SOHO IN OTTAKRING: Whats up? Was ist hier los? (German and English Edition)

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;DG:LDG9 This publication gives the reader an exemplary overview of the forces and dynamics that have acted on and against the SOHO IN OTTAKRING project over the years of continuous work on it. It is practice in particular which is often confronted with situations and conditions that demand a special degree of flexibility, study and reflection, as well as (physical) effort. SOHO IN OTTAKRING is ‘Work in Progress‘, hence it is not a static concept, and many questions remain unanswered today. Thus the question in 2008, the 10th year of the SOHO IN OTTAKRING art project, is: “What is really going on?“ This question leads to other questions: what role can artists play in complex urban structures such as the Brunnenviertel area of Vienna‘s 16th district? What interventions are possible? Where are the limits? The authors of this publication address a broad spectrum of themes that are especially important to us as the publishers and editors of this book after asking ourselves: what went on here over the last ten years? We hope the various different perspectives and the variety of sample projects will be an interesting contribution – particularly in relation to practice – to the international discourse. We owe special thanks to the contributors to this publication for their critical and differentiated work. Our thanks also go to all the artists, actors and participants that have contributed and enriched SOHO IN OTTAKRING. The 16th District Urban Renewal Office should also be mentioned here for their long years of support and the cooperation. In closing, we want to thank our colleagues, friends and families for their support. Ula Schneider, Beatrix Zobl Vienna, May 2008 -

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Over the years, it became clear that the practice must also accept compromises to guarantee continuity. In a concept that involves different groups, such as artists, architects, tradesmen, youth and local institutions, “autonomy” is often accompanied with limitations.6 It takes a lot of “staying power” to overcome administrative constraints and to negotiate different interests.

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For instance, in the cooperation with the WKW, they contracted the PR work and this lead to a great conflict of interest in the evaluation and advertising of SOHO IN OTTAKRING: art on one side, economic interests on the other. The press releases of the WKW described an economic boom in the Brunnenmarkt neighborhood fuelled by the image change from a “foreigner district” to an “artist district”. The neighborhood should ripen for future investors. This allocation of roles is naturally problematic for an art project and it is a constant balancing act.

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The “success” of a long-term art project cannot be quantified. It does not follow the measures of value commonly applied in economy. “Success” is rather the enhancement and change within communication, consciousness and experience, as well as a visualization and articulation of critical themes amidst everyday life.

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“DIANA Travels” triggered the interruption of the yearly festival rhythm. During the 2004 festival period, a “public reflection” was offered in the form of panel discussions on the role and responsibility of art projects that come in contact with different audiences when entering the public realm. “living room – SOHO” was set up in the courtyard of a Turkish restaurant: a two week discussion room on the theme “Forming Alliances between Art and Anti-Racism: Approaches, Intersections, Strategies, Reflection”. In collaboration with Daniela Koweindl, cultural politics spokesperson of the „Visual Arts Lobby Group“ (IG Bildende Kunst), and Ljubomir Bratic, philosopher and freelance publicist, a program of panel discussions was developed around themes such as precarious work conditions, art and social work, power structures in the public realm and migrants within cultural work. Numerous artistic workers participated in this discourse on socio-political themes and the artistic practice. To conclude “living room – SOHO”, a reader summarizing and expanding upon the discussion themes was published and distributed for free.9 The theoretical contemplations and practical examples in

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9

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Texts are available online: http://www.sohoinottakring.at/wiki/index.php/ReaderTexteDownloads

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the reader served as an inspiration for artists’ own work. This inspiration would also affect projects being realized in the context of SOHO IN OTTAKRING. Expansion The SOHO IN OTTAKRING association has published the ‘art in migration’ art magazine (http:// artinmigration.net/), and important medium for the international presentation of projects, and within the SOHO IN OTTAKRING network, since 2005. This first street magazine with an artistic focus “should spread a special aspect of transculturalism. The prefix trans- refers to a pervasion, but also to an overcoming – a bridge, a transit! Transculturalism, as a form a social competence, should enhance capabilitiesfor communication, action and conflict in situations of cultural intersection” (Kerstin Kellermann, editor).

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Evaluating the entire development of SOHO IN OTTAKRING with relation to the “upgrading”10 of a neighborhood, it is often difficult to interpret the project by means of a reduced overall picture. It is clear that the festival has been an important impulse and a decisive factor in the re-evaluation of the neighborhood. Critics point out the “soft” reinforcement of displacement processes, which are accelerated by the entry of creativity and the corresponding heightened attention for the district. Interventions in a neighborhood through art must be well considered and cautiously developed upon the parameters of artistic work. SOHO IN OTTAKRING is not a blueprint that can be replicated. Each place demands the development of a specific concept that will then unfold there. The readiness to relentlessly persist, develop different levels of communication, endure and negotiate conflicts – as well as a spot of luck – are factors that definitely contribute to the success of such a project.

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The topics were mottos and food for thought for potential participants. There were no central topics in the first two years (19.5. – 2.6.1999 and 18.5. – 3.6.2000) May 15 – June 2, 2001, ÆjgWVcjcYa~cYa^X]Ç (urban and rural)

&*#*#Ä'#+#'%%&/×jgWVcjcYa~cYa^X]Æ May 26 – June 8, 2002, ÆӓX]i^\YV]Z^bÇ(fleeting refuge at home) A fleeting glimpse is fatal if it forms reflexive bold judgements. In a Viennese district of obvious Southern character like the Brunnenmarkt neighborhood in Ottakring, the regularly recurring, often bluntly posed question of belonging is prevalent. What is home if not ideally a personal inner home, an inner peace and the result of an active process of adapting to one’s surroundings? What does it mean to be “fugitive”: a need of the soul, a nomad in a settled existence with living room coziness? What are the reasons for the many confusions that cause a lifelong condition of a fugitive existence and a fleeting, anxious, cloudy gaze? In diverse artistic projects with children, youth and adults as well as exhibitions in and around the Brunnenmarkt, some aspects of this theme are being seriously but also playfully addressed. Artists pursue the complexity and schizophrenia of the notions of belonging, of being at home, of nomadism and infuse hollow catchwords such as ‘democracy’ with personal and de-standardized thoughts and experiences.

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Endless questions, all examining what artists do, the conditions of artistic production… If artists don’t create space with their action where the excluded can be heard, if they don’t manage to reveal yet unnoticed perspectives, then they are no different than the successful mainstream. Therefore, I don’t see the antagonisms within art as an arbitrariness where free floating art producers can act out their dissent. If the decision has been made to produce antisexist, anti-racist art then only the question of strategy and tactic counts when antagonisms meet. This is the point where the artist’s skills and resources can find alliances with other subjects politically engaged in the same direction. The rules of the game should be to battle the discrimination in our society, or to at least not reproduce or pass it on. (Ljubomir Bratic)

