Supplementary Report on the Manuscripts of the Duke of Hamilton, K.T. (VOLUME 2: 1563-1794)

SUPPLEMENTARY REPORT ON THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE DUKE OF HAMILTON, K.T. [VOLUME 2: 1563-1794]

EDITED BY JANE HARVEY McMASTER MARGUERITE WOOD TANNERRITCHIE PUBLISHING

HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION

SUPPLEMENTARY REPORT ON THE

MANUSCRIPTS OF THE

DUKE OF HAMILTON, K.T. [VOLUME 2: 1563-1794] EDITED BY JANE HARVEY McMASTER and MARGUERITE WOOD

SEARCHABLE TEXT EDITION

TANNERRITCHIE PUBLISHING, BURLINGTON, ONTARIO, CANADA IN COLLABORATION WITH THE LIBRARY AND INFORMATION SERVICES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ST ANDREWS

©2009 TannerRitchie Publishing & The University of St Andrews ISBN 978-1-55493-109-5

All rights reserved. No part of this electronic publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the copyright owner.

CONTENTS.

PAGE INTRODUCTION CORRIGENDA

V. xv.

REPORT : —

Correspondence, 1563-1794 "~* ... Appendix I . Accounts of the Marquess of Hamilton commanding in Germany ...

180

Appendix I I . Undated letters

189

INDEX

1

201

The cost of preparing the text of this volume has been borne by the Hamilton Estates Trustees, to whom and to Mr. Timothy Warren, of Messrs. Moncrieff, Warren, Paterson & Co., the thanks of the Historical Manuscripts Commissioners are due. The calendaring of the documents with which it deals was the joint work of Miss Jane Harvey, now Mrs. Ian McMaster, and Miss Marguerite Wood, but the final selection of the material was made by Miss Wood, who also saw the text through the press. The introduction has been written and the index compiled by Mrs. McMaster. The reference number suggested for this Report is 21.

INTRODUCTION. In 1887, Sir William Fraser's comprehensive calendar of the Hamilton papers was published by the Historical Manu­ scripts Commission. To his work the present volume must stand in the nature of supplement and appendix. He has dealt with almost every aspect of the Papers, from the early charters till the end of the seventeenth century. But the quantity of material has always forbidden the printing of anything more than selections. Fraser and his predecessors naturally included what was of first historical importance; nevertheless a considerable amount of valuable material remains. From the latter part of the seventeenth century historians have made many incursions into the great collection of manu­ scripts belonging to the Dukes of Hamilton. The first and most famous is Bishop Burnet, who incorporated, directly and indirectly, much of the material of that date in his " Memoirs of the First and Second Dukes," and, to a lesser degree, in the " History of His Own Times." S. R. Gardiner worked among them for his History of the Great Rebellion, and published in a separate volume the Hamilton Papers he had used (Camden Society New Series XXVII, 1880), dealing with the years 1638 to 1650. The collection of State Papers, illustrating the political relations of England and Scotland in the sixteenth century, which passed to the German Government in 1883, was recovered later for the British Museum and edited by Joseph Bain in 1890. A description of part of these was printed in Edinburgh 1720, and in 1809 a larger part of them was edited by Mr. Arthur Clifford and Mr. (later Sir) Walter Scott. But the first attempt to calendar the whole collection is anonymous. Dr. John Stuart mentions it in his preliminary Report on the Papers for the Historical Manuscripts Commission in 1869 (First Report, App. pp. 112-114). He describes it as " about a century old." Part of it came into the possession of George Chalmers, author of Caledonia, and at the sale of his library it was purchased for the Maitland Club and published by them as the fourth volume of their Miscellany in 1847. In addition, there have been several Histories of the House of Hamilton, and various Genealogies of Hamilton and Douglas, John Anderson's published in 1825, and Will. Aiton's in 1827.

Meanwhile the collection in the Muniment Room at Hamilton Palace was constantly growing. Among the eighteenth century papers is an agreement made by one, James MacKenzie, in which he undertook " to repair to Hamilton, to his Grace's Charter House, and there to make complete inventories not only of the Progresses and Rights of Land, but of all such writings as may be matters of curiosity or shew the antiquity of the Family. The said James to continue constant at this work (health serving) till the whole shall be finished." The task was obviously considered formidable even then, for special allowances were made for " coal and candle while he sat in the Charter House, and for paper and for binding into volumes of the finished work." A note is added later, 1762, of the extra papers that came from Holyrood. " Those falling under the first agreement filled no more than ten trunks, whereas now the ten are filled as formerly, and almost all the thirty new trunks over and above." He refers separately to the labour of reading the twelve volumes of State Papers on the affairs of England and Scotland in the reigns of King James V and his daughter Queen Mary, to the searching out the keys to Ralph Sadler's cipher and making a key to Sir Francis Walsingham's , " a task so extraordinarily laborious that without a desire of adding to the noble Duke's ancestry and enriching them with various anecdotes not known in the Histories of either Kingdom, I could not have endured so arduous a task." But, as Dr. Stuart says, " many of the bundles which form single entries in the Catalogue, contain more than one hundred documents." History's estimate of what is valuable changes, or rather is enlarged, and much of the material so summarily dismissed, has, with the growing concentration on social and economic aspects of History, gained a new importance. (1)

Shortly after the War, Her Grace the Duchess discovered Blake's illustrations to Gray's poems at Hamilton Palace. She brought them to Professor Grierson's notice, and he edited them for the Oxford Press. At this time the demolition of Hamilton Palace was imminent. Professor Grierson, consulted by the Duke and Duchess through Mr. Timothy Warren, suggested that the whole of the Papers, now filling 56 chests, should be deposited for an indefinite period in the Register House at Edinburgh, and while there be calendared as completely as should seem necessary. To quote from his own words, " such a printed calendar would of itself be a gift to the Nation, and make the (1) Possibly James MacKenzie is the author of the volume printed by the Maitland Club. Description of State Papers fills 55 of the 145 pages of the printed catalogue ; and the two ciphers are contained therein.

work which has been done through the generosity of the Duke and Duchess a public service, whatever might be the ultimate fate of the Papers themselves." Accordingly in 1923 I was entrusted with this task, together with Lauriston Sharp, M.A., Ph.D., who unfortunately retired through illness, his place being taken by Miss Marguerite Wood, M.A., Ph.D., of Edinburgh, who worked with me for some time. Every paper was read, arranged as far as possible according to subject, and chronologically, and in the case of MSS. already printed reference made to their publication. The result was a detailed and descriptive catalogue which now fills chest 40 of the collection. The calendar was completed in February 1925. In 1924 I saw Mr. A. E. Stamp, then Secretary of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, and he undertook to consult the Commissioners as to the publica­ tion of the unprinted historical papers as a supplement to Sir William Fraser's work. It was hoped that it might be possible to print at least a large part of the Calendar ; but its size and financial considera­ tions have precluded the possibility of printing in full. In 1929 the Commission decided to print the more important of the historical papers. Miss Wood, with Professor Hannay's advice, prepared the present selection for press. The collection falls into four parts. (1) Charters, which occupy about half of the whole Collection, of which the earliest is dated 1315. (2) Transactions dealing with land, estates generally, lawsuits etc. (3) State and Historical Papers. (4) Letters dealing with purely personal and family matters. In addition, three chests contain the papers of William Beckford, whose daughter, Susanna Euphemia, married Alexander the tenth Duke. They consist chiefly of letters and the MSS. of his books, and have been dealt with separately by Mr. John W. Oliver, in his life of Beckford shortly to be issued by the Oxford University Press. Sections not dealt with in the present volume include the Charters, under which heading fall Bonds of Manrent, Papal Bulls and Letters, and Transferences of land generally, chiefly in Lanarkshire and the neighbouring counties of the West, and Arran. The earliest and most interesting are printed by Fraser in the 1st section of his Report. There is a unique series of Papal Bulls of the sixteenth century, which have been described by Professor Hannay in the Scottish Historical Review for October 1924. They concern the promotion of John, later first Marquis of Hamilton to the Abbey of Arbroath in 1551. The whole elaborate cycle is here complete, and offers valuable evidence of the secularising of the Church and the alienation of its lands, which, as Professor

Hannay points out, was a powerful and generally unrecognised factor in the Reformation. The Charters are naturally of chief value to the local historian, the genealogist, the philologist, and the student of place names and of racial intermixture in Scotland. Many supply gaps in Scottish national records ; for it was not until 1599 that the Scottish Register of Sasines was instituted, and it is frequently defective until 1660. The peculiarly Scottish custom of taking legal instruments on every occasion makes them often of exceptional interest. Among seemingly waste tracts of legal transference valuable insight is given into National movements such as Enclosures, e.g., an Instrument was taken when James Weir of Blakwod was asked to produce his title to the lands of Rogerhill. He and his notary " prodosit none to us, but red ane instrument halding it in their aun handis, and their notaris handis quham he brocht with him, and one na wyss wald delyverit to us twa jugis." Such was his title. Then follows testimony from all the oldest parishioners concerning this and other " intakis " from the common Moor, dated 1533. Other material that may later be of use to Economic specialists are the papers dealing with coal and coal mines (chiefly at Kinneil), Charters deal with the transference of coal lands, and give permission for mining it. The more detailed accounts begin only in the eighteenth century. Various lawsuits also concern coal, but of later date. A large number of letters and account books deal with the salt pans at Bo'ness. The Factors' letters preserved, with the exception of the more important ones printed here, are of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Much legal corres­ pondence relates to the Duchy of Chatelherault, to the Hamilton and Abercorn claims. Various old genealogies are preserved, the most elaborate and curious being that of Beckford's daughter. Old inventories are chiefly interesting for their record of papers no longer there. Interesting correspondence relates to Alexander the tenth Duke's time and there are copies of his despatches while he was in Moscow as Ambassador. But the greater part of the late letters are of purely family interest.' ' 1

To speak briefly of the Papers printed in this volume, only the first eight pages contain sixteenth century material, and that fragmentary, as the papers of that date are almost all (1) A note comes from Mr. Dobie of the Manuscripts Department of the National Library of a gift from Sir William Fraser's executors of Hamilton letters covering roughly the period 1682 to 1809, and chiefly from members of the family to one another.

printed elsewhere. The draft of Chatelherault's letter, p. 1, proves his close connection with the French Royal House, and requests that Arran might be received into French service, having done nothing " digne de tel imprisonnement, sauf le plaisir de la Royne." The Inventory is valuable for the names it mentions, and the proof of the existence of letters which are unfortunately not now traceable. The letters have no sequence; but they may one day provide valuable clues; for, that there are still important mysteries to solve, is proved, if proof is needed, by Sir Edward Parry's " Mary Stewart." Her letters dated 1567 and 1568, pp. 3 and 4, the unsigned note and Boutet's letter show what importance she attached to Chatelherault's mission to France, what help she expected, and what she received, from the French King. Chatelherault's loyalty to Mary, and her reliance upon him as leader of her cause are manifest throughout. The " Reasons against the abdication " are obviously Mary's; though the actual document is a seventeenth century copy. Her fears that possible successors would never rest while she remained alive, show tragic insight into the future. The date is con­ jectural. In December 1567 Chatelherault protested against " all attempts to divert the Crown of Scotland from lawful claimants." This, together with her known regard for him, suggests that the possible successor she feared was not a Hamilton, but Murray. These are the final scattered fragments that relate to Mary Queen of Scots. The main contribution of the present volume lies undoubtedly in the three groups of seventeenth century papers. The first dealing with the Thirty Years War, the second with the out­ break of the Civil War in Scotland, 1638 onwards, the third with the effects of the Duke of Lauderdale's administration, and the settlement after 1688. The English part in the Thirty Years War, and the farreaching effects of the War on English policy are still inadequately appreciated. Mr. H. G. R. Reade, the latest con­ tributor, in his monumental Sidelights, does not touch on Hamilton's expedition. This section must be read in con­ junction with Burnet's Memoirs and Fraser's Report for the full value of the present additions to be realised. They are pp. 9 to 44, together with the two Appendices, pp. 180 to 194. These include the remainder of Elizabeth of Bohemia's letters, and an interesting series of Receipts and Payments to the troops under the Marquis' command in Germany, 1631-32. The names are all English or Scottish proving that the expedition was a purely British one. A mass of drafts and copies of the negotiations between the English, the Dutch and the Swedes bear witness to the initial

difficulties encountered by the expedition, owing to the general distrust of Stuart Foreign Policy, and the English fear of being used by the Swedes. This, together with Charles' lack of money and foreign knowledge of the fact doomed the expedition even before it landed in Germany. The " Relation made and sent to the Emperor by Colonel Farensbach " shows how an Imperial agent in the confidence of Gustavus nearly succeeded in preventing the expedition sailing at all. The later Report by Colonels Peebles and Douglas (p. 29), states that for the complete restoration of the Upper Palatinate two things were required, " money and co-operation in council." Curtius writes (p. 28), " L'Armee crie de l'argent, et nous Iuy renvoyons l'antiphone, d'ou prendre." Among the Marquis' papers is an annotated copy of a Military Treatise, anonymous, but several times printed, obviously inspired by the War. A section is described " Off Money." " Money, as the warre is made now a days, is the soule of an army." In spite of the moral value of soldiers who are " men of means," economy urges: " but this I doe assure you that could we once come in ane enemies cuntrey and land Dutch souldieris (for the Inglisch wilbe payit to the uttermost), the armie could be maintained . . . at the Ieist by the on halff and less." The expedition landed at the mouth of the Oder in August 1631, 6000 strong, but privation and plague reduced their numbers by a third. On September 24th Gustavus wrote " Tot milites morbo correptos languere, tot etiam morte sublatos, et exercitum jam exiguo tempore tertia sui parte diminutum, tanto molestius ferimus, quanto majore de eius robore et virtute nobis polliciti sumus." Alexander Hamilton's letters throw light on Gustavus' character, his purely Swedish policy (p. 24), his egoism. He is convinced that only a meeting between him and the Marquis can prevent the English force, which set out to conquer the Palatinate, becoming mere Swedish auxiliaries (pp. 22 and 23). The documents do not form a history of the Expedition, but supply a considerable amount of miscellaneous information about the War, and bear out what is already known, e.g., the excessive cruelty always associated with the war, described in the News Letter from Berlin (p. 11). Elizabeth of Bohemia's letters, those of the Elector and of their son, all show their faith in the Marquis, even after the failure of the Expedition ; " I trust you, and I know but a few that I have cause to doe so else." The Marquis remained a centre for continued negotiations. Borthwick's letter (p. 40) foreshadows the end of English intervention. It is vain to persuade the Swedes " anie more by word or writ, that good can come from England, without Parliament, which they think will not be."

Pages 45 to 79 deal with Scottish affairs 1638 to 1651. The Protestant leanings of the Marquis (though it was only in 1651 that at the King's wish he signed the Covenant), and his favour with the King singled him out as mediator in the negotiations which followed, between the King and the Covenanters. As Commissioner to the General Assembly he was naturally in touch with every section of the community. The letter of the Minister of Markinch (p. 50) shows popular backing of the Covenant, while the Informatione from Aberdeen (p. 47) describes the ingenious combination of threats and promises by which the Covenanters made and increased their party. The same document is noteworthy for its advice to the King to act; " unlesse his Majesty tak sum spiedy course to declair himself . . . many sail leave his M. for they ar alreddie wavering." It is interesting that many of the leaders of the Covenanters had grown used to fighting for religion in the wars in Germany. Whilst negotiating, their thoughts turn too readily towards munitions (see pp. 49, 50 et seq.). The Marquis had a difficult task as mediator. The extract from his Journal on page 55 stresses the impossibility of com­ promise, the general depression and suspicion prevalent in North England as well as in Scotland. That his ultimate failure lay in his loyalty to Charles is aptly pointed out on page 56. The Lords of the Covenant are too sure of his opposition " whensoever your Lp. conceaved any our just demands in the least measure to be any ways dissonant from his M. pleasure." The six letters from John Pickering, while he was acting as agent for the English Parliament to their Committee in Scotland, are printed from a book into which they were carefully copied. No comment is with them, but they are of great interest, showing the secret work of the Parliamentarians in Scotland. Pickering writes to them, " if you think this Kingdom may be serviceable to you. . . . I doe most solempnelie protest to you . . you ar guilty of your owne ruine and the ruine of Religione . . . in that you have not used all such meanes as have been advysed to you for draweing in this Kingdom for your assistance . . . heere is now that spirit in this Kingdom that will not easilie be layed." (p. 67.) The letters from William Earl of Lanark, later the second Duke, are few in number; but give additional proof of his supreme loyalty to the King, and to his brother the first Duke. In his farewell letter to his wife " sweetharte," unprinted, he describes the ideal life, " your duty to your King is the earthly thing which in the first place you ought to study." The three important letters (pp. 71, 72, 73) addressed to him, have been reprinted through an oversight (see Gardiner, pp. 162-164 and p. 177). Lord Perry on p. 73 is of course a misprint for Percy.

The paper on Worcester Fight shows the confusion that pre­ vailed in the Royal army, and is the foundation of Burnet's description (pp. 427-8 of the Memoirs). The next section, dealing with the Restoration, falls mainly within the life of William third Duke of Hamilton. It concerns, almost entirely, the widespread disturbances in the West of Scotland, caused by the attempts to suppress Presbyterianism and in particular Conventicles. These pages, 81-103, must be read in conjunction with Fraser pp. 165-168. Many of the letters here, e.g. the Duke's (p. 86), add further proof of the general support given to Conventicles. The extreme injustice of the methods devised for their suppression is shown by the Writ of Lawburrows on page 95, and the Duke's appeals which follow it. Details of the miseries caused by quartering troops on supposed offenders abound (pp. 94-97, 103 etc.). > (1

The references to Gilbert Burnet in the news letters on pp. 88 and 89 are interesting, especially the letter written by himself (pp. 89-91), with its frank advice to Hamilton. Generally, these letters bear out the worst Hume can say of Lauderdale's administration, and prove that Hamilton's opposition was based on justice and morality. Of especial value are his notes on the interview with Charles II, when he proceeded with his petition in spite of the King's frivolous reception of him. Charles' description of Parliament alone makes it worth re­ cording : " The King slighted the offer of a Parliament, saying, 400 judges, and it may be many of them knows not what they are saying." The King's permission to the eminent men of law to speak is illuminating, as well as the other references to his banishment of the lawyers and chief magistrates from Edinburgh (p. 99). One letter only refers to the actual Rebellion in the West, to the Duke of Monmouth's moderation in dealing with it, and to his popularity. Thomas Cunningham's Confession of the plot against Bargany, the Duke of Hamilton's nephew, is interesting because of the proof, in his own words, of Lauder­ dale's continued intrigues against any in opposition to him. James II's reign is represented by the Earl of Dumbarton's letters (pp. 104-111). The forfeiture suffered by the famous Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun for his part in the Rebellion is mentioned. His brother assures Duke William of the King's favour towards him (p. 105). The Earl of Feversham's letters to the Earl of Arran, later fourth Duke, as a commander in (1) There are 81 letters from Duke William, referring to this same period (which form a valuable commentary on those printed here) in the HSS. of the Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry, printed in Hist. MSS. Commission's Fifteenth Report, Appendix viii (pp. 162-5, 215-264.)

James II's army, explain the loyalty in which he persisted for some years. Duke William, his father, embraced the new regime from the beginning. And from then onwards he did much towards the settlement of Scotland and the establishment of Presbyterianism. As leader of the opposition against Lauderdale he was naturally put in command. " In the last two raings upon all occasions you stood in the gape." (p. 131). The same letter speaks vividly of the miseries still persisting after two years of the new regime. References to Arran's disaffection persist. The Earl of Abercorn's letter on the affairs in Ireland in 1697, with its description of Quakers as notorious Jacobites, is worth notice. But James' own impassivity (see pages 113 and 123) must have hastened his reconciliation. (On the resignation of his mother, the Duchess Anne, in 1698 he became the fourth Duke.) The series of letters from James Hamilton of Pencaitland 1695-1706 are extremely valuable. They deal primarily with the Hamilton Estate, but discuss National affairs by the way. The Union is continually referred to, as are the bad harvests, difficulties of trade, and Scotland's general depression, which probably hastened the treaty. In May 1706 he writes "There seems very few inclyneable to ane incorporating Union in the country at present," and in April " The English Commissioners seeme to be of much more sufficiencie than ours, being the prime men of England." Feared, it yet seems to have been regarded as inevitable. " We doe consider this action of Marlburrough's as ane absolute victorie, bot are affrayed it will make the English vain at this tyme, and be less willing to be kynd to us in the treatie. . . " The City of Edinburgh's appeal some time later, see p. 174, comments on the supposed effects of the Union. Of the remaining papers, those dated 1721-1722 (pp. 167-172) refer to the attack on the privileges of the Scottish Peers, when they rallied round the Duke of Hamilton (pp. 175-176). Three letters refer to the '45. The rest are all miscellaneous. S.K. (p. 176) was Lady Susan Hamilton who was married to Anthony Keck (formerly Tracy).' ' A pamphlet kindly sent me by the Rev. W. E. McFarlane, Rector of Great Tew, describes her as " a strenuous electioneering partisan at the great county contest of 1754, when she wrote squibs and party invectives, nearly if not quite libellous, and rode about the country with such zeal on behalf of the two candidates in the Government interest, Sir Edward Turner and Viscount Parker, that she overtaxed her strength and died, June 7th 1755, being aunt to the then Duke of Hamilton." 1

(1) Anthony Keck was elected one of the Members of Parliament for the Borough of Woodstock in April, 1754.

My thanks are due to the Duke and Duchess of Hamilton, to Mr. Timothy Warren and to Professor H. J. C. Grierson, who in the first place made the work possible, and after them especially to Mr. Angus and the officials of the Register House, Edinburgh, for their unfailing kindness and help while the work was in progress; to Professor Hannay who put his wide knowledge of Scottish History at our service; to Mr. A. E. Stamp and Mr. S. C. Ratcliff of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, for the care and trouble they have given to the present volume; and to my husband Ian McMaster who, with me, made the Index to the present volume. JANE 12th April, 1932.

HARVEY

AND

MCMASTER.

CORRIGENDA. p. 68, 1. 20 from foot.

For Murton read Wharton.

p. 73, 1. 17 from foot (and in five places below on the same page). For Perry read Percy. p. 83, 1. 10.

For B*toun read R'toun (i.e. Roberton).

p. 170, 1. 22 and 21 from foot. (i.e. Tories). p. 170, 1. 17 from foot. p. 177, 1. 19 from foot.

For Gorrie read

For Gorrie read Torrie piers, For Newman read Wenman.

Torries

MANUSCRIPTS OF

THE

DUKE OF HAMILTON. SUPPLEMENTARY

VOLUME.

The D U K E OF CHATELHERAULT to the PRINCE [OF CONDE.]

1568. July 18. Edinburgh.—Monsieur, l'occasion se presentant que la Royne ma souveraine s'est monstre tant favorable a ma requeste que d'eserire au Roy et a la Royne mere a ce que j 'eusse main levee de ma duche de Chastelherault m'a faiet vous escrire la presente par ce gentilhomme present porteur que j'ay depesche expressement pour cest effect, vous priant bien affectueusement, Monsieur, de m'y monstrer vostre faveur et d'y tenir la main en sorte que j'en puisse avoir briefve expedition, ne doubtant qu'il ne soit faict difficulte en ceste si raisonnable requeste, considerant le don que le feu Roy m'en a faict et la cause pourquoy, chose qui est assez congneu a Messires du conseil du Roy qui est a present. Audemeurant, Monsieur, je vous veux bien advertir comme mon filz le Conte d'Aran a este detenu prisonnier ces xvj mois passez et est encores de present et de ce en escriptz amplement au Roy et a la Royne mere comme la chose va, et parce, Monsieur, que je pense qu'il n'est pas besoing de sy grande recommandation de celuy la en vostre endroict, vous estant tousiours monstre tant son amy comme il m'en a bien sceu sou vent asseure, je ne vous en veux faire un long discours, seulement vous veux bien advertir que souventefois il s'est mis en depvoir de se verifier tel que nul a juste tiltre ne luy pouvoit imputer ryens digne de tel imprisonnement sauf le plaisir de la Royne, et avecque moymesme ay demande a sa Majeste a la requeste de mon filz et en son nom qu'il luy feust permis d'aller en France au service du Roy. Ce neantmoins de tout cela n'ay sceu rien obtenir, et parce, Monsieur, que j'ay donne charge a ce porteur vous dire le surplus de ma part je vous prieray de luy donner credit, ne vous faisant plus longue Iettre, qui sera l'endroit, Monsieur, ou, apres m'estre bien humblement et de bon cceur recommande a votre bonne grace, je prieray le Seigneur vous donner la sienne. HAM.—1

INVENTORY OF PAPERS BELONGING to the D U K E OF CHATELHERAULT.

1 5 6 4 , November 3 0 . Hamilton.—Apud Hammiltoun ultimo die mensis Novembris Vc lxiiij . The Inventour of all writtingis is and compt buikis being in the keping and observing of Mathias Hammiltoune of Milburne deliverit be Maister James Lambie pertenyng my lord Dukis grace to Gawin commendator of Kilwynning as efter followis Imprimis the inventour of the gudis and geir in the castell of Hammiltoun vyseit be my lord of Sanctandros the xvj day of Maij the yeir of God jm. vc. liij yeiris. Item and uther inventour of the gudis and geir pertenyng my lordis grace vyseit be Mathew Hammiltoun maister houshald the xx day of august the yeir of God lvij yeiris. [A list of account books and inventories of evidents of the Hamilton estates and Arbroath.] Item ane memoriall of precious ringis, bonattis and targettis ressavit be my lord of Sanctandros the secund of Junij vc liiij yeiris. Item Maister Alexr. Forestis wrytting the resait of twa obligatiouns the ane of my lord erle of Montrois and the uther of umquhile Archebald Scott concerning twa ringis and silver stouppis. [Further evidents and contracts.] Item ane ticat of Johnne Mosmannis compt of silver werk anno vc lvij yeiris. [Receipts and lists of sums of money not specified.] Item ane memoriall of the quenis propertie. Item ane memoriall of certane articles send to the King of France. Item ane mesyve fra the quenis grace to my lord daittit anno lxij. Item ane uther mesyve fra the quenis grace to my lord ye xiiij of apryle anno lxij. Item ane uther wrytting of the quenis grace to my lord of the dait the first of apryle anno lxij . Item ane uther wrytting fra the quenis grace to my lord of the dait the ix of apryle anno lxij . Item ane Franche wrytting berand the appointment maid at striveling befoir my lord gaif oure the authoritie anno liij yeiris. 0

0

0

0

T H E EARLS OF ATHOLL, MORTON, GLENCAIRN AND MAR, LORDS SANQUHAR & HOME, the LAIRD OF CRAIGMILLAR AND SIR WILLIAM MAITLAND of Lethington, and SIR JAMES BALFOUR to the ARCHBISHOP OF S T . ANDREWS.

1 5 6 7 , June 2 0 . Edinburgh.—They excuse their action in capturing the Queen. Having heard that the Archbishop and his friends are displeased with them, they protest that they

have done nothing to the hurt of his house. They desire him to come to Edinburgh to join them, because of the justice of their cause, his love for the country and because of the murder which was committed. They will give him all reasonable guarantees that no harm is meant to him. THE ARCHBISHOP OF ST. ANDREWS and his the above-named LORDS.

companions to

1567, July 21. Hamilton:—They have received the letter declaring the cause of the said Lords' assuming arms, namely the revenge of the murder of the Queen's husband and the preservation of the Prince. They answer that, though no one can more disapprove the murder, or more desire punishment to be made, or the preservation of the Prince, and though immunity be promised to the House of Chatelherault, they will not treat while the Queen is a prisoner. They ask permission to talk with the Queen. They find the Lords' proceedings strange and dangerous. They ask that two of their number be admitted to the Queen to inform her of the dangerous state of the country, of the divisions of the nobles among themselves and to beg that she will punish the murderers of her husband. The surest way of protecting the prince is to procure from the Queen the ending of all troubles, and to Find a way whereby the writers and all other parties of the nobles may live in peace together, and that the Queen be set free to maintain the tranquillity of the country. MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS to the D U K E OF CHATELHERAULT.

1568, May 6. Hamilton.—Mon cousin vous seres adverty par ceste lettre que nous sommes par la grace de Dieu hors des prisons de Lochlin et maintenant en liberte chez vous au chasteau d'Hamilton ou nous reposons sur voz amyes et serviteurs qu'avons trouve bien affectionez a notre service et pour nous maintenir en notre autorite, donct et du bien qu'avons receu et recevrons de vous et des votres nous vous remercions de tres bon cuer et ne l'oblierons jamais comme vous ferons cognoistre, Dieu aydant, quand l'occasion se presentera et nous en donnera le moyen. Nous avons escrit presentement par ce porteur au Roy de France et a notre oncle le cardinal de Lorraine certains articles afin d'avoyr suport d'hommes et d'argent avec quelque meunition d'artillerie pour reprimer les viollances d'aucuns noz subiectz qui ont conspire contre nous et perseverent meschamment, cuydans par l'espee nous oster notre couronne et authorite, parquoy nous vous prions d'assister et parler a notre diet oncle le Cardinal pour advance ceste affaire, a quoy votre filz Monsieur d'Albroch et Monsieur de Glasgo, mon ambassadeur, tiendront aussy la main et seront dilligens. Cependant je vous supplie de vous haster de me venir trouver en le plus grand dilligence que pourez, ayant de ce parle au

Roy et a son conseil et que plustost votre diet filz, Monsieur d'Albroch demeure pardela attendant qu'il plaise au Roy favoriser et accorder notre demande, pour incontinent s'en revenir avec l'ayde et confort qu'il luy plaira nous donner. Remectant au porteur pour vous dire le parsus que luy avons commande, nous prions Dieu qu'il vous maintienne en sa garde. Copy. MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS, to the D U K E OF CHATELHERAULT.

1568, June 21. Carlisle:—Mon cousin, nous vous envoyons avec ce gentillhomme, serviteur de votre filz, la copie d'une lettre de voz parens et amys par laquelle vous pourez estre certain et cognoistre comme tout e'est passe pardeca, remectant le parsus audiet porteur, nous vous asseurons que tout ainsy que vous parens et amys ont loyaulment et fidellement demeure avec nous en notre grand extremite et ont reeeu leur part du mal et dommaige aussy auront ilz leur part du bien et doulceur quand il plaira a Dieu de nous l'envoyer. Nous avons escrit a notre tresorier qu'il nous achapte troys cens harquebeuziers dont nous vous prions le faire dilligement solliciter et aussy de faire instance au Roy pour avoir ayde et suport d'hommes, argent et meunitions scelon les instructions que nous avons envoies a notre ambassadeur pour declarer a sa maieste et a notre oncle, le Cardinal de Lorraine, afin que les puyssies emmener avec vous en Escosse ou nous desirons fort que puyssies bien tost estre, et pource vous prions avec toute instance et dilligence procurer ledict suport que vous conduyres vers Dombertran ou trouverez prest a vous recevoir Monsieur de Sainct Andre avec quelques aultres qui vous attendent comme leur chef en notre absens contre nous traistres et cruelz ennemyes. Remectant le surplus en votre discretion, nous prions Dieu tout puyssant qu'il vous preigne en sa protection et garde. Copy. UNSIGNED NOTE.

[1568.]—Ce que M. le due de Chatelherault et l'ambassadeur d'Escosse ont advise a present le plus requis pour les affaires de la Royne en . . . audict pays e'est que des deniers qu'il a plu au Majestes du Roy et de la Royne luy octroyer il soit envoye deux mille escus au chateau de Dombertran par le sieur Thomas Stany [or Hany] et que la moitie qui est mille escus en soit baillee en ceste ville de Paris, l'autre moitie en sera delivre par ledict sieur due en Bretagne apres que l'assignation sera receue ou bien en Escosse. Au demeurant ledict Sr. due supplie leur Majestes de vouloir luy accomoder de huit pieces de campagne, a scavoir une coulevrine, une moyenne, deux faulcons et quatre faulconneaux, quelques boulets et jusqu'a douze barils de poudre, ensemble de douze ou quinze cents

piques. Et pource qu'il n'entend rien entreprendre sans le bon plaisir de leurs Majestes, il les supplie aussy de vouloir permettre avec et a son embarquement jusques au nombre de deux ou trois cents harquebusiers ou il en pourra recouvrer pour la seurete He sa personne. BOUTET to

.

£l568.]—Pour fournir a Monsiegneur le due de Chastelherault la somme de deux mil sept cens livres tournois bailie contant a Monsieur de Maliborne 6 jour de [blank] l'an mil cinq cens [blank] . . . [The sum of money is given in detail as to the coinage in which it was paid]. Plus encore bailie audict Sr. de Maliborne une ceddulle de Monsieur de Rudefer en date du vijme d'apvril Vc soixante cinq avant pasques, de la somme de C livres, et oultre la somme de six cens livres tournois qu'il plaist a mon diet seigneur le due bailler audict conte pour aucunement le recompenser des services qu'il luy a faictz, qui sera le tout de ladicte somme de ij m vij c. livres fourny comme dessus audict Sr. de Maliborne. M. D E VERAC to the

ARCHBISHOP of ST. ANDREWS.

1570, April 12. Lescourt. Monsieur, sy j'eusse peu seurement aller vers vous deslors que j'arrive en ce pays, moymesmes eusse estre porteur des lettres que le Roy a escriptes et faict entendre le commandement que j'avois de sa Ma , mais pource que le danger du chemyn ne le pouvoit permectre je les vous envoye en esperance de vous trouver en ceste assemble ou depuys ayant entendu que ne seryes poinct j'ay resolu apres que j'auray eu la responce des seigneurs qui y sont de vous aller trouver pour vous faire scavoir la volunte et intencion de sa Ma et avoir surce votre bon advis, sans lequel je ne m'en vouldrois retourner en France. Et remectant a vous discouvrir le surplus vendredy que Monsieur de Flemyn et moy vous debvons aller trouver ainsy que Monsieur de Quelynyn vous dira plus amplement je supplieray le Createur, Monsieur, qu'il vous doient en bonne sante tres longue et heureuse vye. te

te

REASONS AGAINST the

ABDICATION OF MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS.

[1571 ?]—Quant a la dimission de ma couronne comme m'avez escript Je vous prie de ne me plus empescher car je suis resollu et delibere plustost mourir que de faire Et le dernier parolle que je feray en ma vie sera d'une Royne d'Escosse pour raisons que s'ensuit, et autres choses plus grands me mouvans. En premier lieu estant les commissioneris d'une part et d'autre assemblez en ce pays, sur les differences d'entre moy et aucuns de mez subiectz chascune tient l'oeyll a ceste heure ouvert sur I'issu de ceste convention pour assoyr Jugement

selon ycelle ou du droit ou du tort des partyes, et s'il advient que apres estre venue [de] ce royaulme demander secours et avoyr faict plainte d'estre iniustement expulsee de mon royaulme, Je vienne cedir a mes adversaires tout ce quilz me scauroyent demander, que dira le commun si non que J'ey este mon juge et que moy mesme me suis condamne Dequoy s'ensuyvera que tous les bruictz que Ton a faict courir de moy seront tenuz pour veritablez et certains, et que ie seray en horreur speciallement aux peuples de toute ceste ysle. Et combien quil sera remonstre a la noblesse quel assist d'aucuns de mez subiectz plus quilz ne sont de moy J'ay voullu faire telle dimission en faveur de mon filz qui n'est en aige de pouvoir gouverner ; tant s'en fault que cela leur face penser que je suis innocente de ce que me est imposee quilz l'interpreteront tout au contraire et diront que c'est par craincte de estre accusee publiquement, et que me sentant coulpable et avoyr mauvais cause, J'ayme mieux payer que playder et que par ce moyen je suffre condamnation. Item si je m'estoy desmise et que a la persuation de mes adversaires, ou autrement la L.R. voulust me soulsmestre a quelques loix ou jurisdiction de tel juge que bon luy sembleroit elle avoit couleur de le faire d'autant que je ne seray plus que personne privee et par ainsy je me seray de moy mesme jectee en ung grand et emynent peril pour en cuider eviter ung moyndre, d'avantage s'il advenoyt que Dieu ne veuille que durant mon seiour en ce reaume, la R. Da ma bonne seur venist a deceder sans enfans, qui contendroient a ceste couronne pourroyent avoir moyen du peu de respect qui me seroit portee se saisir de ma personne et soubz le pretext susdict executer ce que peult estre ma diet bonne seur vouldroict avoyr pense. Item s'il advenoit que mon filz venist a mourir devant que de estre en age pour gouverner et avoyr succession, ma couronne tomberoit en une autre main et ne fauldroict que moy ny aultre venant de moy s'attendist y rentrer et oultre ce que je me trouveroy ainsy miserablement destitute je seroy en perpetuelle crainct de ma vie, car celluy que se seroit estably ne sesseroit jamais, qu'il ne se fust asseuree par ma mort, et qu'il n'en eust faict autant de ceux qui apres moy il senteroit y avoir plus de droict que luy estant advenu tant dez choses semblables que les examples me servent d'argumentz suffisans pour n'en attendre pas moyns. Par le moyen de telle dimission, je perdray tout support et faveur dedans et dehors, car je ne fay doubte que l'ancienne alliance de France se confirmast avec celluy qui regneroit, et moy estant personne privee, et peult estre soubz la puissance de ceux que 1'on ne vouldroit aysement courousser il y auroyt danger, que je receusse de l'outrage beaucoup devant que Ton feist semblant de nesmouvoir et quant a mes subiectz qui me portent affection, voyans que je les auroy abandonnez ilz trouveront

refuge ailleurs, et ne fauldroit jamais que ie pensasse les regaigner, si on allegue qu'il y a de leur interest particulier, je le veux bien, et d'autant plus je suis asseuree quilz ne se separeront poynct d'avec moy et sy je les laisse quelque autres les prendra, Je entend leur donnera support et ne fault attendre qu'il y eust en mon royaume tranquilitee ainsy deux factions qui par aventeur y seroyent nourryes par aucuns de ces payis, pour quelque particuliers des seings. Et combien que les choses se feissent d'une part et d'autre, au nom de mon filz si est ce que ce seroyt tousiours e contraires fins, et quil n'auroit Jamais 1'entiere obayssance, de quoy s'ensuyveroit la division et peult estre 1'entiere Ruyene de mon royaume. Ces periles sont evident, parquoy je suis deliberee que je ne precipite legierement ce que Dieu ma donne, et que je me resolve de mourir Royne que femme privee. SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM to LORD HAMILTON. tic

[1583]. December 3. London.—Her M hathe at this time made choise of this gentleman Mr. Bowes to sende into your countrie, the rather for the knowledge and good opinion that youre LP hathe heretofore had of hym, assuringe and reposinge her selfe very muche upon your Lf good affection and wisedome (as by her M letters bothe nowe and heretofore directed to your L you maye very well understande) for the good gouvernemente of that contrie and the quieting of such troubles as her M is very sorie to see it so much subiecte unto, for the appeasinge whereof her Majesty will willingly employe her selfe. I have thoughte good to joyne mye letters not so muche to recommende thys gentleman who is allready sufficiently knowen to your L» as to testifie the continuance of mye devotion and affection to do youre L^ service. s

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The

EARL OF MORTON to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1586, December 5. Dumfries.—Pleis your gude L. I have ressavit your lettre and am exceiding glaid of your happy jurnay, with Goddes grace your L. sal have mair honour of it in ane day nor all that heycht Douglas culd have obtenit in ane yeir. I wald with gude will have cumit my selff to your L. according to your desyre wer it nocht that it is impossible to me to keip baith your . . . > and the coventioun. And besydes that I mon put sum stay to the . . . that it may be sene your name dois mair to the setling of the bordouris of this merche nor the last Lieutenentis pains and bissines this far I thout meit to advise your L. anent your incuming and preparatioun heir Albeit your L. knaw weill aneuch quhat to do yit I estemit my dewtie to informe your L. quhat I trow salbe maist speidfull. First (1

i l )

(l) M.S. defective.

% that your L. caus publishe your commissione at the mercat croce of this towne with all convenient dilligence for quhill that be done Angus commissione is nocht thocht be the cuntrie to be dischairgit, and that he quhome your L. deput to publishe your commissione have also lettres to chairge the haill leages with the wairdouris to cum bodin in feir of weir with xx dayis victuallis to meit your L. at Drumfreis upoun the nynt of Januarie nixt . . . and upoun your honour the tyme of your being heir to ryde upoun sik as ar dissobedient that cumis nocht to your court under the pane of life, land and gudes And that your missives be direct to your nobilmen and barrones of the wardenrie to that effect Sonar apperandlie your L. may nocht cum becaus the Mone mon ansuer to the dyett of your court that ye may have and your Armie throw lycht in the nycht. Item to send till Ard. Millar quha hes the haill rollis of dittay that I causit tak up in Edinburgh And appoynt hym to cum in heir with dilligence and the haill rollis And that he may geve out the haill charges to the barronis of the cuntrie and frehalderis for the entrie of sik men as ar delaittit And I sail owersie that all the thingis salbe maid redy agane your incuming swa that your L. sail the nixt day of your heir cuming haif na forder to do bot to pas to the tolbuith and sit doune to your court and do justice And siclik that an officer of armes be send to Pebles, Begar and Lanerk and thair in your L. name command that all complenaris that hes nocht alredy gevin in thair complaynts of sik greiffis as thay have sustenit sen the uptaking of the last dittay upoun the inhabitantis of the west bordour that thay cum to your L. clerk quhilk ye sail depute for that caus betuix and the twenty fyft of this month, till Lanerk and geve up thair complayntis that the offenderis may be lauchfullie citet to your L, Justice court of the nynt. U )

In the menetyme sik number as your L. thinkis till interteine of hors frele for your awin gaird your L. I think we will nocht omit till hows thame . -. . > agane your incuming And I think your L. sail nocht mekle neid to trubill ony other gentilmen bot evin thais of the wardenrie to accumpanie yow except sik ressonabil number as your L. thinkis for your awin honour mair nor necessitie Becaus I will schortlie speik with your L. my self! how sone ony stay beis put to the cuntrie heir I will differ the rest to meitting I haif causit proclame this day that all compleneris heir away sail geve in thair dittayis to your L. clerkis in this towne betwix and the said xxv day quhilk dyat your L. clerk Ard. Miller or sum uther your L. will credeit in the maitter mon keip in this towne swa efter my maist hertlie commendatiouns to your L. honourable . . . > I committ your L. to the protectioun of the almychtie God. (1

11

(1) MS. defective.

ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF BOHEMIA to the COUNTESS OF BEDFORD.

[1620], March 3-13. Prague.—Deare Bedford, I see by your lines that your are still the same to me in your affection as I have ever found you, which I will ever requite with my most constant love since I have no better meanes to shew my thankfullness. I would that others were of your mind then I hope there woulde be taken a better resolution for us heere then yett there is, for I ame everie way assured of the peoples love which is more then I can yett deserve. I think I can easilie guesse who it is that doth chiefiie hinder the King in resolving, but I am sure though they have English bodies they have Spanish hartes, the King heere commes home to morrow he hath bene in Mara via, Silesia and the hie and low Lousnitz to take theire othe of allegiance which they have done Avith much testimonie of theire love. I shoulde have gone too, but that I lay in, they have given us both verie faire presents in Moravia the noble mens lands that were confiscated before your comming hither and manie other things besides. This is a verie good countrie but the ladies goe the strangeliest drest that ever I saw, they weare all furred capes and furred clokes and great Spanish ruffes, their gownes are almost like Spanish fashion but no fardingales, the citizens and the better sorte goe alike. The King hath biden Bethlem Gabor the Prince of Transilvania to cristen this little boy, he will not yet be called King of Hongarie though all that Kingdome hath sworne allegiance to him. He hath the croune by him but will not yett be crouned and onelie calls himself Prince of Hongarie and Transilvania he will doe no other till he hath better settled that countrie, he is altogether of our religion and a verie brave gentleman, I tell you this because manie putts it out that he is halve a Turk but I assure you it is not so. I hope I shall see him this sommer heere, or in Moravia. The languish heere is not understood by the Dutch, it is like the Sclavon toung but allmost all the better sort speeke Dutch and their owne toung. I will say no more at this time. I pray commend me to my deere mother and yours.

T H E SAME to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

[1625-6] 16-26 December, The Hague.—Worthie Cosen this is onelie to confirme to you what Sir Ri. Cave tolde you from me that I ame verie glade you are of the iuncto for forraine affairs. I will not trouble you with manie lines but leave all to Cave who will shew you how good my Uncle is to my sonne and manie other things I need not tell you I ame glad to heere there is a parliament. You beleeve it. I ame sure I pray God it may prosper. I pray doe your best that the King my accept no dilatorie answere for my sonnes releese for that will marr all.

GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS, KING OF SWEDEN to OF ENGLAND.

CHARLES I,

KING

1630, May 30, Stockholm.—Expressing his pleasure at the appointment of the Marquis of Hamilton to the command of the English Forces. Sir David Ramsay is informed of the King's intentions and will be the bearer of news. Copy. ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF BOHEMIA to the MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

[1630.] August 12-22. The Hague.—Good cosen I have understood both by the King of Sweden and this gentleman and David Ramsay the desire you have to shew your affection to me by your worthie actions, by which I think myself infinitlie beholding to you and ame sorie that I have no other meanes then by this paper to give you the thankes you deserve for it. The King hath desired me to say the same for him which he woulde doe himself but that he cannot write English. I assure you that he doth love and esteeme you as you deserve verie much and doth think himself extremelie beholding to you for this. Sir James Hamilton can best tell you how all things goeth, and that when you shall think it fitt you may advertise the King and me what will be best to doe in recommending your business to [the] King my brother. DAVID RAMSAY to the

SAME.

1630, November 8. The Hague.—The 17 of October I resseavit two letteris from your lo. the one from Mr. Woud a preacher datit the first of October, the other from Thornbeg datit the 10 of the sam moneth both in on day, befor the recet of thyse two letteris I had dispatchit letteris to your lo. by one Jhonstone, by them showing what it was I demandit from thence, for the dispatch of your Lo.'s affairis heir. It is now mor then a mounth sene he partit from hence bot as yett I have resseavit no ansuer the wich hes maid me make choise of this bearer of whois cair honestie and diligence I am confident. In my former letteris I wrett to your Lo. how farr I had proceidit in your Lo.'s affairis heir, neither can I convenientlie proceid without farder warrant from your lo. only by these lynis your Lo. wilbe pleased to resseave this farder satisfactione that I am in a verry good houp both from the King of Boheme and the esteatis to procur sum assistance for the advancement of your 1OP affairs nether sail I omit any tyme or occasione efter that I sail ressave ansuer if thesse thingis wich I have heir inclosed, my greatest dificultie with the King of Boheme and the esteatis is that they cannot believe that the King of Ingland intendis anything reallie for the advancement of your buisines the wich your Lo. must remove both by his letteris and your armie. My honored Lo. tym slydis away insensiblie and ther is much celeritie requisit in buisines of this weight in consideratione of which give me leave humblie to intreat your Lo. that I b

may receav your commandements for my directionis in your LOP service with your best convenience from thence that I may show by my indevoris how much I am your LOP faithfull servant. D. Ramsay, Postscript: Your Lo. wilbe pleased to pardone all my . . . in this dispatch for I have beine werey evill disposed in my body this fourtein dayis past. 8

s

NEWS LETTER FROM BERLIN.

1630, December 30. Berlin.—Nous avons ici des nouvelles tenues pour certaines, et confirmees par un des Con . . . de son Altesse Electorale et par le capitaine de Borxchstorff envoye pour recognoistre que le Roy de Suede s'es't empare de la ville de Griffenhagen par un stratageme, comme aussy du fort qui est devant Garts avec dix hommes seulement, et finalement de la ville de Garts mesme. On rapporte qu'il envoya premierement 4,000 chevaux vers Landsberg faisant semblant de la vouloir assaillir ce que les Imperialistes croyans aussy se seroient assembles pour luy faire teste, et que cependant il feit advancer les autres troupes vers Griffenhagen et l'auroit emporte. A quoy ledict Sieur de Boristorff adioute cette particularite qu'un executeur de haute justice audict lieu, voyant que les Imperia­ listes lesquels auparavant l'avoyent fort mal traitte, commencoient a perdre courage et a ceder aux Suedois, ne voulut pas perdre 1'occasion de se venger ainsi usant de son mestier auroit fait mourir 75 de sa main. S.M. a aussy prins prisonier un Colonel de l'Empereur nomme Don Ferdinand de Lagna, fait un grand butin et gaigne de l'artillerie. Maintenant elle poursuit sa victoire et les gens de l'Empereur sont tous en confusion prenants la fuite de toutes parts. Dated 9th D e c , 1630. Extract from a letter written from Spandau: Hier le ville de Berlin etait toute en trouble, plusieurs empacquetoyent et se retirent ailleurs. Cest etonnement est advenu de ce qu'on a eu advis que le Roy de Suede auroit attaque les gens de l'Empereur en trois divers endroits a l'impourveu lesquels prenans leur fuite vers Berlin et Frankfurt menacoient de mettre tout en feu et au sac. Mais Dieu merci l'evenement a este tout autre. Voyci ce que nous en avons. Le Roy de Suede feit passer monstre son armee un peu avant Noel, puis il publia un jeusne et celebra la communion. Cela fait il envoya 3 regimens de cavallerie vers Landsberg faisant semblant d'avoir que le dessein sur cette place la. Le jour de Noel il se tourna avec le gros de son armee vers Griffenhagen, par terre et par eau et commenca a 1B battre de telle furie qu'il l'emporta bientost, prinst prisonier le Gouverneur, Don Ferdinand de Lagna, et se saisit de toute l'artillerie. Le Mareschal de Camp voyant cest exploict se presenta avec environ six mille hommes tires de Garts auxquels le Roy feit teste avec 80 cornettes. Mais les Imperialistes sans tirer un seul coup de pistolet prinrent la fuite et abandonnerent 8 pieces de canon qu'ils avoient. Cependant une autre troupe de

S.M. tirant droit vers Garts (la ou les Imperialistes avoient laisse une bien faible garnison et y mis le feu) ils s'en rendirent maistres. De l'autre cote le Colonel Bandiss se presenta avec quelque Cavallerie devant le grand fort, et le fit recognoistre par dix Cavaliers qui meirent pied a terre. Mais d'autant que tous les Imperialistes s'estoient enfuis dela le pont lesdicts dix Cavaliers s'emparoient dudict fort. Surquoy les Suedois prinrent aussy Piritz la ou le Colonel Cratz commandoit. On ne scait pas bonnement que sont devcnus le vieil Regiment de Saxe, le regiment de Cratz, et le Regiment de Sparr. S'ils sont passes pres de . . . et de Frankfort ou non. S'ils ne sont passes, ils seront perdus, veu que le Roy a desia coupe tous les passages. Hier le Mareschal de Camp qui de depit s'est arrache les cheveux de la teste passa par devant Berlin avec quelque peu de cavaliers. L'Infanterie s'enfuit ca et la par dixaine et vingtaine. C'est une victoire signalee. Ce qui s'ensuivra vous sera com­ munique, de temps en temps. Le General Tilly est a Halberstat attache au lict de la mort, les nouvelles ne luy seront gueres agreables. Les villageois de Pomeranie joincts avec les Suedois assomment taillent en piece tout ceux qu'ils rencontrent. La nouvelle Marche de Brandeburg est desormais quitte des gens de PEmpereur a Hewenhagen et a Fryenwald, qui est une terre de Madame l'Electrice. II a demande tous les bateaux enfonces et les nefs. Le chancelier alia hier trouver S.M. Hier on mena d'ici 8 pieces de canon, et de la poudre a Berlin. W. ELPHINSTOUN to the

SAME.

1631, March 27. (O.S.). Hamburg.—After arrival at Hamburg I did salute his Ma Ambassadour Sir Ro' Anstruther whom I do find an able and an honest Minister for his Ma service, and truly devoted unto your honours service. My next visit was unto Mons Salvius Ambassador unto that victorioux King of SAveden, whose prosperous progress dothe terrifie the common enemy, and encourage all Avell affected. After conference Avith Mons Salvius, a man faithful to his master and affectionnate to the cause in hand, I did learne from him that hee had speciall ordor to keepe correspondence from his Royal master withe your honour and that the King of SAveden had alreddy sent, (the weeke before my landing in this place) unto Mons Camerarius, Ambassador for his Ma in Holland, ordor for levieing of three regiments of foote and assignation of moneys for the same to attend your honours landing in the place appointed by his Ma , his Ma thinking the Veser by Breme the most convenient. The taste of this set on edge my curiosity to enquire further: upon whiche hee drew up a copie of his Ma instructions concerning your honour Avhiche I do send, to bee considered of by your honour. I hope upon meeting Avithe his Ma to procure all contentments in what may seeme defective in these instructions. There is a note lykwise of the tie3

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moneys to be bestowed upon three regiments of foote and 8 troupes of horse. It shuld appeare by the calculation it is no more then his Ma dothe usually give for levieing and paying of sojours. I had hard that articles had beene agreed upon betweene the Frenche King and the K. of Sweden ; your honour shall receive the juste copy. B y contesting some points with Mons Salvius, hee hathe given mee assurance that whatsoever they do beare in the frontispiece, they are no wayes prejudiciall in the substance. The dyet at Leipsiche is lyke to produce good effects. The Protestant princes are sensible of the losse of the liberty of Germany. The Duke of Saxe for himself and vassals hathe engaged for two and twenty thousand men: the rest of the princes will contribute to their power. For my part I was ever sparing to interpret princes intentions before there actions cleerly declare them. Yet I have from good authors that the Frenche King favorethe Bavaria, and could wishe the Austriens expelled, and him established in the Germane Empire. I trust in God, by your honors meanes, and the reall assistance of your Royal master, your honor shall put a spoake in the wheeles. My Lord, bee confident, that what can be required of diligence, fidelity and vigilance in the service I am honored witheall by your Lo. shall not bee wanting. If wee had removed from this place sooner, where wee remained three dayes, wee had gained nothing in our journeye, but lost the smal knowledge of things conducing as Howp, Meldrum and myselfe did conceive unto th'advancement of your honors most noble deseins. The waye from hence to Lubec is not safe, the sea betweene Lubec and Tralsound swarming withe pilfering rogues of Wismare, wee were first constrained to provide for a convoye, and next for a ship of the King of Swedens to transport us to Tralsound. This last Mons Salvius hathe beene carefull of. Your Lo. will find him a profitable and faithfull servant to your honor. I do humbly beseeche your Lo. to cause thankes by a line or two bee rendered unto noble Sir Robert Anstruther for his respect to your Lo. and courteous usage unto your Lo. humble servants, upon the first occasion. Postscript: I have experimented Master Meldrum so forward and zealous in the service, and so desirous to expresse his love unto your honor as it is impossible I can require any more of him. tle

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to the

STATES-GENERAL OF HOLLAND. s

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1631, April 5-15. The Hague.—Les creditifs a V S de la part de Monseigneur le Marquis de Hammilton presented, portent qu'a icelles je fasse l'ouverture de ce que Sa S^ m'a donne" en charge: Et puis que ses bonnes intentions, pour l'avancement de la restitution de la Royne de Boheme, soeur unique du Roy de la grande Britagne, notre Maistre, en ses Estats du Palatinat, concerne le bien commun de la Crestiente\ qui est en grande recommandation aupres de V S ^ et dont a

s

cest Estat tirera honneur et utilite, je ne doubte pas que V S* ne le prendront a cceur. Ma charge doncques est de prier a V.S. de gracieusement se declarer sur les quatres poincts ensuyvants : Premierement: que s'il avient que l'armee d'environ douze mille hommes que Monseigneur le Marquis susdit amene au secours de sa Ma de Suede, pour le bon desseing susdit, mettra pied a terre es Pais de l'obeissance de V S et pourroit avoir besoing des chariots.et vivres s'il ne plairoit a V.S. en tel evenement, l'assister et faire servir de deux mille chariots et vivres necessaires (en payant les vivres) jusques aux confins de l'Empire. Secondement: qu'il plaise a V S se declarer s'il ne plairoit a icelles assister et secourrir ladite armee de quelques compagnies de Cavallerie et d'infanterie, pour se joindre avec ladite armee pour avancer le bon desseing et de combien. Tiercement: s'il ne plairoit a V S d'assister ladicte armee de quelque somme de deniers, soit a I'entree de ladite armee en l'Allemagne, ou par mois ou a la fin d'un an, et aussy de combien. Dernierement: si l'occasion se pourroit presenter, que l'armee auroit k faire du convoy pour seurement faire transporter des vivres et aultres choses necessaires pour le secours de l'armee soit qu'icelles soyent amenees, quant et l'armee, ou pourroyent estre subministrees par les amys, alliez, participants et assistants au bon desseing V S Ten vouldra favorablement assurer et si acheptees en ces paiis soit vivres ou munitions de guerre en permettront le libre transport et Tassisteront en cela. II plaira doncq a V S gracieusement se declarer a quoy seurement Ton se pourra fier, et sur ce me faire donner par escrit une resolution telle que le bon desseing et resolut intention de Monsiegneur le Marquis de par V S luy promettent afin que je me puisse descharger de la commission par Monseigneur le Marquis susdit a ceste fin me donnee. Et puis que le temps est court et presse l'avancement du bon desseing, beaucoup importent au bien de cest Estat et a la cause commune de la Chrestiente oppressed je supplie qu'il plaise a V S m'honnorer de leur bienveillante resolution le plustost possible. Dated, the Hague, 15th April, 1631. 9

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ANSWER OF THE STATES GENERAL.

Les Estats Genereaux des Provinces Unies des Pais Bas ayants veu et examine les poincts et articles que le Sieur Ramsay au nom et de la part du Seigneur Marquis de Hamilton, le xv du present nous a presentez, Declarent sur le premier poinct, que premierement doibvent estre informez de la quantite des troupes, et en service de qui, serment et payement, elles seroyent et aussy en quel pais et quel seroit le desseing.

Et sur les aultres poincts declarent lesdicts Seigneurs Estats Generaulx, qu'en ceste conjuncture du temps, estants empeschez a preparer tout pour se mestre en campagne leur commodity ne permet pas d'envoyer aulcunes gens, ny a cheval ny a pied, hors du pais et que les chariots et leurs appartenences ne sont pas en si grande abondance en ces pais qu'ils pourroyent estre trouvez grand l'armee de ceste estat vat en compagne. Qu' aussy les navires de guerre qui sont au service du pais, a cause des grandes forces que 1'ennemy presentement a en mer, ne peuvent estre divertis de leurs places destinees et ordonnees pour faire aulcun convoys, sans notoir preiudice du pais, et ruine de beaucoup des marchants et mariniers, inhabitants d'icelluy, trafiquants outre mer. Mais en cas que de par cest estat Ton pourroit par apres venir a ressouldre d'assister le Roy de Suede effectuellement d'une bonne somme de deniers et que sa Ma en tel evenement plaira donner ordre par ses ministres que quelques deniers du subside seroyent contez es mains dudict Seigneur Marquis, leur Seigneuries ne feroyent alors aulcune difficulte qu'il recoyve ses deniers et en dispose selon qu'il pourroit trouver bon. tic

ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF BOHEMIA to the MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

[1631.] April 16-26. The Hague.—Worthie Cosen, I ame verie glade to see by your letter that your business goeth so well forward to your contentment by honest David Ramsay who hath done his indeavors most trulie and faithfullie both to the King and the states as he hath pressed them so much as could be. You shall understand what the states answere is to your demands, and for the King his lack of meanes makes him altogether unable to help you as you desire in money which I assure you he is verie sorie for, I hope the King my deere Brother will doe it since we have not meanes to doe it, this I must intreat you to beleeve, that the King esteemes himself infmitlie bound to you for the testimonies you give him of your love which he intreats you to continue and what lies in his power he will not leave undone in annie thing that may advance this great business of yours, and for this I pray take my word also that he will doe for I assure you it greeves him more then he will make shew of that he cannot help you as he woulde, and for my self I ame so much behoulding to you as I shoulde be the ungratefullest creature alive if I did not doe all that I can both to advance your affaires and in all other occasions shew you that I ame most constantlie and trulie, worthie cosen, your most affectionat cosen and faithfull frend. Postscript: I must wish you much happiness with your little daughter, though I see you are half ashamed you have one since you tell no bodie of it, I hope the next will be sonne.

SIR DAVID RAMSAY to the STATES GENERAL OF HOLLAND.

1631, April 18(?). The Hague.—On behalf of the Marquis of Hamilton, he desires to know what help in transport and food they can give for an army of 12,000 men, whether they can furnish 1,000 carts and sufficient provisions, whether they can supply some companies of horse and foot, or failing these a subsidy, whether convoys can be provided. See p. 13. THE STATES GENERAL to SIR DAVID RAMSAY.

[Undated.] They wish to know the exact number of troops and the commander. They cannot send troops as they also are about to fight. They have not sufficient transport and need all their own ships, but can provide money. Copy. See page 14. COLONEL FARENSBACH to the

EMPEROR.

1631, April 22. Moekern.—First it is to be noted that in the moneth of March there arrived two cavaleers named James Hamilton and David Ramsey, who made the King of Sweden to understand the said Marquis had given them with the know­ ledge and consentement of the King of Great Brittaine com­ missione, and did promise with the helpe of his said King and Master to bring unto the King of Sweden and entertaine in his service for one whole yeare 6,000 men, if the King of Sweden would also on his part joyne unto them 1,000 horse and 4,000 foote and furnish them with armes and munition. All which the King of Sweden, upon mature deliberation, accepted of, adding withall that if the King of Great Brittaine would really effect and performe the said Marquis his offer, he (the King of Sweden) would presently send me over for the leavying thereof, and would after make such an armie as is aforesaid. And indeed I was thereupon dispatched and sent to the King of England, there to understand whether or no the said King was minded to performe the said proportion, the which the said King not onely aggreed unto, but also caused presently ^ lb. ster. or ^ dollars to bee payd the said Marquis for the said leavies beeing well pleased at this resolution, promising yet besides to entertaine a whole yeare these forces both by reason of the affection he bore unto the persons imployed in the service and unto the cause they were imployed for ; as may appeare by the copie of his commission sent into Scotland. Soone after these troopes began to be leavied, and that King made promise unto me that in case I could make my leavies sooner Hee would give order his forces should bee within the Empire on the j of Aprill, intending (according to the commission I had jointly with Dr. Camerarius the Swedish Amb to treate with the States generall for the conjunctions of Count William of Nassau his troopes with Ours.) To this the states would not give their consent before they were assured of the King of r

England his promise. The which they no sooner were sure of, they did then treate with Palsgrave of Newburg about the dismissing of the Imperiall and Spannish garrisons out of the Countries Gullick, Bergh and Cleveland that so they might send their forces, dismissed out of these said Countries with a monethly contribution of j | gulders or | | dollars : And this was aggreed upon by the most part of the Provinces and concluded this armie should not bee imployed betwixt the Embs and Weser, but according to the opinion of the King of Sweden, in the Sudersea neare Campen and Schwoll, and so be brought in Westphalia neare Munster and thereabout that in case of necessitie the garrisons thereabouts serving under the said States Generall might succour and relieve them with all necessaries. Now as soone as the Palatine understood that the States desired and intended to joyne their said forces with the English and to serve the King of Sweden, Hee hath prayd both the King and Counsel of England that if they were resolved to doe any thing for the recovery of his hereditary lands that now it was the time and he entreated them to performe the same at this time when both the best occasion and the bravest head to such an enterprise did offer themselves. And if they would not gratifie him at this time then he should for ever be bereaved of all hope etc. Thereupon both the said King and his Counsell did grant his request and I myself have heard the King say; that with the assistance of some German Princes and States he would embrace the King of Sweden and use all meanes to recover the Palatinate again. And thereupon he tooke order for the leavying of ^ men, and caused the same to joyne with the fore­ said and intended to send them forth to bee on the j of Aprill upon the Empire, and there to doe with the King of Sweden his division his uttermost for the obtaining of his desseings. Now whether this armie is to land (according to the opinion of the King of Sweden) neare Texel about Amerland, or at other islands neare to the Elbe time will shew, and it is to presume they will come in those parts where they may finde some meanes for provision both for flesh and fish. Therefore it is necessary to prevent them and to take the said places neare the rivers and ports, least they might be refreshed and encouraged at their first landing, the King of Sweden having imparted the same unto me by letters, promising me withall many things and sending me commissions to leavie ^ horse and 4000 foote, as may appeare by the copie of his letters unto me, here enclosed. But because I saw that my persecutor had no command more, and I had no more doubt of his Imperiall clemencie and grace I resolved not to serve against the same, much lesse to make any diversion in the Empire, but rather to submit unto his Ma Imperiall grace and to testifie that the passage and t l e s

HAM.

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arrival of the said English armie hath hetherto beene prolongued by mine absence and can now not so soone goe forward by reason of my not performing my promise in raising ~ horse and j- foote to joyne with them. But howsoever the said English armie goes without doubt on, expecting onely other order from the King of Sweden, which as soone it shall bee seene they shall come over. This new trouble to prevent and to hinder I doe offer meanes and wayes whereby I will endommage and endanger the King of Sweden mightily by some other enterprise, which I dare not trust the penne for feare of interception, but I have declared the same to the Generall Commissioner, which as soone as I shall bee provided and employed I hope to prove with a happie success and withall to make all the world to know that I have no other desire then to live and dye a humble and obedient servant unto his Imperial Ma tle

to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1631, May 4. Oldenburg.—I have heard that your Honour was to come into Germany with an armie; therefore though there is no acquaintance betwin your Honour and I, I have thought good to send to your Honour a most dutiefull greeting and I pray God allmighty to keepe your Honour from all daungers along all the way and to bring her back at home full of glory and of felicitie. Besides I commend my self and my subjects to your Honour, praying with humility that it should be your pleasure to do so much by your intercession, authoritie and furtherance that I may kindly obtaine of the King of Great Britaine the things petitioned by my (sic) with all kinde of subiection the wich are more largely told in the copy of the letters joined to this. And so I hope that I and my subjects will have case to glory that your honour shall have kept us of all the incommodities that the souldiers wich are (as it is reported) to come from England into Germany might have caused us to. Neither do I doubt but your Honour will give a favorable care to my requests, and will worke in such sort that she shall binde me more and more to yeeld unto her all humane duties, to what I am prepared and will alwais bestow for your Honour all the services that my come frome me. I wish your Honour all kinde of happinesse and to hold me and mine commended. SIR ALEXANDER LESLIE to

the

SAME.

1631, August 21.—-Pleis your excellence we arryved at Ukermundt fond the soiouris so woried being unaqwainted with marsching I was forced to ly still a day to repos them and to prowyd for schiping of thrie hundreth for the hopman of Ukermundt wes apoynted to be comissarie for our prouission

quhilk wes nocht so well as it sould have for lak of tyme yit thai were contentit ressonabill well: bot the nixt nicht lodging wes at Mutschellburgh quhair I fond nothing bot wes forced to send and seik for it at uther places for the which the comissarie is to be blamed as capitane Weir can schaw your excellence and the nixt nycht salke at Falkinwald quhair I hop thai salbe a littill better used and so I sail caus to provyde for your excell. all ye way that I am to pas bot your excell. wald do well and nocht to quit the hopman quhill he brocht you to Mutchellburgh least he serve your excellence as he hes served me for I will assure your excellence it is verie gritt trubill to bring them forth and prowyd for them. With Godis grace I sail bring them to Stattin, as for the seik I have writtin to Charle Banneir that thai sail nocht lak thair unto the rest come. JAMES RAMSAY to the

SAME. l e

1 6 3 1 , September 1 8 . Frankfurt.—Mey it plase your E x according to your command, I have spoke w* the governour, Colonel Dougall, conserning the Leutenant Colonel that hes the dispeut w* him for some men. The leutenant colonel desirs one is word to have freedome to goe about his bissines and ever to be readie to ansuer when he schalbe cald to a counsell of warrs; Colonel Dougall hes noe will to lett him out of this toune till he have had his trayell, w* all wisches your e x wold be plased to command a kounsell of warrs ather in the leger wher your Exle is or heir to deput the Maior general to tray the bissines ; the governour, and the leutenant colonel bothe desyrs a present end of this bissines, always remitting them selfs to your E x pleaseur. Postscript: Your E x wilbe plased to lett me know w* this berer quhat your pleaseur is. le

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P . D E BROSSARD to the

SAME.

1 6 3 1 , September 1 8 . Crossen.—His desire to prove his eagerness to serve the Marquis makes him write to tell that the Imperialists have attacked from the side near Silesia, but not seriously. The writer sent a prisoner to Frankfurt, who assured them that their intention was to take the town before the siege could be raised. The garrison do not lack courage, but are so few, the water supply is so low and ammunition so scarce that they cannot hold out for long if they are attacked in force. ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF BOHEMIA to the SAME. September 1 9 - 2 9 . Rene.—Good cosen, this

is onelie to tell you that I ame verie glade to see by your letter that the King my deare Brother hath given you leave with so much favour in your worthie business, and as you desire I have given him thankes for it by this worthie bearer, all I can say is that I wish you as much honnour and good fortune in this business as you can desire your self, whom you have tied with a double [1631.]

obligation to wish you well both by bloode and this testimonie of your affectione, the King doth desire me to say the same to you from him, who will not yeelde to anie in his thankfullness and love to you, which I will answere for him is so, we will both give honest David Ramsay all the assistance we can to the States, I leave the rest to this bearer and intreat you to be confident that I ame ever your most affectionat cosen. to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1631, December 10. Leipsic.—I would not intermitte humbly to give your Exellency to understand how that I have spoke here with the merchant Joachim Enckelman concerning the knowen (sic) of 50,000 [rix dollars], onely desireth he first of this Man a bill of exchange for them, to which intent I have dispatched away unto his Man a Lieutenant to fetch the same, which as soone as he shall be returned I hope, nay I doubt not, the money will be layd downe. Otherwise because the winter approacheth and it is very cold already, put I into your Excell, pleasure and consideration, if your Excell. will suffer his folke to continue to lodge in their by his Man, for them appoynted quarter, being that Magdeburg will remayne sufficiently and strong ynough blocked by the rest of the people that are before it. Your Excell. let onely the Mayor Generall Lesle command the forces in the meane time, untill I come there myselfe. This I thought fit to acquaynt your Exc : withall, committing the same unto the protection of God. LORD HOLLAND to the

SAME.

[1631.]—My Lord, your servant Robin Leslye hath by the relation of your favourable remembrances of me and to me given me confidence you will not bee unwiling to finde in these few lines my joye and cense of it and this assurance to accompanye it that I wish not only all successe to that great and publique cause that you have with so much generositye engaged your selfe in but all the advantages of saftye and honer to your person the which when you have by your noble action raised to such a stocke that you may return to enjoy it with a longe and happy attendance upon the person of your gracious master and your worthye friends amongst whom if your honours values will so you shall ever finde me. H E N R Y GYBB to the

SAME.

1632, April 29. London.—Expressing his anxiety to hear of the Marquis' well-being and begging him to befriend a brother of his wife, whom the Marquis has already favoured " for which you shall oblige many gentlemen heir that are his friends."

ALEXANDER HAMILTON to

the

SAME.

[1632.] May 31.—This day at 3 of the clocke his Mav came here where he found letters from all parts, the reading of which held him till it was neere 8. I sawe most of them were pleasing to him, which made me, though supper was called for, to deliver that which your Lor» had given [me] in charge, and because I would be sure to be understood [what] I sayd, I desired Camerarius to stand by, neither was this discourse unpleasing to him for he repeated oft there was nothing he desired more then frendship with the King of England, which I myselfe knewe he had long since desired, and sayd he knew now no other difference betwixt the Crownes nor a stopp in this present treaty, but the poynts of religion; and the absolute restoration by armes : after he had insisted a while upon this, he enquyred from me what I thought your Lo. would doe ? I agayne shew him of your sonnes arrivall with full instructions and absolute orders, not onely for these poynts but likewise for all the rest, which as yet had ever bene treated of and that I hoped a happy and wished for conclusion should quickly ensue, and withall I assured him that he would find your Lo. no such man as you were tra­ duced for to him; for none knew better then my selfe what your affe[ction] was and how many things had past which you was willing not to see, least it might have proved preiuditiall to the treaty which otherwayes you would have taken notice of, this and much more would be knowne to him one day, and that he would see you had laboured as much in this busynesse as himselfe could have wished: He enquired of me what relation you hade made of that which passed at Munchen ? I told him as you would be contented he sawe, and that for your selfe or what concerned your person you desired me to assure his Ma^ it should be no let to the concluding of the treaty: To acte your part he pulled my hatt out of my hand and put it on in such a huffing manner as I never sawe and then enquired whether this was a fitting way for you to use him but [said] he all is well and fell a laughing : Theriafter I pressed so much as in me lay that he would appoynt you some place where you might attend him, for all differents were so neere reconciling that one houre or two with him selfe woulde make a finall conclusion. He told me, he could appoynt you no place in regard he knew not which way the enemy [would] lead him and that he had already resolved to give full and absolute power to the Grave von Stollach and Beneck Oxenstern to treate and conclude with you, which resolution he could not alter and hoped you would not take it ill. The commission was there within but wanted the seales which he commanded should be presently put to, and told Camerarius he should make all possible diligence to be with you. This is fallne out all crosse for my particular, since I feare he hath given no order concerning me, I shall therefor entreate your Lo. to presse so farre as you

thinke fitt those poynts which my most Gracious Master has inserted concerning my future employment, but yet so (as I have ever desired) that whatsoever concerns my person may not prove a stopp or rupture in the treaty, for I would rather chuse death, as the world should have just cause to say I was a hinderance to i t : neither would I willingly neglect any meanes to obtayne a new army, but such a one as there may be a probability to gayne some reputation, and I am not ashamed to say profit: So as if I embrace any, my conditions must be such as bothe myselfe and officers may live. I will say no more of this but will leave it unto your accustomed care. For newes the Spaniard is retired out of the Palatinate, having left a 1 0 0 0 men in Spire, and reinforced the garrison of Franckendall, they are past by Creuthenach and so straght for the Mosell, having left litle or nothing in the country behind them. Tomorrow it is thought wee take our marche towards Nurnberg, and so either into Bohem or the Elector of Saxe, who calleth apace for helpe, being over pressed with Wallstein. The King will be 9 0 0 0 horse, the number of the foote is not yet known [a sentence is illegible] of opinion you were best to transport yourselfe to Nuremberg, from thence you will have a safe way unto the army. Postscript: The King of Bohem heard most that passed at Donawerdt.

" HAMILTON " to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

[ 1 6 3 2 . ] June 2 . Donauworth.—My Lord: Just now I received your Lordsh. letters, and I must confesse your abilityes and judgement is not small, for you have not caryed one word in your last which is not most certayne; I having learned no lesse my selfe the last night of the King of Bohem, the King of Sweden having plainly told him that he would not conclude with you till he had first concluded with him and spoke with the Electour of Saxen : I tould the King of Bohem that I could not imagine which-waye he could either treat or conclude without first acquaynting the King of England or at least his Embassador, to the which I could get no answer but that he knew not what to doe, he was in so miserable an estate : and to make this delaye of the King of Swedens more plainly appeare Camerarius is not as yet dispatched, neither doe I know when he will, though the King last night when he was going to bed told me that this day he should be dispatched : What to advise your Lo. to do is a very difficult poynt, to staye where you are I feare it will be to small purpose, to come heither I know not how long the King will staye, for he sayeth he will marche to-morrow, nor how he will take your comming, yet if I were tyed to speake my opinion I could wishe you here, for I am most confident if you had but wonne once conference with himselfe a finall conclusion would presently ensue, or otherwayes it would playnly appeare to all the world ill that his intentions is onely to make what use he

can of your being in this country for the advancement of his owne ends, without any consideration of the King of England interest in the Palatins affayres or any great desire of his M a p ^ reall frendship. The certayne knowledge of this is of extraordinary consequence, for the advancement of our most gracious Masters service ; but it is not to be done without your personall presence and conference with him. If your Lo. doe not com, all that I shall entreat you to doe in my particular is to presse for my having of an army: if they answer they have no order concerning that but must send to the King for a resolution, let not it I beseech you be any stoppe to the treaty : and if all be well done to that when your Lo: meetes with the King there is no doubt but satisfaction will be quickly given to your Lordsh. faythful frend and servant. Postscript: I have not as yet had time to speake with the King of Bohem myselfe being in bed and not very well, when I received your Lo. letter, but I shall not fayle to doe my best concerning all you have written neither shall I omitt to send upon all occasions expresly to you. Let me excuse my poasts being so long by the way, for he that should have come ranne away and it was neere 11 of the clock before he parted from hence. 8

The

SAME to the

SAME.

[1632, June.]—My Lord, yesternight the Kings postmaster delivered me this packet which your Lordsh. will here reciave, the relation of this journey is fitter for discourse then to be written, so as I shall only tell you now that this King hath changed his risolution and is upon his way backe to Lawffe where he will be to morrow towards evening and there remayne that night, what way he will then take is not yet known, though most assuredly not to Nurenburg, the which the King of Bohem hath commanded me to let your Lo. know and withall thinkes it fitt that you would come there and speake with the King, for beleeve me my Lord, it is not a little wondered at by his Maj. that your journey was so long between Augsburg and Nurenberg, you having so earnestly desired to see him, and you both being and putting him in such hopes of a speedy and wished for conclusion. To this purpose much hath been spoken which I would acquaynt your Lordsh. with if I did not hope to see you there, which in my opinion is extreamely necessary. It is no more then two houres going and you will there be met by the King of Bohem, who commeth of purpose before to speake with you, with him you may dine, for agaynst that houre with conyeniency you may be there. Pardon me for this freedome in giving my opinion unrequired and be most assured if I did not thinke that it is requisite for the advancement of our Masters service and convenient for your own interest, it should never be desired by your Lordsh.

M. CURTIUS to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1632, June 15. Ulm.—Ce n'est que pour adiouster ce mot a la lettre de Monseigneur l'Ambassadeur et pour dire a V.E. que Monsieur le Due de Wimar estant sorty d'icy avec quatre pieces de Canon que Mess d'Ulme luy ont fourny, a pris auiourd huy la ville d'Ehingen a composition. rs

" HAMILTON " to the

SAME.

1632, June 18 (O.S.). Hirschbruck.—My Lord, this day when I was at dinner I received your Lordsh. letter of the 15 and was sorry to see that your Lordsh. hath found such difficulty in your journey towards Nuremberg for you can hardly imagine how often this King hath enquired for you and the reason of your stay. He did not forget the time that you commanded Hebron to nominate, and that again with Mustian in such a manner as I will not trouble you with at this time but will referre it till meeting. I writ once to your Lo. before, and with it sent a packet by the King of Boheme command in hopes that you had bene at Nuremberg, which I thinke cannot as yet be come to your hands ; but I am confident it is safe, and I thinke with this yee will receive it. The King came to the appoynted place and had order from the King of Sweden to desire you to come along with him, wee had appoynted quarters for you and was in hope to have made here a conclusion of the Treatye, which upon my conscience he doeth now more desire and hath juster reason so to do then ever. Your Lo. in my opinion, needs not to wonder much at the contents of mine of the 11th if yee call to mind what this Kings custome is, who certaynly doeth change his resolution as he finds cause and studieth the advancement of his owne affayres with no small dexterity. What I imagined his intentions were I advertised you, likewise with that which he did not privately speake, and I hold it my duty to so doe in regard I conceive it fit for my Masters service and the frendship I owe you. And now My Lord remember I tell you another change which is that come when you please you will find a hearty wellcome in this Army, otherwayes I am much deceived. I would have acquainted his Maj. this day with the cause of your longsome journey but I found the time not convenient for he was newly returned with a partye of 1200 musquetiers and a great number of cavallerye from the pursuing of 4 regiments of Crabates, who the night before had put 400 Swedish horse in great disorder, if wee may beleeve wispering most of them killed. Likewise the newes of Walsteins joyning with Bavier and their exceeding strength come fresh, and I was afrayd of small comfort from Saxe : Likewise this day all the Coronells of foote hathe bene with him, he hath desired them to put away all the waggon horses ; telling them that he thinketh he will be forced to forme a Leaguer before Nuremberg to defend that Citie from the enemyes furye so as of provision

either for the horses, waggon men or all other unnecessary charge he doeth intend both to ease himselfe and the towne of, and to make them more Avilling and give the souldiers content to­ morrow he hath promised shall be the first day of the receite of their lending which hereafter shall be precisely payed, and for that which is allready done they shall have a letter of exchange to receive it at Augsburg: much must be sayd of this but when I consider to whome it is I find it needlesse. Onely give me leave to tell your Lo. that though the enemy be strong and his armyes for the present devided, I am confident that he will defend himselfe : so well as I hope in God it will not be in their power to catch advantage of him. To relate in one word all that we have done by this journey is the hastining of the enemyes joyning, and a hope to see shortly their intentions, which if it hold for Nuremberg (as I thinke it will not) your Lo. then will have convenience to be with the King. But if there should be any other way taken, it will not be amisse (if you cannot yourselfe) that your Secretary be dispatched hether to advertise of your comming and what ellse you thinke fit, for I begin to find my words a litle mistrusted. How long we shall stay here, or which way take God knoweth, for oftener then once a day, there is just causes of changes. I pray God all be for the advancement of our Masters service and the weale of this King and the publicke. Postscript: I must confesse the life of a voluntarye is not much to be envyed here, neither am I ambitious long to carrye that name, yet I must be content with it a while, or otherwayes runne the hazard of many more inconvenients then I can write; if I had knowne the certayne day of your comming to Nuremberg I would have met you there. JAMES SPENS to the

SAME. r

1632, September 1.—It may please y excellence to know that efter conference betuix the King and chanceller anent you, I am desyred to intreat you to cum and speak w his Ma therfor I have sent my servant w this to signifie so muche to y excellence, hooping y' you wilbe pleased to cum w' suche convenient tyme as y helthe may permitt, and I wise it the shoner becaus w' in tuo or thrie dayes the chanceller as to go fra this to Hall to governe thes partis, so reffering all to yr. excellence consideration I rest your excellence owne most humblie to serve you. 4

tte

s

r

to the

SAME.

