Social Movements and Democracy in Africa: The Impact of Women's Struggles for Equal Rights in Botswana

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African Studies History, Politics, Economics, and Culture

Edited by

Molefi Asante Temple University

A Routledge Series

African Studies History, Politics, Economics, and Culture

Molefi Asante, General Editor Maat, the Moral Ideal in Ancient Egypt A Study in Classical African Ethics Maulana Karenga

Western-Educated Elites in Kenya, 1900–1963 The African American Factor Jim C. Harper, II

Igbo Women and Economic Transformation in Southeastern Nigeria, 1900–1960 Gloria Chuku

Africa and IMF Conditionality The Unevenness of Compliance, 1983–2000 Kwame Akonor

Kwame Nkrumah’s PoliticoCultural Thought and Policies An African-Centered Paradigm for the Second Phase of the African Revolution Kwame Botwe-Asamoah

African Cultural Values Igbo Political Leadership in Colonial Nigeria, 1900–1966 Raphael Chijioke Njoku

Non-Traditional Occupations, Empowerment and Women A Case of Togolese Women Ayélé Léa Adubra Contending Political Paradigms in Africa Rationality and the Politics of Democratization in Kenya and Zambia Shadrack Wanjala Nasong’o Law, Morality and International Armed Intervention The United Nations and ECOWAS in Liberia Mourtada Déme The Hidden Debate The Truth Revealed about the Battle over Affirmative Action in South Africa and the United States Akil Kokayi Khalfani Britain, Leftist Nationalists and the Transfer of Power in Nigeria, 1945–1965 Hakeem Ibikunle Tijani

A Roadmap for Understanding African Politics Leadership and Political Integration in Nigeria Victor Oguejiofor Okafor Doing Justice Without the State The Afikpo (Ehugbo) Nigeria Model O. Oko Elechi Student Power in Africa’s Higher Education A Case of Makerere University Frederick Kamuhanda Byaruhanga The NGO Factor in Africa The Case of Arrested Development in Kenya Maurice Nyamanga Amutabi Social Movements and Democracy in Africa The Impact of Women’s Struggle for Equal Rights in Botswana Agnes Ngoma Leslie

Social Movements and Democracy in Africa The Impact of Women’s Struggle for Equal Rights in Botswana

Agnes Ngoma Leslie

Routledge New York & London

Routledge Taylor & Francis Group 270 Madison Avenue New York, NY 10016

Routledge Taylor & Francis Group 2 Park Square Milton Park, Abingdon Oxon OX14 4RN

© 2006 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa business Printed in the United States of America on acid‑free paper 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 International Standard Book Number‑10: 0‑415‑97847‑5 (Hardcover) International Standard Book Number‑13: 978‑0‑415‑97847‑7 (Hardcover) No part of this book may be reprinted, reproduced, transmitted, or utilized in any form by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying, microfilming, and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission from the publishers. Trademark Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging‑in‑Publication Data Leslie, Agnes Ngoma. Social movements and democracy in Africa : the impact of women’s struggle for equal rights in Botswana / by Agnes Ngoma Leslie. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0‑415‑97847‑5 (alk. paper) 1. Women’s rights‑‑Botswana. 2. Social movements‑‑Africa. I. Title. HQ1236.5.B55L47 2006 305.42096883‑‑dc22 Visit the Taylor & Francis Web site at http://www.taylorandfrancis.com and the Routledge Web site at http://www.routledge‑ny.com

2006010022

To my parents, ESTHER SHAWA NGOMA

and the late AUSTIN GEORGE NGOMA, my husband, MICHAEL, my sons, DALISO and TAONGA,

and to all women everywhere

Contents

List of Tables

ix

List of Figures

xi

Acknowledgments Introduction Chapter One Situating a Social Movement in Botswana

xiii xv

1

Chapter Two Human Rights and Social Movements in Africa

13

Chapter Three Social Movements and the State

35

Chapter Four Women and the State in Botswana

49

Chapter Five Emang Basadi in the Policy Process

69

Chapter Six The Impact of Emang Basadi

95

Chapter Seven Conclusions: Social Movements in Africa

129 vii

viii

Contents

Appendix A Questionnaire Regarding the Impact of the Women’s Movement

145

Appendix B Questionnaire for Government Officials, Members of Emang Basadi, Women Activists

147

Appendix C Questionnaire for Legal Professionals: Lawyers, Judges, State Attorneys, Defense Lawyers

149

Appendix D Questionnaire for Honorable Members of Parliament

151

Appendix E Questionnaire for Less Educated Men, Women (Impact of Women’s Movement)

153

Appendix F Coding Instructions

157

Appendix G Coding: Government Questionnaire

161

Appendix H Coding: Legal Questionnaire

165

Appendix I Coding: Questionnaire for Members of Parliament (MPs)

167

Appendix J National Assembly Official Reports (Hansards)

171

Appendix K Botswana Acts 1973–2000

189

Notes

193

References

195

Index

207

List of Tables

Table 3-1

Chances of Success for Challengers in Weak and Strong States

43

Table 3-2

Percentage of Popular Vote by Party, 1965–1994

44

Table 3-3

Comparing the Coverage of Women’s Issues During Election Years

45

Laws Deemed by Botswana’s High Court as Discriminatory Against Women

47

Percentage of Popular Vote by Party, BDP, and BNF 1965–1994

66

Table 6-1

Policy Responsiveness and Indicators

98

Table 6-2

Results of Surveys Conducted in Gaborone on the Role and Impact of Emang Basadi

99

Table 3-4 Table 4-1

Table 6-3

Frequency of Women’s Rights News from 1973–1999

105

Table 6-4

Results of a Survey of Government Officials on how the Government has Responded to the Women’s Movement

114

Emang Basadi’s Impact Levels of Responsiveness of the Women’s Movement in the Five Areas

124

Table 6-5

ix

List of Figures

Figure 1-1 Social Movement and the Impact on Parliament, Government, and Courts in Botswana

11

Figure 3-1 Strength of the State

37

Figure 3-2 State Capacity in Relation to Society Strength

39

Figure 4-1 Comparison of Women’s News Stories Before and After 1986

57

Figure 5-1 Social Movement’s Impact on the Policy Process

70

Figure 5-2 Women’s Issues Reported in the Daily News

71

Figure 5-3 Coverage of Women’s Activism from 1973–2000

72

Figure 5-4 Women’s Rights Issues and Agenda-setting in Botswana

77

Figure 5-5 Example of Women’s Education Campaign Literature

86

Figure 5-6 Women’s Rights News from 1973–2000

89

Figure 5-7 Acts Related to Women’s Rights Passed by Parliament

90

Figure 6-1 The Problem of Identifying Impact of Social Movements

96

Figure 6-2 Comparison of Women’s Bills to the Total Number of Bills Presented in Parliament from 1973 to 1999

106

Figure 6-3 Marginal Means of Women’s Acts Passed

109

Figure 6-4 Women’s Bills Presented in Parliament and Women’s Acts Passed

111

Figure 6-5 Women’s Acts Passed by Parliament from 1973–2000

127

xi

Acknowledgments

I am grateful to a multitude of people for helping bring this work to fruition. Prof. Goran Hyden was most supportive and provided useful comments throughout this process. Ken Mease and Kezia Awadzi worked enthusiastically with me on my data analysis. In Botswana, I thank a number of people who helped to facilitate my research: my research assistant, Benson Puthego, for ensuring the success of the surveys, especially those of the members of parliament, the vice-chancellor of the University of Botswana, Prof. Sharon Siverts and her housekeeper, Ms. Ellen; Mosarwa Segwabe for providing me with office space and showing me the real Botswana; Wanjiku Mwagiru and Paul Knight and his family for their hospitality. I thank all my interviewees, including women associated with the movement and those outside it, members of parliament, all the people who participated in my surveys, librarians at the National Archives, parliament, and the University of Botswana. Joyce Lepetu and Mokwaledi Paledi helped me locate some missed data from Botswana. I owe profound gratitude to Doug McAdam and Anne N. Costain, who laid the research foundation on which this work is built. A fellow social movement scholar, Bob Press, enthusiastically provided valued comments. Jack Parson and Dave Hedge read parts of the manuscript and offered their insights and encouragement. I am grateful to Margaret Joynor for editing the manuscript in a timely manner. On a personal note, I am indebted to my family and friends for their constant love and support. My mother, Esther Shawa Ngoma, and my “mum” mother-in-law, Maraya Leslie, at different times took care of my family. While in Zambia, my sisters Priscilla, Alice, Maggie, Beatrice, and Georgina, and my brother, Brighton, reminded me of the joys of being home. My sister-in-law, Maria Leslie, was always supportive. My friends, Tovah, Fatma, Aan and Marta’s humor helped me keep up my positive xiii

xiv

Acknowledgments

spirit. Finally, only my husband, Michael, and our precious sons, Daliso and Taonga, know what it took to complete this project. I thank them for their love, support, and engaging discussions about democracy and human rights and their sense of humor, which helped lighten the process and make it all worthwhile. It is my hope that the questions of justice and equality will continue to feature prominently on all our agendas. A.N.L

Introduction

In Africa, Botswana stands out as a leader in political stability and economic management and prosperity. It is one of only two countries on that continent–the other being Mauritius–to enjoy uninterrupted liberal democracy. Since Botswana’s independence from Britain in 1966, it has held elections every five years under a true multiparty system. However, while the country has been hailed as one of Africa’s leading democracies and sometimes described as the “success story of Africa” its record on women’s rights has not been as positive. Botswana has retained laws and policies that ignored women or treated them as minors or as second-class citizens. In 1994, there were twenty-five discriminatory restrictions against women in the country’s statutes. At the international level, Botswana had not signed the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), almost two decades after it was passed. By this time more than twenty other African countries, many of them considered less democratic than Botswana, had signed the UN convention. Seen from the outside, this open and democratic atmosphere veiled Botswana’s discrimination against women. However, its traditional patriarchal society did not consider women as equal to men, but as minors. In 1986, at the height of pressure from women throughout the world demanding equality on all fronts, a group of Botswana women started a movement to mobilize other women to demand that the Botswana legislature change the discriminatory laws. Given its liberal democracy and the international pressure on governments, the general expectation would be that Botswana would readily concede and change the discriminatory laws and policies. However, the traditional patriarchal element in Botswana society offered the women stiff opposition. The Tswana society was not accustomed to public display of rebellious protests, especially from women. They frowned upon the women’s tactics. Undaunted, the women’s movement, xv

xvi

Introduction

called Emang Basadi (“Stand Up, Women!”), adopted various techniques and more appropriate strategies to impact the society and government. This book is about the Emang Basadi women’s movement’s challenge to the legislature and the government to change laws that discriminated against women, to introduce policies favorable to women, and to mobilize and empower women. It focuses on the movement’s impact on public policy and its contribution to broadening the democratic space in the polity. In addition, it examines the mechanism used to extend and institutionalize women’s political and legal rights in a patriarchal “democratic” society. On a broader level, the book looks at how far and in what ways a social movement can contribute to the deepening of democracy. Drawing on human rights, social movements, and policy process and agenda-setting theories, the study finds that a social movement can strengthen democracy in a society by engaging in broad-based education and advocacy campaigns targeting various constituencies. This finding is achieved by analyzing Botswana’s parliamentary bills and acts, government policies, and newspaper articles from 1973 to 2000. This study analyzes all the bills that were presented in the Botswana Parliament and recorded in the Hansard (the official recording of all proceedings and debates in parliament) and all the acts that were passed in parliament during that period. It also includes field work, surveys, and brief and in-depth interviews conducted in 2000 and 2001 in Botswana. Although Botswana is a liberal democratic state, it lacks active public participation in the political and democratic process. The case of Emang Basadi highlights such issues as subordination of women, human rights, democracy, and women’s quest to be involved in the development of their country as full citizens. The period in which the study was conducted coincides with a critical era in the international women’s movement; the United Nations had just celebrated the Decade for Women from 1976 through 1985 with a global conference held in Nairobi, Kenya. The 1985 conference was seen as the birth of global feminism. The international women’s conferences of 1985 and 1995 and the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1979, served as catalysts for women in Botswana as well as other countries. This study also looks at how the international women’s movement has impacted Batswana (nationals of Botswana, singular—Motswana) society. Given the nature of politics in many African states, including the pervasiveness of authoritarian and one-party systems, there is little incentive for researchers to study the policy process in that region. What makes this study interesting is that the political system in Botswana

Introduction

xvii

provides a rare opportunity to study a democratic African country’s political process and access to that process by a disenfranchised group. Also, the dominant nature of most states in Africa has resulted in a scarcity of social movements and, therefore, few studies have been conducted on the subject of social movements. In Botswana, although the formal structures of a liberal democracy have been put in place, the majority of the people have not yet sufficiently learned how to function within the structures (Selolwane, 1997). Further, unlike other African countries, Botswana has no tradition of group politics (Holm & Molutsi, 1992), which also explains the slow growth of interest organizations. Verba and Almond (1963) would conclude that many African societies lack a democratic or civic culture. They argue that a civic culture is a prerequisite for democracy. Adding to the notion of “civicness” and democratic institution-building, Putnam (1993) proposes the concept of “social capital” which refers to features of social organization, norms, and networks that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions. Putnam further noted that prospects for collective action are bleak when norms and networks of civil engagement are lacking. This has been the situation in many African countries, although there have been some changes. Another factor inhibiting the emergence of interest groups in Africa is the lack of understanding of people’s rights and their role in the political system. The general attitude of people is to defer to their elected leaders as they did with their hereditary rulers. They do not demand accountability or believe that they have the right to question laws and policies. This attitude may be explained as a residual of the bifurcated state that was created by colonialism: the urban and rural divide. According to Mamdani (1996), the colonial state produced a racialized civil society with a tribalized native authority. The postcolonial state deracialized the state, but did not democratize it. Rather, it tightened control over local authorities in the name of “detribalization” (p. 26). Some postcolonial nations have maintained characteristics of patrimonial rule. Max Weber used the term “patrimonial authority” to distinguish this condition from rational-legal authority. Patrimonialism is characterized by personalized authority that is shaped by a ruler’s preferences rather than any codified system of laws (Bratton and Van de Walle, 1997). Ethnic politics also hinder the development of independent organizations. Kasfir (1976) and Jackson and Rosberg (1982) argue that ethnic politics hinder the growth and effectiveness of autonomous organizations that otherwise could influence public policy.

xviii

Introduction

The nature of a state is an important consideration when studying social movements. This study found that the strength of a state makes a difference as to the impact a social movement can make. In strong states, movements for reform may have greater intensity, thereby compelling the government to make concessions to social movements. Unlike many African states whose capacity may be described as weak, Botswana has the characteristics of a strong state. The proposition that arises is that the strong state of Botswana would feel compelled to allow some concessions in order to avoid negative consequences, although it would resist making substantial concessions. While there is a wealth of literature on social movements in Europe, North America, and Latin America, little research has been conducted on social movements in Africa. This study analyzes the conditions under which a social movement can develop and what role it can play in a plural African society like Botswana. Although there is abundant literature on social movements, in the area of social movement theory, much of the scholarship has focused on the emergence and mobilization of those movements. The impact of social movements on public policy is rarely studied (Amenta and Young, 1999) and for the few available studies, e.g., Costain’s (1992), Banaszak (1996), Burstein (1985), Gelb and Palley (1987), and Tarrow (1993) conclusions are still tentative. If skillfully adapted to mobilize people and campaign in a specific environment, a social movement can make an impact beyond its intended goals. Also, a social movement in a developing country such as Botswana can take advantage of the loopholes in the society and provide what is lacking and thus become more effective in making its demands. By being proactive and providing what is lacking, such as education, a social movement can be more successful in persuading the government to change or meet its demands. In order to be effective, the women’s movement in Botswana found that it had to adapt its mode of operation, including how it framed its issues.

OVERVIEW OF CHAPTERS This book is organized with the objective of interweaving the major literature of human rights, social movements, and policy process and agenda-setting with the research on the women’s movement in Botswana. Chapter One describes the nature of the Botswana state, including its political and economic environment and how that atmosphere may be conducive to the emergence of social movements. It analyses Botswana’s

Introduction

xix

political and economic situation and points out the inherent contradictions in its political system in relation to women. Chapter Two discusses human rights in Africa and the emergence of women’s rights discourse. It examines the differences and contradictions between individual rights and how each applies to contemporary African society. This leads to Chapter Three on social movements in Africa and how the type of political system may aid or hinder the growth of social movements. It also covers various approaches to studying social movements including the classical model, resource mobilization theory, new social movement theory, and the political process model, with a view to finding which approach may be more suitable for studying the rise of women’s movements in an African environment. Justification is provided for using the political process model and why it is found to be more applicable to the study of the women’s movement in Botswana. Chapter Four presents Emang Basadi as a social movement. It also, presents the movement’s strategies in accordance with the political process model approach. Chapter Five relates Emang Basadi to the policy process, particularly the strategies the movement adopted in order to achieve saliency for the women’s issues. Chapter Six reveals the contributions of the women’s movement to the legislative process, government policies, and the strengthening of democracy in Botswana. Chapter Seven discusses the future of the women’s movement in Botswana. Given the many critical issues facing women in Botswana, the study confirmed that there is need for a women’s movement. Although the movement may have succeeded in having laws and policies changed, there are still challenges in implementing them, hence the need for continued mobilization and agitation. The study suggests that the effectiveness of a social movement is lessened when a movement is assimilated into the state, as seen in the later stages of this women’s movement. It concludes by analyzing this study in a comparative perspective, including its contribution to social movements in general and Africa in particular.

Chapter One

Situating a Social Movement in Botswana

Botswana is a landlocked country located in south central Africa. Its terrain is mostly a flat to gently rolling tableland. It has a semi-arid climate with low, unreliable, and unevenly distributed rainfall, which makes it prone to periodic droughts. The Kalahari Desert dominates the southwest part of the country. The large majority of the population is concentrated in the eastern part of the country where, due to better and more favorable climatic and soil conditions, arable farming and cattle-raising are possible. The population of Botswana is 1.6 million people (2005), one of the lowest in Africa. Gaborone, the nation’s capital, is located in the south and has a population of about 190,000. More than half the population lives in the rural area and is dependent on subsistence crop and livestock farming. Due to its semi-arid climate, the country’s agriculture has been limited, except in the area of livestock. Cattle raising has an economic and social role of great significance to Batswana (nationals of Botswana). When the country became independent from Britain in 1966, Botswana was one of the poorest countries in the world. Due to successive periods of droughts, which also killed a large proportion of the cattle, agriculture was at a low ebb. Soon after independence, however, Botswana discovered diamonds which led to a strong economy by the 1980s. This chapter discusses the political history of Botswana starting from its traditional origins and how that impacts on social movements. It also reviews the relevant literature on social movements to place the study of Emang Basadi in a broader comparative perspective. One of Botswana’s traditional characteristics that has persisted and influenced its modern political system has been its open democracy rooted in the traditional Kgotla system. The Kgotla was an assembly, usually gathered in the chief’s courtyard, where people could debate and take part in making decisions for their community. It was usually comprised of adult 1

2

Social Movements and Democracy in Africa

males who considered issues raised by the chief or his headmen. At these assemblies, community and national issues were discussed and debated, and laws and resolutions were passed (Mgadla, 1998). The Kgotla occupied a central role in the Botswana society. The general definition of a democracy as “government of the people, by the people, for the people” (Lincoln, 1863) has similarity in a saying in Tswana (or Setswana), one of the major languages of Botswana: Kgosi ke Kgosi ka Batho, which translates into “a chief is a chief by the people” (Mgadla, 1998). While the chief held consultations with councilors and headmen and took their advice before making significant decisions, the democratic values did not extend to women and children. Women, young adults, and minorities could be present at the Kgotla, but did not take part in the discussions unless they were asked about matters pertaining to their group. Scholars and citizens of Botswana believe that the Kgotla tradition is the foundation of the country’s democracy, a tradition rooted in the ancient core values of Batswana society. After independence, the state incorporated the Kgotla tradition into its democracy. Its first president, Seretse Khama, was himself heir and chief-elect of the Bangwato, one of Botswana’s ethnic groups’ throne. That Khama was a chief-elect was seen by many people as a perpetuation of their traditional institutions. The present government has maintained the Kgotla institution as a way of communicating and discussing with the people issues of national significance. In terms of major projects, national fora are held and people discuss the intended project before implementation. As a result, the general public continues to be part of the political process. However, sometimes leaders use Kgotla assemblies to mobilize public support when facing dissent. It is rather ironic that the state that is hailed as one of the most democratic in Africa only reserved the democratic rights for less than half its population since women and minor children were not treated as equal citizens in this patriarchal society. The society regarded women as minors and hence they were not present in the Kgotla assemblies except when they were called upon to testify in some cases. The denial of rights to women, however, did not negate Botswana from being viewed as one of the best examples of democracy in Africa. On the continental level Botswana is one of only two countries in Africa that has had uninterrupted liberal democracy since independence. From 1972 to 2005, Freedom House (2005), which conducts annual assessments of the state of freedom in all countries, has given Botswana a high rating for freedom. Except for 1973, when the country was assessed as “partly free (PF),” Botswana has enjoyed an average rating of 2 for political rights and 3 for civil liberties. Freedom House, a non-profit, non-partisan


3

advocacy group, assigns a rating for political rights and a rating for civil liberties based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest degree of freedom present and seven the lowest level of freedom. The combined average of each country’s political rights and civil liberties ratings determines an overall status of Free, Partly Free, or Not Free. From 1988 through 1992 Botswana was assigned a 1, the highest rating for political rights. Despite its being rated free in political and civil rights, Botswana is not viewed as a complete democracy, but a “maturing democracy” with several years of sustained democratic practices (Mattes et al., 2000). Since independence in 1966, Botswana has held regular multi-party democratic elections. It manifests to some degree, many of the conditions of a democracy to be consolidated including a functioning state, an autonomous political society, the rule of law, a functioning state bureaucracy, and an institutionalized economic society. One democratic practice that has eluded Botswana, however, is having other political parties rule the country. So far, only one party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), has been in power. It has won all the elections, albeit with a declining majority overtime. The country also lacks a strong civil society that could help to promote other groups and voices outside the main ruling group, which still dominates the country’s politics.

