglice in þe minstre, & he maket þur ure Drihtin wunderlice & manifældlice miracles, & hatte he Sanct Willelm. M.cxxxvi\ii/. On þis gær com Dauid king of Scotland mid ormete færd to þis land; wolde winnan þis land, & him com togænes Willelm eorl of Albamar þe þe king adde beteht Euorwic & t<e>1 other æuez men mid fæu men & fuhten wid heom & flemden þe king æt te Standard & sloghen suithe micel of his genge. (90v) M.cxl. On þis gær wolde þe king Stephne tæcen Rodbert eorl of Gloucestre þe kinges sune Henries, ac he ne myhte, for he wart it war. Þerefter 1 þe lengten þestrede þe sunne & te dæi abuton nontid dæies þa men eten, ðat me lihtede candles to æten bi, & þat was .xiii. kalendas Aprilis; wæron men suythe ofwundred. Þerefter fordfeorde Willelm ærcebiscop of Cantwarbyri, & te king makede Teodbald ærcebiscop þe was abbot in the Bec. Þerefter wæx suythe micel uuerre betuyx þe king & Randolf eorl of Cæstre, noht forþi ðat he ne iaf him al ðat he cuthe axen him, alse he dide alle othre, oc æfre þe mare he iaf heom, þe wærse hi wæron him. Þe eorl heold Lincol agænes þe king & benam him al ðat he ahte to hauen. & te king for þider & besætte him & his brother Willelm de R[om]are in þe castel. & te æorl stæl ut & ferde efter Rodbert eorl of Glou[c]estre & brohte him þider mid micel ferd, & fuhten suyth02 on Ca[nd]elmasse dæi agenes heore lauerd & namen him, for his me[n h]im suyken & flugæn, & læd him to Bristowe & diden þar in prisun & [in fe]teres. Þa was al Engleland styred mar þan ær wæs, & al yuel wæ[s i]n lande. Þerefter com þe kinges dohter Henries, þe hefde ben Emperic[e in] Alamanie & nu wæs cuntesse in Angou, & com to Lundene, & te lundenissce folc hire wolde tæcen, & scæ fleh & forles þar mic[el. Þ]erefter þe biscop of Wincestre, Henri þe kinges brother Stephnes, s[pa]c wid Rodbert eorl & wyd þemperice & suor heom athas ðat he neure ma mid te king his brother wolde

[1138]

[1140]

[1137] [1138] [1140]

10 11 1 1 2

The d of byrieden has been altered from n. MS. to. MS. to. MS. hi. The y of suyth0 has been altered from i. See Ker, ‘Some Notes on the Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 138.

136

TEXT

halden & cursede alle þe men þe mid [him h]eoldon & sæde heom ðat he uuolde iiuen heom up Wincestre & dide [heom] cumen þider. Þa hi þærinne wæren, þa com þe kinges cuen m[id a]l hire strengthe & besæt heom, ðat þer wæs inne micel hungær. Þa hi ne leng ne muhten þolen, þa stali hi ut & flugen; & hi wurthen war widuten & folecheden heom & namen Rodbert eorl of Gloucestre & ledden him to Rouecestre & diden him þare in prisun. & te emperice fleh into an minstre. (91r) Þa feorden þe wise men betwyx þe kinges freond & te eorles freond & sahtlede sua ðat me sculde leten ut þe king of prisun for þe eorl & te eorl for þe king, & sua diden. Sithen þerefter saleden3 þe king & Randolf eorl at Stanford & athes suoren & treuthes fæston ðat her nouþer sculde besuyken4 other, & it ne forstod naht, for þe king him sithen nam in Hamtun þurhc wicci ræd & dide him in prisun, & efsones he let him ut þurhc wærse red, to ðat forewarde ðat he suor on halidom & gysles fand þat he alle his castles sculde iiuen up. Sume he iaf up, & sume ne iaf he noht, & dide þanne wærse þanne he hær sculde. Þa was Engleland suythe todeled: sume helden mid te king & sume mid þemperrice, for þa þe king was in prisun, þa wenden þe eorles & te rice men þat he neure mare sculde cumen ut, & sæh\t/leden wyd þemperice & brohten hire into Oxenford & iauen hire þe burch. Þa þe king was ute, þa herde ðat sægen & toc his feord & besæt hire in þe tur. & me læt hire dun on niht of þe tur mid rapes & stal ut, & scæ fleh & iæde on fote to Walingford. Þærefter scæ ferde ouer sæ, & hi of Normandi wenden alle fra þe king to þe eorl of Angæu, sume here þankes & sume here unþankes, for he besæt heom til hi aiauen up here castles, & hi nan helpe ne hæfden of þe king. Þa ferde Eustace þe kinges sune to France & nam þe kinges suster of France to wife; wende to bigæton Normandi þærþurh, oc he spedde litel & be gode rihte, for he was an yuel man. For ware se he [com he d]ide5 mare yuel þanne god: he reuede þe landes & læide mic[ele gelde]s on. He brohte his wif to Engleland & dide hire in þe caste[l on Can]tebyri. God wimman scæ wæs, oc scæ hedde litel blisse mid him. & Crist ne wolde ðat he sculde lange rixan, & wærd ded & his moder beien, & te eorl of Angæu wærd ded, & his sune Henri toc to þe rice. & te cuen of France todælde fra þe king, & scæ com to þe iunge eorl Henri, & he toc hire to wiue & al (91v) Peitou mid hire. Þa ferde he mid micel færd into Engl[ela]nd & wan castles, & te [1140]

3 4 5

MS. sa\t/hleden. The y of besuyken has been altered from i. See Ker, ‘Some Notes on the Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 138. Rectangle-shaped hole cut from parchment affecting three lines.

137

MS. E

king ferde agenes him mid micel mare ferd. & þoþwæthere fuhtten hi noht, oc ferden þe ærcebiscop & te wise me\n/ betwyx6 heom & makede ðat sahte ðat te king sculde ben lauerd & king wile he liuede & æfter his dæi ware Henri king, & he held\e/ him for fader & he him for sune, & sib & sæhte sculde ben betwyx heom & on al Engleland. Þis & te othre foruuardes þet hi makeden suoren to halden þe king & te eorl & te biscopes & te eorles & rice men alle. Þa was þe eorl underfangen æt Wincestre & æt Lundene mid micel wurtscipe, & alle diden him manred & suoren þe pais to halden, & hit ward sone suythe god pais sua ðat neure was here. Þa was þe king strengere þanne he æuert her was, & te eorl ferde ouer sæ, & al folc him luuede for he dide god iustise & makede pais. M.liiii. On þis gær wærd þe king Stephne ded & bebyried þer his wif \& his sune/ wæron bebyried æt Fauresfeld, þæt minstre hi makeden. Þa þe king was ded, þa was þe eorl beionde sæ, & ne durste nan man don oþer bute god for þe micel eie of him. Þa he to Engleland com, þa was he underfangen mid micel wurtscipe & to king bletcæd in Lundene on þe Sunnendæi beforen midwintre dæi, & held þære micel curt. Þat ilce dæi þat Martin abbot of Burch sculde þider faren, þa sæclede he & ward ded .iiii. nonas Ianuarii. & te munekes innen dæis cusen oþer of heomsælf, Willelm de Walteuile is gehaten, god clerc & god man & wæl luued of þe king & of alle gode men. & o[n morg]en1 byrieden þabbot hehlice. & sone þe cosan abbot ferde & te muneces [mid him to] Oxenforde to þe king, [& he] iaf him þat abbotrice. & he ferde him son[e to Linco]l & wæs þ[ær bletcæd to] abbot ær he ham come & [sithen] was underfangen [mid mic]el [wurtscipe at] Burch mid [mice]l processiun, & sua he was alsua at Ramesæie & at Torneie & at Cruland & Spallding & at Sancte Albanes & F[. . .] & [nu is] abbot & fa[ir] haued begunnon. Crist him un[ne þus enden]!

[1154]

[1140]

6

[1154]

1

For the reading betwyx here in preference to betwux, see Ker, ‘Some Notes on the Peterborough Chronicle’, p. 138. The rectangular hole mentioned above affects three lines here. I adopt Clark’s reconstruction on morgen rather than Plummer’s on cyricen.

138

INDICES

INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES GENERAL Adrianus [Pope Hadrian I] 785 (Adrianum, dat.), 794 Æthelic [daughter of Henry I] 1127 Ætla [Attila, king of the Huns] 443 (Ætlan, dat.) Agabus [foreteller of famine in Syria] 47 (Agabum, L. acc.) Agatho [Pope Agatho] 675, 963 Alein Fergan [duke of Brittany] 1127 Alexander [Pope Alexander I] 114 Ambrosius [St Ambrose] Sancte Ambrosius mæsseniht 1095 Andreas [St Andrew] 30, 656; Sanctus Andreas mæssan 1010; Sanctus Andreas mæssan 1016; Sancte Andreas messe 1124; Sanctes Andreas messe 1129; Sancte Andreas mynstre 1130; Sancte Andreas massedæi 1135 Anphos [Alphonso VI, king of Spain] 1086 Archelaus [son of Herod the Great] 2 Arnulf [count of Flanders] 1070 Augustus [title conferred on Charlemagne] 800 Auitianus [archbishop of Rouen] 311 Aurelius [Aurelius Verus, Roman emperor and brother of Marcus Antonius] 155 Baldewine [Baldwin V, count of Flanders] 1037, 1045, 1046a, 1046b, 1048, 1064 Baldewine [Baldwin VI, count of Flanders and son of Baldwin V] 1070 Baldewine [Baldwin VII, count of Flanders and son of Robert, count of Flanders] 1111, 1119 Bartholome [St Bartholomew] 883 (Bartholomee, dat.) Bassianus [Roman emperor and son of Severus, also known as Caracalla] 189 Benedictus [St Benedict of Nursia] monasterium Sancti Benedicti 596; Sanctus Benedictus regule 1086 Benedictus [Pope Benedict VIII] 1022 (Benedicte, dat.) Benedictus [Pope Benedict X] 1058, 1059 Beorngar [margrave of Friuli and joint king of Lombardy with Witha] 887 Berhtin [St Bertin] Sancte Berhtines minstre 1128 Boniface [Pope Boniface V] 627 Brian [son of Alein Fergan] 1127 Bricius [St Brice] Bricius messedæg 1002 Calixtus [Pope Calixtus II] 1119, 1124 (Calistus) Carl [Charles the Fat, king of the Franks] 887 Carl [Count of Flanders and nephew of Baldwin VII] 1119, 1127 (Karle, nom.) Carl [Charles the Bald, king of the Franks] 855 (Karles, gen.), 885 Celestinus [Pope Celestine I] 430 (Celestine, dat), 433 Cireneius 812 Cirillus Alexandrinus [patriarch of Alexandria] 433 Claudius [Roman emperor] 47, 47 (Claudie, dat.) Clemens [Pope Clement I] 101 Cornelius [Pope Cornelius] 254 Crist [Christ] 60 BC, 1, 2, 30, 33, 431 (Christi, L. gen.), 565, 616, 636, 654, 656, 675, 680, 688,

141

INDICES

774, 885, 963, 1013, 1070, 1086, 1125, 1129, 1131, 1132, 1137, 1140, 1154; Cristes cyrc(e)an 996, 1020, 1048, 1058; Cristes cyrce 1067 Damasus [Pope Damasus I] 379 (Damaso, L. abl.) Dioclitianus [Roman emperor] 167 Dionisius [arranger of the Paschal cycle] 528, 625 (Dionisii, L. gen.) Dioscorus [heretic] 449 (Dioscorum, L. acc.) Domitianus [Roman emperor and brother of Titus] 84 Earnulf [nephew of Charles the Fat] 887 Eglaf [Swedish leader] 1025 Eleutherius [bishop of Rome and also Pope] 167, 202 Elias [count of Maine] 1099, 1110 Erodes [Herod Agrippa I] 46 Eugenie [Pope Eugenius III] 1137 Eunomius [heretic] 379 (Eunomium, L. acc.) Eutices [abbot and heretic] 449 (Euticem, L. acc.) Faramundus [first king of the Franks] 425 Florentinus [St Florentine] Sancte Florentines lichama 1013 Fulk [count of Anjou] 1124 (Fulkes, gen.) Gaius [Roman emperor, also known as Caligula] 39 Gelasius [Pope Gelasius II, name assumed by John of Gaeta] 1118, 1119 Georius [recte Georgius, St George] Sanctus Georius mæssedæge 1016 Gerueis [father of Hugo] 1124, 1126, 1129 Geza [Geta, son of Severus] 189 God 596, 616, 626, 654, 656, 675, 684, 793, 797, 855, 883, 890 (Deo, L. abl.), 959, 963, 979, 994, 1009, 1011, 1012, 1016, 1041, 1048, 1052, 1066, 1070, 1083, 1085b, 1086, 1087, 1093, 1100, 1104, 1114, 1127, 1128, 1129, 1130, 1131, 1132, 1135, 1137 Godune [bishop of Lyons] 693 Gosfreith Martæl [count of Anjou] 1127 Gratianus [Western Roman emperor] 379, 380 (Gratianum, L. acc.) Gregorius [Pope Gregory I] 565, 591, 592, 596, 601, 605; Sanctus Gregorius 785 Gregorius [Pope Innocent II] 1129 Hamalri [father-in-law of Walaran, count of Meulan] 1123, 1124 (Amalri) Harold [Harold Harfager, king of Norway] 952 Heanri [Henry V, Holy Roman emperor] 1126 Henricus [Henry III, Holy Roman emperor] 1056 Henricus [Henry IV, son of Henry III] 1056 Henricus [Henry I, king of the French] 1060 Herodes [Herod Antipas] 12 Herodus [Herod the Great] 2 (Herode, dat.) Honorius [Pope Honorius I] 627, 627 (Honorium, acc.), 633 Honorius [Pope Honorius II] 1124, 1125, 1129 Hrothulf [king of the Middle Frankish kingdom] 887 Iacobus [St James the apostle] 30, 46 (Iacobum, L. acc.) Iacobus, frater Domini [St James, the brother of Christ] 62 Iesus godspel Preteriens Iesus 1122 Ignatius [bishop of Antioch] 110 Innocentius [Pope Innocent I] 403 Iohan of Gaitan [John of Gaeta] 1118. See Gelasius Iohannes [St John the apostle] 30 Iohannes [St John the evangelist] 87, 100; octabas Sancti Iohannis Euangelist0 1117; Sancte Iohannis mynstre 1123; Sancte Iohannis minstre of Angeli 1127; Sancte Iohannes messedæi, Sancte Iohannes mynstre 1131

