Style of John Calvin in His French Polemical Treatises (Modern Languages & Literature Monographs)

OXFORD MODERN LANGUAGES AND LITERATURE MONOGRAPHS Editorial Committee A. M. BARNES

R.FARGHER

M. JACOBS

C. A. JONES

T. B. W. REID

THE STYLE OF Oxford Modern Languages and Literature Monographs VOLTAIRE: Historian By J.

H. BRUMFITT.

1958

THE PETRARCHAN SOURCES OF LA CELESTINA By

A. D. DEYERMOND.

1961

JOHN CALVIN IN HIS FRENCH POLEMICAL TREATISES

THE TRAGEDIES OF GIAMBATTISTA CINTHIO GIRALDI By

P. R. HORNE.

1962

PONTUS DE TYARD AND HIS DISCOURS PHILOSOPHIQUES By

KATHLEEN M. HALL.

BY

FRANCIS M. HIGMAN

1962

PIERRE BAYLE AND VOLTAIRE By

H T. MASON.

1963

THE GENESIS OF LE COUSIN PONS By

DONALD ADAMSON.

1966

LAMENNAIS AND ENGLAND By w. G. ROE. 1966

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 19 6 7

Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W.l GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON CAPE TOWN SALISBURY IBADAN NAIROBI LUSAKA ADDIS ABABA

PREFACE

BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA KUALA LUMPUR HONG KONG TOKYO

© Oxford University Press 1967

Printed in Great Britain at the University Printing House, Cambridge (Brooke Crutchley, University Printer)

book is a revised version of a thesis presented for the Degree of Bachelor of Letters at Oxford in 1964. It is a pleasure to be able to acknowledge the patient guidance and invaluable counsel given me in the preparation of the thesis by Dr. R. A. Sayee, without whose help it would never have been written. I should also like to thank many others who have assisted at one stage or another with suggestions, advice, and criticisms: Professor J. J. Seznec, Dr. Richard Griffiths, and M. Alain Dufour; Dr. T. D. Hemming and Mr. I. Macdonald, who read the work in manuscript; the Monographs Committee of the Modern Languages Faculty Board of Oxford, and especially its Chairman, Professor Reid; and the library staffs of the Bodleian and Taylorian Libraries, the British Museum, the Universite de Geneve, and the University of Bristol, for their unflagging help. I would also gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to the Department of Education and Science, or its predecessor the Ministry of Education, for the research grant on the strength of which the basic work was carried out. F.M.H. Bristol, 1966

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HIS

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CONTENTS page viii

Abbreviations Introduction I II

III IV

I

Organization and Argument

14

Vocabulary

47

Syntax

83

Imagery

12

Conclusion

153

Appendixes: A Calvin's reading public

165

3

B The styles of other Reformation polemists

17°

BIBLIOGRAPHY

177

INDEX OF WORDS AND PHRASES

18 3

GENERAL INDEX

188

INTRODUCTION

ABBREVIATIONS BHR: Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance BSHP: Bulletin de la Societe d' histoire du protestantisme franfais

BW: Bloch and Vvartburg: Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue franfaise FEW: Wartburg: Franzosisches Etymologisches W orterbuch HLF: Brunot: Histoire de la langue franfaise Hum. et Ren.: Humanisme et Renaissance (continued as BHR) RCC: Revue des Cours et Conferences RHLF: Revue d'histoire littes.aire de la France R.XVI: Revue du seizieme siecle THR: Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance

Abbreviations used in reference to works by Calvin are given on pp. 12 and 13

HE importance of Calvin's writings in the history of French literature needs no stressing today. The most influential leader of the French Reformation, expositor of a doctrinal system more close-knit than that of any other theologian of the period, he was also the most prolific, and indisputably the best, promulgator of his thought in written form at the time. I The publication of his Institution, at least of the second Latin edition in 1539 and its French translation in 1541, established his position as the leader of the French Reformation; and to him, as such, believers turned more and more for authoritative guidance on all matters of faith and morality. In consequence, Calvin had a wide, and attentive, reading public. Moreover, that public-for the first time in matters of theologywas largely without Latin, without extensive education, and literate only in French. The contribution of the Reformation to the development of the French language is well enough known;2 and in that contribution Calvin had the most important, though not the earliest, part. It is as a writer of French that Calvin had his widest direct influence: while his Latin works have had a deeper influence on theologians, his French works were responsible for spreading the Gospel as widely as possible among the people themselves. Since Calvin's reading public was so extensive, it is natural that we should wonder what sort of literary influence Calvin may have had, in addition to his theological influence. Even in modern times an author may introduce a new usage which, through its adoption by other authors in other contexts, may develop into a standard linguistic form. But in the sixteenth century, with the printed book still in its infancy, an individual author of originality could influence much more strongly the way in which the language developed,

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I An inventory of Genevan book stocks in 1570 shows that of 34,912 volumes listed, 97 items, totalling 10,418 volumes, were by Calvin; second on the list was Viret, with 21 items, totalling 3,472 volumes. (P. Chaix, Recherches sur l'imprimerie a Geneve (Geneva, 1954), p. 92.) That nearly one third of all the books stocked in Geneva were by Calvin implies a very large demand for his writings; Viret, one of the most 'popular' of the Reformation writers, comes as a poor second. 2 See F. Brunot, Histoire de la langue franfaise, 3rd edition (Paris, 1947), vol. II, pp. 14-21.

HSO

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

not only by provoking direct imitation but also, perhaps even more, by exemplifying certain qualities of prose, which could be assimilated-almost unconsciously-by the reader. This, in general, is the sort of indirect influence with which Calvin is implicitly credited by the literary historians who describe his Institution as the first monument of French prose. One of the intentions in the present study is to define some of the characteristics of Calvin's style which could have formed the basis of such a literary influence. Some definition of this potential influence has been given by the many critics who have commented on Calvin's style. A full survey of past comment would be superfluous here, since an excellent summary exists in J. Pannier's Calvin ecrivain. I I shall here summarize the consensus of opinion shown by Pannier, and then try to supplement his review where it appears to be incomplete. It is agreed that in many respects, especially in matters of syntax, Calvin is about a century ahead of his time: Pascal, Descartes and Bossuet are the nearest points of comparison. Almost every critic mentioned by Pannier emphasizes Calvin's clarity of thought, the precision of his vocabulary, and his brevity, or rather the concentration of meaning in his prose. Most of them comment on the logical cohesion of his argument and of his syntax, emphasizing Calvin's achievement in having 'taught the French language to reason' .2 The austerity and lack of ornamentation of his language is also prominent; and several critics note his striving (not always successful) towards simplicity in syntax. The resultant impression is a grave and massive dignity in the prose, heavy but noble: a prose which has its roots in Cicero, but which avoids the' Ciceronianizing' excesses of other Renaissance writers. Most of these comments arise from a consideration of the Institution only. Examination of Calvin's minor works, especially those written originally in French, makes it possible to add some details; commentators here tend to concentrate on Calvin's predilection for striking comparisons, familiar phrases and proverbs, and colloquialisms. The vivacity of Calvin's polemical style, and his frequent use of direct speech, are also noted.