1632, August 2. Oatlands.—My most honoured Lord, as Cole was going away Robing Lesly arrived by whose letters I understood your estate muche better then hitherto I had done. I presently went to your most excellent Master who instantly bethought himself of your returne that way you will find better sett downe in his owne letters then I can express it, there is

hone heere knows of it but the Treasurer and Carlisle to which two you are more obliged then to all the court besides. If the Ambassadour and you carrie it handsomly it will never be suspected and I shall be glad to see you heere before any body know it, you will doe your self muche right to provide some place for David Ramsay with the King of Sweden for he hath dis­ obliged so many greate men heere and the King himself is so displeased with his behaviour that he is utterly lost in this place, he is to be set at liberty giving in security (whereof I ame one) not to medle with Macky neither at home nore abroade and I beleeve he must depart this country which I desire may be befor your arrivall, the King will give him some money towards his journey but I am affrayed disproportionable to his expence, provide for him and Sandie there, for yourself I hope you shall finde this place sufficient where within a moneth you are expected by your faithful servant Will. ELIZABETH, QUEEN OP BOHEMIA to the MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1632, November 19-29. The Hague:—Worthie Cosen, I know you will be sorie to heere the deare gaining of a bataille the King of Sweden hath given with the loss of himself, which doth not a little trouble me considering in what estate the King is now left, Nethersole and Peblis can tell you what his frends here doe councell him to doe,I pray now shew your love to us in soliciting the King my Brother to give the King those monthlie monies he offered the King of Sweden, I know the States will not fail on there part for they shew us great affection espetiallie the Prince of Orenge, I dout not but you will have •hihderance enough and I feare some that woulde still treate, but deare cozen do your best for us which I ame confident you will, for I understand by Nethersole how much the King is beholding to you for your good report of him, I ame sure he loves your extreamelie and for me I protest to you I have not a kinsman I love better then I doe you to whome I ame ever, •Worthie cosen, you most affectionat cosen and constant frend. Dated the Hagh, 19-29 of November [1632.] The

SAME to the SAME.

. [1633.] February 1. The Hague.—Worthie Cosen I write to you by this yong youth Schomberg, his father and mother served the King and me I ame sure you have heard of them both, I pray use him kindlie for our sakes but I know not what to say more to you having lost a deere frend and the best housband in the worlde I shall never take any more content­ ment in this worlde having lost all in him. Goring can tell you my Teasons for my not goeing into England at this time, he is so true a frend to us both as you may safelie trust him I will say no more at this time but onelie tell you that if I had no other

obligations to you then the love you shew your dead frend in all occasions I shoulde ever love you but I have so manie other, though I confess that binds me most. SIK ALEXANDER HAMILTON to the SAME.

1633, February 2-12. Erfurt.—My most noble Lord, yisterday I mette with the Ducks of Weymar, William and Bernard whoe both inquired for your Lo. and that is all the subject I write for at this time Sir James Cuninghame being present Due Bernard efter other discourses past betuixt us tould me that Curtius was past this way shortly to find the Chanclar and that he hard that Monsieur le Marquis trouve safamme plus belle que jammais and joyned presentlie efter ma foy il est escript ainsi d'Angleterre et si cela est il est bien fait de la guerre avec luy. I ansered him je pense avoir receu plus des ses lettres que Curtius et il ne m'a pas escrit cela. Monsieur (said he) ce n'a pas este Curtius e'est Monsieur Vaine qui m'a escript toute sorte de nouvelle d''Angleterre qui m'a escrit cela. This I thoght good to signifie to your that yee might sie the perfidie of your professed friends. This day I goe towards Hall wher I hop to find the Chancelar and from thence I shall wryte to your Lo. what speed I come and what course I take which shall ever tend to doe your Lo. service so far as my power can extend. JAMES LESLIE to the

SAME.

1633, March 6-16. Hamburg.—He has received the Marquis' letter from Whitehall of the 1st February anent the King's pleasure as to the disposal of the horses and saddles the writer brought over. He has given order to ship the saddles to London. He thanks the King for his permission to dispose of the horses for his own advantage, but begs that the King will consider the expense to which he has been put, which is more than the horses will fetch. He has determined to send them by sea to France, whither he is bound, to get a better price for them. M. W. CURTIUS to the

SAME.

1633, April 14-24. Dresden.—Je n'ose redire a V.E. ce que vous avez desia entendu par d'autres voyes des progres que font les armees en Baviere. La grande distance qui m'en separe ne m'en donne pas la liberte d'en parler comme je souhaitterois et comme je scais qu'il seroit agreable a V.E. Depardeca nous nous contentons de la moderation aux effusions du sang Chrestien et aux charitables esperances de la Paix ou de la Pacification qui nous donnera pour le moins un peu de loisir. Je ne scaurois dire si e'est l'aversion des Resolutions trop resoliies qui nous obligent a vouloir estre forces a la guerre. II y a de 1'apparence que Monsieur le Due de Fridland nous ira cercher, si ce n'est qu'on le trouve chez luy. La bonne et connue provision de l'argent qui est entre ses mains et les

extraordinaires preparatifs qu'il fait tant aux ammunitions qu'aux esprits des siens nous en donnent la creance a la main. II n'est plus ce Wallenstein subiect a ses quintes et impatient iusques au bruits de l'esperon. On nous asseure qu'il descend jusques aux familiarites avec les mousquetaires et continue ses liberalites aux despens du Roy d'Espaigne. Nostre Lieutenant General Arnheim est degouste et s'est escoule de ceste cour d'une maniere qui ressembloit fort a la defiance. De puis on l'a recerehe pour se laisser remettre par vicedom, qui luy est [indecipherable] apres et cest Electeur mesme ne scauroit dire s'il a un serviteur de ce coste la ou non. Hier on parla icy d'une descente des Imperiaux a la plaine de la Silesie ou ils auroient esveille trois regiments des nostres. S'il est ainsi e'est en conformite de la methode de l'annee passee qui commensa en Boeme de la camisade de Sax et finit a Misine par le degast universel du pays et par l'estourdissement de l'armee. L'armee crie de l'argent, et nous luy renvoyons l'antiphone, d'ou prendre ? Mais cela ne contente pas les malcontents. Vostre Ex scait que le Roy de Danemarc se porte pour Arbitre aux affaires d'Allemagne. II faut que j'y adjouste que la Pologne desire de l'estre aussi et qu'on espere bientost un Assembled pour cest effect la. On donnera un grand coup sur le Vcser si Hammel se prend ou se desassiege. L'un tiendra les Imperiaux en eschec et 1'autre les en relevra et fera du mal a tout le cercle. e

M. W.

CURTIUS to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1 6 3 3 , April 3 0 . Dresden.—La prise de la ville de Neubourg et la reparation du pont fut juge de pouvoir tenir en cervelle le Due de Fridland, pour ne bouger encor de son centre, avant qu'il eust veu la figure que luy formeroit son ennemy de ce fameux passage, qui peut servir de base a plusieurs importants desseins. II a pourtant apparu depuis que iedit Due de Frid­ land n'a pas voulu demordre de ses premieres resolutions, ayant desloge le 2 3 stante de Prague et s'estant tourne vers la Silesie. On dit qu'une grandissime tempeste s'estant levee sur son depart et le quartier de la premiere nuict s'estant brusle, ses Mathematiciens luy en font a croire que tout doit ceder devant luy et mettre le ventre contre terre aux approehes de sa puis­ sance. Holke a este laisse avec 1 8 regiments foibles et forts es environs de Pessna et ira ou voir ou veiller Messieurs de Wimar. Le Colonel Dubald enleva ces iours passes Id Colonel Vrossy Paul, loge a Auzberg avec 8 0 0 chevaux, qui furent pris et mines avec 8 cornettes et d'autres grand butin. Le 2 6 de ce mois les armees Suedoise-Saxonne-Brandenbourgeoise partirent aussy de leurs quartiers d'es environs de Sweiniz et s'en allerent vers l'ennemy et vers la Boeme s'ils ne sont a accomparer aux Deluges de Wallenstein que conte par | , ils ne presument pas de reculer quand ils le verront en campaigne, M E

M E

ayant 9000 bon chevaux effectifs et de Tinfanterie iusques a j | hommes. Les mescontentements de nos Generaux ont pris la bonne resolution d'attendre la foire de Leipzick qui sera dans 8 jours. II semble que la ville de Breslau se soit saignee pour se defaire de ses importuns voisins qui lui faisoient une querelle d'Allemand pour les peages de l'Empereur. Depuis que le Landgrave est party de ceste Cour et qu'il n'arrive personne de S.M. de Danemarc il nous est advis qu'on fera surseance du Traitte de paix jusques a ce que les armees ayent fait quelque effet et qu'on traitte a l'ombre des lances. Hier ilarriva un trompette qui porta lettres de l'Empereur au Roy de Danemarc et au Landgrave Georges qui se haste vers son pays et vers le chancelier pour excuser son voyage de Leutmeriz puis que ses ennemys le chargent d'avoir trame une paix particuliere au preiudise et pour rompre le col aux Suedois. ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF BOHEMIA to the SAME.

[1633 ?], May 21-31. The Hague.—My Lord, I understand that there is to be a parliament in Scotland and that you goe to it. I must therefore intreat you that as you have done your best to farther our affaires in England for which I have an infinite obligation to you that you will doe the same now in Scotland that they may shew as much affection to us as the other have done. I will trouble you no further at this time, etc. REPORTS by the

COLONELS PEEBLES and

DOUGLAS.

1633, September 16. Heidelburg.—Douglas arrived at Heidelburg where he saw the Administrator of the Palatinate and waited for Peebles, who had gone to Donauwerth to the Swedish army. Together they went to the Chancellor Oxenstierna, who gave them audience on the 18th August. They told him of the King's contentment with the agreement between the Crown of Sweden and the Palatine for the restoration to the latter of the lands of the latter. He answered : For the complete restoration the occupation of the Upper Palatinate was still necessary, for that two things were required, money and co-operation in council. The King of Denmark had offered himself to treat for peace and proper conditions. The Chancellor desired an alliance between the King of England, the Crown of Sweden, the Confederates and the heirs of the Palatinate, who were prejudiced by the conditions proposed by the King of Denmark, since he desired to postpone their case, to leave to Bavaria the Electorate. This he knew from the letters of the Elector of Brandenburg to the Elector of Saxony who opposed the restitution of the Palatinate and preferred that Sweden should have retained it and had complained that the Chancellor usurped the rights of the electors by such a restitution of a House, justly dispossessed. The envoys answered that they were

assured that the King would be willing to assist with reasonable sums of money and would give his advice to the confederates and that he would be willing to enter upon an alliance upon equitable conditions and that they would not fail to inform the King and obtain his commands. They would have returned to complete their mission to the Administrator if Peebles had not had to stay to report on the condition of the armies, the intentions of the Generals and the plans for the present war. He could not leave the Council because matters concerning the Palatinate were under discussion. One was the arrival of Arnheim, Marechal du Camp of the Saxon army who came to the Chancellor at Gelhausen with important information concerning the Duke of Fridland and his intentions, The other that the King of France desired strongly to make alliance with the confederates; ambassadors were to be sent to him with power to do so under certain conditions. The King of France offered much, as Curtius would tell. The third matter was the conclusion [ending] of the Diet held by the Confederated States at Frankfurt, the fourth, the arrival of the ambassador of Brandenburg with matters favourable for the confederates. This delayed their arrival at Heidelburg till the 15th September. They then explained their commission to the Administrator, how that the King had learned of the agreement between Sweden and the House of the Palatinate touching the restitution; that he found it strange that there was no mention of him and that he desired the restitution to be complete. Touching the money which the Administrator was bound to pay for the said restitu­ tion, viz., 60,000 rix dollars, Douglas had orders to repay the same and had already paid half at the Hague and was ready to pay the rest when the restoration was complete ; also the repair of fortifications and upkeep of necessary garrisons was required. He was allowed to promise another reasonable sum for these things. They told that the King was not disinclined for an alliance with Sweden and the Confederated States for the advantage of his nephews if the conditions were fair and honor­ able. The Administrator answered with regard to the first matter that all the points of the Treaty had been shown to the Ambassador Anstruther before signing, who had approved because he saw that the Swedes would go no further and that if the King had been mentioned they would have asked not 60,000, but 600,000, but speaking only of his Highness they could allege his poverty, a thing which could not have been done if they had used the King's name since the Swedes believed that in England pounds sterling were more common than farthings in that country. For the second matter, he had the complete restoration of the Lower Palatinate with all fortified towns save Umstad and Vyberg, which were never in the hands of the King of Sweden, but were held by the Landgrave George of Hesse from whom they would be obtained either by love or otherwise. The Count of Stolberg held Nienhan under pretext

of a claim to it but there would not be much difficulty in obtaining his right. As to Manheim, the fortress was in his hands, only a Swedish garrison was in the old castle, and it was a necessary thing that good and proved soldiers should be there because of the neighbourhood of Idenheim. Besides, as all the armies and garrisons had sworn fidelity to the Confederated States they had to be paid by him as each State was held to support its ordinary garrisons. He thought Douglas would only fulfil his commission by paying the whole sum of 60,000 rix dollars, which the latter thought justifiable since matters were thus. In the fourth place, as certain fortifications were ruinous and others incomplete and munitions were not sufficient, if the King would provide £10,000 sterling the Administrator would try with the help of the inhabitants and other neighbouring subjects to repair and provide them with the necessary munitions. The envoys assured him that the King would do so. The next day they spoke with M. Kolb, Councillor of the Administrator. They learned that other places required garrisons, particularly if the armies of the Confederated States should be employed elsewhere, which might happen so soon as Udenheim and Haguenau were taken. These were as follows, Francedal, 800 men; Heidelberg, 400 men; Selz, 300 men; Billickheim, 300 men; Germersheim, 500 men; Oppenheim, 300 men ; Creiznach, 300 men ; Kirchberg, 300 men ; Finzem, 150 m e n ; Stein, 150 men; Boksberg, 100 men; NanstuI, 100 men ; Sturkenbourg, 100 men ; Pfatz, 50 men ; Caub, 50 men ; total, 3,850 men. The young Electoral Prince Charles was about to return. It was reasonable that he should come armed, otherwise he would not be respected in Germany where armed force wins respect. An army of 6000 infantry, 1000 cavalry and artillery in pro­ portion would win respect. It would be possible for the people of the country for a short time to reinforce him with four to six thousand infantry and 500 cavalry and then it would not be necessary to use the confederated troops who ruin the country and cause many inconveniences. Peebles provided a list of the cost which would be 80,000 rix dollars. If the King would give his nephew the half, which was the same as he offered to the late King of Sweden and since then to the Queen of Bohemia, the rest could be found by his friends and the country. Curtius could tell the King how the men would be raised and Peebles offered to assist if the King so pleased. As these things could not be told sufficiently in a letter, the Administrator had asked Curtius to take the report to the King and give him information thereupon. Curtius excused himself on the ground that the King had made him his Agent in Germany and that he might not move without his express command; still the Administrator insisted and the envoys gave the assur­ ance that the King would take it in good part. Wherefore

Curtius undertook the voyage. They begged the King to believe that all this was been down only for his better service. They awaited his orders. Douglas went to the Duke of Deuxponts and to inspect the fortified places in the Palatinate for which garrisons were needed Peebles to Frankfurt because of a Diet at Erfurt, for discussion of the manner of holding it and of the recognition of the fortified places in the Palatinate. MEMORANDUM by W . CURTIUS, concerning the ADMINISTRATOR OF THE PALATINATE. [ 1 6 3 3 , September ?]—(1) The Administrator is indebted to

the King for the assistance given and promised, without which he could not have carried on his work. ( 2 ) The Colonels Peebles and Douglas, have reported at length their conversations with the Administrator, of which the bearer carries the account. He is bound to satisfy the King as to the reasons for the omission of his name from the Treaty of Heilbronn, as reported by them, (3) He reports as to the holding of Mannheim, where the Swedes have the castle, but the Palatine government holds the fort and town. The strangers could be persuaded easily to leave so soon as the Elector should come with a sufficient force. ( 4 ) The Administrator begs that the sum of 1 0 , 0 0 0 livres promised by the King be allocated to the repair of fortresses, etc. ( 5 ) He reminds the King of the advantages of undertaking the responsibility for providing the Elector Palatine with a small mobile force and enforces the plea with certain reasons : To authorise the re-establishment of his nephew as a Prince of Germany : to facilitate the conquest of the Upper Palatinate : to free the lands from invasion of enemies and crowds of friends : to authorise a chief of the Religion and check those who profit by his weakness : to undeceive the Germans who believe that France alone has power and will to assist her friends. The Administrator, foreseeing two objections to this, the expense and the displeasure of Chancellor Oxenstierna, is of opinion that £ 1 0 , 0 0 0 sterling a month given would enable the army to be raised and approved by the said Chancellor. The houses of Tuilliers and Darmstad being still held to the prejudice of the Palatine House, Curtius is charged to give all information about them, as also about the Swedish ministers' undertaking to extend the Capitulations touching the Lutheran practices in defiance of the authority of the ruler of the Lower Palatinate and having refused entry to the Reformed ministers in the Upper Palatinate. LEWIS PHILIPPE, ADMINISTRATOR of the PALATINATE TO

1 6 3 3 , September 1 6 . Heidelburg.—Letter of recommenda­ tion of his Agent, W . Curtius, making mention of the envoys Peebles and Douglas.

M. DALBIER to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1 6 3 3 , October 1 8 . — . . . Quant aux mauvaises nouvelles qui courraient avant v partement elle ne sont que trop vraye, e'est que Wallestein, faisant mine de se retirer en Boheme l'eslecteur de Saxe sur cela fait marcher ces trouppes en Missine craignant une invasion dudict Walestein, incontinent que Walestein fut advertie de cela et que Dubalt estoit demeure en Silesie il s'en est retourne en toute dilligence vers ledict Dubalt le chassant hors du fort de Steinau et deux autre place en sorte qu'il e'est rendu maistre de Silesie. A l'encontre de cela le bruit court que le marechal Horne aye entierement desfaict le Due de Feria et que le Due Bernard est avance en Bavier, mais je ne vous en scaurois assurer de la verite. Seulement je l'esper et souhait que cela soit. II ya quelque huict ou dix iours que le Sr. Kurtius agent du Roy qui estoit a Francfort est arrive icy lequelle a commission de la Royne de Boheme et de l'administrator de Leydelberg de dire au roy que e'est maintenant le temps qu'il faut que S . Ma se resolve s'il leur veut ou peut assister ou non et qu'en cas que ce n'estoit sa volonte de leur pardonner s'il faut qu'il prene le Roy de France pour leur protecteur lequelle s'offre de les recevoir a bras ouverte. Sur cecy Ton tient conseil touts les iours. V presence seroit necessaire car ie craings comme ie vois le tresorier malade que 1'affaire ne tirera a longeur et a la fin n'aill en fumee. Cest ce que i'ay creu estre oblige de vous mander non pas que ie ne scache bien qu'il vous est mande plus particulierement, mais ie prie Dieu que V Ex" face courte seiour et qu'elle puisse estre bien tot de retour. Postscript: Je suplie tres humblement V. Ex que cest avis que ie luy donne ne me soy a preiudice ains Ie tenir secrete. re

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re

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e

M. CURTIUS to the

SAME.

1 6 3 3 , November 14.—London.—He was exceedingly grieved not to find the Marquis at court, as the Queen of Bohemia had believed that his authority would lend weight to the writer's commission. He does not know yet what to report to the Marquis, as the bad news from Germany holds the King's Council in suspense lest further expense be useless. The two accompanying letters were sent by the Colonels Peebles and Douglas. The writer has heard that the Marquis may be back before the writer returns to Germany. If that be so, he can give account of his actions for a whole year. ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF BOHEMIA to the SAME.

1 6 3 3 , November 7 - 1 7 . The Hague.—Worthie Cosen, this honest little bearer must needs deliver you these which are onelie to assure you of the constancie of my affection, having no other ways to shew it but this which I intreat you may give you a full assurance of it. I will not trouble you with anie HASL—3

relation of my owne and my childrens businesses I hope that by this time you understand all by Curtius, neither will I say anie thing to you in this bearers favour because you know him as well as I doe onelie I assure you he is still a faithfull servant of yours and for me I know you will still continue to doe all you can for me and for those unfortunat children that my deare housband left me, whose memorie I hope you will ever love. A X E L OXENSTIERNA to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1633, November 22. Frankfurt-on-Main.—Being that the fire of war is not yet extinguished in Germany and the countries and provinces of our enemyes are every-where filled with the noyse of warlike preparations, the necessity of the better cause and the publike weale of the commonwealth did among other things also require that the decaying regiments of the British nation in the service and paye of her Sacred and Royall Ma), of Sweden my most gracious Mistres should be restored to their former number and strength and this had bene hitherto one of my chiefe cares. For making of the busynesse have I at the last given commission unto the Lord General Ruthven and the rest of the Colonells that they making a speedy journey home into their country and with all due submission obtayning leafe of his sacred Royall Maj. of Great Brittayne should not onely recreute their afore mentioned rigiments but also erect some new ones for the forming of a solid and strong body of an army. Wherefore having in minde and calling to memory your Illustriousnes and exceeding great courteousnesse and frendly conversation and wishing nothing so much as that I might enjoye the same with continuall presence and familiarity, but this by reason of my office and in regard of circumstances of busynesse and times not being allowed me, therefore I would not let slip this long wished for opportunity as most officiously to salute your I l l with these my letters, withall intreating your Ill to be pleased to have not onely the persons of the aforesayd Lord Generall and the rest of the Colonells but much more their busynesse in principall recommendation, especially weighing and considering the Allyance which is betweene her Sacred Royall Maj. of Sweden and her confederates with the Kingdome of Great Brittayne, and more particularly with the heirs of the most 111 Electorall house Palatine, and the importance of the busynesse to either side, and to be pleased to helpe to entertayne and promote the commissions and negotia­ tion of the said Lord Generall and Colonells according to that power and influence your 111"« hath with his sacred Royall Maj. nes

n6s

003

Of which your 111°« knowne love and affection unto the pubUke welfare maketh me to be without any doubt in so

much that I forbeare to use many more words, as being most certaynly your Ill will riot be wanting in time and place. . . nes

1634, January 28. Worms.—Points to be discussed by the assembly of the confederation of the Rhine at Worms in pre­ paration for the Assembly at Frankfurt. (1) How to obtain co-operation of all the Protestants. (2) On what foundation and principles, treaties of peace are to be founded, whether anything should be added to those proposed by the last Assembly at Frankfurt. (3) How the mediation of the King of Denmark should be accepted or used. (4) How to show a real gratitude to the Crown of Sweden. (5) How defence can be maintained till a decisive peace, how the soldiers are to be kept up, powder, etc. provided and discipline maintained. (6) What answer to give the King of France who asks the fortress of Philippesbourg. (7) What answer to the Duke of Neubourg who asks neutrality. (8) As divers Princes and States, foreigners may offer alliance with the Confederates, what answer shall be given. M. WILLIAM CURTIUS to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1634, March 3. London.—L'inauguration du Landgrave de Hesse-Cassell au service de la France a este si publique que toute l'Allemagne en discourt aujourdhuy a l'avantage et dit qu'il faut que les autres estats en fassent autant, lors qu'ils voudront penser a bon escient a leur seurte et subsistence. La cour de Saxe semble en avoir pris d'autres impressions et tels accidents luy rafraischissent la fantaisie de rebrousser chemin vers ses vieilles amours et la maison d'Austriche. On m'asseure par mes dernieres lettres qu'on y parle de nouveau de quelque projet d'accommodement en despit d'un ministre francois qui est sur le lieu et que voudroit balancer les affaires vers le contraire. La Diete pretendue d'Erfurd n'a pas eu l'effet qu'on en attendoit et le chancelier n'y ayant pas trouve les estats s'avanca iusques a Tangermunde pour s'abboucher avec l'Electeur de Brandenbourg. De la il s'en viendra a l'Assemblee' de Francofort laquelle a este' reculee" de 10 jours, afin de donner du loisir audit seigneur chancelier de s'y trouver a son aise et aux estats de preparer et digerer les conclusions qu'ils auront a y porter. V.E. verra s'il luy plait les points qui ont este" proposes au Cercle du Rhin par forme de preparatif et je m'asseure que la Proposition de Francofort chantera le mesme air et fera particulierement sonner haut le 4 et 5 point. Monsieur le Conte d'Isembourg m'escrit qu'il est d'advis lors qu'on aura bien respondu au quatriesme que chascun s'en pourra retourner chez soy, d'autant qu'on aura expedie le plus necessaire a Fopinion de la puissance generale. Ledit Seigneur Conte baise les mains a V.E. et le supplie de faire souvenir a S.M. qu'il a este* son fidelle serviteur et qu'en haine de son mc

me

affection envers la maison Palatine il est tousiours maltraitte\ II espere pourtant que moyennant la faveur de sadite M il pourra bien oublier ses pertres et se maintenir contre ses ennemys. II y en a qui disent que la France traitte encor avec ceux de Brisach et que toute l'Alsace tombera a sa protection afin de. donner du loisir aux trouppes suedoises d'aller plus avant dans le pays de l'ennemy. Les Bavarois ont ravietuallee le fort de Wulzbourg et en ont paye l'escot par la deroute de 4 0 0 0 chevaux qui en avaient fait l'execution et qui furent malmenes a leur retraite par le Landgrave Jean et le Lieut. Colonel de Sperenter. Et d'autant que les Espagnols la nombre de 7 regiments reviennent du pays de Luxembourg et font semblant de vouloir passer le Rhin a Bonne et plus haut, on s'ombrage d'une inondation dans la Vetthanie. te

ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF BOHEMIA, to the MARQUIS OF HAMILTON. [ 1 6 3 4 . ] March 1 0 - 2 0 . The Hague.—Worthie Cosen, I need not tell you the business of this brave gentleman General Ruthens going for England, because I ame sure that you ares alreadie well informed of it therefore I will onelie intreat you, as one of my best frends that you -will lett him have your best furtherance and favour to the King my deare brother to whome I have written verie freelie, and intreated him that he will not loose this good occasion to do his nephue good, and that he will grant those levies upon condition that they may be cheeflie imployed for the defence of the Palatinat and regaining what is yett to be recovered, this is that I have written to the King my Brother and I ernestlie intreat you to doe in it all you can, I have written this particullar to none but to yourself besides my brother because I trust you and I know but a few that I have cause to doe so to else, this Ambassadour he sent away without anie thing but a present, I shall never againe looke for anie good from your quarters, for the King my Brother will hardlie recover againe such an opertunitie, you see I write freelie to you and therefore I pray burne my letter and lett no bodie see it, your fellow eouncellours have had but too manie of them in there hands latelie, I hope they shall see no more, but I say no more of that business, onelie I intreat you to continue your frendship to me who ame ever your most affectionat cozen and constant frend. BENJAMIN JANNIQUES to

the

SAME.

1 6 3 4 , April 1 7 . Paris.—J'ay cru aystre oblige treuvant sayte occasion a propos de vous mander des nouvelles de monsieur votre frere duquel je me sais parfaytement honore de l'avoir en ma mayson, non seullement pour sa qualite mais pour ses bonnes meurs et acsions et pour le soin qu'il prent de prendre toute les choses necessaire et bien seantes aux personnes de la condision et nesance la ou par les graces de dieu il reusit

heureusement n'ayant rien a y souhetter pour mon particullier sinon qu'il fut ausy satisfaict de moy comme il me donne grant sujet de me louer de luy et de vous monsieur sy vous me doygnes honnore de vos bonnes graces. P.S.—Monsieur vous avez sy bien pourveu a la conduyte de monsieur votre frere par le choys de personne que vous avez misse aupres de luy que je luy suys du tout inutile dont je ne suys pas mayry puis que tout va comme vous le pouvez souhetter. J . PENNINGTON to KING CHARLES I.

1634, May 8 . The ' Unicorn,' riding in the Downs.—Concern­ ing the trial of his ship which proved unseaworthy, he wished to return for repairs but was persuaded to try again with more ballast. He knew it would be to no purpose, but they had little wind and smooth water and he could not test her properly. Captain Pett, Mr. Austin and Mr. Boate who built the ship persuaded him to try her again, making for the Downs. The result is that all the principal officers are agreed that she cannot ' keep the sea with safety.' JACOBUS DE LA GARDIE to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1 6 3 4 , November 7. Stockholm.—He sends greetings with Baron Skytte, envoy of the Queen of Sweden and begs the Marquis' favour for him. Louis XIII OF FRANCE to the SAME. 1 6 3 5 , April 29. Compiegne.—Mon cousin, l'affection que vous aves tousiours tesmoignee vers cette Couronne et pour le bien de mes affaires et service me convie a donner de l'employ au Sr. d'Hamilton vre. frere auquel J'ay fait delivrer des com­ missions pour lever un Regimant de gens de pied compose d'Escossois et Anglois, surquoy J'escris presentement a mon frere le Roy de la G . Bretagne pour le prier de permettre ladicte levee dans ses estatz. Je m'assure que vous feres tout ce qui sera necessaire pour l'obtenir promptement, affin que ledict Regimant soit au plustost en estat de me servir. Je vous prie au reste croire qu'en toutes occasions ou Je pourray vous faire cognoistre la continuation de ma bonne volonte a vostre endroit, Je Ie feray de tres bon coeur. LEWIS PHILIPPE,

Administrator of the Palatinate, to the SAME.

1 6 3 5 , May 1 8 - 2 8 . Frankendal.—Because of the favour shown by the Marquis to the cause of the late King of Bohemia and his apparent inclination to assist his son the Elector, he begs him to do all in his power to assist Mr. Curtius depute to the King in those interests, in his negotiations and by begging the King to

continue his assistance. He is emboldened to hope this because of the close relations between the Marquis and the late King of Bohemia. JAMES, MARQUIS OF HAMILTON, to his Mother, A N N I E CUNNING­ HAM, MARCHIONESS OF HAMILTON.

1635 [reclius 1638], May 22. Whitehall.—He gives news of the death of his wife. He writes of the misery of the Kingdom unless their laws, religion etc. are unviolated. " God in his mercie dereck us aright and grant us good conciens toward him, loyall harts toward our soveran and pitiful ones towards our selves and contrie." WILLIAM MAKDOWALL to KING CHARLES I.

1636, September 9-19. The Hague.—So soone as I returned to this contry I sett my self to ply the purpose I was intrusted with, and that your Ma vouchassed to speake of to me at Bagshot and there made such progresse as the prince of Orange and some others of greate power in this state tooke holde of an ouverture made by me in the mater and wold have had me returning (within ten dayes efter I came to the Haghe) with commission to y Ma about it. If that incident in exacting a certaene proportion and guarding there schipps had not so suddainly fallin out on your Ma syd which moved this State presently to send over there ordinarie Ambassadeur Joachim with order to returne back againe (hoe so ever) with all possible diligence. Whome I doe wishe may geve your Ma satisfaction at this last. In the meane tyme they have written to the Estaets where I live to licentiate me and still contineueth there first resolution in sending of me efter the said Joachim his returne from your Ma and for the more facilitating and furdering this purpose I have beene with his Excellence in the Army and am with the general Estates at the Hage for this present to make appeare my zele to your Ma service and good correspondence with this people where I have my residence which I both hop and wishe for. And this most affectionately praying the King of Kings to geve all blissings for the prosperity of your sacred ]V£ tes reigne. e

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ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF BOHEMIA to the MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

[1637?], February 12-22. The Hague.—Worthie Cousen, having given my oulde servant Fenet leave to goe for England I must not forbeare writing to you by him and intreat you to give him what assistance you can in what he shall desire especiallie in home matters, I will not trouble you with anie other great business at this time since S William Boswell now goes fullie intrusted with all things that concernes me onelie I will intreat you to continue your affection to me and my children's affairs in doing all the good offices you can in our r

businesses, I fear the delays are used in it will undoe us, but I must have patience both in that and in manie other causes of discontent I doe receave, but I say no more onelie I intreat you to beleeve that nothing shall change me from being ever your most affectionat cozen and constant trend. Postscript:—I am sorie to heare Curtius is so much blamed I pray help him in what you can. A X E L OXENSTIERNA to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1637, February 17-27. Stockholm.—Sends formal messages of courtesy and assurances of belief in the interest of the Marquis by Fleetwood, who is sent by him to the King. The MARQUIS OF HAMILTON to MR. ELEAZAR BORTHWICK.

[1637,] March 14. Whitehall.—In primis to declaire how owt of his Lo. singulare affection and respect, he hes beine pleased to send me over that in his name I may offer further considera­ tion how undutabill it doeth appeare for establishing of a reall leage and allyance betwix ther Maj of Great Brittane and Swadin that mariage wer bound up betwix his Maj of Great Brittan his nephew the Elector Palatine and hir Maj of Swadin. And sua also (if it be found convenient) to joyne heirwith ane other mariage betwixt the young Palsgrave in Swadin and his Maj of Great Brittan his niece, quhich being accepted and thought convenient one of the most hon" qualitei salbe sent to demand the same in most hon" way to treat of things therto belonging and conclude. This leage salbe defensive agaynst all, offensive agaynst the enemeis of the Pallatinat. His heines the prince Elector Pallatin sail other coume and remayn in Swadin or at ther option goe to Germanei in proper person to manteane the war or obteane honorabill conditions of peace. Lett consent in relligion be referred to the treattie by ambassadours. This leage sail not be prejudiciall to ther confederacei with France or Holland, seing we mynd to assist in that bussines. Assuirance may be given for ther Libertei of Leveis heire one ther awin chairges, from quhich the enemies of the caws salbe debarred. Quhat his Maj« of Great Brittan sail further doe for mantenance of that war remitt to the treattei by ambassadours. Give they sail heave to doe at sea they may be helped with shipps and suppleyed with Mariners from hence. Ther merchants may joyne with ours in treadding abroad. The bussiness going one, the ordour of the Garter may be expected by the Rex Chanceloure, skytte his desyred tittill, and as occasion offeres things convenient for others according to ther qualitei and desert. Lastlei all convenient dilligence is to be used in obteaning ther ansuer, and as occasion offeres other to send advertisement or coume bake. eis

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MR. ELEAZAR BORTHWICK t o

the MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1637, April 3. Gottenburg.—We heave found the comfortabill experience of God's providence in bringing us sayff to Gottinberrei, to-morrow we begin our journay for Stokholme. The Rex Chancelar is to remayne in Swadin this month at least. His Maj agent Mr. Barcley was not come to Swadin within those fyftein days and for anie thing I cane learne is not counie as yit. Ther is heire a levey of the bravest men that hes gone from Swadin those manie yeares. Col. Hew. Hammiltone is married upone my Lord Spens widdow this week. I hope the Master of Forbese with the rest of the officeres quhich were heire will acquent y honour with quhat is passed bettwix the Rex Chanceler and them. I heave nothing woorthe to acquent y honour with from those Northerne pairttes bot onelie that we are coume in good tyme to win to land for the frost. As ocasion presentts y honour salbe acquent quhat passes heire. eis

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SIR JOHN SKYTTE to the

SAME.

1637, June 15. Stockholm.—The bearer, Mr. Eleazar Borth­ wick is returning and is charged by him with all messages. MR. ELEAZAR BORTHWICK to the

SAME.

1637, July 3. Stockholm.—I heave long stayed for my answer and am extreamlei wearied with delays having answer promised from day to day this six weiks agoe. It is trew the Lords heire hes been much takin up pairtlei with dispaching Mr. Barclay and now with Generall Rithuen who hes beine verie kyndlei used heire and now sent away for Ingland with money gifts and pension togither with hopps of more service if his M a j of Great Brittan will give way, of all which I doubt not bot your honour will heare at his comming to Court, and swa of all uther occurances heare. He knows nothing of my bussiness here except the Chancelar with whome he is verei familiar heave told him. Bot to speak a littill of our Scotts affayres, I heare the "LoxAlnnermeith [Riven] by his being at this time in Mar[Sweden] hes so prevealed with the chamberlan and the rest ther that it is in vayn to perswade anie more by word or writ that good can come from ^4«gws[Ingland] without./?.K. [parliament] which they think will not be, he is now going for Angus [Ingland] with directions from the Chamberlan [chancelar] to use his deep police! in shearsching 133 [the King of Ingland] and by his freinds in Angus to find out the mysteries of all matters that swa they in Mar may be tymously advertised befor the meitting in the Holland go on, and swa may ordour things for ther awin best advantage. I am in hope to gett the coppei of all his directions that your honour may sei them in dew tyme. I doe suspect that the Lord Innermeith hes wyser freinds which make him work for ther awin ends. I meane tel

5 5 , 60, 47, 63, 48, 61 [Traquair] and 75, 43, 64, 40, 27 [Lenox] for the discredeit of 73, 41, 37, 60 [Mour] quhat was wrottin concerning 87, 75, 36, 56, 51, 41, 90 [Flitwod] I conceave by comparring things that passes tends heirto a man that is warned is half armed. The best my lord Binnei [Elector] will gett for the present in Mar wilbe but a delay for soft and faire. Gabirell says playnlei that 195 [the King] must give more nor his old faire generalls befor he gett the Lordship of Mar to my Lord Binnei. Ther is nothing more wished and privatlei soucht for then taking up the matter in tyme with 200 [the Estates General] in Landran they looke for littill more good from Ross [France] and thinks the Earle of Rothes [Duck of Ferroit] sail not come back to Laudian [Germany] anie more and that 137 [the King of France] will make no end with 195 [the King of Ingland] seing Rose intendis not Clydesdaill [the Palatinate] for the Lord Binnei but for 140 [the Duck Bol ]. The wyse gentilmen of Mar hops most for good of them in the Mers [Pool] quho hes ther awin factors in Mar to move the chamberlain to go one course with them and neglect Angus and distrust 133. I hope be God's help to sei your honour befor this letter comme becaus it is so promised me that I sail heave a heastier dispach and swa your Lo : sail heave a more particulare accompt. GABRIEL OXENSTIERNA to the SAME.

1637, July 6. Stockholm.—He acknowledges a gift from the King sent by Mr. Borthwick of a horse and begs the Marquis to tender his thanks for the same. CHARLES, PRINCE PALATINE, to the SAME.

1637, July 13-23. The Hague.—My Lord, the real testimonies of y favour to me are soe infinite that it is my great afliction to be unable to acknowledge them w that thankfulnesse they deserve, but I hope your goodnesse will dispence w my incapacity, and I beseech you to beleeve that I doe not esteeme nor value any happinesse like that of your noble frendship, nor can I receive greater content then by the continuation of i t : I bid this bearer waite upoun your Lord? to acquaint you w what past here in my businesse, you know his fidelity and affection to mee therefore I will make no doubts but you will tell him frely your thoughts of it, w affections will be no lesse then your interests to share in all these goodes so heartilie wished to you by us . . . s

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KING CHARLES I to the

EARL OF ANGUS.

1 6 3 8 , May 2 5 . Whitehall.—" It is our pleasure that you attend the Councell day at Dalkeith the 6 of June next, and at such other meetings as you shalbe advertised of by our right trustie and welbeloved cosen and councellor, James Marquise of Hamilton, our Commissioner for us, to whom wee have particularly imparted our mynd and whom you shall trust in any thing he shall deliver unto you from us. TH

BURGH OF EDINBURGH'S PETITION to the MARQUIS OF HAMILTON,

Commissioner, and his answer. 1 6 3 8 , June 8 . Dalkeith.—The Commissioner from the toun of Edenbrugh having made supplicatioun to my lord Marquese, his Majestie's hie commissioner, that he wald be pleasit to repare to Holyroodhous quher they might more convenientlie give demonstration of there effection to his Majestie's service in attending his lordship's directioun. His answer was : that if they were masters and governors of there ain toun and wald behave themselfs as good subjects he wald easilie be intreated (seeing it wes his Majesties verie care to settle the present disorders of the Kingdom) to repare thither. Quhiche they undertook to doe as being masters of

there ain toun, and wer most willing to approve themselfs loyall subjects, hopin to clear themselfs from many aspersions imputed unto them quhilk his lordship sail be pleased to hear and examine there proceedings.

A TREWE INFORMATIONE OF THE COVENANTERIS PROCEIDING AND SUCCESSE HEIR AT ABERDIEN.