142

PERSONAL NAMES: GENERAL

Iohannes [Pope John IV] 625 Iudas [Judas Iscariot] 675; Iudas Scarioth 1087 Iudas [St Jude] Sancte Simones & Iudan mæsseæfen 1064 Karl. See Carl Karolus [Charlemagne, king of the Franks] 778, 788, 796 (Karoli, L. gen.), 800, 810, 812 (Karl), 812 (Karolo, L. dat.) Labienus [Julius Caesar’s ‘reeve’] 60 BC Laurentius [St Laurence] Sancte Laurentius mæssedæg 1103; Sancte Laurentius messedæig 1125 Leo [Pope Leo I] 439 Leo [Pope Leo III] 797 (Leone, dat.), 800 (Leonem, L. acc.), 813 (Leon, gen.), 814 Leo [Pope Leo IX] 1046b, 1054 Lothen [a Viking] 1046a Lothewis [Louis VII, king of the French and son of Phillip I] 1108, 1116, 1124 Lucas [St Luke] Sancte Lucas mæssan 1119 Macedonius [heretic] 379 (Macedonum, L. acc.) Mamertus [bishop of Vienne] 490 Marcus [St Mark] 63 Marcus Antonius [Roman emperor and brother of Aurelius Verus] 155 Maria [St Mary the Virgin] mynstre Sancte Marie 656; Sancta Marian cyrican 874; Natiuitas Sancte Marie 994; Natiuitas Sancte Marie 1011; Natiuitas Sancte Mari0 1015; Sancta Maria mæssan 1048; Sancta Marian mæssan 1069; Assumptio Sancte Mari0 1077; þam twam Mariam mæssan 1079; Assumptio Sancte Marie, Natiuitas Sancte Marie 1086; Assumptio Sanct0 Marie 1120; Sancte Mari0 messedæi 1122; Sanct0 Mari0 wefod, Annuntiatio Sancte Marie 1123; Annuntiatio Sanct0 Marie 1124; Natiuitas Sanct0 Mari0 1125; Natiuitas Sancte Marie 1126 Marinus [Pope Marinus I] 883, 885 Martianus [Western Roman emperor and joint ruler with Valentinus] 449 Martinus [St Martin of Tours] on Martines naman 565; Martinus mæssan 1006; Sanctus Martinus mæssan 1009; Martinus mæssan 1021; Sancte Martine 1061; onbutan Martines mæssan 1089; Sancte Martines mæssan 1097; Sancte Martines mæssedæg 1099; Sancte Martines mæssedæg 1100; octabas Sancti Martini 1114 Mauricius [Eastern Roman emperor] 583 Maximus [Western Roman emperor] 380 Michael [St Michael] Sancte Michaeles tyde 759; Sancte Michaeles mæssan 1011; Sancte Michæles mæsseæfan 1014; Sancte Michaeles mæssedæg 1066; Michaeles mæssedæg 1086; Sancte Michæles mæssan 1091; Sancte Michaeles mæsse 1095; Sancte Michaeles mæssan 1097; Sancte Michaeles mæssan 1098; Sancte Michaeles mæssan 1099; Sancte Michaeles mæssan 1100; Sancte Michaeles mæsse 1101; Sancte Michaeles mæssen 1102; Sancte Michaeles mæssan 1103; Sancte Michaeles mæsseæfen 1106; Sancte Michaeles mæsseæfen 1119; Sancte Michaeles messe 1125; Michaeles messe 1126; Michaeles messe 1129 Moyses [Moses] 431 (Moysi, L. gen.) Nero [Roman emperor] 47 Nestorius [bishop of Constantinople] 433 (Nestorium, L. acc.) Niceforus [emperor of Constantinople] 810 (Niceforo, L. abl.) Nicolaus [St Nicholas] Sancte Nicolaes mæssedæg 1067; Sanctes Nicholaus portice 1072; Sancte Nicolaes messeniht 1129 Nicolaus [Pope Nicholas II] 1059 Octauianus [Emperor Octavian, also known as Augustus] 1 Olaf [St Olaf, king of Norway] 1028, 1030 Paschalis [Pope Paschal I] 815

143

INDICES

Paschalis [Pope Paschal II] 1115, 1118 Paulus [St Paul] 34, 69, 254 (Pauli, L. gen.), 656; Sanctus Paulus mynstre 1012; Sanctus Paulus mynstre 1057; mynster Sancte Paule 1086; on Sancte Petres heuod and Sancte Paules 1123 Petrus [St Peter] 30, 35, 45, 69, 254 (Petri, L. gen.), 616, 654, 656, 675, 777, 963, 1013, 1066; on Sancte Petres naman 626; on Sancte Petres nama 656; Sancte Petres mynstre 656; Sancte Petres minstre 686; Sancte Petres cyrican 688; Sancte Petres scære 716; Petres scære 737; Sancte Petres mynstre 963; Sanctus Petrus mæsseæfene 1048; Sanctus Petrus mæssedæg 1048; Sancte Petres mynstre 1072; on Sancte Petres heuod and Sancte Paules 1123; Sancte Petres messe 1131; Sancte Petres messedei 1132; Sancte Petres mæssedæi 1137 Petrus [‘de Pier-leoni’, elected anti-pope and assumed the title Anacletus II] 1129 Philippus [Philip the tetrarch] 12 Philippus [Philip I, king of the French] 1060 (Phylippus), 1086 (Philippe, dat.), 1090 (Philippe, dat.), 1108 Pilatus [Pontius Pilate, ruler of the Jews] 26 Priscianus [grammarian] 528 Ricardus uetus [Richard I, duke of Normandy] 942, 994, 1002, 1017, 1040 Ricardus [Richard II, duke of Normandy and son of Richard I] 994, 1000, 1013, 1024 Ricardus [Richard III, duke of Normandy and son of Richard II] 1024 Rodbertus [Robert, duke of Normandy and brother of Richard III, duke of Normandy] 1024, 1031 Rodbriht [Robert the Frisian, count of Flanders and brother of Baldwin VI] 1070, 1085a (Rodbeardes, gen., Rodbeard) Rogger Peiteuin [Roger of Poitou] 1094 Rollo [Scandinavian chief] 876 Rotbert [Robert, count of Flanders and father of Baldwin VII] 1100, 1111 Sergius [Pope Sergius] 688 (Sergium, dat.) Siluester [Pope Silvester I] 311 Simon [Simon the apostle] 100; Sancte Simones & Iudan mæsseæfen 1064 Stephanus [St Stephen] 34; Stephanes mæssedæg 1043b; Sancte Stephanes mynstre 1086 Stephanus [Pope Stephen IV] 814, 815 Stephanus [Pope Stephen IX] 1057, 1058 Syxtus [Pope Sixtus I] 124 Telesphorus [Pope Telesphorus I] 134 Theodosius se gingra [Western Roman emperor] 423 Thomas [St Thomas] 883 (Thome, dat.); Sancte Thomas mæsse 1118 Tiberius [Roman emperor] 16 Titus [Roman emperor and son of Vespasianus] 71, 81, 84 (Tites, gen.) Ualentinianus [Western Roman emperor and brother of Gratianus] 380 Ualentinus [Western Roman emperor and joint ruler with Martianus] 449 Uespasianus [Roman emperor] 70, 71 Uictor [Pope Victor I] 202 Uictor [Pope Victor II] 1054, 1057 Uictricius [archbishop of Rouen] 403 (Uictricio, L. dat.) Uitalianus [Pope Vitalian] 656, 668 Ulf [Swedish leader] 1025 Urbanus [Pope Urban II] 1095, 1096, 1128 (Urbanes, gen.) Wecta Wodning [father of Witta and son of Woden] 449 Wecting [son of Wecta] 449. See Witta Wihtgils [son of Witta and father of Hengest and Horsa] 449 (Wihtgilses, gen.) Willelm [William Longsword, duke of Normandy] 928

144

PERSONAL NAMES: INSULAR

Willelm [William, duke of Normandy and son of Robert, duke of Normandy] 1124, 1127 Witha [duke of Spoleto and joint king of Lombardy with Beorngar] 887 Witta Wecting [father of Wihtgils and son of Wecta] 449 Witting [son of Witta] 449. See Wihtgils Woden [father of Wecta] 449 (Wodne, acc.) Wodning [son of Woden] 449. See Wecta Yrling 1046a

INSULAR Abon [ealdorman] 656 Acca [priest, later bishop of Hexham] 710, 733, 737 Adrianus [papal legate] 675 Ædmund [king of the East Angles] Sancte Ædmund cining 870 Ædmund [king of England and brother of Æthelstan] 940, 944, 945, 948, 955 (Eadmundes, gen.), 975 (Eadmundes, gen.) Ædred [king of England and brother of Ædmund] 948, 954, 955 Ædric 1007. See Eadric, ealdorman of the Mercians Ædward [king of the West Saxons and son of Ælfred Æthelwulfing] 901, 906 (Eadward), 924, 925 Ædward [ætheling and son of Edmund Ironside] 1057 Ædwig [ætheling and son of king Æthelred] 1017 Ædwine [ætheling] 933 Æfic [heahgerefa] 1002, 1010 Ægelbriht [bishop from Gaul, later bishop of the West Saxons] 649, 660 (Æglbriht), 670 (Æglbrihtes, gen.) Ægelric [bishop of the South Saxons] 1058 Ægelric [bishop of Durham] 1069, 1070, 1072 (Egelric) Ægelwig [abbot of Evesham] 1077 Ægelwine [bishop of Durham] 1069, 1071 (Egelwine) Ægthan [Aedán mac Gabrán, king of the Irish settlement in Argyll] 603 Ælfeach [bishop of Winchester and later archbishop of Canterbury] 994, 1006 (Ælfeah), 1011 (Ælfeah), 1023 (Ælfeges, gen.) Ælfelm [ealdorman] 1006, 1036 Ælfere [ealdorman] 963 Ælfere [ealdorman of Mercia] 975, 980, 983 Ælfgar [son of Ælfric, ealdorman of Hampshire] 993 Ælfgar [son of Leofric, eorl of Mercia] 1048, 1053, 1055, 1057, 1064 Ælfget [father of Brihtric] 1017 (Ælfgetes, gen.) Ælfgifu Ymma [daughter of Richard I duke of Normandy; wife of king Æthelred and mother of Eadward; later wife of Cnut and mother of Hardacnut] 1036, 1037, 1040 (Ælfgiues, gen.), 1052 (Ælgiue, nom.) Ælfgiue [daughter of Ælfelm] 1036 Ælfhun [bishop of London] 1012, 1013 (Ælfun) Ælfled [wife of Æthelred, king of the Northumbrians] 792 Ælfred Æthelwulfing [king of the West Saxons, son of Æthelwulf and brother of Æthelbriht and Æthelred] 868, 871, 875, 877, 878, 882, 883, 885, 886, 887, 888, 889, 890, 901 Ælfred [son of Æthelred] 1013 Ælfric [father of Osric and uncle of Eadwine] 634 Ælfric [ealdorman of Mercia] 983, 985 Ælfric [ealdorman of Hampshire] 992 (Ealfrice, dat.), 993, 1003, 1016

145

INDICES

Ælfric [archbishop of Canterbury] 996, 1006 Ælfric [archbishop of York] 1023 Ælfric [bishop of the East Angles] 1038 Ælfsi [abbot of Peterborough] 963, 1013 (Ælsige, dat.), 1041 (Ælfsige, nom.) Ælfsige [bishop of Winchester] 1032 Ælfstan [bishop of London] 963, 992 Ælfstan [abbot of St Augustine’s, Canterbury] 1043b, 1044 Ælfwine [brother of Ecgferth] 679 Ælfwine [bishop of Winchester] 1032, 1045 Ælfword [gerefa] 1011 Ælhmund [signature in Peterborough Charter] 656 Ælle [Anglo-Saxon settler] 477, 485, 491 Ælle [king of the Northumbrians and father of Eadwine] 560, 588 Ælle [king of the South Saxons, first bretwalda] 827 Ælle [king of the Northumbrians] 867 Ælling [son of Ælle] 617. See Eadwine Ælling Ælmær [abbot of St Augustine’s, Canterbury] 1011 Ælmær Deorlingc 1016 Æsc [king of the people of Kent and son of Hengest] 455, 456, 465, 473, 488 Æscwig [bishop of Dorchester] 992 Æscwine Cenfusing [king of the West Saxons] 674, 675, 676 Æthælmund [ealdorman] 800 Æthebald [slayer of Ealdulf, Cynewulf and Ecga] 778 Æthelbald [king of the Mercians] 716, 733 (Æðelbold), 737 (miswritten Æðelwold), 740 (Æðelbold), 743, 752, 755 Æthelbald [bishop of Lichfield] 828 Æthelbald [son of Æthelwulf] 851, 855, 860 Æthelberht [archbishop of York] 766, 779 Æthelberht [bishop of Whithorn] 777, 791, 795, 797 Æthelbold [signature in Peterborough Charter] 656 Æthelbriht [king of the people of Kent, third bretwalda] 565, 568, 604 (Æðelberht), 616 (Æþelberht), 827 Æthelbriht [king of the people of Kent] 760 Æthelbriht [king of the East Angles] 792; Sancte Æðelbryhtes mynster 1055 Æthelbriht [king of the people of Kent, Essex, Surrey, Sussex, later of the West Saxons, and son of Æthelwulf] 860, 866 Æthelburg [widow of Eadwine] 633 Æthelburh [queen of the West Saxons] 722 Ætheldrith [St Æthelthrith] 673, 679, 963 Æthelferth [Æthelfrith, king of the Northumbrians and son of Æthelric] 593, 603, 605 (Æðelfrið), 617 (Æðelfrið), 634 (Æðelfriðes, gen.) Æthelflæd [lady of the Mercians and sister of Ædward] 918 Æthelgar [abbot, later archbishop of Canterbury] 963, 988 Æthelheard [king of the West Saxons] 726, 740 (Æðelherd) Æthelheard [ealdorman] 794 Æthelheard [archbishop of Canterbury] 790, 799 (miswritten Æðelred), 803 (Æðelherd) Æthelheard [ealdorman] 852a Æthelhelm [ealdorman] 837 Æthelhelm [ealdorman] 887 Æthelhere [brother of Anna] 654 Æthelhun [ealdorman] 750 Æthelmær [father of Æthelword] 1017