To these generally eulogistic comments it should be added that many critics, while admiring much in Calvin's style, have stressed two faults. His polemic is not only vivacious, but unpleasantly violent;I and secondly, it is not only austere and unornamented, but cold and humourless. 2 Little has been added to these general comments on Calvin's style since Pannier wrote in 1930. The most succinct recent comment is perhaps that by L. Cazamian, 3 who gives in three pages a balanced and perceptive summary of Calvin's style, pointing in particular to the court-room quality of some of Calvin's argumentation. 4 Finally, there is a brief article by M. Raymond on 'Calvin prosateur',S which notes four dominant features: the fact that language was to Calvin an instrument for the expression of truth, not (as with Rabelais and Montaigne) a means of exploration and discovery; the logic, and the legal phraseology, in Calvin's absolute formulations of his claims; the liveliness of his illustrations from 'la condition la plus quotidienne de l'homme'; and the sonorous rhythm of which he is capable: 'la spiritualite de Calvin donne a sa prose des ailes, des prolongements inattendus, elle la conduit a des trouvailles d'expression'. This tradition of criticism is concerned with the characterization in general terms of Calvin's style. The most significant features are described and illustrated by brief quotations. In all cases the critics are writing of the literary effects produced by the prose rather than of the linguistic means used to achieve those effects. Alongside the literary critics, another school of writers has examined selected aspects of his language. The earliest scholars in the field were two

2

I Paris, 1930, pp. 14-31. I list the relevant critical material in the Bibliography. 2 Cf. A. Tilley, The Literature of the French Renaissance, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1904), vol. I, p. 224.

3

I As Bossuet wrote, 'son eloquence n'a este en rien plus feconde qu'en injures'. Cf. Brunetiere, 'L'ffiuvre de Calvin', Revue des deux mondes (Oct. 1900), pp. 905-6. 2 'Son stile qui estoit plus triste [que celui de Luther] estoit aussi beaucoup plus suivi et plus chatie' (Bossuet, Histoire des variations (Paris, 1688), vol. II, p. 52); 'sa parole est amere, incisive, saccadee ; partout vous retrouverez ce fond d'acrete bilieuse et penetrante ' (Lenient, La. Satire. en France . .. au. seizieme siecle (Paris, 1866), p. 169); 'cette plalsantene lourde et maSSIve, tres rare du reste' (E. Faguet Le Seizieme Siecle (Paris, n.d.), p. 193). ' 3 A History of French Literature (Oxford, 1955), pp. 71-74. 4 'The born-and-bred lawyer wants to put his case aptly and to destroy error, as an adversary's fallacy is crushed ... That Calvin has no objection to the tricks of special pleading we realize from the clever management of his dedicatory" Epistre au Roy", in which the burden of proof is so deftly shifted to the other party' (p. 73). 5 Journal de Geneve, 11-12 July 1959.

1-2

1 INTRODUCTION

4

Germans: Karl Grosse, 'Syntaktische Studien zu Calvin', I and F. Haase, 'Syntaktische Notizen zu Jean Calvin'2 (a reply to the first article). These articles are purely descriptive, without summaries or conclusions of any sort. A more valuable contribution is Huguet's Etude sur la syntaxe de Rabelais comparee d celie des autres prosateurs de 1450 a 155°,3 in which Calvin is one of the authors studied. As one would expect, Calvin proves in many respects to be more' advanced' than most of his contemporaries; but also-and even though the Calvin text used is the 1560 Institution, in which the language had been modernized-Huguet finds many cases where Calvin's French, like that of Rabelais, is archaic for its time. In almost all cases, however, a reason can be found in his striving for clarity of expression. 4 Huguet is also responsible for the closest study of colloquial elements in Calvin's language, in 'La Langue familiere chez Calvin'.5 This article, which prefigures in arrangement the author's more general work Le Langage figure au seizieme siecle, 6 gives extensive examples to illustrate the main elements of popular language (almost entirely a matter of figurative sxpressions) used by Calvin: proverbs, idiomatic expressions and comparisons, scenes from everyday life; he then analyses some of the uses to which these expressions are put-vivacity of pace, striking descriptions of his adversaries, and the castigation of vice. We shall return to this article in the chapter on Calvin's imagery. A further article on more or less the same subject is that by Ch. Guerlin de Guer, 'Sur la langue du Picard Jean Calvin'. 7 This adds a few examples to Huguet's collection of colloquialisms; but on the other hand it is full of inaccuracies of fact and unwarranted I Archiv jur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen (Herrigs Archiv), LXI (1879), 243-9 6 . 2 Zeitschrijt jur jranzosische Sprache und Literatur, XXII (1900), 193-

23°·

Paris, 1894. For example, Calvin, like Rabelais, makes much use of such forms as icelui, icelle and soi instead of disjunctive lui, elle, and of lequel, etc., for relative qui; but Rabelais's picturesque archaisms such as arrive qu'il jut are rarely found in Calvin; and in some cases (almost invariable use of pronoun subject, avoidance of inversion of verb and noun direct object, and in general the adoption of a standardized word order) Calvin is in advance of his contemporaries. 5 RHLF, XXIII (1916), 27-52. 6 Paris, 1933. . 7 Le Franfais moderne, v (1937), 303-16. 3

4

I

INTRODUCTION

5

deductions; and some of its best general comments are copied without acknowledgement from Abel Lefranc. I Finally, among these linguistic studies, is the more specialized work by J.-W. Marmelstein, Etude comparative des textes latins et franfais de l'Institution de la Religion chrestienne par Jean Calvin,2 an exhaustive and scholarly examination of the successive editions of the Institution, primarily intended to prove (successfully, I think) the authenticity of the 1560 translation. Thus we have, on the one hand, surveys of Calvin's work from a literary point of view, in general terms of qualities of style, and concerned with effects rather than with the linguistic means used to achieve those effects; and, on the other, more detailed studies concerned primarily with Calvin's linguistic habits, the vocabulary and syntax which he uses. The only attempt made so far to bridge this gap is H. Ruff's Die franzosischen Briefe Calvins: Versuch einer stylistischen Analyse. 3 Frl. Ruff classifies Calvin's correspondence by recipient or purpose and examines each group, estimating the degree and quality of feeling which inspired them, in relation to the language used; then, in an extended conclusion, 4 she lists the salient features of Calvin's epistolary prose and examines the effects he obtains by them. This study, though entirely different in method, is closely related to the present one. The main difference lies, of course, in the texts on which the analysis is based. The emphases are correspondingly different, and in a sense the studies are complementary.

* *

*

So, while Calvin's style has frequently been the object of general comments, much remains to be done in studying in detail what are the characteristics of that style. Such an examination is invited by the interest that Calvin himself took in questions of style both in other writers and in his own work. Several scholars have demonstrated Calvin's sensitivity to stylistic effects. 5 But while he admires the literary qualities of I Compare de Guer, p. 303, and Lefranc, LaJeunesse de Calvin (Paris, 1888), p. 78; de Guer, p. 304, and Lefranc, Calvin et l'eloquence jranfaise (Paris, 1934), p. 25. 2 Groningen and the Hague, 1921. 3 Glarus, 1937. 4 Pp. 95-II7. 5 For collections of Calvin's remarks on the style of various authors, sacred and secular, see Ruff, Diejranztisischen Brieje Calvins, pp. 7~, and especially L. Wencelius, L'Esthetique de Calvin (Paris, 1937), pp. 345-58.

, INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

Seneca and Cicero and of some Church Fathers, he makes an exception in the case of the Bible. Here, he believed that the lack of elegance and polish in the language of most of the books was intentional, so that the truth expressed could be more clearly and more effectively seen,1 without the form distracting the reader's attention (although there was a place for beauty in the Scriptures, for example Isaiah and the Psalms). On a similar principle, he maintained that his own work to present the same truth was also without attractive, and deceptive, ornament:

this gap between the abstract doctrine and the non-intellectual reader? When he states that his aim is 'donner plus claire et facile intelligence', does he imply that the truth, clearly stated, is sufficient to convince? If he does keep within his own definition of his style, how do we explain his marked success? and if he does not, what other factors are allowed to contribute to the effect? Finally, is it possible to ascertain whether and how far his methods, in either case, are conscious applications of a technique of writing, and how far they are natural and spontaneous? We are encouraged to ask these questions by a passage in Calvin's preface to Viret's Disputations Chrestiennes published in 1544. 1 The passage is a long one, but deserves quotation at length, since it is full of implications which may be at variance with the passage quoted on the previous page, and also since it is Calvin's fullest statement of his attitude to polemical writing:

6

Ie me suis efforce Ie plus que i'ay peu, de m'accommoder ala rudesse des petis, pour lesquelz principallement ie travailloye. Ainsi les Anabaptistes ne pourront pas caviller ... que ie les aye voulu gaigner par subtilite, ou les opprimer par artifice d'eloquence humaine: veu que i'ay tenu une fac;on autant populaire et simple qu'on la sauroit souhaiter ... Or pour les. rendre bien confus [les Anabaptistes], il n'y a meilleur moyen, que d'exposer et deduire les matieres distinctement et par certain ordre demenerun poinct apres I'autre: bien poiser et regarder de pres les sentences de l' escriture, pour en tirer Ie vray sens et naturel, user d'une simplicite et rondeur de parolle, qui ne soit point eslongnee du language commun ... Quant a moy, ie cohfesse, qu'en tant qu'en moy est, ie m'estudie a disposer par ordre ce que ie dy, afin d'en donner plus claire et facile intelligence. (Anab. VII, 139-40.) Thus, on the one hand, Calvin is not insensitive to the effects to be obtained by style (in the sense of eloquentia); but on the other, he denies that he has exploited these effects in his writings. This raises a problem. It is generally agreed that Calvin's doctrine is conceived in abstract, intellectual terms to a much greater degree than that of any other leading Reformer (Luther comes particularly to mind). Yet a considerable proportion of the reading public that Calvin is writing to-les petis, he calls them-were untrained in the practice of abstract thought, and a most unpromising field for his doctrine. 2 How then does he achieve the bridging of 1 Cf. for example the following passage from Calvin's Commentary on 1 Corinthians: Videmus Deum ita ab initio ordinasse, ut evangelium omni eloquentiae subsidio nudum administraretur ... Duas potissimum rationes invenio: altera est ut in rudi et impolito sermone magis conspicua appareret veritatis suae maiestas, et sola. spiritus efficacia absque externis adminiculis in hominum animos penetraret. (Op. omn. XLIX,

321.)

2 In Appendix A an analysis of Calvin's potential reading public is given in more detail.

7

11 est a noter qu'on dispute des matieres de la Chrestiente en deux sortes: premierement, en taxant les folIes superstitions qui sont survenues entre les Chrestiens soubz umbre de la religion, lesquelles toutesfoys ne sont que corruptions d'icelle, pour la renverser et destruire. Secondement, en monstrant la simple et pure verite, selon qu'elle nous est revelee de Dieu par sa saincte parolle. Quant a ceste seconde espece, il est certain qu'incontinent que nous avons ouvert la bouche pour parler de Dieu, nulle facetie ne doit entrer en noz propoz: mais devons, en tout ce que nous disons, demonstrer quelle reverence nous portons a sa Maieste, ne prononceant un seul mot que en crainte et humilite. Mais en descifrant les superstitions et folies dont Ie povre monde a este embrouille par cy devant, il ne se peut faire qu'en parlant de matieres si ridicules on ne s'en rie a pleine bouche. Bien est vray qu'il y a bien aussi occasion de plorer et gemir: d'autant que ce n'est pas ieu, que la gloire de Dieu ayt este ainsi obscurcie, et sa verite eternelle, laquelle nous doit estre en singuliere recommandation, ayt este ainsi abolie par mensonges infiniz: que tant de povres ames ayent este menees de Satan en ruine et damnation. Mais I'un ne empesche pas I'autre, qu'en ayant tristesse telle que nous devons, de reduire en memoire comme Dieu a este ainsi blaspheme, ayant aussi pitie et compassion de la calamite OU Ie monde a este si long temps, et est encore a present: neantmoins en racontant des resveries si sottes et des badinages tant ineptes, nous usions de moqueries telles qu'ilz les meritent ... 11 nous est bien licite d'user d'un style plus bas. (IX, 865-6.) 1

The preface is given in Opera omnia,

IX,

863-6.

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

Calvin is here approving a separation of styles in accordance with subject matter-a technique of writing which is likely to influence considerably the impression made by the work on the reader. He stresses here the justification of humorous treatment of heterodox subjects, since the book to which this is the preface relies mainly on humour for its effect; but is there a modified version of this theory which would apply to Calvin himself? What influence may a 'style plus bas' have in the economy of Calvin's work of persuasion? I

acknowledged master of prose writing, who is using language as a tool for the expression of what he believes to be the truth, and with the intention of convincing the reader of that truth. What are the techniques and the resources of language which he exploits in order to achieve this 'effective speaking'? What, in fact, are the rhetorical means which Calvin has at his disposal? But, on the other hand, style is more than an outer covering to a core of ideas, more than merely a vehicle for the transmission of a message which existed in a 'pre-literary' form. The style of a work is an integral part of a unique expression of the writer's experience or vision; and this is true whether the work exploits rhetorical effects, or whether it is 'unrhetorical'. Thus we come to the second, psychological level of interpretation. Buffon's statement that' Ie style est l'homme meme', although hackneyed, is still true within certain limits; a writer reveals the cast of his thought in the quality of his language. His conscious choice of literary resources may reveal something of his intellectual or moral standards; and even more, the unconscious selections shown in his normal range of vocabulary may be relevant to the quality of his thoughtabstract or empirical, conditioned by emotion or coldly intellectual. His ability to order syntax will reflect his ability to order thought. His choice of imagery, if any, may have reference to his mode of experience, and may illustrate his imaginative capabilities. Calvin is perhaps outstandingly suited to this approach. The skilful novelist may be revealing more of the mind of his characters than of his own in his images: some of the images in Madame Bovary are processed through Emma's mind as well as through Flaubert's. But Calvin is not concerned with the illusion of fiction; he is writing about a truth of which he is entirely convinced, and which he has made a part of himself, of his own way of thinking. As Cazamian says, I 'there never was a closer association between language and thought. The temper of the man and the doctrine of the teacher are woven with the instincts of the artist into an inseparable unity.' Of course it is hardly to be hoped that any radically new picture of Calvin can be formed, when numerous biographers have assessed Calvin's character time and again. But the very number of biographers, representing a considerable variance of opinion, may justify another attempt to present at least a partial

8

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The intention in this study is to attempt an answer to some of these questions. In the first chapter some general qualities of the organization of Calvin's polemical treatises and of the arguments he uses will be examined. This analysis seeks to establish the central importance of questions of style in Calvin's work as a whole, and its relationship to other aspects of that work. This is followed by a study in turn of his vocabulary; syntax and imagery. The starting point is the linguistic categories of parts of speech and syntactic phenomena; but these vyjll be considered not simply as linguistic facts, but rather in terms of their significance-through their frequency of use or emphasis in other ways-as stylistic dominants or style markers. A complete linguistic description will not therefore be presented: only those elements which have stylistic significance will be treated. This significance may be studied at two levels, as we consider the text primarily in relation to the reader-the' literary' plane-or in relation to the author-the 'psychological' plane. Starting as we do from the text itself, it is impossible in practice to separate these two levels, since a linguistic phenomenon may be significant on both levels. However, it is desirable to clarify forthwith this duality of purpose. On the one hand, we are examining the work of an I It is interesting to compare Calvin's principles with those of Pascal in his defence of the light tone of the Lettres provinciales: ' Je vous prie de considerer que, comme les veritez chrestiennes sont dignes d'amour et de respect, les erreurs qui leur sont contraires sont dignes de mepris et de haine ... C'est pourquoy comme les Saints ont toujours pour la verite ces deux sentimens d'amour et de crainte, ... les Saints ont aussi pour l'erreur ces deux sentimens de haine et de mepris, et leur zele s'employe egalement a repousser avec force la malice des impies, et a confondre avec risee leur egarement et leur folie.' (From the eleventh Provinciale, Les Provinciales de Pascal, ed. H. F. Stewart (Manchester, 1951), p. 122.)