1638, July 23.—Upon Wednisday the 18 of July Instant M Thomas Mitchell persone of Turreff com from Edinbroche to Aberdien and on Thursday all day wentit every quher throche the Towne the power of the convenanteris ther fordwardnes the goodnes of ther cause and the perrell lyk to ensewe to those quho suld refuis to joyne withe them in the holy league (as he termed it). Having labored all he culd this way upon Fryday the 20 day about 4 efternoone the commissioneris from the covenanteris arryved viz the Earll of Montrosse the Lord Cowper the lairdis of Leyis, Burnett and Morphie, the laird of Halyairdis and Arthur Erskin (and with them the Maister of Forbesse quho mett them in the Mernis) withe M Alex Hendersone and M David Dikk. Having alichtit at skipper Andersons house to the number of betuix threttie and fourtie horse, the provest and bailyies com to ther luiging and saluted them and wer presently moovit be the covenanteris anent subscryvingthe covenant. The provest ansuered that for that tym they wer only cum in to kisse ther handis and to tell them they wer w elcum to the towne as for any other purpose they suld have tyme aneuche to talk off it and so for that tyme lefte them and Immediately sent up the dean of guild and the towns ofishers to them withe wyn and sugar as the Towns courtesie. But the covenanteris refuisit to acept of it and sent it downe stairis untuiched quhiche the Magistratis took in so evill pairt thatt they presently sent it to be equaly distribuitit betuix ther hospitall and house of correctione quhiche did very muche offend the covenanteris. M Alex Hendersone went Imediatly efter his aryvall to doctor Barronis house quho receavit him courtesly and oferit him his dyet and a chalmer within his house so long as he remained in Towne quhiche Henderson refuisit and so they fell upon the main bussines of subscryving the covenant quharupon Barron did present to him sum queres subscryved be the doctoris and clergie of bothe new and old Aberdein, desyrett him and his asociatis to ansuer them and Iff they culd confuitt them they suld bothe have ther churche to preache in and ther hands to the covenant. He receavitt them and within tuo dayis ansuerit them. Doctor Barrone finding but small stuffe in the ansuer sent to Hendersone a duply quhiche they went out of the towne unansuered so doctor Barrone hath putt his queries, ther ansuer and his duply to the presse and they will all cum out once in this wiek. r

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In this tyme the persone of Turriff wes not ydill but convened a number of the Craftis men of the Towne of his acquentance thinking (because the Craftis ar strong in the towne) iff he culd poysone them the Towne suld be muche devydit and his factione strenthened. He brocht M David Dikk with him quhom they nather knew nor did suspeck the persone of Turreffs purpose, but quhen he had enterit a long harrang to them to persuad them to embreace the covenant, on William Andersone a tailyeour startt from the teabill and interuptit him and sayd he perceavit the persone wes turned puritan therfor bad him go home in a wengeance and preache to his awin flokk for they had mor learned preacheris of ther awin and he houpit better servantis to the King nor he, bad him go tempt them and they wald gett ther ansuer. The persone wes dasched and quyt out, Mr. David Dikk sayd we ar now my hartis but dealling Myldlie withe you by way of Informatione and Intreaty in a quyet maner but our forcis ar cumming efter us. To quhich Andersone ansuerit cum quhen they will they sail find us hier and so withe all his cameradis lefte the persone and M Dikk. 3

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On Setterday the 21 all the day the covenanteris with the M of Forbesse labored to drawe to ther syd alse many as they culd and finding all the churche dooris in the towne schutt and watchit and them selfs so slichtit as none in the towne did acompany them or turne with them upon the streit they resolved to have thre sermons upon Sunday the 22 within the earll Marschallis closse and bothe by messagis and letteris invited all ther frendis and acquentance to the sermonis. M Hendersone preached in the morning M Dikk at tuelf houris and M Androw Cant in the evening and efter his sermone a teabill coverit with a carpett wes sett downe in the Middis of the closse quhar the covenanteris satt downe in chearis and with them the Lady Pitsligo. Then suche as they had by ther laboris drawin upon ther syd did cum to the teabill, the covenant wes red to them be M Androw Cant and they subscryvit and presently upon evry mans subscryving M Androw took them by the hand imbreaced them withe welcum home brother. They wer to the number of auchtien or nyntien the most part discontentit spiritis for missing preferment in the Towns oficis. The most eminent Patrik Lesly, Thomas Mortimer, M William More, Alex Burnett, with M Alex Jafrey leat provest his tuo sonis, him selfe being absent in Edinbroche. The covenanteris this Munday 23 have begun ther progresse throche all the presbitries of this dyocese off Aberdieh to try quhow many mo they may add to ther flokk. And in good faithe I fear thatt unlesse his M. tak sum spiedy course to declair him self, quharby they quho stand for his serviece may be frie of dainger many mo bothe in Aberdien and all thir pairtis sail leave his M. for they ar alreddie wavering, the Towne of Aberdien having hard them selfs threatnit to be mead in no better keasse nor the towne of r

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Madebroche wes leatly. Quhow the covenanteris speidis at the generall presbittreis you sail know schortly, this is all for the present I can advertese you off. COLONEL ALEXANDER HAMILTON to the MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1638, August 14. Holyroodhouse.—My most noble Lord. Though this be a time wherin no man nor actione whatsoever can be saiffe from slaunder and misreport yit it is a wonder to me that any could be so foolishly wicked as to fasten there calumnie so upon mee as the venome therof should reflect upon your Lo. as yee have bene pleased so heavily and bitterly to lay it to my chairge at this time. And that I may beginne with that w hath least colore of truth namely that I should have reported to many ministers and others that your Lo. was satisfied with the covenant in your harte. This is so farre from any appearance of veritie that both your Lo. selff e and all your friends with whome I spoke in that subject can witnes that it hes bene my greatest regraite to find your Lo. so averse and contraire too it as the Bishopes themselffes could be no more. As for the other twoe that I should have had your Lo. direction aduise or consent to make any new cannon or to repaire your auld frames w I had formerly made I take God to witness that your Lo. could not so much as know of it lett be to give direction or consent to it. Nor could I have thought that malice it selffe could have bene so impudent and sharpe sighted as from so light a ground to draw so heavie and so dangerous a conse­ quence against your Lo. That I (having occasion to be severall times at the Nesse and Kinneill, bothe before and since your Lo. pairting, should have had so much curiositie as once or twice to looke upon my owne auld worke to sie in what estate they were after so long absence and if they might yet be made any way serviceable and likewise have caused make a small piece of brasse weighing about 200i to trie ane experiment w hath bene my custome and practise both at home and abroad for the most pairte of my liffe is this a thing of so greate consequence that it could not be done without your Lo. direction or knowledge w I wold scairce have thoght woorthy to have informed your Lo. though we had bene at nixt dore and for maters of this kind that have or shall fall under the compasse of my ingine I shall ever be cairfull that their imployment be such as I may be anserable for it before God and man. And when malice and slaunder have done theire worst I will not depairte one haires breadth from my alleadgeance and particular obligatione A T * I owe to my gracious prince and master to whome I hope it shall sone appeare what honor and honesty remaineth within my breast when his Ma may bee alsweill assured of my fidelitie as I am uncertaine of his Ma > favour and my owne mantenance at this present. ch

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SIR DONALD MACDONALD OF SLEAT to the

MARQUIS OF

HAMILTON.

1638, August 24. Knoydart.—My service evir being rememberit according to my last letter I have now tein the occasioun to acquaint your Lo. with thir lynnes schawing y Lo. howe willing I am to obey y Lo. as my cousing Ronald will schaw y Lo. at lengthe. Bot for the present according to y Lo. letter I have convenit the captein of Claine Ronald and the Laird of Glengarrie with our haill name of Claine Donald who hes swaimne to doe and live with me in the Kingis service q y Lo. sail be assurit so longe as I have breath. I will byde constant be y Lo. and all that I may command. The Earle of Antrume hes wreit to me too letteris to the Marquis off Hamiltownes paket q letteris I did caus Ronald reid bearing onlie the substance of y letter derectit to me, sua give y Lo. pleasis to reveill this to his Ma your Lo. may for I will nowayes proove McKyee to y Lo. give y Lo. pleasis to keepe this obscure from anie nichtbouris y Lo. may till meateris cum in dooing and seing. I knowe my cussing Ronald is y Lo. trustie servant I thought it expedient to dereet him to y Lo. to schawe y Lo. my haill mynde to whome y Lo. sail give trust as lykwayis I request y Lo. not to speare peaper for to adwertise us of all occurrents and alteratiouns. !

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CHARLES, PRINCE PALATINE, to

the

SAME.

1638, September 13-23. " From my quarter at Batburgen." This bearer S Rich: Cave will acquaint you w the present state of my businesse, if the seldome hearing of them doe not make you lesse desirous to be troubled w t h e m ; but the many assurances I have had of the continuation of your noble favour towards me and my cause, makes me importune you by this opportunity to crave y wonted advice and assistance in those things w he shall propound to his Ma>' who I hope will regard my imployment now more then ever he did before sence it will be for the good also of so many of his subjects in these parts w are brave men but want imployment; this bearer will also tell you how nobly Leut: Gen King is affected to me, and I hope sence there is one of his Ma owne subjects w me of that worth, he will the sooner be brought to assist us. R

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ANDREW LAWMONTHE,

Minister of Markinch to the SAME.

1638, September 24. Markinch.—Please your grace, I your g. humble servant hes made bold altho not acquentit by face to acquent your G. with my present estaite being thus. Ther is assignit to me for my local stipend eght chalder of victuall with some silver dewties, for serving the cuir at the Kirk of Markinche,

Now this yeir my paritioners hes rasid a suspension against me refusing therupon payment and sik is the estait of thes tyme that I being a non covenanter darr not go to seik remedie by law, and this also is the reason that I myself come not to your G. And now having lived this tuelf monethis bygone upon my awin credit, having a famile of eghtene persons dayle to be sustined, am forced now to have my recours to your G. as to his Majesties Commissioner, that if it may please your G. to advance me a thousand marks of scotts moneys, I shall assigne to whom your [Grace] pleases to nominat as much of my stipend as shall satisfie for the said moneys. So hoping your G. wilbe pleased to show that favour to me which is schawin to uther Ministers, whose stipends ar declind I am and shall remain a supplicant to God for a prosperous succes to all your G. hono" imployments, that all may tend to the glore of God, his Majesties content your G. honor and for the establishing of treuth and peace in this kirk and kyngdome. The

EARL OF MAR to the

SAME.

1688, September 20. Edinburgh Castle.—My most noble good Lord, I have sent my letter to his Ma enclosed within my Lord of Sterlings letter: If itt may please your Grace to remember bott one word of me in your letter to his Ma to expres my affection to his service I sould take itt for a greatt favor. And if your Grace sail think itt fitt thatt I sail waytt upon you in the morning att whatt houre you sail appoynt to sett you two or thre myle on your waye thatt we may confer, and I may know your pleasur if you have a mynd to deall in thatt purpose I spake of anent the disponing of my land I sail waytt upon you utherways I will expect to hear frome you befoyr awcht a clok in the morning. For if you be pleased that I attend you in the morning I will delay the appoyntment I have att nyne till the efternone. Postscript: I will entreatt your L. in your letter to my L. of Sterling to desyr him to testifie to his Ma my affection to his service. ,ie

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T H E CLERK OF THE ASSEMBLY to the SAME.

1638, September 27. Aberdeen.—Most honorable, rycht noble, my verrie gud Lord, Pleas your grace, It being your Grace will that I suld cum to Edinburgh and bring the buikis of the assemblie, or to provyde sum trustie freind to send thame w*. I wald maist willinglie, as my dewtie is, obey the samen, bot becaus it is not possible to me to be presentle reddie nather can I sua sone provyde ane to send, nather ar all thingis yit in reddines thairfoir I must in all humilitie beseik your Gr. to grant delay q» Mertimes against q tyme I sail God willing cum and bring w' and attend his Ma* and the Kirk service or send w ane uther all the buikis and registeris I haif of the lk

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Assemblie. Q schort delay I hope and maist humblie intreatis y Grace be pleasit to tak in gude part not proeeiding of any aversnes for y Gr. commandementis bot of ane ernist propension and resolut determination to obtemper the samin in all submission. r

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G. H U M E to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1638, October 3. Edinburgh.—The first part of the letter concerns the sale of his father's property of North Berwick, including the teinds, and the action of his brother thereanent. He has appealed to the Treasurer for assistance with no success, " which was the more wonderfull to me when I acquainted him in the Exchequer house before my Lord Tillibarne that my brother had pulled down the Iron gates of my house and taken away 6 or 7 canon with pyks and muskets which he brought to Leeth and there were arrested by the Lords. I thought, my brother being one way, I another way, the Kings officers should rather have countenancitt me in a matter so much dislykt by his Majestie as to suffer any of the Covenanters to keep my arms where it stood only upon the Treasurer's declara­ tion to enable me to take them back bot the Treasurer said he was poore and yet he wold enrich him with my means to be against the Kinge. He is choost Commissioner for the Assemblie at Glasco, will not subscrive the King's covenant." T H E EARLS OF TRAQUAIR AND HADDINGTON to the

SAME.

1638, October 3. Selkirk.—Please your Grace, Befor our cumming from Edinburgh we hade appoynted this day for proclaming his Ma gratious pleasour to thes of this schyr, but befor our cumming to Selkirk being informed and at our ther being finding all both of the Ministrie and laytie resolved in one body to assert the protestatione we conceaved it more for our masters honor and advantage of the busines we are about to delay the proclamatione untill we might at least possess the myndes with the treuthe of that they seam much to doubt of: Soe all we have done at this tym is first to speake with Ministers and be the best arguments we could to informe them of the just reasones they have with thankfull harts to acquiesce with his Ma gud and gratious pleasour and in significatione therof to subscrive this confession quhairof we gave every ane of them a copy in printing. The ansuer was modest nather could we find any of them unsatisfied with the thing it self but absolutely refused any present subscription or to condiscend to doe it befor the assembly altho they pressed upon thos for a full and determinat answer. Yit we have delayed it untill they may have tym to consider better therupon ; but the truthe is ther is no hope to prevaill with them. Our nixt care was to persuade the gentrei: they pretended all not ties

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to have sean nor to be acquainted with that quhairto the subscriptiones were requyred, quhairupon we gave sume copyes and be way of discourse studied all we could to mak them conceave of all; as in reason they aught, they have taken them to be advysed therwith and such as we have spoken with in particular we find them weell and peaceably set; and spares not to profes that being satisfied in the realitie of religion they will never contravert with the soveraine upon that quhiche seames contravertable in this tym be too many (we mean anent Episcopacy) the same being limit according to law and that quhiche sail be fund for the gud of Kirk King and contrei. But how many of them or if any of them will be moved to leave the multitude befor the generall assemblei we dare not say, so muche dois thir protestationes worke amongst them. Ther sail nothing be wanting of ather we our selfes can think upon or that your grace sail be pleased to command us. T H E EARL OF HADDINGTON to the

SAME.

[1638], October 3. Selkirk.—This is only to accumpanie this other from my Lord Treasurer to your Grace wherin he will signify to your G. what he hath don since his coming to this cuntry and what sucess he expreth heirefter. But I must acknowledg that what ever be the event therof no man living could have bein more dexterous then he in useing all the probable wais that can be imagined to mak this people understand things aright and so give obedience to his Ma just desyres, but there is so littill or rather no hop that anybody in this cuntry can be persuadit to subscrive the Confession before the Asembly. I intend the morrow to sie my Lord Roxburgh and efter I have spoak with him and some of the ministry and gentry I shall advertise your grace what may be expected in that pairt of the cuntry and the Mers, and I humbly desyre to kno of your grace what I schall do if I find als littill hop to procur any subscriptions in that cuntry as in this becaus be all the informa­ tions I have yet got there will not any of any quality be persuadit to subscriue before the assembly for if I find it so I think it is to no purpos for me to stay any longer in these partes but I will resolve nothing till first I receave your direction whidder I sail stay till wher I am or cum and attend you at Hamilton. I have send your grace on of the print prosestations which you may be pleased to return to me if you have any of them alreddy. I hear that the reason of the great meating in Edinburgh is to agree and conclud what schall be the subiect to be treated on at this assembly, this is all I can say for the present. tira

From the

EARL OF DUMFRIES, CRICHTONE AND HAMILTON the SAME.

to

1638, October 8. Ayr.—We have mett heere this day for pubhshinge his Ma gracious declaration, but findinge a tics

greate parte of the gentrie with the burgess heere conveened fullie resolved to protest against itt, and withall findinge that none of us had receaved any commission to performe that service, as also knowinge that the most part of the ministers within this shire have published (in theire pulpitts this last sabboth) certaine reasons sent from the tables at Edenborogh for not subscrivinge: upon these considerations wee have thought fitt to delay, till wee understand your graces further pleasure heerein and in the meane time wee wilbe goinge on with subscriving of the covenant in a calme way, which we shall endeavour to performe as becometh his Ma faithfull subiects. tics

The

EARL OF EGLINTON to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1638, October 13. Polmont.—Plise your grace to gif me live to schaw your grace that their is soum honest men that dualis in your grace barronie in Evindell (as I believe) hes fallouit tua fallows that had stolin sax schip from theni and fallouit the lounis to thair awin dualling in my land : thir lounis is notorious theifis and hes bein long souspek and hes beine on pannell tuays or thryis thairfoir I wold intreat your grace to gif me ane commissioun to sit on them to sie the pour men get joustise and gif your grace think it goud that I send the theifis to your grace I shall do quhat your grace derekis me. PATRICK MAULE to the

SAME.

1638, November 28.—My lord, when I was atending youe, I took the freedome some tymes to speek my opinione, though it was to leetle purpose, now I onllie wreit to assur youe I am as much your servand now as then, and shall never be silland when I can expresse the sam to your advantage, for I must crave pardone both for my speeking and wreiting, for I know them to be mor troublsome then profitable. I know youe have notish of all proseedings heere frome the founten what other men can wreit is but roving, onllie I shall wish the great noise of apointing generall and other commanders heer, and the much talking of the preparing of a great Armie, doe not sett the Covenant up for a fire as to committ some insolencie as of nesessatie his Ma must punish with forse. Thire bussiness is onllie knowine to the Erll Marchall and M Controller, for I think his Ma confers leetle with any previe counsallor herein, noe Scotsman knowis any thing of it but at the second hand, the byshop of Canterburie madles in noe busines conserning Scotland -with his Ma nor will not but in publick, where hee is to give his oppinione as a previe counseller, I must intreat your favorable interpretatione for this freedome in troubling youe when that I know youe have soe leetle tym to bestow in idleness, all I can say for my excuse is it comes from him that acknowledges many favoures from youe, and shall think himself happie if hee can testifie his thankfulness bee some reall actione. tie

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T H E MARQUIS OF HAMILTON'S " JOURNAL."

[1638, November ?]—I sett out from Londoune on Saterday the [ blank ] of May,' from Neuuark the [ blank ] of May. I sent ane packett to the earle of Stirlling wherin wer letters of myne to my Brother, to Broumhill about my oune prevatt affaires, one to Secretarie Cooke wherin I eomplanet of on who refused to furnish horsis. Att my cuming to Pomfrett a servant of Mester Portickes mett me with letters frome his Master who was on his jurnay to meitt me bot fell seik at Kelso and sume others shoing the feires thatt the people had conseued by my advertising my freinds to meitt me, and whooll consalers douing the lyk. Thatt same night I dispatched him with letters shoing thatt I nor the Consall had no such intention as they fansied, thatt our freinds miting us was to pay thatt respect deu to his Ma Commissioner and conselars sent home by his Ma desyring him to come to Berwick and to call my Brother Linsay with him. Att Toplife I went in and spooke withe the Chansler. Att Durram Sir Willame Bellows mett me with sundrie gentillmen at the [indecipherable]: att my cuming to Neu Castell the keill men as I went along the streites beged thatt some cours might be taken to keipe them from starving, when I came to the mares hous I sent for sume of the prinsipall of them who I found not capabill of rasoune itt being evident thatt they wer combined togidder att the shipemen desyre. Thatt night I came to Beruick I found Roxburght ther who shew me Traquares letter, tould me of the peoples furie, the small probabilitie of douing good, my ansuers was onlie expressing my greif for itt, and assuring him whatt I was commanded I would put in executioun. I shew him whatt his wyffe had said to the King and my self, and whatt was doune in with the which he semed to be pleised. The nixt day Laderdall, Lindsay, the justis Clark, Lamington, Bortuick and sume other gentillmen cume. ,tls

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T H E MARQUIS OF HAMILTON to the PROVOST and GLASGOW.

BAILIES OF

[1638], December 17.—He asks the town's assistance in dis­ charging the Assembly, which is sitting there, and encloses the proclamation in the King's name for so doing. He trusts that as he moved the King to allow the Assembly to sit in their town, so they will show their gratitude in assisting him now that the " pretended " asembly is to be dispersed. THE SAME to

.

1638, September 26. Dalkeith.—Least anie of his Majesties good subjects might be inspared with anie of the acts or pro­ ceedings of this General Assembley I have caused not only print the proclamation bearing bis Majesties pleasor in everie

"particular, bot also have resolved to disperse the same through the haill countrie with all possible diligence. To which purpose I have sent you a number thereof to the end you may take a course to cause sprede the same. The

PREBENDARIES OF THE CHAPEL ROYAL to OF HAMILTON.

the

MARQUIS

[1638.]—The old founded rents of the chapel were found insufficient to sustain the expenses incurred, therefore the King gave warrant under the Privy Seal that 3,000 merks Scots should be paid for the maintenance of its service yearly from the Exchequer. The sum was paid for many years until this lamentable division, since when they have had neither their teinds nor the sum from the Exchequer, due on Whitsunday last. They pray for the Marquis' help in the matter, and also for two years fees owing to the six " singing boys " at 100" Scots each, without which it is impossible for them to continue in the King's service. T H E LORDS OF THE COVENANT to the SAME.

1639, January 7. Edinburgh.—Having beene witnesses of the loyall and legall proceedings of the late Assemblie at Glasgow where wee know an humble supplication was appointed to be sent to his gratious Ma in thankfull acknowledgement of the benefits which by the indiction of that assemblie from his Ma pietie and justice doth redound to all his subiects and for humblie supplicating his Ma to continue in his gratious resolution to performe his royall promise in holding the parlament indicted from his owne bountie and goodnes for ratifieng the Acts and constitutions of that assemblie : And as the same hath comfortablie refreshed his Ma loyall Subjects, so will they be able to justifie themselves to any impartiall reader. Therefore wee are bold to entreat your L» that by your favour our petition may have accesse to his Ma royall hands, and by unfolding your LP - judgement impartiallie to receave the simple truth, his gratious Ma may have better seasoned informations of his loyall and faithfull subiects proceedings then can be expected from the enemies of this church and state, among whom we shall be verie sorie to have cause to reckon your Lp. though wee have too good reason to suspect your Lps. cariage heere in opposing even the most reasonable motions and justest actions which did proceed from us whensoever your Lp. conceaved any our iust demaunds in the least measure to be any wayes dissonant from his Ma pleasure. But when we remember your Lps. best arguments ever to have beene more for satisfeing his Ma desires (oftymes proceeding from the sinistrous information and calumnies of our enemies for their owne ends) then any other ground of reason which wee tie

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could find wee are confident as your Lp. loves both his Ma honour person and authoritie that you will give reall proofe of it at this time, that by your Lps. meanes who has taken so great and infatigable paines in this bussinesse his Maiestie may know the truth of our proceedings that neither of these may runne hasard in our sufferings. Wee acknowledge it not to be the least of our evilles indeed that our gratious Soveraigne lives at such a distance, for be the fountaine never so pure the streames may and oftymes are corrupted before they can runne so farre if the channell be not verie cleane, which to our great griefe and prejudice hes beene wanting this long time to all our actions, and if it be not now timeouslie supplied by your Lp. both out of your dutie to our King and countrie, wee may by interposition of our adversaries malice and power as ecclipsed from the beames of his Maiesties favour be the first sufferers. But his Ma can not but find his owne losse by sympathizing with his Ioyall subiects in the so much threatned ruine of this his native and ancient Kingdome and wee will never beleeve that such thoughts can possesse the heart of so gratious a King but are confident when the truth of all our actions shall (without any by-respect as wee take God to witnesse wee had no other end but for his divine glorie and the honour of our King) be made knowne and pondered in the ballance of his Ma"" righteous judgement our fidelitie and loyal tie shall appeare and his Ma gratious dealing in adding the sanction of his royall authoritie and civill law by parlament: for corroborating the religious constitutions of that late and most lawfull nationall assemblie of this Kirk will be a most evident demonstration of his Ma pietie and iustice to the discoverie of his secreet enemies the comfort of all his loyall subiects and his Ma ' never-dieing glorie. For all which ends and for expressing our Dutie and obedient respecfr to his Ma" wee could excogitat nothing more conduceable then by that humble supplication heartlie to acknowledge our thankfulnesse for the effects of his Ma bygane favour and bountie, and humblie to crave that his Ma may for establishing of religion joyne the authoritie of civill law as the strongest bonds of our obedience. And wee hope that your Lps. affection to religion, your countrie and your respect of his Ma honour and the equitie of our desires in a bussinesse deserving the greatest and beseeming the bestaffected instruments will be sufficient motives to make your Lp. contribute your best endeavours for setling such a solide peace in this Kirk and Kingdome as may preserve and encreasse that love and heartie obedience due to his Ma . tie

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to the

SAME.

1638-9. February 23. Suffolk House.—The writer, in common with other lords has been summoned by the King to York and by Lord Dorset has already testified his willingness

to serve the King, in accordance with which promise he conceived it his duty to repair to Dover, sending his son to York in his stead. Having the command of many able men in his royalties on the borders of Scotland he offered that his son should be with them to be ready upon all commands. His son has been presented to his Majesty and accepted, and will attend at York with 20 horse and men well armed. The Marquis is requested to procure for the writer a discharge of his personal attendance at York if that be possible. to JAMES PRIMROSE, Clerk of the Privy Council. 1639, May 2. From the ' Rainbow.'—It hath pleased his sacred Ma for the accommodation of the disorders of the Kingdome to send me here againe and because you are an old man these are in his Ma name to will and require you to send your sonne abroad to morrow morning/ T H E MARQUIS OF HAMILTON

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T H E SAME to the

SAME.

1639, May 3. From the ' Rainbow.'—I receaved your letter and doe no waies impute this not comming of your sonne to anie fault of yours. Soe that you may rest satisfied for I see who are the causers of this affront that they would seeme to put upon mee which though I take to be none yet perhaps some of them ere long may repent it, this is all I have to say but when theire great and powerfull lordis have a mind to let your sonne come aboord send him to me. T H E SAME to LORD NAPIER.

[1639, May.]—In answer of that letter which your LOP brought to me yesterday signed by some noblemen and others in Edinburgh I cann say noe more then what I have written to my Lord Rothes in answer of a letter receaved from him of the same tenor, the coppie whereof I send your LOP hear in­ closed to avoid further repetition of a subiect to which I referr you and those that underwrit the said letter. CHARLES, PRINCE PALATINE, to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1639, May 10-20. The Hague.—My Lord, This bearer having long served, and as I hear w good reputation in the Swedish and German warres, and beeing desirous to have some imploy­ ment in his King's service, I would not refuse him this letter to desire your LP favour to him for the obtaining of that his desire, in what charge you will think fitt for him. th

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LORD BALMERINO, LORD FORRESTER, WILLIAM DICK, Provost of Edinburgh, SCOTSTARVET, ROBERT DRUMMOND, and others to THE SAME.

1639, May 31. Edinburgh.—It hath ever heirtofoir bein the constant tenour of our proceidingis to supplicate our dreade

Soveraine for obtaining our just desyres, And although we be daylie invadit by divers actis of hostilitie, yitt we still think it incumbent to us to continew in the same way according to our bound dewtie, that the faces of our enemies the incendiaries of thir iminent warris may be covered with shame, and that all the world may sie that we never intendit invasiouns of our neighbour Kingdome bot are inforced to undertake' the just defence of our relligious liberties and lyfes : And thairfoir we haif sent the Lord Naper and Lord of Durie to y G. with trust, humblie and earnestlie intreating y G. to goe in persone to his Ma for mediatting all meanis of accomodatione and preventing the mischief is of unkyndlie warr : As this greate act is most proper to y G. for many reasonis, so we wish the glorie of ane happie success may belong to yow. r

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The

EARL OF ROTHES to the

SAME.

1639, July 2. Edinburgh.—My Lo. Lindsay can inform how desyrous I was to have waited on his Ma and kissed your Loi» hands, and how long I susteined disput for that end and being Bated my self I was glad to get this Lord in the imployment who may be trusted for interest and affection to speak frely to your LOP- I beg your favour to heir my desyrs set doun in noats which in God's presence tendeth to the trew honour and content of our King and much to your LOP advance­ ment with God and man, remitting particulars to the bearer. tie

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to LORD ETTRICK, GOVERNOR OF EDINBURGH CASTLE.

1639-40, January 29. Whitehall.—News will be sent from the King or from Lord Traquaire so that the letter is brief. " Yet I cannot conclude without telling you that your obligation is great to his Majestie for as you will find all your requests granted by him, so you must know his care was yet greater by taking in consideration what els you might want, expressing withall that it would trouble him more the loosing of your person than the place tho I can assure you the Castle is highly valued by him." Louis X I I I OF FRANCE to the MARQUIS OF HAMILTON. 1640, February 6. St. Germain-en-Laye.—Colonel Douglas being bound for Scotland to recruit for the regiment he commands in the service of the King of France, the King sends this letter to beg the Marquis to assist the said Colonel and help him to obtain the permission of the King of England to do so. T H E MARQUIS OF HAMILTON to LORD ETTRICK.

1639-40, February 27. Whitehall.—My Lord, This is rather to expresse my respectes to your Lo. and to returne you thankes

eo

for your lettre then for anie thing ells I have to say, for I can but repeat that which you will either have under his Ma owne hand or from my Lo. Traquaire by his command, yet I cannot conclude without telling you that your obligation is great to his Ma for as you will find all your requestes granted by him so you must know his care was yet greater by taking in con­ sideration what els you might want, expressing withall that it would trouble him more the loosing of your person than the place, tho I can assure you that castle is highly valued by him. ties

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The

EARL OF LINDSAY to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1640, March 11. Edinburgh.—This night verie leate Walter Belie tould me he was the morn to tak jurney for court, sum disioneries of matter here I have tould hime becaus it was not fit to wreate and it wold have takin long tyme to have set doune the halecircomstences. All such devyses will not only feal but turne to the prejudice of the contryes and conduce to the advantag of those for whom they ar intendit. No more of this only I sail wish (since now all hope of peace is gonne and all ar preparing for the worst and that in no slight way) I never sie your Lo. unhappie as to be in anie command againe. I pray God derect his Maj: tak that course that wilbe bothe mor saife and more honourable for him and keip you from all kynd of periles. CHARLES, PRINCE PALATINE, to

the

SAME.

1640, July 10. Paris.—My Lord, this bearer returning for England, I can adde nothing to what I have charged him to deliver unto you concerning my affairs or my acknowledgements of those severall obligations I have to your frendship ; I shall only by this desire you to give credit unto him, and to continue me in y thoughts as your most affectionate cosen and servant. r

The

SAME to the

SAME.

1640, October 11-21. The Hague.—My Lord, this is to desire your favour and permission to this servant of mine Mr. Terell to bring over some horses for my use; I could wish myselfe as able to acquit those obligations you have formerly put upon me, as I am forced to aske the continuance of them, w impor­ tunity I shall study t o supply w perpetuall testimonies of what lyes in my power. tU

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Commission by KING CHARLES I to the Marquis of HAMILTON. 1640, Oct. 20. York.—Whereas wee have thought fitt for the Guard of our owne royall person to appointe a Regiment of Foote of thirteene companies conteyning 1500 Souldiers, with all Officers there unto belonging (excepte one Ensigne wanting

to a Companie of Firelocks) to be alwayes ready to attend us as occasion shall require: And reposing great Trust and Con­ fidence in your fidelitie, circumspection and Dilligence, we doe hereby Constitute and Appoint you Collonell of the said Regiment, Authorizing and requiring you duly to frame and exercise them according to the Discipline of Warre, and to employ them on all occasions for our Service according to such Orders and Directions as you shall from tyme to tyme receave from us, the Generall, Leieutenant Generall or chiefe Commander of our Army. And we doe hereby also require and command all the Officers and Souldiers of the said Regiment to be Obedient to all your commands as their Collonell for our most especiall Service : Wherein neither you nor they may faile as you and they tender our said service and will Answere the Contrarie at your and their utmost perills. J . PICKERING to

,

1642, December 25.—I think it were not amiss that you give private notice to Gibby that if Nidry come through Mantua towards Clerimont (for who knowes what toy may take him) that he turne him towards Nonsuch. I have some reasone to desyre you (and will avow it as occasione shall bee) that you send to Sir Gilbert Pickering or Mr. Drew at Northampton, bot very privatlie (or that you get the generall to doe it privatlie) that if Mr. Robert Leslie come through the toun within this moneth, that they stay him and his servants, and search them all very narrowlie to there shirtes and there sadles, for I have intelligence hee shall carry some pappers, bot if not papers, yet it were not fit hee should pas untill he be examined by the Closse Committee. This most not be knowen to come from me, bot I shall give you sufficient reasone for it. Perhaps I shall be desyred to wryte a letter for his passage without any troubles, bot if that letter be on the baksyde skrewed thus ? ? ? there must be no credit given to it. I desyre some private warrand for giveing directions to the Major at Oldhouse, or any officers at other places in England, for interceptions of persones and letters as I see occasione, and in particular for apprehending Mr. Williame Murray there or any­ where in England as I shall have opportunitie and to send him to the Parliament by sea or otherwayes. Bot this must be communicat to verie few, and it is most necessary that some shippes ly within my reach and orders be given to obey mee or any whome you shall imploy heere. I am now upon some dis­ coveries, of w I shall give you ane accompt shortlie, bot you most be cairfull that this be done with all possible secrecy. Elliott, Isacke Rich and the Aldermen or [blank] ar the most of Halyrudehous I desyre may be private to it, and of Holyland S J Bucke, Bisset, Yarner, Gough and Yates, things goe never the worse heere (though the baboarders brag much) for. ch

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printing the King's letter, bot all your weelwishers ar the more dayly against it. And therefore let there be no discouragement upone that, for you will have a large amends. The Earle of Lanerk hath given many declarationes of the Kings to be printed heere, and will have 1000 of each I think (I speake only my awin thoughts). It were not amiss if you let them know heere how carefull you were of the honour of this Kingdome in calling in all declarationes published against them and shall [blank] the lyke respect. J. PICKERING to JOHN PYM, Esquire. 1642, Dec. 26. Edinburgh—Sir, you shall receave heere enclosed a letter of his Ma to the Lords of his Secreit Counsell of this Kingdome. It wes delyvered to them by the Earle of Lanerk on Tuesday being the 20th of this instant upone occasione of ane letter w there Lordships that day receaved from the Earle of Lindsay with a declaratione frome the Parliament of the 7th of November. In answer whereunto this letter wes intended. There Lordships haveing read the Parliamentis declaratione twyce, as lykwyse this his Ma answer, did in regaird of the great consequence of them defer the consideratione of both to a further tyme, bot in resgard his Ma commands them to publishe his letter, they ordered that it should be printed, bot there being noe desyre in the declaratione of the Parliament that it might be published, they left a libertie only for the printing of it if I pleased. I did not conceave it ane acceptable service to the Parliament, nor for there honour that I should be ane instrument of printing there declaratione by permissione of the Counsell when the answer to it wes printed by there command. In this respect I doe forbeare untill I sail receave the pleasure of the houses in it w I shall at all tymes most reddielie obey. ties

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Postscript: My Lord you wilbe pleased to gette a warrand under his Maj hand for us to derect packets home or give warands to those we send post. tie

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SIR JOHN CLOTWORTHY to the LORDS MANDEVILL and MURTON and PYM and HAMPDEN.

1642-3. Jan. 18. Antrim.—There is a busines of some concernement to the public wherein I conceave my selfe bound to discharge the deuty of ane honest man the rather for that I haveing the honour to be . . . that hono" house did there take that protestatione which I conceave wold be utterly violated were not what I made knowen unto you. When Generall Major Monro went the last turne about this country I waited upone him on Sunday the 29 of May he went to Dunluce where he summoned the Erie of Antrim by a trumpet who soone come forth and rendred the castle to him. Efter they being in debate concerning the business, the Earle of Antrim told Generall Major Monro that he himselfe had done now what he could not answer with his head, for sayd the Earle, the King wreat to me I sould not give up the castle to any of yow, and offered to send me a commissione to become Generall of the Catholique army of Ulster, This my lord Conway and myselfe heard the generall major affirme, as frome the Earle of Antrim his owne mouth. And I ame

most confident he is a man of that honour, as he will with all freedome avow the Earle of Antrim said it bot how to beleive the truth of this bold assertione of theres I dare not say. If there be a letter it is produceable, If none, let the Earle of Antrim answer for his folly. I shall endeavour to enquyre into the bottome of it, and as it doeth appeare, the naked truth shall be represented, for I darre not infringe the oath I have taken come what will or can come, I have sent my brother expresse to give you this information. ALEXANDER BOSWELL to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1643, March 11-12.—" Being escaped the hands of the blood­ hounds I ame saifly come to the Queen and shall only give your Lordship advertisement that my Lord M— of Antrim is tane." They expect great things from the newcomers. M - Rutherford has arrived from Scotland. Will the Marquis send £100 by his lady who knows how to do it. He will esteem it as a favour to carry anything to the Queen and by the Marquis' lady it will arrive safely. He will begin when he hears from the Marquis. [Letter very imperfect.] r

The

COMTE D E CHATILLON to the

MARQUIS OF HAMILTON.

1643, September 13.—His high opinion of the house of Hamil­ ton and of the merit of the Earl of Haddington compels him to express his satisfaction at the marriage of the Earl. If the Marquis is willing that the latter should spend the winter in France the writer will be gratified. So soon as spring comes and the Marquis requires him the Earl will return to Scotland with his wife. The

EARL OF LANARK to LIEUT. COL. BORTHWICK.

[1644 ?]—He is to hasten to Carrickfergus or Coleraine and deliver his letters to Viscount Airds, Sir Robert Stewart and Colonel George Munro and to speak freely only to those whom they recommend. He is to tell what he knows of the proceedings of Parliament and the enclosed declaration about the Irish army and their hesitation to say anything about money. He is to express to those who obstruct their proceedings their resolution to carry out their engagement for religion, King and Country. He is to explain that opposition from people whom he may name is the only thing which prevents their sending help. He is to express their willingness to receive Irish forces under a separate command, and, in case the Parliament cannot supply these forces with food or clothing, the writers are ready to engage their estates for such a supply. The Irish forces, during the term of their service, are to be kept on an equal footing with the other armies. They will be considered in any question of a treaty of peace. At the expiration of their term of service

Parliament engages to find shipping for their return to Ireland. Public security will be given by the Parliament of Scotland to Viscount Airds and other gentlemen of the army who are willing to serve. The need is great for as many horse and foot as can be sent at once. After meeting the said gentlemen, the messenger is to hasten back with his news.

The

EARL OF LANARK to the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1 6 4 6 . May 2 6 . Newcastle.—Refers to the Duke's recent release from prison in England. " I can no ways approve of your resolution to spend your days in a more privatt or retyred place then you cam from bot that you should make use of your freedome and those naturall gifts which God hath bestowed upon you for his service. The distracted condition of thir Kingdomes calls for help from everie honest heart and your particular friends looks for countenance from you at this tyme of ther publick calamitie. My employment heir was verie unexpected and unwillingly accepted by me, bot my studie salbe to doe nothing unbecoming a good christian, ane affectionat countrieman or which may mak you ashamed to owne me.

STATEMENT OF MONEY OWED to the D U K E OF HAMILTON B Y CHARLES I. 1 6 4 6 - 7 . January 2 9 . Newcastle.—[Endorsement by the King]. Hamilton the within written summe with the interest amounting to 2 2 8 5 3 Pounds sterling having been by you lent in real! monies I engage my Royall word to cause repay to you when God shall enable me.

From " 1 4 3 " to [the EARL OF LANARK.] March.]—Your Low* of the 7 of Marchis come to mee, the enclosed I shall deliver as soone as I can finde him to whome it is directed which yet I cannot, but am in hope I shall tyme enowght that he may give your Loro an account of the receipt of it himself before the departure of the poste . . . . tolde mee that I sent you from 5 7 1 was for your Low- I have found m e a n e s t have private conference with the Prince who is resolved notwithstanding of his engagement to P. William I told him he cowlde [indecipherable] not make any ingagement in a bussines of soe publique eoncernement in relation both to King and Kingdom without his father's consent and if the King command him (which he conceaves will absolve him from his promise) to 2 2 9 which you will I hope finde safely done shortly. Your designe of crowning the Prince in case there be a necessity that monarchall government must continue is freshly thought upone. [The passages in italics on pages 7 0 - 4 are in cipher in the original]. [1648.

TH

to the

EARL OF LANARK.

[1648. February.]—My Lord till wee heare of your publick resolutiones all heir of all parts are silent and cold having no other cynosure or pole stare but the resolutiones of your conventione of estaits while as your holie brethren are active and vigilant haveing in one instant voted all his Ma servants now attending him to be removed and such only to waite as Sir Tho. Fairfax shall nominat: of w foure of the severest of them are to watch at the dores of his bedchamber and to lie and be ther at their pleasure. The house of Commons haveing prepared, committed and past their grand Manifesto in which they accuse his Ma of parricide, the losse of Rochel and the He of Rae, levying warre against Spaine and France without consent of Parliament, calling in of the Danish horse and assist­ ance from thence, Monopolies, the invasion of the House of Commons and the fyve members, the Irish rebellion and manie more severe insinuationes, all lyke as manie harbingers of his deposall and ruine, w in all humane conjecture must ensue if the affections and loalty and currage of the Scotish ther present much desyred march into England doe not perturbe and frustrate the prevailing councells of those desperat and bloody usurpers and indeed nothing else can prevent that but at tymes vigorous and brisk march into England your cavalier and presbiter frends all perishing or languishing in expectation of your helpe and unlesse your assistance prove opportune in moneye as well as in the armie it is to be feared you will spare your purs to spend your bloode for want of money. Sir Marmaduke Langdale and manie considerable active officers continue still heir at London though he hath receaved from P.W. [the Prince of Wales] a full commission to command in the north and lykewyse to come to Edinburgh and consult with your Lo "- I have endeavoured much to gett five hundred punds from your freinds in the court of London but all in vaine, ther monie is ther best tutelarie Angell. Indeed its to be feared that the present power and necessitie of the King's part (unlesse incouraged by your helpe must sitt quiet and give you the honour and rewarde of so great a service your brethren the Independents haveing perswaded all such who loves ease that they and their brethren are agreed haveing by ordinance established the Presbyterie the Nationall Governement of this Church and Master Marischal homo antiqua virtute et fide is sent with fifty thousand pounds to cleare your clergiemens lungs. This argentangina may be discovered from their extempore prayers and sermons against his Ma , this canicular disease is only curable per phebotamiam et ligaturam. All your Frencli frends are well, joviall and sanguine, expecting your invitation and none more constant and patient then the King if possible as you may perceave by his declaration of which I send your Lo* a copie. There is a warrant out from Sir Thomas Fairfax to secure Ormond, Sir J[ohn] B[arclay] and his lordship are gone ties

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for France and from thence to Irland being by Inchequeen which is of your part. Lord Holland thinks the beeing many jealous eyes on him how to gett out of England to Holland or France. This is all more then the two in companie with this I have at this tyme to trouble your Lo being in your first cipher with me. v

— to the

EARL OF LANARK.