146

PERSONAL NAMES: INSULAR

Æthelmer [ealdorman] 1013 Æthelnoth [monk and dean of Christ Church, Canterbury; later archbishop of Canterbury] 1020, 1022, 1023 (Æðelnolð), 1038 (Æðelnod) Æthelred Pending [king of the Mercians and son of Penda] 656, 675, 676, 679, 697, 704, 716, 963 Æthelred [king of the Northumbrians and son of Moll Æthelwold] 774, 778, 790, 792, 794 Æthelred 799. See Æthelheard, archbishop of Canterbury Æthelred [king of the West Saxons and brother of Æthelbriht] 866, 868, 871, 871 (Æðered) Æthelred [king of England; son of Eadgar and brother of Eadward] 979, 994, 1013, 1014, 1016, 1017, 1040 Æthelric [king of the Northumbrians; son of Ida and father of Æthelferth] 588, 593 Æthelric [bishop of Sussex] 1038 Æthelricing [son of Æthelric] 593. See Æthelferth Æthelsige [ealdorman of the East Angles and father of Æthelward; miswritten for Æthelwine] 1016 Æthelsige [abbot of Abingdon] 1016, 1018 Æthelsige [abbot of St Augustine’s, Canterbury] 1061 Æthelstan [king of the people of Kent, Surrey, Sussex and Essex and son of Æthelwulf] 836, 851 Æthelstan [envoy of King Alfred] 883 Æthelstan [baptismal name of Godrum] 890 Æthelstan [king of the West Saxons, king of England and son of Ædward] 924, 927, 934, 937, 940 Æthelstan [relation of king Æthelred and father of Oswi] 1010 Æthelstan [abbot of Abingdon] 1043a, 1046a Æthelswith [queen of the Mercians and sister of King Alfred] 888 Æthelward [ealdorman] 994 Æthelward [son of Æthelsig] 1016 Æthelwine [ealdorman] 963, 992 Æthelwine [abbot of Abingdon] 1018 Æthelwold [king of the South Saxons] 661 Æthelwold 737. See Æthelbald, king of the Mercians Æthelwold [bishop of Lindisfarne] 737 Æthelword [son of Æthelmær] 1017 Æthelword [ealdorman] 1020 Æthelwulf Ecgbrihting [king of the West Saxons and son of Ecgberht] 823, 836, 840 (Ædelwulf), 851, 852b, 855, 885 (Aðelwulf) Æthelwulf [ealdorman of Berkshire] 860, 871 Æthelwulfing [son of Æthelwulf] 871. See Ælfred Æthered [archbishop of Canterbury] 888 Æthered [ealdorman of the Mercians] 886, 910 Ætheric [bishop of Dorchester] 1034 Æthewold [ealdorman] 888 Aidanus [Aidan, bishop of the Northumbrians] 650 Albanus [St Alban] 286 Alchmund [bishop of Hexham] 780 Aldberht [abbot of Ripon] 788 Aldfrith [king of the Northumbrians and brother of Ecgferth] 685, 705, 716 (Ealdferþe, dat.), 718 (Ealdferðe, dat.) Aldhelm [bishop be wæstan wudu] 709 Aldulf [bishop of Rochester] 727, 731 Aldulf [abbot of Peterborough, later bishop of Worcester and archbishop of York] 963

147

INDICES

Aldwine [bishop of Lichfield] 731 Alexander [king of Scotland] 1107, 1124 Alexander [bishop of Lincoln] 1123, 1125, 1130, 1137 Alfwold [king of the Northumbrians] 778, 780 (Ælfwold), 789 Alhhim [bishop of Worcester] 852a Alhred [king of the Northumbrians] 765, 774, 789 (Alchredes, gen.) Alric [son of Heardberht] 798 Anlaf [Olaf, Scandinavian king and son of Guthfrith] 942 Anlaf [Olaf, son of Sihtric] 944, 949 (Anlaf Cwiran), 952 Anlaf [Olaf Tryggvason, king of Denmark] 994 Anna [king of the East Angles, husband of Sexburh and father of Ercongota] 639, 653, 654 Ansealm [archbishop of Canterbury] 1093 (Anselme, dat.), 1095, 1097, 1100, 1102, 1103, 1109, 1115, 1125 (Anselm) Ansealm [abbot of St Saba’s, Rome, later abbot of Bury St Edmunds, and nephew of Ansealm of Canterbury] 1115, 1123 (Anselm) Anwend [Scandinavian king] 875 Arnwi [monk and abbot of Peterborough] 1041, 1052 Athelis [second wife of Henry I] 1121 Athelwold [bishop of Winchester] 963, 975, 984 Athulf [bishop of Hereford] 963 Audoenus [bishop of Evreux] 1130 Augustinus [St Augustine, archbishop of Canterbury] 596 (Augustinum, acc.), 601 (Augustine, dat.), 604, 605, 616 (Augustine, dat.), 785 (Augustinum, acc.); Sancte Augustine 1061; Sanctus Augustinus mæssedæg 1061 Bagsecg [Danish king] 871, 871 (Basecg) Baldewine [abbot of Bury St Edmunds] 1098 Baldred [king of the people of Kent] 823 Balduin de Reduers [Baldwin of Réviers] 1135 Baldwulf [bishop of Whithorn] 791, 795 (Badewulfe, dat.) Bass [priest] 669 Beda [Bede] 734 Beocca [ealdorman] 888 Beonna [abbot of Peterborough] 777 Beorhtfrith [ealdorman] 710 Beorn [ealdorman] 779 Beorn [eorl] 1046b Beornhelm [abbot] 890 Beornmod [bishop of Rochester] 802 Beornred [king of the Mercians] 755 Beornulf [king of the Mercians] 823 Berht [Northumbrian ealdorman] 699 Berhtred [bishop of Lindsey] 852a Bernard [bishop of Wales] 1123, 1130 Bieda [son of Port] 501 Birinus [Roman bishop, later bishop of the West Saxons] 634, 635 (Byrine, dat.), 639 (Byrinus), 649 (Byrine, dat.) Blecca [leading man in Lindsey] 627 Bosa [bishop of the Deirans] 678, 685 Bosing [son of Bosa] 778. See Ealdulf Bosing Botuulf [builder of monastery at Icanho] 653 Botwine [abbot of Ripon] 785 Brand [abbot of Peterborough] 1066, 1069

148

PERSONAL NAMES: INSULAR

Bregowine [archbishop of Canterbury] 759 Briht [ealdorman of Ecferth] 684 Brihteh [bishop of Worcester] 1038 Brihthelm [Northumbrian] 693 (miswritten for Drihthelm) Brihtnoth [abbot of Ely] 963 Brihtnoth [ealdorman] 963, 991 Brihtric [king of the West Saxons] 784, 787 (Breohtric), 800, 836 (Byrhtric) Brihtric [ealdorman of the Mercians and brother of Eadric] 1009 Brihtric [son of Ælfgeat] 1017 Brihtwold [archbishop of Canterbury] 692, 693 (Brihtwald), 727, 731 Brihtwold [bishop of Wiltshire] 1006, 1043b Brihtwulf [king of the Mercians] 851 Brorda [signature in Peterborough Charter] 656 Brorda [ealdorman] 777 Burhhelm [ealdorman] 822 Burhred [king of the Mercians] 852a, 852b, 868 (Burhcred), 874 (Burgred) Caduugaun [Welsh chieftain] 1097 Candidan [British king] 577 Ceadde [bishop of the Northumbrians] 664 Ceadwala [king of Gwynedd] 633, 633 (Cadwallan, dat.) Ceadwala [king of the West Saxons] 685, 686, 686 (Cædwala), 687, 688 Ceawlin [king of the West Saxons, second bretwalda] 556 (Ceawling), 560 (Ceawling), 568, 571, 577, 584, 592, 593, 827 Cenfusing [son of Cenfus] 675. See Æscwine Cenred [king of the Mercians] 702 (Kenred), 704 (Kenred), 709, 716 Centbriht [king of the West Saxons] 661 Centwine [king of the West Saxons and son of Cynegils] 676, 682 Cenwalh [king of the West Saxons and son of Cynegils] 641, 644, 645, 648, 658 (Cenwealh), 660 (Cenwala, dat.), 661 (Cenwealh), 672 Cenwulf [king of the Mercians] 796 (miswritten Ceolwulf), 819 Ceolburh [abbess of Berkeley] 805 Ceolnoth [archbishop of Canterbury] 830, 831 (miswritten Ceolnod), 852a (Ceolred), 870 Ceolred [king of the Mercians] 709, 715, 716, 782 Ceolred 852a. See Ceolnoth, archbishop of Canterbury Ceolred [abbot of Peterborough] 852a Ceolric [king of the West Saxons] 591 Ceolwulf [king of the West Saxons] 597 Ceolwulf [king of the Northumbrians] 729, 737, 760, 762 Ceolwulf [bishop of Lindsey] 777, 794, 796 Ceolwulf 796. See Cenwulf, king of the Mercians Ceolwulf [king of the Mercians] 819, 821 Ceolwulf [thegn set up to rule in Mercia] 874, 877 Ceorl [ealdorman] 851 Certic [Cerdic, Anglo-Saxon settler, later king and founder of the West Saxon dynasty] 495, 508, 519, 527, 530, 534, 755, 784 Ceured [miswritten for Ceolred, bishop of Leicester] 852a Cissa [son of Ælle] 477, 491 Cnebba [Kentish ealdorman] 568 Cnut [king of England, Denmark and Norway] 1013, 1014, 1015, 1016, 1017, 1018, 1019, 1020, 1021, 1022, 1025, 1028, 1029, 1031, 1036, 1037, 1039, 1041, 1046b, 1064 Cnut [St Cnut, king of Denmark] 1075, 1085a, 1086, 1119 Coinmagil [British king] 577

149

INDICES

Coleman [bishop of Lindisfarne] 664 Columba [Irish priest, later abbot of Iona] 565 Crida 593 Cristien [bishop of Ely] 1070 Cristina [sister of Eadgar cild] 1085b Cumbra [ealdorman] 755 Cutha [ally of Ceawlin] 568, 584 Cutha [brother of Ceawlin] 571 Cuthbald [abbot of Peterborough] 656, 675 Cuthberht [St Cuthbert, bishop of Hexham] 685 Cuthbriht [archbishop of Canterbury] 740 (miswritten Eadberht), 758 Cuthbriht [ealdorman] 777 Cuthburh [sister of Ine and Ingild] 718 Cuthred Cwichelming 639, 661 Cuthred [king of the West Saxons] 740, 743, 750, 752, 753, 754 Cuthred [king of the people of Kent] 805 Cuthwine [Cuthwine, ally of Ceawlin] 577 Cwenburh [sister of Ine and Ingild] 718 Cwichelm 593 Cwichelm [king of the West Saxons and ally of Kynegils] 614, 626, 628, 636 Cwichelming [son of Cwichelm] 661. See Cuthred Cymen [son of Ælle] 477 Cynebald 779. See Cynewulf, bishop of Lindisfarne Cynebriht [bishop of the West Saxons] 799 Cyneburh [sister of Wulfhere] 656, 656 (Kyneburg), 675 (Kineburh), 963 (Kyneburh) Cynegils [king of the West Saxons] 611 (Kynegils), 614 (Kynegils), 628 (Kynegils), 634, 635 (Kynegils) Cyneheard [bishop of Winchester] 754 Cyneheard [West Saxon ætheling and brother of Sigebriht] 755, 784 (Cynehearh) Cynesuith [sister of Wulfhere] 656, 656 (Kynesuuith), 656 (Cynesuuith), 675 (Kynesuith), 963 (Kynesuið) Cynewulf [ætheling slain by Ine] 721 Cynewulf [bishop of Lindisfarne] 737, 779 (miswritten Cynebald), 782 Cynewulf [king of the West Saxons] 755, 777, 784 Cynewulf [heahgerefa] 778 Cynric [king of the West-Saxons and son of Certic] 495, 508 (Cinric), 519 (Kynric), 527 (Kynric), 530, 534, 552 (Kynric), 556 (Kynric) Cynric [West Saxon ætheling] 748 Daniel [bishop of the West Saxons, later bishop of Winchester] 709, 721, 731, 744, 745 Dauid [David, king of Scotland and brother of Alexander] 1124, 1126, 1127, 1135, 1138 Deusdedit [archbishop of Canterbury] 655, 656, 664, 963 Dolfin [ruler of Carlisle] 1092 Duda [ealdorman] 833 Dudocc [bishop of Wells] 1046b, 1061 (Duduc) Dufenal [king of Scotland and brother of Malcolm III) 1093, 1094, 1097 Dunecan [king of Scotland and son of Malcolm III) 1093, 1094 Dunn [archbishop of Rochester] 740 Dunstan [archbishop of Canterbury] 963, 978, 988 Eadbald [bishop of London] 794 Eadberht [ealdorman] 656 Eadberht 740. See Cuthbriht, archbishop of Canterbury Eadberht [ealdorman] 819

150

PERSONAL NAMES: INSULAR

Eadbold [king of the people of Kent] 616 (Eadbaldum, dat.), 633, 639 (Eadbald) Eadbriht Eating [king of the Northumbrians and son of Eata] 737 (Edberhte, dat.), 738, 757 (Eadberht), 768 (Eadberht) Eadbriht [king of the people of Kent] 748 Eadbriht [king of the people of Kent, also known as Præn] 794 Eadburg [daughter of Offa Thingcferthing and wife of Brihtric] 787 Eadgar [king of England and brother of Eadwig] 959, 963 (Ædgar), 969, 972, 975, 1016 Eadgar cild [ætheling] 1066 (Ædgar), 1067, 1068, 1069, 1074, 1085b, 1091, 1093, 1097, 1106 Eadgar [son of Malcolm III] 1097, 1107 Eadgith [widow of Edward the Confessor] 1075 Eadhed [bishop of Lindsey] 678 Eadmund [ætheling] 970 Eadmund [Edmund Ironside, king of England and son of Æthelred] 1015, 1016 (Ædmund), 1057 Eadnoth I [bishop of Dorchester] 1012, 1016 Eadnoth II (bishop of Dorchester) 1046b Eadred [kinsman of Cenwalh] 648 Eadric [ealdorman of the Mercians] 1007 (Ædric), 1009, 1012, 1015, 1016, 1017 Eadsige [archbishop of Canterbury] 1038, 1042, 1043a, 1046a, 1047 Eadward [king of the West Saxons and son of Eadgar] 975, 979 Eadward [Edward the Confessor, king of England and son of Æthelred] 1013, 1014, 1040, 1041, 1042 (Æðward), 1043b (Ædward), 1046b (Edward), 1047, 1048, 1052, 1064, 1066, 1075, 1085b (Ædwardes, gen.), 1100 Eadward [son of Malcolm II] 1093 Eadwig [king of England and son of Ædmund] 955, 959 Eadwig [brother of Æfic heahgerefa] 1010 Eadwig [ceorla cyng] 1017 Eadwine Ælling [king of the Northumbrians, fifth bretwalda, and son of Ælle, king of the Northumbrians] 601, 617, 626, 627, 633, 634 (Ædwines, gen.), 643 (Edwines, gen.), 827 (Ædwine) Eadwine [abbot of Abingdon] 984, 989 (Ædwine) Eadwine [eorl of Mercia and brother of Morkere] 1064, 1066, 1071 (Ædwine) Ealdbriht [an exile] 722, 725 (Ealdberht) Ealdred [bishop of Worcester and Hereford, later archbishop of York] 1047, 1060, 1066 Ealdulf Bosing [heahgerefa] 778 Ealdulf [abbot of Peterborough, later archbishop of York] 992, 1002 Ealhere [dux] 851, 852b (Ealhhere) Ealhmund [bishop of Hexham] 766 Ealhstan [bishop of Sherborne] 823, 845 (Ealchstan), 867 Eanbald (I) [archbishop of York] 779, 780, 791, 795, 796 Eanbald (II) [archbishop of York] 796, 797 Eanberht [bishop of Hexham] 806 Eanfled [daughter of Eadwine] 626 Eanfrid [son of Æthelfrith] 617, 634 (Eanfrið) Eardwulf [king of the Northumbrians] 795, 806 Earnulf [dux of the people of Somerset] 845 Eata [bishop of the Bernicians] 678 Eata Leodwalding [son of Leodwald and father of Eadbriht and Ecgbriht] 738 Eating [son of Eata] 738, 768. See Eadberht and Ecgbriht Ecferth [king of the Northumbrians and son of Oswiu] 670, 678, 679 (Egferð), 684 (Ecgferð), 685 (Ecgferð), 697 (Ecgfrides, gen.), 709 (Ecgferð) Ecga [heahgerefa] 778