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May 21 – June 4, 2005, Æ6aa^VcoZcW^aYjc\ol^hX]Zc@jchijcY6ci^gVhh^hbjhÇ (Forming Alliances between Art and Anti-Racism) Who has a say? Who makes the action? How can emancipatory strategies in the creation of publicity also have a long-term effect? SOHO IN OTTAKRING is an art festival where artists, tradesmen, local schools, youth and residents of the Brunnenmarkt neighborhood take part. At the same time, SOHO IN OTTAKRING is a work and development process and has a close connection with last year’s “living room – SOHO” theme “Forming Alliances between Art and Anti-Racism”. For several months already, artists and protagonists have been working together on diverse projects and developing models of participation. First results will be presented during the festival. '+

oj6aa^VcoZcÒcYZc`ŽccZc#JcYY^ZHe^ZagZ\Zach^cYZWZcY^Z!YVhhY^Z6jhhX]a^Z›jc\Zc ^cjchZgZcCccZc!ccZc YZh 7gjccZck^ZgiZah iZ^a]VWZc# Oj\aZ^X] ^hi HD=D >C DII6@G>CG9H8=yCÇ(IT’S GOING TO BE BEAUTIFUL!) SOHO IN OTTAKRING 2007 is dedicated to the phase between demolition and construction. Locally, the focus is upon the upgrading process and the resulting developments, changes, shifts in the urban fabric whose first signs are already visible but not yet foreseeable. By 2010, the entire Brunnenmarkt will be renewed, improved and beautified. And what happens until then? The construction phases in which Brunnengasse will be systematically dug up and lined with four construction or renovation projects will cause difficulties especially for the market tradesmen. They will have to improvise and deal with considerable economic losses. It is a long and bumpy road to travel. “IT’S GOING TO BE BEAUTIFUL!” evokes the question “Is it going to be beautiful?” and demands a differentiated approach: Whose eyes see the “beautiful” and its counterpart, the “ugly”, and also define them for the future? Which measuring sticks are used to ground the term “beauty”? Who expects what and why while waiting for the beautiful? What values are conditioned by society? How do these expectations and values influence the planning process? What does the beautiful mean for the planners, artists, tradesmen, residents and consumers? National and transnational developments also fluctuate between the demolition and construction that exclude some from the beauty and the just – in particular, those who are on the move or want to settle down, those who are badly paid or have no work at all – and cause them existential problems. What strategies are needed here to counter daily deceptions?

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 The “Halay” is an ethnic dance in Turkey that symbolizes the tumultuous-rhythmic way of life of its Anatolian inhabitants.

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Space Perception (Creation and Interpretation) The projects described here are site-specific. They related to the social context and the meaning of the place (Genius Loci). Architectural designers transform unused or monofunctional spaces into places with a special flair, they reappropriate them and infuse them with new meaning through their action. If one recalls the contributions of the past years, then two central themes emerge: On one hand, missing structures in the urban fabric are thematized (Creation of Space) and on the other, there are attempts to freshly interpret existing spaces through alternative perspectives and evoke a change in connotation (Interpretation of Space).

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:migVo^bbZg$Extra Room

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:migVo^bbZgKZghiZ^\Zgjc\$Extra Room on Auction

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a distance with amusement, irritation and suspicion but the threshold to actively enter the Extra Room was high. In contrast was the auction of the bathroom elements after completion of the project: the previously skeptic audience from the street took part in the bidding with excitement. Sink, bathtub and showerhead quickly found new owners and made their way into the surrounding houses. “the capri shower experience” (2002) by manka*musil was a pioneer project on the topic of lacking standard. In their studio, the two architects installed an Internet connection in their shower cabin (“Capri” Model). The hybrid world combining the intimacy of showering (German: ‘brausen’) with worldwide ‘browsing’ defined the installation’s charm.

ZgaZWc^hWgVjhZgXVeg^$the capri shower experience

In the following year, manka*musil picked up a similar theme. They had observed that the recession of their studio door stimulated people to stay there for a while. During SOHO 2003, they subsequently set back the entire façade of their studio by 3 meters and invited the public to the project “voluntary passage – permitted until further notice”. This temporary urban space was to be individually appropriated: spontaneous concerts, DJ sessions and bar nights were the exciting outcome.

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[gZ^l^aa^\ZgÄW^hVj[l^YZggj[\ZhiViiZiZgÄYjgX]\Vc\ voluntary passage – permitted until further notice

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Both installations were especially appealing to friends and the art-interested audience but rarely to the coincidental passerby. However, one of the most interesting side effects – perhaps inspired by manka*musil’s communication – should be introduced here as an independent project with the self-chosen title “Insight” (2003-2005). Each year on SOHO’s opening evening, an inhabitant of a neighboring house opened his ground floor living room window and danced all evening to Oriental music. Crowds formed before the window, not only fascinated by the striking simplicity of the performance, but also by the sudden change of perspective. In a split second, the passerby had become a voyeur and gazed in awe at animated pictures, lace tablecloths and alabaster figurines. For a brief moment, it was clear where the treasures of the market had been going.

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The self-building experiment “Anarchic Territorialization” (2005) by the architects of grundstein® and Ernst Hartl was an act of city-making. In the empty ground-floor shop of their studio, they made available three palettes of porous concrete blocks. Symbolic of homes at the scale 1:33.3, the blocks were pre-cut into “apartment sizes” of 40, 50, 60 and 90 square meters. The task was to add one’s personal unit in the collective creation of a new ideal city. There were no limitations on the visitor’s imagination. During the weeks of the festival, interesting city constructs emerged that ranged from chaotic bedlam to unintended collapse and attacks, and lead finally to an orderly reconstruction. A preference for density was clear to see; no one had the need to live alone. A quest for towering heights was legible; rooftop flats with a view were extremely popular just like in the real city. The most important element was always that which the builder missed the most at this moment: an own bathroom, a shower or a south-facing room. On their own initiative, the model-builders began to name and paint their living units with chalk. New living forms were sawn into shape. Along with the increasing density, the first infrastructures also emerged: leading the way was a brothel, and then a police station, hospital and university – Second Life in the flesh. Some visitors regularly returned to observe the developing construction and to protect the interests of their block. Numerous migrant children, hesitantly followed by their fathers, continued to build the city together.

6cVgX]ZIZgg^idg^Va^h^Zgjc\$Anarchic Territorialization

Spatial Impact There are two initiatives that are important for the Brunnenmarkt neighborhood given their approach but are difficult to classify in the aforementioned architectural contexts. Nevertheless, they can be described as experiments in urban space even though the sociological aspect stands in the foreground. “POP UP!” (2005) was an ambitious project from the association FAKE 3000, a group of students from the Vienna University of Technology. The approach of their project was influenced by the “Short Night of Urban Renewal”, which had been initiated the year before by the university in cooperation Ottakring District Management Organisation.The goal of “POP UP!” was to reduce the number of vacant business premises in the neighborhood and simultaneously establish cheap spaces for new ideas. The idea was to convince owners to let out their vacant shops to creative minds at an initially low price with eventual annual increases in rent. In return, they have the certainty that their usually worn-down shops will be partially renovated and put back on the map. By means of a competition, a list was made of interested potential users and their plans. Despite the great interest expressed by numerous

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The project began with trial runs under the safety of the festival umbrella. Since all efforts to facilitate a fixed basis station have failed due to problems with official permits, its mobile character has been further developed. In the last years, the Street Kitchen has recurrently surfaced at events in the district. At the moment, it can be regularly found at the SOHO project workshop serving “Friday Fish”. The friendly presence of the cook attracts a weekly congregation consisting of a broad range of guests – primarily of Turkish and Austrian origin. While the architect Hans Schartner assumes the logistical organisation, Memet Tanik is responsible for the active composition and cooking of the dishes. Tanik, who comes from Western Turkey, has been familiar with the street kitchen system since his childhood and now he runs his own very professionally. He communicates with passersby in several languages and spontaneously prepares personal special orders for those not satisfied with the official menu. The project is organized in the spirit of “social plastic” and offers an income for those not partaking in the everyday working life. Renown in numerous countries with a less industrialized character, Street Kitchen is a simple unit that offers its operator a field of self-determined action. It is the embodiment of tolerated illegality.

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Additionally, there are certain repercussions for which Ottakring has to thank the annual festival and its contribution towards external public awareness. After her cooperation in SOHO 2005, the Turkish architect Nelin Tunç was hired by the local District Management Organization and took over the previously inexistent position of “Market Manager”. She mediates between the market tradesmen, the Market Office, the District Management and SOHO and thereby makes a significant contribution to the smooth flow of information. In the summer of 2007, Caritas took over the long-idle Brunnenpassage. Under the slogan )%

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For the architects in Ottakring, SOHO has gained increasing importance as a space for experiment. Interpretations and creations of space enable a perspective beyond their own everyday work and re-establish contact with the population base, regardless of whether they are interested in art or culture, with or without a migrant background.In a playful manner, the festival provides participation possibilities to individuals who in return help increase the popularity of the project as a whole. The projects and initiatives live on as memories and fit like building blocks in the colourful collage of the neighborhood. The inhabitants might not always actively join in the festival but they do acknowledge it with amazement and see it as a specialty of Ottakring. As SOHO is an important contribution to the image of the district, it is respected and appreciated.