[1648, March.]—My Lord, a letter from the English commis­ sioners and all other hands being full of your distempers and church divisions hath much abaited the affection and action of London and the King's partie as I am much feared they will produce the same effect in the Queen and Prince of Wales (who are in great passion to heare of your resolutions) and unlesse your trustie actions make not the contrare appeare (though to the ruine of all who shall oppose) all your freinds will abandon you and looke upone the last as the worst of your actiones : the hopes of which hath invited my Lord Manchester and Poorpoint and others to solicite earnestly the Marquis of Argyll and others of that partie to send new commissioners to the parleament therby to gaine tyme and other advantages the sole way to defeat the King and the designe in hand if your Councell and courage doe not prevent this desperate plot all heir ar ondone, men of Honour cannot be persuaded that a people so wise and valiant can let passe ane oportunitie of so much credit and interest. Whatever the event be I am sure all heere are sufficiently satisfied with your indevours and are confident that the difficulties must be great which you will not hazard to overcome. It is much admired that after so manie assurances of the Marquis of Argylls concurrence in this designe given by the Marquis of Argyll to the queen and also by Mr. Murray and, Lord Traquyre to the queen and other persons of honor here (who are highly discontented with them in undertaking for Argyll whose interest wholy depends upon the airie opinion of the Clergie, which once being excluded from the consultation of publict affaires will soone decay but better things are expected from one of his parts who uses to change their opinion with their condicion. This is all which I thought fitt to communicate unto you at this time. to the

EARL OF LANARK.

[1648, April]—My Lord in your letters though never so passionate to friends here are insignificant if your actions be delayed any longer for by such disputes, scruples and procras­ tinating distempers your best and most cordiall friends suspectes your poure King's part your affection and your enemies to contemne all you say and doe, insomuch that the returne of Mr. Marishall (who is generallie beleeved to be sent up from Argyll and the goodlie ministers to agree the presbiterians and independents to exclude all other partees and interest whatsom-

ever to settle theironne) the Independent grandees had divers signall meetings to compose all differences amongst themselves which though they have not effectuated, yet it is verie like they may expect to be successfull when it is demonstrable they shall have no deliverance from you, which they beginne much to suspect, yet good friends are verie diligent to prevent this accord untill they know the ultimate of your resolutions; if letters of this weeke had been as sanguine as those of the former the Independent courage had been as low as now erected, but their resolutions (Euripus like) ebbs and flowes seven tymes a day and I am confident that Lord Inchequin and Taffee haveing declared both their Armies (consisting of 10,000 gallant men) for his Ma will much abate of the feircenes against the Cavaleers and moderate Scots. The Citie is not at all forward to contribute assistance to the Independent designe and they are now as much terrified from Wales, for Langhornes force and the Governor of Pembroke hath seized upon the Commissioners and committed them prisoners, taken Flemings canon, killed divers of his men, seized Denbigh Castle and victualed it, declareing for Prince of Wales and generallie all Wales affection will suddenly move that way. Nor is it conceaved a busines of Iitle weight to reduce the forces in Wales for they increase each weeke : if your armie doe not marche very suddenly into England, Scotland will loose the honour and reward of restoring the King and his part for your delayes hath made us all dispaire of receaving any assistance from Scotland, And therefore as you tender the land of Scotland make your actions speake your affection and courage, for to my knowledge Lord Germins letters by this post seemes to me that in France they beginne to dispeare assistance and nothinge can redeeme and begett beleefe but action, the inclosed is from [the] Kinge to your Lo™ who hath unfortunately miscaried in his attempt to gett out throw a window and three of his servants are turned away. Prince Rupert and Lord Perry have fought in this maner, the prince conceaving himself injured by some­ thing said by Perry and the Prince of Wales the next day hunting in the forest with Ins meniall servants prince Rupert finding opportunity rode up (being accompanied with W Murray and his owne page) to Perry and laying hand on Iris bridle told him he should presently give him satisfaction: Perry answered that he would doe that without laying his hand on his bridle and lighting both from their horses (it is reported the Prince had advantage in the lentil of his sworde which in France is conceaved no advantage) after the second passe Perry was run thorough the fleshie part of lus right syde much bakwards and in that passe they closed and falling both to the ground Perrys hand was hurt, and upon this WU1. Murray who was desired to stand by came in and separated them. The wound is voyde of danger and they both haveing foughten valiantly the Prince being as skilfull in his weapon as valiant tie

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had only the advantage of successe. I send you inclosed (which I obtained from a good hand) the summe of the Levellers moderate desires, they being at this houre 7 or 8 regiments in the Armie which will adhere to those prop. : when our Reverend Clergy shall peruse this happie forme of Governement which our new Reformers intends to bring in, I doubt not but they will in tyme joyne heartily with all loyall men to assert the established forms of the land. I had manie other particulars to acquaint you but the want of tyme compels me to referre them to a new occasion. Your letter comes not to my hand but two dayes after the tyme and so I can not acquaint our French friends what is doeing in Scotland, direct yours to Mr. James Adames, one merchand in Broad Streete and to be sent in M John Donn his packet with command to deliver it to me. r

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER UNSIGNED AND UNADDRESSED.

[1648, April.]—. . and rather wished by some that the prince should goe into Irland then Scotland but that is farre from the thoughts of the queene or prince german or Culpepper, the landing of the Irish commissioners is daily expected, it is resolved that the prince will undertake something, and his owne great desires are to cast himselfe in the arms of Scotland but I beleeve upon no invitation the queene will not stirre from hence, it will be now daily expected to heare from you my lord I have told them heir that I have feares that these new votes of the parliament for presbiterian governement and againe pressing the taking of the covenant in Ingland and these commissioners going into Scotland may give you a hard taske to performe your great and faithfull designes but the more difficulty the greater glory yours. My lord I know that if the prince goe into Scotland you will have the greatest hand in placeing his servants about him. . . . to the

LORD ADVOCATE.

1648, May 26.—My present scope is to give you a teaste of what past in the Comitty of warr of the Sherefdome of Air upon Wedinsday last in relatione to the present intended ingadgment. Many of the ministers of both presbyteries presented petitions warning the well-affected anent the intended engagement and desiring the Committee to join in petitioning Parliament to repeal or at least suspend the act of levy until the lawfulness and necessity thereof should be proved. This petition was seconded by a commissioner and petition from each parish and Kirk session. The Committee, in consideration of this caused a petition to be drawn up and signed, approved by the whole meeting save Lord Montgomm and Grunet McLveine. It is to be countenanced by all the gentry of the shire of whom the most part are to be in Edinburgh on the next Wednesday to await

the Parliament's answer. The committee also appointed a rendezvous of all fencible men, both horse and foot in the whole shire, between the ages of 1 6 and 6 0 on the following Monday in armour, each parish by itself and appointed one man in each parish to inspect all who have arms and help others to provide them, also to find what horse each parish can provide and render account at the next meeting. They then considered a letter from Lords Glencairn and Cochrane and the act of Levy : answer was made that the Committee had resolved to join with the presbyteries in petitioning for repeal or suspension of the Act, so that they could not consider it. These resolutions were to be communicated to the Sheriffdoms of Barransrow, Wigtoun and the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright. The writer desires that Scotscraig might know their resolutions and what were the resolutions of other places and such news as came from England. to . [1648.]—The Kingdom of Scotland is so sensible of the dangers threatening the King and the peace and happiness of his kingdom that they are now resolved to hazard all that is dearest to them in order to preserve and settle the Protestant religion according to the Covenant, to rescue the King from his imprisonment and to establish him and his posterity in their just rights, quiet­ ing and composing so far as they can the present distractions of the kingdoms, and to disband the armies. And in carrying out " those pyous, loyall and necessarie dewties " the Kingdom is resolved to protect all such as will join with them. The writer is confident that their army will be in England within *[ ] days. J. READ and

W. BLACK to

.

July],—Noble gentlemen, we are informed Lambert is now come on this side of Carlisle, and we are resolved to hasard our lives and all for reserving your trends and ours and that place. In order to which a generall randevous of all our forces is appointed at Annan on Tuesday nixt the 4 of July. We shall therfor propose it to you if without prejudice to the service yow can advance hither against that time with what bodie of hors you can spare and meet us there. And for your security we shall intreat you may march on the Scots side if yow can doe it without prejudice to the service. [1648,

TH

The

D U K E OF HAMILTON to LORD BELHAVEN.

1 6 4 8 , July 3 . Hamilton.—I hope in God's mercie to open this enclosed my self : bot if it shall please him to dispose of me other wayes then do as it is derected; and as you have ever beene a faithfull servant and kynd freind to me, so you may be assured that I am thankfull for itt tho for the present it can not be other way expressed. . . * Illegible.

The

PRIVY COUNCIL to WILLIAM, D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1649, March 22. Holyroodhouse.—Lord Belhaven has informed them that he holds papers belonging to the late Duke, given to be opened before his friends. They having been assembled and having opened the papers, send to the Duke a copy of his brother's will and a note of the other enclosed papers and have given the further custody of them to Lord Belhaven until they know the Duke's pleasure, to find out which Lord Bargany will wait upon him. A list of the papers enclosed in the packet committed to Lord Belhaven : (1) the Duke's Testament, dated 12th June, 1648 ; (2) The two testaments of his father the Marquis of Hamilton. (3) the Testament of " My lady Margaret " (Duke James' wife) and count of the coals of Kinneil. Which, having been read, were sealed up and entrusted to the care of Lord Belhaven. D R . JAMES SIBBALD to [the

D U K E OF HAMILTON].

1649, May 5.—I presume my Lord hath long agoe seene that most scandalous and virulent pamphlet called Digitus Dei which I hope and earnestly desire that some honest, able and knowing gentleman would thoroughly and speadily answer in regard that this wicked age is ready to drinke in with greedinesse the most devilfish lies especially if written against those who cannot bite. The author, I hartly quest at, hee must needs (I conceive) bee one of the land of Calles. There is another discourse (I have it from the author) now aboute ready for the presse wherein (I have cause to heare) some things will be published (by way of observa­ tion) too prejudicial! (if it can bee) to the honor of his late Majestic I will (if it shall be thought fitt) that the author (too rigid and inflexible) might be written to by some eminent and powerfull pen to forbeare the publication of it. Quae non prosunt singula, multa iuvant, the letter (if without any superscription to him) inclosed in one to me I will see delivered. The bearer will acquaint you with the author's name. WILLIAM, D U K E OF HAMILTON to the ESTATES.

COMMITTEE OF

1650, September 14.—He begs that his banishment may be revoked and that he may return. He pleads that his punishment has been heavier than that of others, that his personal losses have been greater and that his responsibilities as head of the family, consequent on the death of his brother, are very great. If he goes beyond the seas, he will fall into the hands of those from whom he can expect nothing but his brother's fate. He is willing to sign the general band for keeping the peace of the realm and to abstain from coming to Court, or from meddling in public business and to give all assurances that can be given by a Christian or a subject.

WILLIAM, D U K E OF HAMILTON, to SIR ALEX. HUME, Hoff to the PRINCESS ROYAL IN HOLLAND.

Maister

1650, October 16. Brodick Castle.—Honoured friend, your many civilities and particularlie those I latelie received from you in Holland made mee presume at my leiving of that Country to trouble you with the custodie of a little steall boxe wherein I had inclosed some papers concerning the disposal of my Estate and fortune when it should please the Lord to remove me from the miseries of this Life. These are therefore to desire you to caus deliver the said Boxe after you shall heare of my death aither to the Earll of Craford and Lindesay, Glencairne, Barganie or Beallhaven, or to any who shall have warrant from them or any one of them for receiving the same. And seeing I have not been so happie as to meit with any occasion of expressing my desires to serve you which I trust me sir I wold have embraced with much joy and affection I shall therefore heirby require those that are to succeid mee ever to honour and respect you as a person that oblidged mee even in my Lowest condition. My last sute to you is to convey to the Princesse Royall your generous and virtuous mistris my best blessings, And assure her that I carry to my grave with mee a deep sence of the great Honour I received both from her and from the prince her husband. Thus recommending you to the protection of the Almighty I take my last leave of you. Paper headed " All I can remember of Duke William may be reduced to these heads." Endorsed " Worcester Fight." [1651 ?]—He found the losse at Inverleithen has so quarld the minds of many particularlie of the soldierie and has heightened the Enemies Influence that his Majestie could hardlie any more make a defensive warre in Scotland especiallie since Crumwell had got betweene the King and the North where people were most affectionate to him, and from whence his Majestie was to expect his provisions and therefore advised him to make a speedie march into England which no doubt wold draw the most of the Rebell forces out of Scotland, besides by that march his Majesty wold make tryall of what the English lords had so much talked of, that everie day the King stayd in Scotland he lost a thousand English that were readie to joyne with him, the old Cavalier partie and the Presbyterians being readie to come to him. Thogh many who had promised great things to the King formerlie shrunk from him before he marched from Stirling and severall after he had begune his march, particularlie persons who had charges in the armie, and that the Duke's enemies gave it out that though he advised the King

to that march, yet he wold not share in the danger bot find some business for himselfe to stay at home, and thogh indeed if he had beene so inclined he might with honour enough have procured a Commission to have stayed in Scotland to command in chiefe, yea and to have beene his Majesties Commissioner in civilibus as well as militaribus, yet these thoughts were farre below his hie spirits nor could any consideration hinder him to attend his master in that wofull expedition and to runne a whole hazard with him, which in him was the more magnanimous that he had no command at all at that time in the armie, nor could indeed have anie worthe either his quality or qualifications. His loyaltie moved him to such a just indignation against those who daylie left the King before we reached England that at our entering the Kingdome, I heard him vow to God that if ever he returned to Scotland with life and libertie all of them sould ansuere for it, and it may be beleeved if he had lived till the King was restored these diserters had not escaped so scot free as all or most of them did. This example tooke with many, and in the whole march he did constantlie encourage men to do their duty to God, their prince and their country which he did with much cheerful vigor and alacritie, thogh when he waighed all things in the balance of his excellent judgement, especially the backwardness of the English (be of what persuasion they wold) to joyne with his Majestie he could not expect success in the King's affaires. After Lambert and his partie were beate from Warraton bridge and that his foot had left him, the debate in the King's tent was what way the King should take his march. The Duike knew that the affaires of the armie inclind all to march straight to London as the fairest marke his Majesty could shoot at, and Lambert himself thoughte we could march no where els, for in his retreate he tooke directlie the road of London, and thogh the Duke himselfe was of that opinion and able to backe it with all most unanswerable reasons, yet perceiving that all the English who came out of Scotland with the King (to whom was joined that very night the Earl of Derbie and many gentlemen) were violentlie against the March to London, he left the tent as not willing to oppose a number of brave men who had been loyall Actors and sufferers for the King and his father, nor yet by his presence to seeme to consent to a march he fancyed wold prove prejudicial! to his Majesties affaires. Bot a resolution being taken contrarie to his judgement he was so farre from repineing at it that both that night and afterward he exhorted and encouraged all the officers he could meet with, especiallie Colonells, cheerfullie to obey bis Majesties commands showing them that though in point of loyaltie they were tyd to obedience, yet reason and discretion sould teach them to obey in regard to his Majesties danger and losse (if this miscarried) did outwaigh the danger and losse of his whole armie.

At Worcester the day after Cromwell's arrival with his armie, his Majestie called a Councell of warre consisting of some Com­ mittee men, some privie Councellors of both Nations, some of his Domestiks and some colonels of the armie beside the Generall persons of it there. Duke William spoke first and after he had minded his Majestie of the occasions of his leaving Scotland and of his whole march in England and the particular incidents of that march and of his present condition (all which he did in short but vigorous and elequent expressions) he told him there were onle three things wherof choyce could be made, these were march out and fight, bring in provisions and ly still, or rise and march to London, the other side of the Severne being yet free. He shew the difficulties of all and each of these three yet concluded one of these must be done, and that speedilie, and desired his Majestie to put it to the debate, which of the three sould be embraced or if a fourth could be found. There was none that added a fourth except the Duke himselfe, and that was to marche into Wales, and gave his reasones for a probabilitie of doeing it. What the result of the debate wold have beene or to which of the foure D. William wold have advised the King is not knowne for before the halfe of those who were present had spoke (for these of the lower qualite were first called to speake) an Alarm was brought to the King's chamber (whether a true or a false one I know not) and that disolvd the meeting. We lay still foure dayes after, and the ennemies strength in­ creasing daylie severall thousands, the courage of our soldiers was abated. The Duke's mind presaged a sad Catastrofe of the business yet he resolved to signalise himselfe that fatall day of the fight, and thogh both in honor and duetie he might have chosen to waite on his Majesties person, yet wold he rather discend to act as a privatt Colonell, that his Master the King (who was in danger enough himselfe) might be an eyewitness of his loyaltie and courage, and so as the Roman Decii (bot with a Christian resolution) devoted himselfe to his prince his service and the ruine of his ennemies in which gallant charge he receaved these honorable wounds, which after the paine of a few days sent him to his grave and an eternall repose from all his labours. GENERAL MIDDLETON to the

EARL OF SELKIRK.

1655, January 5 . Dun vegan.—By my last from Glenelg I did aquaint you with all things relating to our conditione and resolutione. I have as yet receaved no answer from Generall Munke, but in case oure returne prove not satisfactorie I am doeing what is possible to make the best of a bad game if your lordship can preserve your selfe for a short time: that were more honorable to keep yourselfe from a retreat till the generall accord of all be made, then to leave the business presently, bot if you find it impossible for you to subsist with saftie I doe give you full power to doe that which you conceave most for your

present advantage for I shall be farr from pressing impossibilities upon anie bot ehieflie upon a person whom I so much honour as my Lord Selkirk. I am very sensible of your sufferings and shall not be wanting to give you a best character to your Master which cannot but be honorable, your actions deserved that. A N N E , DUCHESS OF HAMILTON to K I N G CHARLES II.

1 6 6 0 , August 30.—Represents the services done by her late father and uncle to the Crown, the sums owed by the late King and his promise to repay them. Endorsed by Secretary Nicholas that the King was graciously pleased to gratify the petitioner and referred the matter to the Lord High Treasurer, who was to inform the King what he thinks fit to be done. The EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON'S Statement with Regard to the Debt. 1 6 6 1 , February 24.—The debt was stated by auditor Povey to be £ 1 4 , 3 6 5 , with £ 1 , 9 4 6 interest in 1 6 4 1 , of which £ 1 0 , 0 0 0 might be discharged by a grant of the park of Grafton. But the Duchess of Richmond had pretentions to the Honour of Grafton and it was mortgaged for large sums. The debt had grown from £ 1 4 , 3 6 5 to £ 2 2 , 8 5 3 in 1 6 4 6 . The writer presumes to doubt whether interest can be claimed in view of the fact that the Crown had been deprived of its own for so long. It was also suggested that the Duke and Duchess might be satisfied out of the Forest of Sherwood, but that was mortgaged to Lord Capell and others. The writer suggests that the Duke and Duehess might be offered a round sum of £ 1 5 , 0 0 0 . MEMORANDUM CONCERNING THE SCOTS PARLIAMENT OF 28TH MARCH, 1 6 6 1 .

The Act for rescinding the Parliaments of 1 6 4 0 - 4 8 was brought in because the Acts passed in them were contradictory to those of the present Parliament asserting the King's prerogative. The writer said that none would go further than he in rescinding any acts contrary to the King's prerogative but to take away absolutely the parliament of 1 6 4 1 in which the King was present and which was entirely legal was unreasonable. As for the Parliament of 1 6 4 8 , it had done much to establish the King in his government and for the settling of the liberty of the Kingdom as any government. He bade them look to the last parliament in England, as illegal as possible, termed by the King ' a hapie, heling and blessed parliament,' and since the Parliament of 1 6 4 8 had done as much as it could to relieve the late King, he judged the King would hardly rescind it. The Commissioner said he thought no one would justify that parliament for they went like hypocrites and were beaten like thieves. The Lord Treasurer added that they did nothing but to set up a covenanted

religion. The writer defended himself and others from the charge of hypocrisy and said that they were only present to help the King and to restore the Kingdom, and that some of them had "sealed it with their blood and for the success, that depended on God alone." J.

HAMILTON to the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1662, March 13. Edinburgh.—According to your graces comands all pains hes bein taken to examin and punish the wemen that opposed the order of the presbetrie of Linlithgow in stoping the minister appointed by them to declare the minister of Kinnills place vacant. . . Much tym hes bein spent in searching the quintissance of the tumult, nothing mor can be fund as what this inclosed act declares, and albeit they wer bot wemen yet in regaird they were my lord duik Hamilton's pepell I pressed that they might be mor rigourously punished. Enclosure : Proceedings of the Quarter Session of his Majesty's Peace, at Linlithgow on the 4th March, 1662, concerning the action of the women of Kinneill in preventing Mr. John Mowbray, minister of Strabrock from preaching. The women were twenty-five in number and not only prevented him from preach­ ing but broke his horse's bridle and refused to let him go back or forwards. Five of them were named as ringleaders. They were fined sums from £6 scots to £30 scots, and one of them to stand in the jougs at the church door for two Sundays. THE LORD CHANCELLOR to the

SAME.

1663, December 3. Edinburgh.—Letter enclosing an order in Council, stating that the Duke's care in the matter will be acceptable service to the King. Extract from the proceedings of the Privy Council, 1st December 1663, Edinburgh. Charging the sheriffs and magis­ trates of burghs in the south and west to search for persons guilty of the late rebellion, including the following fifteen persons: Richard Oldhed of Duesburrie, William Dickonsone of Gildersome, Jerome Marsden of Hughdale, David Lumley of Huttonroides, Simeon Butler of Bingley, John Atkinsone called the Stockouse, Christopher Dawsone of Leedes, Edward Wilkinsone of Humslott, . . . Fisher, late preacher of Sheffield in the County of York,. . . Richarsone, commonlie called doctor, Captain Masone of the bishoprick of Durhame, Captaine Jones of Londone, . . . Palmer, minister neir Nottinghame, Captain Atkinsone and Nicolas Leckar of Soogby in the said county of Nottinghame; arrest and imprison them. THE PRIVY COUNCIL

to WILLIAM DOUGLAS, D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1664, April 19. Edinburgh—Mr. Lodovick Sommervail, late minister at East Monkland, appointed by the Commission HAM.—6

to be apprehended by your grace and sent prisoner to Edinburgh hath appeared before us and obleidged himself to come to your grace and find bail for his appearance before the Commission at the dyet of its meeting. This we conceave your grace may take off our hands in order to his further satisfaction. The

E A B L OF ROTHES to the

D U K E OP HAMILTON.

1665, April 12.—The letter would be a volume if he gave an account of all the debates concerning the way to give obedience to the King's commands concerning the West. The Earl of Linlithgow will give all details. A squadron of horse will attend the Duke at Hamilton shortly. His grace knows so well who are the ill-affected that he need give no names. He is impatient for news of Sir John Cheslie and begs the Duke to seize him and any " intelligencers runeinge throw this kingdome " for he finds that there are communications with the ill-affected in the North of Ireland. Postscript: The Duke may assure all those from whom arms are taken that they shall either have them returned or receive their value. Enclosure : Order of Privy Council to the Duke to search all houses in Lanarkshire, except of those who were members in the last two sessions of the late Parliament or are in offices of public trust, for arms. The

SAME to the

SAME.

1665, April 15.—Receaved yours of the 14th this evening, and cannot but render your Lo. thankes for the tymous Acompt your Lo. is pleased to give of the condition of the Countrie under your jurisdiction, which no doubt will prove the same every­ where, in the severall Counties, when the orders According to his Ma Comandes shall be put in execution. And thowght it be not my expectation that any considerable Armes can be seassed on in that Country, worthie of the noyse, paines and trowble concerning them, yet your Lo. knowes that it is my dewtie to obey, and seeinge his Ma hes comanded that to be done I shall not at all question the carefullness of every person concerned, (Beeing required) to give a faithfull Acompt of ther dilligence; I am glad to heare off your accquainteing the Erie of Annandaill with what I communicated to y o u ; and the Acompt you give me annent Sir John Chessly; and doubts not your watchfullness over him and other suspected persons and your cair therin will not only be singulare service to his Majestie but a great obligation upon your humble servant. Postscript: My lord what persons you ar confident of you may easly judge it is not my intention they be disarmed, but only for exampells sake; and then you may returne ther Armes: when your Grace pleases Captan Scott shall be with your Grace upon Munday at night, I have sent a letter by this bearer to my Lord Linlithgow: which I earnestly desire your Lo. may transmitt as soon as possible can be. ties

tIe

WILLIAM BAILLIE OF LITTILLGILL to the D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1665, April 26. Douglas.—He has sent the inventory of the arms seized and the names of the persons from whom they were taken and his own engagement to make them forthcoming when required. Some have declared that they possess sword and pistol but will neither give them up nor promise to do so. He desires to know what to do with these persons. Enclosure : List of arms collected from the parishes of Crawfordmuir, Freirmuir, Douglas, Lamington, Wistoun, Wandell, B*toun, Crawfordjohn. The EARL OF ROTHES to the SAME.

1666, December 20. Ayr.—The Duke is charged by the Lord Commissioner and lords of the Commission appointed to try the late rebellion to arrest . . . Kennedy of Auehfardell. The SAME to the SAME.

1667, March 14. Holyroodhouse.—The Duke is to examine all persons, heritors, feuars or tenants involved in the late rebellion, to make a list of them and to have rentals made of their estates and inventories of their moveable goods; and to intromit with the goods of such who were in open battle and have either fled, or been killed or been executed. The SAME to the SAME.

1667, March 26.—Order that the Duke of Hamilton is to intromit with the goods and gear of all rebels in the shire of Lanark and forbidding all officers and soldiers to meddle with any such goods. The SAME to the SAME.

1667, May 9. Holyroodhouse.—Order for the preservation of the grass in parks and meadows of the shire of Lanark for the grazing of the Duke's troop of horse. They are to pay the ordinary and reasonable rates. ARCHIBALD STIRLING, collector of the parish of Calder.

1667, September 20. Hamilton.—Receipt for payment of corn and straw furnished to the Duke of Hamilton's troop of horse from 1 April to 10 June last. Sum paid 87" 8* scots. st

th

A . GIBSONE, Clerk to the Privy Council, to the DUKE. 1670, Sept. 15. Edinburgh.—A rendezvous of militia having been appointed for those shires which did not meet before and the last Wednesday of September for the shire of Lanark, a letter was to have been sent to the Duke, signed by the Lord Chancellor. By reason of haste and throng of business it was

not sent and the writer ventures to supply the neglect by enclosing a copy of the act, so that the troops may be warned. (Act not enclosed.) The

P R I V Y COUNCIL to the D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1670, November 13. Edinburgh.—Fearing that disorder may fall out among the companies of foot in Glasgow because of their arrears of pay, they recommend the Duke to assemble at Hamilton the militia troops under his command and to be ready to assist the King's troops of guards in Glasgow in suppressing any disorder. Postscript: Colonel Borthwick's company, as it was being dispatched, mutinied and marched westward with the colours. The Earl of Linlithgow has been sent with orders to horse and foot to suppress them. The

EARL OF DUNFERMLINE to the

SAME.

1670, November 15. Edinburgh.-—The mutiny having been quelled, the Council have ordered the writer to return thanks to the Duke for his services. Archbishop of Glasgow, to MR. RAMSAY, Minister of Hamilton and Dean of Glasgow. 1671, August 17. Glasgow.—He has suggested to the Duke two young men for the Kirk of Shotts, but one is still supplying a vacancy in that town. The other, M - Lindesay, bearer of the letter is known to Sir John Harper. He deserves encourage­ ment because " hee hath broke through the dissuasions of his neer freinds to offer his service to the church at this time." If the Duke think fit to send him to preach at Shotts for a few weeks, the young man will be willing to go. The brethren in the west do not think a meeting of the synod before winter to be needful; but he asks Ramsay to consult his presbytery and the moderator of Lanark and to inform him of their opinion. ROBERT LEIOHTON,

r

The

SAME to the

SAME.

15th September [1671]. Glasgow.—Whatsoever my thoughts were of offering my indeavours and service towards the com­ posing that businesse at the Shotts it was onely upon supposition that I should first bee informed more fully how matters stood and whether it were likely to bee seasonable or no. But I am abundantly satisfied by what you write that it is not convenient at this time especially seing the young man is calld away and resolves to retire from it, for that puts it wholly out of question, that neither his being there nor mine were to any purpose. But if he had been to continue in prosecuting of his setlement there and that my Lord Duke had inclin'd to it I then thought that the intermitting a day might sett it backwards and animate the disaffected persons as if they had gained their point. I pray

you present my humble service to my Lord Duke and the Dutchesse, and my request that the parties that were actors in that scufle bee not too severely dealt with though 'tis reason they be frighted with the threatnings and the neerest approaches of executing some condigne punishment that both they and others may be deterr'd from attempting the like. DEPOSITIONS ANENT THE RIOT at the

KIBK OF SHOTTS

(September 3.) 1671, September 15. Hamilton.—Several witnesses examined before the Duke of Hamilton testified to the threats used to Mr. Harry Lindesay, minister, to dissuade him from preaching. The

LORD CHANCELLOR to the

DUKE OF HAMILTON.

1671, October 5. Holyroodhouse.—The thanks of the Privy Council are given to the Duke for his information concerning the affair at the church of Shotts. They require that the ring­ leaders be presented before them at the next meeting of Council on the 5th November. The Chancellor is on the point of setting out for Fife. The

SAME to the

SAME.

1671, November 16. Edinburgh.—-The Privy Council have resolved to commit to the Duke or his deputies the trial of the persons concerned in the riot at Shotts. The

D U K E OF HAMILTON to the

LORD CHANCELLOR.

[Undated.]—He has received his letter in name of the Council, charging him with the further trial of the disorders at Shotts. He had sent the depositions, judging the crimes more suitable for the Council to judge than for him. If he was in error, he asks pardon, because his actions proceeded from zeal for the execution of the laws. " And since no more can be expected to be knowen in it that I or my depute forbear any punishment for what you have seen I hope shall not hereafter be imputed as a neglect." The

EARL OF ROTHES to the

DUKE OE HAMILTON.

1671, November 25. Edinburgh.—Enclosing a copy of the King's letter of the 16th November, anent the appointment of new Bishops, because of the translation of the Archbishop of Glasgow and the death of other Bishops. The Duke is asked to attend a meeting of the Council on the 5 December. th

The

SAME to the

SAME.

1672, March 28. [Edinburgh.]—Upon Friday last I receaved the inclosed, and not beeinge willeing to have it laid to my doore that the adjournment of the parliament till the 29

th

tic

of May come from his Ma to me, and I not immediatly proclame it, I called a Councell yesterday who accordeingly did it. By the letter end of this letter you will finde that some­ what is intended to be done in this Kingdome suteable to what length they have gone in England towards ane Indullgence, you Sir My Lord Lauderdale both disires and expects advisse from this. Therfor I in name of severall of your servants heir, earnestly disires your Grace may give your selff the trouble to com to this place on Munday or Tuesday in the fornoone nixt. Postscript: Pardon I beseech your grace this borowed hand for I am in bed. Endorsed by the Duke : Anent the tolleration. The

D U K E OF HAMILTON to the

EARL OF ROTHES.

1672, March 30.—Haveing been so long in Edinburgh and being so soon againe to attend the Parlament has ingadged me here so much in bussines that I must beg your pardon for not waiting on you on Tuesday nixt and since you will take the concurrance and advise of those that much better knowes and understands matters of so great concernement my absence will be of no prejudice to the bussines and when ever my attendance is thought usefull to his Ma service none shall with more cheerfullnes lay all things els aside and attend them then. ties

The

EARL OF ROTHES to the

D U K E OE HAMILTON.

1673, May 7. Edinburgh.—Information has been given to the Council that conventicles are held in some places in Lanark­ shire. The Duke is required to make enquiries as to such meetings and disaffected people and to keep the Council duly informed. The

D U K E OF HAMILTON to the

EARL OF ROTHES.

1673, June 11. Edinburgh.—He has been informed that since March there have been several field conventicles in Carnwath parish and some in Monkland parish. He has had notice of most of those who attended and has fined them. Few or none of the indulged ministers have observed the 2 9 May last and of late some of them have had very numerous communions. At the church of Stainhouse, Mr. John Petticrew, who was never a minister but only a preacher, preached in the churchyard. M - John Rea, a field conventicle preacher, also preached there. Most of the indulged ministers baptise children from other parishes without testimonials from regular ministers and do not observe their confinement, a matter which is generally known. th

r

The

EARL OF ROTHES to the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1673, June 12. Edinburgh.—The King has granted to the Duke and others of the Council a commission for putting the laws to execution anent church matters in the diocese of Glasgow.

The Duke is desired to enquire anent the indulged ministers to find which of them have gone to the parishes assigned to them that the Council may proceed against such as have not obeyed. The writer has communicated to the Council the Duke's letter anent his diligence against the keepers of conventicles. The

SAME to the

SAME.

1673, September 3. Edinburgh.—The Duke is to attend the meeting of the Privy Council on the 30 instant, when important business is to be transacted. The Council will report to the King the names of those who are absent. th

The

SAME to the

SAME.

1674, July 28. Edinburgh.—The Privy Council being informed that the militia under the Duke's command have not yet taken the oath of allegiance as prescribed by Act 1 of the third session of the King's second Parliament, they order his grace to administer the oath at the next rendezvous and make report to the Council before the 1 November. st

The EARLS OF MAR, WIGTOUNE and

KINCARDINE to the SAME.

1674, September 9. Stirling.—Having commission to call for an account of the diligence of the sheriffs in suppressing conventicles, they examined the report from the Duke, presented by M - John Baylie of Carfin. The report and other matters they remitted to the consideration of the Privy Council. Copy of the oath signed by the officers and troopers of the Duke of Hamilton's troop. We, officers and troopers of his grace My Lord Duke of Hamilton's troup undersubscryvand Doe sincerlie affirme and declare we judge it unlawfull to subjects upon pretence of Reformation or other pretences whatsumever to enter into Leigues, and Covenants or to take up armes against the King or thes commissionat by him. And that all thes gatherings, convocations, petitions, protestations and erecting and keeping of Council Tables that wer used for the beginning and for carying on of the late troubles wer unlawfull and seditious, and particularlie that thos oathes, wherof the one wes commonlie called the National Covenant as it wes sworn and explained in the yeir 1638 and thereftir the other intituled A Solemne League and Covenant wer and arc in themselves unlawfull oathes and wer takin by and imposit upon the subjects of this kingdome against the fundamental! lawes and liberties of the same, and that ther lyeth no obligatione upon us or any of the subjects for the said oathes or either of them to endeavour any change or alteration of the Governement either in church or state as it is now established by the lawes of the kingdome. (Signed by eighty men.) r

to the

EARL OF ARRAN.

[1674] Dec. 20.—Excepting some things of no great importance concerning the divisions in Edinburgh, the enclosed papers will give you an account of all I receeved from Fairbairn on Friday last. That concerning the town was only that there was no positive return to their letters but some apprehensions that as the one from the Provost etc. would find a very gracious reception, so the other would meet with a frown w like a cloud might dissolve into a showre of inconveniences on the concerned. I have nothing els myself, but by another hand I understood yesterday that another letter was come from His Maj : in which the 2 8 of January is appoynted for a select number of the interdicted Advocates, such as the King shall nominate, to be admitted to the exercise of their function, and all the rest of that faculty to be declared incapable of any publick trust for ever. I have not as yet the conditions proposed, much less the resolutions of those gentlemen, but tomorrow at night I expect to hear something of both, i' the mean time in a letter from M - Burnet himself to My Lord of the 3 December I read, that notwithstanding of the Kings commands to remove him from City of London 20 miles, caused by too officious an aspersion of the Bishop of Salisbury, yet he has been by the said Bishop cleared (to the no small reproach of the said Prelate through the whole Court) has experienced the great and zealous patronage of the Duke and all his friends and at last by his R. H. vigourous management, has got the order recalled, and remains still where he was. ch

th

r

rd

to the

SAME.

1674, December 24. I received the inclosed yesterday by the footman, I hope it contains some thing about thes King' letter and proclamation concerning the Advocates, the particulars of W* I have not yet received, but are much the same I wrote you in my last. It is thought there is a design upon some of that society, and that upon particular encouragement they may be persuaded to a complyance, but who they are is yet unknown, however I'm sure that the chiefest of them are resolved never to yield upon the terms proposed, and indeed they were unworthy if they should. There are two letters more come down, one concerning the Borroughs, the other about the Magistracy of Edinburgh but both kept secret. The first brings much satisfaction to the Provosts party in the town, and the other to his faction amonsgst the other Burrows, threatning severe confinements and other inflictions on the chief of the other party, both in town and Burroughs, however they seem to attend the approaching storm with much courage and resolution in expectation of a calm after all this foul weather. It is said Old Chancelor Hide is dead ; the Arch. B. comes not off till the

midle of Febr: the Convocation continues still, Kinghorn is on the Road ; one Burnet a Jesuite was condemned for seducing the King's subjects, but upon serious addresses was reprieved. Our Mr. Burnet continues still preaching in the City and suburbs, with much reputation and applause. to the

SAME.

1675, May 11.—My not writing the last weeke was becaus I had nothing to write nether was ther any bodie that cald for an answer but this day I saw a part of a letter written from a discreet person who uses to give the most full and clear accompt of affairs. He sayes the test is now past but in effect no wayes as the bishops designed it for it concerns no parliament member nor so much as justices of peace but only the beneficed persons, on Wednisday last the hous revived the ij same addresses against Lauderdale and for recalling of the French forces and voted a new adress to be made to his Ma for a speedie answer to the former two, the hous hath continued the tunnage for three yeares, these are the express words of the offer, if the King live so long but the hearth money is not yet granted but they have voted to advyse the King to bestow that tunnage on fitter uses then before to wit on the shipping, the matter of the fleet is yet under their consideration but the duke of Lauderdale's friends say confidently that he will com of in coach which they conclude from this that the hous hath granted anything befor they got an answer to the adresse and Patrik Weymes Lauderdale's servants letter to James Murray beares that the last address on Wedensday went by 146 votes to 134 which was only by twelve votes yet I hardly can beleeve for this letter I saw that they adjourned the advysing of Mr. Burriets deposition till this Friday so that it would appear they will not yet quite him I think it no small argument that they ar lykwyse jointly insisting in their vote of adress for recalling the forces of France. There is som mistake betwixt the two houses fallin out in the caise of Sir John Fago who pretends a privilege as a member of parliament that the hous of lords cannot judge in his caise tho it be an appeall in tyme of Parliament from an inferiour Court to the parliament if that appeall make as much noise as amends did it will make. . . tie

[MR. GILBERT BURNET] to the D U K E of HAMILTON.