BOTSWANA–A “STRONG” STATE Botswana’s government is headed by a strong presidency that operates in conjunction with a parliamentary system. Parliament, which has legislative authority, consists of the President and a National Assembly. The House of Chiefs acts in an advisory capacity on selected issues, especially those dealing with culture and tradition. The National Assembly consists of fiftyseven elected members chosen from single-member districts, four members nominated by the president, the speaker, and the attorney general, who has no voting rights. The elected members of parliament (MPs) select the president. The president appoints a sixteen-member cabinet from among members of the National Assembly. The cabinet is responsible collectively to the National Assembly for government policies. After the 1999 elections, there were eight female MPs of whom four were in the cabinet. In terms of government administration, Botswana has continued the colonial tradition of having a highly educated and politically sophisticated bureaucratic elite set the policy directions (Picard, 1987). Unlike other countries that rushed to Africanize positions after independence, Botswana encouraged contributions by professional expatriates. The government’s recruitment and promotion have been based on merit. Botswana comes

4


close to the Weberian model of “apolitical, technocratic public administration” (Goldsmith, 1999, p. 540). The country’s relatively free environment and professional bureaucracy make it easier to analyze the impact of a social movement on the policy process. Unlike most African states, which have been categorized as “weak” in capacity, Botswana portrays characteristics of a strong state. Using the three categories proposed by Jackson and Rosberg (1982), domestic authority, the apparatus of power, and economic circumstances, Botswana qualifies as a strong state. The objective of this analysis is to gauge the capacity of the Botswana state.

DOMESTIC AUTHORITY Interviews with political scientists in Botswana affirmed the view that Botswana is an effective state that has maintained democracy and the country’s economic development. It has also been effective in keeping order, collecting taxes, and implementing national economic plans. Prior to independence, the colonial state was isolated from the society. The British colonial administration used chiefs to get what they wanted from the people, including taxes. The colonialists may have had a policy of indirect rule, but they also systematically weakened the position of chiefs by enacting legislation which usurped much of the chiefs’ powers and responsibilities. The result was the chiefs and the people no longer felt as connected as they did before colonialism. After independence, the state instituted effective linkages with the society. The national government improved public services at both the local and national levels. It allocated such functions as education, water, roads, and health to district and town councils. In addition, the national government introduced free education to its citizens and special programs, including incentives to people in various sectors including farmers. Agricultural programs offered farmers payments for clearing their fields, free plowing if they did not have draft power, free seeds, and financial assistance in drilling private boreholes, among many other things. Notable among the capabilities of the Botswana state is that from 1982 to 1987, a period of sustained drought, the government provided food to the 65 percent of the population in rural areas that were affected.

THE APPARATUS OF POWER Botswana has developed a higher degree of institutionalization of bureaucratic and political procedures than most African states. It has a relatively


5

developed state system “where probity, relative autonomy and competence have been nurtured and sustained” (Morrison, 1987, p. 10). Since independence, the government has maintained a professional bureaucracy. The bureaucracy continues to play a major factor in the policy formulation process. Like other characteristics of strong states Botswana remains centralized in terms of authority and decision-making. Although the country has given some functions to district and town councils, authority rests with the central government. According to the strong state theory, centralized states have narrower formal access, which implies that this further strengthens the state because individuals and groups cannot use alternative avenues to penetrate the state. Since independence Botswana’s undisrupted democratic nature and professional bureaucracy has resulted in the strengthening of its institutions. It has also created a favorable climate for a social movement to emerge. Its clear policy formulation process makes it possible to analyze the impact of a social movement on the country’s policies.

ECONOMIC CIRCUMSTANCES The strength of the state in Botswana has also largely been due to its economic success and efficient economic management. While many African countries have been struggling with poor economies, Botswana has thrived. In 2003 when the average per capita income of sub-Saharan countries was about $800, Botswana’s was about $4,340. But Botswana’s situation is unique. Unlike many African countries, which started off with rich natural resources and are now poorer due to mismanagement or poor international prices, Botswana started poor, but discovered diamonds and has experienced dramatic economic success. For the past twenty-five years, Botswana’s gross national product (GNP) has increased annually by an average of more than ten percent. Botswana’s diamond production in monetary terms is larger than any other in the world (Lipset, 1998) exceeding US five billion in 2000 (ISS, 2005). The government of Botswana has been known for pursuing carefully drawn development plans which include the rural areas. While modern Botswana has, in theory, embraced a democratic political climate and universalistic bureaucracy, in practice traditional patriarchal Tswana cultural values have prevailed. It is in this seemingly democratic but very patriarchal environment that in 1986 a group of women decided to challenge Botswana’s government and society to change discriminatory laws and policies against women.

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STUDYING THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Work on outcomes of social movements has not been systematically conducted or theorized (Amenta and Young, 1999). A study by William Gamson (1975) a Strategy of Social Protest is the most systematic thus far. Gamson analyzed fifty-three protest groups ranging from 1800–1945. Costain’s (1992) analysis of the influence of the women’s movement in the U.S. concluded that it impacted public opinion (but not legislative action). Still, conclusions about the impact of social movements remain tentative. There is agreement about the need for more work. The problem of attempting to gauge impact may be due to the fact that organizations and researchers tend to view “success” or “failure” narrowly. Although a social movement may not win the exact desired outcome, it still may obtain other benefits. A focus on the program alone may overlook unintended results. Costain (1992), for instance, notes that while she was studying the political impact of the women’s movement on legislation she found that the movement produced changes in other spheres, such as language, child rearing, education, arts, and individual psychology. Kitschelt (1986) argues that social movements can achieve substantive, procedural, and structural gains. A social movement can win substantial collective benefits without achieving its stated program. Procedural benefits refer to institutional access or acceptance of a movement as a legitimate voice for a particular group, while structural gains refer to a change in political structures. Gamson (1990), in a study of American social movement organizations, distinguished two forms of success, 1) a policy change that allows the challenger new advantages and 2) acceptance of the challenger as the valid representative of a particular group or voice. Rochon and Mazmanian (1993) add a third type of success: changing social values. Since most challengers are concerned about the lasting impact of their concerns, their highest goal is to gain structural reforms that give the represented group increased influence over political processes. The minimum gain for a challenger is something specific with a short-run benefit. Finally, changes attributed to social movements may not show up for a long time with the result that the movement’s success is underestimated. Piven and Cloward (1977) adopt a more critical stance by arguing that social movements do not serve their constituents because in the long run they tend to become co-opted by elites. As a result, they lose their ability to serve as resource or agent for reform in the future. The important point of the discussion above is that gains can be of different kinds. They can also be of varying magnitudes, some more easily discernible in the short term than others. These distinctions are important


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for this study because women fighting for their rights in a patriarchal society face serious obstacles, in spite of what appears to be a relatively democratic political system. Emang Basadi was inspired by the 1985 United Nations Conference on Women held in Nairobi, Kenya. One year after the conference, Emang Basadi became the first organization in Botswana to demand women’s rights. Its objective has been to enhance the position of women in Botswana socially, economically, and politically. Its focus has been “Women and the Law” with the intent of mobilizing women for the repeal of discriminatory laws, for better education and for revitalization of the women’s wings of political parties. It started as a protest group of women that included lawyers, businesswomen, and university women. One of the founding members, Onalenna Doo Selolwane, explained the movement’s formation: “We started as a protest movement hoping to influence law reform.” (Interview, Gaborone, July 2000). So from 1986 through 1992, Emang Basadi waged a legal awareness campaign.

MEASURING THE IMPACT ON THE POLICY PROCESS There are two issues in the literature on policy process that are of special interest to this study. The first concerns whose ideas and concerns get on the public agenda, the second is what the scope is for policy impact. Much of the agenda-setting literature has been influenced by the metaphor of the “garbage can,” a model originally developed by Cohen, March, and Olsen (1972). Kingdon (1984) builds on it when he describes government as “organized anarchy.” Political actors, problems, and solutions come together in unexpected and often uncomfortable combinations. These are the effects of particular “policy windows” when the time is ripe for a policy to be adopted. Although Botswana’s political system does not resemble its pluralist U.S. counterpart, the agenda-setting literature does provide insights that are valuable for this study, notably the timing of issues. For example, are there particular circumstances in Botswana and politics that explain the role that Emang Basadi has been able to play? The notion of “punctuated equilibrium” in politics as utilized by Baumgartner and Jones (1993) is also relevant here because it points to the possibility that policy impact depends on the degree of equilibrium of a given system. For example, a democratic system that is consolidated finds itself in a state of stable equilibrium. It “evolves” only incrementally and large policy impacts, therefore, are unlikely. The situation is different in systems that are less institutionalized because the scope for impact is potentially much greater. This study looks at this process by focusing on an African country where democracy is “maturing,” but not quite consolidated, and analyzes

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the opportunities for policy impact. At its inception, Emang Basadi pushed for change in the discriminatory laws against women. But the movement soon realized how difficult it was to change the deeply rooted patriarchal Tswana values. Later, the movement decided to reformulate its strategies by focusing on the status of women and the need for policies to uplift the women’s standard. The women learned that by articulating a fundamental issue in a critical manner, it was perceived by those in power as threatening and likely to cause a major disequilibrium, a challenge to the status quo, and result in a political backlash. This suggests two things that are relevant to this study. The first is that formal democracy may not encourage drastic change, because when it is not fully institutionalized, any call for radical change poses a threat to the system. In Botswana the “radical” change would not necessarily be seen as a hurried changing of the laws, but the acceptance of “disruptive ways” of seeking change, as exhibited by the women’s movement. The second is that the disjuncture between state and society, identified above as a main feature of African politics exists also in Botswana, although that country is usually not considered a “typical” case. Thus whether in democratic or undemocratic environments, women seeking change have had to resort to culturally novel kinds of tactics in order to make an impact.

THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES An analysis of social movements over time shows varied tactics for adapting to changing political circumstances. In the sixties protests, civil disobedience, and defiance of authority were popular in the Black Civil Rights movement. In later years, this style of protest has waned. Subsequent protesters confronting authorities have used varied approaches, including writing letters of protest, marching, or sitting-in. In analyzing the women’s movement in the last three decades in the United States, Costain (1992) found that the movement had also evolved from the sixties. In the sixties, the women’s movement was more “flamboyant” and used disruptive tactics to win supporters and publicize its concerns. In the seventies, it became more conventional and shifted emphasis from confrontation to organizational tactics. In the eighties, the women’s movements focused on exercising power. “The women’s movement, through these three decades, shifted its political tactics from protest, to organizing, to exercising electoral clout, making it different from most other social movements of this period” (Costain, 1992, p. 1). Gelbe and Palley (1982) found that such emergent groups as the feminist movement achieved their greatest gains by using less confrontational and radical tactics.


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Thus, the evolution of the tactics employed is also a unifying factor of social movements, interest groups, political parties, and even nongovernmental organizations (Lebon, 1998). Gelb and Palley (1982) also found that the feminist groups that emerged as social movements in the late 1960s and early 1970s evolved in the last years of the 1970s from a more confrontational style to an emphasis on interest group organization and professionalization. Throughout history women have had to struggle for full citizenship. In the United States, people assumed that the Nineteenth Amendment passed in 1920 granting the vote to women awarded full citizenship to them. In reality, women at that time were still barred from jury duty and holding office. The nationality of a woman was determined by her husband (Lemons, 1973). Women had to campaign in order to win the right to hold office, serve on a jury, and have the right to determine for themselves their citizenship when they married foreigners. Although equality for women is assumed in many instances, rights are not automatic. By winning suffrage, women assumed they would also get the right to hold public office and serve on juries. Some states, including New Hampshire, Arkansas, and North Carolina refused to grant women these rights. Women continued to lobby for change until the late 1930s, when they succeeded. The foregoing history of women’s rights in the U.S. shares a similarity to the current status of women in Botswana. This study also looks at how the women’s tactics changed from the 1970s as the movement kept adapting its approach in order to become more effective. Drawing on the literature reviewed above on social movement theory, the political process model, and policy process it is possible to frame the following general propositions: Proposition 1: Persistent pressure by a social movement will lead to policy and legal changes despite initial resistance by institutions associated with a strong state because, in a democracy, institutional diversity and competition create windows of opportunities for social movements. Proposition 2: Social movements operating in a stable “strong state” environment are more likely to effect change when they adopt innovative and tactful strategies rather than when they adopt disruptive tactics. The women’s movement will be more likely to impact legislative action using tactful agitation that will compel the government to introduce new legislation and policies in favor of women rather than disruptive tactics. Proposition 3: A parliament is more likely to take up the agendas presented by a women’s movement during times of increased external and internal pressure from women’s groups.

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The capacity of movements to effect change depends on their ability to create internal and external alliances. A social movement working in conjunction with an international movement is more likely to have an impact on the policies of its country when the government participates in international activities. In line with the political process model, this suggests that external support is a product of insurgency rather than that external support triggers insurgency, as in the case of resource mobilization. Proposition 4: The more a social movement is able to increase the salience of an issue to the public, the greater the movement’s impact on legislative action. It can be expected that political leaders in a democracy are responsive to public opinion. The more the public is informed and engaged, the greater the chances for making a difference.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND PROPOSITIONS The basic research question which arises from the foregoing is: how far and in what ways can a social movement contribute to deepening of democracy in a developing country? Given the patriarchal nature of the Batswana society, Emang Basadi challenged some fundamental rules by demanding that women be treated as equals to men. It tackled the very basis on which part of the country’s constitution rests. In order to assess its role in the agendasetting and political process, this study scrutinized two arenas—government and parliament—where the organization’s influence may be traced and assessed. In addition, this research looked at the impact of Emang Basadi on judicial decisions. The research was guided by the following more specific questions: 1) To what extent has the women’s movement in Botswana led to expanded democracy through a reduction of discriminatory laws against women? 2) To what extent has parliament as a result of the women’s movement passed legislation which promotes gender equality? 3) To what extent has the choice of strategy adopted by the women’s movement influenced discourse in parliament or at the national level? 4) To what extent has the government introduced policies in favor of women as a result of the women’s movement? 5) To what extent have the women’s movement’s internal and external alliances impacted its demands?


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6) a) To what degree has the saliency of the issue impacted policy and the women’s agenda? b) To what extent has disequilibrium brought about by a social movement impacted the country’s political system? In defining the relationship among the variables in this study (Figure 1-1), theories of agenda-setting and punctuated equilibrium were particularly helpful. According to Baumgartner and Jones (1993), a stable system is not necessarily at equilibrium. A system of democratic policymaking would tend to be close to equilibrium. If a force pushes the system from equilibrium, the system would tend to move back toward equilibrium. However, if a system is weak, even a small push away from equilibrium could have a major impact. In the agenda-setting process, lobbyists may take advantage of the new situation to push for their interests (Riker, 1980). Using the theory of punctuated equilibrium, therefore, policy changes can occur to safeguard the system rather than to appease the challengers. In the case of Botswana, the government could make some concessions during periods of disequilibrium in order to maintain stability. The independent variable is the agitation and other acts by Emang Basadi. Intermediate variables are the nature of the issue–notably its degree of saliency and centrality in Botswana politics–and the extent to which these agitations create policy windows through causing disequilibrium in the system. The dependent variable, as indicated, is change in laws, policies, and parliamentary acts. The impact of the movement was tracked in these arenas listed above. The following more specific propositions guiding this research are: 1) The greater the saliency of the issue, the greater the probability that a social movement will be able to influence policy.

Figure 1-1. A summary of the relationship of key variables.

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Social Movements and Democracy in Africa 2) The more a social movement uses disruptive tactics, the smaller the chance of creating a policy window for change. 3) The more a social movement can act in various policy arenas, the more likely it will be able to have an impact.

TESTING STRATEGY In order to gauge the impact of the social movement, the main thesis of the study is that due to the women’s movement agitation, more parliamentary acts and government policies favorable to women were made after than before 1986. If so, parliamentary acts, government policies, and court decisions would be more favorable toward women after 1986. The units of analysis are parliamentary acts, government policies, and high court decisions. Agitation by the women’s movement was indicated by newspaper articles and publications of the women’s movement on women’s concerns. The analysis begins with 1973 in order to include data from three election years in the pre-test, 1974, 1979, and 1984, and three in the posttest, 1989, 1994, and 1999. The inclusion of election years was important because many of the promises, declarations, and manifestos were proposed at such times. The International Women’s Year Conferences of 1975, 1985, and 1995 were used to determine how these events might have impacted the situation in Botswana. To test the three propositions, a quasi-experimental analysis was employed: the extended time-series design to compare parliamentary acts, government policies and high court decisions towards women from 1973 to 1986, and from 1987 to 2000. Time series designs enable a researcher to determine whether an independent variable has an effect over and above its reactive effects. Time-series designs have been used to illustrate a situation in which a series of observations has been recorded for periods of time both prior and subsequent to the experience of the event to be studied. A similar usage of the time-series design is Campbell’s The Connecticut Crackdown on Speeding (1969) in which a series of observations were recorded before and after a crackdown on speeders in Connecticut in 1955. By including observations of trends for a number of years before the movement, i.e., an extended time series, it becomes possible to control for maturation and make more valid causal inferences.

Chapter Two

Human Rights and Social Movements in Africa

The study of women’s movements in Africa naturally focuses on the questions of human rights, justice, and equality. Discussing human rights provides the groundwork for analyzing women’s rights issues and a society’s willingness to accept or reject them. It also evokes the question of how women as a disenfranchised group may organize themselves to fight for their rights. The social movement literature, which emphasizes movements’ emergence, strategies, and impact, seems eminently suitable for analyzing the situation in Botswana. The second section of this chapter reviews the literature on social movements and concludes with a discussion on the way that such movements may be best studied in the Botswana context.

EMERGENCE OF HUMAN RIGHTS The significance of human rights is in their claim to universality. However, there is no universal agreement as to the actual meaning of human rights, human dignity, and freedom. The debate among human rights scholars has been between universalists and cultural relativists. Universalism emerged from liberal political theory. Supporters of universal human rights claim that certain human rights are inherent, regardless of cultural context. It focuses on the individual as the basic social unit, whose inalienable rights are civil and political, including the right to private property. Cultural relativism, on the other hand, argues that fundamental values are culturally specific and that the communal group and not the individual is the basic social unit (Pollis, 2000). Scholars who subscribe to this argument claim that human rights are irrelevant in Africa because they are based on individual claims against the state or society, whereas African people view themselves as communities. However, the communal style of life does not take away the relevance of human rights and the need to protect individuals. It needs to be pointed 13

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out that the “African” perspective is not homogenous as has frequently been assumed. In Western countries, including England, France, and the United States, the legal and political roots of human rights were formed from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries. As a result of the philosophical and legal writings of Hugo Grotius, John Locke, Baron Charles de Montesquieu, and Thomas Jefferson, a new concept of popular sovereignty and individual rights emerged that was based on the relationship of individuals to others in society (Pollis and Schwab, 1979). Also, during this time Western society underwent radical transformations of socioeconomic values and infrastructure. Due to industrialization and urbanization, the communal aspects of feudalism and extended family systems lost their importance. The emerging capitalist system was composed of a new industrial class that demanded political participation and freedom. This period witnessed the ratification of such rights as the English Petition of Rights (1627), The Habeas Corpus Act (1679), the American Declaration of Independence (1776), the United States Constitution (1787), the [American] Bill of Rights (1791), and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen (1789). These values that became institutionalized in the Western societies later were extended to international organizations such as the United Nations in the twentieth century. Liberal theory, however, did not extend the notion of individual autonomy to everybody; women, slaves, and children were not considered to have the rational faculties necessary for autonomy and the exercise of individual rights. Pollis and Schwab (1979) note that, with the exception of John Stuart Mill on the subjection of women, modern political philosophers did not address issues related to women. “Inalienable human rights were viewed as qualities of men, not of women” (p. 2). Despite this the Western construct has tended to set the conceptual framework for analyzing human rights. This mainstream idea of human rights includes the concept of individualism and is based on the premise that there is a universal ideal of rights Donnelly (1982), (Howard, 1986), and Vincent (1986).

COMMUNALIST APPROACHES TO HUMAN RIGHTS Adamantia Pollis (1982) in an attempt to define a human rights framework, argues that the concept of an autonomous individual possessed of inherent, inalienable rights has little or no meaning in much of the Third World, just as it was meaningless in the West prior to the Enlightment. According to this view, individual rights rooted in civil, political, economic, and social rights are “irrelevant” to Africa and other non-industrialized societies


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(Zvobgo, 1979). If the concept of rights has any relevance, it is derived from relations with others, as in “rights with.” Rights derive from relational situations with other persons; it is interactions with family, culture and among other persons and the nature of those interactions that establish rights (Pollis, 1982). Theorists who favor the African communalist perspective view the communal practice as the foundation of rights that favored groups over individuals. They argue that human dignity and justice that resided in membership and conferred status within a group gave meaning to political, social, and economic rights (Mojekwu, cited in Cohen et al., 1993). The group, much like an elite class, provided a normative system that upheld the basic moral values and patterns of behavior. An individual’s claim was validated by being incorporated into a social unit such as family, age grade, clan, or village (Marasinghe, 1984). This notion views membership in a community in pre-colonial African societies as a human right. This view, however, does not take into consideration the varied nature of Africa’s redistributive systems. In many cases rulers used their authority to distribute resources as they wished. Another view of the communitarian approach is the importance of social and economic claims. This view, which is also emphasized in the African or Banjul Charter (OAU, 1981) argues that these rights are as important as civil and political ones. Proponents of this view take into consideration Africa’s economic and development situation. Ake (1987) argues that the Western concept of human rights is irrelevant in Africa because the majority of the people are still struggling for basic existence. The problem with this view is that it downplays the need for individual rights and minimizes the importance of civil and political rights tending to contradict the principle of human dignity which many leaders, including Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda (1967), advocate. Further, as the rulers disregard human rights and perpetuate undemocratic ways, this view encourages authoritarian forms of governance. This brings the debate to whether first—and second—generation rights are unsuitable for Africa because it is “different” and poor (Nagan, 1993). The issue of poverty does not negate individual rights. As Howard (1990) points out, “very poor people are social beings, and that civil and political rights are guarantors that social aspects of their lives will not be pulverized by the state. Human rights can protect the poor as well as the rich” (p. 162). Also, this view does not take into consideration the social changes that have taken place in Africa, including urbanization, growing populations, modernization, landlessness, and varied employment not connected to agriculture. Debate about human rights in Africa has centered on the affirmation or denial of the existence of an indigenous human rights tradition.