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SOHO is moving – both actively and passively – also beyond the two-week festival climax. The responsible municipal departments and institutions in the city recognise SOHO as pioneering instigator and do not want to go without the promotional effect for the district. However, the sensitive themes in the district that often clearly crystallize in SOHO projects are not addressed in the everyday work of the municipal offices. One can only hope that this will also change in the future.

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28-year-old: “For me it is like being on the beach and I just live around the corner… The beauty here on the square is the openness. There is communication with other people.”

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But are these political interventions sufficient when extremely powerful economic players have their hand in the game?

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40-year-old: “SOHO? Artists come… A lot of good has happened… It is positive for us at the market stands, it brings us people who shop. But it is too little in comparison with the bigger competitors like a shopping center that is being built. If it goes on like this then we’ll disappear.”

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sociations (such as ‘Back on Stage’) or school. Others also found SOHO’s “cultural program” noteworthy but it is hard to determine in how far this had to do with our relation to SOHO. In any case, it is significant that only the long-term projects and activities were recognized and subsequently accepted and that the discussion partners also characterized them as being really relevant. As a temporarily participating group, we soon became aware that short-term interventions make sense to obtain subjective results. However, a “sustainable” on-site relevance can only be achieved if projects are organized over a longer term and with a “low threshold”. The interviews have presented us with many questions for which there are probably no generally valid answers. These are questions always to be placed in concrete contexts. For example: Do city development politics use art and if yes, what does this mean for artistic projects and the participating artists? Are art projects using those whose participation they are dependent on, such as the inhabitants of the Ottakring district and the Brunnenmarkt? How much of a right to a say should or can these participants have? For who are art projects in particular city districts intended for? For those who live there or those who come there because of the projects? Does the artistic intervention result in an “added value” for the inhabitants’ affinity for the Brunnenmarkt neighborhood? And does it have to be problematic if projects are more perceived by outsiders than by the inhabitants? Finally: how important is it that large-scale local activities are perceived as a brand, like in this case the SOHO IN OTTAKRING Festival, or can the individual projects stand alone for themselves?

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The potential dilemma of a dichotomic orientation, both towards art and the needs of a specific area, grows all the more with the manifold expectations placed upon art projects in public space. Patronizing attitudes are quickly suspected – and assumed. The legitimacy of certain forms of representation and their claim to be representative repeatedly pose a question. In the case of SOHO IN OTTAKRING, this problem was especially discussed with regard to the representation of migrants. And this indeed touches upon a central problem of the festival: racist

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and culturalist attacks, as well as multiculturalist coloring and race paternalism, do play a central role in contemporary political discourse. How can these considerations be applied to the specific situation of SOHO IN OTTAKRING and the projects that took place there? 2. Case Studies 2.1 Stories/Subject Matter A considerable number of SOHO IN OTTAKRING projects use art to create a temporary space of articulation for structurally marginalized migrants. In many cases, the ambition is to render structural inequalities inoperative, at least within the time and space of the project. This approach can be compared to that of Gayatri Spivak3, insofar as a space is created where subalterns can speak. Although Spivak himself doubts that such free spaces can be realized, the utopian objective of many artistic projects remains the attempt to enable such spaces – at least for a certain period of time.

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 This title refers to a symposium held by Beatrix Zobl and Wolfgang Schneider in the summer of 2005 where this question was addressed through the example of diverse projects. For more information, see: http://dualcommitment.net/.

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2.3 Voyeurism and Exoticism The reflective intermission in 2004 that “living room – SOHO” symbolized was caused by the massive criticism concentrated around a project in the previous year: the project “DIANA Travels” by the group DIANA arts organized tours through Ottakring and, under the title “Living in the Brunnenmarkt neighborhood”, also into the homes of different people who prove the Brunnenmarkt neighborhood’s diversity. During the tour of a Turkish family’s home, the extremely precarious complexity of this enterprise became obvious. In addition to the already mentioned questions for the project in the context of a participative artistic approach, further questions arose such as those related to specific subject-object constellations: who views whom, who is making who the object of a sometimes voyeuristic curiosity, what are the possibilities for the involved to act as active participants? And not least, the “real” social-economic circumstances that determine the specific power constellations in which the tour took place had to be investigated. As it is with all participative approaches, the predominant question was, what happens post festum with, and to, the protagonists; what does such a project trigger and how will it manifest in the everyday of the participant?

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3. Conclusions Questions of representation and legitimacy come to the fore. Artists can and should not be denied the opportunity to deal with societal developments. On the contrary, the engagement with migration and its ramifications is legitimate, since the predominantly Austrian artists (and also the authors of this text) are part of a changing society as well. The concept of mirror representation – which only allows migrants to work on migration – has obstacles in its realization, but moreover, the concentration lies too much upon the protagonists themselves and less upon the content of the representation. Forms of representation that focus more on political content than symbolism might evade essentialist stereotyping, however they must more specifically define which political content is being represented. But at least these are questions around which political debate can be conducted and they do not rely on seemingly established concepts. With regard to art projects on migration, a politically emanicipatory approach can be formulated in its relationship with the critical examination of the cries for integration and assimilation, as well as with the essentializing of group identities, and in its understanding that today’s treatment of migration is a part of contemporary governance. A political debate with other positions is unavoidable for such a political approach, and this political debate certainly represents one of the most important results for art projects in the public realm. Forms of representation become problematic when artists assumed a well-intended advocacy to point out diverse phenomena in Ottakring. Regardless, whether deficits and misdevelopments are revealed by a supposedly investigative intention and, for instance, the poor living conditions are referenced or tours through the exotic world of migrants are offered, the “Othering” is in any event executed: Here is “we”, there is “they”. This is the point where further problems are unleashed: the assumption of an inside and outside view upon a societal reality, the construction of (ab-)normalities and ultimately, the perpetuation of hierarchies and power structures.

*.

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Storytelling as a memory-construction to overcome realities and the search for future perspectives characterize the “erinnern. heilen. wundern. ersatzreliquien für gröpelingen” (Remember. Heal. Wonder – Ersatz Relics for Gröpelingen) project that took place in Bremen in 2006. Memory Building and Story Building strategies are also recognizable in this project. Lutz Liffers from the “Kultur Vor Ort” (On-site Culture) association speaks of the collective trauma of massive unemployment triggered by the closing of the harbor in the traditional working-class neighbourhood of Gröpelingen, which has had a high percentage of migrant residents since the 1960s. In workshops, stories were found and invented, as well as objects which were subsequently sold as relics in an abandoned shop. From “Schweiß der Väter”11 (the Sweat of Our Fathers) filled in bottles to “The Kaiser’s Button”12 (Kaiser Wilhelm II), these ‘Ersatz’ relics were created and sold as part of the future.

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The variable fields of identity construction, remembrance policy, city structure and community building as well as the relationalism of collective and individual history and collective public 10

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11

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Heeswijk 2008: Make History, not Memory. – In: Krasny/Nierhaus: Urbanographie. Transdisziplinäre Stadtforschung (to be published in the autumn of 2008 by Reimer, Berlin). Kultur Vor Ort 2006, 77. Kultur vor Ort 2006, 69.

space with its private tracks define projects such as “Public Art Bucharest” and “Freigangproduktionen” (Furlough Productions) in Graz. Public space is a hotly contested terrain in Bucharest: turbo-capitalistic mega-advertising measures, aggressive traffic, undefined property status. At the same time, the city area is a storage depot for memories of recent history. Sabine Hentzsch, the director of the Bucharest Goethe Institute, started “Public Art Bucharest” in 2007 and cooperated with the curator Marius Babius. “The spaces breathe history,” says Hentzsch. Dan Perjovschi staged a re-enactment on the University Square. Students had fought for freedom here under Ceaucescu and were brutally beaten and shot by mine workers recruited to act as the thugs of the repressive regime. Perjovschi staged a re-enactment of the brutal events, which were very disturbing for passersby. Transformation processes are of physical, symbolic and imaginative nature, they need space for change to unfold. Strategically and practically, art can offer civic-social groups the alliance of space and publicity as well as an idealistic and discursive network of interests.