1675, Oct. 26. London.—Things here goe upon the same measures you left them in nor is there any alteration in Councells or Ministers. D . L . is still in absolute favour with the King and thinks he has got over all his difficulties and it is confidently given out that the party against him is almost quite broken and a few more vigorous proceedings will save all after which he will study a great mildness. And none will allow it to be said that the nation is generally discontented otherwise it is

thought they had made more noise. Certainly there are many things to be done without rebelling to signify to a Prince the grievances of his subjects and he has never heard complaints but from four or five persons whose representation without seconded by others ought not to have determined him. The Iawers have sent no complaint to the King, and that they doe not every one of them not only petition for right to be done them but complain of the illegal and unjust proceedings against them and desire right against those who have procured these orders seems strange to all and if they did that many would second them. So ought L.G.D. also to desire right of those who have informed against him. The letter of the burroughs was but faint in the desire for a Parliament and the toun of Edin­ burgh opposing it was more considered than the concurrence of all the rest. Upon the whole matter you must either resolve to see how the generality of the nation can be gott to send their complaints to the King or sitt absolutely quiet at home and think of nothing but your private affairs or reconcile with D.L. or leave the Country for I put rebelling out of the supposition as much as I find it is out of your thoughts of which none alive can be more glad than I am. Few here can give a positive advice on a matter whereof they see but the half and it is too tender a point to offer advice in, besides it is plain many wish you would follow these courses which they dare not speak out. The Duke wishes much a temper might be found to setle you all and would advance that all he could for as he would gladly oblige the Nation so he will not study the mine of D.L. who is now much united to him nor is his designe only to take off a man or two but to have all setled to every bodies content, but tho he is D.L. friend yet if any in Scotland come with a particular complaint of any injustice done him such as is now L.G.D. busines the eoncerne of the lawiers and the complaint of the toune of Edinburgh he told me he would not present their petition to the King but would second it all he could with the King. He saies he has few friends and he must not give those he has just ground to complain of him, but for a Nationall complaint I doe not find him inclined to medle in that nor does it agree well with the circumstances he is in, yet he will be very willing to speake with any of the considerable lawiers and if any of them would come up as it were to passe their tyme he will see them and speak with them as much as they desire and doe them all the obligations he can. Or if you can get any of them to draw a Memoriall of the errours have been in the govern­ ment of late with the laws they have struck against he will willingly read and consider it, and doe everybody all the good he can. Broomhall has spoken twice to D.L. to present him to the Duke to offer the humble dutie of Edinburgh to him and to desire his favour but gott no answer, he upon that went by me to him and did very fully and freely lay open the state of Scot-

land, told particularly what Monro had said at the Councell board and said he would own the information. The Duke was well pleased with his discourse but will have him come avowedly and make the tounes complement to him that he may own the serving them, this Broomhall will doe if upon a third desire D . L . doe not carry him with it and if he doe D . L . will never forgive neither him nor E.K. What effects it may produce I know not, the Duke thinks petitions sent the King wherein orders D . L . has procured are complained of ought to be sent by Secretary Coventry. This is all I can informe of affairs here. For your selfe every body here thinks you ought to stay in Scotland still come what will and the Duke said to me that had he taken allarmes hot he had been undone long ago, and the reason I advised was that I clearly foresaw either you might be sent to a prison or be put on doing things would loose your interest with the Nation and I am still of opinion you ought not to goe to Councell for it but makes you cheap to goe wher [you] are sure to carry nothing and I know in severall particulars many of D . L . people are against things only becaus you are for them, beside your telling the King that you were not to goe to Councell agrees not well with your going now and to be sure if you goe you ought not to signe or coneurre in any thing against law, such as the imprisoning or banishing any without a cause but you ought to declare it against law and that you can not goe along in such things. Almost all here would do so and you cannot suffer more by it then to be turned out of Councell. The toune of Edinburgh submitting so absolutly and the Magistracy of Glasgow being quite changed are two great points gained by D . L . and he magnifies them abundantly. Archbishop St. Andrews represents you very ill to my lord Canterbury and studies on all occasions to cry up D.L., so does Paterson. Canterbury wonders you are all so quiet and in a word every­ body saies you deserve to be trode doun that let your liberties be taken from you without complaining and that it seems you have no care and that if a towell be sent to any of you to bid him hang himselfe in it it is beleeved that it would without fail be obeyed. Endorsed : This letter Lady Ann Gordon brought. The D U K E OF HAMILTON to the ARCHBISHOP OF GLASGOW.

1676, Jan. 20. London.—Since your Grace went from this I have been told that you had informed that I was not onely for inlarging the indulgence to the presbiterian ministers in Scotland but for allowing them the power of ordination. I do very well remember when I waited on you here I told you I thought the late indulgence had contributed very much to the settling of the disorders that was in those parts by conventikles and that the inlarging of it was the best remeed to prevent con­ ventikles in other parts, but that I told you I was for allowing

them I am some clear

such a share in government you must pardon me to say very sure I did not, so can not but conclude ther must be mistake in it which I intreat you will do me the faver to by a line.

The EARL OF ROTHES to the D U K E OF HAMILTON. [ 1 6 7 6 . ] April 2 0 . Edinburgh.—I am verie glad of your

save and happie aryvall and should have judged it a great deale of honour if you had continued in your resolution which my Lord Lindsay meakes me proud of, that you were once thinking of your coming to Leslie, yea were no sooner come to this place then I was assured from it that you intended home upon Tiusday otherwayes I had not bein so neglective of that which I owne to be my dutie, bot I have sent this bearer to know how your grace and my ladie dutchesse ar efter your journey, I know you trust him, and what comands you are pleased to lay upon me by him shall be verie stricklie observed in despite of calumnies and misrepresentations. The SAME to the SAME. [ 1 6 7 6 . ] June 13.—The honer of yours I receved from my sone Haddingtone with a great deale of satisfaction since by him I had the assurance of your being weill notwithstanding of all the unexpected sircumstances in your affaiers you have encountred since I had the honor to wayte on you, and I shall never doubt bot your grace will belive that next to the King and countreyes services ther is nothing I ambition at more than the title of . . your most humble and faithfull servant. LETTERS at the instance of MR. RODERICK MCKENZIE, depute to Sir George McKenzie, Lord Advocate against JOHN CAMPBELL of

[blank].

1 6 7 8 , February 1 4 . Ayr.—Charging him to answer to the Commissioners of Council at Ayr upon the charges of absenting himself from his parish church, of attending house and field conventicles under Mr. John Welsh, a declared traitor, M George Johnstoun, M Andrew Mortoun, M Donald Cargill, M John Rae, M Edward Jamieson and other outed preachers, of being married and having children baptized there, of harbour­ ing such ministers, of having conventicles in his house or on his lands, of having tenants or servants attending such meetings etc., under the pain of rebellion and putting to the horn. r

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LAWBURROWS against WILLIAM, D U K E OF HAMILTON :

1 6 7 8 , March 13.—Who had not taken the bond obliging himself, his family, cottars, servants and others not to attend conventicles, binding him and the aforesaids not to attend conventicles nor harbour nor commune with rebels and to keep

scatheless the family, goods and gear of the regular minister " under the double of your yearlie reakoned rent in case of failyie." PETITION of WILLIAM, D U K E OF HAMILTON, to the PRIVY COUNCIL.

1678, March.—Anent the charge to enact himself in the Books of Privy Council that he and his dependents shall keep the peace, not frequent conventicles, nor commune with rebels and shall keep harmless the persons and goods of the regular ministers, under the penalty of double his yearly rent. He represents his past loyalty to the Crown, his sufferings under the usurpation by forfeiture of his goods and imprisonment, and that he refused to " bind himself to disown his Majesties service when any oportunity should offer against the usurped power of the times. In the late rebellion in 1666, far from countenancing conventicles or disturbance of the public peace, he lived regularly and he himself fulfilled any charge given him to enforce the laws. He is content to enact himself in the Books of the Privy Couneil for Ms family under the penalty contained in the acts of Parliament, and for his tenants in terms of law. This he expects the Council to accept " seeing by the comon principles of Law, one is not lyable for the crimes of another to which he has no accession; And besides the petitioner is stated in a singular case from many others, having a multitude of tenents and people under him in remote and far distant places ; many wherof may be feinted with such principles, that if a few of them should contravene the Laws, either out of error or malice against the petitioner, they might by the certification of the Act of Privy Couneil, by once going to these field Con­ venticles subject him to such fines and penalties as would extend to the value, and be upon the matter a forfeiture or confiscation of his estate by his own consent." This question he leaves to their consideration and justice and presumes that the King -will be pleased to accept for his exoneration'" as being all that is prestable by him or in his power to perform. —

to the DUCHESS OF HAMILTON.

1678. [blank] 12.—The writer regrets that he was unable sooner to answer the Duchess's letter, which was so " apposite and pertinent." He does not know if the Duchess has seen Colman's letter with an account of popish intrigues and Councils for three years. He wifl send it. The previous day they had letters from the Commons to the King on misrepresenting both Houses and counteracting their resolves. Private letters say that the Duke of [Lauderdale ?] and the Treasurer were on their knees to the King to get the parliament adjourned but could not, It is said that the Lords in the Council are as

feared as those in the Tower. He thinks the Duke should be oftener with the King at this time and endeavour to impress him with the assurance of his service, for such things are taking to princes. The Earl of Callender has returned, he talks of the kindness he has received from the Duke of [Lauderdale] and the unkindness from the Duke, but the writer believes that the Duke did visit him to try to gain him, but to no avail. The means of his conversion has been his own lady and Lady Southesk. His lady is still in London and very busy with the Duke of [Lauderdale]. Postscript: Those lords in the Tower are upon their trial before their peers, the Commons being their accusers. They say Bellues (sic) is already sentenced. Colman died denying he had ever seen Oates and Ludlow before he saw them when they deponed against him. J. YOUNG to the

DUCHESS OF HAMILTON.

1678. April 23. Strathaven.—Being necessarlie diverted yesterday and taken up with seing the blewcoats quarters cleared this day I must crave pardon that I cannot wait upon your grace to give ane full informatione of things heir the per­ formance whairof I intend upon the back of the blewcoats removing which I expect within ane day or tuo, for ther order to remove is not yitt come, though my Lord president told us yesterday that Haltoun was gone with order to Glasgow for dis­ banding all the militia forces, dismisse the Committie and dischairge all farder procedor as to any executione concerning the bond or lawborrowes so that this busines in the west was quyt laid asyd by his Majestie as though it had never bein acted nor was it farder to be prosecute: bot his Ma was offended with the Lords that wer gone up for ther coming without licence from himself or his Counsell upon which accompt he was sure none of them had any accesse to him befor or upon Saturday last. The chairge of the blewcoats quarters these eight dayes in this place will be about ten pound sterlin, none of the gentlemen of the guard heir pay any thing for come and strae to ther horses and many of them as yitt have payit nothing for ther own quarter. What sail be I sail efterward give your grace ane accompt, I have emendit the inclosed by adding something qulrich was forgott. I hear the yellow coat regiment are at Lanerk. The trouble of this prolixitie I sail beg your grace will be pleased to pardon. ttie

Enclosure: An account of the quartering and behaviour of the Highlanders and others of the King's army in the parish of Avendale in February, March and April, 1678. Expenses of 100 Highlanders belonging to the Earle of Perth under [blank] Graham of Duchill, quartered in Strathaven £20 ; of seven companies of Highlanders belonging to the Earl of Caithness, under the command of his two uncles, who stole

clothes to the value of £100 and 13 horses, free quarter at 6d. per man, £105 ; dry quarter, £40 ; stolen goods, £100 ; hire of horses £15 12 8 ; total, £260 12 8 - Three companies of the same Highlanders under Major Alexander Campbell, known as Black Sandy Campbell, these seized horses for their own use and baggage ; free quarter, £720 ; quarters of the Major and two Captains and some officers and their servants in changehouses in Strathaven, £100 ; hire of horses £44 1 2 ; total £854. Three companies of men belonging to the Marquis of Atholl under Major Murray with a forged order for free and dry quarter, who seized £26. The Earl of Airlie's troop under his son Lord Ogilvie as lieutenant and . . . Durhame of Aldounie, cornet, quartered in Strathaven, who exacted from Strathaven and Stenhouse corn and straw for their horses on 6 a day for each horse and one shilling for each man's food. The baillie complained to the Earl who ordered the cornet to make redress, but his com­ mand was not heeded. The exactions amounted to £340. Several small parties of soldiers from Phinnick, Lowdoun, Galstoun and Kyle plundered clothes and other goods to the value of £200. The whole of these exactions amounted to £1,700 12 0 The document is attested by James Young of Linbank, Alexander Murray of Udstounheid and William Cochran of West Newtown. s

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The

CASE of the

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D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1678, April. London.—Endorsed in the Duke's handwriting: This paper was presented and read to his Ma in presence of his Royall Highness the D. of Mounmouth, the L Treasurer of England and M Secretarie Williamson at London [blank] Aprill 1678. He states the proceedings against him by the Privy Council and his actions there anent. (1) Being ordered to disarm the militia troops and all persons except the nobility and gentlemen of quality, who were to retain their swords only upon oath and to cause them to sign a bond, he presented to them at Hamilton the order and the bond. They, being conscious of no special disorder in the shire which might warrant the proceeding, proposed to submit an offer for securing the peace of the shire and suppressing field conventicles, so that the army of over 8,000 men of whom 6,000 were Highlanders might be removed from Lanarkshire and Renfrew­ shire. An instruction was issued by the Privy Council to their Committee requiring them to accept no such offer, to disarm the country and press the bond. The militia arms were thereupon delivered to an officer of the horse guards and all the Duke's own arms except his sword and some fowling-pieces. Later it was ,te

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debated in the Council by the Duke of Lauderdale that the Duke because he had not signed the bond should be disarmed of his sword. He then went to Edinburgh and stated his reasons. These were that having his estate in so many shires, he could not consider himself to be bound to answer for all his tenants. He offered to enforce the laws, so far as lay in his power, but conceived it impossible to turn out all the tenants who would not sign the bond for his relief, besides the fact that it could be no service to his Majesty to render so many people desperate. He proposed the former offers for serving the peace of the shire and preventing conventicles, but they were refused. (2) At his return to Hamilton he found 1000 foot in free quarters and two troops of horse in other parts of his estate, not excepting that part near Glasgow, which already had 700 Highlanders quartered on it. While his estate was in that condition and his tenants were being ill-treated, he himself was next aimed at, receiving a charge of horning to enact himself for himself and his tenants, subtenants and dependants as to keeping the peace, not going to conventicles, nor communing with rebels, etc. under penalty of double his yearly valued rent for every such person's trans­ gression, a penalty which he did not consider warranted by any law or former practice, consequently he did not enact himself and was denounced a rebel, and letters of caption for his im­ prisonment were issued. (3) Such being the case, he had no choice but to come, with other noblemen and gentlemen in the same position, to implore justice from the King. (4) He had no reason to think himself included in the pro­ clamation against withdrawing from the host, never having been required to attend the army, nor having heard of any rebellion and most of the army having been dismissed, so that he could not think he would be considered to have despised the King's authority by coming to Whitehall, the more so that the King had been graciously pleased to allow him to come to himself when he (the Duke) had any cause of complaint. If he is in error, he hopes for the King's forgiveness and admission t o his presence. (5) He has lately received a proclamation of the 2 7 March forbidding heritors and freeholders of Lanarkshire and Renfrew­ shire to keep horses or mares valued at over £4 3*. 4d. sterling after the fifth April under penalty of £8 6s. 8d., and ordering them to put away any such horses before 1 May. Thus he cannot keep coach or riding horses nor stud-mares and most of his tenants cannot till the ground with horses of so low a value ; so that it appears that the severities in these counties are increasing. th

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ACCOUNT OF THE DUKE'S INTERVIEW

with the KING.

1678, May 25.—D.H., Lo. C , S' J. C. and G. L. D . admytted to apearing befor his Ma His Roy. H. D[uke of] M[onmouth] and Lo. Treasurer. Without being allowed to kis his Ma hand D . H . begane and intreated to know what reason moved his Maj to such unordinare useage towards him. His Maj bid him first tell what he had to complean off. He then deduced a narratione of all proceedings of the councell from August to the tyme commissiones wer issewed for raising the heilanders, he men­ tioned the first bond and the qualificationes conteened in an act of concell of the October last and the rumors of a treattie for a further indulgeance to the fanaticks, of the increase of conven­ ticles therafter, of the jurisdictiones in the schyre of Air without any alteratione in the other western schyres from what had been ordinarie ther for many years, and that ther had been no resistance in thes part to any who offered to put the lawes in executione. He insisted upon the free quarter as illegal and the abuses committed by such barbarouse men whom custome had taught only to thieve and rob, to which his Ma replyed that might be the misgovernment of men. He asked if thes who wer here from the Concell had denyed takeing of free quarter, the King said they needed not minstre it for he beleeved it wes free quarter indeed and he allowed and ordered it and he wondered why they should deny it upon such an exigent, when a rebellion wes to be feared. D . H . told that the free quarter wes not taken upon such accompt for there wes not the leist appearance of it, but men were quartered upon for refuseing the bond and some long before it wes offered. The Lo. Treasurer to take of the debeat urged the consideratione of the legallitie of the bond and argued much that it wes performable by any person who would concurr to doe it because of the alternative conteened therin, to which it wes answered that the bond wes not founded upon any law, neither wer Measters either able or oblidged to present their tennents befor the judges, nor wes it legall to put them from their possessiones being legally secured therin, and that ther wer 40,000 in thes parts who would not take that bond, the King said they might be compelled to take the alcoran. Soe all things wer debeated concerning the proclamatione and the King affirmed his power to publish the like in England upon which he had avysed with his concell, the Lo. Treasurer blamed the proclamatione as defective in the not limyting the time of its continewance. The proclamatione for takeing away horses and Armes wes complained of but Nothing answered. tie

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HAM.—7

The conclusione of every point wes the King, D. and treasurer presssed the giveing in complaints formally in wreat withowt which ther could be no justice done nor anything that was alleadged [blank] the reason why this wes shifted wes that thes .who had acted the Maters complained of could not be judges for then ther might be danger to the complainers, the King said at last he would be judge himself but insinuat at other tymes he could take advyse of non other but of his judges in point of law, it wes offered the complainers would take their hazard to give in complaints if such should be judges who wer not accessorie to the abuses committed and that the parliament was the most propper judge of any since the complaints wer not betwixt Man and Man but upon matters which concerned the government, the King slighted the offer of a parliament saying 400 judges and it may be many of them knows not what they are saying. The Lo. Treasurer said Nothing will satisfie you but judges of your own choycing. The D. told plainly if they did give in a paper the copie would be sent down and advysed ther, the prineipall keept heer and the concell appointed to send up some to make answer for themselves, the King some tymes offered to indemnifie complainers if they made good ther complaint in point of law otherwayes he would not promyse. It wes cleerly discovered that the designe wes laid to incite the giveing in of wreat and so to insuar or nothing to be heard or redressed. At last it wes desyred that his Maj for his own and the Governments sake would take course to try the abuses committed without consideratione of formall complaints if it wer but upon the Noyce and rumors of what hes been lately acted wherin they had exonored themselves, and that they might be admitted to the commune favor of honest subjects to kiss his Maj Hands, to which he replyed that he would consider and answer. tie

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The

D U K E OF HAMILTON to the

EARL OF ROTHES.

1678, May 29. London.—If there had been anything done in our affairs worth your Lo. knowledge I had not been so long silent, what did pass I gave E . Quensbery some account of itt to be communicate to your Lo.,. and yet I do not consider things so disparate but by your assistance and concurrance they may go very well, both for the advantage of his Ma service and the good of the Country. What other particulars has hapned since this noble bearer can give you so full an account that I shall not add to your trouble, only let me intreat for your commands and advice before I leave this place now that you know the resolution of a convention, and as I have indeavoured to do you service, ther shall be none still more ready to give evidences of the continuance of that friendshipe which so often has been ingadged to betwixt us, i tlcs

PAPER given by the D U K E to the

KING.

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1678, May.—That His Ma privy council of Scotland and their committees being concerned in the matter of the complaints to be given; and those who are to present them not being admitted to His Ma presence, private lawyers refuse to medle or form any such complaints. And therfore we humbly desire that his Ma would be pleased to command the Lawyers we shall desire to put in form our complaints and to declare that they shall incur no hazard or censure thereby. That upon the same consideration His Ma * would declare, that the presenters of those complaints being willing to make appear the truth of the matters of fact upon their hazard, His Ma** would t k ^ recognition therof to himself; and the matters of fact being found true, that they should be lyable to no hazard: And as to what is the fundamental • law of the Kingdom in such case, if any do question it, that His Ma " would be pleased to try the same in parliament. That his Ma** would declare his pleasure, whether there shall be particular complaints of every man's case, or a general complaint to be signed by all. tlPS

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The D U K E to SIR ARCHIBALD PRIMROSE, SIR JOHN NISBIT, SIR ROBERT SINCLAIR, and SIR JOHN CUNNINGHAM.

1679, June. London.—-His Majestie haveing proposed that there might be a conference in his presence concerning such things as have been the subjects of complaints in Scotland, His Majestie was told that it could not be to any purpose unlesse that lawyers and persons knowing in the affairs of Scotland were sent for from thence since it was not to be supposed that one single lawyer who is here could undertake to speake freely in matters of that consequence, nor was it like His Ma wold so much consider the single opinion of one man as he might do the concurring testimonies of diverse eminent men in the law. And your Lo? having been proposed by name amongst others his Ma has gratiously promised that you should be sent for and hath promised that upon your coming heir he will lay his commands on you to lett him know what is law in what is to be proposed and for your encouragement will secure you and the other lawyers from all inconvenients, this being so great and gracious condiscendance which we have so much fonnerlie desyred and wished, we do entreat and obtest you as you wold not neglect an opportunity never to be regained and as you wish well to the interest of your countrie and posteritie that you repaire here with all haste. t,e

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PAPER presented by the DUKE to the KING. 1679, June. London.—It was represented and offered to His Majestie that the present disorders and confusions in Scotland had been occasioned by the Duke of Lauderdail and others

intrusted by him their mismanagement of his Majesties governe­ ment. That the Nobility and gentry of that Nation do and will allwayes continue firm in their Loyaltie to His Majesties Interest and service yet the administration of publick affairs these manny years hes been in several thinges contrair to law and with great encroachments upon their Rights, liberties and privileges and wherein all Ranks of persons have suffered which they have patientlie undergone. That it must be acknowledged this hath greatlie discouraged the most Loyall and faithfull of his Majesties subjects in that Kingdome and hes precipitat some into an open Rebellion. That those intrusted with the government hes by their misrepresentations to His Majestie and other Methods disabled a great part of that Kingdome. And yet it plainlie appears they are in no capacity to settle and compose the present disorders. The humble offer made to His Majestie is that if His Majestie will remove the Aforesaids persons and make use of others of untainted Loyalty and in whom the Nation may have some reasonable confidence and will encourage them by his favour and countenance and with such powers as is necessary they make no doubt not onlie to settle and compose the present disorders and confusions without the assistance of England but secure the Kingdome for the future from the hazard of the like or greater insurrections. to the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1679, July 6. Edinburgh.—I have inclosed the dowble of the paper the gentlemen of the western and several! other [ ] gave in to the Deuk of Monmouth and the adresse and memorandum of the nonconforme ministers which was lykwayes given in to his grace. I have ingadged to the ministers not to let anie sie it nor tak a copie of it and that your grace may not give it owt of your hand is ther humble requeist. My Lord Perth will acquaint yowre grace what I told him concerning Tarbet. Loutenant Colonell Dowglase will wait upon youre grace the nixt week and give accompt of his brothers preferment and behaviour which he is mightilie dissatisfied with, and is youre graces sincer servant. The town of Edinburghs adresse is lykwayes inclosed. Enclosures: The gentlemen of the Western shires to the Duke of Mon­ mouth, expressing their gratitude for the appointment of the Duke. They condemn the rebellion into which " that confused rable of simple people " were led by " some malitious and un­ principled men," and protest their loyalty to the King. They believe that the more the indulgence and hoped-for indemnity be extended, the more the quiet of the country will be secured. The address of the non-conforming ministers to the same, they express their gratitude in the same way, trust that more liberty will be granted to them for preaching and trust that such favour

ioi will not be abused. They beg that mercy may be shown to the simple folk, accessories to the late insurrection and disown and condemn the assassinations and private murders which have happened, hoping that such things will not be imputed to the way of Church government professed by them. Memorial from the Presbyterians in Edinburgh, begging that they in Edinburgh, who have behaved themselves peaceably and loyally may be granted freedom to have meeting houses for their preachers within the city, as is granted to the principal cities of England and Ireland. The

DUCHESS OF HAMILTON to the

DUCHESS OF YORK.

1680, March 30. Kinneil.—If I could expres the sence I owe for the oblidging expressions you have ben pleased to honner me with in y letter I should satisfy my selfe more then now I can, but your goodness is such as to accept of my reall desires of serving you when there is no more in my power and this way of writing is an efecte of my obedience which I blush to doe but having y commands under such a terme as you was pleased to expres is a perswasion so powerfull as not to be resisted and therefore shall make no apollegie for itt. I much congratulat the Duches of Modenas safe arrivall knowing how acceptable itt is to you to have her company, the joy of which I hope will be a means of your perfect health which I wishe may always be so except on such occasions as may bring satisfaction to your selfe and all that honners you. Postscript: My daughter Katheren [who is] so much devoted to y serves is proud of the honner of y remembrance. r

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1680, December 26.—Your Highnes having gott a fall so meny days ago and my not sending before now to inquire how you ar may make me apeare guilty in your eyes in failing in the duty I owe and have so much professed of a high concerne in y Highnes but if in this or any thing else I am judged guilty itt is my misfortune ; as itt was I heard not of this accedent while Saterday last and tho I hope you ar before this fullic recovered which none wishes more hartely then I doe yet I beceeche y Highnes as I beleve meny others joynes with me in this suit not to expose y selfe to more hassard by riding on horsback if this is not agrcable yet I hope you will pardon itt proceeding from the sincere affection of etc. r

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[1680]. December 30.-—The Honer I receved by your Highnes inquiring att my Lord for me I humblie returne my acknow­ ledgments for and should not have ben while now a presenting my duty to your Highnes if I had not apprehended the being

dispossessed of your faver as well as of a capacity to attend your Highnes whose parson and serves none has a greater hornier and affection for and therefore none more concerned in the trobles you mett with then I am. Postscript: May it please y Highnes my daughter Katherine is y Highes devoted servant. r

The

DUCHESS of HAMILTON to the DUCHESS of YORK.

[1681], March 22.—If I had not judged itt might rather ben a troble then any thing else I should before this have expressed my condoling for the death of your Highnes lovelie child which lose none is more senceable of then I am and if bearing a share of your grief could be any ease to y Highnes I am sure there is that reallie duse itt and wishies itt may be made up by the blising of more children and the goodnes of God to your selfe that those that now mourne with y Highnes may againe rejoyce in your behalfe. r

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DECLARATION OF THOMAS CUNNINGHAME of MOUNTGRENAN.

1681, August 13. Edinburgh.—He was kept prisoner by Ardmillan who urged him by persuasions and threats to accuse Lord Bargany of being accessory to the rebellion and of writing letters to Bedland Cunnynghame and entertaining him in his house at the time of the rising. He was required to swear to seeing letters in Lord Bargany's handwriting. If he did not Ardmillan threatened to send him to Edinburgh, where he would be hanged. Being persuaded to do so he was shown a paper, alleged to be written by Bargany in which he desired Bedland Cunninghame to be ready and to persuade his friends to join the rebels. There was also a letter from Bargany to Mr. John Welsh enclosing a letter from the Duke of Hamilton to M - Welsh, delivered by John Mitchell. He was persuaded also to make his servant swear the same. He was also to swear that M - Welsh and Robert Hamilton told him that they had lived for two years upon the pay of the Duke of Hamilton and his friends. They had many consultations in Edinburgh as to how they should make out the case for treason against Bargany. He was shown many papers in Bargany's handwriting so that he might recognise it when he had to swear to it. He was taken to Sir William Sharp's house where the Earl of Moray, Lord Halton, the Lord Advocate and Sir John Dalrymple were assembled and there he deposed according to his instructions. The Earl of Moray took him aside and promised him any sum he liked if he would find others to swear the same or that the Duke of Hamilton's letters were sent by Bargany to Mr. John Welsh. Later Sir John Dalrymple and Halton promised, if he would get any heritor to swear away Bargany's life, to give him their bond for any sum he liked to name. In March 1680, r

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about the time of Bargany's second appearance at the bar, Ardmillan in front of Kilcurran and Mr. John Fergushill desired him to wound himself slightly and then make a noise in the street as if some of Bargany's friends had stabbed him, and then to desire to be taken to the Chancellor or Halton, which Ardmillan persuaded him would seal Bargany's fate, without further trial. Sir John Dalrymple, in presence of Sir John Whitfoord, Ardmillan and James Crawford required him to confirm what George Martin should witness, namely that he had heard Martin and five or six others at the Moor of Hamilton say, if they had followed Bargany's advice and killed the Duke of Lauderdale, there would have been no need of a rising, they would not have been in danger of their lives and there would be no Bishops in Scotland at that time. Soon after Ardmillan told him that the Justice General was about to examine witnesses more strictly and that the Lord Advocate, though he had got the gift of Carreltoun's ward and marriage for his assistance in that business, was doing nothing. At last, when Bargany was again brought to the bar, the writer's conscience smote him and he attempted to speak to the Justice General. This he did not succeed in doing till the end of June, when he confessed everything and was advised to tell the truth. But his conscience would not allow him to keep silence and he has had copies made of his confession and sent to all the Lords of Justiciary before whom he made his false accusations and to the Lord Advocate.

INFORMATION

anent abuses by

DRAGOONS AVENDALE.

in the

PARISH OF

1683, October 8. Hamilton.—The Laird of Meldrum, in the months of September and October, forced the feuars and tenants of Avendale to leave their own harvests and cut the corn of three forfeited persons there, without payment. If the country people did not do so at once, the dragoons beat them. Complaint being made to Meldrum he gave no redress. He also allowed the dragoons living in the houses of forfeited persons to seize food from any of the surrounding houses without pay­ ment ; which they did and continued to do. The dragoons seize horses and men for their work from people busy harvesting, beating all such as do not obey them instantly; they ride to Douglas, Lanark and other places and spoil the horses. They take the country people to do their threshing, force them to clean their stables. They get so drunk by midday that they are not able to go to their quarters, force the country people to lead them there and beat and wound them if they do not go as fast as they ride. Particularly one day recently they struck a boy, Andrew Riddell in Cruikburne with a sword on his head, wounding him to the danger of his life.

The EARL OF DUMBARTON to his brother the D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1 6 8 6 , January 1 6 . London.—Yours of the 2 I have receved, but wold not anseur till I could a given you a n'account of what the King would dow, when the newis should com of the forfeit­ ing Saltoun, which upon the arry vail his Maj hes bein graceusly pleased to give me as I dissaired, as yow will see by the warrent I dow send you heir inclossed, in w if yow find any mistake casse drawe a n'other and send it to me, but if not casse passe it all the scealles and tak possession and dow every thing w is nessesairy, w I am showr yow know much better then I that is most ignorent in it, as for the charges of what it will cost I have wrytin to Hew Wallace to go to yow and pay according as you • shall derect, and draw upon me w * shall be payed on sight, or if you will dow it, I shall pay it according as yow think fitt, if yow think anything will be in the tenants hands wher off it can be gottin, I wold rather that it war gottin ther but dow in that as you shall think fitt, for I leve it holly to your ordering and dispossel on w I will expect your advayce what is to be doun in every thing w is relaiting to it, of w I am most ignorent. I have wryttin to my lord Chancelor and my L tresorer that I had send it to you and beged ther assistance, in it my L Advocate hes allwayes bein very civill to me in it and all other things therfor I intreate you to speak to him also of it and thank him from m e ; now that I am becom a Scots laird and mak yow may chief chamberland I may expect to come to grace at least not to want breade, if I showld live long, but the nixt post I shall wryt mor at Ienth to yow, my most humble service to my lady dutchesse and my lady Margitte, a dieu. ,ie

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1 6 8 6 , January 2 6 . London.—By my last of the 1 6 I did send yow my signettur for Saltons forffetur to casse passe the scealles, W * I hop yow have receved and passed the scealles and doun every thing w is nessairy for the taking possemg of the Estate, my Lady Saltoun hes wrytin to me a wery cevelle letter, but being most ignorent of all thos things I must leve that to you, to latt me know. I will first be in posseson of everything and what I dow efterwards that may holly be out of my owin good will, and upon no obligation, and see how she deals with me, for I am informed that she and her secund sone, since Salton hes bein forfitted, hes doun all they can to presse and squeis the tenants to a great deal of prejudice to the estate, w I most beg of yow the faveur as to inqueir efter, and to casse hindred, if they dow weill with me in it, I have some thochts of gaiting if I can, leve of the King to putt in the secund brother a n'officer in the regiment if he caryes him self as he aught to the King and bel no ways fanaticquely inclened of w I beg your opinion. Lat me know whom I showld apoint for Chamberland, ther is several ch

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that offers them self but I will take yo advayce, or I dow any thing in it of w I beg yo advayce at lenth, as for newis I wryt non to you for I dow not dout but yo son the Earle of Arane dis it, but I have some raisons to belive the parlement will sitt therfor latt me know yo opinione of it and as to the commis­ sionaire, and how yow dow all agrie. . . I had a long discourse with the M. of Athole concerning his son my Lord Muray he seims inclined to agrie with him but if his story be right my lord Muray is to blame, he pairts to morrow for Scotland. ch

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1686, October 21. London—I have receved two of yo w " I have not ansewred, the on of the 8, the other of the 11 by the last post w I have lattin the King know what yow wryt and yo dissair of coming up, the King asshowred me that he was satisfyed and that yow nid not com up, so ther is a n'end of all that, but what I had wryttin to you upon the subject had bein sayd to me, so I thocht it fitt for me to acquant yow of it, I have also had a long disseours with the E. of Melfort who shod me y letter to him of the 11 also, but I did not (as you wryt to me) spek of what yow wryt to me to ask the King: he seims to be wery much yo frind, and sayes it is wery fitt yow be com­ municated in every thing, and that tyme coming it will be so and that ther be a good correspondance betwixt my L Chancellor and yow and that he had wrytin to him about it, as also he blaimed his brother in what he sayd about me, and my L Chancellor hes wrytin to me a kynd and cevell letter of it so that we ar good frinds. Yow may be showr I returned a n'anseur conforme so that all mistakes I hope ar now taking away, and you may be s h o w I am of yo opinione not to think nor tak any mor notis of it, and it is most juste to live allways weill with thos the King trust in his affaires, and specially when they ar our frinds as I dow beleve both my L Chancel or and the E. of Melfort is both to yow and me, dear brother I hop yow did not tak it ill what I wryt to you, since I did it out of a good intention, and for yo good. I am glaid my lady dutchesse is recovered to whom I intraite you to present my most humble service. Post­ script : Yo son the E. of Aran will be heir within a fortnight at fordest. I am told he you apointed my chamberland had sold my beere of Saltoun at 8 pounds scots and half a niarck the boll. ch

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1686, November 25. London.—If I have not anseuered yo* tuo last I hop yow will exeusse me, for I could not dow it showner, that yow dissaired me to sho the King I did, who was very weill satisfyed with it and told me he left all things to thos he had appointed for the managing of the tresory so that he could so

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( stc) no'mor in it on w yow may tak yo messeu'rs you being wan of them, I am glaid to heir by the E. of Melfort that my L Chancellor wryts to him that he finds yow wery easy in every thing, w " I beg of yow, dear brother, to be so for what yow say or dow, altho I am show yow mein it weill yett other people may tak advantage of it, when yow say anything w dis louk as if yow war uneasey or dissatisfyed. When the E. of Aran corns over I shall sho him y o letter, I belive he will be heir within this fortnight, at fordest, latt me heir from yow, and yow may be shour I shall be mo punctuall a wryting to yow heirefter, and that at least every other post yow shall heir from me, I belive the E. of Melforts going to Scotland is now over . . by the last post I send my L Chancellor the Kings letter for my being upon the Counceill I intraite yow, dear brother, to latt me heir from yow and what passes. Postscript: The Queene was extraimly satisfyed that yo daughter my lady Katherine had named her daughter efter her. d

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EARL OF DUMBARTON to the

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1686, November 30. London.—Since yours at yo coming to Edinbrugh I have not hard from yow, but I am affrayd it is becasse I was so long of ansering it, by my last I gave yow a n'account how I had shoed yo to the King and his anseur, since w the King told me that the E. of Melfort had shod him yo letter yow wryt concerning the payment of the forcesse as also the E. of Melfort told me of it, himself, and what he had wrytin, both to my L Chancellor and yow of it, the King is not of yo opinione in it, but of the way the E. of Melfort hes wryttin to yow. I intreate yow, dear brother to latt me heir from yow, I am told yow have agried a mariage for yo daughter, my Lady Marget with the E. of Panmeur. Yo son the E. of Aran is not yett com, but I belive he will be shortly heir, I belive the King is ressolved to mak Windrome deputty gouvernor of the castel of Edinbrugh, and Carny, who was in my reg and is major of footte heir lieu Coll. of the dragons, the w I intraite yow not to spek of it till yow heir it from others, I have receved a wery kynd letter from my lord Strathallan, since he cam to Edinbrugh to whom I wryt by this post, latt me know Avhat way my pention is payed and if I showld dissair it may be payed with the pay of the army . . . re

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1686, December 2. London.—Yours of the 23 of the last month I receved last night. . . I can not but be surpraysed at what yow wryt to me concerning the E. of Lithgow as also m the way yow dow it, but who ever wryt or sayd to yow that I wold not so much as concern myself or promote any thing that concerned yo son my Lord John, is a most false and bayse ley, 1

for when the E. of Lithgow was coming to toun my John dissaired me to spek to the King and the E. of Melfort w " I did to both, and told him of it as he can informe yow, the w yow can know of him and I dissair yow wold ask it, as for the E. of Lithgow, he com to see me, and told me that what ever houts (sic) of law might be betwixt yo son and his he thocht that nid not tak away any frindship of relations, but latt the Law dissaided, and trewly I told him I was of his opinione, then he dissaired me that since I had the command of the forcesse in Scotland that I A v o i d spek to the King that he might be captain and have the pay of the castle of Blaknesse, the Av I did and the King told me he wold not dow it, but dow som other thing for him, now in all this w h e r ther is any thing that yow can tak ill I can not immagin; I most dissaire y o A v not to be so uneasey when yow have no reason, and I should be A v e r y sorry it s h o A v l d not go doun with yow, but latt not me have raison to say what severall others dow that yoAv ar so imperieuse and hey that ther is no liveing with yow. . . I showld be wery sorry to doAV a n'ill thing to any liveing far lesse to yoAv, but on the contrarie Avish it Avar in my p o A v e r to serve yow and yours, but in deed, my power is littel, other to dow good or harme, I wold beg of yOAv not to mistake me, for I am shour I dow not dcsscrve it from yow, as for my intreste it ne\ er maid me doAV any thing mor nor lesse. r

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1686, December 30. London.—As for the E. of Lithgow, bissines I most beg of yow, dear brother, to think no mor of its for as to me yow have not the least ground or reason to tak anything ill, and now this is a tym Ave ar to pardon all our enimis, so I hop ther is a n'end as to that and yow shall heir no mor of it from me. . . Latt me k n o A v . . AA'hen anything will be payed of my pention, it is trew the officers of the army taks it ill to be payed as y o A v proposed and says yoAv ar the casse of it, and the E. of Melfort told me som days ago he did not think it could be doun that way; yo son the E. of Aran is not yett com but is expected shortly it is thocht he will gaitt som thing doun in his bissines of Chatelraux, I beliee it will be the pention. . . . Postscript: My lord Drumlangrige complains extraimly against you and says yoAv persew his father mor violently then all the others does out of malice to his father and familly whose rewin yow wold have, at any raite, w* he never expected of yow, being so near relaited to yow. r

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1687, February 15. London.—Yours of the 5 I only receved but last night, as concerning my bissinis Avith the Lady Salton it is now the Kings and my lord advocate has orders to persew it in the King's nam, ther" for I intraite yoAv to spek to him of

it and latt me know what is to be doun in it, I dow not dout but yow have receved myin wherin I send you seigned the precept yow send me of the half year of my pention, for yow to receve it on this cam to yo* hands I dow not dout but my L Chancellor hes acquainted yow with the Kings commands in w I hop and most beg of yow not to sho any backwardnisse and give yo enimis any reason to misrepresent yow to the King, whom I know hes a good opinione of yow, the E. of Melfort told me he had wrytin to yow of it and dissaired me to wryt to yow also, and told yo son the E. of Aran to dow it also, but upon som debatte they fell hotte, and yo son I think was to hotte in it w occaissoned heatts w I am dowing what I can to aggrie, for the King spok to me of it, the E. of Melfort told me that showld never mak any difference betwixt yow two, as for the particulars I dow not dout the E. of Aran will acquaint yow with, w in my opinion I dow think yow showld not tak any further nottis, altho I dow think yo son was to hotte w occaisoned some other heatts, yet he did it out of his kyndnisse to you, and I must dow him that justice that I dow think him a very good and deutyfull son to yow and really yow showld use him the better for it, I am wery glaid yo daughter my lady Margitte is maryed. d

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The

EARL OF DUMBARTON to

the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1687, February 22. London.—I have nothing mor to ad to my last to yow but expects with impatience to heir from yow concerning what the King send doun and I wryt to yow in my last, the Earle of Dunmore is going doun for Scotland within few days, it is sayd it is about what his father the M. of Atholl hes settled upon him ; yow shall have twyes a weeke all the nowis send to yow. The

SAME to the

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1687, March 22. London.—I thocht fitt to acquaint yow that upon the reporte that my lady dutchesse was ill, and yow and she sending for yo son the E. of Aran, the King and every on heir did inqueir of him and me if that upon her death he wold not com to be Duke of Hamilton, w is thocht will be, and that my lady dutchesse did not resseigne her tytille to the laite King but only that she and the frinds did ingage that during yo life non els should tak it w° is sayd she nor thy could not dow in prejudice of the E. of Aran. I did not speke to him of it, he told me (as I dow really belive) that he wold be wery deutiftully to yow, and dow nothing that could, prejudice yow, or displaise yow, and I most say that he hes allways acted so, and as a wery good son, but he dois not think that his mother maid any resseignation of her tytill, therfor yow will dow weill to tak all the meseurs yow think convenient in it, for yow may be showr r

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y o enemis will tak all the advantage can be in it. Yow nid not tak any notis of this till yow see the E. of Aran or then that I wryt this to yow but I thocht it was fitt to latt yow know it befor he cam down that yow might ne prepared in it and takthos messeurs yow think most fittest, if ther be any thing yow wold have me to say of it to the King latt me know it W shall be most punctually and faithfully doun. . . I send down Lieut. Gawne, who is lieu' and agent of my regiment to adjust all accompts with Coll. Buchan as allso my battalion, and he will accompt with yo* son, my L George since his coming to his company . . . Yo son the E. of Aran says he will pairte on Munday nixt. h

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1687, March 31. London.—Yo* sone the E. of Aran hes not bein weill, so will not pairte from this before Sunday or Munday nixt. I have had since a discourse with him about the tytille, and told him that he that hes always caired him self so weill and so doutyfully to yow showld continew so to dow it, in caisse his mother cam to dey. He told me he wold, and that he wold dow nothing but by yo advayce, but that Iawers was to be consulted in it for he thocht it a thing hes familly was concerned in it, and that it was not in his mother's power to dispond on any thing to his prejudice, and that he must succeid to it by his mother. This I thocht fitt to latt yow know that accordingly yow may tak yo* messeurs. He hes allways shoed him self so doutifully to yow that I dow not dout and hopes but he will continew and it is in yo* preudince and wisdome to agrie with him in it that ther may be no disputt nor publieke heiring of any differances betwixt yow, but how ther can be no two dukes of Hamilton I dow not weill understand i t . . . As for the Lady Salton yow know she cutted doune som of the wood, and yett yow tak no notis of it now nor of what I wryt to yow how I had offered her son a lieu place, I most beg yow wold be pleased to latt me know y o opinione of what I wryt to yow. r

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1687, April 15. London.—Writing about the affairs of Saltoun he assures his brother that he does not wish to entrust the care of it to any one else. He has told the bearer, Mr. Fletcher, that the law must put an end to any claims that his mother, Lady Saltoun, has, and that what he may do afterwards is of his own free will. He offered Mr. Fletcher a lieutenant's commission, which he refused. He is " a very pretty gentle­ man " and the writer would be glad to do him a service. The Earl of Arran should have arrived by the time of writing. He is glad that the Duchess has recovered.