151

INDICES

Ecgberht [king of the West Saxons, eighth bretwalda] 800, 813, 823, 823 (Ecgbriht), 827 (Ecgbriht), 828 (Ecgbriht), 833 (Ecgbriht), 835 (Ecgbriht), 836 (Ecgbriht) Ecgberht [bishop of Lindisfarne] 803 Ecgbriht [king of the people of Kent and son of Ercenbriht] 664, 667 (Ecbriht), 669 (Egbriht), 673 (Egbriht) Ecgbriht [archbishop of York] 734, 735, 766 (Ecgberht) Ecgbriht Eating [son of Eata and brother of Eadbriht] 738 Ecgbrihting [son of Ecgberht] 855. See Æthelwulf Ecgbyrht [priest] 716, 729 (Ecgbriht) Ecgferth [king of the Mercians and son of Offa Thingcferthing] 755, 777 (Egferð), 785, 794 Ecgferth Ecgferðes mynster 794 Egbalth [abbot of Peterborough] 686 Elfwine [abbot of Ramsey] 1046b Eoda [eorl of Champagne] 1096 Eomer [king of the Mercians] 626 Eoppa [priest who evangelised the people of the Isle of Wight] 656, 661 Eorpwald [king of the East Angles] 632 Eourard [bishop of Norwich] 1130 Ercenbriht [king of the people of Kent and son of Eadbold] 639, 664 Ercongota [daughter of Ercenbriht and Sexburh] 639 Ernulf [abbot of Peterborough, later bishop of Rochester] 1107, 1114, 1123, 1124 Escwi [abbot] 963 Eustace [son of King Stephen] 1140 Eustatius þe iunga [Eustace, count of Boulogne] 1087, 1100, 1101 (Eustaties, nom.) Farinmagil [British king] 577 Farits [abbot of Abingdon] 1117 Felix [bishop and missionary to the East Angles] 636 Feolagild [abbot] 830 Forhere [bishop be wæstan wudu] 709, 737 (Forðhere) Forthhere [thegn of Eadwine] 626 Fræna [Danish eorl] 871 Fræna [heretoga] 993 Frethegis [signature in Peterborough Charter] 656 Fritheberht [bishop of Hexham] 766 Frithegist [heretoga] 993 Frithewald [bishop of Whithorn] 762 Frythegith [queen of the West Saxons] 737 Gaius Iulius [Julius Caesar] 60 BC, 409 Gerent [Welsh king] 710 Gifard 1123. See Willelm Giffard Gifemund [bishop of Rochester] 693 Gilebert [abbot of Westminster] 1117 Gilebert Universal [bishop of London] 1130 Girard [archbishop of York] 1103, 1108 Gisa [bishop of Wells] 1061 Goda [thegn] 988 Godefreith [bishop of Bath] 1123, 1130 Godrum [Scandinavian king] 875, 878, 890 Godwine [heretoga] 993 Godwine [bishop of Rochester] 1011 Godwine [ealdorman of Lindsey] 1016 Godwine [eorl of Wessex] 1036, 1043b, 1046b, 1048, 1052, 1053, 1055

152

PERSONAL NAMES: INSULAR

Godwine [bishop of St Martin’s, Canterbury] 1061 Gosfrei Bainard 1096 Gosfreith [bishop of St Albans] 1125 Gosfrith [bishop of Coutances] 1087 Griffin [king of the Welsh] 1055, 1063, 1097 Grymcytel [bishop of the South Saxons] 1038, 1045 (Grymkytel) Gunner [father of Thored] 966 Guthfrith [Danish king of the Northumbrians] 927 Guthlac [St Guthlac] 714 Gyrth [son of Godwine, eorl of Wessex] 1066 Hacun [Danish eorl] 1075 Hæhmund [bishop of Sherborne] 871 Hæsten [leader of the Danes] 892 Halfdene 871. See Healfdene Hardacnut [king of England and son of Cnut] 1036, 1037, 1039, 1040, 1041, 1052 Harold [Danish eorl] 871 Harold [Harold Harefoot, king of England and son of Cnut] 1036, 1039 Harold [king of England and son of Godwine, eorl of Wessex] 1046b, 1048, 1052, 1053, 1063, 1064, 1066 Harold [king of Denmark and son of Swegen Esthrithson] 1076 Headda [abbot of Peterborough] 963 Healfdene [Danish king] 871 (Halfdene), 875, 876, 878 Hearberht [slayer of Ealdulf, Cynewulf, and Ecga] 778 Heardberht [father of Alric] 798 Heardberht [ealdorman] 805 Heardred [bishop of Hexham] 797 Heca [bishop of Selsey] 1045, 1058 (Heaca) Hedde [bishop of the West Saxons] 676, 703 (Hædde) Hengest [king of the people of Kent and brother of Horsa] 449, 455, 456, 473 Henri [abbot of St Jean d’Angély, later abbot of Peterborough] 1127 (Heanri), 1128, 1130 (Heanri), 1131 (Heanri), 1132 Henri [Henry of Blois, abbot of Glastonbury, later bishop of Winchester, and nephew of Henry I] 1129, 1130 (Heanri), 1140 Henri [Henry I] 1085b (Henric), 1086 (Heanric), 1094 (Heanrige, dat.), 1095 (Heanrig), 1100, (Heanrig), 1101 (Heanrig), 1102 (Heanrig), 1103 (Heanrig), 1104 (Heanri), 1112, 1113, 1114, 1115, 1116, 1117, 1118, 1119 (Heanriges, gen.), 1120 (Heanriges, gen., Henrig), 1121, 1122 (Heanri), 1123, 1124 (Heanri), 1125, 1126 (Heanri), 1127 (Heanri), 1128 (Heanri), 1129 (Heanri), 1130 (Heanri), 1131 (Heanri), 1132, 1135, 1137, 1140 (Henries, gen.) Henri [Henry II] 1105 (Heanrig), 1106 (Henrig), 1107, 1108, 1109, 1110 (Heanri), 1111, 1140 Herbeard Losang [bishop of Thetford] 1094 Hereferth [bishop of Winchester] 833 Herefrid [ealdorman] 656 Hereman [bishop of Wiltshire] 1043b, 1047, 1077 Hereward [ravages Peterborough] 1070, 1071 Hering [leader of army against the Northumbrians and son of Hussa] 603 Higbald [bishop of Lindisfarne] 780, 795, 803 Hild [abbess of Whitby] 680 Hlothere [bishop of the West Saxons and kinsman of Ægelbriht] 670 Honorius [archbishop of Canterbury] 627, 633, 653 Horsa [brother of Hengest] 449, 455

153

INDICES

Huda [ealdorman] 852b Huga [ceorl] 1003 (Hugon, acc.) Hugo [lord of Leicester] 1087 Hugo [eorl of Chester] 1094 Hugo [eorl of Shropshire] 1094, 1095 (Hugon, gen.), 1098 Hugo of Mundford [Hugo of Montfort] 1123, 1124 Hugo [son of Gerveis] 1124, 1126, 1129 Hugo [founder of the Knights Templars] 1128 Hugo of Walteuile 1137 Hunberht [ealdorman] 852a Hussa [father of Hering] 603 Hygebald [miswritten for Sigbald] 710 Hygeberht [archbishop of Lichfield] 777, 785 (Hygebriht) Ianbeht [archbishop of Canterbury] 762, 785 (Ianberht), 790 (Ianbriht) Ida [king and founder of the Northumbrian dynasty and father of Æthelric] 547, 560 Iding [son of Ida] 593. See Æthelric Iehmarc [Scottish king] 1031 Ieruman [bishop of the Mercians] 656 Immine [ealdorman] 656 Ine [king of the West Saxons] 688, 694, 710, 715, 718, 721, 722, 725, 726 Ingild [brother of Ine] 718 Ingwald [bishop of London] 731 Inwona [bishop of Leicester] 777 Iohan [monk of Séez, later abbot of Peterborough] 1114, 1125, 1130 Iohan [archdeacon of Canterbury, later bishop of Rochester] 1114, 1123, 1130 Iohan of Creme [papal legate] 1125 Iohan [bishop of Lothian] 1125 Iohannes [bishop of Hexham] 685, 721 Ithamar [bishop of Rochester] 655, 656 Iustus [bishop of Rochester, later archbishop of Canterbury] 604, 616, 625, 627 Iwer [Danish chieftain and brother of Healfdene] 878 Kenulf [abbot of Peterborough, later bishop of Winchester] 963, 992, 1006 Kyne-. See CyneKynegilwing [son of Kynegils] 641. See Cenwalh Kynsige [archbishop of York] 1060 Landfranc [archbishop of Canterbury] 1086, 1089 Laurentius [archbishop of Canterbury] 616 Leodwalding [son of Leodwald] 738. See Eata Leofric [earl of Mercia] 1036, 1048, 1057, 1066 Leofric [bishop of Devon] 1044 Leofric [abbot of Peterborough] 1052, 1066 Leofsig [ealdorman] 1002 Leofwine [father of Wulfric] 1010 Leofwine [misspelling of Leofrun, abbess of St Mildred’s, Thanet] 1011 Leofwine [ealdorman and father of Northman] 1017 Leofwine [abbot of Ely] 1022 Leofwine [son of Godwine, eorl of Wessex] 1066 Leofwine [monk of Peterborough] 1070 Lifing [archbishop of Canterbury] 1013, 1020 (Liuing) Lilla [thegn of Eadwine] 626 Liuing [bishop of Worcestershire, Gloucestershire and Exeter] 1038, 1044 Lothere [king of the people of Kent] 685

154

PERSONAL NAMES: INSULAR

Lucius [king of Britain] 167 Ludecan [king of the Mercians] 825 Mægla [son of Port] 501 Mælbæthe [Scottish king] 1031 Mælcolm [Malcolm II, king of the Scots] 1031 Mærleswegen [sheriff of Lincoln] 1067 Mahald [daughter of Malcolm III and wife of Henry I] 1100, 1118, 1119 Mahtild [queen of William I] 1083 Margareta [sister of Eadgar cild, wife of Malcolm III and queen of Scotland] 1067, 1093 (Margarita), 1097 (Margarite, gen.), 1100 Martin [prior of St Neot’s, later abbot of Peterborough] 1132, 1137, 1154 Mathias [abbot of Peterborough] 1103 Mauricius [bishop of London] 1085a, 1100, 1107 Maximus [Western Roman emperor] 380 Melcolm [Malcolm III, king of the Scots] 1067, 1072, 1079, 1091, 1093, 1097, 1100 (Malcolmes, gen.) Mellitus [bishop of London, later archbishop of Canterbury] 604, 616, 624 Merehwit [bishop of Wells] 1033 Merwala [brother of Wulfere] 656 Mildred [bishop of Worcester] 772 Moll Æthelwold [king of the Northumbrians] 759, 761, 774, 790 (Aðelwaldes, gen.) Moræl [steward of Rodbeard, eorl of Northumbria] 1093, 1095 (Moreal) Morcar [joint chief thegn of the Seven Boroughs with Sigeferth] 1015 Morkere [eorl of Northumbria] 1064, 1066, 1071 Muca [ealdorman] 822 Mul [king of the people of the West Saxons and brother of Ceadwala] 686, 687, 694 Nafana [father of Thurcytel] 1016 Nazaleod [British king] 508 Niel [brother of Sihtric] 921 Nimia [Ninian, missionary to the south Picts and bishop of Whithorn] 565 Northman [son of Leofwine] 1017 Nothhelm [archbishop of Canterbury] 736 Nun [kinsman of Ine] 710 Odda [eorl of Devonshire, Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall] 1048, 1052 Odo [bishop of Bayeux and eorl of Kent] 1082, 1086, 1087 (Oda) Offa [son of Æthelfrith] 617 Offa [king of the East Saxons] 709 Offa Thingcferthing [king of the Mercians and son of Thingcferth] 755, 777, 785, 787, 792, 794, 796, 836 Ordulf Ordulfes mynstre 997 Osbearn [Danish eorl] 871 Osbearn [eorl and brother of king Swægn] 1069, 1070 Osbearn [father of William, eorl of Hereford] 1075 Osbriht [king of the Northumbrians] 867 Oscytel [Scandinavian king] 875 Osfrith [son of Eadwine] 633 Osgar [abbot] 963 Osgot Clapa 1044 Oslac [Kentish ealdorman] 568 Oslac [son of Æthelfrith] 617 Oslac [ealdorman] 963 Oslac [eorl of the Northumbrians] 966, 975