:a`Z@gVhcn/×GZVY^c\EVg^hÆVjh$from×AZhbdihigdjk‚hÆ!'%%+ HZ^i '%%( VgWZ^iZi :a`Z @gVhcn Vc YZb hiVYi[dghX]ZcYZc Egd_Z`i ×JgWVc GZVY^c\Æ# 9^Z ;jcYhi“X`Z eg^kViZg 6jhhV\Zc ^b jgWVcZcGVjblZgYZc\ZhVbbZai!Yd`jbZci^ZgijcYVah\Z[jcYZcZLdgiZojIZmiZcjcYEgd_Z`iZclZ^iZgkZgVgWZ^iZi#9^Z HejgZcYZheg^kViZcHegZX]Zch^bŽ[[Zcia^X]ZcGVjbZgoZj\ZcZ^c`daaZ`i^kZhEdgig~ikdcHi~YiZc/\gVjZy`dcdb^Z!EVgin" hoZcZ!Eda^i^`jcYeZghŽca^X]Zg6jhYgjX`# Elke Krasny has worked on „Urban Reading“, a city research project, since 2003. Private statements found in urban spaces are collected, documented and compiled in texts and projects. The traces of private speech in public spaces create collective portraits of cities: grey economy, the party scene, politics, and personal expression.

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The artist group H.arta from Timisoara founded by Maria Crista, Anca Gyemant and Roca Tache invited civic social groups to stage events in the rooms of the Romanian Architecture Order on Pictor-Arthur-Verona Street for a month. H.arta’s search for these initiatives, which can be interpreted as the cartography of a hub of the civic-social network in Bucharest provided the basis for these initiatives. The relationality between communication as community building and the need for space which Serban Sturdza, the president of the Romanian Architecture Order addressed with a generous gesture, characterizes the joint action of imagination and pragmatism, of politics and poetry.13

9^Z HeVccjc\hkZg]~aic^hhZ kdc >YZci^i~ih`dchigj`i^dc! :g^ccZgjc\heda^i^`! HiVYi\Z[“" \Z jcY 8dbbjc^in"7j^aY^c\ hdl^Z Y^Z GZaVi^dcVa^i~i kdc `daaZ`i^kZg jcY ^cY^k^YjZaaZg ccZclVg]dX]#IgVch[dgbVi^dchegd" oZhhZh^cYe]nh^hX]Zgl^ZhnbWda^hX]ZgjcY^bV\^c~gZgCVijg!h^ZWgVjX]ZcGVjb!jb KZg~cYZgjc\ZcojZci[VaiZc#

“Floßlend”, conceived by “Freigangproduktionen”, the interdisciplinary and intercultural group in Graz, traces the pervasiveness of micro-politics, life cycles and city space. The biography researchers Angela Pilch, Ortega Hernandez and Martina Pusterhofer conducted biographical interviews in the Lend area of town. The traditional worker neighborhood on the “wrong”, or socially stigmatized side of the Mur River is transforming itself. The Kunsthaus Graz (Graz Art House), part of this process of settling artists, architects and students, thematized the Lend environs with the “Volksgarten. Politik der Zugehörigkeit” (Volksgarten. The Politics of Belonging) exhibition in 2007. In this context, the “Floßlend” protagonists presented

13

+*

Cf. Petrescu 2007, 9.

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their own findings as part of a symposium. The image-political exclusions and inclusions were oblique: The negative aftertaste of problematic urban zones and multi-ethnic conflict areas were connoted within the seemingly positive concepts of youth, dynamism and liveliness. In response to the question of the politics of belonging, Adam Budak, the exhibition curator perceived an “ethnic entanglement” in the surroundings14. The “bad” aspects of cities tell their “good stories” themselves. Story-Building creates local identity spaces with, against and along the lines of exclusion and inclusion. Angela Pilch, Ortega Hernandez and Martina Pusterhofer listened to the people of the Lend and discovered patterns of transformation, stabilization and polarization. Together with the architect Elisabeth Oswald of WSKKFV (Wir sind keine Kunstfachverkäuferinnen, We aren’t specialized art salesmen) they are working quotes from these discussions into the city space. Private words become public communication along the showcase windows.

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Photographic commentary: Wolfgang Schneider

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Conwert specializes in the conversion and capitalization of older, Gründerzeit buildings. With a cashflow of € 130 million, real estate assets of € 1,6 billion and a growth rate of 200 percent, Conwert is an influential player in the middle European real estate market.1 For years the firm has invested in Europe’s Eastern periphery, where the real estate sector promises skyrocketing returns. In Vienna, Conwert invests in the local periphery. “The largest developing regions are currently outside of the Gürtel. Located 200 meters away from the Gürtel, the Brunnenviertel is therefore a hot area for us,” states Klaus Molisch, the dynamic mind behind the OSEI-project.2 In cooperation with the local urban renewal office, a public consulting office that negotiates local development, Molisch intends to attract “young, cosmopolitan people”, who work in the creative industries and appreciate “the cultural offerings of the district”. To address this audience Molisch mobilized the aesthetic of glass and steel, and he also hired a sociologist to develop the building’s concept of “easy living” and its embedding in the district. According to the overall idea, easy living is introduced by the arts: During the planning phase the investor made the spacious rooms of the former department store available to the artist collective “masc foundation” without charges. He argues: “It is nice that art attracts intellect; with art a poor district, where everything is about ‘how much does the cider apple cost’, can

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2

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Cf. Conwert Immobilien Invest AG & Aktionärsbrief – bussiness report for the third quarter 2006, http://www.conwert.at (access: february 2007). All interviews were conducted by Jakob Weingartner during the fall of 2006.

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program failed, while at the same time they are frequently praised by city representatives as a heritage from those identificatory times.6 In contrast to the profits that landlords could abstract after a middle-class oriented renovation of apartments, the new half-year contract enabled them to extract a maximum amount of rent with a minimum amount of effort.7 In consequence, the eastern part of Ottakring fell victim to the dynamics of an urban deterioration process promoted by exorbitantly high rents; even the committed local urban renewal office could not stop this process but only monitor it and occasionally level its excesses.8 Partially illegal alternative economies filled the vacuum left behind by migrated local firms; like the Gürtel, many Viennese considered the neighborhood a no-go area at night. Gentrification theorist Neil Smith argues that the concentrated exodus of capital in an area paradoxically provides the condition for its excessive return. The larger the difference is between the potential profit rates abstracted from a building and its current profit rate, the more attractive the investment9 becomes. Based on this mechanism, city development follows a steady cycle of spatial deterioration and renewal, bust and boom. These cycles are anything but natural, or even accidental. Despite the rhetoric of neo-liberal entrepreneurial politics, the public hand plays a major role in the process of making an area attractive for capital investors.10 The city of Vienna too has invested in the revaluation of the area west of the Gürtel: Between 1995 and 2000, in the context of the EC-sponsored project “URBAN Wien – Gürtel Plus”, the city provided incentives for a young, entrepreneurial art scene to settle under the elevated city train tracks, following the Europe-wide concept of utilizing art to transform dysfunctional industrial spaces into locations for postindustrial production and.11 In the Brunnenviertel, the city of Vienna initiated a process of citizen participation for the redevelopment of the Yppenplatz in 1997. Construction was finished in 2000, the heavily used space is generally considered successful. Two years later the city launched a similar participation project for the restructuring of the local market; this project will be finished in 2010. At that point, private investors will have invested € 25 million and the public authorities € 4,3 million in the

6 7 8 9 10 11

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Cf. Förster 2006. Cf. Smith 1991, 193. Cf. Alisch 2001; Novy et al. 2001, 141. Cf. Neil Smith 1987. Cf. Smith und Hackworth 2000. Cf. station 2002 and Stadt Wien 1998. In 1997, the EC launched the research project “Cultural Innovation and Economic Development” (CIED), which investigated the potential of the cultural sectore with respect to economic development in a series of European cities.