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Seeing Africa as mainly decentralized, pre-capitalist, and largely practicing communal relations, such theorists as Ake (1987), Mojekwu (1980), and Cobbah (1987) view African human rights as reflecting collective rights. Senghor (1964), who espoused the communal foundation, also tends to look at Africa prior to pre-colonialism: “Negro-African society puts more stress on the group than on the individual, more on the communion than on their autonomy. Ours is a community society” (p. 93–94). This corresponds with the view that, in order to be effective, human rights need to be grounded in the indigenous cultural traditions and realities of every society (An-Na’im, 1987, Olusanya, 1986). In short, the individual is a part of society and has rights which the society embraces and should not be alienated in preference to collectivism. With specific reference to Africa, Howard (1990) identifies three reasons that are typically cited for why individual rights are not relevant to Africa. First, is the argument that human rights in Africa are mainly the result of historical and systematic economic exploitation, hence the most important right for Africa is the right to development. Second, a very poor country cannot afford “Western” civil and political rights and that poor people have no interest in human rights. Third, due to the communal nature of African society, group rights should be stressed over individual rights. Scholars who favor this argument claim that human rights are irrelevant in Africa since they are grounded in individual claims against the state or society, while people in Africa do not normally view themselves as individuals (Howard, 1990 p. 162). Some scholars, however, see embedded in the African society notions of both individual and collective rights. Fernyhough (1993) argues that in Africa, as in most historical societies, common people had clear notions of individual and collective rights and responded when these were abused by elites or super-ordinate groups. He suggests that in pre-colonial Africa “claims to justice, economic resources, and political office were expressed in both individual and collective terms and that the value of the individual achievement was and still is not less in Africa than elsewhere” (p. 51). Fernyhough adds that people who belonged to the subordinate classes adopted ways of protest, including overt and hidden forms to challenge exploitation. While there is agreement that most African cultures are not as individualistic as other cultures, especially Western cultures, the corollaries of the argument for African collectivism are both empirically questionable and irrelevant to the argument that they do not need individual rights. Howard (1990) summarizes three corollaries: 1) that African economies were redistributive and not acquisitive, 2) African politics were consensual


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and not competitive, and 3) there was no social stratification. However, to wholly accept these notions is to ignore such factors as expansionist states, social change, including landlessness, class- or caste-stratified societies, and employment in non-agricultural systems. The diversity of African systems also makes it difficult to talk about any one universal African system. Another argument for an African type of human rights is based on the notion that Africa is still largely rural and its population is much less affected by urbanization and industrialization. Pollis (1982) argues that the concept of an autonomous individual possessed of inherent, inalienable rights only became meaningful in Western countries after industrialization and modernization. While many traditional customs continue to be practiced in Africa, some have changed and keep changing to accommodate new situations. African traditions are definitely not static. Moreover, poor and underprivileged groups of people can hardly be expected to sit back and wait for more congenial social conditions to emerge before they decide it is time to claim their individual rights. Although the African Charter on People’s Rights borrows many aspects from Western human rights instruments, it reflects the ambiguity that exists between the individual and collective rights that exist in Africa. Whatever their nature, rights become politically significant only when they are acted upon in public. While there has been a growing recognition of the importance of human rights–collective or individual–the public discourse in Africa on these rights has remained limited, confined largely to academic and professional circles. The paradox in Africa is that the agitation for rights–the collective rights of the African people–was much stronger in colonial times than it is today (Hyden, 1993). The manifest activism in favor of human rights, collective as well as individual, in the public realm in contemporary Africa is viewed with suspicion by political leaders and sometimes outrightly suppressed. The reality of the political situation in Africa today is that, despite some moves towards formal democracy, the human rights situation lags behind other progress. The virtues of human rights, including freedom of association and speech, that leaders of nationalist liberation movements alike extolled in order to gain political independence are continually violated in many countries. The instruments that pioneered the struggle for rights in the past are today considerably weakened. New groups of human rights activists, drawn primarily from professional and academic circles, are still weak and often deliberately marginalized by the political leadership. These human rights groups, in order to gain official recognition and empower themselves, have sought affiliation with regional and international groups. They use international instruments to seek solidarity and

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expose their countries’ infringement of rights. But because the obligations of these international treaties are voluntary, governments can choose to ignore enforcing them. That happens often in Africa. Moreover, as activists seek support from the outside, they do not endear themselves to highly sovereignty-conscious political leaders. Fighting for human rights in Africa, therefore, is politically both risky and costly. Promoting the cause of women’s rights is no exception.

WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND THE AFRICAN CHARTER The African Charter on Human and People’s Rights adopted in 1986, was designed to safeguard human rights while reflecting the history, values, traditions, and development of Africa. The objective of the charter, as indicated above, was to combine African values with international norms by promoting internationally recognized individual rights as well as collective rights and duties. It recognizes the importance of women in society and states: “the protection of women’s rights is absolutely crucial.” The African Charter recognizes the rights of women in three of its provisions. The first is Article 18 (3), which deals with the protection of the family. This article pledges to “ensure the elimination of every discrimination against women and also ensure protection of the rights of women.” The second is Article 2, which states that the rights and freedoms enshrined in the Charter shall be enjoyed by all, irrespective of race, ethnic group, color, sex, language, religion, political or any other opinion, national and social origin, fortune, birth, or other status. The third provision is Article 3 which states that every individual is equal before the laws and is entitled to the equal protection of the laws. Although the Charter appears to address the issues of equality, the fact that it emphasizes tradition and cultural values, means that the rights of women are not guaranteed. By ignoring the impact of some traditional values, including absence of equality in marriages, and inequality in laws of inheritance and property rights that negatively affect the status of women, the Charter does little to “ensure the elimination of every discrimination against women.” Women activists and human rights organizations found the Charter inadequate in defending women’s rights. They organized and lobbied for a draft Additional Protocol on Women’s Rights. The OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government endorsed the elaboration of a draft protocol on the Rights of Women in June 1995. The document, known as the “Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights Concerning the Rights of Women,” exposed the inequalities that confront women. The document succeeds where the African Charter failed in stating what needs to be done to promote women’s rights. The Protocol was finally adopted on 11 July


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2003, at the second summit of the African Union in Maputo, Mozambique. It requires African governments to eliminate all forms of discrimination and violence against women in Africa and to promote equality between women and men. The document also commits African governments, if they have not already done so, to include in their national constitutions and other legislative instruments these fundamental principles and ensure their effective implementation. But while the adoption of the Protocol may be a significant step, the major challenge is the implementation of the recommendations. The struggle for women’s rights is further complicated when African women engage in international dialogue and gain external support. Male politicians generally tend to regard Western educated women negatively and accuse them of bringing “foreign” values. Women’s mobilization confronts issues of Western versus African values. Politicians see moves toward women’s participation as undermining African values. The result is that women have had to be careful in carving out new roles for themselves that allow them to gain greater public participation by framing their issues according to the local context and avoiding tactics which may make them appear as Western dominated. The study of Emang Basadi in Botswana shows how this has been done quite successfully. It shows that, despite heavy odds, progress for women is possible. The foregoing has attempted to show that the political situation in contemporary Africa does not make the promotion and protection of human rights easy. Fighting for women’s rights may be particularly difficult. As discussed above, several reasons contribute to this situation: 1) aversion among political leaders to “foreign” values; 2) ambiguity in legal and political protocols at both national and regional levels; 3) a deep tradition of patriarchy in some African states; and 4) a lack of tradition of a social activism in the public sphere in postindependence Africa. With these four points in mind, it is time to turn to the theoretical exploration of social movements and how they may be studied in Botswana.

DEFINING SOCIAL MOVEMENTS There is no agreement among theorists as to the definition of a social movement. What constitutes a social movement is not easy to define. The complexity of what constitutes a social movement is portrayed by researchers,

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including Cardoso (1987) and Jelin (1987), who claim that the definition of a social movement depends on the researcher. “Movements form a unity only when we look at them from the outside searching for similarities” (Cardoso, 1987, p. 32). Jelin suggests that it is the individual researcher who identifies a set of practices as a social movement. This makes it complicated to form a common definition. According to Touraine, “The empiricist illusion must be clearly rejected: It is impossible to define an object of study called ‘social movements’ without first selecting a general mode of analysis of social life on the basis of which a category of facts called social movements can be constituted” (Touraine, 1988, p. 63). The difficulty of categorizing social movements stems from the fact that they assume a much broader range of public postures than do institutionalized political actors and social movements have the potential to alter their stances quickly in response to changing conditions (Costain, 1992). Most theorists tend to agree on the properties of collective challenges even though they may not share the same definition. Looking at various definitions offered for social movements, a common denominator seems to be “contentious collective action” (Tarrow, 1994). Tarrow defines movements as “collective challenges by people with common purposes and solidarity in sustained interaction with elites, opponents, and authorities” (p. 4). He emphasizes the four empirical properties of 1) collective challenges, 2) common purpose, 3) solidarity and 4) sustained interaction. Tarrow’s emphasis on “collective challenges” is perhaps the most unifying tie. “Movements use collective challenge to become the focal point of supporters and gain the attention of opponents and third parties,” (Tarrow, 1994, p. 4). A common objective of movements is to bring common claims against those in power. Group interest is thus the most common factor for social movements. Leaders of social movements can appeal to the issues of common interest to organize a movement. While there is no agreement on a definition, there is some consensus that a social movement must not be defined as a group of any kind, but rather as a process (Foweraker, 1995). McCarthy and Zald (1977) define a social movement as a “set of opinions and beliefs in a population which represents preferences for changing some elements of the social structure and/or reward distribution of a society” (p. 1217–18). Charles Tilly (1984) defines a social movement as “a sustained interaction between a specific set of authorities and various spokespersons for a given challenge to those authorities” (p. 299). Tilly’s emphasis on sustained interaction between the challenge and authorities is useful for this study. Since its creation in 1988, Emang Basadi has challenged the Botswana government and lobbied parliament on behalf of women. However, McCarthy


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and Zald’s emphasis (1977, p. 1217–18) on “changing some element of the social structure and/or reward” distribution is equally important as Emang Basadi has pushed for change. Given the emphasis on two critical factors for Botswana in the foregoing discussion this present study combined Tilly’s and McCarthy and Zald’s definitions to propose: “A social movement is a sustained interaction between a specific set of authorities and various spokespersons holding a set of opinions and beliefs and preferences for changing some aspects of the social structure and reward distribution of a society.” This definition seemed more fitting for application to the situation in Botswana because of the emphasis on 1) sustained interaction, 2) a specific set of authorities, 3) various spokespersons, 4) opinions and beliefs, and 5) changing aspects of the social structure. The definition adequately captures the position of the women’s movement in Botswana, its relationship with the government, and its intent to change the laws and policies of the country.

APPROACHES TO STUDYING SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Social movements are shaped by the “push” of their own internal development and by the “pull of a common target” defined by exclusion (Tarrow, 1994). Collective action takes various forms. Social movement theorists, including Tarrow, agree that the most characteristic actions of social movements are collective challenges. The next section summarizes the basic theoretic approaches to studying social movements. The intention is to select one of the approaches and provide justification for applying it to studying the women’s movement in Botswana.

CLASSICAL MODEL The classical model of social movements is related to the pluralist view of political power: that there are many sets of leaders with different objectives and each has access to its own political resources. In the pluralist model there exists no single set of leaders who are all-powerful, agreed on their goals, and have enough power to achieve their objectives. This results in a wide distribution of power that ensures openness and responsiveness. According to the pluralist view, groups may hold varying amounts of power, but none has enough power to stop others from participating. The assumption of this view is that no group has sufficient power to stop one group from entering into the political space. “Whenever a group of people believes that they are adversely affected by national policies or about to be, they generally have enough extensive opportunities for representing their case and for negotiations that may produce a more acceptable alternative”

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(Dahl, 1967, p. 23). According to this view, social movements are deemed irrational by not adopting proper open channels and negotiating with attentive contenders because their views can be heard and possibly implemented. This is the underlying assumption of the classical model. There are variations of the classical model of social movements including 1) mass society, 2) collective behavior, 3) status inconsistency, 4) rising expectations and relative deprivation and 5) Davies’ J-curve theory of revolution. Each of these models has unique features, but their underlying assumption is that structural weaknesses in society lead to structural strain that lead to psychological disruption and produces a social movement. Collective behavior is the most general of all the classical models. Collective behavior theorists, including Smelser (1963), Lang and Lang (1961), and Turner and Killian (1957), subscribe to the notion that any severe social strain can provide the necessary structural condition for a social movement to emerge. They do not specify just one particular condition for a social movement’s emergence. Smelser (1962) identified six conditions that are sufficient collectively to produce a movement; 1) structural conduciveness, 2) structural strain, 3) growth and spread of a generalized belief, 4) precipitating factors, such as racial tension, that strengthens the grievances of a group, 5) mobilization of participants, “which marks the onset of panic, the outbreak of hostility, or the beginning of agitation for reform or revolution” and 6) the operation of social control. This model has been criticized and found to be inadequate. The proposition by classical theorists that social movements are a reaction to system strain implies that there exists a direct one-to-one correlation between strain and collective protest. This gives the impression of a stable system that occasionally may be disrupted by some degree of strain, which leads to social movement. However as Baumgartner and Jones (1993) and Wilson (1973) argue, systems are rarely stable, free of strain, or at equilibrium. “The forces which have the potential of producing social movements are always present in some degree. No great upheavals are needed to bring about the conditions conducive to the rise of social movements because certain tensions seem to be endemic to society” (Wilson, 1973, p. 55). While system strain may be necessary for the emergence of a social movement, it is not sufficient by itself to be a cause of social movements. Among the classical explanations, relative deprivation has gained more acceptance in political science. Proponents of this model, including Gurr (1970) argue that relative deprivation provokes mobilization. They define relative deprivation as actors’ perception of discrepancy between their value expectations and their value capabilities. The emphasis of this model is on the perception of deprivation. Arberle (1962) defines relative


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deprivation as “a negative discrepancy between legitimate expectations and actuality.” The values are the desired events, objects, and conditions that people strive for. Gurr categorizes the human needs, goals, or values proposed by Maslow (1943),1 Lasswell and Kaplan (1950)2 and Runciman’s (1966)3 dimensions of social inequality into a composite typology of welfare values, power values, and interpersonal values. According to relative deprivation theorists, the frustration-aggression relationship provides the psychological dynamic between intensity of deprivation and the potential for collective violence. If people are exposed to noxious stimuli that they cannot avoid or overcome, they have an innate disposition to strike out at their sources. Gurr’s hypothesis is that the potential for collective violence varies strongly with the intensity and scope of relative deprivation among members of a collectivity. Later models of social movements, however, from the 1960s found that people in desperate situations seldom revolted. For example, empirical analyses fail to account for extended periods in which mobilization did not occur during the last century in the United States and South Africa (Marx, 1996). Relative deprivation is difficult to measure, especially in large populations. Many theorists who ascribed to the relative deprivation model relied on measures of absolute deprivation. Given the problems of measurement, it has been difficult to demonstrate that a sense of relative deprivation is either necessary or sufficient to produce a social movement response. Also, classical theorists do not explain how individual psychological discontent is transformed into organized collective action. In general the classical model does not relate to the larger political context in which social insurgency occurs: social movements arise from and are shaped by their environments. The classical model is based on the assumption that structural conditions “push” people into protest groups. However, social movements are not a simple reflexive response to system strain, but rather they emerge and develop as a product of the ongoing interaction of organized contenders within a shifting politico-economic environment (McAdam, 1982). Classical theorists view system strain as the structural cause of social movements with the motivating factor being individual discontentment. The major weakness of this view is that movement participants are not easily distinguished from the average person by their abnormal psychological profile. Using the individual and psychological traits, it would be hard to show how political movements could recruit a large number of people. Also, psychological traits are not necessarily translated into political beliefs. Given the classical model’s weaknesses, it is not appropriate or adequate for application to the current study of Botswana.

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RESOURCE MOBILIZATION THEORY The resource mobilization perspective is seen as a response to the deficiencies of the classical model. It begins with the assertion that social discontent is universal, but collective action is not (Foweraker, 1995). The resource mobilization perspective developed in the 1960s as a deliberate rebellion against collective behavior studies. Its central tenets are that social movement actions are not spontaneous and disorganized and that the participants are not irrational. The seminal work in resource mobilization was Olson’s (1965) rational choice theory, Logic of Collective Action, which emphasized the weighing of costs and benefits rather than deprivation and grievances. Lipsky’s (1968) “Protest as a Political Resource” attempted to show that violence and protest have an indirect as well as direct effect on authorities. Gamson (1968) emphasized the consequences of the differential distribution of political access and resources for strategies of influence. Other early contributors to the resource mobilization theory include McCarthy and Zald (1973), Oberschall (1973), and Tilly (1978). These contributors emphasize different core assumptions of the theory. Resource mobilization theorists describe social movements as collections of political actors dedicated to the advancement of their stated goals. The approach of these theorists adds rationality to social movements and incorporates the effect of external groups on the development of the movement and the movement’s dependence on formal and informal groups. The development of resource mobilization theory was based on a set of simplifying assumptions that placed the study of social movements within the instrumental, utilitarian, natural science tradition (Mueller, 1992). Theorists began to ask questions concerning the availability of resources, how they were organized, and whether the state or society facilitated or repressed the organization and the success or failure of the movements. “It replaced the crowd with the organization, and dismissed the psychological variables of alienation and frustration in favor of the rational actor employing instrumental and strategic reasoning” (Foweraker, 1995, p. 16). The core assumptions of resource mobilization theory may be summarized as costs, mobilization of resources, organization, state or societal support or repression, and movement outcomes. First, behavior is related to cost. Participants weigh the costs and benefits of participating in collective action, which implies rationality at some level. Second, mobilization of resources may take place from within or outside the aggrieved group. Third, organization and mobilization of resources is important for the success of the collective action. Fourth, the costs of participating in collective action are related to the society or state, which may either raise them if it supports


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them or lower them if it represses the action. Fifth, there is no direct correspondence between the degree of mobilization and movement’s success. The resource mobilization theory has been criticized, however, for its adherence to economic models of human agency. As originally conceived, the theory also minimizes the role of ideas and beliefs. By neglecting questions of ideology and consciousness, the theorists underestimate the political origins of social protest (Klandermans, 1991). Resource mobilization tends to over emphasize the economic nature of movement participation and underemphasize its relationship to politics. Critics also claim that it puts too much emphasis on external and elite factors and ignores the local resources and the role of the state. Also, the resource mobilization theory does not offer a comparative analysis of the relationship between social movements and the state. Further, it ignores conflicts among elites as a factor that encourages underrepresented groups to rise up. By overlooking these factors this perspective does not take into account why and how group identity emerges to build and take advantage of either external or indigenous resources (Cohen, 1985). While women in Botswana joined the movement primarily to change the laws, it was not for individual gain, as Olson would suggest, but rather for the benefit of women in general. Despite its weaknesses, the resource mobilization theory has been useful because it challenges outmoded approaches and provides a detailed framework that served to integrate research (Zald, 1992). It has generated substantial research, although the gap between theory and data has been wide (Zald, 1992).

NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS This section analyzes the new social movement paradigm and how this may offer some insights into the women’s movement in Botswana. The new social movement school emerged from the 1960s. The perspective derives its term from the transition from industrial to post-industrial society in which a new society type emerges in which the identity of social actors corresponds to their capacity for self-reflection or reflexivity. They are constantly questioning the meaning of what is being done which leads to conscious choices of structure and action. The new social movement perspective encapsulates at least five approaches (Buechler 1995). First, theorists, including Cohen (1985) and Melucci (1989), stress symbolic action in civil society or the cultural arena for collective action, as well as instrumental action, in the political arena. Second, most theorists emphasize processes of self-determination rather than maximizing influence and power. Third, Inglehart (1990), and Dalton, Buechler

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and Burklin (1990) emphasize the role of postmaterialist values, as opposed to conflicts over material resources. Fourth is the focus on the process of constructing collective identities and identifying group interests instead of assuming that conflict groups and their interests are structurally determined. Fifth, theorists, including Johnston, Larana, and Gusfield (1994) and Klandermans (1992), emphasize the socially constructed nature of grievances rather than assuming that they can be deduced from a group’s structural location. The new social movement theory is derived from European traditions of social theory and political philosophy. Indeed, the term “new social movements” is not one, uniform view, but includes at least four European intellectual versions: Spanish (Manuel Castells), French (Alain Touraine), Italian (Alberto Melucci), and German (Jurgen Habermas). Scholars such as Buechler (1995) have questioned the use of the term and have suggested that it would be more accurate to refer to it in the plural as “new social movement theories” which would imply that there are many variations to a very general approach to new social movements. Students of the different versions agree that it emerged in the 1960s. According to Buechler, there are two schools of thought which exist—one stresses an objective, the other a subjective, class position. The objective school stresses social structural factors that formed “new” social classes as oppositional groups, while the subjective school of thought stresses attitudinal changes that have formed like-minded groups. The new social movement perspective attempts to bring forth a temporal, structurally linked understanding of social movements in which social movements are seen as being shaped by social structure. Based on Marxist logic, social movements in the industrial era were believed to emerge from the working class. Working class movements were seen as instrumentally based actions concerned with matters of economic redistribution. New social movements starting from 1965 were, however, not well explained by social theories that saw the working class as the site of revolutionary protest. There is agreement among the “post-Marxist” scholars that the primacy of structural contradictions, economic classes, and crises in determining collective identity are inappropriate for application to contemporary collective actors (Cohen, 1985). Students of the new social movements identify characteristics of the new social movement (NSM) paradigm as being, first, that NSMs are a product of the shift to a postindustrial economy and, second, that NSMs are unique and, as such, different from social movements of the industrial age. They specify that the working class movement dominated social movements prior to the evolution of the NSM perspective. While social movements, especially in Europe where Marxist thought was dominant, were seen as being conservative or liberal, right or left, and capitalist or socialist,


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the NSMs were not perceived as such. As products of the postmaterial age, NSMs are seen as qualitatively different from the working class movements of the industrial period. NSMs have moved their focus from the issues that were important to industrialism to the quality of life issues of postmaterialism (Bunchier 1995). Habermas (1987) notes that the conflicts in Western societies have deviated from the welfare state pattern of institutionalized conflict and are conflicts that arise in areas of cultural reproduction, social integration, and socialization. Inglehart (1977), who notes an epochal shift from material to post-material values, refers to the new type of conflict that involves values and attitudes as the “silent revolution.” The range of NSM theories may be explained by four theorists: Castells, Touraine, Melucci, and Habermas. Castells stresses the impact of capitalist dynamics on the transformation of urban environment and the role of subsequent urban social movements in this process. His basic argument is that urban issues have gained importance because of the importance of collective consumption and the need for the state to intervene to promote nonprofitable but necessary public goods. Castells views the emergence of new urban social movements engaged in a dialectical contest with the state and other political forces to reorganize urban social life (Buechler, 1995). The focus of Touraine (1985) is on the displacement of protest from the economic to the cultural realm, accompanied by the privatization of social problems that results in a search for identity and individualism that may exclude collective action. More recently, Touraine (1992) has situated NSMs between two logics: one a system seeking to maximize production and money and one of subjects seeking to defend and expand their individuality. Habermas, (Buechler, 1995), on the other hand, proposes an elaborate theory of modern social structure by distinguishing between a politicoeconomic system governed by a “generalized media” of power and money and a “lifeworld “still governed by normative consensus. He situates NSMs at the seams between system and “lifeworld” and expresses the tension between the two. Habermas views social movements as a reaction to the increasing rationalization of modern life. “The question is how to defend or reinstate endangered lifestyles, or how to put reformed lifestyles into practice,” (Habermas, 1982, p. 32). He has been criticized for not offering sufficient evidence that new social movement theory can contribute to any broader social transformation (Buechler, 1995). Lastly, Melucci (1989) posits the view that the modern world brings new forms of social control, conformity pressures, and information processing to which NSMs respond. The movements emerge from new sites of conflict that are interwoven with everyday life; the conflict itself involves symbolic codes, identity claims, and personal or expressive claims. Melucci’s

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work has helped to define some of the central issues of NSMs, including the role of identity in modern collective action. Melucci (1989), sees the construction of a collective identity as the most central task of “new” social movements. It is a negotiated process in which the “we” involved in collective action is elaborated and given meaning. Students of NSMs, including Melucci (1989) and Cohen (1985), stress the reflexivity of the movements, which is seen in the tendency to ask themselves explicit questions about “who we are.” “Who we are” is a topic that is important and also problematic since participants are not in the same location, class, or ethnic group. Offe (1985) posed a global claim that NSMs marked a break with the postwar political settlement and that a new political paradigm, which he identified with these movements, may have resulted in changes in advanced capitalism. The problem with Offe’s model, like those of other scholars, is that it operated at a structural level with little theoretical specification of consensus mobilization at the group and individual level and little attention was paid to how actors are mobilized (Klandermans and Tarrow, 1988).

SIGNIFICANCE OF NSM TO WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS The significance of the NSM perspective to women’s movements is that participants are constantly questioning the meaning of what is being done. Typical of NSMs is that participants make conscious choices regarding structure and action. Many feminist movements employ the consciousnessraising and are constantly questioning the meaning of what is being done. To the extent that new social movements are urban based and consciousraising, the characteristics could be applied to the movement in Botswana. However, the emphasis on post-material shifts in values as proposed by Inglehart (1977) is more evident in Western countries than in developing countries like Botswana. According to Inglehart NSMs represent the shift to post-material values that stress issues of identity, participation, and quality of life, rather than economic matters. While issues of identity and participation are important in developing countries, economic matters often are still even more vital. Unlike social movements in Western countries, those in developing countries, such as Botswana, are still concerned with the need for survival and security, as pointed out in reference to Maslow’s (1943) psychology of needs hierarchy. For example, according to the customary law, women in Botswana do not have access to land, which puts them at the mercy of their husbands. This means that they are still fighting for basic needs.


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One conceptual concern with NSM is related to Inglehart’s “shift in values” (1977) perspective. The explanation that the value shift is brought about by increasing security and prosperity in modern Western countries is not convincing. There are other explanations, such as prosperity and the nature of the society and challenges related to it, such as bureaucratization. Simply attaining high levels of security and prosperity will not necessarily produce post-material values that will combine with increases in political efficacy and political distrust to result in increased political activism, as Inglehart proposes. The value-shift perspective, also may be more specific to and exaggerated in Western countries. While Inglehart (1977) presented convincing data regarding change in values over thirty years, he focused on value changes in a specific class segment called the “new” middle class. This approach is troubling, as Brint (1984) found that the four groups defined as composing the “new” middle class did not possess dissenting attitudes. Brint concluded that the theorists exaggerated the levels of dissent and even the levels of liberalism found in this new class and thus failed to provide empirical evidence that such a new and militant class, linked to NSMs, has arisen in the United States or Europe. Cohen proposes changing the term “new” to “contemporary” social movements. This, however, would change the meaning of the term and include Third World countries that do not have the shared, usually Western, experiences alluded to in the NSM perspective. The major contribution of the NSM perspective is its focus on issues that had not been emphasized, including identity, culture, and the role of the civic sphere. The NSM perspective has been frequently used in such studies as the environmental movement, the women’s movement, and peace movements. However, its shortcomings including its emphasis on post-material values, make this perspective inadequate for application to developing countries, particularly the study in Botswana. The next section analyses the political opportunity perspective and explores its potential theoretical application.

POLITICAL PROCESS MODEL The political process model grew out of the resource mobilization theory. It builds on the resource mobilization approach, trying to integrate macro, meso-and micro-approaches. It is seen as an attempt to tie together the “new social movements” and the resource mobilization approaches. “Bringing the state back in” was the major focus of the political opportunity structures, with the state being a central factor. In this perspective, groups organize themselves to take advantage of political opportunities brought about by changes in policy. This is referred to as the political opportunity structure.

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Lipsky (1968) implicitly developed the concept of “political opportunity structure” in the 1960s. The concept was used a little more explicitly by Eisinger (1973) in the 1970s. Eisinger argued that “it would seem reasonable to suspect that the incidence of protest . . . is related to the nature of the political opportunity structure.” Later, Piven and Cloud (1977) regarded electoral instability as the major source of political opportunity. Jenkins and Perrow (1977) emphasized external resources and political allies. From these related view points, the concept of political opportunity structure finally was formalized by Tilly (1978). McAdam (1982) refined the concept of “political process” based on two central ideas; that a social movement is above all else a political process and not a psychological phenomenon and that a movement represents a continuous process from generation to decline, rather than a discrete series of developmental stages. McAdam’s model explicates the emergence of social movements based on a favorable confluence of factors internal and external to the movement. “The emergence of widespread protest activity is the result of a combination of expanding political opportunities and indigenous organization, as mediated through a crucial process of collective attribution” (McAdam, 1982, p. 20). Although the resource mobilization theory, with its emphasis on money, membership, and external allies, fits more smoothly into political science, the political process theory has an added capacity to explain how non-incremental changes in public policy can take place when external factors are conducive to groups presenting a challenge to government (Costain, 1992). In contrast with the resource mobilization theory, the political process perspective takes into account the indigenous organizational capabilities of movements. In relation to contemporary theories of social movement development, the political process model is better suited to explain the dynamics pertaining to cycles of protest and their outcomes. The political process perspective is based on the premise that the development of social movements is dependent on political institutions, configurations of power, and other factors external to movements (Tilly 1978, McAdam 1982, Kitschelt, 1986; Kriesi et al., 1992; Tarrow 1994). The rise of social movements is also related to the availability of political opportunities. Tarrow (1994) points out that “movements arise as a result of new or expanded opportunities; they signal the vulnerability of the state to collective action, and thereby open opportunities for others–affecting both alliance and conflict systems” (p. 99). In Africa, such opportunities are rare, although, they can arise and persist for a short time when there is a change of government or other institutional changes.


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In Africa, the state has been central and controls the society by being the major distributor of what people want. As a result, major groups want to be associated with the state in order to obtain access to the resources. Due to the weakness of society, groups can be easily co-opted by the state. “Virtually all major groups (political and civil) have been oriented to what they could get from the political system, rather than to making it work fairly” (Diamond, 1997, p. 19). Scholars, including Diamond, attribute the lack of a vibrant civil society to lack of political space and a resource base for groups to organize and mobilize autonomously from the state. Social movements have not been widespread in Africa due to the tendency of the state to control the society and the society’s inability to develop and sustain collective action. The political process perspective sees social movements as “rational attempts by excluded groups to mobilize sufficient political leverage to advance collective interests through non-institutionalized means,” (McAdam 1982). Two areas of interest included in this perspective that are of interest to this study are the political opportunities structure and cognitive liberation. Political opportunities structure means that the political situation in a country sets the possibilities and limits for the developments of social movements. The following are the dimensions of the political opportunity structure compiled by Marks and McAdam (1999): 1) The relative openness or closure of the institutionalized political system; 2) The stability or instability of that broad set of elite alignments that typically undergird a polity; 3) The presence or absence of elite allies, and; 4) the state’s capacity and propensity for repression. The political process perspective holds that the ability of social movements to collect resources depends on the support, chances and limits of their political surroundings. Also, movements develop in response to an ongoing interaction between movement groups and the larger sociopolitical environment they seek to change (McAdam, 1982). Thus, the political process structure includes cognitive liberation, indigenous organizational strength, broad socioeconomic processes, and expanding political opportunities. Cognitive liberation stems from micro-analysis that shows the importance of individual awareness-raising of potential participants. McAdam proposed this term to signify the transformation of consciousness among

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potential participants in collective action. He describes this change in three ways. First, the system loses legitimacy. Second, people who are ordinarily fatalistic begin to demand change. Third, they develop a new form of efficacy. The political opportunity structure (POS) includes several associated factors that may include the economic situation, the legal structure, technological developments, cultural and historic background of the participants, and the political climate any or all of which might exert an impact on the macro- and micro levels. Among the factors that may have an impact on the political situation are wars, industrialization, international political realignments, prolonged unemployment, urbanization, and widespread demographic changes. Unlike classical theory, POS scholars argue that social processes give rise to social movements through a restructuring of existing power relations (McAdam, 1982). The POS provides groups with resources that increase the effectiveness of their protest. These resources may include such things as a sympathetic press, political parties seeking electoral advantage, or “conscience constituents” who bring outside resources and legitimacy to the movement (McCathy and Zald, 1977).

CONCLUSIONS Having examined the various theories of social movements, the political process perspective seems best suited to apply to the women’s movement in Botswana. This study adopts Marks and McAdam’s (1999) five dimensions to explain how the POS is suitable for studying the women’s movement in Botswana. First is the relative openness or not of the institutionalized political system as it relates to inputs from non-established actors, and the strength or weakness of the capacities to deliver effective implantation of policies once made. Systems may be open or closed to different kinds of issues and different kinds of people. Kitschelt (1986) hypothesizes that, depending on whether they were open or closed on the input side, and their strength or weakness on the output side, states encourage movements to adopt strategies that are either assimilative or confrontational. To a large extent, the nature of the state and the political system determine the success or failure of a social movement. Second is the stability or instability of that broad set of elite alignments that typically undergird a polity. Third is the presence or absence of elite allies. The importance of having powerful allies both within and outside the institutional arena, has major significance for a social movement.


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The political opportunity structure stresses two factors that are important in order to understand the relation between social movements and their political environment: the system of alliances and oppositions and the structure of the state. The importance of having powerful allies both within and outside the institutional arena has been stressed on several occasions. Early work focused in particular on the concept of social support and conceived of alliances as political resources that movements can use to become more successful, since movements were considered as powerless challengers (Guigni, 1999). Lipsky (1968, 1970) and Lipsky and Olson (1976), found that movements were dependent on the activation of third parties in order to be successful in the long run. Fourth is the state’s capacity and propensity for repression, although repression can stimulate resistance. Nonetheless a social movement’s activities depend on the level of latitude allowed them by the state. Sometimes, due to the oppressive nature of the state, a social movement may be compelled to resort to violent tactics. In a situation where the state is more open to dialogue, a social movement may utilize more peaceful strategies. Given the nature of the state, the political system, and the elites in Botswana, the political process perspective is well suited to study the women’s movement. McAdam (1982) and Costain (1992) utilized POS to study the political process and the development of black insurgency and the evolution of the women’s movement, respectively, in the U.S.A. This study adopts parts of the methodology they utilized to analyze the women’s movement in Botswana. The major challenge to protest movements in Africa is the nature of the relationship between the state and the society. The state has tended to control the public arena, giving little room or tolerance for democratic expression of protest. Authoritarian regimes discourage the rise of social movements. At the same time, civil society in Africa has tended to be weak. The majority of the people lack the education and resources required to organize and sustain movements. Many interest organizations depend on external support. Analyzing the characteristics of the African state is important, as it portrays the challenges groups face when they attempt to mobilize themselves against the state. As Gelb and Palley (1987) point out, political institutions, culture, and values influence movement structure and goals. The following chapter, therefore, analyzes the relationship of social movements and the state in Africa.

Chapter Three

Social Movements and the State

The state is central to the study of social movements. Theories of the state provide the starting point for an understanding of the politics of social movement analyses (Jenkins, 1995). Studies emphasizing the significance of the state are important in social movements because movements tend to position themselves against the state. Jenkins offers three major reasons for “bringing the state back in” that articulates the importance of the state in studying social movements. First, whether one chooses a narrow view that emphasizes mass demonstrations or a broad conception of groups that try to bring about change in the distribution of socially valued goods, social movements are inherently political. In other ways social movements make demands on the state yet, paradoxically for social change to prevail it has to have the support of the state. Second, the state is the architect of the political environment within which social movements emerge and operate, thus creating the opportunities for action and, alternatively, imposing restrictions on movement activities. Third, social movements constitute a claim for political representation. Although the state claims to represent all the people, virtually all states skew their system to represent powerful social interests vis-à-vis the state (Jenkins, 1995). For instance, a trade union-led government will be more inclined to pursue the interests of the working class. In the case of social movements, the question is whether they represent the underrepresented, or whether they are an elitist group of self-appointed advocates. It is questionable whether social movements represent a direct form of representation or participatory democracy (Carter, 1974). State capacity is an important consideration when studying social movements because groups focus on the state as the object of disaffection. The state is also the major focus of the Political Opportunity Structure (POS) approach, with the state being a central factor. The POS approach is premised on the assumption that the 35

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political situation in a country sets the possibilities and limits for the developments of social movements. Thus whether the state is strong or weak is relevant for the mobilization of social movements. This chapter addresses the issue of how the nature of the state relates to the mobilization and impact of social movement operating in the country. First, in line with the POS the study examines the significance of the state to social movements and especially to this case study. Second, it looks at the strength of the state and how that relates to social movements in comparative analysis. Third, noting that the POS perspective has had little application in Africa, it attempts to show how the POS can be utilized in Botswana. In this study, four components of the political process theory were used to interpret the emergence of the movement in Botswana: 1) cognitive liberation, that refers to a transformation in consciousness that stems from micro-analysis, 2) indigenous strength of individual citizens, 3) the political situation, and 4) external resources. Lastly, this chapter provides a historical background of the women’s movement in Botswana. This study found that social movements operating in “strong” states like Botswana are much more likely to confront resistance in attempting to make substantive long lasting impact than those in weak states. As a relatively strong state Botswana had the capacity to act on behalf of the women’s movement and change discriminatory policies, but resisted doing so. This conclusion is in line with Davidheiser’s (1992) finding that a “strong state’s high level of autonomy from society inhibits its ability to respond to social forces (p. 463).”

STATE CAPACITY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Joel Migdal’s (1988) theory of “strong” states and “weak” states provides an important basis for analyzing how the strength of the state relates to social movements. The principles used to define strong states and weak states will be utilized in this study to analyze state capacity in Botswana. Strong states are autonomous and capable of getting things done, while weak states lack autonomy and the capacity to act. State capacity includes the ability to penetrate society, regulate social relationships, extract resources, and appropriate or use resources in determined ways (Migdal, 1988). “State strength” then can be fruitfully utilized to analyze the interactions between the state and society (Evans, Rueschemeyer, and Skocpol, 1985). While some researchers, including Atkinson and Coleman (1989) and Lehmbruch (1991), argue that state strength varies from one policy domain to another, others, including Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, and Giugni (1995), argue that a distinction on the


37

macro level of analysis between strong and weak states is useful for conceptualizing the general outlines of the national political context in which social movements operate. Kitschelt (1986) suggests that “strong” states create weak oppositions or weak movements, but, paradoxically because of their strong policy-making capacities, these states were also able to implement major changes. According to Davidheiser (1992), strong states, rather than weak states, are more likely to be associated with revolution or social movement agitation. Davidheiser proposed the evaluation of the state according to the following three criteria: first, the depth of societal penetration by policy institutions; second, the breadth of societal penetration by policy institutions; and third, the permeability or penetration of the state by society. States that penetrate and transform society but which allow little penetration by societal interests are more likely to fall to revolution. The following figure illustrates the strength of the state in relation to its impact on the society. The domestic capacities of states also can be summarized into three categories. First is the state’s ability to maintain domestic order through repression (Mann, 1988). Second is the infrastructural capacity of the state, STRENGTH OF THE STATE

Figure 3-1. Strength of the State. (Source: Davidheiser, Evelyn. 1992. “Strong States, Weak States: The Role of the State in Revolution,” Comparative Politics, 24 (July), p. 465. Reprinted with permission of Comparative Politics).

38


which includes its ability to mobilize labor and financial resources. Third is the administrative and rule-making capacity of the state, which includes the structure of the government, the level of centralization, and the professionalism of the civil service (Jenkins, 1995). The nature of the state has an impact on the emergence and growth of a social movement. Jenkin’s third point is relevant to social movements and the women’s movement in Botswana. This study found that the capacity of a state is related to the impact of a social movement and that social movements operating in a strong state are less likely to win substantive changes. Although the expectation may be that a strong state may have the capacity to institute the movement’s demands, its structure may hinder implementation by that state. The state’s capacity can be analyzed along two structural parameters: 1) the degree of the state’s territorial centralization and 2) the degree of its functional separation of state power. The greater the degree of decentralization, the wider the degree of formal access and the smaller the capacity of any one part of the state to act (Kriesi, 1995). This environment allows for more social movements to emerge but grants fewer chances for policy-making. Decentralization implies a weakening of state strength because there is a multiplication of state actors and there are more points of access. Decision-making takes place at several points. Examples of decentralized states with multiple access points include the United States, Germany, and Switzerland. By the same token, centralized states have narrower formal access and thus imply a consolidation of state strength. States that are centralized include France, the Netherlands, and Sweden. A state’s strength is also related to the separation of state power among the different arenas of the legislature, the judiciary, and the executive. The greater the separation of power, the greater the degree of formal access. Increased formal access translates into limited capacity for the state to act. States with an independent legislature or judiciary tend to have more points of access than those with all-powerful executives. Following this schema, therefore, the Netherlands and Germany, with an independent legislature, and Germany and the United States, with a strong judiciary, have more points of access than France, which has an-all powerful executive (Kriesi, 1995). Analyzing the U.S. state, Nettl (1968) refers to it as “a reflection of cross-pressures and interests–what has been called a government of separated institutions sharing powers (1968, p. 559–592).” The United States and Switzerland are examples of states with weak administrations. On the opposite side are countries like France and Japan. “In France, the administration is so strong that it largely dominates the policy process in the administrative arena” (Kriesi, 1995 p. 31).


39

While some countries may be categorized as weak in state capacity, their society may be strong, as is the case of the United States. In the view of challengers, it is most important to have access to the political system and put an issue on the agenda. A society may be seen as being strong if it can intervene in the political system. Looking at the strength of states and societies, the following are possibilities for state-societal relationship: 1) strong state/strong society, 2) strong state/weak society, 3) strong society/ strong state, 4) weak society/weak state (Figure 3-2). Thus far, this chapter has discussed state capacity and drawn examples from Europe and the United States. The following section discusses the capacity and general characteristics of the African state. This is important in order to describe the context in which the social movement in Botswana emerges and the applicability of the political opportunity structure.

THE AFRICAN STATE—WEAK STATES AND THEIR CAPACITIES Most African states and societies may be described as weak. Generally, the African state is seen as being weak in capacity. The state is limited in both its control over society and ability to formulate and implement goals. Although the African state appears as an authoritarian organization, it is

State Capacity in Relation to Society Strength

Figure 3-2. State capacity in relation to society strength.

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rather weak in its ability to implement goals and policies. The theory of weak states has been applied by such researchers as Jackson and Rosberg (1982), Joseph (1978), and Migdal (1988) to states that lack the capability to translate their policies into desired objectives. Although in theory many states in less developed countries, including non-democratic states, may be perceived as having great authority, much of it does not translate into real power. Dictators, for instance, may be seen as possessing massive control, but in terms of real capability they are in fact weak. Hyden (2000) found that the African state was not only weak in terms of capability but also weak in terms of legitimacy. Jackson and Rosberg (1982) found that the capacity of many of Africa’s governments to exercise control hinges on three factors: 1) domestic authority that tends to be personal rather than institutional, 2) the apparatus of power that tends to be underdeveloped and inefficient, and 3) poor and weak economic circumstances. First, personalized rule means that public policy-making lacks the logic and empirical content that typically characterizes such activity in other contexts (Hyden, 1992). It also means that governance structures are mainly informal and can be changed arbitrarily by the leadership. Second, the “administrative state” has been limited in its ability to implement policies. The competence of the state can be measured in its ability to transform allocated public resources into intended policy aims (Young, 1982). Third, the poor economies of many African states have led to further weakening of those African states.