155

INDICES

Oslaf [son of Æthelfrith] 617 Osmod [ealdorman] 833 Osmund [bishop of Salisbury] 1099 Osred [king of the Northumbrians and son of Aldfrith] 705, 716 Osred [king of the Northumbriansand son of Alhred] 789, 790, 792 Osric [king of the Deirans, son of Ælfric and cousin of Eadwine] 634, 643 Osric [king of the Northumbrians] 716, 729 Osric [ealdorman of Cynewulf] 755 Osric [dux of the people of Dorset] 845 Osric [ealdorman of Hampshire] 860 Ostrith [queen of Æthelred] 675, 697 (Ostryðe, acc.) Osulf [king of the Northumbrians and son of Eadbriht Eating] 757 Oswald [king of the Northumbrians, sixth bretwalda, and son of Æthelfrith] 617, 634 (Oswold), 635 (Oswold), 641 (Osuuald), 654, 827 Oswald [West Saxon ætheling] 730 Oswald [archbishop of York] 963, 992 Oswi 1010 Oswine [king of the Deirans and son of Osric] 643, 650 Oswine 761 Oswiu [king of the Northumbrians, seventh bretwalda, and son of Æthelfrith] 617, 641, 650, 654, 656 (Oswi), 667, 670, 827 Oswudu [son of Æthelfrith] 617 Ottuel [brother of Ricard, eorl of Chester] 1120 Patricius [St Patrick] 430 Paulinus [bishop of the Northumbrians, archbishop of York, bishop of Rochester] 601, 625, 626, 627, 633, 634, 643 Peada [son of Penda, king of the Mercians] 654, 656, 675 Pelagius [British or Irish monk] 380 (Pelaies, gen.) Penda [king of the Mercians] 626, 628, 633, 641, 644, 658 Penda [ealdorman of the Middle Angles, misspelling of Peada] 652, 654 Pending [son of Penda] 654, 656, 661, 675, 704. See Peada, Wulfere, and Æthelred Petrus [baptismal name of Ceadwala, king of the West Saxons] 688 Petrus [abbot of Cluny] 1130 Philippus de Brause 1110, 1112 Plegemundus [archbishop of Canterbury] 890 Port [Anglo-Saxon settler] 501 Præn 794, 796. See Eadbriht, king of the people of Kent Pusa [abbot of Peterborough] 777 Putta [bishop of Rochester] 675 Pyhtwine [bishop of Whithorn] 762, 776 (Pehtwine) Randolf [eorl of Chester] 1140 Randulf Passeflambard [bishop of Durham] 1128 Rannulf [bishop of Durham] 1099, 1100, 1101 Raulf [eorl of Herefordshire] 1052 Raulf [eorl of Norfolk] 1075 Raulf [father of Raulf, eorl of Norfolk] 1075 Raulf [bishop of Rochester, later archbishop of Canterbury] 1114, 1115, 1122 Raulf Basset [member of the court of Henry I] 1124 Regnald [Danish king of the Northumbrians and son of Guthfrith] 944 Regnold [Danish king] 923 Reoda [leader of the Irish migration to Britain] Pref. Reodwald [Redwald, king of the East Angles, fourth bretwalda] 617, 827 (Redwald)

156

PERSONAL NAMES: INSULAR

Ricard [abbot of Ely] 1107 Ricard [son of Henry I] 1120 Ricard [eorl of Chester] 1120 Ricole [mother of Sæberht and sister of Æthelbriht] 604 Rodbeard [duke of Normandy and son of William I] 1079 (Rotbearde, dat.), 1086, 1087, 1090, 1091, 1094, 1095, 1096 (Rotbeard), 1100 (Rotbert), 1101 (Rodbert, Rotbert), 1103 (Rotbert), 1104 (Rotbert), 1105 (Rotbert), 1106 (Rotbert), 1124 (Rotbert), 1126 (Rotbert) Rodbeard [bishop of Cheshire] 1085a Rodbeard a Mundbræg [Robert Mowbray, eorl of Northumbria] 1087, 1093, 1095 (Rotbeard, Rotbert) Rodbeard [Robert Bloet, bishop of Lincoln] 1093, 1123 (Rotbert) Rodberd [eorl of Northumbria] 1068 Rodbert of Bælæsme [Robert of Bellême, eorl of Shrewsbury and brother of Hugo, eorl of Shropshire] 1098, 1102 (Rotbert), 1104 (Rotbert), 1105 (Rotbert), 1106 (Rotbert), 1112 (Rotbert), 1113 (Rotbert) Rodbyrd [Robert of Jumièges, archbishop of Canterbury] 1048, 1052 (Rotberd, Rodberd) Roger [Roger of Breteuil, son of Willelm, eorl of Hereford] 1075 Roger [Roger of Montgomery, eorl of Shrewsbury] 1087 (Rogere), 1102 Roger [Roger Bigod, Norfolk landowner] 1087 Roger [bishop of Salisbury] 1123, 1125, 1126, 1130, 1137 Roger [bishop of Coventry] 1130 Roger [chancellor of King Stephen] 1137 Romanus [bishop of Rochester] 616 Rotbert de Stutteuile [Robert of Estouteville] 1106 Rotbert [abbot of Bury St Edmunds] 1107 Rotbert of Mellent [Robert, count of Meulan] 1118 Rotbert Pecceth [bishop of Chester] 1123 Rotbert [eorl of Gloucester] 1126, 1127, 1140 (Rodbert) Rothulf [abbot of Abingdon] 1048 Sæberht [king of the East Saxons] 604 Saxulf [first abbot of Peterborough] 654, 656, 656 (Sæxulf), 675, 686 Scromail [leader of the Britons] 605 Sefred [abbot of Glastonbury and later bishop of Chichester] 1123, 1130 (Sigefrid) Selred [king of the East Saxons] 746 Seuerus [Severus, Roman emperor] 189 Sexburh [daughter of Anna, wife of Ercenbriht and mother of Ercongota] 639, 672 Sibbi [king of the East Saxons] 656 Sidrac se ealda [Scandinavian eorl] 871 Sidrac se geonga [Scandinavian eorl] 871 Siga [slayer of Alfwold] 789, 793 (Sicga) Sigebriht [king of the West Saxons] 754 (Sigbriht), 755 Sigeferth [joint chief thegn of the Seven Boroughs with Morcar] 1015 Sigefrid 1130. See Sefred Sighelm [envoy of King Alfred] 883 Sighere [king of the East Saxons] 656 Sihtric [Danish king of the Northumbrians] 921 Simon [bishop of Worcester] 1130 Siric [archbishop of Canterbury] 989, 991, 995 Siward [abbot of Abingdon] 1043a, 1046a Siward [eorl of Northumbria] 1048, 1055 Siward [abbot of Chertsey, later bishop of Rochester] 1058 Siward Bearn [leader of the Ely insurgents] 1071

157

INDICES

Spearhafoc [monk of Bury St Edmunds, abbot of Abingdon, bishop of London] 1046a, 1048 (Sparhafoc) Stephne de Blois [king of England and nephew of Henry I] 1135, 1137, 1140, 1154 Stigand [priest, bishop of the East Angles, bishop of Winchester, archbishop of Canterbury] 1042, 1043a, 1045, 1052, 1058, 1061 Stigand [bishop of Chichester] 1086 Stuf [joint ruler of the Isle of Wight with Wihtgar and kinsman of Certic] 514, 534 Swægn [Swegen Esthrithson, king of Denmark] 1069, 1070 (Swegn), 1075, 1076, 1085a Swegen [Swein Forkbeard, king of Denmark] 994, 1003, 1004, 1013, 1014 Swegen [son of Godwine, eorl of Wessex] 1045, 1046b (Swegn), 1047, 1048 Tædbald de Blois [count of Blois and nephew of Henry I] 1116 Tatwine [priest in Mercia, later archbishop of Canterbury] 731, 734 Teodbald [archbishop of Canterbury] 1140 Theodbald [brother of Æthelferth] 603 Theodorus [Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury] 656, 668, 670, 673, 675, 680, 685, 686, 690 Thingcferthing [son of Thingcferth] 755. See Offa Thingcferthing Thomas I [archbishop of York] 1100 Thomas II [archbishop of York] 1108, 1114 Thored [son of Gunner] 966 Thorod [eorl] 992 Thurcyl [Danish leader] 1013, 1017, 1021 (Þurkil) Thurcytel Myranheafod [Danish leader] 1010 Thurcytel [Danish leader and son of Nafena] 1016 Thurstan [abbot of Glastonbury] 1083 Tibba [saint translated to Peterborough] 963 Tilberht [bishop of Hexham] 780 Tobias [bishop of Rochester] 693 (Tobian, acc.), 727 Tostig [eorl of Northumbria and son of Godwine, eorl of Wessex] 1046b, 1055, 1063, 1064, 1066 Trumbriht [bishop of Hexham] 681, 685 Trumwine [bishop of the Picts] 681 Tuda [bishop of the Northumbrians] 656, 664 Tunberht [bishop of Lichfield] 852a Turold [abbot of Peterborough] 1070, 1098 Turstein [archbishop of York] 1114, 1119, 1120, 1123 (Ðurstan), 1125 Ufegeat 1006 Uhtred [eorl] 1013, 1016 Uithele [abbot of Westminster] 1076 Ulf [bishop of Dorchester] 1046b, 1047, 1052 Ulfcytel [ealdorman of the East Angles] 1004, 1004 (Ulfkytel), 1010, 1016 Unferth [bishop of Winchester] 744, 754 (Hunferðe, dat.) Wæbheard [joint king of the people of Kent with Wihtred] 692 Wærburh [queen of Ceolred] 782 Walaram of Mellant [Walaran, count of Meulan] 1123, 1124, 1126, 1129 Walcelin [bishop of Winchester] 1098 Walchere [bishop of Durham] 1080 Waldhere [bishop of London] 675 Waltear [bishop of Albano and papal envoy] 1095 Walter [bishop of Hereford] 1060 Waltheof [eorl of Nothumbria] 1069 (Walþeaf), 1070, 1075, 1076 Warner [monk] 1114 Weohstan [ealdorman] 800

158

PERSONAL NAMES: INSULAR

Werhtherd [abbot] 852a Wiferth [thegn of Cynewulf] 755 Wigbriht [bishop of the West Saxons] 812 Wigferth [bishop of Winchester] 833 Wigheard [priest] 667 Wiglaf [king of the Mercians] 825, 828 Wihtgar [joint ruler of the Isle of Wight with Stuf and kinsman of Certic] 514, 534, 544 Wihtred [joint king of the people of Kent with Wæbheard] 692, 694, 725 Wihtred [abbot] 852a Wilberht [ealdorman, signature in Peterborough Charter] 656 Wilferth [Wilfrid II, bishop of York] 685, 744 Wilfrid [priest, later bishop of York] 656, 661 (Wilferðes, gen.), 664 (Wilferð), 675, 678 (Wilferð), 685 (Wilfriþ), 709 (Wilferð), 710 (Wilferðes, gen.) Willelm [duke of Normandy, later King William I of England] 1031 (Willelmus), 1062 (Willelmo, L. abl.), 1066, 1068, 1069, 1070, 1071, 1072, 1073, 1074, 1075, 1076, 1077, 1079, 1083, 1085a, 1086 Willelm [William II; king of England and son of William I] 1079, 1086, 1090, 1091, 1092, 1093, 1094, 1095, 1096, 1097, 1098, 1099, 1100 Willelm [bishop of London] 1048 Willelm [eorl of Hereford and son of Osbearn] 1070, 1075 Willelm [bishop of Norfolk] 1085a Willelm [bishop of Durham] 1087, 1096 Willelm [count of Eu] 1096 Willelm [steward of Willelm of Eu] 1096 Willelm Giffard [bishop of Winchester] 1100, 1103, 1123 (Willelm Gifard), 1129 Willelm [eorl of Mortain] 1104, 1105, 1106 Willelm Bainart 1110 Willelm Crispin 1106, 1112 Willelm [son of Henry I] 1115, 1119, 1120, 1121 Willelm of Curboil [William of Corbeil, archbishop of Canterbury] 1123, 1125, 1129, 1130, 1135 (Willelm Curbuil), 1140 Willelm Malduit [lord of Rockingham] 1137 Willelm Malet 1110 Willelm [St William of Norwich] 1137 Willelm of Albamar [William, eorl of Aumare] 1138 Willelm of Romare [William of Roumare] 1123, 1140 Willelm de Walteuile [William of Walteuile, abbot of Peterborough] 1154 Wine [bishop of London, later bishop of the West Saxons] 656, 660 Winfrid [bishop of the Mercians] 656 Wipped [thegn of Hengest and Æsc] 465 Wlencing [son of Ælle] 477 Wlstan [bishop of Worcester] 1087 Worr [ealdorman] 800 Wulfeah 1006 Wulfelm [archbishop of Canterbury] 925, 927 Wulfere Pending [king of the Mercians and son of Penda] 656, 656 (Wulhfere), 661 (Wulfhere), 675 (Wulfhere), 963 (Wulfhere) Wulfgar [abbot of Abingdon] 989, 1016 Wulfgeat 1006 Wulfheard [ealdorman] 823, 837 Wulfhere [archbishop of York] 892 Wulfnoth cild 1009

159

INDICES

Wulfred [archbishop of Canterbury] 803, 804, 812, 813, 829 Wulfred 852a Wulfric [son of Leofwine] 1010 Wulfric [abbot of St Augustine’s Canterbury] 1043b, 1046b (Wlfric), 1061 Wulfstan [archbishop of York] 1023 Wulfuuold [abbot of Chertsey] 1084 Wulsige [abbot] 1016 Wulstan [archbishop of York] 956 Wyrtgeorn [Vortigern, king of the Britons] 449, 455 (Wyrtgerne, dat.) Ymma 1052. See Ælfgifu Yric [Danish king of the Northumbrians and son of Harald Harfagar] 952, 954 Yric [Scandinavian leader] 1016, 1017 Yware [sacristan] 1070

160

INDEX OF PEOPLE-NAMES

Angelcyn [the English] 443, 449 (Angelcin), 597 (Angelcynn), 815, 874, 885, 886, 975, 978, 979, 986, 994, 1002, 1005, 1006, 1008, 1009, 1011, 1012, 1016 (Angelcinne), 1017, 1018 (Angelcynn), 1096; Angelcynnes land [England] 787, 836, 866 Angle [the Angles] 443 (Anglum, dat. pl.), 449 (Anglum, dat. pl.), 975 Bærnice [the Bernicians] 634, 678 (Beornicum, dat. pl.) Bryttas [the Britons] Pref. (Britt-), 456, 491 (Brit, nom. sg.), 527 (Brittas), 514, 519, 552, 556, 577, 584, 890, 1064 Bryttas [the Bretons] 1075, 1076 Brytwalas [the Britons] 60 BC, 167 (Brytwalana, gen. pl.), 189 (Britwalum, dat. pl.), 443, 449 (Brytwalana, gen. pl.), 571, 682 (Britwalas), 755 (Britwealas) Cantware [the people of Kent] 449, 565, 616, 617, 639, 664, 673, 694, 725, 748, 760, 774, 796, 805 (Cantwarum, dat. pl.), 823, 827, 836, 852b (Cantwarum, dat. pl.), 865, 865 (Cantwarum, dat. pl.) Centingas [the people of Kent] 1011 Cornwealas [the people of Cornwall] 997 (Cornwealum, dat. pl.) Cumbra land [the land of the inhabitants of Strathclyde] 945 Dælreodi [the people of Dal Riada] Pref., 603 (Deolreda, acc. pl.) Defene [the people of Devon] 823 Dene [the Danes] 910, 1018, 1039 (Denum, dat. pl.), Deniscan [the Danes] 833, 835, 837, 840, 870, 871, 871 (Dæniscan), 885, 999 (Dæniscan), 1010 (Dæniscan), 1025, 1086 (Dænescan) Dere [the Deirans] 678; Dearne rice 634, 643 Dorsæte [the people of Dorset] 837 (Dorsætum, dat. pl.), 845 (Dorsæton, dat. pl.), 1015 (Dorsætum, dat. pl.), 1048 (Dorseton, dat. pl.) Ealdseaxe [the Continental Saxons] 449 (Ealdseaxum, dat. pl.), 779 Eastcentingas [the people of East Kent] 1009 Eastengle [the East Angles] 449 (Eastangla, nom. pl.), 617, 636 (Easteanglum, dat. pl.), 639, 654, 658, 823, 827, 866, 867 (Eastenglum, dat. pl.), 870 (Eastængle, acc. pl.), 880, 885, 885 (Estenglum, dat. pl.), 890, 906, 992 (Eastenglum, dat. pl.), 1004, 1010, 1010 (Eastenglum, dat. pl.), 1011, 1013 (Eastenglum, acc. or dat. pl.), 1016, 1017, 1038 (Eastenglum, dat. pl.), 1042 (Eastenglum, dat. pl.) Eastseaxe [the East Saxons] 449 (Eastseaxa, nom. pl.), 604, 823, 994, 1009, 1011, 1016, 1046a Engle [the English] 473 (Englan, acc./dat. pl.), 596, 910, 1016, 1018, 1039 (Anglum, dat. pl.) Englisc [the English] 1093, 1102, 1127 Francan [the Franks] 425 (Francorum, L. gen. pl.), 779 (Francon), 855, 881, 885, 887, 890 (Francum, dat. pl.), 1060 (Francorum, L. gen. pl.), 1070, 1090 (Francena, gen. pl.), 1107; Francrice [kingdom of the Franks] 1085a Frencisce [the French] 1093, 1094, 1102, 1127 Galwalas [the Gauls, inhabitants of the Western Frankish kingdom] 60 BC, 380, 649, 660, 693 Gotan [the Goths] 409 (Gotum, dat. pl.) Hunas [the Huns] 443 Hwicce [the Hwicce] 800 (Hwiccum, dat. pl.)