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the city’s periphery. Artists quickly made use of Soho’s factory lofts and commercial spaces; and, in effect, the city quickly made use of artists: The city passed an amendment that entitled artists and their families to live and work in Soho’s industrial space, and eventually negotiated what has been called a historic compromise between culture and capital.17 With bankers, realtors, media moguls and the emerging professional-managerial class, Soho’s artists imagineered the dream of loft living and mobilized the symbols of industrialism as nostalgically transfigured décor for the ostentatious staging of a safe, clean and fun postindustrialism.

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In the 70s, Soho’s real estate prices rose substantially while prestigious art galleries were settling in. Many artists started to move East into the Lower East Side, where the city administration courted the newcomers with the promise of renovating city owned properties. There, tensions arose between real estate agents, old tenants and new ones moving into the neighborhood; they finally escalated on a sunny afternoon in August 1988, when police forces cleared Tompkins Square Park and turned it into a bloody war zone. Analyzing this scenario as predatory class and race war, Neil Smith argued that gentrification is a back to the city movement of money, more than people. While the Lower East Side underwent this overt violent struggle, Soho approached its destination as an open-air shopping mall more quietly. After various interest groups succeeded in their efforts to have the city council declare Soho a historic landmark based on its heritage of cast iron buildings in 1973, the preservation froze the features of a first industrial and than bohemian authenticity in space, and provided a fertile ground for the breeding of urban mythologies like the Wild West or the savage territory waiting to be conquered and civilized, which displaced social conflicts into the realm of mythology.18 Artists supported this myth-making and Soho’s reinvention as epicenter of artbased chic; according to Rosalyn Deutsche and Cara Gendel Ryan the neoexpressionists unapologetically embraced commercialism and resurrected the doctrine that aestheticism and self-expression were the proper concerns of art.19 Space-making, the geographer Henri Lefebvre, famously argued, is not only a matter of material, but also of mental and social dimensions. In addition to issues of property and other forms of capital, the production of space also relies on the representation of space, which organizes, stabilizes and legitimizes hierarchies, and the usage of space, which, intended

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Cf. Zukin 1989. Cf. Simpson 1981; Smith 1992, 63–93. Cf. Deutsche/Ryan 1984, 91–111.

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and unintended, carries the seeds for the space’s subversion of dominant orders. Because of artists’ distinct positioning within social space, their contribution most obviously focuses on mental and social moments of space production. At the Brunnenmarkt, this condition implied that the space produced by the artists often exposed one problematic feature: It oscillates between radical othering and problematic identification. On the one end of the spectrum, some projects have produced a space marked by ethnic difference, authenticity and the insignia that Neil Smith distilled as part of a Wild West mythology, where a set of brave pioneers venture into nature land. Ironically, this approach has tightly interacted with the various private and public forces eager to re-brand the neighborhood as profitable exchange value. On the other end, some projects have produced a space that claims social unity and integration. This space blurs the lines between different positions and conflicts: It simulates a harmonious unity of artists, workers and migrants; it asserts community while differences are extinguished

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Private investors are surprisingly frank about the role of the arts in the redevelopment of the area. For Conwert, art is a public relations strategy. The real estate mogul should know: it learnt its lessons at the Spittelberg – an area of the Vienna’s seventh district –, where the developer profited from a large-scale reinvention of urban space. In the 60s, the area had turned into a cheap enclave for migrants, and city of Vienna started to strategically buy buildings with the plan of bulldozing the area and erecting a new, modernized cityscape. In response, a group of architecture students founded Vienna’s first citizen action group “Rettet den Spittelberg”, they occupied the area’s oldest building, the Amerlinghaus, and called for preservation. In 1973, the city of Vienna finally defined the Spittelberg area as a protected zone. Supported by public re-development funds, 80 buildings were fully re-made. In this context Conwert established itself as a powerful converter of old infrastructures; and the city passed the so-called soft city renewal program and established its first urban renewal office in the 16 district. While under construction, Spittelberg was branded an “art district”. Local artists established a market for arts and crafts; Vienna’s first street gallery was introduced. What followed is a well-known story: With its emphasis on baroque and Biedermeier veneer, the new cityscape simulated a peaceful and harmonious town, seemingly untouched by the dirt, noise and social 20 '&

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In April 1945, Joseph Goebbels noted bitterly in his diary that Vienna’s suburban population was helping the Soviet army against the National Socialists: “That shows what good the socalled Viennese sense of humor has done us [...] The Führer was right about the Viennese [...] a repulsive mongrel pack of Poles, Czechs, Jews and Germans.”2 In actual fact, deserters, POWs and forced laborers hidden on the city’s edges had anticipated the Russians with their own military operations, and sabotage, a particular preserve of the female population, was rife. In his own twisted fashion, Goebbels confirmed something here that has often been remarked on: the defiant verve of Vienna’s multicultural suburbs and their explosive mixture of subversive wit, (self-) irony and hedonism. The revolutionary potential of these marginal melting pots had already been noted in 1918: as the Habsburg empire crumbled, journalist Carl Marilaun asserted that “rebellions which change the face of the earth are invariably prepared in some Ottakring or Favoriten.”3 Modernization and industrialization had transformed these once tranquil villages into pulsating urban districts, dominated by migrants and factory workers.

Neulerchenfeld, the epitome of these traditions, was built as a planned settlement in the early 18th century on land belonging to Klosterneuburg Abbey. From the outset, its cheap rents and food prices attracted an unusually high concentration of the lower classes: factory workers, beggars, itinerant musicians, jugglers, errand boys, waiters, street cleaners, cobblers, day laborers, seamstresses and the notorious “angel makers”, the illegal abortionists. Animal baiting was staged here and prostitution was endemic.5 In 1804, the crowded suburb had around 5300 inhabitants, of whom over half were female and more than a third “foreign”. From 1870-1890, building speculation increased the area’s urban dynamic. Unlike other Viennese suburbs, however, no big branches of modern industry settled here, instead smaller businesses set up in cellars and backyards with just a couple of apprentices: locksmiths, carpenters, upholsterers, and metal workers. Most common were the mother of pearl button-makers, whose skill was as proverbial as their poverty. More and more people earned their living with a relatively new trade which was to make Neulerchenfeld Vienna’s most popular recreational area after the Prater: wine and beer. Records from around 1900 show that 103 of its 156 houses were licensed to sell alcohol, and 83 made use of this right.6 Franz de Paula Gaheis called Neulerchenfeld “the Holy Roman Empire’s biggest public tavern” where weekends were “a caricature of wild, bacchanalian pleasure”.7 Almost every public house had a garden and up to 16,000 people gathered here on sunny Sundays, if reports are to be believed.8 Some considered Neulerchenfeld Vienna’s most genuine site of popular entertainment culture: “the lower orders at their most authentic, with no attempt at decency. Screeching zither players laugh at their own filthy jokes [...] Peasants and children, apprentices and their loves, loose-living females, pickpockets...”9 Dancing and music were to be heard everywhere, in particular yodelling.10 When banned by the authorities, the “nude balls” of the mid-19th century were replaced by cross-dressing masked balls.11

This hidden periphery of proletarian pariahs was the flip side of fin de siècle Vienna with all its aestheticist glamor. Then as now, urban structures broke down at the city’s edge, and alienation became most obvious. However, this “other” Vienna barely merits a mention in Viennese literary Modernism, failing to penetrate the consciousness of its best-known authors.4 The suburb of Neulerchenfeld in particular, despite its relative geographic proximity to the centre, was regarded as out of bounds for many years. When this no-man’s land featured in literature at all, it was always in conjunction with lower-class female sexuality. It is no coincidence that Felix Salten’s memoirs of the “Viennese harlot” Josefine Mutzenbacher are set here. In contrast to central Vienna’s self-reflexive, patrician magnificence at the turn of the 19th century, these enigmatic, marginal areas have always been vital to popular discourse on the city, in particular in folksong and oral traditions of legend and myth. These tell of rebellions, of unbridled pleasure-seeking even in times of great need, of big-time gangsters and smallscale swindlers, of a wide-spread “seize the day” mentality and of close-knit communities which have continually resisted all efforts of the centre to control them.