STATE CAPACITY AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN BOTSWANA As pointed out in Chapter One, the Botswana state is unlike many African states. It is a strong state and it is effective at implementing policies. Referring to the state, Zibani Maundeni (2001), a political scientist at the University of Botswana pointed out that “Generally it delivers.” The questions that arise are the following: How does a strong state such as Botswana shape the opportunity structure in the country? And what are the opportunities for social movements? First, unlike many African countries, studying the state in Botswana is possible because of its open system and adherence to a bureaucratic style of policy-making. In this political environment the positive factor for challengers to the status quo is that they are faced with openness and a clear system of policy making. They know, therefore, at which point they can access the system. The negative factor is that a strong state does not easily yield to pressures from groups outside the system. It would rather control groups and, it hopes, manage them. Second, a strong state like Botswana,


41

which is among the very few on the continent, will not want to tarnish its name. It will, therefore, practice accommodation just to be seen to be tolerant, yet not necessarily change the system. Maundeni (2001) points out that an effective state weakens the need for a civil society: “When the state is like that it weakens the need for the civil society.” This view corresponds with the strong state and weak opposition theory. For a long time there had not been much civil society in Botswana. Politics have been state directed. “Even the Kgotla is part of the state” (Zibani Maundeni, interview, Gaborone, August 2001).” The Kgotla has been seen as the traditional basis of Botswana democracy, but the modern state has captured the Kgotlas and used them to direct ruling party politics. Although the government insists that the Kgotlas are to be used for development fora and not for partisan politics, the dikgosi (chiefs) practice partisan politics by calling Kgotla meetings when ruling party officials visit the areas and thus accord those officials audiences, which they may not do for opposition party officials. As a result the Kgotla’s importance has grown as politicians view it as a medium through which consultation occurs. Politicians, including members of parliament, tour Kgotlas in their districts before and after legislative sessions. State influence extends to civic organizations and professional associations, even dominating the group formation process. According to Molutsi and Holm (1997), the government ministries initiate and finance groups at the local level, including cooperatives, farmers’ organizations, and parentteachers’ associations. In addition the government has “imposed a model constitution on these associations” (p.149). The Trade Union Act has been seen as a threat on the unions’ freedom as it has allowed the Commissioner of Labor to impose his own appointments on the unions and have representatives attend union meetings. Although many groups emerge on their own, most of them do not escape state control since a large portion of their budgets comes from the government, which provides financial support to most of these organizations. Also, in Botswana most of the educated citizens are employed by the state, which accounts for more than one-third of the workforce in the formal sector. This limits the extent to which employees can engage in most political activities. While the Botswana state is strong, its society is weak, as pointed out in Chapter Two. According to Kreisi et al. (1995) and Kischelt (1986), a weak state provides a more favorable setting for mobilization of collective action. Strong states may have the capacity to act but they also may be able to resist a movement. “Because strong states have a greater capacity to implement policies either contrary to or in accordance with a movement’s goals, situations of reform and threat will occur with greater intensity in

42


such states” (Kreisi et al. 1995). This means that in strong states little stands in the way of drastic policy changes. Weak states, on the hand, may feel compelled to give in to social movements, but yet they may not have the capacity to implement the required policy changes. At times weak states have been “captured” by social movements due to a state’s inability to deal effectively with the challengers’ grievances. The marginalization of social movements in the political process in non-democratic countries often compels movements to “capture” the state. In some countries, including Tunisia, Zambia, and South Africa, national liberation movements moved to reorganize themselves to “capture and exercise state power” (Sachikonye, 1995). There are some arguments as to whether social movements should detach themselves from the state or whether they should be involved in shaping social relations by politicizing issues. There are two strands of opinion as to the utility of the state. One strand claims that in order for social movements to realize their potential to effect social change, they need to exert control over the state apparatus. According to this view, the primary objective of the old-style social and national movements had been the capture of state power. The other strand is that social movements do not view the state or its institutions as adequate or appropriate institutions for the pursuit of their aims. This view holds that, due to people’s disappointment with the state and its institutions, they seek alternatives to the political process, political parties, and the state (Fuentes and Frank, 1989). However, the capacity of groups to impact the system from outside the political process is minimal. Disillusionment with the state can also result in a social movement reorganizing itself in order to provide what it sees as more appropriate institutions. In Eastern Europe marginalized social movements that found a political power vacuum were obliged to reorganize in order to capture and exercise state power (Frank, 1990). Gamson (1975) differentiated some measures of success in a movement as being procedural or substantive. Procedural success means the challenger is accepted as the legitimate representative of the group, while substantive success involves changes in policy in response to the challenger. Since most challengers are concerned about the long-lasting impact of their concerns, their greatest success would be to gain structural reforms that give the challenger group increased influence over political processes. Structural impact refers to the possibility that a movement will produce some changes in certain aspects of the political context of protest (Kriesi, 1995). This implies a transformation of the political opportunity structure. According to Kriesi (1995), the type of success a movement achieves may be characteristic of the type of state in which the movement operates.


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Procedural success and reactive substantive success are more easily won in weak states than in strong ones. “Proactive” means the introduction of new advantages. “Reactive” means the prevention of new disadvantages. The former is difficult to obtain in any type of state. From a challenger’s view, a weak state provides a more favorable setting for collective action mobilization. However, a weak state generally lacks the capacity to implement the decision. As a “strong” state, Botswana may have the capacity to act on behalf of the movement’s demands, but it may resist the temptation to do so, as was the case in attempts to change a major discriminatory act against women.

STATE ATTITUDE TOWARD INTEREST GROUP POLITICS While the state in Botswana has been able to penetrate the people’s lives, ironically the public’s attempt to influence the policy process has been limited. Botswana fits the strong state characteristic in that it is able to capture and control the society and yet limit society’s access to the state. What this means for the women’s movement is the acceptance of the centrality of the state and that, in order to make an impact, the women need to engage the state so that they may penetrate and influence the policy-making process. People in Botswana generally used the community meetings and Kgotla gatherings to articulate their demands for community improvement. Most of these demands have an impact on policy implementation at the individual community level but not at the national level (Molutsi and Holm, 1990). The first two presidents, Seretse Khama and Quett Masire,

Table 3-1. Chances of Success for Challengers in Weak and Strong States Substantive Success Type of state

Procedural success

Reactive possibility of veto

Proactive

weak

formal facilitation of access

no concessions

strong

no formal facilitation no possibility of veto no concessions of access

(Source: “Chances of Success for Challengers in Weak and Strong States”) from Kriesi, Hanspeter, “The Political Structure of New Social Movements: Its Impact on Their Mobilization” from The Politics of Social Protest, eds. J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandersmans (University of Minnesota Press, 1995. p. 173). Copyright 1985 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota.

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emphasized the universalistic nature of their leadership to the point of having nonpartisan and non-ethnic appointments. Because of its universalistic stand, the Botswana government has been hostile to interest group politics. Politicians view the state as a universalistic entity that is above negotiating with selfish interests (Holm and Molutsi, 1992). They reject the idea that interest groups represent society. Their attitude toward interest groups, including the women’s movement, therefore, was that “they are a nuisance” and should be marginalized rather being recognized (p. 86). In the 1980s, interest groups started to challenge the universalistic nature of the state. These groups included newspapers, schoolteachers, farmers, lawyers, accountants, and women. They encountered a hostile environment. Before the 1980s, the media were controlled by the government. Privately owned newspapers first appeared in the 1980s, except for Mmegi, a weekly first published in1967, that disappeared after a few issues then re-appeared in 1984. The teachers’ groups, the Botswana Federation of Secondary School Teachers (BOSETE), was formed in 1986 at the same time as the women’s movement, but the government refused to recognize it until 1990. This refusal to recognize BOSETE is similar to the refusal to recognize the women’s movement. The objective of forming these groups was to influence government in policy-making. Challenges to the government were also seen in the declining number of votes for the ruling party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), while the number of votes for the main opposition, the Botswana National Front (BNF) was increasing (Table 3-2). The decrease in votes for the ruling people starting in 1979 may be interpreted as a result of the impact of the challenges to the universalistic state. Although the BDP had a history of paying careful attention to elections, including, conducting effective campaigns and strategically Table 3-2. Percentage of Popular Vote by Party, 1965–1994 Party

1965

1969

1974

1979

1984

1989

1994

BDP

80.4

68.4

76.6

75.2

67.9

64.7

54.5

BNF

—

13.5

11.5

12.9

20.5

26.9

37.3

BPP

14.2

12.1

6.6

7.4

6.6

4.5

4.1

BIP/IFP

4.6

6.0

4.8

4.3

3.0

2.4

3.6

Others

0.8

0.0

0.5

0.2

2.0

1.5

0.5

Source: Edge, W.A. and M.H. Lekorwe. (eds.). Botswana: Politics and Society. Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik. Publishers. Reprinted with permission of J.L. van Schaik Publishers.


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implementing government programs, opposition criticism of government policies became more aggressive. Opposition parties and interest groups became more critical of the ruling party. While the BDP has still remained the dominant party, the emergence of interest groups may weaken its hold in the future as challengers become more effective. The growth and activism of challengers is also confirmed in an analysis of the Daily News coverage of women’s issues during election years. News coverage of women’s issues in the three election years of 1973, 1979, and 1984 is compared to news coverage related to women’s rights in three election years of 1989, 1994, and 1999 after the emergence of the movement. The period before women’s activism shows coverage of women’s issues at 0.3, 0.6, and 1.9 percent, respectively, while coverage after the movement’s establishment shows increases to 1.9, 3.2, and 15.2 percent, respectively (Table 3-3). The next section describes the legal status of women in Botswana, the major challenge to the discriminatory laws, and the government’s reaction. This is important in order to show the environment in which the social movement emerged and the political opportunity structure during that time.

LEGAL POSITION OF WOMEN IN BOTSWANA Botswana has two main types of law: general law and customary law. General law consists of the Roman-Dutch law and the statute law. RomanDutch law, which is also called common law, was introduced into Botswana during the colonial period. This law is derived from Roman-Dutch law and English common law, which were brought to South Africa by Dutch and English settlers. Customary law constitutes the laws, customs, and practices of people belonging to various ethnic groups and which have been practiced from one generation to the other. As a result of Botswana’s accommodation of laws, it has five main sources of law which include constitutional law the common law, statute law, case law, and customary law. Table 3-3. Comparing the Coverage of Women’s Issues During Election Years Pre-Women’s Activism

Women’s Activism

1973

1979

1984

1989

1994

1999

.3

.6

1.9

1.9

3.2

15.2

Total: 2.8 Percent

Total: 20.3 Percent

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The Constitution is the supreme law of the country and laws that are passed by parliament must be consistent with it. If they are inconsistent, the laws are deemed invalid to the extent of their inconsistency. The fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual are elaborated in the constitution. Statute law is law which is passed by the parliament. Some administrative units, like city councils can also propose by-laws that deal with administrative issues affecting certain localities. Case law is based on the court’s interpretation of the law and precedents that may change the original understanding of the law. In Botswana, customary law is the most problematic because it is not codified. This duality in the administration of the law means that what constitutes justice, the manner in which it is delivered, is inconsistent because it depends on the values, norms, objectives, and practices of the various social and ethnic groups. Although the Customary Courts Act (Cap 04:05) covering customary law states that it must not be “contrary to morality, humanity or natural justice,” the standards for these concepts is not clear, which leaves room for much controversy regarding their interpretation and has been especially problematic with regard to women’s rights. Both the common law and customary law have perpetuated discrimination against women. They both subordinate women to men. Customary law applies to civil actions between members of one community or ethnic group. Under customary law, the legal capacity of women is uncertain because the law is unwritten and varies from one ethnic group to another. In this case, the status of women is much more dependent on the particular adjudicator than is true in common law. Originally, customary law was geared to a closely-knit subsistence community that depended heavily on cooperation among its members for existence and harmony. However, the term “customary law” is problematic in that it conveys different meanings. In some cases, it is used to refer to traditional norms and values that existed before colonialism, but have evolved over time. In other cases it is used to refer to these norms as they have been applied and interpreted by the courts and in still others it is used to refer to contemporary social justice (WAD, 1998). Irrespective of their age under, customary law women do not have legal status. They are subject to the guardianship of their fathers, brothers, or uncles when they are unmarried and to their husbands when they are married. Although the socio-economic status of women has changed, customary law is uneven and creates uncertainty about the legal status of women. Common law applies when the people involved do not belong to the same ethnic group and also to public law, including administrative, criminal, and labor law. Botswana’s common law has perpetuated discrimination


47

Table 3-4. Laws Deemed by Botswana’s High Court as Discriminatory Against Women 1. Citizenship Amendment Act

CAP. 01:01

2. Customary Courts Act

CAP. 04:05

3. Penal Code

CAP. 08:02

4. Criminal Procedure Act and Evidence Act

CAP. 08:02

5. Change of Name Act

CAP. 15:02

6. Prisons Act

CAP. 21:03

7. Immigration Act

CAP. 25:02

8. Pensions Act

CAP. 27:01

9. Military Pensions Special Fund Act

CAP. 27:02

10. Adoption of Children Act

CAP. 28:01

11. Affiliation Act

CAP. 28:02

12. Deserted Wives & Children’s Act Protection Act

CAP. 28:03

13. Marriage Act

CAP. 29:01

14. Married Person’s Property Act

CAP. 29:03

15. Matrimonial Causes Act

CAP.29: 06

16. Administration of Estates Act

CAP.31:01

17. Deeds Registry Act

CAP.33:02

18. Companies Act

CAP. 42:01

19. Mines, Quarries Works and Machinery Act

CAP. 44:02

20. Bills of Exchange Act

CAP 46:02

21. Employment Act

CAP. 46:02

22. Education (Corporal Punishment) Regs.

CAP. 58:35

23. Education (Primary Schools) Regs.

CAP. 58:83

24. Unified Teaching Service Act

CAP. 62:01

25. Mental Disorders Act

CAP. 63:02

(Source: Dow, Unity. 1995. The Citizenship Case: The Attorney General of the Republic of Botswana v. Unity Dow. Gaborone, Botswana: Lentswe La Lesedi). Reprinted with permission.

48


against women by harboring anti-discriminatory clauses. Twenty-five statutes were identified as being discriminatory against women (Table 3-4). The discriminatory statutes included the Companies Act, which prohibited a woman from accepting the directorship of a company without the consent of her husband; the Citizenship Act, which denied children born to Batswana women married to foreign men the right to citizenship; and the Deeds Registry Act, which prohibited registration of immovable property in the name of a woman in a marriage where there was community property. This last law treats joint estates of husbands and wives as the property of the husband. In 1990, the Botswana High Court identified the state laws in Table 3–4 as being discriminatory against women.

CONCLUSIONS In line with the political opportunity structure, the findings in this study show the significance of the state in social movements and especially in this case study. Botswana fits the strong state characteristic in which it is able to “capture” and control society and yet society’s ability to influence the policy process is limited. The state influences governmental and non-governmental organizations including their formation. The state in Botswana is stronger than most countries in Africa in terms of its capacity but its civil society is relatively weak. The state strength has, however, tended to weaken the society. Although a strong women’s movement arose, Botswana’s strong state was reluctant to make changes even when the majority of the people gave their consent to change the discriminatory laws. This is in line with other findings including Kriesi’s (1995) that social movements operating in a strong state are less likely to win substantive changes. While the expectation due to the state’s capacity, may be that a strong state may have the capacity to institute the movement’s demands, its structure may hinder the state’s implementation. Having set the political and legal environment in which the women’s movement emerges the following chapter will discuss the emergence of the women’s movement, its environment and the strategies it adopted to fight the discriminatory laws and policies against women.

Chapter Four

Women and the State in Botswana

In 1985, the United Nations held a historic conference in Africa—the world conference to review the UN Decade for Women from 1975–1985. The conference was held in Nairobi, Kenya. This was a momentous occasion for most African governments given the conference’s proximity and naturally, many attended. The Botswana government, however, was one of the few exceptions. The Botswana government’s conspicuous absence reflected its attitude towards women’s issues at home. However, some women from Botswana attended the conference and that event served as a catalyst for the formation of a women’s movement to fight against the country’s laws and policies that discriminated against women. This chapter provides a background to the women’s movement in Botswana, the strategies they adopted to fight for equal rights, the society’s reaction and how they impacted the country’s legal and political system. Based on the country’s political and legal environment and the state-society relationship discussed in the previous chapter, three propositions emerge related to the political process theory and women’s activism in Botswana. Having set the political and legal environment in which the women’s movement emerges, we can frame three propositions related to the political process theory and women’s activism in Botswana. First a “strong” state is less willing to accommodate and adopt procedural and substantial demands. Social movements operating in strong states are more likely to confront challenges to movement mobilization than those operating in weak states. Therefore: Proposition 1: Persistent pressure of the women’s movement will lead to policy and legal changes despite the strong state’s resistance. The courts are more likely to pass judgment in favor of women during times of heightened agitation by the women’s movement.

49

50


Second, social movements operating in a stable “strong state” environment are more likely to effect change when they adopt innovative and tactful strategies rather than when they adopt disruptive tactics. The more a social movement causes disequilibrium in the political system, the smaller the chance of creating a policy window for change. Therefore: Proposition 2: The women’s movement is more likely to impact legislative action using tactful agitation, rather than disruptive tactics, that will compel the government to introduce new legislation and policies in favor of women. Third, the capacity of social movements to effect change depends on the ability of those movements to create internal and external alliances. A social movement working in conjunction with an international movement is more likely to have an impact on laws and policies in its own country when the government also participates in the international activities. In line with the political process model, this suggests that external support is a product of insurgency rather than that external support triggers insurgency as in the case of resource mobilization. Therefore: Proposition 3: Parliament is more likely to take up the agendas set by the women’s movement during times of increased external and internal pressure from women’s groups. The following section discusses three conditions for movement emergence in relation to Emang Basadi: specifically cognitive liberation, indigenous strength of individual citizens, and innovation and tactful strategies.

COGNITIVE LIBERATION: THE CREATION OF EMANG BASADI The rise of a social movement indicates a transformation in the consciousness of a particular group. Cognitive liberation stems from micro-analysis, which shows the importance of individual awareness-raising of potential participants. The first step toward undertaking social movement activities is becoming conscious of situations in society that need to be changed. The second step entails a transformation in behavior. In 1986 a group of professional women in Botswana realized the impact on women of the many discriminatory laws and in particular the Citizenship Act. The women founded the first movement which challenged the Botswana state to change the discriminatory laws. Four of the six women who were instrumental in the founding of the women’s movement in Botswana were interviewed: Athaliah Molokomme, Onalena Doo Selolwane, Ntombi Setshwaelo, and Motsei Madisa. The women, who at that time were all either lecturers teaching at the University of Botswana or law-


51

yers, all agreed that it was the Citizenship Act that led them to start scrutinizing other laws. One day after a meeting at the city hall in Gaborone, the women reflected on the situation. “There are several laws that discriminate against women,” Molokomme, then a law lecturer, said. This stage could be described as that of “cognitive liberation,” the moment at which the women realized the depth of the injustice. The group first organized meetings in individual members’ homes. Eventually, “We gate-crashed every gathering. At some point we asked: ‘Where are the women?’” recalls Setshwaelo. They talked to councilors, churches, and government officials, and addressed any forum where they were given an opportunity. They also wrote articles published in the newspapers informing people about the discrimination and its impact on women. The group also held workshops to educate women. These workshops were action oriented and led to the development of a large legal rights campaign that included other women’s rights organizations. At that time the challenge to the women was how to mobilize themselves in the strong patriarchal state of Botswana. The women felt the hostility of the state. Ntombi Setshwaelo, the first president of the movement, recalls the rejection they felt by the Botswana society: “We were badly received, highly opposed, and called names.” The fact that most of the members were not married while others had foreign partners added to the negative perception. The Tswana society is conservative and holds firmly to traditional patriarchal values. “We were misrepresented when we started. The government used every opportunity to discredit us,” recalled Motsei Madisa. In reference to the Citizenship Act, male officials would respond, “That is our tradition, our culture. If we are not careful, tomorrow foreigners will be ruling the country.” At that time Setshwaelo, who is originally from South Africa and the only one in the group who was married with children, seemed a strategic choice for president of the group. “Everybody in the group got a label except the president,” said Setshwaelo. Emang Basadi was the first organization to challenge the state about its discriminatory laws. The most pronounced source of the discriminatory laws against women was the 1982 Citizenship (Amendment) Act, which angered the women. This act prohibited women married to foreign men from passing their Batswana citizenship to their children. Women could only pass on their citizenship if they were unmarried because they were considered minors and, therefore, their children were considered part of the Motswana family. From 1986 through 1992, Emang Basadi led a legal awareness campaign. The movement held workshops, seminars, and conferences to mobilize women and make them aware of the discriminatory laws and to advocate for reform of these laws.

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THE EMERGENCE OF OTHER WOMEN’S RIGHTS ORGANIZATION: ISSUE EXPANSION At this time, the other women’s organizations that began to emerge expanded the issues of discrimination to those of human rights. These included Metlhaetsile Women’s Information Center, which focused on legal issues and Ditshwanelo, which focused on human rights, plus the Women and the Botswana chapter of the Women in the Law and Southern Africa (WILSA) and the Women in Law and Development in Africa (WILDAF). All these organizations decided to work together to spearhead the women’s campaign. At first there was a general assumption that the Citizenship Act only affected a few women married to white men. However, in the late 1980s the government introduced new identity cards. Part of the reasoning for the introduction of the new cards was that the government wanted to ensure that it was providing free services only to Botswana citizens and that noncitizens would have to pay for such provisions as education and healthcare. When people went to get the new cards, many were shocked when they were told that they were not Botswana citizens because their fathers were not citizens, although their mothers were (Onalena Selolwane, interview, Gaborone, July 2000). Due to the country’s strong economy, many people from surrounding countries had migrated to Botswana. As a result, there is a high population of immigrants. People interviewed suggested that the Citizenship Act was amended to discourage Botswana women from marrying foreigners. As a strategy, Emang Basadi suggested that one person who had suffered from the discrimination act should take the government to court. “Somebody in the circumstances should challenge the government (Ntombi Setshwaelo, interview, Gaborone, July 2001).” Unity Dow, who was part of the women’s movement, took up the challenge. She was also the founder of Metlhaetsile, the Women’s Information Center, which operated a legal aid clinic for women. The women’s movement collectively helped to raise funds and Unity Dow also raised funds from various sources within and outside the country.