161

INDICES

Iudeas [the Jews] 26, 71 (Iudea, acc. pl.), 431 (Iudeis, L. dat. pl.), 1137 (Iudeus, nom. pl.) Iute [the Jutes] 449 (Iotum, dat. pl.), 449 (Iutum, dat. pl.) Iutnacynn [‘the race of the Jutes’, a tribe in Wessex] 449 Langbeardna land [the land of the Lombards] 887 Lidwicce [the Bretons] 910 (Lidwicum, dat. pl.) Lindisware [the inhabitants of Lindsey] 678 Longobardi [the Lombards] 596 (Longobardis, L. abl. pl.) Lothene [the Lothians] 1091, 1125 Lundenware [the inhabitants of London] 616, 1016 Magesæte [the people of Herefordshire] 1016 (Magesæton, dat. pl.) Merscware [the inhabitants of the Romney Marsh area] 796 Middelangle [the Middle Angles] 449 (Middelangla, nom. pl.), 652 (Middalengle, nom. pl.) Middelseaxe [the Middle Saxons] 1011 Myrce [the Mercians] 449 (Mearca, nom. pl.), 654, 656, 675, 676, 704 (Mircena, gen. pl.), 709, 716, 716 (Myrcum, dat. pl.), 731 (Mercum, dat. pl.), 740, 743, 752, 755, 774, 792, 794, 796, 819, 823, 825, 827, 828, 836, 851, 852b, 868, 870, 872, 874, 877, 910, 918, 975, 1006 (Myrcean, dat. pl.), 1007, 1016, 1016 (Myrcean, dat. pl.), 1017 (Myrcean, dat. pl.); Myrcena land [Mercia] 877 Northanhymbre [the Northumbrians] 634, 641, 670, 705, 716, 789, 790, 792, 793, 794, 795, 806, 827, 827 (Norþanhumbra, gen. pl.), 867, 875, 876, 892 (Norðanhymbrorum, L. gen. pl.), 1068 Northhymbre [the Northumbrians] 449 (Norþhymbra, nom. pl.), 547, 560, 593, 601, 603, 617, 633, 635, 641, 656 (Norþhimbre, gen. pl.), 718, 737, 738, 757, 759 (Norðhymbrum, dat. pl.), 761, 765, 774, 779, 794, 906, 944, 952, 954, 993, 1013, 1016, 1017, 1064, 1068, 1080, 1093, 1095; Northhymbra land [Northumbria] 788, 798, 948, 949, 1079 Northmen [the Scandinavians] 787 Northwealas [the Welsh] 828, 852b, 997 (Norðwalum, dat. pl.), 1055 Norwegon [the Norwegians] 1028 (Norwegum, dat. pl.), 1030 (Norwegum, dat. pl.) Perse [the inhabitants of Paris] 660 (Persa, gen. pl.) Pyhtas [the Picts] Pref., 47, 443 (Peohtas, acc. pl.), 449, 565, 597, 681 (Pihtum, dat. pl.), 699, 710, 875 (Pehtas, acc. pl.) Romane [the Romans] 60 BC (Romani, nom. pl.), 47, 409, 418, 583, 736, 797, 800 (Romanis, L. abl. pl.), 1056 (Romanorum, L. gen. pl.), Sarraceni [the Saracens] 778 (Sarracenis, L. dat. pl.) Scottas [the Gaels] Pref., 60 BC, 430, 565, 597, 603, 627, 684, 948, 1031, 1093, 1094, 1126 (Scotte, nom. pl.), 1127 (Scotte, nom. pl.) Seaxan [the Continental Saxons] 449 Seaxan [the Anglo-Saxons] 605, 649 (Sexena, gen. pl.) Strætlædwealas [the Britons of Strathclyde] 875 Sumorsæte [the people of Somerset] 845 (Sumorsæton, dat. pl.), 878, 1001, 1015 (Sumærsæton, dat. pl.), 1033 (Sumersæton, dat. pl.), 1048 (Sumersæton, dat. pl.), 1061 (Sumersæton, dat. pl.) Suthanhymbre [the Southumbrians, the Mercians] 449 (Suðanhymbra, nom. pl.), 697 Suthhymbre [the Southumbrians, the Mercians] 641, 702 (Suðhumbra, gen. pl.) Suthpyhtas [the South Picts] 565 Suthrige [the people of Surrey] 722 (Suðrege), 823, 836, 851, 852b (Suðrigum, dat. pl.), 855 (Suðrigean, gen. pl.), 1011 Suthseaxe [the South Saxons] 449 (Suðsexa, nom. pl.), 607, 661, 722, 725, 823, 827, 836, 994 (Suðseaxum, dat. pl.), 998, 1009, 1009 (Suðseaxscian, acc. sing.), 1011, 1038, 1045 (Suðsexum, dat. pl.), 1058; Suthseaxne land [the land of the South Saxons] 774 Swatheod [the Swedes] 1025, 1025 (Sweon) Walas [the Britons] 60 BC, 47, 465, 473, 477, 485, 495, 597, 605 (Walana, gen. pl.), 605

162

PEOPLE-NAMES

(Wealas), 614 (Walana, gen. pl.), 658, 710 (Weala, gen. pl.), 743 (Wealas, dat. pl.), 753 (Wealas, dat. pl.), 823 (Weala, gen. pl.), 835 (Wealas) Wealas [the Welsh] 1096 (Wealon, nom. pl.), 1097 (Wealon, nom. pl.), 1114 (Wealon, nom. pl.), 1116 (Wealon, nom. pl.), 1121 (Wealan, nom. pl.); Wealan/-on [the country of the Welsh] 1081, 1094, 1095; Wales [St David’s] 1123 Wealas [the people of Cornwall] 1048 Weastcentingas [the people of West Kent] 999 Westse(a)xe, Wæstseaxe [the West Saxons] 449, 514 (Westseaxa, nom. pl.), 519, 560 (Weastseaxum, dat. pl.), 597 (Weastseaxum. dat. pl.), 611 (Weastseaxum, dat. pl.), 626, 634 (Weastseaxum, dat. pl.), 641 (Wæstseaxena, gen. pl.), 670 (Weastseaxum, dat. pl.), 674, 676, 688 (Wæstsæxna, gen. pl.), 709, 726, 740, 743, 748, 750, 752, 753, 754, 754 (Wæstsæxna, gen. pl.), 755, 784, 799 (Wæstsæxna, gen. pl.), 800, 812 (Wæstsæxna, gen. pl.), 823, 827, 835, 836, 836 (Wæstsæxna, gen. pl.), 851 (Wæstsæxna, gen. pl.), 852b, 855, 866, 868, 868 (Wæstsæxa), 871, 876, 878, 885, 887 (Weastseaxna, gen. pl.), 888, 890, 975, 994, 1006, 1010, 1015, 1016, 1016 (Weastseaxe), 1017, 1036, 1036 (Westseaxon, dat. pl.); Westseaxna land [Wessex] 878 Westwalas [the people of Cornwall] 813, 835 (Wæstwealas) Wihtware [the people of the Isle of Wight] 449, 661 Wilsætan [the people of Wiltshire] 800, 800 (Wilsætum, dat. pl.), 878 (Willsæte, dat. sg.) Winceastreleode [the people of Winchester] 1006 Wylisce [the Welsh, British] 1095, 1097 (Wyliscean, acc. pl.), 1114 (Wyliscean, nom. pl.), 1121 (Wyliscean, nom. pl.)

163

INDEX OF PLACE-NAMES Abbandun [Abingdon] 984, 1016, 1018, 1043a, 1046a, 1048, 1071, 1117 Aclea [Ockley] 782, 789, 851 Ædwinesclif [place of battle between Moll and Oswine] 761 Ægelesford [Aylesford] 1016 (Ægelesforda, dat.) Ægelesthrep [place of battle between Hengest and Horsa and Vortigern] 455 Æglea [Iley] 878 Æglesbyrig [Aylesbury] 571 Ælfetee [Elvet] 762 (dat.) Ælm [Elm] 656 Æscesdun [Ashdown] 648, 661, 871, 1006 Æsctun [Ashton] 963 Æstfeld [Eastfield] 963 Æstgeat [Eastgate, London] 1052 Æstun [Easton] 656 Æthelhuniglond 675 Æthelingaig [Athelney] 878 Albemare [Aumale] 1090 (dat.), 1138 (Albamar) Albin [Albano] 1095 Aldewingle [Aldwinkle] 1137 Alemannia 788, 1140 (Alamanie, dat.) Alre [Aller] 878 (dat.) Aluearnie [Auvergne] 1102 Ancarig [Thorney] 656 Andeferan [Andover] 994 (dat.) Andredesceaster [besieged by Ælle and Cissa] 491 Andredeslege, þone wudu [the Weald] 477, 755 (Andred), 892 (Andræd) Angeow [Anjou] 1110, 1111, 1112, 1118, 1119, 1121, 1123, 1124, 1127, 1140 (Angou), 1140 (Angæu) Angle [Angeln] 449 (to Angle), 449 (of Angle) Angleseg [Angelsey] 1098 Anieli, mynstre [Angély] 1123, 1127 (Angeli), 1130 (Angeli), 1131 (Angeli) Antiochia [Antioch] 35 Apuldor [Appledore] 892 Argentses, þone castel [Argentan] 1094 Arles, Arelatense concilium 311 Armenia [Armenia] Pref. (dat.) Arwan [R. Orwell] 1016 (dat.) Assandun [Ashingdon] 1016, 1020 Axamuth [Axmouth] 1046b Axanmynster [Axminster] 755 Bæc [Le Bec] 1093, 1140 (Bec) Bælesme [Bellême] 1104, 1105 Bærneg [Bernay] 1076 Baius [Bayeux] 1086, 1105

164

PLACE-NAMES

Barrucscir [Berkshire] 860, 1006, 1009 (Bearrucscire, dat.), 1011 (Bearrucscire, dat.), 1098, 1100, 1103 Barwe 963 Basingas [Basing] 871 (Basingum, dat.) Bataille [Battle] 1094 (dat.) Bathanceaster, Bathan (in oblique cases) [Bath] 577, 1013 (Baðon), 1086 (Baðon), 1087 (Baðon), 1106 (Baðan), 1123 (Baðe), 1130 (Bathe) Bauuarie [Bavaria] 788 Beandun [Bampton] 614 Bearthaneg [Bardney] 641, 675 (Barþanig), 716 Bebbanburh [Bamburgh] 547, 641, 993 (Bæbbanburh), 1093 (Bæbbaburh), 1095 (Bebbaburh), 1095 (Bæbbaburh) Bedanford [Bedford] 1010 (Bedanforda, dat.) Bedanfordscir [Bedfordshire] 1011, 1016 (Beadafordscire, dat.) Bedanheafod [Bedwin] 675 Belmunt [Beaumont-le-Roger, castle of Walaran of Meulan] 1124 Benesingtun [Bensington] 571, 777 Beoferlic [Beverley] 721 Beorclea [Berkeley] 1087, 1121 Beorhford [place of battle between Cuþred and Æþelbald] 752 (Beorhforda, dat.) Beranbyrig [Barbury Camp] 556 Besencun [Besançon] 1127 Bethleem [Bethlehem] 2 Biedcanford [Bedford] 571 (Biedcanforda, dat.) Blais [Blois] 1116, 1135 Bolhithe geat [Bolhithe Gate] 1070 Boneual, mynstre þe is gehaten Boneual [Bonneval] 1013 Bosenham [Bosham] 1046b, 1048 Bradanæ [R. Brandon] 656 Bramtun [Brampton] 1121 Bredune [Bredon] 675 Brentford [Brentford] 1016 (Brentforda, dat.) Breodun [Breedon] 731 Bricgstow [Bristol] 1087, 1126 (Bricstowe, dat.), 1140 (Bristowe, dat.) Brigg [Bridgnorth] 1102, 1126 Brunanbyrig [Brunanburh] 937 Brycg [Bruges] 1037 (Bricge, dat.), 1045, 1046b, 1052 Bryten [Britain] Pref. (Brittene, gen.), 60 BC, 47, 189, 409, 418, 449, 495, 501, 514, 592, 596, 601, 617, 664, 668 Brytenland [Britain] 380, 477, 979 (Brytonland) Brytland [the land of the Britons, here Wales] 1063, 1087 Brytland [Brittany] 1076, 1085a, 1086 Bucinghamscir [Buckinghamshire] 1010, 1011 (Bucingahamscir), 1016 (Buccingahamscire, dat.) Bune [Boulogne] 892, 1096, 1100 Burch, Burh [Peterborough] 656, 963, 992, 1013, 1041, 1052, 1052 (Gildene Burh), 1066, 1069, 1070, 1072, 1098, 1102, 1103, 1107, 1114, 1116, 1124, 1125, 1127, 1127 (Burhc), 1128, 1130, 1131, 1132, 1154 Bures, þone castel 1094 Burgundia [Burgundy] 1046b Burne [Westbourne] 1114 Byferesstan [Beverstone] 1048 Byrtun [Burton-on-Trent] 1066