The ample gardens and dance halls of the larger, more traditional inns hosted military bands, Josef Lanner and Johann Strauß father and son. Nestroy sought inspiration here for his comic

5 6 7

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Viennese slang for what is otherworldly, eerie, sinister. Goebbels 1945, Tagebücher, 535. Neues Wiener Tagblatt, 16 November 1918, 3. Eg. Schnitzler 1882, Traumnovelle.

9 10 11

.+

Cf. Schrank 1886, Prostitution, vol. 1, 278. Cf. Ziak 1979, Neulerchenfeld, 44. Gaheis 1804, Wanderungen und Spazierfahrten, vol. 7, 96 and 117. Ibid., 96. Glaßbrenner 1836, Bilder und Träume, vol. 2, 146. Cf. Schrank 1886, Prostitution, 280. Ibid., 403.

the system, their attack on written culture can be seen as resistance to the symbolic order of modernity, to the rationalism and objectivity that underpin central hegemony. Similar protests were repeated on a much larger scale during the infamous burning of the Palace of Justice on 15 July 1927.14 Whilst the traditional forces of law and order were suspended, the marginalised western suburbs revolted in two long days and nights of anarchy. There were shootings, attacks on police stations and plundering. That special object of desire, the private car, was “requisitioned” in great numbers by seemingly aimless gangs of youths, many of whom had almost certainly never set foot in a such a vehicle before.15

characters, and the “Lerchenfelder” came to typify the male, suburban Viennese, as described by the satirist Märzrot in the mid-19th century: “Historic personage […] of breath-taking coarseness, vulgar wit, overbearing sociability and an instinctive tendency to brawl (...). When sober, the Neulerchenfelder busies himself with doing nothing and drinking.”12 This hedonism occurs repeatedly in descriptions of the Neulerchenfelder, in strange and seemingly crass opposition to the district’s problems. Joined with the parish of Ottakring in 1890, it formally became part of Vienna in 1892 during the city’s second enlargement. Its dynamic expansion and deplorable social conditions coincided with a renaissance of large-scale inns and taverns that bears comparison to the “event gastronomy” of the late 20th century. Neulerchenfeld became an Eldorado for folk singers, enormously popular for their dialect songs, which combined social criticism, caustic wit and lascivious innuendo. Such performances were however merely a belated flowering of older folk traditions which were gradually being overtaken by qualitatively different forms of popular rebelliousness. The rapid urban development of the late 19th century and capitalism’s increasing hold on the city’s economy mobilised mass insubordination such as the bloody street scenes witnessed in Neulerchenfeld during the food price riots of 11 September 1911. The police were rendered helpless by splinter groups that formed spontaneously throughout the district’s extensive territory, perpetrating acts of violence and “scattering swiftly no sooner they saw the watchmen and military”. Sections of the local population lent effective and vocal support, and it was many hours before the situation could be brought under control.13 The revolt’s leaders turned out to be 12-14 year-olds from the “Schmelz”, a vast derelict space bordering the district. Schools were plundered and set alight and the advancing fire brigade hindered by all possible means. The newspapers called it a “boys’ revolution”.

This reinterpretation of urban territory and reversal of the symbolic order is typical of political expression in Neulerchenfeld. On the one hand, the Austrian workers’ movement was born here as a modern phenomenon whose power and influence lay in its mass organisation. On the other, the small-scale social relations of pre-modern rural life were mapped onto the political cells and section structures of the party. Each block had its party officers, who knew the building they lived in better than its owners or caretaker. This orchestrated redefinition of the city’s territory countered urban anonymity with a dense communicative network, and was vital in integrating rural migrants in their new industrial setting. Many elements of pre-modern popular culture were preserved, for example its high degree of local autonomy and tendency to patriarchal leadership styles. Thus it was that Social Democrat leader Victor Adler, a firm believer in rational modernisation, complained to Karl Kautsky in a letter of 18 November 1901 that the undisputed chief of the Ottakring Social Democrats, Franz Schuhmeier “was not capable of even understanding our problems”. This “hugely talented demagogue” had “cooked himself up a kind of rowdy opportunism” which would be completely unfeasible “outside the Wild West” (i.e. Vienna’s western suburbs).16 Although Schuhmeier went far beyond popular demagogy, not least in founding the Ottakring “Volksheim” with university professor Ludo Hartmann,17 to the end of his days18 he harked back to the radicalism of the late 1880s, when he had been an illegal backroom politician and spoken publicly at the first unauthorized 1 May march.

Although it was over almost as quickly as it began, the form of this revolt points far beyond the ostensible causes of food shortage and social deprivation. The seemingly senseless violence of the young anarchists displays a peculiar logic. Most were immigrants from backward rural areas, disillusioned by city life. Pushed to the margins and condemned to poverty by

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Quoted by Ziak 1979, Von der Schmelz auf den Gallitzinberg, 22. Cf. MdI, Präs. 9798, 19 September 1911.

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Cf. Canetti 1982, Die Fackel im Ohr, 230 and 235. Neue Freie Presse, 18 July 1927, 4. Adler 1954, Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, 378. The “Volksheim” was a progressive adult education centre much patronised by the working classes. Schuhmeier was assassinated in 1913. His funeral was attended by a quarter of a million people, and was the largest public demonstration in Vienna to that date.

After Austrofascism banned the workers’ movement again in 1933/34, such clandestine practices were resurrected with astonishing rapidity. Lightening demonstrations, illegal printing presses and hidden depots of manifestos were once more the order of the day in Ottakring. The Revolutionary Socialists met at Café Weidinger on the Lerchenfelder Gürtel, which became more or less forbidden territory for the political police. Insecure and lacking in mass support, the new regime alternated between brutality and concessions. Their repressive measures led to an overlap between underground politics and organised crime, which liked to pose as social rebellion and sometimes even received party support.19

Suburban gangs returned with a vengeance after 1945, and were subject to much disapproval during the following conservative years of reconstruction. Press hysteria, police enquiries into “youth crime” and hectic activity by the social services all combined to make the term “youth” seem synonymous with “deviant”. This discourse concealed fascist and anti-semitic elements, and was openly anti-American. Vienna’s chief of police, Joschi Holaubek, himself a former member of the clandestine antifascist resistance, attempted to defuse the situation by accusing the press of exaggeration. On the other hand, he himself admitted to “issues of public safety” and said that the situation bore comparison to “London, New York und Chicago”.21

Unsurprisingly, the National Socialists also considered Ottakring particularly hazardous terrain. It is no coincidence that the party’s official report on “World Bolshevism” features a (manipulated) photograph of a communist demonstration on the Neulerchenfelder Straße.20 The “red suburbs” commanded respect, and contingency plans were made for their resistance when Hitler annexed Austria in 1938. Whole neighborhoods of Ottakring were purportedly out of bounds to the Nazis, a legend backed up by the fact that the party was forced to ban its members from entering seven taverns in the area. The actual core of this legend is however to be found in the defiant defeatism of the “Schlurfs” (drop-outs). These informal gangs of male and female youths hung around the Schmelz and evaded the Nazis’ attempts at control. Outlaws who tended to petty crime like their historical predecessors, they dressed in ironic quotations of dandyism and Hollywood, loved jazz and despised the conformity of the Hitler Youth. Their frequent violent clashes with the latter formed the basis of their reputation.