I

A History of French Literature, p. 71.

9

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

view of this many-sided man, seen from an angle that has never yet been fully explored. I

played many roles in Geneva: a friend capable of exciting passionate loyalty, pastor, legislator, diplomatist-political as well as ecclesiastical-and theologian. In each of these roles certain traits of character were bound to be uppermost; and we are by no means covering the whole range of Calvin's functions. Even within the limits of his attitude to theological controversy there is a dichotomy: 'so long as the differences were capable of being composed, Calvin shows an admirably eirenical spirit. Once hope of concord was abandoned, he relapses with some suddenness into the prevailing acrimony of tone with which disputes were commonly conducted, as though ... his patience were exhausted.' I Most of the treatises which come within our scope are unfortunately in the second of these categories; and in the resulting picture the eirenical aspect of his character will not appear fully. This is a sense in which the present study is complementary to that of Frl. Ruff.

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The French polemical works of Calvin have been selected as a basis for this study from among the vast range of his literary production because they form a manageable group of relatively homogeneous material, and because-with certain reservationsthey provide particularly clear answers to the questions we are asking. In the polemical works, more directly than elsewhere, Calvin is concerned not only to state but to influence; here, more than anywhere, the effect to be made on the reader is a primary concern. The expository works-most of the Institution, some treatises, and the commentaries-are concerned mainly with an unambiguous statement of doctrine; the letters are so varied in intention and recipient that few general conclusions can be drawn; the sermons, being almost always impromptu commentaries, have less unity of purpose, and in any case hardly any were actually written by Calvin: they were recorded and edited by his secretaries without his aid and indeed without hi~ real approval. The polemical works, on the other hand, represent a concentrated effort to reach out to his readers, to impress on them the truths more technically defined elsewhere; they contain his most direct appeals for a conversion to his way of thought; and they show the greatest effort to refute the errors of his opponents. Not only are they his most forceful works; they also provide the most variety of technique and intention within a clearly defined scope. The range is not unlimited, of course; but we shall find the expository, the hortatory, the argumentative, and the denunciatory all included, and all expressed with a particular urgency which will make their analysis easier and clearer. Because of the directness of their appeal to the reader, the polemical works are thus particularly suited to a study of the modes of that appeal and of the underlying attitudes, the view of the world, of the author. One limitation must, however, be stressed in this respect. Insofar as this study makes suggestions about Calvin's character, reference only to the polemical texts means that some aspects of his character will receive undue prominence. Calvin I Although reference must be made to Doumergue's move in this direction in Le Caractere de Calvin (2nd edit. Neuilly, 193 I), pp. 27 sqq.

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It remains to specify which texts have in fact been used as a basis for this study; and this calls for a clearer definition of 'polemical treatises'. It may be maintained that in a certain sense all of Calvin's writings were polemical. This would however stretch the word beyond usefulness, and our study beyond manageable proportions. Omitting (for the reasons given earlier) the expository works (which must include the Petit Traite de la Sainte Cene, despite its masterly qualities), the letters and sermons, I have selected those works in which Calvin is engaged on questions of direct controversy, with stated opponents, whether these be individuals, heretical sects, or the Roman Church. Of these treatises a number were written in Latin and translated into French (the De Scandalis is the best known). In almost every such case we either know that Calvin did not himself translate the work or have no information on the identity of the translator. Probably they were usually prepared by a secretary and corrected by Calvin. The French text of these treatises thus provides an unsure basis for a stylistic study, and should be omitted. However, the specifically polemical works originally written in French form a large enough group to justify general conclusions, I

J.

K. S. Reid, in the General Introduction to Calvin: Theological

Treatises (London, 1954), p. 16.

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

and these therefore form the corpus for this study. These texts, arranged in chronological order, are as follows: I '

5. 1545· Contre la secte phantastique et furieuse des Libertins. Qui se nomment spirituelz. VII, 145-248. Short title: Contre les Libertins. Republished once. Abbreviation: Lib. 6. 1547. Epistre . .. contre un certain Cordelier suppost de la secte [des Libertins]: lequel est prisonnier a Roan. VII, 341-64. Short title: Epistre contre un Cordelier. (Appeared as an appendix to the second edition of Contre les Libertins. ) Abbreviation: Epis. Cord. 7. 1549· Advertissement contre l'Astrologie, qu'on appelle Iudiciaire: et autres curiositez qui regnent auiourd'huy au monde. VII, 5°9-42. Short title: Contre l'Astrologie Iudiciaire. Abbreviation: Astrol. Iud. 8. 1552. Quatre Sermons de M. Iehan Calvin, traictans des matieresfort utiles pour nostre temps. I Sermon I: Auquel tous Chrestiens sont exhortez de fuir l'idolatrie exterieure. VIII, 369-{)2. Short title: Quatre Sermons. Abbreviation: 4 Serm. 9. 1556. Reformation pour imposer silence a un certain belistre nomme Antoine Cathelan iadis cordelier d'Albigeois. IX, 121-36. Short title: Reformation contre Cathelan. Abbreviation: Ref. Cath. 10. [1557]. Response a certaines calomnies et blasphemes, dont quelques malins s' efforcent de rendre la doctrine de la predestination de Dieu odieuse. LVIII, 199-206. Short title: Response a certaines calomnies. (Castellio made reference to this work in 1557; but the only known edition dates from 1562: see IX, xxvi-xxxi, and the Prolegomena to vol. LVIII.) Abbreviation: Cal. et Bias. I I. 1562. Response a un certain Holandois, lequel sous ombre de faire les Chrestiens tout spirituels, leur permet de polluer leur corps en toutes idolatries. IX, 581-628. Short title: Response a un Holandois. (This is related in subject matter to Contre les Libertins and to the Excuse aux Nicodemites.) Abbreviation: Resp. Hoi.

12

I. 1543. Advertissement tresutile du grand proffit qui reviendroit a la Chrestiente, s'il se faisoit inventoire de tous les corps sainctz, et reliques, qui sont tant en Italie qu'en France, Allemaigne, Hespaigne, et autres VI, 4°5-52. Royaumes et pays. Short title: Traite des Reliques. Republished five times before 1600. 2 Abbreviation used in references: Rei. 2. 1543. Petit traicte monstrant que c'est que doitfaire un homme fidele congnoissant la verite de I' evangile: quand il est entre les papistes, Avec une Epistre du mesme argument. VI, 537-88. Short title: Petit Traite. Republished twice. Abbreviation: Pet. Tr. 3. 1544· Excuse de Iehan Calvin, a Messieurs les Nicodemites, sur la complaincte qu'ilz font de sa trop grand' rigueur. VI, 589-614. Short title: Excuse aux Nicodemites. Republished twice (once in conjunction with above). Abbreviation: Nic.