INDIGENOUS STRENGTH OF INDIVIDUAL CITIZENS: THE CASE OF UNITY DOW According to POS, the indigenous strength of individual citizens can be used to generate a social movement. This section uses the case of Unity Dow to illustrate indigenous strength of one of the individual citizens, which is a necessary factor in social movement emergence. Dow, a


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Motswana woman, launched the most celebrated case against discrimination when she appealed against the Citizenship Act and won. The case of the Attorney General of the Republic of Botswana vs Unity Dow is now a landmark case in Botswana. Dow, who was a lawyer, challenged the Citizenship Act that denied her to pass her Botswana citizenship to her children because her husband was a foreigner. Dow submitted that the Citizenship Act contravened the Botswana Constitution, which prohibited discrimination against women. The provisions of the 1982 Citizenship Act were for citizenship to follow the male, or guardianship, line in the case of infants, and for women (not men) who marry Botswana citizens to gain entitlement to registration as citizens. Although the attorney general, on behalf of the state, saw the different treatment accorded to men and women in law, he did not admit it was discriminatory. In his defense brief the attorney general stated: “Thus portions of all the above statutes, virtually the whole Customary Law, and large parts of the Common Law would fall if the Constitution requires socalled gender neutrality in all cases. This could not have been the intention of the Constitution” (Dow, 1995). Further, the state submitted: It is correct that Section 4 and 5 of the Citizenship Act Cap. 01: 01 afford different Citizenship status to the children of Batswana women as opposed to the children of Batswana men. The children of Batswana men become citizens wherever they are born regardless of the marital status of their parents. The children of Batswana women only become citizens if they are illegitimate, or if their mother is married to a citizen, but not if she is married to a non-citizen. It is also correct that section 13 of the act conveys upon a foreign woman marrying a Motswana husband the right to apply for citizenship after two and a half years resident. This right is not conferred upon a foreign man who marries a Motswana wife. He must have ten years of residence. (Dow, 1995, p. 16)

Although the state acknowledged these discrepancies, they claimed that none of the sections was discriminatory. Further, the attorney general argued that gender discrimination was not “outlawed by the constitution” provided that the rights of every person under the Section were not infringed. The High Court judge ruled in favor of Dow and declared that Sections 4 and 5 of the Citizenship Act were in contradiction to the Botswana Constitution. The government of Botswana was dissatisfied with the ruling and appealed the decision in the highest court in Botswana, the Court of Appeal. The latter upheld the High Court’s ruling on July 3, 1992. The judges based

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their decision on the contemporary situation, including the women’s movement from which this case emerged. In passing judgment, High Court Judge Martin Horwitz, said, “The case depends upon an interpretation of a single provision which must suit circumstances not present to the drafters of the constitution” (Dow, 1995, p. 36). In taking into consideration the changing circumstances, the judge’s decision supports the first hypothesis that the courts are more likely to pass judgment in favor of women during times of heightened agitation by the women’s movement. However, due to the characteristics of a “strong” state like Botswana, the state will be reluctant to implement procedural and substantial demands. The survey of legal practitioners (see Chapter Six) showed that 33.3 percent of legal practitioners felt that courts were more likely to favor women during times of heightened women’s activity. Considering that most of the male lawyers surveyed attempted to portray that they were generally fair, this was a significant number. A total of 58 percent of the male lawyers said that they believed justice was “blind” and would not consider their environment. When asked about the courts’ attitude towards women, 25 percent felt that the courts were biased against women. Another 25 percent felt that the courts were sensitive to women while 41.7 percent felt that the courts’ attitude toward women was the same as everyone else’s. However, these opinions were refuted by 40 percent of the female legal practitioners, who felt that the courts were generally biased against women. Fifty percent of the female lawyers thought the legal system was fair as compared to ninety percent of the male laywers who thought that the justice system was fair and positive in relation to women. Female attorneys who viewed the justice system as being biased responded thus: “Because most of the judiciary is male, they are not sensitive towards women” (responded one female lawyer in a survey, Gaborone, 2001).

EMANG BASADI AND THE POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE (POS) IN BOTSWANA The political setting of a given country includes the institutional structures and the prevailing strategies that influence the nature of the outcomes of social movements. The stability of a country and liberal democracy, can, on the one hand, be seen as advantageous and tolerant of an emerging social movement. On the other hand, the stability of a country may make it difficult for a movement, especially a women’s movement, to develop because of the fear of disturbing the status quo. Having a strong opposition party at that time in Botswana helped because there was some opposition politics. The opposition party took some of the demands of the women and


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included them in its manifesto so that it could appear to be more supportive of women. Although Botswana, a strong state that practices selective exclusion, does have the capacity to implement decisions, the state would rather ignore demands or procrastinate on implementing them. As pointed out earlier, the state was hostile to interest groups and viewed them as serving “selfish interests,” which should be marginalized. In the case of Unity Dow, Botswana acted in a manner typical of a strong state by calling for a referendum. The government also attempted co-option. The discussion of co-option is covered fully in Chapter Six. Although the Court of Appeal upheld the High Court’s ruling that the Citizenship Act violated the constitution, the Botswana government would not amend it outright. Kriesi, Koopman, Duyvendak, and Giugni (1995) stress the importance of having alliances in order to make procedural or substantive impact. The women had alliances with some policy-makers including the deputy speaker of the Botswana Parliament. In an interview about the process, the deputy speaker, Bahiti Temane, joked that people called him a “woman” and the “Second Lady” of Botswana because he was more liberal and he supported the women. Temane and female supporters tried to stop the calls to change the constitution. Supporters of the discriminatory Citizenship Act wanted to change the constitution and thus retain the Citizenship Act. Fighting the government and winning the court case was one thing. It was yet another for the government to accept and implement the court judgment. “Despite the many calls for reform and the court ruling against the Citizenship Act, the government was very reluctant to change in favor of extending equal rights to women” (Onalenna Selolwane, Gaborone, July 2001). As Kriesi (1995) points out, proactive success is very difficult to get in any type of state: strong states may have the capacity to act on behalf of a movement’s demands, but they also have the capacity to resist any temptation to do so because proactive success implies the introduction of new advantages. In order to change the constitution, the country was required to hold a nation-wide referendum. The Botswana government weighed its options and suggested holding a referendum to solicit views on whether to amend the constitution in order to maintain the discrimination against women or change the law and offer the constitutional guarantees of equality. The patriarchal tradition prevailing in Botswana was such that if they held a referendum, the large population of men and women who were unaware of their rights would have voted in favor of maintaining the superiority of Batswana traditional values. Also, the government’s control of information and institutions, including the Kgotlas, meant that it could control the outcome of

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the referendum. “I knew that if we held a referendum the women would lose the case” (Bahiti Temane, Gaborone, August 2000).

BUILDING ALLIANCES AGAINST THE THREAT OF A REFERENDUM The threat of a referendum served to ignite the women’s movement. This was a deciding factor for Emang Basadi. The group changed its tactic from legal education with political education and mobilization as a strategy for bringing about gender equality. Emang Basadi moved from simply focusing on women to a broad-based political education strategy, including policymakers, voters, and the general public. At this time, Emang Basadi sought the alliance of all women’s organizations actively operating in the country. The government put its negative propaganda machine to work. They used the women’s movement’s opposition of the Citizenship Act to paint them as unpatriotic and as people who promoted foreign citizenship. Further, they used fear tactics to alarm the general population, saying “tomorrow foreigners will be ruling us,” recalls Motsei Madisa, one of the founder members of Emang Basadi. A content analysis of articles in the Daily News shows that the number of reports on issues pertaining to the women’s movement was insignificant before the movement’s emergence and in the immediate years following (Figure 5-3). However, the women’s movement, plus other professional and civic groups collectively advocated against the referendum. The women campaigned throughout the country. “We made a lot of noise throughout the country” (Onalenna Doo Selolwane, interview, Gaborone, August 2000). They also launched a campaign to sensitize parliament and local chiefs. “We told parliamentarians and chiefs that it was not the constitution that was discriminatory, but the law” (Selolwane). The women lobbied especially hard the legislators and the chiefs whose decision mattered most. In addition, the women appealed to members of parliament, the speaker of the parliament, and the president. Again, although as a strong state the government could have acted and dropped the referendum issue, it still did not make a move to appease the challengers. Instead, the government called for a “consultative process.” A committee, led by the speaker, went throughout the country to ascertain people’s opinions. This was different from holding a referendum because the committee met with groups of people in a consultative process rather than a vote-casting manner, as would have been the case in a referendum. While the women’s movement mobilization paid off, as the majority of the people said they wanted to amend the Citizenship Act, this was only the


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second step in the process. Although the countrywide consultations indicated that a majority of the people approved the amendment, parliament still did not act to amend the law. It took the women’s movement another two years of continued pressure and mobilization before the law was amended. Political Opportunity Structure provides groups with resources that increase the effectiveness of their protest. These resources may include such things as a sympathetic press, political parties seeking electoral advantage, or “conscience constituents” who bring outside resources and legitimacy to the movement (McCathy and Zald, 1977). In the case of the women’s movement in Botswana, it took some time for the media to start adequately covering the movement, but once they began to support the women’s movement, there was a significant increase in their coverage. A comparison of news stories on women’s rights shows a significant increase in such stories after the creation of Emang Basadi compared to before 1986 (Figure 4-1). After the Citizenship Act was finally amended, Mmegi, the most popular private newspaper, wrote in an editorial, “Reason has finally prevailed

Women’s News Stories Before and After 1986

Figure 4-1. Comparison of women’s news stories before and after 1986.

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in the highest decision-making institution in the country when Parliament unanimously passed the Citizenship Bill this week. . . . By passing this Bill, Parliament saved the country from embarrassment which resulted from blatant legalized discrimination. For how could we justify the continued retention of such an obnoxious piece of legislation in our statutes?” (Mmegi newspaper editiorial, April1995).

INNOVATION AND TACTFUL STRATEGIES According to the theory of democratic representation, the major determinants of legislative action are the public’s preferences and the intensity of its concern (Burstein, 1999). Social movements have little impact on legislative action when the public’s preferences are clear and intense. The broader the goals of a social movement, the more central its focus; the greater its threat to the status quo, the less likely it is to succeed (Ash, 1972). Social movements can have an impact by tactfully altering the way they present the issue. Gelb and Palley (1982) suggest that women’s movements are more likely to achieve significant change when they adopt incrementalism as a way of change because it is less threatening. The second proposition suggests that, rather than disruptive tactics, a women’s movement is more likely to impact legislative action when using tactful agitation that will compel the government to introduce new legislation and policies in favor of women. The general population in Botswana saw the women’s movement as being disruptive. Politics in Botswana have always been calm and lacking confrontation. This was the first time in the history of Botswana that a strong pressure group had emerged and was openly challenging the status quo. To make the situation even more complicated in that stable patriarchal environment, the agitation was emanating from women. For years, Botswana had lacked organized and politically oriented groups. In its authoritarian culture and its powerful state structure, the women’s challenge was seen as an unwelcome attack on the peace and stability of the country. From its inception, Emang Basadi had pushed for a change in the Citizenship Act but the movement soon realized how difficult it would be to change the deeply rooted patriarchal Tswana values. The women’s movement decided to reformulate its strategies in order to make its case more compelling. It did this in two ways: first by focusing on the subordinate status of women and the need for policies to improve that status and second by changing their methods from fighting against discrimination to one in which women were demanding concessions as rewards for putting political parties in power. As Stone (1989) and Kingdon (1984) note, policymaking


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is influenced by skillfully changing the definition of the problem and connecting the problem to solutions. “Organizations endure by abandoning their oppositional politics” (Piven and Cloward, 1977).

EXTERNAL RESOURCES AND ALLIANCES International movements may be seen as what McCathy and Zald (1977) term “conscience constituents” who bring outside resources and legitimacy to the movement. The resources may be in the form of material support or in helping expose the issues in international fora.1 The capacity of movements to effect change depends on their ability to create internal and external alliances. In line with the political process model, this suggests that external support is a product of insurgency rather than that external support triggers insurgency, as in the case of resource mobilization. In the POS model a logical third proposition is that a social movement working in conjunction with an international movement is more likely to have an impact on the policies of a country when the government participates in the international activities. In line with this proposition, This study suggests that the international women’s conference held in Beijing in 1995 had a disproportionate impact on Botswana because the government sent an official delegation led by the speaker of the house. It is useful to note that the government did not send official delegations to the earlier two international conferences in 1985 and 1990, so was minimally influenced by those meetings. In 1991, although the Citizenship Act was found to contravene the Constitution, it was not until 1995, the year of the Third Women’s Conference, that the Act was repealed and the law made gender neutral. These findings about the importance of the Botswana government being involved at the international level and, thus influenced to institute change, are supported by recent studies, such as Passy’s (1999), and relate to the influential work by Tilly (1986, 1995), which stresses the role of the state in the transformation of political protest from local to national collective action. His study of France illustrates that, with the development of the nation state, the shift of political opportunities from the local to the national level had an impact on protest issues leading to the emergence of the national social movement (1986). Based on Tilly’s work, Passy hypothesizes that the creation of supranational political structures leads to an analogous transformation of protest from the national to the international level. “The emergence of new political opportunities on the international level brings about a radical change in the nature of protest, which tends to globalize, as well as in the structure of social movement organizations, which become transnational in scope” (Passy, 1999, p. 149).

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Using the POS approach, it is possible to determine to what extent a supranational structure represents an opportunity for the mobilization of social movements. Kriesi (1995) emphasizes three main dimensions of POS, 1) the institutional structures, 2) prevailing strategies, and 3) configuration of power. The third dimension, configuration of power, is most useful in determining the potential for social movements to establish alliances with established actors within the party system. The importance of Botswana’s participation in Beijing is noted in President Quett Masire’s 1995 address to parliament. In reference to the conference’s demand for women’s rights, he said, “Here at home we continue to search for ways of how best to integrate the majority of women in development programs. We are also reviewing legislation to make it gender neutral.” According to della Porta and Kriesi (1999), the availability of supranational arenas may have important consequences on social movement structure. Smith (1995) observes that transnational POSs influence movements’ capacity for mobilization as well as their strategic alternatives. Della Porta and Kriesi (1999) suggest that international organizations, including the international women’s movement, impacted the social movements in various countries and that the interactions with and within the international governmental organizations influence the characteristics of social movements. Tarrow (1993) suggests that social movements have been internationalized at least since the early nineteenth century when the anti-slavery movement gained momentum and opponents had to address slavery as an international problem. At the women’s conference in Beijing, the United Nations wanted to ensure that participating governments reached an agreement among themselves, NGOs, and individuals on the key areas that block the advancement of women. Participating governments made official open statements recognizing women’s contributions worldwide and the fact that inequality between men and women still exists, then committed themselves to address the situation through changes in various policies and strategies. Governments adopted the Platform For Action, a document that set priorities and actions to be carried out in five years after the conference. Taking advantage of the Botswana government’s participation, the women’s organizations tactfully started each of their publications with a section entitled “Governments’ Commitment.” In the Platform for Action (1995), a publication that laid out the major issues relating to women and what needed to be done, reports in the first section that governments that participated at the conference “openly stated the following: 1. They are committed to promote the goals of equality, development and peace for women, backed by the UN charter and other


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international instruments and conventions, including the Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies. 2. Women have made marked contributions in development, but noted inequalities between men and women still exist despite improvement over the last ten years. 3. Poverty still remains an issue for many but affects women and children more and should be eliminated.” The collaboration with the government resulted in the adoption of the six areas of concern for women, including women and poverty; women in power and decision-making; education and training of women; women and health; the girl child and violence against women; and human rights of women. It also resulted in the following government actions: 1. Repeal of the Citizenship Act, 2. Adoption of CEDAW, 3. Adoption of the six critical gender policies, and 4. Turning the women’s unit into a department Scholars of international relations, including Smith Pagnucco, and Romeril (1994), Sikkink (1993), and Chatfield, Pagnucco and Smith (1997) adopted the concept of “transnational social movement organizations.” While the local environment may not be supportive of a social movement, external power constitutes a form of support. Della Porta and Kreisi (1999) note that external support, either from foreign governments or from social movements in foreign countries, allows a social movement in a given country to break through, where the national context is less hostile. Although some Botswana women attended the first conference in 1985, there was no official delegation from Botswana. Botswana did not officially participate in the United Nations Decade for Women from 1975 to 1985 and the subsequent 1985 conference held in Nairobi, Kenya. A Pearson correlation of all the Daily News reports related to women and all the three women’s conferences only shows significant positive correlation regarding the international women’s conference held in Beijing in 1995. The correlation for women’s rights news and the Beijing Conference is significant at 0.39905, p = 0.481. The correlation for the Beijing Conference and total parliamentary bills related to women is also significant at 0.5. The period from 1975 to 1986 accounts for 17.1 percent of articles on women’s rights compared to 82.9 percent for articles published

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been 1987 and 2000. As noted earlier, Botswana did not participate in the women’s international conference in 1975 and there is little or no impact of the conference on women activism. The correlation between news related to women and the previous conferences held in 1975 and 1985 does not yield significant results. From 1973 to 1976, only one article was published each year relating to women’s rights. In 1985, however, twelve articles were published. These findings support the contention that international movements impact national movements. Misztal and Jenkins (1995) found that in the Third World democratization movements have been decisively shaped by international events, including pressure by the United Nations and the Western powers to concede to citizen demands. This also supports the notion that social movements are not “prisoners of their national boundaries,” but are profoundly shaped by their international environments. Unlike past conceptualizations that treated social movements as being isolated and confined within their boundaries, recent literature, including Tarrow (1993), Rucht (1999), and Jenkins (1995) points out the centrality of international components. Although women’s groups participated in these conferences and served to educate and unite Batswana women with the larger women’s groups, they did not significantly impact the news reports or policy-makers. Interestingly, their delegation to the Beijing Conference was led by a man, the deputy speaker of the National Assembly. This strategy may be seen as a characteristic of the strong patriarchal state trying to be seen to be accommodating and yet reluctant to effect change. However, this worked in favor of women because the Botswana government had to make some concessions, not necessarily to appease the women, but in order to maintain stability at home and a positive international image. In 1995, Botswana was seen as Africa’s success story because it was prospering economically and was one of the most democratic. The women’s agitation for democratic rights therefore, was seen by the country’s leaders as an embarrassment. What made the preparation for Beijing even more significant was the coalition of women who came together to push for issues related to gender. “At that time the government was still at loggerheads with Emang Basadi over the citizenship challenge but they decided to start talking accommodation,” recalls Elsie Alexander (Interview, Gaborone, July 2001) who was one of the first coordinators of the Women’s Affairs Unit. The government wanted to participate in the Beijing conference to portray its “democratic and liberal ideals” and needed the support of the women’s movement. According to della Porta and Kriesi (1999), the transgovernmental pressure is more likely to be successful the more integrated the target country is into


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the international community and the higher its desire to be considered a respectable member of the international community. The women’s movement saw the government’s attempt as window dressing but they used the opening to push for policy changes regarding women and women’s rights. This was a policy window for the women. The deputy speaker of the Botswana Parliament, Mr. Bahiti Temane, said that the government participated in order to show their support of the women’s issues (Interview, Gaborone, July 2000). Indeed, the 1995 women’s conference was well covered in the newspapers and still serves as the preamble to many of the official documents relating to national policy related to women. This way of capitalizing to international opportunities is in line with Putnam’s concept of two-level games (1988, p. 434) for domestic-international interactions in international negotiations. At the national level, social movements pursue their interests by pressuring their government, at the international level, national governments seek to maximize satisfying domestic pressures, while minimizing the adverse consequences of formal or informal foreign alliances. At another level, the concept of the two-level game can also be applied to social movements in one country appealing to an international movement or another country for support to apply pressure on the national government. Both examples are applicable to the Botswana situation. For more than two decades after the 1967 proclamation of the UN Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the government of Botswana refused to sign the convention. The women of Botswana used the government’s reluctance to sign CEDAW to draw negative international attention to the country. This was a strategy that meant if the government signed CEDAW then it would have to eliminate the discriminatory laws in the country. CEDAW’s condemnation of discrimination is plainly spelled out; Discrimination against women, denying or limiting as it does their equality or rights with men is fundamentally unjust and constitutes an offence against human dignity.

The women’s movement garnered significant international support. The success of the case of Unity Dow’s lawsuit would not have been possible without assistance from international organizations. She had both local and international support, including the Women and Law in Southern Africa Research Project, the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), and the International Women’s Rights Action Watch, and it resonated in her country.

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CONCLUSIONS This chapter has attempted to show how a social movement can emerge and affect change in a liberal democratic African country. It also showed how a strong state can work to weaken the efficacy of a social movement. While Botswana’s democratic environment enabled the development of a social movement, the government attempted to block the movement’s demands using whatever tactics it could muster. In line with the POS model, the findings in this study show the significance of the state in social movements and especially in this case study. In terms of its capacity, the state in Botswana is stronger than is true in most states in Africa. The state’s strength has, however, tended to weaken the society. Although a strong women’s movement arose, Botswana’s civil society is still relatively weak. The type of success a movement achieves is characteristic of the type of state. On the other hand, despite the state’s strength and its capacity to weaken civil society, the women’s movement was able to employ various tactics to exercise power and impact the society. This is in line with Dryzek’s (1996) assertion that power can be exercised within civil society in several ways and that in some cases civil society can contribute to democratization. The ways in which the women’s movement in Botswana exercised power can be analyzed using Dryzek’s four categories: 1) Political action can change the terms of, political discourse and affect public policy, 2) Social movements can produce lasting effects in political culture by legitimating particular forms of collective action, 3) Policy-oriented fora can be constituted within civil society, and 4) Protest in civil society can create fear of political instability and draw forth a government response. In the following section Dryzek’s categories were applied to the women’s movement in Botswana. First, the movement’s political action and agitation changed the political discourse and public policy in Botswana. Before the advent of the women’s movement, the discourse pertaining to women’s issues tended to hinge on domestic economics. Emang Basadi moved that discourse to one of empowerment, equality, and rights issues. Also, the women’s movement forced women’s issues on to the national agenda and it campaigned for changes in laws and public policies to reflect the movement’s demands. In 1998, the government launched the National Gender Program with the objective of mainstreaming gender issues and promoting gender discourse in the government departments, in the private sector, and in NGOs. As a result, official government departments are compelled to include in all their official documents and programs language reflecting the national gender framework. Second, the women’s movement in Botswana was the first to establish that public protest against the government was a legitimate way to


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make their grievances known. Prior to the women’s movement, no group in Botswana had challenged the government to the same extent. This is in line with Dryzek’s (1996) proposal that a social movement can produce an effect on the political culture by legitimating a particular form of protest and establishing a permanent place for issues on the public agenda. In the case of Botswana, it was not just the form of protest, but the whole concept that protest was a legitimate way to address the government that came about as a result of the efforts of Emang Basadi. Third, as pointed out earlier, and in line with Dryzek (1996), the women’s movement created a fear of instability that led the government of Botswana to respond positively. Thus a social movement’s agitation can create deep unease in the ruling government and compel the government to give in to the movement’s demands. In a country where protest had been seen as taboo, the protests left the government of Botswana embarrassed and afraid of the possibility of instability in its traditionally stable society. Fourth, the women’s movement affected the culture and power relations in Botswana at both the personal and societal levels. The discourse on rights had penetrated the homes and affected power relations within families as well as working relations in the public sphere. The women’s movement contributed to the strengthening of democracy in Botswana. The majority of the citizens of Botswana did not really understand what democracy meant. The women’s movement took it upon itself to educate the general public on the meaning of democracy and a citizen’s role in it. According to Dryzek (1996), a social movement can contribute to democratization because it is “relatively unconstrained (p. 482).” By questioning government decisions and protesting unjust and undemocratic policies and laws, the women moved the discourse to a higher degree of openness and tolerance. As a result people with opposing and alternative voices are more likely to have their views known to a greater number of their fellow citizens.