In actual fact, gang members seldom graduated to organized crime. Their activities were generally of a quite different nature, reminiscent of the events surrounding 15 July 1927: joyriding, for example. Once again, locals tended to sympathize with them. They were not reported to the authorities, and parents were more likely to blame the police than their offspring when the latter were arrested. This popular support resulted from traditional lower-class sympathy with outlaws whose protest can be seen as defiance of the ruling system. It was this that led the literary avant-garde “Wiener Gruppe” around H. C. Artmann, Ossi Wiener and Gerhard Rühm to create a “yob cult” in these years. Strong local ties were the basis of the gangs’ concrete and symbolic support. Ottakring was divided up into many “hoods” with which they were identified22 Meeting places included cafes, cinemas and dance halls, for example, the infamous Thumser, immortalised by Gerhard Bronner and Helmut Qualtinger in their song “Da G’schupften Ferdl.” Eye-witnesses claim that the redoubtable landlady Paula Thumser always insisted that punters come correctly attired in a suit and tie, whatever else may have happened on her premises.

Such gangs had already been documented around 1900, early signs of the existential deficits of industrial capitalism. Their petty crimes enabled them to live in pseudo-sophistication, and their main aim was to occupy territory, to create cities within the city with their own rules and modes of behaviour. Their evident pleasure in attacking the Hitler Youth and subverting prevailing norms could be seen as typical of the suburbs’ anti-authoritarian tendencies, but it did not open a concrete political perspective in the final instance.

The protagonists of Bronner and Qualtinger’s song came to represent a proletarian suburban youth culture characterised by rebellion and socio-cultural marginality. Under the title “Der Gschupfte Ferdl und wir”, an editorial in the Arbeiter-Zeitung of 3 August 1957 investigated the “psychology and sociology of the gang plague”.23 It concluded that the problems of puberty

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 Neues Österreich, 9 February 1958, 8.  Hanslmayr 1988, Entstehung und Artikulation von Jugendkultur als Ausdruck generationsspezifischer Erfahrung gesellschaftlicher Realität, Vienna. '(  Cf. editorial in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, 3 August 1957. ''

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 Interview, Maderthaner/Leo Mistinger, 27 April 1997.  Der Weltbolschewismus, ed. by the Anti-Komintern (Berlin/Leipzig, 1936), 291.

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were compounded by an increasingly hectic urban culture of “skilfully marketed commercial stimuli”. As a result, vandalism and youthful neglect were on the rise. On the other hand, the AZ insisted on the value of the gangs’ raw material, recalling how the “Schlurfs” had defied Nazi propaganda and repression. Although later gangs set themselves up in opposition to a democratic society rather than a dictatorial regime, their actions should not be seen as political but rather social criticism, and their energies, “that rebellious ferment of proletarian urban youth”, should be harnessed and sublimated.

More living in the Viennese Suburbs: Maderthaner, Wolfgang/Musner, Lutz: UNRULY MASSES. The Other Side of Fin-de-Siècle Vienna. Oxford/New York: Berghahn Books 2008, ISBN 978-1-84545-345-9 (Hb), ISBN 978-1-84545-446-3 (Pb)

That is of course what happened, although not as the AZ intended or predicted. A rise in general prosperity, mass consumerism, corporate politics with Fordist elements, effective welfare structures and full employment set the scene for a universal expansion of the middle classes. These developments deprived Ottakring of its nimbus as urban “other”, watering down its peculiar mixture of poverty, insubordination and hedonism. That is, until the radical political and economic changes of the late 20th century and globalized migration posed familiar problems anew.

Literature Adler, Victor: Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky. Gesammelt und erläutert von Friedrich Adler. Wien 1954. Canetti, Elias: Die Fackel im Ohr. Lebensgeschichte 1921–1931. Frankfurt am Main 1982. Ehrt, Adolf: Der Weltbolschewismus. Ein internationales Gemeinschaftswerk über die bolschewistische Wühlarbeit und die Umsturzversuche der Komintern in allen Ländern. Herausgegeben von der Anti-Komintern, Berlin/Leipzig 1936. Gaheis, Franz de Paula: Wanderungen und Spazierfahrten in die Gegenden um Wien, Vol. 7. Wien 1804. Glaßbrenner, Adolf: Bilder und Träume aus Wien, Vol. 1. Leipzig 1836. Goebbels, Joseph: Tagebücher 1945. Die letzten Aufzeichnungen. Hamburg 1975 Hanslmayr, Johanna: Entstehung und Artikulation von Jugendkultur als Ausdruck generationsspezifischer Erfahrung gesellschaftlicher Realität. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Wiener Halbstarken der fünfziger Jahre. Diss., Wien 1988. Kovarik, Ferry: 100 Jahre Ottakring bei Wien. Wien 1992. Reischl, Friedrich: Wien zur Biedermeierzeit. Volksleben in Wiens Vorstädten nach zeitgenössischen Schilderungen. Wien 1921. Rodenberg, Julius: Wiener Sommertage. Leipzig 1873. Schlögel, Friedrich: Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. 2: Wiener Luft. Wien/Leipzig 1893. Schmidl, Adolf: Die Kaiserstadt und ihre nächsten Umgebungen. Wien 1843. Schnitzler, Arthur: Traumnovelle. Frankfut/Main 1882. Schrank, Josef: Die Prostitution in Wien in historischer, administrativer und hygienischer Beziehung. 2 Vol., Wien 1886. Ziak, Karl: Des Heiligen Römischen Reiches größtes Wirtshaus. Der Wiener Vorort Neulerchenfeld. Wien/München 1979.

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Då kunntat jå a jeda kumman (Viennese, derrogatively: “So you think, you can show up and simply do that”).



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which it is measured – a great deal from project to project. Of course some things don’t work since there is a lot of room for experiments. But the visitors can expect that every SOHO will feature exciting work – assuming they take the trouble to go through the large selection.3 By the way: things aren’t any different in a museum. A large part of the work in every exhibition – whether in a museum or not – isn’t that great, in our opinion. Other qualities, those which were not at the center of academic artistic training, are central to projects for SOHO IN OTTAKRING. When someone takes on public spaces, he/she really has to take it on. There generally isn’t a curator standing by to help handle trying negotiations with a hotdog stand owner or with one of the big players in the area. Neither a fine arts degree nor a revolutionary theory is of any help here. The authors of this text are convinced that the characteristics of the artistic process in social spheres define the quality of the work, or at least define its conditions. The Art Business, Business, and the Terms of Business Art could basically take place anywhere in SOHO IN OTTAKRING: in ateliers and studios, in public spaces, in shops, or vacant commercial locales. Vacant commercial locales were very popular among artists – especially in the first years of SOHO IN OTTAKRING. They were a bit more sheltered than the intense social spheres of the Brunnenviertel neighborhood. They offered the possibility of presenting work or projects in what were (often literally) ‘grey cubes’. The search for festival sponsors led to a cooperation with the Vienna Chamber of Economics. Their ‘Verein Wiener Einkaufsstraßen’ (Association of Viennese Shopping Streets) supported SOHO IN OTTAKRING for a number years, and in return hoped for increased activity and new tenants for the many vacant commercial spaces in and around the Brunnenviertel area. This only happened to a modest extent. Stores continued to close, some new leases were signed with artists, but most of the new tenants were betting shops, ‘massage parlors’, and brothels. In terms of the hoped-for revaluation, the recoil hit harder than the shot in this case. But the Chamber of Economics nonetheless released glowing bulletins about the revaluation of the neighborhood at the SOHO IN OTTAKRING opening every year. This happened because the sponsorship agreement with the Chamber of Economics included the handling and provision of vacant locales, and the funding of all press-related work. This gave the Chamber of Economics more or less complete control of the public perception of SOHO IN OTTAKRING (as an art

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)

 ‘Image correction’ isn’t meant to imply that an art project has something akin to a pure, true core that remains untouched by public perception. Instead, art projects in public/social spheres and their perception on the outside are in inextricably linked and influence each other mutually.