4. 1544· Brieve instruction, pour ar::ner tous bons fideles contre les erreurs de la secte commune des Anabaptistes. VII, 45-142. Short title: Contre les Anabaptistes. Republished once. Abbreviation: Anab. I Since first, or even contemporary, editions of Calvin's French works are extremely rare and scattered, I use for all references the Corpus Reformatorum edition of his works: Iohannis Calvini Opera quae supersunt omnia, ed. Baum, Cunitz and Reuss, 59 vols. (Brunswick, 1863-1900) (referred to as Opera omnia). All references are by volume and column number (e.g. VII, 163). When it is necessary to refer to the Institution, either the original 1541 version or the 1560 definitive edition has been used. The 1541 version was re-edited in 1911 by A. Lefranc; this edition retains the pagination of the original almost exactly. Reference is by page number (e.g. Inst. 1541, p. 325). There are numerous good editions of the 1560 version of the Institution, the latest being that of Prof. J.-D. Benoit (5 vols., Paris, 1957-63). In accordance with general practice, I give references to this version by part, chapter and paragraph (e.g. Inst. 1560; I. vii. 12). 2 The number of known editions (the details are drawn from the Prolegomena to the respective volumes of the Opera omnia) gives a rough guide to the popularity of the work. The figure does not include translations, nor the Recueil des opuscules, c'est a dire, Petits Traictez de M. lean Calvin (Geneva, Pinereul, 1566), which is a complete French edition of Calvi n's treatises.

13

I I include this work because, unlike the majority of his sermons, it appears to have been published by Calvin himself. Sermon I, with which we are concerned, is related to the Excuse aux Nicodemites and to the Petit Traite.

ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT

I ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT l' ayme mieux me tenir a la simplicite de l'escriture, pour enseigner ce qui est expedient de savoir, que d'extravaguer en (Anab. VII, 123.) l'air, pour estre veu subtil.

would be vain to look in Calvin's treatises for a formal arrangement which would satisfy modern taste. We would not find an introduction of the theme followed by its subdivisions, nor a symmetrical grouping of parts of chapters with a nice balance between them, nor a gradual progression to a final climax. But while proportion, balance, aesthetic form may be lacking, a form there nonetheless is: a form which suggests that clarity of understanding is a primary aim. From the point of view of structure Calvin's polemical treatises fa11 into two groups. In some cases (Traite des Reliques, Petit Traite, Excu.se aux Nicodemit~s, Contre l'Astrologie Iudiciaire) Calvin creates his own structure; In others (Contre les Anabaptistes, Contre les Libertins, Response a un Holandois, Reformation contre Cathelan) he is writing an ans~er to a pamphlet from the adversary, and the form of the treatise is usually based on that of the work he is refuting. Contre les Anabaptistes attacks in turn the seven points of Anabaptist faith propounded and published by their leade~s, and ad~s two which are not mentioned by them but which are basIc elements of Anabaptist belief. The Response a un Holandois and the Reformation contre Cathelan, both replies to hostile tracts, take points as they arise from the opposition. Contre les Libertins is more developed: in the four major sections of the treatise, Calvin discusses the origins and antecedents of the sect, their general characteristics, their specific doctrines, and quotations from their works. He always ensures that the reader is aware of the overall structure of the work. Contre les Anabaptistes is prefaced by a summary of the contents, which is reflected in the body of the treatise. In Contre les Libertins chapter headings are introduced (' Quelle

I

T

15

auctorite donnent les Libertins ala saincte Escriture', for example); and major changes of subject are announced: II est temps de venir ala deduction des matieres qui sont comme articles de foy en ceste malheureuse secte. (Lib. VII, 178.) The treatises where Calvin does not start from an opponent's text also have a clearly defined structure. The Traite des Reliques opens with a theological introduction discussing the right attitude towards relics; and the rest of the work is a catalogue of the relics, treated in 'order of preference': first Christ (birth, life, Crucifixion, Resurrection); the Virgin Mary; St. Michael (afin qu'ilface compagnie a la vierge Marie); St. John the Baptist, the Apostles, and so on. The Petit Traite and the Excuse aux Nicodemites are attacks on an attitude of mind rather than a specific document or body of teaching, and so are less simply organized; but here too (e.g. in a survey of the Christian's life in the Petit Traite, a discussion in turn of four categories of Nicodemites in the Excuse) the concern with a plan, and a clear plan, is apparent. Calvin varied the structure of his treatises according to each individual case; and thus few generalizations can be made about their pattern. Before their organization is examined in more detail, however, one constant element deserves note. In each work, before any doctrinal discussion is reached, a perspective is provided for the reader from which to view that discussion; the reader is orientated to accept Calvin's viewpoint. Treatises frequently begin with a reference to a biblical text or author, or to a Church Father: St. Augustine in the Traite des Reliques, the Book of Proverbs in the Excuse aux Nicodemites, St. Paul in the preface to Contre les Libertins and Contre I'Astrologie Iudiciaire. Calvin's scriptural stand is clear from the first. In the Excuse, the first point he makes is not concerning doctrine, but his own position: he stresses that those who rejected his arguments in the Petit Traite are not rejecting Calvin, but God: Hz ne pensent point, que ce n'est pas a moy qu'ilz ont a faire: mais que Dieu est leur partie. Or, en repliquant contre luy, il est certain qu'ilz ne font que regimber contre l'esperon. Que gaignent ilz donc amurmurer, que ie leur suis trop rude? veulent ilz que ie les benisse, en ce que Dieu les condamne? Et quand ie Ie feray, dequoy leur servira mon absolution? Car ce n'est pas a moy de vivifier ce que nostre Seigneur condamne a mort: ny d'adoulcir sa sentence, comme pour corriger la rigueur (Nic. VI, 596.) d'icelle.

)

16

ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT

ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT

From the opening pages, the position of Calvin not as an autonomous individual but as the representative of God's Word is emphasized. Calvin's preamble to Contre les Anabaptistes makes this very evident. The Anabaptists, he says, are always protesting their fidelity to the Word of God. He approves the sentiment, agreeing that this attitude is essential to true doctrine. But we must 'try the spirits whether they are of God' :

se cuide faire valoir, desgorgeant ala volee contre nous toutes les iniures qu'il peut forger ou qu'on luy souffle en l'oreille, et faisant gagner quelque Imprimeur affame, a en infecter Ie monde, moyennant que1que escot qu'il en a pour son butin. (Ref. Cath. IX, 125.)

Touchant de ces povres phantastiques, qui se vantent si fort d'avoir la parolle de Dieu pour eux: Ie faict demonstre comment il en va. II y a desia long temps que nous sommes apres a travailler continuellement que ceste saincte parolle soit remise au dessus: et soustenons un combat contre tout Ie monde pour ce faire. Eux, quel advancement ont ilz faict, ou en quoy ont ilz ayde a cela? Mais plustot au contraire ilz nous ont empeschez et destourbez. En sorte qu'on ne sauroit dire, de quoy ilz ont profite, sinon de reculer icelle parolle, d'autant qu'elle estoit advancee par nous. (Anab. VII, 56.) Thus 'we' are workers for the truth; and their claims must be judged by their conformity to our teaching. If the reader accepts this point of view, then Calvin's battle is already won. The Scriptural arguments of the Anabaptists are in fact very skilful, as the reader may perceive later in the work: 'les arguments bibliques des Anabaptistes lui ont donne bien du fil a retordre, quelle qu'ait ete son ingeniosite.' I Thus it is all the more important for Calvin to open the treatise by establishing this view in the reader's mind, that he, and the Reformed Church, represent the true Word, and that if the Anabaptists differ, then they are either povres phantastiques or instruments of the Devil. The corollary of Calvin's establishing of his own position is the denigration of the opponents; and this also features in the opening pages of each treatise. The first part of the Reformation contre Cathelan describes in lurid terms Cathelan's passage through Switzerland; the very first sentence is a resonant diatribe which sets the tone for what is to follow: Combien qu'auiourd'huy beaucoup de sottes bestes se meslent de brouiller Ie papier, tellement que tantost les gens sayans auront honte de faire rien imprimer : toutesfois, a grand'peine trouvera-on qui surmonte un certain belistre, nomme Antoine Cathe1an, iadis cordelier en Albigeois, a present se disant estre Prestre seculier: lequel toutesfois I Fr. Wendel, Calvin, sources et evolution de sa pensee religieuse (Paris, 1950), p. 24 6.