The

EARL OF DUMBARTON to the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1 6 8 7 , May 2 8 . London.—Just now I am com from seeing y o son, my L Charles, pairte with the Duke of Berwicke, they sealle this night from Greenwich in a yaght for Holland, and will be som few days at the Hage, I dow not think yo son, my L Charles, hes had any tyme all most to rest since he pairted with yow for he cam heir on Tewisday laite at night and hes bein ever since, day and night, going and coming from Wendsor, The King hes given him 500». What service hes being in my power to dow for him I have dowin it, as for what yow wryt to me concerning my owin bissinis, as I wryt to yow in my formers I live it holly to yow to dow in it as yow think fitt, for I dow not understand it in the least, and if I war upon the place wold leve it holly to yo direction and what abatments yow think fitt to give the tenants yow may dow it. I am glaid to heir my lady dutchesse is weill, for we had it reported she was fallin ill, I wish the Earle of Aran war heir, for his reg wold appeir the better, and send him away as shown as yow can, what is in my power to do for it I dow when thos he hes left his bissinis with gives me nottis. I am now in heast for I am com to send doun M W Hamilton with a 1 0 0 guinees to my L Charles to Greenwich, fifty of them upon my owin credit but he hes left me a n'order to recew them againe upon what was owing him in S Jhon Laniers reg*, w I will geit payed, and I have gottin him wery good recommendations in the empereurs army. r

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1 6 8 7 , June 1 4 . London.—I must latt yow know that it was told the King befor me that the Earle of Abercorne laid his claime to the marquiseat of Hamilton, I told I was surpraised why he did it now and had not doun it formerly, it was anseured that it had allways bein doun from tym to tym, as he sayd and therfor he did it now that his prettantions might be allways a footte, and the King told me he had spoking to him concerning Chattelreau, w * he says is his, and I am told he showld have told yof son the E. of Aran that it was his and that if any thing was doun in it, he wold lay his claime, therfor he nid not give himself so much trouble, upon w severall things was sayd, and of yo " tytill of duke if my Lady dutchesse cam to-dey, all W I can not wryt, but it is fitt (if my L Aran be not pairted) that yow informe him at lenth of the holl bissinis; also it was thoeht strange why that yow wold dissair that yo son, my L Charle, to have the tytill of Earle of Selkirke, to tak the place of yo creation, for if it be doun for an Earle, it may be doun for a duke, so that you might have that same thing done to yow that yow wold have doun for y son. . . Tomorrow I go to the camp, and the King deyns with me, this camp will coste me a good dell of monyes, therfor I must dra upon yow billes for what moneys ch

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yow have of myin in yo hands. My L Chancellor wryts to me that the lady Salton intended to begin her shewt at Law, so that I most beg of yow to spek with my L Chancellor in it, and that a n'end be putt to it, Mr. Flecher hes wrytin to me to give him his brother's books, for that he intended to tak himself to the law, latt me know what they ar that I may accordingly know what I dow give, if I showld give them. Postscript: I could wishe that when yo affaires could permitte yow that yow cam up for severall reasons w I can not wryt to yow. d

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The SAME to the SAME.

1687, July 9 . London.—I have just now com from Wendsor and most returne within a hour. . . . The reason of my so spedy return to Wendsor is that the King hes bein pleased to mak me gentilman of his bed chamber, and I most go back tonight to be sworne. Never place was mor soght from the King, who hes bein plaised to give it me altho I was in the camp when the Duke of Sumerset was turned out, w* I am wery sorry for, for he is extraimly my frind and I did what I could to hinder him to dow what maid the King putt him out of all his employments, I have bein also extraimly obliged to the Queen who spok for me, I expect dayly the E . of Aran so did not wryt to him. 1

The EARL OF FEVERSHAM, Lieutenant General of the King's Forces, to MAJOR GENERAL KIRKE.

1688, November 14.—You are hereby ordered to march to Salisbury with the forces under your command that are now at Warminster. It is necessary for the King's service that you make what haste you can, witness my hand this fourteenth of November 1 6 8 8 . Since the writing heirof I think fitt you should march to Andover. The SAME to the EARL OF ARRAN, or the officer commanding

the Troops, which were at Warminster. 1 6 8 8 , Nov. 1 4 . Salisbury—This is to desier you if Major General Kirk has not join you yett, then you must leave at Amsbury an officer with some man with him, to tell Kirke when he come to Amsbury that you are come hither with the troupes that where at Warminster and that he must come here him self. The SAME to MAJOR GENERAL KIRKE.

1 6 8 8 , November 1 4 . 9 p.m. Salisbury.—You are hereby ordered to march from Ambersbury or what place soever this order finds you Directly to Salisbury, notwithstanding the order you had lately to march from Warminster to Andover.

The EARL OF FEVERSHAM to the EARL OF ARRAN, Brigadier.

1688, November 18. 10 a.m. Salisbury.—You are hereby order'd to march and quarter at Fulston, Chilampton, Newton and Stapleford, where you are to stay till further order. To the Earle of Arran, Brigadier, or to the officers commanding in cheife, Fenwick's Regiment, Lord Arran's Regiment and Berkley's Dragoons. The SAME to the SAME.

1688, November 24.—I desier you to goe about your quarter, not only of your regiment, but of Fenwick regiment and the dragons, and to visit them only to see how they are. I have noe need to desier you to be vigilant for I am sure you will be, if I have ane news I shall send to you, if you have ane pray lett me heare from you. The SAME to the SAME.

1688, Nov. 25. Andover.—You are to stay this day in your quarter, and as I doe not know where Sir John Lanier is quarter I desier you to send him this letter that he may know that the horses and dragons that are come yesterday from Salisbury are not t o marche this day, I shall stay here, the troupes, that is to say horses and dragons that were at Warminster, are to be here this day therefore I desier Sir John Lanier and Sir John Fenwick to send for theirs quarter here and I desier Sir John Fenwick to send to my servants to come hither and take my quarter. The SAME to the SAME.

1688, December 10. 9 p.m.—I give you many thanks for your letter my Lord, and I am metly (sic) afraid that your news is but t o true that is come from London, I expect every moment to have from London as bad a news as can be ; God almighty would assist us I hope, for I am sure wee mind well, I have just now received a" letter from Maidenhead of the post master, that send me word that there is a great body of the Prince army at Reading, and soe I belive he would not goe to Oxford at all, wee are in a very good condition, I shall be tomorrow morning at Uxbridge I shall goe early from hence, I hope to meet you there. The

SAME

to

the Commanders-in-chief

of the EARL OF

Regiment of Foot and of the Earl OF ARRAN'S Regiment. 1688, December 12. London.—Having none of your officers at Uxbridge yesterday when I received the King's letter I did not send you the copy of it but now I doe, and tell you in the same time, that I did send to the Prince of Orange a letter by LICHFIELD'S

a trumpeter to lett him know the King's commends and that he should receive noe opposition, the King's letter I did read at the head of the troupes, that were at Uxbridge and soe tooke my leave from them, and copys were send to all the rest, but to you I am afraid that were at Stains, but I hope M Greffin that was at Uxbridge has told you already what was done, I have noe more to say but thought my self obliged to lett you know this. r

KING JAMES II to the

EARL OF FEVERSHAM.

1 6 8 8 , Dec. 1 0 . Whitehall.—Things being come to that extremity that I have been forced to send a way the Queene and my sonne the Prince of Wales that the might not fall into my enemys hands which they must have done had the stay'd : I am obliged to do the same thing and to endeavour to secure my selfe the best I can in hopes that it will please God out of his infinite mercy to this unhappy Nation to touch there harts againe with true Loyalty and honnor. If I could have rely'd on all my trops I might not have been put to the extremity I am i n : And would at least had one blow for it. But tho I knowe there are a mongst you very many Loyall and brave men both officers and souldiers yett you know that both youre selfe and severall of the Generall officers and others of the army told mee twas no wayes adviseable for me to ventor my self at ther head or to thinke to fight the Prince of Orange with them and now there remains only for mee to thanke you and all those both officers and souldiers who have stuck to mee and been truly Loyall and hope you will still retaine the same fidelyty to mee and tho I doe not expect you should expose your selves by resisting a foraine army and a poysoned Nation yett I hope youre former principles will keepe youre selves free from associations and such pernitious things tyme presses so that I can saye no more. I must ad this that as I have always found you Loyall so you have found mee a kind Master so you shall still find me to be. Endorsed by Feversham: A true copy of the King's letter to me. A. KENNEDY to the

EARL OF BALCARRES.

1689, March 28. Dublin.—After my being taken prisoner at Portpatrick I gott safely over to Craigefergus, I come hither to the King nixt day after his Majestie come to town, I have given his Majestie a full accompt of every thing, I have urged his hast, but he has sent over to gett a fuller accompt, I bege your Lo. and My Lord Dundie will writt freely to the King of everything and your opinion as to that manns coming over with him you spok to me off, for its mor then I will take upon me ; I pray God grant the King good councellors, and grant us a happy meeting in Edinburgh. Postscript.—I have been twice with the King in his closet and he is extrem kind to me. HAM.—8

The

EARL OF TWEEBBALE to the D U K E OF HAMILTON. th

1689, July 2. London.—Upon receit of yours of the 20 on Wednesday last I went nixt day to Hampton court but could not possibly get ane audience from the King, ther being soe many foraing ministers about him, and a council beeing to meet that afternoon, only had an apointment of Sunday following, which I keept. And then discoursed with him at lenght of the articles and other particulars which wer hinted to me by Blackbaronie and I had learned from other hands such as I knew had bein uneasy to your grace : some things he debaited about the articles and said he wold consider of all I had said, soe I parted not without hops that he wold satisfy his parliament as to the articles, which I now heir he hath don. The nominatione of the judges was surprising enought but the way directing how they wer to be admitted was not then knowen, nor can I imagin how such methods ar fallen upon. Your G. writting to the King himself to be delay vered by such as you think fitt who have good accesse to him, seams to be most proper for your own ease and satisfactione, for the affairs of our country ar keeped soe secret as they come from you to the secretaire that the answer and returns therof ar not knowen, bot by such as ar intimat with him, and unles I did sometimes speak with the King upon what I heir my self I should never be called, soe that I can be littel usful. Therfor I resolve nixt week to goe for som time to drink the waters at Tunbridge onely wishing your G. may gett weel throught the setlement of government and the redres of their grivances as they wer given in with it and you will have don a great work that generations to com will bless you for and the present shal always honour you.

The

EARL OF GLENCAIRN to the

SAME.

1689, August 5. Glasgow.—I have obeyed your orders in so far as was in my power, for this morning drumes were.beate in order to our marche but the half of the men came not out in regard they want pay for this week not withstanding most of them have gotten near the full pay for the last fourtnight advanced be their officers. So I intreat your Grace may take this to consideratione for except their be some way immediatlie layd down for their payment it will not be possible to keep them together for the service, for now the officers have noe more, and as I have given your Grace ane account of my regiment so I beleive you will find others heir in the same conditione (if not in worse) and I begg your Grace as you desire they may be serviceable so you will order up money to us so soon as possible and what lyes in my power shall not be wanting for their Majesties service.

The EARL OF SUNDERLAND to the SAME.

1689, September 10. Amsterdam.—I can not heare of your Grace's arrivall at London without congratulating you after having done so many good and great things since you left it. I am sure nobody is gladder then I am that Scotland is settled and settled by you both for your sake and the publicke. I thinke I need not say much to perswade you of this truth for I beleive you can not have quite forgot many conversations wee had upon this subject and what my opinion was in all which I am every day confirmed. I cannot give over this letter without begging you to make use of all the Authority you have over your son to oblige him to doe what he ought to the King, his country, his father, his family and himselfe. I doe not doubt but you are very angry knowing you have a great deale of reason to be so, but your Grace is too wise to let that prevaile. I hope you may yet save him if you intend it. If he continues obstinate and does not lay hold of the present opportunity of your being at court after the great and eminent services you have done I shall reckon him quite lost though I doe not expect my advise should signify much. I have writ to him as pressingly and as plainly as I can so that I beleive he will be very angry but I could not forbeare. I beg your pardon for this trouble but since you used to allow me a great deale of liberty I hope you will not be ill pleased at this. The D U K E OF HAMILTON to KING WILLIAM III.

1690, January 6. Hamilton.—Being in England on his private affairs, since the Council was adjourned, he learned that they had taken advantage of his absence to inform the King of an act they had made altering the ancient practice of a quorum of the Council signing all matters of consequence. He stopped it as a dangerous innovation and it was then alleged by Lord Stair's precedent of the Session that the practice was only introduced in the late reign. A search of the Council's records was ordered and it was found that the custom of a quorum signing had been constant, with no instance to the contrary. He moved that so great an alteration should be delayed till the King was fully informed, which was agreed to. But the act was passed in his absence when the Council was not very full and he wishes the King to see that their reasons, alleging the King's service are not well founded. The true reason is that they know things may pass in Council which they may vote for, which, if not signed by them, may be retracted afterwards. He fears that this may occasion the King more trouble than advantage. SIR JOHN DALRYMPLE, Master of Stair, to the DUKE OF HAMILTON.

1691, February 13 (O.S.). The Hague.—I hav sent the doubles of two letters from his Majesty for y graces use. We wer r

at first surprysed heir when the notice com that the commission of the generall assembly did sitt during his Maj ^ absence and that they had deposed fyv ministers at the first dounsitting now we do understand that the Kings pleasur anent ther adjurnment was never intimat to them so they can not be blamed for ther disobedience bot I wish they may consider for the futur what they must see clearly to be the King's centiment that they do unit with such of thes who formerly served under episcopacy and ar worthy to be retained in the ministry. 1

SIR J O H N DALRYMPLE to the D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1691, March 3. London.—The King has signed a commission to the Duke to be Admiral of Scotland and President of the Council, also new commissions for the Council, Treasury and Exchequer. The Earl of Melville is Privy Seal, Tarbat, Clerk Register, Sir John Lauder, Lord Advocate and Lord Newbottle Colonel of the Regiment of Dragoons in which he was Lieutenant Colonel. The King goes to Harwich early next day for his crossing to Holland. The

SAME to the

SAME.

1691, March 17. Rotterdam.—The King hath dispatched y son my Lord Selkirk to the King of Denmark. The seedge on Mons hath brought on the campain much earlier then we expected; the King hath ordered the officers of his army at London to go attend ther charges for at this tim ther will be indevours used to amuse people in Scotland tho trewly I beleiv ther is no ground for thes surmises. The King was pleased to signify that Lord John should go hom to y grace to tell you the confidence he has of y graces cair and concern for his service now in his absens and his Maj'y does recommend the publick affaires of that Kingdom to y graces direction till his return to London. I was the mor satisfyed of this oportunity becaus Lord John was not in that condition that he could hav mad the campain. r

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The

SAME to the

SAME.

1691, April 20. The Hague.—I am commanded by the King to signify his pleasure to your Grace that the lait Archbishop of Glasgow be secured ; after y Grace hath committed him to prison it will be fitt to communicat this order to the Privy Counsell. His Maj*? hath good evidence that he hath bein acting contrar to the government. r

The

D U K E OF HAMILTON to KING WILLIAM I I I .

1691, June 20. London.—Arriving in London after the King was gone he lost the opportunity of telling him about affairs in Scotland. This he has done to the Queen and to the Master

of Stair. He would have stayed till the return of the King, but the Queen thought best that he should return. SIR JOHN DALRYMPLE to the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

[1691, July.]—I must remember your grace upon the appre­ hension of a present and pourfull invasion it was advised with your self what was proper to be don with your son my Lord Arran it was your graces positiv opinion that he was not to be cited upon his baill becaus he wold certainly break his baill and abscond bot that he was rather to be secured then cited, instead of which the Queen was pleased to take his paroll and so soon as the order was dispatched I did waitt on y grace on Sunday morning and told you what was ordered and becaus y grace had oftimes said y son wold suspect you rather then any body for the advice therfor tho the thing was advised with y grace yett the order was sent without y knolege. Y grace was so satisfyed of this conduct that at the time you gav me all the countenance and thanks for the ordering the matter so that was possible. . . So soon as Bredalbins tim assingned to him is over if it taks no effet the King I believ will order his army to fall upon the Hylanders he hath commanded them to be campt and in readiness on the borders of the hylands so before Lambmas or the season be over that affair will com to som conclusion I can easyly see that ther ar great inconveniencys on both sids and that they do bot wait an oportunity to do mischief and that the first steps against them may be easy and plain bot the sequell may be doubtfull. If they do all join they will giv us work enuch if they lay by we can not root them out and to provock them and leav them in dispair will make them call for thes assistances from France which I know ar weill resolved to be sent to them so soon as they can be spaired and y grace sees how little good we gett by the frigotts. The King thinks fitt that Hand donnand be garisoned I doubt not y Grace will think it a farr properer post especially since magazins ar desingned in the lie of Sky ther many garisons we hav long bootts (sic) in that garizon may make the He of Sky very uneasy. r

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The

D U K E OF HAMILTON to SIR JOHN DALRYMPLE.

1691, August 1.—What you write past betwixt you and mc conserning my son Aran you must pardon me to tell you your memorie is ill for it was in far other terms and when you told me on a Wednisday morning being a fast day (and not on Sunday) that an order was gone for securing of him and others I told you I was sory for it and argued against the measur; whereupon you told me it was the Queens expres commands and other peoples advises and not yours and tooke out of your pocket the Queen's warrand for it to show me but you was in so great hast to be gone to church that I had not time to read

it, and that ever I made any broulery then or since about it they are much mistaken that tells you so, and I do not pretend to be an Advocat to debate the legallity of what was done tho there is that says the law prescryves other ways for putting suspect persons to secure the peace. As to Breadalbans trans­ actions as I know no thing of them but by common report and what the Counsell has been informed of so I shall say of the affair but that I thinke what ever tearms was intended to be given the Highlanders to bring them of had been trusted to the management of the Government it had been done to better purpose nor any thing I hear is yett done and more for the King's honor and interest and the peace of the Kingdom. For Hand donand that you say the King thinks fitt to be garrisoned I acquainted the Counsel] with it who told me the Highlanders had prevented us and put a garrison in itt. The

EARL OF MELVILLE to the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1 6 9 1 , August 8.—Immediatly upon the receat of the flying packet yesterday morning I went to Kingsington and waited on the Queen so soon as shee was to be seen, I delivered to her the Councels letter with the coppy of that writt by the Master of Stair to Sir Th. Livingston, her Majestie delayed giving an answer till this day, I waited again upon her this morning expecting shee might have come to a resolution, especially the pacquet from Flanders haveing come last night late, but her Ma is pleased to put it off till the next post come which is expected on Monday. The Earle of Bredalban was not come the length of the campe when the last come away but had been at Brussels waiting with Lieut. Gen: Douglas for a convoy, I find its apprehended his negociation will satisfie, I know nothing of the particulars but by generall report and what I heare from Scotland, so shall say nothing to it, but if it doe not, or doe not succeed weell as to ther Majesties interest and good of the country they have been bold men who have advised to those measures, if they be Scots men, and doe not know much more then I doe, all I shall say is that I have endeavoured to discharge my duty and to exoner my selfe. tie

The

SAME to the

SAME.

1 6 9 1 , August 22.—Ther being no answer from this to the Councels last letter made me forbeare this while. wretting to you expecting to have had some commands in relation to that but I have none yett, so its probable you may either have it streight from Flanders conveyed by . . . . or by the Earle of Bredalban himselfe. That I heare is that he was weell receaved, that his negociation is satisffactory according to the account he has given of it, and that he was to be quickly dispatcht bake. The King was when the last post came off which was the

17 at St. Gerard betwixt Namure and Dinant, they say here its within a league or two of Dinant, they say this march did surprize the Ffrench, they ar neer Court wher the King encamped before this wher he now is is said to be good, and wher ther will be forrage for the horse some tyme, its not knowen yett what ar his Majesties resolutions, but its saied he hath a great artelyrie come up to him : the man that was taken upon the suspicion for puting kindled matches in some of the amunition wagons has been put to the torture and has confessed he was put on by the French and should have had a great reward, its saied he was in the ffrench campe that day befor and met with some of the generall persons, the ffrench were in armes all that night and wer to have fallen on ours if the thing had succeeded but its thought the persons has not yet been ingenuous eneugh. It is wrett likewaies from the campe that ther was an account come that the Duke of Saxony has gott advantage of Marishal Lorge, but the particulars ar not come : the Duke of Bavarie is come to Savoy the army ther according to the list come here amounts to 46,500, the Imperial commissary who was sentenced* for endeavouring to betray Mayence to the ffrench has confessed it was he poysoned the Duke of Lorrain. Thers no confirmation that I heare of the surrender of Limrike yett, but reports that Sarsfield has got another ruffel, that the Barbadoes fleett that wer taken by the French ar manned out again and sent ther so its that place maybe in hasard, . . just now about ten a cloake at night I have gott two three lines from the Master of Stair shewing Bredalbans negociation is aproven that the King has wrett to the Council to emitt a proclamation indemnifieing all that ar in armes upon taking the oath of allegeance and discharged the march of the troops and has adjurned the Parliament to January. SIK JOHN DALRYMPLE to the D U K E OF HAMILTON. r

1691, August 27. St. Gerard.—I have inclosed to y grace the doubles of tuo letters from the King to the counsell on for adjoining the parliament till January the other anent an act of indemnity to all thos who has bein in armes, if it had bein generall to every body it wold hav had som exceptions which really wer not worth so much notice few other persons or in mercy upon privat conspiracys and the King hath refused particular remissions to non who hav addressed to him. I have sent y grace lykwys a copy of the concessions to the hylanders and the application of the mony is by buying in from My Lord Argyl and from Mackintosh thos lands and superioritys which hav bein the occasion of truble in the hylands thes many years. When y grace does consider that the expens corns not from us and that the apprehensions of danger wer great when it was begun and that the King could not resile with the ease we may hav of tuo or three regiments which we can not pay and that r

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the French may be the mor earnest to gett a footing in Britain that they ar likly to lose Ireland I hope y grace will find the setlement not so ill nor so ill turned as to be either dishonorable -to the King or usless to the country at this junctur. I wish the affairs of our Kirk wer as well setled and then I should hop for som quiett to our poor country I must tell y grace som had mad proposalls if the parliament had bein called to hav setled eight Mounths cess for the King's Life and as matters stood it was necessary bot now less will do the turn. Y grace thought yow Ioost the last election of the provost of Edenbrugh beeaus yow wer absent bot I doubt it will be hard to retriv it at Michael­ mas, for my part I wish no mor bot that sober moderat men be chosin and I am indifferent who they be bot I must confess I think Archbald Hamilton as fitt as any. r

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The

EARL OF MELVILLE to the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

[Undated. Answered 1691, August 29.]—Just as I was closing the packet which I was prest to heasten away I receaved a letter from the Earle of Nottingham the coppy wherof I here enclose to your grace, that you may be pleased to take such course in as you thinke fitt and the caice requires, how this if ther be ground for quadrats with the other measures given to ther Majesties and the present letter sent to the Councell, I leave to you to judge for I doe not comprehend it, I have done my part, and have exonered my selfe; that things are done without my advice and something contraire to my opinion is not my fault. I wish some of the measures taken be not prejudicial! to the King and Country, your Grace and others upon the place who ar councellors and sworn to be faithfull understands ther Majesties interest and the Kingdoms better then I and likewaies your own duty, this information is laitter then the letter. I doubt not but your grace will cause try what ground ther is for it, what I have from Flanders this night I have caused Mr. Hamilton wrett to you. Endorsed by the Duke : This letter of E. Nottingham's is in the clerk of Councells hand and was concerning the numbers of horse boght in England and broght to Scotland. The

SAME to the

SAME.

1691, Sept. 22. Whitehall.—Your sone Lord Archibald is come from sea, he sayes he has kept his health weell all the while he has been abroade, I doubt not he will wreatt to your grace him selfe this night. . . I heare litle by the paequet come this day but what was in the yesterdays gazett, only I heare Counte de Lippe and Mon Madourans of the King side ar prisoners and not killed, our men they say behaved very weell though they wer not one to six and put the french to retire, the loss neer equall, the particulars I heare not y e t t : the King was s

at Lo the 17, he had been ther some dayes before, and it was said he was to be at the Hague in 8 or ten dayes and in a few days after to come for England, Its thought he may be here the beginning of October if not sooner, I hear the Master of Staires gives not much credite to those transactions saide to be made by Breadalbane with the highlanders, and he himselfe I heare seemes to laugh at them, M H. told me he heard him say, if men would have made a lie they should have made a likly like one, for if he had been oblidged to give men he would have given 3,000, if all the chifes of the Clans can give proportionably and they be so formidable persons as wee seeme to esteeme them, they may be able soon to reduce your west country to good order should they prove unruly, but wee hope better things of you, then that you will need such disciplinators again, ther being so litle gained by the last visite they made, but I hope y o grace will pardon my rallieing when I have litle else to say, for some things ar out of my reach, so I will not take on me to speake of them especially at such a distance : what your grace seems to dowbt of, which if true you will thinke nothing strange etc. I suppose ther is no dowbt in and I believe that part will not be dissowned. L* Co Ratra one of the Commissioners sent from the Highlands to King James as the Jacobits I heare sayes arrived at St. German a good while agoe, its about ten dayes since one came from that here in return, its saied he gave no unfavorable account of the negociation: Your grace will know better then I if many be come to take the benefite of the indemnity. I am sory your grace should be any way misrepresented, as you say on my account, they ar in the wrong both to you and me in so doeing, I have no concern but the Kings service and the publick interest and weell of my country if those goe weell I shall be weell satisfied, and as to my own particular I never will put a private and publicke employment in the ballance. For what you say ar your graces resolutions, you know its not for me to adventure to give you any advice, you understand your own interest best and you who have been and ar on the place can best judge what is the King's service and interest of the Country in these late negociations: but why you resolve to stay till called for, if your resolve to come up this winter I understand not so weell, it being probable I fancie if any new measures be taken that it may be shortly after his Majestie come over, but I am at present a stranger. to all, and resolut to medle no further then the exonering of my selfe and discharge of my duety requires, I hear Major Menzies is going or gone again for Scotland. r

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SIR JOHN DALRYMPLE to the

SAME.

1691, October 16. The Hague.—He encloses the copy of the Kings letter postponing the General Assembly. He has written to Lord Carmichael to attend the King to receive his instructions

as commissioner to the Assembly. The King will cross so soon as the wind is favorable. " The States has aggreed to the stat of the war for the next year it will be hyer then it was this year. I hope this shall be a good example for Ingland : by the last letters we understand ther is a new Grand Visier it was said the last was pensioner to France we believ this is not so inclined he hath writtin to Prince Louis of Baden that he is ready to begin the treaty, God send it a good conclusion. The King think the hylanders or others in armes should keep to ther hants till they be disposed to tak the alleaguence bot untill it appear what they are like to do upon Braidalbins comming doun he hath given no return to the councells letter." SIR JOHN DALRYMPLE to the

D U K E of

HAMILTON.

1 6 9 1 , October 2 4 . The Hague.—He encloses a copy of the King's letter anent recruiting the regiments of the Scots Brigade, The officers are not allowed to force any one to engage, but once they have agreed, as recruits are needed, they must not draw back and should they do so they must be kept in prison till the recruits are brought over. He trusts the Duke will see that force is not used and that the officers are not discouraged. The contrary wind keeps the King from crossing. " If it continew the King will be straitned with the diett of the parliment of Ingland and now it wer tim the necessary suply for the nixt year's war wer adjusted when the King must borrow mony he payes a horrible interest heir the publick can hav what they will at three per cent interest." They have assurances of a peace between the Emperor and the Turks and hope that Garmanolo in Savoy shall be got back from the French, also for the recovery of Ireland, " and that peace does giv the French King abundance to do." Postsaipt: Lady Perth desires more liberty for her lord, she thinks the writer has hindered it. He protests that he never heard the King mention the matter or criticise the Council's action therein. The

D U K E OF HAMILTON to KING WILLIAM

III.

1 6 9 1 , Nov. 2 . Hamilton.—To pardon this trouble to con­ gratulate your safe return to England and the great succes of your Armes which I hope will not onely seeure your Ma* and your subjects peace but contribut to the good of all Europe. If I had thought my attendance on your M a at this time had been agrieable to you tho a winter journey is not convenient for my health yet I should not have failled in it nor shall I now take up your M a time to give you any particulare account of your affairs in this Kingdom, onely I can not but in duty acquaint your Ma in generall that all your affairs are in great disorder and disarves your M a consideration. 8

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The

EARL OF MELVILLE to the

DUKE OF HAMILTON.

1691, November 2.—I am yett a stranger to affaires, not have­ ing the opportunity of speaking to his Majestie but in passant, nor to any who could inform me. The King met his Parliament this day, I doubt not but M Hamilton will send his Ma speach, the house is adjurned till Tuesday it being thin, I heare not of the Master of Staires being yett come to town : the E . of Forfar is come and tells of a good many comeing from you, your grace was likewaies expected by some, which I should have been glade of, had it been with your own convenience, you would possibly heare of the adjurnment of the Assembly and of the Lord Carmichells being called for as soon as I , the express being sent down befor I knew of it. r

The

SAME to the

tics

SAME.

1691, November 17.—I doe a litle differ from you as to your reasons for not haveing come upe at this tyme : but your grace is the most proper judge of your own actions, I fully goe alongs with you in your wishes, I thinke your grace had short eneugh warning as to the Councell and sees not how your absence can be rationally misconstrued, wee ar waiting for the result of Bredalbans negociation if either your grace or the Councell had signified any thing of your sentiments I could have used the more freedome if ther were any thing wherin I could serve you. KING JAMES I I & V I I to MAJOR GENERAL BUCHAN or to

the

officer commanding in chief our Forces in our ancient Kingdom of Scotland. 1691, Dec. 12. S. Germains.—Right trusty and well Beloved, we greet you well. We are inform'd of the state of our subjects in the Highlands and the condition you and our other officers there are in, as well by our trusty and well beloved Sir George Barclay, Brigadier of our Forces, as by our trusty and wellbeloved Major Duncan Menzies, and therefore we have thought fit hereby to authorise you to give leave to our said subjects and officers who have hitherto behaved themselves so loyally in our Cause, to do what may bee most for their own and your safety. For doing whereof this shall be your warrant. Endorsed by Menzies ; this is ane trew copie of what orders was given to the hilanders, attested by me. The

EARL OF MELVILLE to the

DUKE OF HAMILTON.

1691, December 19.—I am a stranger to affaires as much as you ar since we parted but what I heare by common report, but by that its probable ther may be some alteration to Scots affaires very soon I wish they may be such as may be most for the Kings service and the publicke good, and if so I am satisfied

for I never had any other design : they talke the E. Bredalban is expected here shortly and that Sir Thomas Livingston should be countermanded, . . the discourse is of a Highland campaigne to be presently made if the Highlanders come not in, Major Menzies I heare is gone down who is lately come from France, and that K. Ja. has allowed them to make the best terms they can. SIR JOHN DALRYMPLE to the

D U K E OF HAMILTON.

1691, December 30. London.—He sends the Kings letter to the Council, adjourning the Parliament to the 15th April. The Earl of Lothian's commission to represent their Majesties at the General Assembly will be s e n t . He fears that if a n y bad weather comes, he will not be able to attend and then the Council must adjourn them till his arrival. The writer complains concerning the black box, which is the Secretary's trust, and which is carried to the office to be opened when flying packets are despatched though it only concerns public papers. The

EARL OF MELVILLE to the

SAME.

[1692] January 5. London.—I thinke with your grace that Sir Thomas Livingstone being here with the King might have been for his Majesties service and I did m y endeavour to have it so, how the stope first came, and how afterwards encouraged, for I suppose he would not have come the length he did without ground, nor how ordered bake when so neer, I am altogether a stranger, but b y common report, except in so farr that after the King seemed once satisfied he should come upe his Ma' desired me to writt to him that he should stay, till he should heare further from him, you will know from himselfe before this, the reasons and what his orders a r , for I knoAV not, as also what the Highlanders who stood out, have done, and ther resolutions, your grace will know from other better then I can informe you what alterations are talked of. i0

The

EARL OF PORTLAND to the

SAME.

1692, February 20.—Jay veu avec beaucoup de joye ce que M Carstaires m ' a escrit sur vostre subjet, quoy que je naye jamais doutte de vostre zele pour le service du Roy et pour Ie present gouvernement, je vous advoue pourtant que je n'ay pas peu approuver entierement vostre conduite, comme jay pris la liberte de le dire a My Lord Selkirch peut estre avec plus de franchise que de prudence, mais comme cela part dun principe de sincerite j'espere que vous ne laures pas trouve mauvais, j'ay parle au Roy sur le contenu de la lettre de M Carstaires et vous pouves estre asseure que S.M. na dautres sentiments pour vous Monsieur que ceux qui sont a vostre advantage, lesquels je vous asseure que je tacheray de fortifier autant qu'il me sera possible.r

r

ADAM COCKBURNE to the

SAME.

1 6 9 3 , Jan. 3 . Edinburgh.—All assurances are given of the Duke's being upon both the Treasury and the Session, and only wait for the Duke to take his place at the Council board. The Duke's friends there and at court, including the Earl of Portland, desire that he may not delay going to Council. The latter assures that there is no fear that any should be of more consequence in the Government than the Duke. JAMES STEWART to the

SAME.

1 6 9 3 , Jan. 1 3 . Edinburgh.—He urges the Duke to come to the Council. There are thoughts of a Parliament and if the Duke would, come, he would not only have the Council but his proper place in Parliament. The writer does not much fear an invasion but is sure that the Council needs vigour and that the Duke's presence would be as significant as ever. The

D U K E OF HAMILTON to the

EARL OF PORTLAND.

1 6 9 3 , February 1 8 . Holyroodhouse.—. . Your Lo. may be assured that it was from the good Incurragement I had from you that made me adventur to return to take my place in Counsell wher I shall indevor to do his Ma all the service I can, but it will need his Ma assistance to put his affairs in that order here that were necessare for his interest and the security of the Government. But to enter on partieulares wer to long a trouble this way therfor I have instructed the bearer to give you a more full account and shall onely further say that there seems an absolute necessity of the Parlaments meeting here for setting some things right that can not be done without it as the laying on of mony for the pay of more standing troopes and putting the Kingdom in a better posture of defence in case of invasion, the regulating of some things in the Session which are very griveous to the Nation and the reconsidering some Acts of the last parlament relating not onely to the King's prerogatives in Church and State but the subjects rights. . . Postscript: Give me leave to recommend to your faver and protection my thrie sons now in his Ma service. tie

ties

tira

to the

DUKE OF HAMILTON.

1 6 9 3 , July 3 1 . "French Camp near Montigues."—Tho I am sory that I should give your Grace an account of the loss of a verry great battle yet I bless God that I am in a condition to doe it and am come of without any wound, I can write you no particulars for I know nothing where I was attaqued which was up on the left of all the army, upon Tewsday the 28th the French avant guard apeared just after denner and then the whole line drew out but did not ingage till next day so that night the whole line wrought and cast up against morning a small breest work but what was no very great defence. Upon the right and left was the great ataques about five in the morning they

apeared full in battle before us, and then they marched for to ataque, ther was very great canonading on each side; it being plain ground befor our lines it did a great dale of execution, the first attaque begun upon the right which I beleeve rested for above two hours from 7 in the morning till after nine, but the French were beat off, a quarter before ten the ataque of the left begune wher I was withe the first battalion of my regement; it was all hedge fighting and continued till halfe an hour after 12 that we bear them clear and so they left us it was the Prince of Conti ataqued us ther was only my batallion and Coll. Silwines regement that was upon the left all the rest of the English were upon the right. Att the beginning it went very ill with us for ther was 3 regements of foot that were before me that gave way very soon and were beat so in upon us that they were like to put us in confusion, but we receeved the enimy with a very great fier which lasted a long time, however tho they could not force us from our post yet they did not retire much themselves till att lenth I and other two regements quit our post and marched to them and ataqued them ther at they imediately run, however I was not able to stay there long for ther came doun an other brigad that was like to flanque me, so that I was forced to retire to my former post which we defended ; on both hands of us ther was great ataques some times one gave way and sometimes another how ever by halfe an hour after 12 they left us quite so that ther was no more action upon the left. I have been very happy for I have no officers killed but severall wounded and not very many men killed yet I miss a great many men but I beleeve they are lyeing upon the road feant, for these three night we have layen under armes and neither bread nor drink almost. It is certainly a very great battle lost for all our cannon is taken which were above a hundred pieces and I don't know that ther is ten pices saved I am affrayed all this cuntry will be lost now for its impossible we can keep the fild. it was certanly the hors that was the occasion of the loss of the battle for the Dutch hors gave way immediatly no man could do no more than the King for he was evry wher and was shot in the clothes with a musquet ball, my lord Portland is wounded in the hands as I am informed Cont Solmes had his leg shot at with a canon bullet and I am told is dead, the Duke of Ormond we don't know what is become of him nor my Lord Galloway, our army is all dispersed in severall parts of the cuntry so that we don't know what is our loss. I have had my wagen robed by our own people but I came up my selfe to it before they had got away much. I have lost all my lining and twenty other things but saved my box with what silver plat I had and a little box with 4 or 5 hundred pounds of mony belonging to the regement so that I bless God I come of with litle loss since I have both saved my life and all the best things I had. I am very weared since I have now layen out 3 nights the duke of Berwick is heer with us prisoner.

The

EARL OF PORTLAND to the

DUKE OF HAMILTON.

1693, August 17. " Du camp de Lembech."—Jay receu celle que vous maves fait lhonneur de mescrire par My Lord Selkirch du 19 de juyn, a la quelle mes blessures mont empeche pour quelque temps de repondre, je vous asseure Monsieur que je serois tres aise si javois este capable de faire auquune chose qui peut estre au service de la nation Escossoise, ou d'auquune subjet de ce Royaume, mais je me trouve fort au dessous de faire le premier, et jay eu tres peu doccasion de faire le dernier, cependant je vois que le Parlement ma fait lhonneur de faire mention de moy au Roy dans leur dernier acte, ce que je n'avois pas merite, Je suis asseure Monsieur que vous aves en dessein (en leproposant) de me servir ainssi je vous en remercie de tout mon coeur, et je vous temoigneray toujours le respect que j'ay pour vous, dont j'espere que jauray bientost l'occasion puis que Sa Majeste approve que vous venies a Londres vers le temps de son retour en Angleterre, je ne doutte pas que vous ne soyes bein informe de ce qui s'est passe dans la Bataille puis que vous aves ici un Depute Secretaire d'Escosse, qui en a este temoin oculaire, nayant pas quitte le Roy dun pas dans loccasion, je vous diray seulement que le bon Dieu de sa grace a preserve le Roy, que les ennemis ont perdu le double plus que nous, que nous avons une belle et bonne armee, plus forte quelle n'estoit devant le combat, avec laquelle nous marcherons vers les ennemis.