165

INDICES

Bysincun [Besançon] 1046b Cære [R. Carron] 710 (dat.) C0saraugusta [Zaragoza] 778 Caln [Calne] 978 Campaine [Champagne] 1096 Caninganmærsce [Cannings Marsh] 1010 Cantwarabyrig, Cantwarbyrig [Canterbury] 655, 656, 656 (Kantwarabyrig), 675, 690, 754, 851 (Cantwareburh), 963, 1009, 1011 (Cantwaraburh), 1013, 1023, 1048, 1052, 1067, 1086, 1093, 1095, 1097, 1100, 1103, 1107, 1109, 1114, 1115, 1119, 1120, 1122, 1123, 1125, 1129, 1129 (Cantwarabyri), 1130 (Cantwarabyri), 1140 (Cantwarbyri), 1140 (Cantebyri) Cantwic [Quentavic] 839 Cardeol [Carlisle] 1092 Carrum [Carhampton] 833 (dat.), 840 (dat.) Castra [Castor] 963 Cathum [Caen] 1086 (dat.), 1105 (dat.) Caziei [Chézy] 887 Cealchyth [Chelsea] 785 Ceaster [York] 685, 762, 779 Ceaster [Chester] 1094, 1120, 1123, 1140 (Cæstre) Ceasterscir [Cheshire] 1085a Cedenac 675 Cent [Kent] 568, 616, 616 (Cænt), 633, 686, 687, 692, 794, 803, 823, 865, 885 (Cænt), 1009, 1016, 1048, 1087 Centland [Kent] 456 (Kentland), 676, 994, 1015 Ceorteseg [Chertsey] 1084, 1110 (Ceortesæge, dat.) Certicesford [Charford] 508, 519, 527 Certicesora [place of battle between Cerdic and Cynric and the Britons] 495, 514 Chalcedon, Calcedonensem sinodum 439; Calcedonense concilium 449 Cicc [the monastery of St Osyth] 1123 Ciceaster [Chichester] 1086, 1130 (Cicaestre) Ciltern [the Chilterns] 1009 Ciningesclif [place of battle between Æþelbald and Hearberht and Ealdulf] 778 Cippanham [Chippenham] 878, 879 Cirenceaster [Cirencester] 577, 628 (Cirnceastre), 879, 880 Cliu [King’s Cliff] 656 Clofesho 822 Clunig [Cluny] 1119, 1127 (Clunni), 1129 (Clunni), 1130 (Clunni), 1131 (Clunni), 1132 (Clunie) Coludesburh [Coldingham] 679 Constantinopolis [Constantinople] constantinopolitanum concilium 379; constantinopolitanum episcopum 433; imperatori constantinopolitano 810 Corfesgeat [Corfe] 979 Cosham [Cosham] 1015 Costesford 675 Cotingham [Cottingham] 1137 Couentre [Coventry] 1066, 1130 Cræcilad [Cricklade] 1016 Crecganford [place of battle between Hengest and Æsc and the Britons] 456 Creme [Crema] 1125 Creta [Crete] 431 Cruland [Croyland] 963, 1066, 1076, 1154 Cuggedic 656

166

PLACE-NAMES

Cumerland [Cumberland] 1000 Cundoth [Condé] 883 Curboil [Corbeil] 1123, 1135 (Curbuil) Cwichelmeshlæw [Cuckamsley] 1006, 1006 (Cwicchelmeshlæwe, dat.) Cymenesora [landing place of Ælle and his sons] 477 Cynemæresford [Kempsford] 800 Cynete [R. Kennet] 1006 Cynges Dælf [King’s Delph] 963 Cyningestun [Kingston-on-Thames] 979 Cynomannia [Maine] 1062 Cyrnceaster [Cirencester] 1020 Dægsanstan [place of battle between Ægðan and Æðelferð] 603 Damfront [Domfront] 1094 Defenescir [Devonshire] 851 (Defenescire, dat.), 878 (Defenanscire, dat.), 997 (Defnanscire, dat.), 997 (Defenan, dat.), 1017 (Dæfenanscire, dat.), 1044, 1048 Denemearce, Denmearce [Denmark] 1005 (Dænemearcon, dat.), 1018, 1019, 1025, 1036, 1069 (Dænmarcun, dat.), 1070 (Denmarcan, dat.), 1070 (Dænmarce, dat.), 1070 (Dænmercan, dat.), 1075, 1076 (Dænmercan, dat.), 1085a, 1086, 1119 (Denmarcan, dat.) Deorbiscir [Derbyshire] 1064 Deorham [Dyrham] 577 Derawudu [Beverley] 685 Dereuord [Dereworth] 656 Dodesthorp [Dostrop] 963 Dofre [Dover] 1048, 1052, 1095 (Doferan, dat.) Dol, þone castel 1076 Donemutha [Jarrow] 794 Dorcaceaster [Dorchester] 635, 636 (Dorceceastre), 639 (Dorceceastre) Dore [R. Dore] 827 Dorsæt [Dorset] 998 Dorwitceaster [Canterbury] 604 Driffeld [Driffield] 705 Dunestaple [Dunstable] 1123 Dunholm [Durham] 1072, 1080, 1087, 1096, 1099, 1100, 1128 Eahtehundred 963 Ealde Mynstre [Old Minster, Winchester] 1036, 1041, 1046b, 1053, 1061 Ealdulfesnæs [R. Naze] 1052 Ecgbrihtesstan [‘Egbert’s stone’] 878 Effesia [Ephesus] 100 (dat.); ephesina synodus 433 Ege [Eye] 963 Egleswurthe [Aylesworth] 963 Egonesham [Eynsham] 571 Elig, Helig [Ely] 673, 963, 1022, 1070, 1071, 1107 Ellandun [Wroughton] 823 Embenum [Amiens] 884 (dat.) Englafeld [Englefield] 871 Englaland, Engleland [England] 675, 785 (Ænglalande, dat.), 1014, 1016, 1020, 1028, 1029, 1036, 1039, 1041, 1043a, 1047, 1066, 1070, 1072, 1073, 1075, 1077, 1079, 1083, 1085a, 1085b, 1086, 1086 (Englæland), 1087, 1089, 1090, 1091, 1091 (Englum, dat.), 1093, 1094, 1097, 1099, 1100 (Ænglalandes, gen.), 1101, 1102, 1104, 1106, 1114, 1124, 1125, 1127, 1128, 1129, 1130, 1131, 1135, 1137, 1140, 1154 Eoferwic [York] 189, 626, 675, 675 (Æferwic), 685, 738 (Eoferwicceastre), 741, 744, 766, 774, 777, 795, 796, 867 (Eoferwicceastre), 869 (Eoferwicceastre), 923, 963, 1016

167

INDICES

(Eoforwic), 1060 (Eoforwic), 1064, 1066, 1068, 1069, 1072, 1100, 1103, 1108, 1114, 1119, 1120, 1123, 1125 (Eferwic), 1138 (Euorwic) Eoferwicstol [the see of York] 992 Esendic [the Asendyke watercourse] 656 Estun [Great Easton, Leics, or Easton Maudit, Northants] 1137 Ethandun [Edington] 878 Euesham [Evesham] 1077 Eureus [Evreux] 1112, 1130 (Euereus) Exanceaster [Exeter] 876, 877, 1003 (Eaxeceaster), 1135 (Execestre) Exanmutha [Exmouth] 1001 Fauresfeld [Faversham] 1154 Fethanlea [place of battle between Ceawlin and Cuþa and the Britons] 584 Fethermuthe, þet steode 656 Fifburhingan [the Five Boroughs] 1013 (dat.), 1015 (Fifburgum, dat.) Finchamstæd [Finchamstead] 1098 Flandre 1075, 1085a, 1096, 1100, 1102 (Flandres, dat.), 1111, 1117 (Flandra, dat.), 1118 (Flandran, dat.), 1118 (Flandra, dat.), 1119, 1120, 1127 (Flandres, dat.), 1128 (Flandres, dat.) Florentia [Florence] 1059 Folcesstan [Folkestone] 1052 Folies, ðet stede 656 France 1086, 1090, 1094, 1102, 1108, 1111, 1112, 1116, 1117, 1118, 1119, 1120, 1124, 1127, 1129, 1131, 1140 Francia 778 Francland, Frangland [the Frankish kingdom] 836, 880, 881, 882, 1076 Francrice [the Frankish kingdom] 1085a Freoricburna, þe cininges tune 777 Frommutha [mouth of the Frome] 998, 1015 (Fromuð) Fullanhamm [Fulham] 879, 880 Gafolford [Galford] 823 Gaita [Gaeta] 1118 Gallia [Gaul] 418 Gegnesburh [Gainsborough] 1013, 1014 Gent [Ghent] 880 Gerborneth [Gerberoi] 1079 Germanie [Germany] 449 Gildene Burh. See Burch Gillinga [Gillingham] 1016 Glæstingabyrig [Glastonbury] 1016, 1033 (Glestingabyrig), 1083, 1123 (Gleastingbyrig), 1129 (Glastingbyri) Gleawceaster, Gleaweceaster [Gloucester] 577 (Gleawcestre), 1048, 1085a, 1086, 1093, 1093 (Gloweceastre), 1094, 1100, 1103, 1122 (Gleawecestre), 1123, 1124 (Gleucestre), 1126 (Gleucæstre), 1127 (Gleucestre), 1140 (Gloucestre) Gleaweceasterscir [Gloucestershire] 1016, 1038, 1119 (Gloweceastrescire, dat.), 1122 (Gleawecestrescire, dat.) Grætecros [Great Cross] 656 Grantabrycg [Cambridge] 875 (Grantanbrycge, dat.), 1010 (Grantabrycge, dat.) Grantabrycgscir [Cambridgeshire] 1010, 1011 Grenawic [Greenwich] 1013, 1014 (Grenewic), 1016 Gypeswic [Ipswich] 991, 1010 (Gipeswic) Hæfe [R. Avon] 710 (dat.) Hæstingas [Hastings] 1011, 1066 (Hestingan, dat.), 1094

168

PLACE-NAMES

Hagustaldesea [Hexham] 681, 685 (Hagustaldesham, dat.), 766 (Hagustaldesee, dat.), 780 (Hagstdee, dat.), 789 (Hagustdee, dat.), 806 (Hagusteald) Hamtun [Southampton] 837, 981, 994, 1094 Hamtun [Northampton] 1010, 1064, 1140 Hamtunscir [Hampshire] 755 (Hamtunscyr), 860 (Hamtunescire, dat.), 878 (Hamtunscyr), 994, 998, 1003, 1006, 1009, 1011 Hatabathum [Bath] 972 (dat.) Heabureahg, an igland 686 Heamstede [Finchamstead] 1103 (dat.) Heanbyrig 675 Heatfeld [Hatfield] 675, 680 (Hæðfelda, dat.) Helathyrnum [place of battle between Æþelbald and Hearberht, Cynewulf and Ecga] 778 Helig. See Elig Hengestesdun [Kingston Down] 835 Heopwinesfleot [Ebbsfleet] 449 Heortford [Hertford] 673 Heortfordscir [Hertfordshire] 1011 Hereford [Hereford] 1055, 1060, 1087 Herefordscir [Herefordshire] 1048 Herethaland 787 Hethfeld [Hatfield] 633 Hispaniae [Spain] 778, 1086 (Ispanie, dat.) Hlidaford [Lydford] 997 Hlotheringa [Lotharingia] 1080 (dat.), 1126 (Loherenge, dat.) Hoge 686 Hreopedun [Repton] 755 (Reopandune, dat.), 874, 875 Hrepingas [Repington] 675 Hrofesceaster, Hrofeceaster, Rofesceaster, Rofeceaster [Rochester] 604, 616, 633 (Rofescestre), 643, 655, 656 (Rofecæstre), 656 (Rofecestre), 675 (Rofecestre), 727 (Rofecestre), 731, 740 (Rofescæstre), 802, 839 (Rofescæstre), 885, 986, 999, 1058, 1087, 1114, 1123 (Roueceastre), 1124 (Roueceastre), 1130 (Roueceastre), 1140 (Rouecestre) Hulme, þone castel [Le Houlme] 1094 Humbre [R. Humber] 827, 1066, 1069, 1070 Humbre mutha [mouth of the Humber] 867, 993, 1013 Hundehoge 1124 (dat.) Hungrie [Hungary] 1096 (dat.) Huntadunscir [Huntingdonshire] 1011, 1016 (Huntandunscire, dat.) Huntendun [Huntingdon] 656, 963 (Hutandune, dat.) Hweallæg [Whalley] 798 Hwerwillon [Wherwell] 1048 (dat.) Hwiterne [Whitehorn] 565, 762, 762 (Witerne, dat.), 777, 791 Hwitsand [Wissant] 1095 Hyrtlingbyri [Irthlingborough] 1137 Hyth [Hythe] 1052 Icanho 653 Ierusalem [Jerusalem] 71, 1100, 1120, 1121, 1128 Ii [the island of Iona] 565, 716 (Ie), 729 Indea [India] 883 Ione [R. Yonne] innan Ionan (in the Yonne area) 887 Ispanie. See Hispaniae Iudea [Judea] 12 (Iudeam, acc.) Ketering [Kettering] 963

169

INDICES

Kiæresburh [Cherbourg] 1091 Lægreceasterscir [Leicestershire] 1087, 1124 (Leþecæstrescire, dat.) Lambhyth [Lambeth] 1041 Legaceaster [Chester] 605, 972 (Lægeceastre), 1000 (Legceastre), 1016 (Legeceastre) Licetfeld [Lichfield] 716, 731 Limene mutha [mouth of the R. Lympne] 892 Lincolne [Lincoln] 627 (Lincollan, dat.), 1093, 1123, 1125, 1130, 1132 (Lincol), 1137 (Lincol), 1140 (Lincol), 1154 (Lincol) Lincolnescir [Lincolnshire] 1016, 1064 (Lincolnascire, dat.) Lindisfarna(ee) [island of Lindisfarne] 779, 780, 782, 793 (Lindisfarenaee, dat.), 803 Lindisse [Lindsey] 627, 678 (Lindissi, dat.), 874 (Lindesse, dat.), 993 (Lindesige, dat.), 1013 (Lindesige, dat.), 1014 (Lindesige, dat.) Lodeshac 675 Loherenge. See Hlotheringa Lufgeard 675 Lumbardig [Lombardy] 1117 Lunden [London] 616, 656 (Lundone, dat.), 656, 675, 731, 839, 883, 992, 1009, 1012, 1013, 1016, 1018, 1023, 1036, 1041, 1046b, 1047, 1048, 1052, 1057, 1085a, 1086, 1094, 1096, 1097 (Lundenne, dat.), 1100, 1101, 1107, 1114, 1123, 1125, 1127, 1129, 1130, 1135, 1140, 1154 Lundenbyrig [London] 456, 872, 886 (Lundenburh), 910, 992, 994, 1012, 1077 (Lundenburh) Lundenwic [London] 604 Lungeuile [Longueville] 1094 Luuaine [Louvain] 1121, 1123 (Luuein) Lygeanbyrig [Limbury] 571 Mældun [Maldon] 991 Mænige [the Isle of Man] 1000 Mæredun [place of battle between Æðered and Alfred and the Danes] 871 Mærlebeorg [Marlborough] 1110 Mæs [R. Meuse] 882 Mætern [R. Marne] 887 Malueisin, ænne castel 1095 Manig [Maine] 1091, 1099, 1110 (Mannie), 1111 (Mannie), 1112 (Mannie) Mans [Le Mans] 1073, 1086 Mare mortuum [Mortemer] 1054 Maserfeld [Oswestry] 641 Mathante [Mantes] 1086 Mealdelmesbyrig [Malmesbury] 1015 (dat.) Mearcredesburna [place of battle between Ælle and the Britons] 485 Medeshamstede [original name of Burh, i.e. Peterborough] 654, 656, 675, 686, 777, 852a, 870, 963 Medeswæl [the well from which Medeshamstede derived its name] 654 Medewæg [R. Medway] 999, 1016 (Medewege, dat.) Mellent [Meulan] 1118, 1123 (Mellant), 1124 (Mellant) Merantun [Merton] 755 Merelad [the channel between Wittlesmere and the Nen] 963 Middeltun [Milton Royal] 892, 1052 Monte Cassino [Monte Cassino] 1057 Moretoin [Mortain] 1104, 1105 (Mortoin), 1106 Mundford [Montfort] 1123, 1124, 1124 (Munford) Muntgumni, þone castel [Montgomery] 1095 Must 963