17

Contre les Libertins is the most developed example of Calvin's method in this respect: of the twenty-four chapters of the treatise the first ten are devoted to generalities, and it is only in Chapter XI that we reach any specific discussion of Libertine doctrine. Before that Calvin has compared the Libertines with various heretical sects of the first centuries of our era; given a history of the movement (i.e. a denunciation of the Libertine leaders Quintin and Pocques), an explanation of their success (' Comment il se peut faire, que ceste secte tant bestiale ait si grand nombre d'adherens '), a description of their use of language, and so on. By the time the pious reader reaches the doctrinal differences which are the basis of Calvin's disagreement with the Libertines, he is already persuaded of the totally evil nature of the sect. The first move in every treatise is, then, the discrediting of the adversary, and the corresponding elevation of his own status.

*

*

*

After this preliminary orientation, Calvin proceeds to the argument proper. As has been said, the general pattern of each treatise varies according to the particular circumstances of that treatise's composition, so that generalizations about formal planning are fruitless. What may be achieved, however, is an analysis of the various principles and techniques which underlie Calvin's argument, seen through their various applications. What are the grounds on which he bases his discussion, to what criteria does he appeal? A point of technique arises first, one that is related to the attitudes expressed in his exordium. We may call it a polarization of the subject. That is to say, he will define, or redefine, an opponent's ) viewpoint in such a way as to emphasize its contradiction with what he himself holds. In his attack on Libertine doctrine, he states not only what the Libertines have specifically preached, but also the intention which he ascribes to their teaching. For example, in general, communalism among the extremist Anabaptists had been -after the disaster at Miinster-a cautiously circumscribed principle. But Calvin presents their teaching in the following terms: z

HSO

ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT

ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT

Ces enragez viennent ainsi a renverser tout ordre, voulant oster toute distinction de biens, faisant de tout Ie monde comme d'une forest de brigans, ou sans compter ne sans payer, chacun prenne comme sien ce qu'il pourra avoir ... que tout fust mis en un monceau comme en confus ... Leur but est de mettre tout en confusion. (Lib. VII, 216-18.)

Thus the argument is polarized by Calvin from the outset. Two comments may be made: first, that this process in fact deforms the adversary's case, so that the object of Calvin's attack is frequently not the actual teaching of the heretics at all. As so often happens in polemic, a man of straw is invented in order to make the refutation clearer. I Secondly, the ascription to the adversaries of a specifically diabolical motive is not casual: it has its theological justification in Calvin's thought. This is seen in the first chapter of Contre les Libertins, where two accusations are made side by side: on the one hand the heretics are presented as ignorant (and thus could be wellmeaning); but on the other, they are the tools of the Devil; and as such they enter into the conflict of Good and Evil as active weapons for ill:

18

To him the idea of communal sharing of possessions must lead to a self-interested free-for-all, since sinful humanity is inevitably drawn in this direction: thus, to him, this confusion is their aim. He takes no account of the Libertine point that such communalism is only practicable among the regenerate, those who have been granted spiritual perfection. Such a notion is entirely foreign to his theology, and it is summarily rejected. In consequence the teaching that Calvin is attacking becomes not an attractive, if naive, belief in the Kingdom of God in this world, but a diabolical plan to destroy the very foundation of society. Similarly, the Libertines taught a form of quietism evolved from the doctrine of the Omnipotence of God: all things are in the power of God, and therefore we can do nothing but wait upon the Lord. It could be suggested that, as this stands, it is a more reasonable deduction from Calvin's own teaching on predestination than Calvin himself gave. But it clearly has radical faults in its consequences: and it is the consequences Calvin imputes to the Libertine teaching which he stresses in the following: En somme, il pretend ace seul but, d'oster discretion du bien et du mal, a ce qu'on ne face plus conscience de rien, quand on attribuera Ie tout aDieu. (Epis. Cord. VII, 353·) Objectively the radicals of the Reformation in general did not have this seul but: most of them believed in the purity, and therefore the freedom from sin, of the perfected Christian. But it is an inevitable consequence of their doctrine that such teaching will have such effects, especially to one who does not accept the idea of the perfected Christian in this life: and by stressing the anti-Christian nature of the consequence, the question under debate is placed in the clear light of an opposition. I I Calvin's accusation is not entirely false in all cases. But, significantly, he has grouped together in the Libertins a considerable variety o.f mystica~ tendencies, and ascribed to all the excesses of some. See G. JauJard, Essm sur les libertins spirituels de Geneve (Paris, 1890); H. Busson, Les Sources et le developpement du rationalisme dans la litterature franfaise de la Renaissance (1533-1601) (Paris, 1922), pp. 315-44; and G. H. Williams, The Radical Reformation (London, 19 6 2), pp. 35 1-5, 59 8- 60 1.

19

II est vray que ce sont gens ignorans et idiotz, qui n'ont pas tant visite les papiers qu'ilz ayent peu apprendre leurs follies de la ... Mais Ie mesme maistre, qui avoit iadis suscite les anciens heretiques, que i'ay diet, leur a bien peu apprendre une telle le90n qu'il avoit appris a ceux lao (Lib.

VII,

153.)

On this level any view expressed by those in disagreement with the 'official' Reformation doctrine is not only erroneous: it is a positive act of wickedness, since it is ultimately inspired by the Devil. Hence the simple parish priest, showing, in all sincerity, what he believes to be the venerable relics of a saint for the edification of the faithful, becomes a liar, directly attacking the honour of God and intentionally betraying his congregation. 2 Thus the Anabaptist who claims that he should not be a magistrate, since the physical, temporal sword should not be wielded by the Christian, is renouncing God ;3 likewise a single fault on our part is proof of our active denial of God's supremacy: La faute se doit mesurer et poiser de ce que nous contrevenons au plaisir de Dieu, aneantissant son auctorite par contemnement entant qu'en nous est. (Pet. Tr. VI, 567.) I 'II faut remarquer du reste que ni les uns ni les autres ne tenaient compte des positions veritables de l'adversaire, et qu'ils s'obstinaient it. combattre des theses que Ie parti adverse n'avait, Ie plus souvent, jamais songe it. defendre.' (Wendel, Calvin, p. 73.) Wendel is here discussing the controversy with Westphal, but the same principle is frequently at work. 2 See the Traite des Reliques, passim: words like menteur, mensonge, 3 Anab. VII, 84. falsifier, siduire appear on almost every page.