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For ten years SOHO IN OTTAKRING has shown that free spaces in which it is possible to do and try everything can be created outside the white cubes. And anybody can show up.

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IZbedg~gZhGZhiVjgVci`dcoZeiojbI]ZbV×LZaiZch^X]iZcÆ Temporary restaurant concept on the theme “exploring worlds”

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IZbedg~gZh\Zdg\^hX]ZhAd`Va^bhigV›ZchZ^i^\Zc6iZa^Zg$Temporary Georgian pub in a street-front studio

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Anes, Hatice, Hüseyin, Ines, Maja and Tugba ventured into their home district with a camera and an eye for the everyday and the extraordinary. The selection of photos to be exhibited was made together with the pupils revealing their personal view of the Ottakring surroundings.

Operating since Autumn 2004, the “Workshop for Performance Decrease” stimulates the creative potential – not only of the children, but also of the teaching staff – beyond solely concentrating upon efficiency. Parent involvement is also planned for the future. Creativity is employed to reduce aggression and motivate comprehension and self-initiative.

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9Vh×WajbWZg\Æ^hi@dbbjc^`Vi^dc!LV]gcZ]bjc\jcYGZÓZm^dc#9^ZLZaiYjgX]Z^\ZcZ 6j\ZchZ]Zc!YjgX]Y^Z6j\ZcYZhciZg$k^ZlhhiZaaiZ;gV\Zc!Yd`jbZci^ZgiZ!gZÓZ`i^ZgiZjcYegd_^o^ZgiZ^c bjai^edaVgZG~jbZ# The “blumberg” is communication, perception and reflection. To see the world through your own eyes, through the eyes of the conversation partner, through the eyes of a camera, through the eyes of the apparently not involved. To see, talk, play, experiment, cook, eat. Inter/views asked questions, documented, reflected and projected in multi-polar spaces.

Living space versus living room: A sound installation with recordings from the “living room – SOHO” events. The confined living room as the opposite of the open living space, a place for an inevitable encounter with Austria as a crime scene. It is enclosed and unwavering, trapped in the central room of the apartment between the prime-time program, the cheap sofa and a built-in cupboard. Commentary in the living room: Evelyne Polt-Heinzl (literary scientist), Evelyn Blumenau (artist), Helga Pankratz (author) and Thomas Thurner (internet radio producer).

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>ciZgV`i^kZ6jhhiZaajc\b^iEgd\gVbb$Interactive exhibition and program

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The Kuserutzky-Klan examines the subject of wellness as an artistic, political and practical level: back rubs with household appliances, godly experiences without God, and in “Home trainers Little Outdoor Adventures,” a film by Milena Krobath, as well as ‘Instructions on How to Play Hooky’ (Birgit Beermann and Peter A. Krobath) etc. ‘WfL’ countered the self-centeredness of the wellness movement with ‘Socialness’, and introduced experienced utopias. Other participants included: Lale Rodgarkia-Dara, Andrea Seidling, Peter Gradwohl (Professor of Hyperventilation), pictures by MIG, etc.

“Strategic (Re)placement” means to generate a “blueprint” – to work towards a space which is yet to be defined, and simultaneously, to analyze and comprehend foreign worlds – to create a spatial plan, so to say, where everyone can make their conceived worlds accessible. Each artist developed an individual concept around the theme “Exploring Worlds”, which was then collaboratively exchanged, modified and spatially explored in the unfinished IP2 office building.

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The Club Vagabonds toured the Brunnenmarkt in their mobile DJ-station visiting temporary exhibition spaces and local establishments. At diverse locations, visitors were temporarily offered a place to hang out. The act of uninvited insertion into an existing setting created a new relationship between “host” and “visitor” which was captured on video in polaroids.

The primary goal of the five advertisements in the daily newspaper “Der Standard” was to counter the “commonly-accepted” visions and images of the artist with examples of changing ways of working. A broader public should become aware of how artists are working today and which methods and specific “skills” they apply in the realization of their ideas. Above all, the act of self-empowerment was central – the conquest of media space for the specific concerns of public art.

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Emanuel Danesch was born in 1976 in Innsbruck (Austria). He studied at the Vienna University of Applied Arts and the Vienna Academy of Fine Arts. As a poly-media artist in the broadest sense, his projects and documentary films cover issues of cultural, economical and political transformation. He was invited to numerous exhibitions and festivals in Austria and abroad and worked repeatedly in collaboration with other artists. Emanuel Danesch lives in Vienna at the moment.

Anette Baldauf is a sociologist and cultural critic. She lives in Vienna and in New York. Her work focuses on post-industrial city formations, pop and everyday life culture, feminism, social movements and critical artistic practices. In her continuous cooperation with artists she focuses on establishing a dialogue between social sciences and artistic practices. Her work includes numerous radio features, TV documentaries, group shows and book publications, including “Lips. Tits. Hits. Power? Feminismus und Popkultur” (with Katharina Weingartner), “Der Gruen Effekt” (with Dorit Margreiter) and “Entertainment City. Stadtentwicklung und Unterhaltungskultur”.

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Monika Mokre is a political scientist. Her research interests include cultural politics, European democracy and public spheres, gender studies, urban development. She is the deputy director of EIF, Institute for European Integration Research of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, the chairwoman of ÖGPW, the Austrian Political Science Association, and a member of the board of FOKUS, the Austrian Association for Cultural Economics and Policy Studies, as well as of eipcp, the European Institute for Progressive Cultural Policies. Monika Mokre also lectures at the Institutes for Political Science in Innsbruck, Salzburg and Vienna, as well as the Institute for Cultural Management and Cultural Studies and at the Institute for Cultural Conceptions.

Wolfgang Maderthaner is a historian, cultural scientist and director of the Society for Labor History in Vienna. The focus of his work is mainly on European social and cultural history, urban studies and urban anthropology, cultural theory, formation of modernism, mass and popular culture, theory of historical studies. He has organized some major exhibitions and research projects in these areas, and his books have been translated into many languages. Recent publications include: “Kultur, Macht, Geschichte. Studien zur Wiener Stadtkultur im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert”, Münster/Wien 2005; “Die Selbstabschaffung der Vernunft. Die Kulturwissenschaften und die Krise des Sozialen”, Wien 2007 (together with Lutz Musner); “Unruly Masses. The Other Side of Fin-de-Siècle Vienna”, New York/Oxford 2008 (together with Lutz Musner).

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Elisabeth Mayerhofer was born in 1971. She is a freelance researcher and cultural manager, as well as a member of the board of the Austrian Society for Cultural Economics and Policy Studies (FOKUS). She was a guest researcher at the Erasmus University Rotterdam (NL) between 2004/05, and served as the managing director of IG Kultur Austria, an umbrella organization for independent cultural centers between 2006/07. She has worked in the field of furthering education since 2008 and her research interests include artistic job markets, public art, creative industries, cultural politics and gender studies.

Marie-Theres Okresek was born in 1976 in Vienna. She studied landscape architecture and set up bauchplan ).( landschaftsarchitektur und -urbanismus (bauchplan ).(, landscape architecture and urbanism) together with Florian Otto and Tobias Baldauf in Munich in 2002. There has been a bauchplan ).( node in Vienna since 2004, the year in which Rupert Halbartschlager joined the team. The focus is on the everyday, the process-like and the search for the hidden potentials of free space. The aim is to explore phenomena and translate them into specific spaces of possibility. bauchplan ).( vienna works in a shop window office in the Brunnenviertel.

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