THE ROLE OF THE OPPOSITION The relationship between a social movement and a political party tends to be closer when the party is in opposition. In most cases, opposition parties lack the necessary power within state institutions to implement their policies, so they seek support from politically relevant constituencies in civil society in order to achieve it (Maguire, 1995). This study also found that an opposition party is more likely both to be more sympathetic to a social movement and to attempt to address some of the movement’s concerns. Because an opposition party seeks to gain control of the state, they will seek alliances with groups that are opposed to the ruling party so as to win the popular vote.

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A social movement that faces a hostile government may also seek alliances with a sympathetic opposition party, which can lead to the removal of the ruling party from power. By including the support of women’s issues in its manifesto, the opposition BNF party effectively helped to foster the women’s movement demands. If they had ignored the women’s demands, it is very likely that the women’s demands would have disappeared from the national agenda. By the same token, by including the women’s demands, the opposition BNF party boosted its own status among many people in Botswana because it was seen as being more sympathetic, just, more democratic than the ruling party. BNF’s positive stand in favor of the women’s movement was reflected in the election results. Prior to the advent of the women’s movement, for many years the pattern of voting showed little change. Most people voted for the ruling party, the BDF, without questioning or even knowing the party’s position on various issues. After the founding of the women’s movement and especially after the women’s manifesto was published, the opposition party received a higher number of votes, while the ruling party lost the biggest number of votes in its history, as shown in Table 4-1. The results of the 1994 election were remarkable in that the votes for the BDF votes decreased by the largest percentage in Botswana history, 10.2 percent. At the same time the leading opposition party, the BNF gained its largest percentage, 10.4. A likely interpretation of these results is that the BDF was losing the stability it had enjoyed since independence and could no longer take its status for granted. “Generally, the voters—the majority of whom are female—swung their mandate to the opposition BNF very substantially in the urban areas in the 1994 general elections” (Selolwane, 1998). The ruling BDP incorporated women’s issues in its manifesto for the first time in 1994. Yet even then they did not did not make as generous an offer to women as did the BNF which pledged 30 percent of eligible seats to women and the remaining 70 percent to be contested by women on an equal basis with men. This is not entirely surprising because BNF had made provisions for women clear in its 1984 manifesto.

Table 4-1. Percentage of Popular Vote by Party, BDP, and BNF 1965–1994 Party

1969

1974

1979

1984

1989

1994

BDP

68.4

76.6

75.2

67.9

64.7

54.5

BNF

13.5

11.5

12.9

20.5

26.9

37.3

Source: Edge, W.A., and M.H. Lekorwe. (eds.). Botswana: Politics and Society (1998).


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The relationship between a social movement and an opposition party is also determined by their relative strengths and weaknesses at a given time (Maguire, 1995). This was evident in the case of Emang Basadi and the BNF. By 1994, BNF had become a strong opposition party. As seen from the election results, it garnered 37.3 percent of the vote, the highest in its history. At that point, therefore, BNF was able to make significant impact by endorsing the women’s movement’s concerns. It was also possible for the BNF party and the women’s movement to have a closer relationship when they were both relatively strong because they sought support from relevant groups. However, after the 1999 elections, the BNF party weakened and its relationship with the women’s movement also became less significant. At this time, the alliance between the women’s movement and the ruling party became stronger, leading to fears of co-option. As Maguire (1995) points out social movements have to establish relationships with parties that are relevant to them. While the alliance with the opposition party played a role in promoting the women’s agenda, the women’s movement also was engaged in other alliances which led to acquisition of material resources and impact on policy. Emang Basadi was seen in Botswana as an opposition party because it was fearless and challenged the status quo. Although the opposition BNF party had challenged the ruling party on many occasions, it had never called for a change of laws. Neither had it acted in conjunction with international fora to further its case. By the women’s movement taking Botswana’s gender issues to the international level this meant that the international women’s conference would exercise an influence on domestic policy. In turn, at home, the women’s movement was seen as an influential force capable of mobilizing local and international support.

Chapter Five

Emang Basadi in the Policy Process

This chapter describes how the women’s movement was able to raise the salience of the women’s issues in Botswana and thus make an impact on the laws and policies affecting women. The theory of agenda-setting was utilized to analyze how Emang Basadi redefined the women’s situation and elevated the discussion of the women’s issues to the national level. While Chapter Four discussed the Political Opportunity Structure, including state capacity, in relation to social movements and how the latter seek alliances to improve their status, this chapter emphasizes the strength and innovation of the movement itself. One of the major determinants of what gets on public policy agendas is the number of problems having an impact on the system. Cohen et al. (1972) introduced the “garbage can” model of organization choice. John Kingdon (1984) used that garbage can model to explain agenda-setting in the policy process. According to the garbage can model, government is seen as “organized anarchy.” At any given point in time, the system is made up of order and disorder. The garbage can consists of a mixture of problems, solutions, and politics. These are called “streams.” Kingdon (1984) suggests that problems and solutions, the streams, ought to be studied separately in order to understand government decisionmaking. Change in each stream takes place independent of other streams since each stream has a life of its own. When conditions are right, a policy window opens for a short time allowing these streams to converge. What happens in this case is that a problem has been recognized, an appropriate solution is offered and the political climate at that point is sufficiently flexible to permit and accept the change. As a result, what gets on the agenda depends on the timing: “If the problem is not salient, and/or a solution is not available, and/or political conditions are inhospitable, it will not get on the agenda” (Mucciaroni, 1990, p. 460). In the five agenda-setting cases 69

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they analyzed, Milward and Laird (1990) found that issue definition, policy knowledge, and opportunity interacted to bring about agenda success. In Botswana, issue definition and opportunity were the major issues that the women’s movement manipulated in an inhospitable political condition in order to bring about agenda success. The main areas addressed to seek change were government, parliament, and the courts (Figure 5-1).

SOCIAL MOVEMENT AND ITS IMPACT ON THE POLICY PROCESS For this study the proposition derived from the agenda-setting theory is the following: The more the women’s movement was able to persuade the public of the salience of its issue, the greater its impact on legislative action. The more that the public was informed and engaged, the greater the chances for the movement to make a difference. The expectation was that political leaders in a democracy are responsive to public opinion and that this would make them adopt more accommodating positions in line with the majority.

ISSUE SALIENCE AND AGENDA-SETTING Within agenda-setting theory, if an issue fails to make the agenda, one way of pushing it onto the agenda is to change the way the issue is defined. Challengers or lobbyists might alter the way the problem is presented, thus perceived by the public, by finding possible, reasonable solutions that may make the issue more compelling. Three conditions in the agenda-setting model were useful for analyzing the women’s movement in Botswana. These are 1) saliency of the Social Movement’s Impact on the Policy Process

Figure 5-1. Social movement: here Emang Basadi, and its impact on the policy process.


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problem, 2) solution, and 3) political conditions. In the data analysis of Daily News articles from 1973 to 1999, issues related to women and equality were more widely covered, representing a total of 28.2 percent of the articles related to women (Figure 4-2). This was followed by articles on the plight of women, which accounted for 21.2 percent of the articles. Articles referring to laws related to women took up 14.6 percent of the coverage. Although it was the legal issues that brought about the formation of the women’s movement, the issues related to the discriminatory laws were not as well covered as other issues pertaining to equality and the plight of women. This evidence is demonstrated by the coverage of women’s issues in 1986 when the movement was formed. Women’s Issues Reported in the Daily News

Figure 5-2. Identification of issues reported in the Daily News.

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Although, due to the women’s agitation, the coverage increased, it did not increase as much as it did when the women included other issues and redefined their demands. In 1973, thirteen years before the emergence of Emang Basadi, there were virtually no reports related to women’s rights in the Daily News. In all of 1973, only one article related to women’s rights was published (Figure 5-2). Its title was “Fight Social Injustice.”1 One month later another article was published that quoted the female High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, Gaositwe Chiepe, who said: “Why should women try to be men? They could do a lot to harm our [Botswana’s] cause,”2 clearly demonstrating that at that time, advocating the concept of women’s rights was frowned upon by both men and women. This study found a positive correlation between the women’s movement and total news on women’s rights (Figure 5-3). Coverage of women’s rights issues from 1973 to 1986 was compared to that from 1986 to 2000. The correlation coefficient was 0.56298, p = 0.0034. As pointed out earlier in the discussion on applying agenda-setting theory to this issue, if a problem fails to make the agenda, one way of pushing it onto the agenda may be by changing the way the issue is defined. Emang Basadi realized in

Women’s Activism from 1973–2000

Figure 5-3. Coverage of Women’s Activism from 1973–2000.


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1993 that the authorities were not responding positively therefore the need arose for the women to articulate their concerns in a manner that would better ensure success. The government’s lack of response was evidenced in three ways. First, the government’s reluctance to amend the Citizenship Act even after the Court of Appeal had found that it contravened the Constitution. Second, women were under-represented at decision-making levels. The absence of women at decision-making levels was identified as the major reason for the persistence of gender-biased laws as well as programs that were not gender responsive. This was related to the marginalization of women in relation to access and control of resources, education, and employment. Third, as articulated in various workshops, the reluctance of authorities to respond to women’s issues and concerns suggested the need for more women at decision-making levels. The women’s movement decided to increase the saliency of women’s issues and their demands by adopting two critical strategies. The first was a women’s political empowerment approach through the political education project. This approach, which also included mobilization of women, was initiated in November 1993. From a patriarchal perspective, although this emphasis on “empowerment” demanded more inclusion of women in decision-making positions, it appeared less threatening to the men than dealing with a direct approach of demanding equal citizenship laws. With regard to the women, this was a more complete and empowering approach. By adopting this focus, they had a majority representation of women, many of whom were not affected by the Citizenship Law so had not supported the earlier agitation for the changes. Women also stood to gain more in the long run by accessing decision-making positions. The second strategy was the development and writing in 1994 of a women’s manifesto. The women of the movement assembled the different groups that represented women in Botswana, including non-governmental organizations, the labor movement, and professional, social, political, and non-political groups, and summarized what they demanded and expected from the political parties. The manifesto included demands from all the major women’s groups and was used as bait for political parties to include the women’s issues in their own manifestos and thus appeal to the majority of the electorate.

WOMEN’S AGITATION AND AGENDA SETTING Analyses of women’s rights issues in the Daily News (Figure 5-2) reflect the periods when the women’s issues gained increasing visibility. The coverage of the issues correlated with the major events of the women’s movement

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and strategies adopted by them. The increase in the coverage suggested that there was a relationship between the increase in the women’s agitation and the coverage. Reporting of women’s rights issues had remained stagnant at an average of 1 percent from 1973 until 1985, when in that year women’s articles increased to 5.2 percent. This increase may have been due to the United Nations’ Women’s Conference, held in Nairobi in 1985. Although the government of Botswana did not officially participate in the conference, some women, including those in the women’s movement, went to the Nairobi Conference. The 1985 Nairobi Conference significantly impacted the women, whose subsequent actions correlates with increased coverage of issues related to women’s rights. One-third of the issues covered in the Daily News on women that year are attributable to the Nairobi Conference. More significantly, the conference inspired the women to create a movement to demand their rights. Interviews with the founding members revealed that the Nairobi Conference was the inspiration for the movement’s creation. Elsie Alexander, who was the coordinator for the Women’s Affairs Unit, said there was a major shift in “paradigm” after the 1985 Nairobi Conference. Although the United Nations declared 1975 as the International Women’s Year and the decade following as the first UN Decade for Women, Botswana had not participated in the associated activities. 1985 was the first time that women from Botswana attended a UNsponsored women’s international conference. The fact that the conference was held in Africa added to its significance. Many subsequently prominent women’s organizations were formed in Africa after the Nairobi Conference. These include Emang Basadi, Women and Law in Southern Africa, Unity Dow’s Metlhaetsile, Women’s Wing of Botswana Trade Unions, and the Women’s NGO Coalition. One of the founding members of Emang Basadi, Onalenna Doo Selolwane, affirms this: “The radicalization of Batswana women’s issues and women’s organizations occurred in the context of the world movement for women’s emancipation, particularly the 1985 UN Conference on Women (Interview, Gaborone, July 2000). “At that time, women’s organizations were looked on with suspicion and “seen as making noise.” The initial negative attitude toward the women’s movement correlates with a decline in the coverage in the Daily News articles to 1.7 percent (Figure 5-3). This is in line with the following proposition: The more a social movement causes disequilibrium in the political system, the smaller the chance of creating a policy window for change. At its creation, Emang Basadi, as the women’s movement came to be known, was perceived negatively and its actions, which were seen as causing disequilibrium, had less chance of creating a policy window or changing


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policy. The women’s movement started with a single campaign issue to change the 1982 Citizenship Act. Propelled by the 1985 Women’s Conference, the women mobilized themselves and campaigned against the discriminatory acts. They organized seminars and workshops to educate both women and men about the laws and how those laws discriminated against women. The legal rights workshops were action oriented with the objective of spurring the country toward legal reform. Emang Basadi held numerous workshops, conferences, and seminars to enlighten women about these discriminatory acts. In some cases, the Women’s Affairs Department collaborated with the women’s movement to organize major seminars, titled “Legal Rights” or “Women-in-the-Law” workshops.

ISSUE DEFINITION In order to gauge Botswana’s involvement in international issues, this study also analyzed the country’s response to other important global agenda items. The study noted that, while Botswana did not endorse the 1975 UN Women’s Year, it did adopt the UN International Year of the Child in 1979 and the Year of the Disabled in 1981. Parliament passed a motion both times to adopt the UN resolutions. Evidently, Botswana did not exclude itself from international activities, but was selective in the activities the country participated in. The argument could be made that Botswana only started participating in international programs in 1979, by participating in the International Year of the Child, but this would not explain the government’s negative attitude toward the 1985 Women’s Year held in Nairobi. At a general meeting held in 1993, Emang Basadi determined that, in view of the lack of a positive response from the government to removing discriminatory provisions in the law, a change of focus was required. The women’s movement examined the broader political arena and identified the absence of women from it as the major stumbling block to women’s empowerment. Although women made up fifty-eight percent of the population, only two of thirty-eight members of parliament were female, only sixty-five of 358 counselors in local government were female, and there was only one female cabinet minister out of a total of seventeen. Taking this into consideration, Emang Basadi changed its way of operating in order to be more inclusive and increase its impact. Emang Basadi also found that the majority of the women, including those in the women’s wings of the political parties, were not aware of the discriminatory issues that Emang Basadi was campaigning to have changed. Each year the President of Botswana gives an address in Parliament to officially open that session. The presidential speech is of national importance

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as the president emphasizes the major issues confronting the country and provides a summary of the state of the country. An analysis of the speeches as they were published in the Botswana Parliament Hansards from 1973 to 2000 showed that neither President Seretse Khama nor President Quett Masire mentioned women in their addresses to parliament until 1993. In 1986, the presidential address briefly mentioned women and youths as target group for distance learning. However, according to the Hansards, the issue of women’s rights was only first addressed by President Quett Masire in Parliament in 1993. This moment was related to Emang Basadi’s critical point in November 1993 when the movement adopted the political empowerment approach using its political education project. Reflecting this, in his address to Parliament in December 1993, President Masire said government had to take steps to ensure “empowerment of women in recognition of the vital contribution they have continued to make to all facets of the development of the country” (Hansard 109, 1993). The president was quick to adopt the “empowerment” language of the women’s movement when the movement changed its emphasis to increasing the number of women in the decision-making process rather than their previous umbrella demand for equal rights outright. Clearly the change of emphasis correlates with the dramatic increase in the saliency of the women’s movement. Beginning in 1994, the increase in reporting on women’s issues also reflects the addition of specific issues to the general demand for women’s empowerment. In the articles there is more discussion of women’s disadvantaged position, the general plight of women, violence against women, women in politics, and laws affecting women (Figure 5-2). This implies two things. First, when Emang Basadi redefined its purpose, it became a less threatening and “more acceptable” organization. As Milward and Laird (1990) found, issue definition and opportunity interact to bring about agenda success. Second, the more Emang Basadi increased its mode of operations to include more avenues, the more it was able to raise the women’s issues to national importance. This supports the proposition that the more a social movement can act in various policy arenas, the more likely it will be able to have an impact. As Emang Basadi expanded its mobilization to include government, political parties, and parliament, the more it was able to make an impact. Figure 5-4 shows how issue definition and change in operation resulted in greater salience.

WOMEN’S MANIFESTO AS A FORM OF AGITATION The objective of the Emang Basadi Political Education Project was to ensure greater participation by women in the political process, make


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Figure 5-4. Women’s Rights issues and agenda-setting in Botswana.

women conscious of the importance of their vote, and lobby for at least 20 percent female representation in parliament and local government after the 1994 elections. The quota was raised to 30 percent after the Beijing Conference of 1995. Through the Political Education Project, Emang Basadi trained female political candidates to articulate gender issues in their political parties, in their positions or to people in public office, or as parliamentarians and councilors. The strategy to train more female candidates for public office was brought about by the under-representation of women at decision-making levels and the reluctance of the policy-makers and other authorities to respond to women’s concerns. Prior to the 1994 election, female representation in parliament stood at five percent, represented by only two women in parliament. Emang Basadi deliberately planned the Political Education Project to start before the 1994 elections to “ensure that by the time women voted, they had a concrete understanding of the political process and how their vote could work for them” (Emang Basadi, 1995). The women also hoped that the education campaign would influence political parties to address women’s issues. In order to ensure the success of the Political Education Campaign, Emang Basadi adopted three strategies. The first strategy was the production of the women’s manifesto. The second strategy was the Political Education Campaign itself. The third strategy was the distribution of the manifesto and the organization of workshops throughout the country. The critical juncture of the women’s movement was 1994 when it adopted the “Women’s Manifesto: A Summary of Botswana Women’s Issues and Demands.” The manifesto laid out women’s concerns and challenged the political parties to address them. The manifesto, which was adopted as the “Manifesto of Botswana Women,” included submissions and discussions with various representatives, including women’s groups, government departments, political parties, financial institutions, and labor movements.

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Social Movements and Democracy in Africa They included the following seventeen organizations: Botswana Christian Council Botswana Council of Women Botswana Democratic Party (women’s wing) Botswana Federation of Trade Unions Botswana National Front (women’s wing) Botswana People’s Party (women’s wing) Botswana Polytechnic—Student Representative Council Botswana Red Cross Society Independence Freedom Party Lesedi La Botswana Lutheran Church National Amalgamated, Local and Central Government, Parastatal Manual Workers Union Metlhaetsile Women’s Information Centre University of Botswana–Student Representative Council Women in Law and Development in Africa Women and Law in Southern Africa

The objective of writing the manifesto was to use it as a provocation to political parties to include the women’s demands in their own platforms as issues they would follow through for women (Selolwane, 1997). The women quickly submitted their manifesto to the political parties. It also was widely circulated to ministries, parliamentarians, and human rights and women’s organizations. Emang Basadi held two workshops in each constituency of the country to educate women on its contents. In addition, a team of women was trained to disseminate the contents of the manifesto. The manifesto read in part: This document will serve as a manifesto on women’s concerns and needs that should be incorporated in the agendas of all political parties that will participate in the 1994 elections. It will also assist political candidates [to] articulate women’s issues from an informed position and conscientize women in general as regards the link between the vote and their advancement. The document is intended to provide concrete evidence of the disadvantaged position of women and will make recommendations to improving their situation. (Emang Basadi, 1996)

The manifesto compelled all the political parties to incorporate the women’s concerns in their own manifestos. It addressed the issues that


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affected women’s status and laid down demands for the government to take measures to change the situation. The demands were categorized into eight areas: 1) women and democracy, 2) employment, 3) business, 4) agriculture, 5) education and training, 6) health and population, 7) law, and 8) institutional policy and framework. Among other things the women demanded: •

The amendment of the Citizenship Act,

•

Review and amendment of all other discriminatory laws,

•

A 30 percent female representation in parliament and local government,

•

An urging of the President to nominate female members of parliament as specially elected members, and

•

Government and all political parties should ensure equal participation and representation by women in all national and local legislative and decision making bodies.

The manifesto, which was printed in English and Setswana, was so popular that there was a demand for a second printing, which was issued in a revised and expanded form. Institutions, including government departments and private organizations, referred to it as the “blueprint” for the issues and demands of Batswana women. In this second edition, Emang Basadi noted the impact of its first manifesto: We believe that the Manifesto influenced the nature and content of politics in Botswana, especially during the run up to the 1994 elections and beyond. By bringing attention to the specific issues and demands of women, this document has contributed significantly to the advancement of democracy in Botswana. (1994)

The change in Emang Basadi’s strategy raised to national level the saliency of the women’s concerns beyond simply the Citizenship Act. The Women’s Manifesto brought to the surface the major issues facing the women in Botswana and provided the direction the government needed to take to accommodate the demands. The leading opposition party, the BNF, seized the opportunity and committed itself, in its platform, to repeal all discriminatory laws and reserve 30 percent of its positions for women. The ruling party, BDP, did not state any quota for women, but promised to review discriminatory legislation, accede to CEDAW, and encourage active participation of women in politics and economic development. The ruling party deliberately avoided total commitment by not using exact quotas or such phrases as “equality” or “discrimination.”