2-2

20

ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT

When therefore Calvin approaches a theological debate, he is not concerned to sort out the wheat from the chaff, to separate valid elements of, say, Anabaptist doctrine from erroneous elements: he is upholding the truth of the Gospel against a structure erected by the Devil and therefore inevitably, in its totality, an attack on the Christian religion. I The first move in discussion is thus the polarization of the opponent's position, making th~ confrontation cl~ar-cut, and also ascribing the worst possible motives to the other side. To tUrI~ now to the principles of the argument: in what ways does Calvin set about the upholding of the truth?

*

*

*

There are occasions where the main burden of a refutation is carried by simple common sense. The whole of the Traite des Reliques, apart from the introductory section. de:oted to a theological discussion of the proper attitude to rehcs, .IS based on such an appeal. Two questions consta~tly reappear: If tW? (or ~ore~ places claim to have the same rehc, 'how can we beheve either. And is it likely that a given object should hav.e been preserved ~s a relic? Of the first question examples are avadable everywhere In the treatise: six churches claim the shroud of Our Lord; there are fourteen nails said to have been used on the Cross; at least two churches claim to have the body of any given Apostle. An example of the second question is Calvin's discussion of the seamless robe for which the soldiers cast lots at the foot of the Cross. The soldiers were sharing Christ's garments for their own use, says Calvin: Qu'ilz me sachent adire, qui a este Ie Chrestien qui les ayt rachepte des (Rel. VI, 42 3.) gendarmes, tant Ie saye que les autres vestemens. . . Moreover, why did the writers of the Gospels not mention so important a fact as the recovery of the robe? Car c'est une chose absurde, de dire que les gendarmes ont butine ensemble les vestemens, sans adiouster qu'on les a racheptez de le~rs mains, pour en faire des reliques. (Ib'ld.) I Thus also, the only motives which the preacher,s of heresy can have are such as may have been instigated by the DevIl: e.g. the frequent allusions to financial gain, cf. Nic. VI, 597, Ref· Cath. IX, 128, 133·

ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT

21

This expression pour en faire des reliques becomes something like a refrain in the treatise: for it is clear from the Scriptures that the first disciples were not concerned with the treasuring of relics. The use of down-to-earth realism is particularly well seen in the case of the fish eaten by the disciples by the Lake of Galilee after the Resurrection (John xxi): II faut dire qu'il ayt este bien espice, ou qu'on y ait fait un merveilleux saupiquet, qu'il s'est peu garder si longtemps. Mais, sans risee, est il a presumer que les Apostres ayent faict une relique du poysson qu'ilz (Rel. VI, 429.) avoyent apreste pour leur disner? One more relic, seen in the light of pedestrian common sense, becomes merely a ludicrous trickery. Contre l'Astrologie Iudiciaire is also in large part a refutation based on common sense, once again of the most obvious kind. Calvin accepts as axiomatic the truth of certain aspects of 'astrology'-namely astronomy, the understanding of the movements of stars and planets, and the use of this knowledge in such realms as weather forecasting and medicine. What he attacks is what we would call horoscopy: the belief that the stars determine one's character, and that they indicate the future course of one's life and one's success in activities undertaken. A considerable part of the treatise (Astrol. Iud. VII, 516-25) is based on an appeal to common sense: after his definition of the 'true' uses of astrology (which are supported with no arguments at all), he makes the following points: if the stars condition our character, then the significant moment for an observation is not that of birth, but of conception-and that cannot be determined. In any case, heredity is a far stronger influence than the stars: Prenons deux hommes de natures fort diverses, ayans chacun sa femme de nature pareillement repugnante, qui engendrent enfans en une mesme heure, que les femmes acouchent a une mesme heure; il adviendra ordinairement que les enfans tiendront chacun de la complexion de son pere et sa mere, plustost que du regard des astres qu'ilz ont eu pareilz tous deux. Et la raison y est si patente, que nul de sain iugement n'yra a l'encontre. (Astrol. Iud. VII, 519.) He then adds the theological point that any influence there may have been is overruled by the gift of God's grace, and by His predestination. On the forecasting of future events, Calvin points to catastrophes

ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT

ORGANIZATION AND ARGUMENT

in which hundreds of thousands of people died at one time: their stars must have been entirely contradictory. And so on. The later part of the treatise moves to other ground, when Calvin reaches the real subject of his attack, namely the theological point that such astrology is based on a non-Christian notion of determinism, and derogates from the authority of God. But in this section of ' groundwork', theology hardly enters, and the argument is purely on the basis of common sense. Occasionally, but not frequently, common sense appears in a doctrinal discussion. In chapter XI of Contre les Libertins Calvin considers the first of his 'principles of Libertine doctrine', which is an Averroistic notion of a universal soul; God's spirit permeates all things, and the human soul participates in, or is part of, this divine Spirit. Calvin underlines the fundamental Christian distinction between Creator and Creation, and reduces the opponents' argument to an absurdity:

-certainly in Calvin's hands-is based on some form of incongruity between what is said and what the reader expects to be said; it disrupts the normal criteria of common sense. Calvin excels in the use of incongruous names for his opponents. He quotes from a Libertine treatise in barely coherent French, I and introduces the extract:

22

Voila des argumens bien valides, pour tellement confondre toutes choses, que Dieu devienne creature, et que l'ame humaine ne soit plus rien. (Lib.

VII, 180.)

After this polarization, Calvin goes on to show the falsehood of any suggestion that Man and God are of the same essence: Les raisons y sont tant evidentes, qu'il n'est ia besoing de s'armer des tesmoignages de l'Escriture. L'arne· humaine est subiecte a ignorance: ce1a ne peut competer aDieu. Elle est subiecte a passions: ce qui ne convient a Dieu non plus. Et que dirons nous de l'inconstance et (Lib. VII, 180.) variete? que dirons nous de la fragilite et foiblesse? If the Libertines mean what Calvin says they ,mean, the refutation is too obvious to demand a more developed argument. These examples illustrate the way in which Calvin may use common sense to carry the weight of his argument; but they are not untypical in their very rudimentary quality. It is only when the point at issue is as immediately accessible to common sense as in the examples above, or when Calvin has polarized his arguments to the extent of establishing a direct contradiction between his adversaries' teaching and the accepted truth, that he appeals to the reader in this way. A form of argument which, in essence, is not far removed from the appeal to common sense is the appeal to humour. For humour

23

Escoutons un peu harenguer ce grand docteur messire Antoine Pocque, a leur fa

Mais ce malheureux ne se soucie de deschirer I' Escriture par pieces. (Epis. Cord. VII, 350.)

In such examples the effect is greatly enhanced not only by the physical violence of the symbols (deschirer, fouler aux pieds), but by their immediate juxtaposition to objects of the highest religious value-I' ecriture, Ie sang de Iesus Christ. The discordance and harshness of the metaphors give a vivid sense of the moral indignation of the true Christian in the face of such blasphemy. Imagery, then, is an important means by which the abstract matter of Calvin's argument is given a sense of immediate reality. Cf. also Lib. VII, 161 (quoted on p. 89 above). The attitude is by no means limited to Calvin; cf. Montaigne, Essais, III, 8 (Belles Lettres ed., III, i, 204): 'Voit-on plus de barbouillage au caquet ~es h~rengeres qu'aux disputes publiques des hommes de cette professIOn [I.e. teachers of rhetoric] ?' 2 Cf. also Lib. VII, 174, 182; 4 Serm. VIII, 383; Cal. et Blas. LVIII, 2 0 3. The concision of this expression may be contrast,ed with the following by Farel: 'Mais donnez vous garde en la lisant [1'Ecriture] que ne la tirez a vostre sens la faisant servir a vos affections, en foulant la pasture des brebis, la pa;olle de dieu, qui est contenue en Lescripture, et marchant sus, aux piedz.' (Summaire et briefve declaration . .. , p. A. 3r .) I

137

[La Parole] doit estre vive et d'une telle efficace qu'elle transperce les coeurs pour examiner tout ce qui est dedans 1'homme, ouy, iusqu'aux mouelles des os, comme dit 1'Apostre. (Astrol. Iud. VII, 513-14.)