170

PLACE-NAMES

Næss [Dungeness] 1052 Narbona [Narbonne] 778 Nazanleog [Netley] 508 Nen [R. Nen] 963 Nicaea Nicenum concilium 311; in Nicea sinodo 625 Normandi(g) [Normandy] 876 (Normannia), 1062 (Normanni0, L. gen. sing.), 1074, 1075, 1079, 1085a, 1085b, 1086, 1087, 1090, 1091, 1094, 1095, 1096, 1097, 1098, 1099, 1100, 1101, 1103, 1104, 1105, 1106, 1107, 1108, 1109, 1111, 1112, 1113, 1114, 1115, 1116, 1117, 1118, 1119, 1120, 1123 (Normandie), 1124, 1125, 1126, 1127, 1128, 1130, 1131, 1135, 1137, 1140 Northburh [Northborough] 656 Northfolc [Norfolk] 1075, 1085a Northhamtun [Northampton] 1087, 1106, 1122 (Norhthamtune, dat.) Northhamtunscir [Northamptonshire] 1124 Northmannes cros hundred 963 Northmuda [northern mouth of the Kentish Stour] 1052 Northwic [Norwich] 1004, 1075, 1087, 1122 (Norhtwic), 1130 (Noruuic) Norwæg [Norway] 1070 Olanig [Alney] 1016 Ostensis, uia ostensi [the Ostian Way] 254 Ottanford [Otford] 774 Ou [Eu] 1091, 1094, 1096 Oxnaford [Oxford] 910, 1009 (Oxneforda, dat.), 1013, 1015 (Oxonaforda, dat.), 1018, 1036, 1039, 1137 (Oxeneford), 1140 (Oxenford), 1154 (Oxenford) Oxnafordscir [Oxfordshire] 1010, 1011 (Oxenafordscire, dat.) Paccelad 656 Pampilenia [Pampeluña] 778 Paris 887 Pastun [Paston] 963 Pathma, þam iglande [Pathmos] 87 Pauia [Pavia] 888 Pedredan mutha [mouth of the Parrett] 845 Pedrede [R. Parrett] 658 (Pedredan, acc.) Peitowe [Poitou] 1127, 1128 (Peitou), 1140 Pentecostes castel [Pentecost’s Castle, Herefordshire] 1052 Penwihtsteort [Land’s End] 997 Peonnan 1016 (dat.) Peonnho [Pinhoe] 1001 (dat.) Peonnum [place of battle between Cenwealh and the Britons] 658 (dat.) Perscora [Pershore] 1086 Peuenesea [Pevensey] 1046b, 1052 (Pefenesea, dat.), 1087 (Pefenesea, dat.), 1101 (Pefenesæ, dat.) Pincanheal 788 Port, Portland [Portland] 837, 1052 Portesmutha [Portsmouth] 501, 1101, 1114, 1123 Portloc [Porlock] 1052 Posentesbyrig [Pontesbury] 661 Pryftesfloda [the stream at Privett] 755 Puille [Apulia] 1096 Punt Aldemer [Pont Aldemer, castle of Walaran of Meulan] 1123 Puntiw [Ponthieu] 1120 Raculf [Reculver] 669, 692 Ræins [Rheims] 1119

171

INDICES

Raggewilh [Rag Marsh] 656 Ramesæie [Ramsey] 1154 (dat.) Readingas [Reading] 871 (Rædingum, dat.), 872 (Redingum, dat.), 1006, 1135 (Redinge, dat.) Reduers [Réviers] 1135 Rihala [Ryhall] 963 (dat.) Rin [R. Rhine] 887 Ripum [Ripon] 709 (dat.), 785 (Hripum, dat.) Rodbertes castel [Robert’s Castle, Rayleigh, Essex] 1052 Rofe(s)ceaster. See Hrofesceaster Rogingham [Rockingham Castle] 1137 Romare [Roumare] 1123, 1140 Rome [Rome] 45, 167, 443, 528, 565, 592, 656, 667, 675, 688, 709, 721, 726, 735, 737, 780, 785, 799 (Roma, dat.), 812, 855, 874, 883, 887, 888, 889, 890, 927 (Rom, dat.), 1022, 1031, 1047, 1048, 1054, 1096, 1103, 1114, 1119, 1123, 1124, 1125, 1127, 1129, 1137 Rothem [Rouen] 1124 (dat.) Rotomagus [Rouen] 311, 403 (Rotomagensi, L. gen.) Rugenore [Rowner] 1114 Rumenea [Romney] 1052 Rumeseg [Romsey] 1085b Sæfern muthon [mouth of the Severn] 997 (acc.) Sæis [Séez] 1114, 1130 Sancte Albane, mynstre [St Albans] 1116, 1125 (Sancte Alban), 1154 Sancte Dauid [St David’s, here Wales] 1130 Sancte Eadmundes byrig [Bury St Edmund’s] 1046a, 1098 (Sancte Ædmund), 1107, 1123 (Sancte Ædmund) Sancte Neod [St Neot’s] 1132 Sancte Remei [Rheims] 1046b, 1046b (Remis, dat.) Sancte Waleri [Saint-Valéry-sur-Somme] 1090 Sandwic [Sandwich] 851, 1006, 1009, 1013, 1014, 1015, 1039, 1043a, 1046a, 1046b, 1052 Sauenni [Savigny] 1127 Saxonia [Saxony] 778 Scæftesbyrig [Shaftesbury] 980, 1036 (Sceaftesbyrig) Scælfremere 656 Scald [R. Scheldt] 883 Scandlaudan [St Lo] 890 (dat.) Sceapege [Sheppey] 832, 855, 1016 (Sceapige), 1052 (Scepige) Sceorstan [Sherston] 1016 Scesscuns [Soissons] 1127 Scireburne [Sherborne] 860, 860 (Scirburnan, dat.), 867 Scithia [Scythia] Pref. Scotland 934, 1031, 1066, 1067, 1068, 1072, 1074, 1079, 1086, 1091, 1093, 1097, 1100, 1107, 1124, 1126, 1128, 1135, 1138 Scrobbesbyrig [Shrewsbury] 1016, 1102 Scrobbesbyrigscir [Shropshire] 1006, 1087 (Scrobscyre, dat.), 1094 (Scrobscire, dat.) Scuffanhalch 675 Searobyrig, Searbyrig [Salisbury, Old Sarum] 552, 1003, 1085b (Searebyrig), 1096, 1099, 1100, 1106, 1123 (Seresbyrig), 1123 (Særesbyrig), 1123 (Searesbyrig), 1125 (Særesbyrig), 1126 (Særesbyri), 1130 (Særesbyri), 1132 (Seresbyri), 1137 (Serebyri) Secandun [Seckington] 755 Sefærn [R. Severn] 910 Seintes [Saintes] 1127 Seletun [Silton] 779

172

PLACE-NAMES

Sempigaham [Sempringham] 852a Seofonburgum [the Seven Boroughs] 1015 (dat.) Sexland [Saxony] 1106, 1127, 1129 Sicilie [Sicily] 1129 Sigen [R. Seine] 660, 886, 887, 890 Siria [Syria] 47 Sliowaford [Sleaford] 852a Snawdun [Snowdon] 1095 Snotingahamscir [Nottinghamshire] 1016, 1064 (Snotinghamscire, dat.) Snotingham [Nottingham] 868, 868 (Snotingaham) Soccabyrig 780 Spallding [Spalding] 1154 Stæffordscir [Staffordshire] 1016 Stængfordesbrycg [Stamford Bridge] 1066 Stan [Staines] 1009 Standard [place of battle between William of Aumale and King David] 1138 Stanewig [Stanwick] 1137 Stanford [Stamford] 656, 963, 1016 (Stanforda, dat.), 1070, 1127, 1140 Streoneshealh [Whitby] 680 Stretford [Old Stratford] 675 Sture mutha [mouth of the Stour] 885 Stutteuile [Estouteville] 1106 Sumersetescir [Somerset] 1122 Sumortun [Sumerton] 733 Sunne [R. Somme] 884 Suthfolc [Suffolk] 1075 Swanawic [Swanage] 877 Swineshæfed 675, 777 (Swinesheafde, dat.) Tamermutha [mouth of the Tamar] 997 Tantun [Taunton] 722 Tefingstoc [Tavistock] 997 Temesanford [Tempsford] 1010 Temese [R. Thames] 60 BC, 823, 851, 871, 879, 999, 1006, 1009, 1010, 1011, 1013, 1016, 1036, 1048, 1070 (Tæmese), 1114 (Tæmese) Temese mutha [mouth of the Thames] 851, 892 (Tæmese muþe) Tenercebrai [Tinchebrai, castle of William of Mortain] 1106 Tenet [Thanet] 851, 852b, 865, 969 (Tenetland), 1046a Teotanheal [Tettenhall] 910 Theodford [Thetford] 870, 1004, 1094 Thorneie [Thorney] 1066 (dat.), 1154 (Torneie, dat.) Thorp [Thorpe] 963 Throkonholt 656 Tinanmutha [Tynemouth] 792, 1095 (Tinemuðan, dat.) Tine [R. Tine] 875, 1079 Tonebricg [Tonbridge] 1087 Trenta [R. Trent] 679, 1013, 1069 Treueris [Trèves] 1046b Turcesig [Torksey] 873 Uallium Dunas [Val-ès-Dunes] 1046a (L. acc. pl.) Uercel [Vercelli] 1047 Uescam [Fécamp] 1091 Uienna [Vienne] 490, 1119 (Uiana)

173

INDICES

Undala [Oundle] 709 (Undalum, L. dat.), 963 (Undela) Use [R. Ouse] 1010 (Usan, gen.), 1069 (Usan, dat.) Wærham [Wareham] 784, 876, 877 (Werham), 979, 980, 1113 Wæringscir [Warwickshire] 1016 Wætelleburne 675 Wætlingastræt [Watling Street] 1013, 1013 (Wæclingastræte, dat.) Wagele 664 (dat.) Walteuile 1137 (see Hugo of Walteuile), 1154 (see Willelm of Walteuile) Waltun [Walton] 963 Wasconia [Gascony] 778 Watteuile [Vatteville, castle of Walaran of Meulan] 1124 (dat.) Wealingaford [Wallingford] 1006, 1013, 1126 (Walingeforde, dat.), 1140 (Walingford) Wealland [a foreign country, here France] 1040 Wealwudu [recte Sealwudu, Selwood] 878 Wecedport [Watchet] 987, 997 Wedmor [Wedmore] 878 Welmesford 656 Wermingtun [Warmington] 963 Westmoringaland [Westmorland] 966 Westmynster [Westminster] 1039, 1066, 1069, 1072, 1075, 1076, 1085b (Wæstmynstre), 1086, 1091 (Wæstmynstre), 1097, 1099, 1100, 1101, 1102, 1102 (Wæstmynstre), 1103, 1104, 1104 (Wæstminstre), 1106, 1107, 1107 (Westminstre), 1108, 1109, 1110, 1117, 1118, 1121 Wibbandun [place of battle between Ceawlin, and Cuþa and Æðelbriht] 568 Wicgeanbeorg [Wigborough] 851 Wigeraceaster [Worcester] 992, 1130 (Wigorceastre) Wigraceasterscir [Worcestershire] 1038, 1087 (Wiðreceastrescire, dat.), 1119 Wiht [the Isle of Wight] 449, 656, 661, 686, 1022, 1052, 1085b, 1091 Wihtgarasbirig [place of battle on the Isle of Wight] Wihtland [the Isle of Wight] 530, 534, 998, 1001, 1006, 1009, 1013 Wiltun [Wilton] 1003 Wiltunscir [Wiltshire] 1003, 1006, 1011, 1015 Winburne [Wimborne] 718 Windlesora [Windsor] 1061, 1095, 1097, 1105, 1107, 1110, 1114, 1121, 1126 (Windlesofra, dat.), 1127 (Windlesoure, dat.) Wintanceaster, Winceaster [Winchester] 641, 703, 731 (Wæntan, dat.), 744 (Wintancæstre), 754, 755, 855, 860, 963, 1013, 1032, 1036, 1041, 1042, 1045, 1053, 1075, 1076, 1085b, 1086, 1095, 1097, 1098, 1100, 1101, 1102, 1103, 1104, 1108, 1123, 1125, 1127 (Wincestre), 1129, 1130, 1140 (Wincestre) Winwidfeld [place of battle between Oswiu and Penda] 654 Wippedesfleot [place of battle between Hengest and Æsc and the Britons] 465 Wisebec [Wisbeach] 656 Withringtun [Werrington] 963 Witlesmere [Wittleseymere] 656, 963, 963 (Witlesmære, dat.) Witun [Wilton] 871 Wocingas, mynstre [Woking] 777 Wodnesbeorg [‘Woden’s barrow’] 592, 715 Wudestoke [Woodstock] 1123 (dat.) Wudiham [Odiham] 1116 Ybernia [Ireland] Pref. Yrland [Ireland] 1048, 1052, 1070, 1086 Ysere [R. Iser] 1052

174

THE ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE A Collaborative Edition

Volumes already published 1.

MS. F: A Facsimile Edition, ed. David Dumville (1995)

3.

MS. A, ed. Janet M. Bately (1986)

4.

MS. B, ed. Simon Taylor (1983)

5.

MS. C, ed. Katherine O’Brien O’Keeffe (2001)

6.

MS. D, ed. G. P. Cubbin (1996)

8.

MS. F, ed. Peter S. Baker (2000)

10.

The Abingdon Chronicle, ed. Patrick W. Conner (1996)

17.

The Annals of St Neots with Vita Prima Sancti Neoti, edd. David Dumville & Michael Lapidge (1985)