MATTERS

to be

CONSIDERED before the MEETING ASSEMBLY.

of the

GENERAL

1693, December 8. Edinburgh.—Since the G. Assembly is now adjourned till March 29 It is requisite that such means be speedily fall'n about as may render their meeting safe and profitable. The main work of this Assembly lies in these three (1) To assume all of the late Episcopal conformists who deserve to be assumed, that therby the church may be settled and filled and breaches on that side healed. (2) To suppress the Schism of the Separatists and reduce them. (3) To curb and restrain all immorality and vice. As to the last of these, there is no debate, and the magistrates countenance will make it effectual and easie, and will prove the best security to the Government both of church and state. The second will prove no great difficulty either if the Assembly be willing, unanimous and resolute. The first is too nice a point to be trusted to an Assemblies management as matters now stand, unless there be either a previous and pregnant evidence of the good inclinations of the members that way, or

els a Session of Parliament preceeding the Assembly to soften and rectify some things that are by experience found harsh in the present circumstances of that affair. An antecedent preparatory Meeting of some few ministers will be of great use whether the parliament meet or not to give some indication of what may be expected from the Assembly. It will be absolutely necessary that the Assembly once meet upon March 29 and be not again put off by a second adjourn­ ment. If it do not appear by the preparatory Meeting that matters are in a hopeful way, means may be used to shorten the Session of Assembly. And a fair ground for it will be his Ma going beyond sea about that time. And care wold be taken that matters be kept in as smooth a channel as possible and with the least irritation, that if they be not bettered they may not be made worse. But if it be likely that good shall be done by the Assembly they may be allowed to sit the longer. To procure this preparatory Meeting one of the Secretaries wold write to some of the Ministers of Edinburgh, by order from the King that His Ma recommends it to them to call some Ministers from the countrey to consult and take measures about these things that are to come befor the G. Assembly, especially as to the three heads above-mentioned, that so matters may be the more ready for the Assembly which the present exigence will not admit to sit long. If the Meeting be once called, the proposals to them may be more particular, but it will be sufficient at first to require in generall that the thing be done. It will add much life to it if His Grace the Duke of Hamilton shall please at the same time write to some of the Ministers of Edinburgh and cause his Secretary to write to the principal of the Colledge of Glasgow and the Minister of Hamilton to the same purpose. And it will be further fitt that M Carstairs write to M Blair who is one of the Kings Chaplains and to the principal and par­ ticularly that he propose to them the calling of one Minister out of each presbitery to this Meeting, which Minister to be chosen by the presbitery themselves and to be one of their commissioners already named for the Assembly, by which means the sense and temper of each presbitery will be the better discerned. And that M Carstaires be sent to Scotland himself so soon as it is understood that the forsaid Meeting will hold. The effect of this Meeting will be that it may in due tyme be known what is to be expected from the Assembly with relation to the schism, and to the North and to the whole late Episcopal clergy, and that measures be taken accordingly. And it will have this further effect, that by these tentatives men's minds may come by degrees to take a better temper and ply and to be in a more fitt disposition for a full settlement afterwards, in case it cannot be attained at this time. ties

tie

r

r

r

ie

It will be exceedingly encouraging if His Ma* shall please in the meantyme by a letter to the Council to require that all due assistance be given to inferior church judicatories for strengthen­ ing of discipline and for refraining profanity, separation and all other disorderly practices. MR. R . WYLIE to the DUKE OP HAMILTON.

1693, Dec. 11. Hamilton.—The shortnes of tyme, when I had the honour to wait on yo Grace at Edinburgh, did neither allow so deliberat thoughts about that in which ycf Grace was pleased to require my opinion, nor so full a proposal of them as was needful in a matter of that importance. Tho it is absolutely necessary for removing the jealousies of people and preserving the liberties of the church that our G. Assembly should once meet and not be adjourned again by proclamation, yet I am persuaded that their Meeting will either be to very little purpose or will have a bad effect unles matters be concerted befor by some Ministers, and particular pains taken therein: for none will take upon them to medle befor the Assembly meet except they be put to it. And when the Assembly is mett there can be no solid conclusions be expected from them as to the great ends of their Meeting unles they be prepared beforehand. It will take some tyme and pains to lay down right measures of government, especially in the present Juncture to deliver the minds of some of ours from their prejudices and aversion against even the best deserving of the late Episcopal clergy, and from ther unhappy subjection to the unreasonable humours of the people and like­ wise to convince that clergy, that they may at length look for a cordial reception from us. It is very plain that a competent number of them may be received, especially those in the North, not only with safety but with great advantage to the presbyterian interest, and that in point of duty this ought to be done, but there are many of us who without some pains will not be persuaded of this. And there are these two things I mainly look at in proposing this preparatory meeting, even tho it should not have all the effect that is to be desired from it, first that Essays of this nature will much tend to soften and dispose men's minds for better resolutions at another tyme, if they should fail of coming the full length that they ought to come at present; And next by this meeting a sure judgement may be made of the Assembly, and safe measures may be taken by the state according to what is to be expected from them, so as things may be kept in temper and carried off with the greatest smoothnes and the least irritation on either side. And since it hath pleased God to call my Lord Duke to the helm of our affairs, which I trust shall be for a blessing both to His Grace and to this church and nation, I know nothing can bring more solid honour to His Grace or more acceptable service to God, then to be the happy Instrument of settling the peace of this long divided church and r

HAM.—9

kingdom, so as the opposition of perverse and self-seeking men against the great work of God in our deliverance and freedom from impositions and bondage may cease in the state, and the wisdom that is pure and peaceable may prevail in the church. And since more then I can express depends upon the actings of an Assembly, I humbly crave leave to propose to yo Grace that if y accessory t o p l o t against Kreuznach (Creiznaeh, Crenthenacli), Bargany, 103. [Germany], 2 2 , 3 1 . Killala [co. M a y o ] , bishop of. See Kurtius. See Curtius. L l o y d , William. K y l e [part of co. A y r ] , depredations Killaloe [co. Clare], bishop of. See b y troops i n , 95. Lindsay, T h o m a s . Laderdall. See Lauderdale. Killmaleu (i.e. K i l m a h e w ) . See N a p i e r , Lagna, Ferdinand di, col., 11. George. Lambert, J o h n , major-gen., 75, 78. Killmaronock (i.e. Kilmaronock). See L a m b i e , J a m e s , inventory of papers in Cochrane, William. the custody of, 2. Killmorgan. See Kilmory. Lamington [co. Lanark], arms collected K i l m a h e w (Killmaleu), [in Cardross, co. from, 8 3 . D u m b a r t o n ] , George Napier of, William Baillie of, 148. 157. Lamington, — , m e e t s the marquess of Kilmaronock, (Killmaronock), [co. Hamilton a t Berwick, 5 5 . D u m b a r t o n ] , William Cochrane Lanark, earl of. See Hamilton, of, 157. William, 2nd duke of H a m i l t o n . Lanark (Lanerick, Lanerk, Lanrick), K i l m o r y (Killmorgan), [in Arran isle], [co. Lanark], 8. disputed presentation to living moderator of, 84. of, 178. " Yellowcoat R e g i m e n t " a t , 94. Kilwinning (Quelynyn), [co. A y r ] , horses stolen b y dragoons a t , 103. commendatorof. See H a m i l t o n , Lanarkshire, property of rebels in, 83. Gawin. order for the preservation of K i m m e r g h a m e (Kimnerghame), [in grass in, 8 3 . E d r o m , co. Berwick], George Conventicles held i n , 86. H o m e of, 158. proposal for securing peace i n , 95. Kincardine, earl of. See Bruce, Highland a r m y k e p t i n , 95. Alexander. heritors and freeholders of, for­ Kmcaniineshire, Parliamentary elecbidden t o k e e p valuable horses, - tions in (1702), 157. 96. King: loyal address from, t o William J o h n , 3rd baron Kingston, 139. H I , 148. William, bishop of D e n y , 139. Lancashire, 149 K i n g h o m , earl of. See L y o n , Patrick.

Landen [Belgium], battle of, described, 125, 126, 127. Landsberg [Brandenburg, Germany], 11. Lane: J a m e s , proposals of, t o restore order in Scotland, 195. Sir Richard, e n v o y of Elizabeth of Bohemia, 4 2 . Lanerick, Lanerk. See Lanark. Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, 7 1 . commission from Charles, prince of Wales, t o , mentioned, 7 1 . Langhorne. See L a u g h a m e . Lanier (Laniers), Sir J o h n , regiment of (1688), 110, 112. Lanrick. See Lanark. L a u d , William, archbishop of Canter­ bury, 54. Lauder, Sir John, t o be Lord A d v o c a t e , 116. Lauderdale (Laderdall, Lauderdaill), [co. Berwick], earl of. See Maitland, John? 1st e a r l ; Maitland, J o h n , 2nd earl and 1st duke ; and Maitland, J o h n , 5 t h earl. Laudian, cypher for Germany, 4 1 . Laugharne (Langhorne), Rowland, forces of, i n Wales, 73. Lausitz, Ober and Nieder (hie and l o w Lousnitz), [Brandenburg and Saxony, Germany], oath of allegiance given to the king of Bohemia i n , 9. Leslie [co. Fife], 92. Lawburrows, against William, 3rd d u k e of Hamilton, 9 2 , 97. Lawmonthe, Andrew, minister of Markinch, letter from, 50. " suspension " raised against, b y his parishioners, 5 1 . Lawrie, J o h n , mason, p a y m e n t t o , for kidnapping during an election, 178. Leckar, Nicholas, of Skegby, order for arrest of, 8 1 . L e e , Edward Henry, 2nd earl of Lich­ field, regiment of, 112. Leeds, [co. York], Christopher D a w s o n of, 8 1 . Legg, — , capt. (1632), 181. Leighton, Robert, archbishop of Glas­ g o w , letters from, 84 {bis). translation of, 85. Leipzig (Leipsic, Leipsiche, Leipzick), [Germany], letter dated a t , 2 0 . diet a t , mentioned,* 13. fair of, 29. Leith, [co. Edinburgh], proposed build­ i n g of pier a t , 174.

Leitmeritz (Leutmeriz), [ B o h e m i a ] , 2 9 . Lembecq-les-Hal (Lembech), [Bel­ g i u m ] , letter d a t e d from c a m p a t , 127. Lennox (Lenox), Charles, duke of R i c h m o n d and L e n n o x , interest of, in Scotland, 138. disputes over t h e admiralty rights of, 146, 159-163. Lennoxlove [in H a d d i n g t o n , co. H a d ­ d i n g t o n ] , letters d a t e d at, 168, 171. Leopold I , Emperor, recommendations for a r m y of, 110. peace between t h e T u r k s and, 1 2 2 . commissary of, 119. Lescourt [Scotland], letter d a t e d at, 5. Leslie (Lesle, Lesly, L e s l y e ) : Sir Alexander, major-gen., 2 0 . . l e t t e r from, 18. D a v i d , 5 t h earl of L e v e n and 2 n d of Melville, letter from, 171. J a m e s , letter from, 2 7 . J o h n , 6th earl of R o t h e s , letter from, 59. , — , m e n t i o n e d , 58. , letter t o , m e n t i o n e d , 5 8 . , devotion of, t o Charles I, 59. J o h n , 7th earl a n d 1st duke of R o t h e s , lord Chancellor of Scot­ land, 103. . l e t t e r s from, 82 (2), 83 (4), 8 5 (4), 86 (2), 87 (2), 92 (2). , mentioned, 85. . l e t t e r s to, 8 5 , 86 (2), 98. •——.instructions of, for the pacification of W e s t e r n Scotland 82, 83. , about t o go t o Fife, 85. , council s u m m o n e d b y , 86, 87. .friendship of, for the d u k e of H a m i l t o n , 92, 98. J o h n , 9 t h earl of R o t h e s , l e t t e r from, 173. Patrick, of Aberdeen, signs Covenant, 4 8 . Robert, order for search of, 6 1 . R o b i n , servant of t h e marquess of Hamilton, 20, 2 5 . , capt. (1632,) 184. Lethington [afterwards Lennoxlove (3.».), in H a d d i n g t o n , c o . H a d ­ d i n g t o n ] , Sir William Maitland of, 2 . Leutmeriz. See Leitmeritz. Levellers, t h e , ironical mention of, 74. Leven, ear] of. See Leslie, D a v i d . Leverett, , sergeant (1632), 182.

Leverton, , messenger of E l i z a b e t h of B o h e m i a , 4 4 . L e v i n g s t o n , J a m e s 1st viscount N e w burgh, letter from, 194. L e w i s Philip, prince, administrator of t h e P a l a t i n a t e , l e t t e r from, 37. — — , mentioned, 32. m e m o r a n d u m concerning, 3 2 . councillor of. See K o l b . mission of D o u g l a s t o , 2 9 , 3 0 , 3 1 . E n g l i s h help t o , 30-31. p a y s Swedes for restoration of the Palatinate, 30. commission of, t o Curtius, 3 3 . French leanings of, 3 3 . E n g l i s h help requested b y , 37, 38. Leydelberg. See Heidelberg. L e y d e n [Holland], letter dated a t , 133. L e y s (Leyes, L e y i s ) , [in BanchoryTernan, co. Kincardine], laird of, a commissioner for covenan­ ters, 47. Sir T h o m a s B u r n e t t of, 157. L . G . D . See Drummond, William, lieut.-gen. Lichfield, earl of. See Lee, E d w a r d Henry, 2 n d earl. Limerick (Limrike), [co. L i m e r i c k ] , articles of, m e n t i o n e d , 140. bishop of. See S m y t h e , Thomas, surrender of, rumoured, 119. Linbank, J a m e s Y o u n g of, 95. Lindsay, lord. See Lindsay, J o h n , 17th earl. L i n d s a y (Lindesay, L i n s a y ) : Alexander, 2 n d lord Balcarres, opposes t h e printing of the K i n g ' s declaration, 6 3 . Colin, 3rd earl of Balcarres, letter t o , 113. Harry, minister, recommended b y t h e archbishop of Glasgow, 8 4 , 85. J o h n , 17th earl of Lindsay, after­ wards earl of Crawfurd, 62, 9 2 . , letters from, 60, 68, 196. . m e e t i n g of, w i t h H a m i l t o n a t Berwick, 55. , e n v o y from . R o t h e s t o Hamilton, 59. , friendship of, w i t h Hamil­ ton, 60. , opinion of, concerning the Bishops' war, 60. . d e s i r e of, t o attend Charles I, 68. . e x e c u t o r of William, d u k e of Hamilton, 77. • , wife of. See Lindsay, Mar­ garet infra.

Lindsay—contd. Margaret (nee Hamilton), wife of J o h n , 17th earl of Lindsay, 64. Thomas, bishop of Killaloe, v o t e of, 139. Lindsay-Crawford, Patrick, 2nd vis­ count Garnock, letters from, 169 (2). Linlithgow (Lithgow), earl of. See Livingston, George, 3rd earl. Linlithgow [co. Linlithgow], estate of, 175. Quarter Session a t , 8 1 . Ianlithgowshire, elections i n (1702),' 156. Linsay. See Lindsay. Lippe, Count de, t a k e n prisoner, 120. Lithgow. See Linlithgow. Littillgill, William Baillie of, 83. Littiljohne, Andrew, servant of J a m e s , 3rd marquess of Hamilton, 184 (3). Livingston ( L i v i n g s t o n e ) : Alexander, 2nd earl of Callendar, 94. George, 3rd earl of Linlithgow, 82. , sent to suppress m u t i n y , 84. , relations of son of, w i t h lord J o h n Hamilton, 106, 107. , favour from the King obtained for, 107. Mary (nee Hamilton), wife of Alexander, 2 n d earl of Callender, 94. Sir Thomas, afterwards viscount of Teviot, 124. , letter t o , mentioned, 118. . r e g i m e n t of Dragoons of, 148. Livingstone [co. Linlithgow], i.e. Patrick Murray of, 156. Lloyd, William, bishop of Killala, v o t e of, 139. L o . See Loo. L o . C. i.e. Cochrane, William, styled lord Cochrane, q.v. Loch, , Mr. (1745), 175. Lochleven (Lochlin), [co.Kinross], Mary Queen of Scots leaves, 3 . Lochmaben [co. Dumfries], races a t , 173. Lockhart, George, of Camwath, Parliamentary candidate for Clydesdale, 148. elected for Edinburghshire (1702), 156. Loftus, Arthur, 3rd viscount E l y , v o t e of, 139. Logierait (Logyrath), [co. P e r t h ] , letter d a t e d a t , 169.

London, 5 5 , 67, 116, 127, 140, 142, 143, 144, 145, 148, 151, 157, 163, 170, 171, 176, 177, 179, 188. letters dated at, 2 0 , 3 3 , 3 5 , 68, 8 9 , 9 5 , 9 8 , 99, 104-111, 116 (2), 124 (2), 167, 168 (3), 170 (2), 171, 173 (2), 176, 177, 179, 180. Fenwick's plot betrayed from, 136. Independents coldly received i n , 73. officers in, 1691, 116. R o y a l i s t activity i n , 7 1 . R o y a l i s t advance on, urged, 78. saddles shipped t o , 27. trade bills of, in Scotland, 137. Tower of, munitions issued from, 180. , prisoners in, 95. Londonderry, earl of. See R i d g e w a y , Robert, 4th earl. L o o (Lo), [Belgium], William I I I a t , 121. Lopnes, — , commissions t o , recalled, 132. Lords, H o u s e s of. See Parliament, E n g l i s h ; Parliament, I r i s h ; and Parliament, Scottish. Lorge, Marischal. See Durfort-Duras, Gui-Alphonse de, due de Lorges. Lorraine (Lorrain), cardinal of. See Charles (de Guise), d u k e of. See Charles V. Lothian, earl and marquess of. See Ker, Robert, 4th earl and 1st m a r q u e s s ; Ker, William, 3rd e a r l ; and Ker, William, 2 n d marquess. Lothian, E a s t , heritors of, 148. Loudoun (Lowdoun), [co. A y r ] , 95. earl of. See Campbell, H u g h , 3rd earl. Louis X I H , K i n g of France, letter from, 37. agreement between Gustavus Adolphus and, 13. relations of, with Protestant con­ federates, 30. offer of, t o help administrator of the Palatinate, 3 3 . demand of, for Phillipsburg, m e n ­ tioned, 3 5 . asks leave t o raise an AngloScottish regiment, 37, 59. employs " S r . d'Hamilton," 37. scale of p a y given t o regiment for Germany by, 188. Louis X I V , king of France, threatened b y the Turkish and Imperial peace, 122.

Louis XIV—eontd. recognises t h e Pretender, 145. prohibits trade w i t h E n g l a n d , 1 4 5 . Louis, prince of Baden, t r e a t y of, w i t h the Grand Vizier, 122. Louise (Louyse), daughter of E l i z a b e t h of B o h e m i a , 193. Lousnitz. See Lausitz. Lowther, Sir J o h n , 136. Liibeek (Lubec), [ G e r m a n y ] , infested b y pirates, 13. Ludlow. See Bedloe, William. L u m l e y , D a v i d , of Huttonroides, order for arrest of, 8 1 . Lunebourg, duke George of. See George. Luss, [co. D u m b a r t o n ] , See Colquhoun, Sir H u m p h r e y , of L u s s . Lutheranism, authorized b y the S w e d e s i n the P a l a t i n a t e , 3 2 . Luxemburg, G e r m a n y i n v a d e d f r o m , 36. L y o n king-at-arms, t h e . See Erskine, Sir Alexander. L y o n , Patrick, 3rd earl of Kinghorn, 8 9 .

Macdonald ( M c D o n a l d ) : Sir Archibald, lord chief baron of t h e Exchequer, 180. Sir D o n a l d , of Sleat, letter from, 50. , letters t o , m e n t i o n e d , 5 0 . , clan of, loyal t o Charles I , 50. , R o n a l d cousin of, 50. — , deacon, 178. MacdonneO: Randal, 2nd earl of A n t r i m (Antrume), letters from, m e n ­ t i o n e d , 50. , c o m m a n d of Ulster Catholics offered t o , 68. > surrender of A n t r i m Castle by, 68. . c a p t u r e of, reported, 6 9 . — , laird of Glengarry, 5 0 . Macdowall (Makdowall), William, e n v o y of Charles I a t t h e H a g u e , letter from, 38. Macintosh, Lauchlan, lands b o u g h t from, for pacification of H i g h ­ landers, 119. Mackay (Macky, M c K y e e ) : —.26. —,50.

Mackenzie ( M c K e n z i e ) : Maitland, John—contd. Sir George, v i s c o u n t Tarbat, 1st , t o be appointed General of earl of Cromarty, 100. the Mint, 144. , Lord A d v o c a t e , 9 2 . Sir William, of I « t h i n g t o n , joint , share of, i n the plot against letter from, 2. Bargany, 102, 103. Makdowall. See Macdowall. , t o a c t i n the forfeiture of Malborows, Malbrogh. See Marl­ Saltoun, 104, 107. borough. — , Clerk Register, 116. Maldsly. See Maudslie. , friendship of, w i t h L e n n o x , Maliborne [i.e. M i l l b u m q.v.~\ Sieur de. 146. See H a m i l t o n , Matthias, of Millburn. , secedes from Parliament, 154. Manchester, lord. See Montagu, — — , journeys of, to L o n d o n , 157. Edward, 2nd earl. K e n n e t h , 4 t h earl of Seaforth Mandeville, lord. See Montagu, (Seaford), 132. Edward, 2 n d earl of Manchester. Roderick, d e p u t y for t h e Lord Mannheim [Germany], fortress of, 3 1 , Advocate, 92. 32. M c K y e e . See M a c k a y . Mantua, a cypher word, 6 1 , 65. M[a]cLveine, Grunet, a t A y r C o m m i t t e e Mar, Earl of. See Erskine, Charles, of W a r (1648), 74. 5 t h e a r l ; Erskine, J o h n , 1st Madebroche, Madeburge. See Magde­ e a r l ; Erskine, J o h n , 3rd e a r l ; burg. and Erskine, J o h n , 6th earl. Madourans, , Monsieur, 120. Mar, cypher for Sweden, 5 0 . Magdeburg (Madebroche, Madeburge), Maravia. See Moravia. [Germany], 2 0 , 4 9 , 182. March, earl of. See Douglas, William, troops of t h e 3rd marquess of 2nd earl. H a m i l t o n a t , 186. Marchmont, earl of. See Polwarth, siege of, 194. Patrick. Maidenhead, [co. Berks.], 112. Marischal, the earl. See Keith, Mainz, (Mayence, Ments), [ G e r m a n y ] , William, 7 t h e a r l ; and K e i t h , t h e Elector P a l a t i n e a t , 192. William, 9 t h earl. a t t e m p t e d betrayal of, 119. Marischal, Marishall, Master. See Maitland: Keith, William, 7th earl Charles, lord H a l t o n (Haltoun), Marischal. lord of Session, 94. Markinch [co. Fife], letter dated a t , 50. , intrigues of, against Bar­ kirk of, 50. g a n y , 102, 1 0 3 . minister of. See L a w m o n t h e , J o h n , 1st earl of Lauderdale, 67. Andrew. , m e e t s H a m i l t o n a t Berwick, Marlborough (Malborows, Malbrogh, 55. Marlburroughs, Marlburrowes), . a d v i c e of, 6 3 . earl of. See Churchill, J o h n , earl , relations of, with Hamilton, (afterwards 1st duke) of Marl­ 64. borough, J o h n , 2nd earl and 1st d u k e of duke of. See Spencer, Charles, Lauderdale ( " D . L . " ) , 86. 3rd duke, , addresses against, i n Parlia­ lady. See Churchill, Sarah, ment, 89. countess (afterwards duchess) of , i n favour w i t h Charles H , 89. Marlborough. , discontent in Scotland Marre Martins (? cypher), 66. ascribed t o , 8 9 , 99, 100. Marsden, Jerome, of Hughdale, order , relations of, w i t h the d u k e for arrest of, 8 1 . of H a m i l t o n , 90, 9 1 , 96. Marsh, Narcissus, archbishop of , p e t i t i o n s against orders of, Dublin, v o t e of, 139. mentioned, 91. Marseilles [Bouches-du-Rh6ne, France], , a t t e m p t of, t o obtain the 179. adjournment of Parliament, 9 3 . letter dated a t , 189. , friendship of the earl of Martin, George, a witness i n plot Callender w i t h , 94. against Bargany, 103. J o h n (sometime Lauder), 5 t h earl Mary, Queen of Scots, letters from, of Lauderdale, 157, 165. 3, 4.

Maxwell: Mary, Queen of Soots—contd. Sir J o h n , lord J u s t i c e Clerk, re­ letters from, mentioned, 1, 2 , 3 , 4 . ported t o b e appointed D e p u t y memorial of property of, m e n ­ Treasurer, 1 4 4 . tioned, 2 . , efforts of, i n t h e 1 7 0 2 reasons against t h e abdication of, 5. election, 156. , journey of, t o L o n d o n , o n husband of, murder of, 3 . U n i o n business, 157. son of. See J a m e s I . William, capt., M . P . for - Kirk­ capture of, 2 , 3 . escape of, from Lochleven, 3 . cudbright (1702), 158. a t liberty i n Hamilton castle, 3 . Mayence. See Mainz. request of, for troops, 4 . Mearns (Mernis), t h e , [i.e., c o . K i n ­ the d u k e of Chatelherault t o cardine], 4 7 . c o m m a n d for, 4 . Meath, earl of. See Brabazon, claim of, t o succeeed t o t h e throne Edward. of England, 6. Meissen (Misine), [ S a x o n y , G e r m a n y ] , Mary (of Modena), duchess of York, 28. afterwards Queen, wife of J a m e s Meldrum: I I , 106. T h o m a s , capt. (1632), 185. letters t o , lOl(ter), 1 0 2 , 196 [bis). — , master, 1 3 . d e a t h of child of, 1 0 2 . Melfort, eari of. See D r u m m o n d , m o t h e r of. See Modena, duchess J o h n , 1st eari. of. Melville, earl of. See Leslie, D a v i d , son of. See J a m e s E d w a r d , prince earl of L e v e n a n d M e l v i l l e ; of W a l e s , and Melville, George infra. speaks i n favour of t h e eari of Melville, George, 4 t h lord and 1st earl Dumbarton, 111. of Melville, letteT to, 198. sent abroad for safety, 113. letters from, 118 (bis), 120 (bis), Mary LT, Queen, troops of, 114. 123 (ter), 124. gives audience t o t h e duke of appointed lord P r i v y Seal, 116. Hamilton, 116. Mendall, — , 6 2 . accepts t h e earl of Arran's parole, Menzies, D u n c a n , major, 1 2 4 . 117. gone t o S c o t l a n d , 1 2 1 . order of, for Arran's imprisonment, information concerning state of mentioned, 117. Highlands g i v e n b y , 123. gives audience t o t h e earl of letter endorsed b y , 123. Melville, 118. Meppen [Germany], loss of, 4 4 . Mary, Princess Royal, wife of William, Ments. See Mainz. prince of Orange, 7 7 . Mernis, t h e . See Mearns, t h e . Hofi-Maister t o . See H u m e , Sir Merse, t h e [part of co. B e r w i c k ] , Alexander^ position of Covenanters i n , 5 3 . Masone, — , capt., order for arrest of, Methuen, J o h n , lord Chancellor of 81. Ireland, 1 3 9 . Mass, t h e , Scots' petition for s u p ­ Mettcalf, — , Serjeant (1632), 182. pression of, i n England, 66. Middleton, J o h n , gen. (afterwards earl Massareen (Masserene), viscount of. of Middleton) letter from, 7 9 . See Skeffington, Clotworthy. Massue, H e n r y de, marquis d e R u v i g n y , mentioned, 7 9 . and earl of Galway (Galloway), Militia, rendez-vous of, i n Lanarkshire, success of, i n Spanish campaign, 83. 167. t o suppress disorder i n Glasgow, Maudslie (Maldsly), fin Carluke, c o . 84. Lanark], Daniel Carmichael of, oath of allegiance t o be a d m i n ­ 148. istered t o , 8 7 . Maule: form of oath t a k e n by, 8 7 . Harry, proxy of lord Pitsligo a t disbanding of, 9 4 . the election of Scottish Peers, Millar, A r d . , servant of t h e 1st m a r ­ 170. quess of H a m i l t o n , 8. J a m e s , 4 t h earl of Panmure, t o Millburn (Malibome, Milbume), [ i n marry Margaret H a m i l t o n , 106. Dalserf, c o . L a n a r k ] , Matthias Patrick, 1st earl of Panmure, 5 4 . H a m i l t o n of, 2 , 6.

Mint, S c o t t i s h , t h e earl of Lauderdale t o be general of, 144. Misine. See Meissen. Mitchell: J o h n , 102. T h o m a s , parson of Turriff, pro­ pagates t h e Covenant in Aber­ deen, 47, 48. , repelled b y Aberdeen crafts­ men, 48. Mockern (Mockern), [Germany], letter d a t e d a t , 16. Modena, D u c h e s s of [Laura Martinozza, wife of t h e 9 t h D u k e ] , visit of, t o England, 101. Moffat [co. Dumfries], Tolbooth of, l e t t e r d a t e d a t , 173. Monck (Munke), George, g e n . , 79. Money, Scotch and English e x c h a n g e of, 136, 137. -See also Trade, scarcity of, i n Scotland, 137. E n g l i s h Parliament t o promote circulation of, 137. Monkland [co. L a n a r k ] , 196. Monkland, E a s t . [co. Lanark], minister of. See Somerville, Lodovick. parish of, conventicles held in, 86. M o n m o u t h , d u k e of. See S c o t t , J a m e s . Monopolies. See Trade. Monro (Munro): George (afterwards Sir George), col., 69. , speech of, i n the Scottish Council, mentioned, 9 1 . Robert, major-gen., Antrim Castle surrendered t o , 68. alleged offer to t h e earl of Antrim of the c o m m a n d of t h e Catholic a r m y of Ulster, reported b y , 6 8 , 69. H o n s [ B e l g i u m ] , siege of, 116. Montagu, E d w a r d , 2nd earl of Man­ chester, styled lord Mandeville, joint letter t o , 68. intrigues b e t w e e n Argyll a n d , 72. Montgomery (Montgomerie, Montgomm, Montgomry): Alexander (formerly Seton), 6th earl of E g l i n t o n , letter from, 54. Alexander, styled lord Mont­ gomerie, afterwards 9 t h earl of Eglinton, 167, 168, 172. , procures loyal address from co. Ayr, 147. . p r e s e n t a t the e n t r y of t h e . Commissioners into Edinburgh, 163.

Montgomery—contd. A n n e (nee Gordon), 2nd wife of Alexander Montgomery, 9th earl of E g l i n t o n (" l a d y Mont­ g o m e r y " ) , to use her influence for F e n w i c k , 136. Francis, rumoured appointment of, 144. H u g h , 3rd viscount of Great Ardes (Airds), afterwards 1st earl of Mount Alexander, royalist activities of, 69, 7 0 . H u g h , 2nd earl of Mount Alex­ ander (Mountalepandie), v o t e of, 139. H u g h , styled lord Montgomerie (Sfontgomm), afterwards 7th earl of Eglinton, 74. Montgreenan (Mountgrenan), [in Kil­ winning, co. A y r ] , T h o m a s Cunningham of, 102. Montigues [?Montignies, Belgium], letter dated from French c a m p near, 125. Montjoy [i.e. M o u n t j o y ] , viscount. See Stewart, William, 2 n d viscount. Montrath [t'.e. MountrathJ, earl of. See Coote, Charles, 3rd earl. Montrose (Montrois), earl of. See Graham, William, 2nd earl. Moore, J o h n [afterwards Sir J o h n ] , letter from, 179. Moravia (Maravia), oath of allegiance to the K i n g of Bohemia taken in, 9. Moray, earl of. See Stewart, Alex­ ander, 5 t h earl. Mordaunt, Charles, 3rd earl of Peter­ borough, success of, i n Spain, 167. More, William, of Aberdeen, Covenant signed b y , 4 8 . Morgan, Sir Charles, list of captains w i t h (1632), 187. Morphie [in St. Cyrus, co. Kincardine], laird of, Commissioner for Covenanters in Aberdeen, 47. Mortimer, Thomas, of Aberdeen, Covenant signed b y , 4 8 . Morton (Mortoun), earl of. See Douglas, J a m e s , 4th earl; Douglas, J a m e s , 11th e a r l ; and Douglas, William, 8th earl. Mortoun, Andrew, an " outed preacher," 9 2 . Mosbach (Mosbeche), [Hesse Nassau, Germany], 3rd marquess of H a m i l t o n a t , 183. Moselle, river, [Germany], 2 2 . Mosman (Mosmannis), J o h n , account of silver work of, mentioned, 2.

Mount

Alexander (Mbuntalepandie), earl of. See Montgomery, H u g h , 2 n d earl. Mountgrenan. See Montgreenan. Mountjoy (Montjoy), v i s c o u n t . See Stewart, William, 2nd viscount. Mountrath (Montrath), earl of. See Coote, Charles, 3rd earl. Mowbray, J o h n , minister of Strabrock, [now U p h a l l ] , prevented from preaching, 8 1 . Muir, Sir Archibald, candidate for t h e P r o v o s t s h i p of Edinbrugh, 157. Munich (Munchen, Munichine), [Germany], 2 1 . 3rd marquess of H a m i l t o n a t , 184. Munke. See Monck. Munro. See Monro. Mtinster (Munster), [Germany], 17. Murray: Alexander, 4 t h lord Elibank, letter from, 171. Alexander, of Udstounheid, w i t n e s s , 95. lord Charles, 1st earl of D u n m o r e , settlement on, b y his father, 108. D a v i d , 5 t h viscount Stormont, letter from, 172. J a m e s , letteT t o , mentioned, 89. J a m e s , g e n . (1778), J o h n Moore recommended b y , 179. J o h n , 1st marquess of Atholl and 5 t h earl of Tullibardine, 108. , troops of, 95. , quarrel of, w i t h his son, 105. lord J o h n , 6th earl and 1st marquess of Tullibardine and 1st d u k e of Atholl, 1 7 0 , 1 7 3 . , letter from, 169. , , mentioned, 155. , disagreement b e t w e e n his father and, 105. , proposed for Secretaryship, 133. .commissioner of Justiciary for the Highlands, 147. • , obtains loyal address t o William H I , 148. , thanked b y l a d y Marl­ borough, 155. , reported appointment of, as P r i v y Seal, 161. •, present a t m e e t i n g of Peers, 172. J o h n , 4 t h duke of Atholl, regi­ m e n t of, 179. J o h n , of Broughton, elected M.P. for co. Kirkcudbright (1702),

Murray—contd. J o h n , (" Mr. " ) w i t h prince Charles E d w a r d a t H o l y r o o d , 175. J o h n , Parliamentary candidate, a t Selkirk election (1754), 177. Patrick, 3rd Earl of TuHibardine (Tillibarne), 5 2 . Patrick, of L i v i n g s t o n e , M . P . for c o . Linlithgow, 156. William, Pickering desires to arrest, 6 1 . , papers of, to be seized, 62. , receives the king's declara­ t i o n , 64. , guarantees Argyll's l o y a l t y , 72. , accompanies prince R u p e r t , 73. •—•, major, (marquess of Atholl's regiment), depredations by m e n of, 95. Murton (sic), lord. See W h a r t o n , P h i l i p , 4th lord Wharton. Music:— marquess of H a m i l t o n p a y s for a t U l m , 183. bell-ringers, 177. Mutschellburgh [? Miitzelburg, near S t e t t i n , G e r m a n y ] , 19. Myreton (Myrtene), T h o m a s , of Cambo, j o i n t letter from, 68.

N a m u r ( N a m u r e ) , [ B e l g i u m ] , 119. " N a n n y , " letter t o , 197. Nanstul. See N e u s t a d t a n der Haardt. Napier ( N a p e r ) : Archibald, 1st lord Napier, of Mercbistoun, l e t t e r t o , 59. , represents Covenanters t o H a m i l t o n , 59. George, of K i l m a h e w (Killmaleu), parliamentary candidate, 157. N a s s a u [Germany], William, count of, 16. N a v y , royal, t h e Barbadoes F l e e t , 119. m o n e y for, 89. officers of, a p p o i n t m e n t s i n the Customs g i v e n t o , 179. ships of, a t Bass R o c k , 132. , cruizing a t Orkney, 138. . See also the Rainbow and the Unicorn. Nelson, , Mr., t o use influence for Fenwick, 136. Nesbit. See N i s b e t t . Nesse, t h e . See Borrows to unness. Nethersole, — , agent of E l i z a b e t h of Bohemia, 26.

Neuburg (Neubourg, Newburg), [Bavaria, G e r m a n y ] , capture of, 28. d u k e (palsgrave) of, 17, 35. repair of bridge of, 28. Neucastell. See Newcastle-on-Tyne. N e u h a u s (Nienhan), [Bavaria, Ger­ m a n y ] , 30. N e u m a r k ( N e w m a r k e , la nouvelle Marche de Brandeburg), [Ger­ m a n y ] , cleared of Imperial troops, 12. a r m y of the marquess of H a m i l t o n i n , 182. N e u s t a d t a n der H a a r d t (Nanstul), [Germany], 3 1 . N e w a r k (Neuuark), [co. N o t t i n g h a m ] , 55. N e w b o t t l e , lord. See Ker, William. N e w b u r g . See Neuburg. N e w b u r g h , v i s c o u n t . See L e v i n g s t o n , James. N e w c a s t l e , earl of. See Cavendish, William. d u k e of. See Pelham-Holles, Thomas. Newcastle-on-Tyne (Neucastell), [co. Northumberland], letter d a t e d a t , 70. shipbuilding d i s p u t e a t , 55. m a y o r of, 5 5 . designs of the Parliament o n , 6 2 . coach of, 166. N e w m a n (sic), lord. See W e n m a n , Philip, viscount W e n m a n of Tuam. N e w m a r k e . See N e u m a r k . N e w m a r k e t [co. Cambridge], letter d a t e d a t , mentioned, 4 3 . N e w t o n , S o u t h [co. W i l t s ] , troops quartered a t , 112. N e w t o u n , W e s t , William jCochrane of, 95. N i c h o l a s , Sir E d w a r d , secretary, petition endorsed by, 80. Nicholson ( N i c o l s o n e ) : Sir Thomas, lord A d v o c a t e , letter t o , 74. • — , resolution of, mentioned, 44. Nidry [i.e. Niddrie, c o . Edinburgh]. See W a u c h o p e , sir J o h n , of Niddrie. N i e n h a n (rede Nieuhaus). See N e u ­ haus. N i s b e t t (Nesbit, N i s b i t ) : Sir J o h n , joint letter t o , 99. William, of Dirleton, M.P. for H a d d i n g t o n , 149. N o n s u c h [? the palace near Cheam, co, Surrey], 6 1 . N o r t h a m p t o n [co. N o r t h a m p t o n ] , 6 1 .

Northesk, earl of. See Carnegie, David. N o t t i n g h a m , earl of. See Pinch, Daniel. Nurnburg (Nuremberg), [Germany], 2 2 , 2 3 , 2 4 , 2 5 , 185.

Oates, Titus, 94. Oatlands [co. Surrey], letter d a t e d at, 25. O'Brien : Murrough, 6 t h baron Inehiquin, 72, declares for Charles I , 73. William, 3rd earl of and 8 t h baron Inehiquin, v o t e of, 139. Ogilvy (Ogilvie) : Sir Alexander, of Forglen (Forglane), lord Forglen, lord of Session, 161, 166. D a v i d , styled lord Ogilvy (Ogilvie) lieut. i n his father's troop, 95. J a m e s , 2nd earl of Airlie, troop of, 95. Sir J a m e s , 1st viscount and 1st earl of Seafield, and 4 t h earl of Findlater, mentioned as " secretary Ogilvie," 137. , entertained b y Edinburgh magistrates, 142. , on Union business in London, 157. , rumoured to be Chancellor, 160. , admitted Chancellor, 162. , made Chancellor and Com­ missioner of Assembly, 165. , working o n behalf of the Scottish peers, 167, 168. , o n the " Court list," 168. J a m e s , t h e younger, of B o y n e , M.P. (1702), 157. Oglio, river [Italy], 146. Oldenburg [Germany], letter dated a t , 18. Oldhed, Richard, of Dewsbury, order for arrest of, 8 1 . " Oldhouse," the major a t , 6 1 . Oppenheim [Germany], 3 1 . Orange, house of, 134. prince of. See Frederick H e n r y and William. Orbiston, Orbestone, Orbestoune, Orbrestone), [in Bothwell, co. Lanark]. See Hamilton, J a m e s , of Orbiston, the younger; Hamilton, Sir J o h n , of O r b i s t o n ; and Hamilton, — , of Orbiston.

Ordnance, lieutenant of t h e , arms issued b y , 180. Orkney, earl of. See H a m i l t o n , lord George, 1st earl. Orkney (Orknay), admiralty of, 146. English m e n of war a t , 138. Ormiston (Ormeston), [co. Hadding­ t o n ] , 142. laird of, afterwards lord of (as lord of Session). See C o c k b u m e , Adam. Ormonde, duchess of. See Butler,Mary, 2nd wife of J a m e s , 2 n d duke, d u k e of. See B u t l e r J a m e s , 2 n d duke. marquess of. See B u t l e r , J a m e s , 1st marquess. Orrery (Orrory), [co. Cork], earl of. See B o y l e , Lionel, 3rd earl. Osborne, sir T h o m a s , earl of D a n b y (afterwards d u k e of Leeds), lord Treasurer of E n g l a n d , urges t h e adjournment of Parliament, 93. present a t t h e hearing of lord Hamilton's case, 9 5 , 97. Ossory [Ireland], bishop of. See Hartstonge, J o h n . Overkirk. See Auverquerque, — d', gen. Oxenstierna: A x e l , chancellor of Sweden, 27. 40. , letters from, 3 4 , 39. , interviews w i t h , 2 9 , 30. , estimates E n g l i s h contri­ bution to Palatinate A r m y , 3 2 . , care for maintenance of E n g l i s h regiments, 3 4 . , interview of, w i t h the Elector of Brandenburg, 35. , to attend A s s e m b l y a t Frankfort, 35. , sends e n v o y s to E n g l a n d , 3 9 . , proposed gift of the Garter to, 39. , urged t o neglect England, 41. , to remain in Sweden, 4 1 . Beneck, empowered t o treat w i t h the 3rd marquess of Hamilton, 21. Gabriel, letter from, 4 1 . , g i f t from Charles I t o 4 1 . Oxford [co. Oxford], 112.

P. [^prince George of D e n m a r k ] , treaty with,con