Lafontaine et racine de tous maux est incredulite. (Inst. 1541, p. 431.)1 En repliquant contre luy [Dieu], il est certain qu'ilz ne font que regimber contre l'esperon. (Nic. VI, 596.)

In the last example Calvin has modified the original (Acts ix. 5), which (in the Calvin Bible) reads regimber contre l'esguillon. The effect of the change is to make the image more directly relevant to the sixteenth-century style of horseback travel. The result is a combination of the aura of biblical language (which, as we have seen, frequently enhances the authority of Calvin's own statements) and a contact with the immediate reality of the everyday situation. 2 This flavour of biblical reminiscence is an important factor in creating an impression of orthodoxy. To condemn a deceptively I The allusion is to I Tim. vi. 10, where the love of money is given as the root of all evil. 2 Cf. also a passage from a translated work (possibly not by Calvin, but a remarkable illustration of this technique): 'Si nous sommes semblables a des moutons qu'on traine a la boueherie, et que nos adversaires sont non seulement comme bouehers pour nous eoupper la gorge: mais comme loups ravissans pour nous devorer, tout cela a este predit.' (Des Seandales, in Reeueil des Opuseules, p. 1174.) The references are to Isa. liii. 7: 'il est mene a l'occision comme l'agneau', and Matt. vii. 15: 'les faux prophetes qui viennent a vous en vestimens de brebis, mais par dedans sont loups ravissans.' The substitution of moutons for agneau, boueherie for oecision, relates the prophetic poetry to the violent reality of daily life.

IMAGERY

IMAGERY

attractive pamphlet from the opposition is one thing; to do so in the words of Our Lord Himself is far more effective:

There are certain images which are particularly significant in the expression of Christian thought, which appear throughout Christian literature. One of these great 'teaching images' is that of the Way of Life. We have already seen (p. 125, n. 1) how Calvin uses and develops this image. Another application of the same thought-form is used to refute a Nicodemite who argues from one particular instance; Calvin replies to him:

138

Vray est, qu'il a de belles prefaces pour colorer son cas. Mais quand ce vient a entrer en matiere, on trouve que cela n'est sinon une beaute apparente d'un sepulchre qui est au dedans remply de toute corruption et puanteur. (Epis. Cord. VII, 346.) The images of the Bible sometimes lend their authority directly to Calvin's argument. But frequently it is not the actual symbols, but the atmosphere of the imagery, which has a biblical ring about it. As in the New Testament we find many homely, simple pictures as teaching images (a woman sweeping her room, the sower, etc.), so in Calvin symbols of an everyday character are frequent in the expression of doctrine: Comme une nourrisse begaye avec son enfant, aussi [Ie Seigneur] use (Lib. VII, 169.) envers nous d'une fa 99, III, 117 Pascal, 2, 8n., 164 Paul, 15, 29, 30, 3 1, 33, 34, 36 , 49, 93 Periers, B. des, 132 perspective in discussion, IS-17, 94-97, 102, II6, 120, 151, 15 6 , 17 6 Petit de Julleville, L., 119n. Petit Traite, 12, 13n., 14, 15, 4 8n ., 69, 7 8 , 167, 17~ 174 picardisms, 57-58 pictorial elements, 56, 134-6, 139, 147 Placards, 174 Plattard, J., 50 Pleiade, 47, 59 pleonastic constructions, 99 Pocques, 17, 23, 96 polarization and contrast, 17-20, 22, 7.:i--73, 81, 88, 114, 120, 154, 156, 172 polysemy, 68, 81 preaching, influence of, 53, 71, 93, 1°5, 116, 119 predestination and Providence, 18, 21, 30, 37-39, 159 present tense, 91, 93, 169 pronoun subject, 4n., 100 protasis, 86, 87, 101, 102 public, I, 6, 33, 49, 76, 80, 134, 16S-()

Quatre Sermons, 13, 78, 116, 167 questions, use of, 93, 106-'], 157 quietism, 18, 30, 171 Quintin, 17, 23, 58, 96 Rabelais, 3,4,47,59,60,62,63,68, 70, 78, 83, 92, 98, 122, 124, 126, 129 n ., 132, 140n ., 154, 175 Ramus, P., 45, 46n. Raymond, M., 3 reason, logic, common sense, 2, 3, 18, 20-28,30-1,4°,43-46 , 1°4,161

GENERAL INDEX Rees, G. 0., 146n. Reformation contre Cathelan, 13, 14, 16, 78, 79, 90, 150, 167 Reid, J. K. S., II n. relics, 15, 19, 20-21, 24 Renee of Ferrara, 165 repetitions, 85, 90 Response a certaines calomnies, 13, 78 Response a un Holandois, 13, 14,27, 69, 7 8 , 79, 92, 167 re-use of effects, 68n., 69, 70, 80, 121, 125n., 129n., 136n., 148n., 149-5 0 , 156 rhetoric, 9, 4 1,45-6,73, 1°4,108-10, 11~21, 146n., 154, 156-7, 161, 172 rhythm, 3, 85-86, 104-5, II 1-14, II 9-20, 154, 173 Richards, LA., 123n., 151n. Richter, M., 88n. ridicule, see contempt Roman Church, II, 36, 132, 166 Romier, L., 165n., 166-7 Ronsard, 6 I, 126 Ruff, H., 5, II, 84n., 122n. Sainean, L., 126, 128n. Satan, see Devil scholastic and ecclesiastical terms, 4 8-49, 51-52, 63, 73, 81, 93, 94 Scripture and Bible, 6, 15, 16, 25, 2~41, 44, 49, 51, 62n., 94, 9 6 , 137-42, 144, 146n ., 153 Seneca, 6, 69 n. separation of styles, 8,53-57,76-78, 81, 114, 120-2, 132, 142-3, IS2, IS4, 157, 160-1 Servetus, 142n. Shakespeare, 68

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sobriety and austerity, 2, 3, 6, 63-64, 82, 114, 121, 154 Spitzer, L., 162 stability, 47, 76-78, 81, II2-13, IS3--7 Stauffer, R., 97n. Sturel, R., 101 n. Sturm, J., 45 stylistic and non-stylistic choice, 54 n . teaching images, 137-43, 150 Thomas Aquinas, 73n., 94-95, 142 Tilley, A., 2n. Traite des Reliques, 12,14,15,20-21, 24,42,44,48,64,69,9°,163 translations, I I, 139n. Trene1, J., 5 In., 73n. Villers-Cotterets, Edict of, 58 n. Villon, 77, 125, 129n. violence, 3, 11,53,79,86, II7, II8, 130, 136, 148-9, 156 Viret, P., In., 7, 26, 53, 80, 82, 83, 84,85, 14 1,146n ., 155,170,172-4, 175 vivacity, 2-3, 56,72, 78-79,81, 89, 91-92, 121, 132 vocation, 26 Walker, W., 159 Wallace, R. S., 32n. Wartburg, W. von, FEW, 57n., 60, 61 n., 62, 63, 65, 68, 79, 85 n. Wencelius, L., 5n., 121, 162n. Wendel, F., 16n., 19n., 36,51, 150 Westphal, 19n. Whitehead, A. N., 44 Williams, G. H., 18n. word order, 4n., 85-86