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In response to the manifesto and women’s agitation, in 1996 Parliament adopted the National Policy on Women in Development, which had been on the drawing board for more than ten years. The policy was formulated in recognition of the pressing need to address the continuing disadvantages and discrimination faced by women. The policy as it was adopted embraced the major demands laid out in the Women’s Manifesto, including removing all forms of legal and socio-cultural constraints to women’s status and enhancing the status and role of women in decision-making. The government of Botswana recognized the contribution of the women’s movement in formulating the national policy. Noting the NGOs,’ emphasis on changing the discriminatory laws, the government urged the women’s movement to “continue to educate women on their legal rights and entitlements” (Women’s Affairs Division, 1995b, p.34).

EXPLAINING SHIFTS IN GOVERNMENT ATTITUDE The Botswana patriarchal government may appear to have given in to women’s demands. This change in attitude can be explained using the “punctuated equilibrium” model. According to Baumgartner and Jones (1993), a stable system is not necessarily at equilibrium. A system of democratic policymaking would tend to be close to equilibrium. If a force pushes the system from equilibrium, it would move back toward equilibrium. However, if a system is weak, even a small push away from equilibrium can have a major impact. Using this model of punctuated equilibrium, therefore, a government could make some policy changes simply to safeguard its system rather than to specifically appease the challengers. In the case of Botswana, the government has made some concessions during periods of disequilibria, one of which was women’s agitation, in order to maintain stability.

COLLECTIVE ACTION FRAME The process that the women’s movement in Botswana adopted may be referred to as “frame” construction and “frame alignment.” The concept of “frame” has been used widely by academics in various disciplines to refer to the “world out there” by selectively punctuating and encoding objects, situations, events, experiences, and sequences of actions within one’s present environment (Goffman, 1974). In “framing,” emphasis is placed on the process of definition and interpretation. The importance of a collective action frame is illustrated by the manner in which activists articulate and tie their experiences and messages together. Snow and Benford (1988) suggest three interrelated factors: empirical credibility, experiential commensurability, and ideational centrality or narrative fidelity.


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Students of social movements argue that there is a special category of cognitive understandings that relates to how social movements construct meaning (Tarrow, 1994). This concept is what Erving Goffman (1974) has referred to as collective action frames. According to Goffman, frames denoted “schemata of interpretation” that enable individuals “to locate, perceive, identify, and label” occurrences within their life space and the world at large (p. 21). Social movement scholars have found that frames help to render events or occurrences meaningful and thereby function to organize experience and guide action. Collective action frames also perform this interpretive function by simplifying and condensing aspects of the “world out there,” but in ways that are “intended to mobilize potential adherents and constituents, to garner bystander support, and to demobilize antagonists” (Snow and Benford, 1988, p.198). Movement leaders have found the construction of framing to be important in the success of their mobilization. In addition, collective action frames serve to emphasize the seriousness or the depth of the injustice of a social condition or to redefine a situation as unjust and immoral. “Social movements are deeply involved in the work of ‘naming’ grievances, connecting them to other grievances and constructing larger frames of meaning that will resonate with a population’s cultural predisposition and communicate a uniform message to powerholders and others” (Snow and Benford, 1992 p. 136). According to Benford and Snow (2000), framing denotes an active, processual phenomenon that implies agency and contention at the level of reality construction. It is active in the sense that something is being done, and processual in the sense of a dynamic, evolving process. It entails agency in the sense that what is evolving is the work of social movement organizations or movement activists. And it is contentious in the sense that it involves the generation of interpretive frames that not only differ from existing ones, but that may also challenge them. The resultant products of this framing activity are referred to as “collective action frames.” Although frames like injustice are powerful, social movement scholars, including Gamson (1992) and Snow and Benford (1988), advise against using them without reference to the context and the culture or their target public. In addition, social movement entrepreneurs do not simply adapt frames of meaning from their traditions since that would be nothing more than reflections of their societies and could not change them (Tarrow, 1994). Therefore, although many countries in the 1990s would look at one discriminatory act as being unjust and oppressive in Botswana the women’s movement had to re-interpret the injustice according to the cultural context. Simply relating the injustices as women would elsewhere, would not be beneficial to the Botswana situation. At the same time, dealing with the situation according

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to Botswana’s own cultural situation would not change that situation, but rather invite opposition. In this case, the movement’s leaders “orient their movements’ frames towards action, and fashion them at the intersection between a target population’s culture and their own values and goals” (Tarrow, 1994, p. 123). The process of orienting the frames to one’s culture is what Snow and Bedford call “frame alignment” (2000). In 1986, the frames of “inequality” and “discrimination” when referring to the laws did not resonate within the cultural context of Botswana. The majority of the women did not understand how the inequality and discrimination affected them directly. As many saw the situation, it was Western-trained women who were disgruntled and trying to “behave like men.” Some men labeled the women “trouble makers” (Interview, Ntombi Setshwaelo, Gaborone, July 2001). By 1993, Emang Basadi realized the need for frame alignment, a change in its messages, and the way in which it was articulating the women’s concerns. However, the process of frame alignment is not always easy or uncontested (Tarrow, 1994). First, movement leaders compete with other movements and institutions, including the media and the state, for cultural supremacy. Second, movements that adapt too well to their societies’ cultures lose the force of opposition and alienate their militant supporters. By adopting women’s “political participation” and “empowerment,” the women’s movement was able to resonate with the general population of women and draw support from a number of men, especially those of the opposition. The competition between the ruling party and opposition party is evidenced by each party attempting to show that they were more responsive to the women’s concerns. Thus, when Emang Basadi merged their initial demands to other grievances and constructed larger frames of meaning that were more acceptable in their cultural environment, they were able to draw the power-holders to their side. However, when the women’s movement changed their strategies, the government started working so closely with them and consulting them on issues related to women that some officials of Emang Basadi were afraid of being co-opted.” (Interview, Keboitse Machangana, Gaborone, July 2000).

POLITICAL EDUCATION PROJECT The Political Education Project was divided into two parts, Women Decision-Makers and Democracy/Voter Education. The women decision-makers targeted women candidates, women’s wings of political parties, and decisionmakers. The Democracy/Voter’s Education component targeted the general public, political parties, and youth. Emang Basadi organized a number of educational workshops for the candidates as well as for the voting public.


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In addition to local workshops, Emang Basadi used any international opportunity to make their concerns for women known. In 1994, prior to the elections, Emang Basadi held a seminar called Consultation for Women in Politics in Africa. The purpose of the seminar was to allow women in politics to confer on women’s involvement in the political process in Africa and to strategize on how they could be assisted to be more effective players and participants in government politics. The result of the seminar was added visibility for Emang Basadi’s role in Botswana as well as internationally. The media attention to women’s issues “reached an unprecedented high” (Emang Basadi, 1995). The news coverage indicated that the saliency of the women’s issues had been taken seriously to the national level. The media and political parties devoted more time to discussing women’s issues, as indicated in the Daily News analyses (Figure 4-2). An analysis of the 1994 manifesto of the ruling party, (BDP) and that of the opposition party, (BNF), showed that for the first time in the parties’ history, they had each devoted at least one page to women’s issues. Although the BDP did not abolish discriminatory laws outright in 1994, they promised not to pass additional discriminatory laws. Both parties agreed to support increased women representation in parliament. The opposition party agreed to have a quota of 30 percent allocated for women although the ruling party refused to set a quota. In a victory for Emang Basadi and the other women’s groups, the political parties adopted the women’s issues into their platforms and their agendas. According to the electoral laws, the President has the right to nominate four members of parliament. The Women’s Manifesto requested the President to nominate as specially elected members of parliament competent female MPs who were sensitive to women’s issues after the 1994 elections. The President nominated two women to parliament. Two women won the elections which raised the number of women to four. In the subsequent 1999 Women’s Manifesto, the women’s movement asked the President to nominate women for all the seats with the view to increase female representation to 30 percent. In 1999, six women were elected and the President maintained the number of women he nominated to two. The political parties’ change and accommodation were seen as a result of the changing political climate brought about partly by the women’s political mobilization and its impact on Botswana’s politics and elections.

TRAINING WOMEN FOR PARLIAMENT In order to encourage women to work to increase the number of women in parliament, Emang Basadi decided to train women who were interested in

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standing for elections and those who would offer voter education. The training was done at two levels. At one level community mobilizers were trained so they could organize voter education workshops in various constituencies. The other level consisted of the training of political candidates. The objective of the candidacy training was to educate women candidates in campaign management and assist them in marketing themselves effectively. Most female and even male candidates lacked skills in promoting themselves. This type of training was new to people in Botswana. In 1994, the training was done hastily but in 1999, Emang Basadi was better prepared. It provided consultants to train the candidates and had publications printed for anybody interested in standing for office. Emang Basadi held workshops for the candidates in order to assist them in preparing for the elections. The major issues addressed in the workshops included 1) the role of a candidate, 2) public speaking, 3) getting the vote, 4) fund-raising, and 5) budgeting for campaigns. To supplement the information at the workshops, Emang Basadi printed publications that included detailed information and advice for candidates. The publication was divided into twelve step-by-step sections: 1) How to Make the Decision to Stand for Office 2) Campaign Research 3) Building Your Campaign Organization 4) Your Campaign Plan 5) Candidate Message–Presentation and Image 6) Network and Coalition Building 7) Voter Outreach, Including Strategies to Target Voters 8) The Media 9) Budgeting and Fund-raising 10) The Final Month Countdown 11) Election Day 12) The Days After: Win or Lose The publication also included examples of unexpected situations, including crises, and advised a candidate to have a crisis management strategy and prepare for negativity during the election campaign. Emang Basadi also noted the common problems faced by women candidates in Botswana and suggested practical solutions of dealing with them. First, they suggested demystifying culture by giving examples of women who had successfully performed roles traditionally reserved for men. Second, they taught candidates


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how to mobilize resources within a woman-sensitive climate. Third, they described a self-transformation process that included undergoing assertiveness training to boost confidence and ability (see Fig. 5–5). Fourth, concerned creating networks and fifth taught them to present their candidacy in the strongest possible light. In 1999, after taking part in a national conference organized by Emang Basadi, a total of 155 women were publicly presented as candidates. Eleven women were parliamentary candidates and the rest were local council candidates. Emang Basadi arranged media publicity for the candidates. Also, the Women’s Manifesto was officially launched and disseminated at the same time as the presentation of the women, which further promoted their candidacies. The candidates were encouraged to use the issues and demands contained in the manifesto as their campaign issues. Six out of the eleven candidates were elected to parliament. In addition, due to lobbying by the women’s movement, the president, Festus Mogae, nominated two women to Parliament, which brought the number of women to eight. Although this figure represented only 18 percent, which is less than the 30 percent lobbied for, it was better than the 5 percent which was the norm before the pressure from Emang Basadi started in 1993.

EMANG BASADI’S POLITICAL MOBILIZATION The political education program provided by Emang Basadi was the first of its kind in Botswana. In addition, the women’s movement mobilized people, teaching them about the importance of voting. “Initially average people did not see their vote as a powerful tool. Most people were not fully aware how much power they had. For the first time, ordinary people were setting the terms of political discourse in the run-up to the general election.” (Interview, Onalenna Doo Selolwane, Gaborone, July 2000). The major question the movement posed was, “What do women want?” Athaliah Molokomme replied, “We made a lot of noise and went into the villages advising women to vote for candidates who represented their views.” (Interview, Gaborone, July 2001). For the first time in the history of Botswana politics, political candidates were invited to public debates where they were asked to tell voters why they were standing for elections and why the electorate should vote for them. Emang Basadi organized the meetings and encouraged people to ask questions of importance to them. Women in Botswana constitute 58 percent of the voters and are viewed as an important and reliable constituency. Since independence, the majority of the voters tended to vote for the ruling party and its candidates. “Most people do not care about voting. BDP has convinced people that this

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is the best system and they know that BDP is their government.” (Interview, Zibani Maundeni, Gaborone, July 2001). Since the ruling party has been strongly entrenched in communities, including rural areas, people rarely questioned what the people they elected were supposed to do.

Figure 5-5. Example of Women’s Education Campaign literature. Source: Emang Basadi Women’s Association (1999b). Reprinted with permission from Lentswe La Lesedi (PTY) LTD.


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Targeting the voting public, Emang Basadi held workshops and seminars to reach various communities and constituencies. Voter education workshops were held in 1994 and in 1999. For the first time voters were sensitized and became aware that their voting had a direct relationship to the laws, policies, and programs formulated by elected representatives (Selolwane, 1997). For once ordinary people played a role in Botswana politics by forcing candidates to address issues that were of interest to them as voters. National political debates were held in Selebi-Phikwe, Francistown, Jwaneng, Lobatse, Maun, and Serowe. Each debate by parliamentary candidates was attended by between 300–500 people, while the last debate which featured the four presidential candidates was attended by about one thousand people (Emang Basadi, 1999). In addition, Emang Basadi held twenty-three voter education workshops, which were attended by a total of 2000 people. Political parties and candidates were compelled to take the voters seriously. They could no longer ignore women’s concerns nor dismiss women activists as “misguided” (Selolwane, p. 36). An analysis of the reporting in 1994 on women’s issues shows coverage of such women’s movement’s demands as, “Women Must Ensure Politicians Represent Them.” In this story, Emang Basadi asks MP contestants whether they will speak for women’s rights. The response to the women’s agitation was especially strong from the opposition. The Gazette, an independent newspaper, printed such articles from the opposition as: “Women, Here is Your Chance! The Independence Freedom Party has committed itself to supporting women in the next election, even if they do not run on the IFP ticket” (IFP, Deputy President Leach Tlhomelang). Other headlines in 1994 included the following: •

Women to Use Power of the Vote–Women want political parties to take them seriously–they intend to use their vote in the coming elections. (Gazette, June 1, 1994)

•

Women Politicians Learn Tricks of Trade–For the first time women standing for elections will obtain advice on how to plan strategies for their political campaign. (Gazette, August 17, 1994)

•

Women’s Manifesto–The fact that we see women’s organizations spring up nowadays, shows that something is happening among the women. (Midweek Sun, July 27, 1994).

•

Batswana Women Mobilize for 1994 Election. (Mmegi, June 9, 1994)

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The difference in these 1994 headlines is that women were demanding power-sharing and seeking empowerment. Prior to this, the messages were centered on equality and removal of discrimination. This latter approach seemed more appealing to both men and women. The people, including young men and women, asked the important questions affecting them: “Where are the jobs?” “What do I get for voting?” The response of the general public indicated that people did not understand “the new democracy.” (Interview, Onalenna Doo Selolwane, Gaborone, July 2000). The women’s agitation had a major impact on the political situation in Botswana. The results of the 1994 election shook the ruling party, which lost five seats, reducing its presence from thrity-two to twenty-seven. The main opposition party increased its parliamentary seats from three to thirteen. The changes, which were the first major changes since the country’s first elections in 1966, were seen as an indication that people, especially in the urban areas, were becoming more engaged in the country’s political situation. The period of 1994–1995 marked the first high point in reporting on the women’s rights by the Daily News (Figure 5-6). News coverage of women’s rights issues increased for the first time to a double-digit figure of 12.4 percent in 1995, indicating the saliency of women’s issues. This grows to 16.2 percent the following year, as public awareness of the women’s movement and empowering of women increases. In 1995, the women’s agitation was also felt at the UN Women’s Conference in Beijing. For the first time the government of Botswana participated in a UN Women’s conference. Ironically, in order to be seen as having effective participation, the government needed participation by the leadership of the women’s movement, who were well versed in the agenda of Beijing, which was related to their own agenda. Although the deputy speaker of the National Assembly, Mr. Bahiti Temane, led the delegation, it was actually the women’s movement that was driving the agenda. At home, after years of resistance, the government finally amended the Citizenship Act in the same year, 1995 (Figure 5-7).

WOMEN DECISION-MAKERS After the 1994 elections, Emang Basadi held consultations with female councilors and parliamentarians with a view to establish an inter-party Women’s Caucus that would provide a forum for the women to discuss strategies and any challenges they faced in male-dominated environments. The caucus was open to all female members of parliament, councilors, and chairpersons of women’s wings of political parties. Emang Basadi served as the secretariat for the caucus for the first few years. The Women’s caucus has provided training to women on such topics as “Effective Representation” and “Lobbying and Advocacy.” The caucus is a registered organization with its own planned


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activities. Although the caucus is still in its infancy, it is an effective organization in supporting women’s activism in parliament. The Caucus also provides female members of parliament with data, statistics, and strategies that they need in order to effectively support legislation that is favorable to women. Emang Basadi has supported the caucus with the objective of empowering the women to adopt effective ways of presenting themselves in parliament and for the women’s movement to work with the women parliamentarians and counselors to ensure effective representation of women’s views.

ACTS RELATING TO WOMEN: 1973–2000 The education project revealed that there was a need for voters’ and women’s education and empowerment. Firstly, there was a general lack of education among the public about the electoral process and their role in it. Secondly, the patriarchal attitude of male politicians continued to pose a Coverage of Women’s Rights News

Figure 5-6. Women’s rights news from 1973–2000.

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barrier to women’s full participation in politics and decision-making and at times curtailed the rights and freedoms of female politicians (Emang Basadi, 1999). One example reported by Emang Basadi was an instance in which a political party leader threatened a female candidate with dismissal if she continued to participate in activities organized by Emang Basadi. Thirdly, the rigidity of the structures in which women in decision-making positions had to work compelled some women to give up the principles of gender and equality in order to be accepted. Although Emang Basadi made great progress, there still remained much opposition, especially by male opinion leaders who felt threatened by the movement’s efforts to empower women and the electorate (Emang Basadi, 1999). The apprehension of Emang Basadi’s impact was evident among men and women. When Emang Basadi proposed the formation of the inter-party women’s caucus, for instance, some women were afraid to join it because they believed that Emang Basadi was encouraging the women to forget about their political parties and vote for one another across party lines. Acts Related to Women’s Rights Passed by Parliament

Figure 5-7. Acts related to women’s rights passed by Parliament from 1973 to 2000


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CONCLUSIONS: EMANG BASADI’S STRATEGIES IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE The outcome of Emang Basadi’s education project revealed that the majority of the population of Botswana lacked sufficient education in the political process for them to effectively participate in the electoral process of the country either as voters or as candidates. Also, voters and candidates were not used to the public holding officers accountable. The Political Education task was enormous and it should have been the responsibility of the government. Emang Basadi stepped from the narrowly defined platform of fighting for women’s equality to the larger national platform of educating the general population and tackling the issues of women’s disadvantaged position at the base by attempting to create a stronger voice for women in policy-making. Three critical junctures may be identified within the movement and its impact on Botswana society. First, the critical juncture at which the movement creates disequilibrium. At the emergence in 1986 of the women’s movement, Emang Basadi plunged fearlessly headlong to fight for women’s rights. Among other disruptive tactics, the women activists stormed the passport offices demanding that the government change the Citizenship Laws. They also assisted in fighting the case in court and ultimately succeeded. However, whatever success they reaped, the government was adamant. While they legally won the battle, they still lost the war, as the government refused to change the law. This marked the point of disequilibrium in Botswana society. According to Riker, (1980, p. 443), “disequilibrium, or the potential that the status quo be upset, is the characteristic feature of politics.” This leads to this study’s finding that when a social movement creates disequilibrium it is less likely to bring about policy change. The second critical juncture is when the women’s movement sets the agenda in national politics. This was when Emang Basadi changed its strategy to make it more acceptable and program-oriented rather than simply demand-oriented. The third critical juncture was when Emang Basadi was accepted as the champion of women’s rights. According to Tarrow (1994), protest cycles produce new or transformed symbols, frames of meaning, and ideologies to justify and dignify collective action and help movements to mobilize a following. As Tarrow found from the Civil Rights Movement in the United States and the Gdansk workers’ Movement in Poland, cultural symbols are not automatically available as mobilizing symbols. They require concrete agency to turn them into collective action frames. In the American Civil Rights Movement, “it was not a symbol inherited from the past that took the movement into its

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most radical phase, but a new symbol–the symbol of workers’ solidarity– that emerged when a new opportunity for collective action emerged”(1994, p.133). In the case of the Gdansk strikers in Poland, Tarrow (1994) found that their success and that of their external supporters was “not their ability to call on the traditional symbols of Catholic piety, but to create solidarity between workers in different factories and sectors” (p. 133). The resonance between the two cases and the women’s movement in Botswana is that cultural symbols are not automatic, but need to be connected to collective action frames. As pointed out earlier, the frames of women’s discrimination and injustice, which had worked well in Western countries, could not be readily applied to the situation in Botswana. The success of the Botswana Women’s movement lay in redefining its case and its course of action. In the same vein, just maintaining cultural symbols could not have alleviated years of women’s oppression in Botswana. It is the weaving of new ideas and materials, some of them from the international fora, and carefully applying them to the local cultural environment that produces collective action frames. Working with new symbols depends on the nature of the environment, the type of message, the status of the opponents, and the movement’s access to the powerholders–the policy makers. It is also important for the movement to have some allies who can assist in promoting its cause. At its inception, Emang Basadi did not effectively seek allies. As it became more experienced, it realized the need for varied alliances. As Emang Basadi expanded its mobilization to include government, political parties, and parliament, the greater its ability to make an impact became. An analysis of Emang Basadi’s major programs shows that the movement was more successful when it included varied constituencies in its programs. The manifestos were successful because they were the result of active women’s organizations, political parties, workers movements, and other active nongovernmental organizations, all of whom also felt ownership of the document. The more a social movement can act in various policy arenas, the more likely it will be able to have an impact. The changes in the women’s strategies confirm what Tarrow (1994) calls change from radical to institutionalized tactics aimed at gaining concrete benefits for the movements supporters through negotiation and compromise. In a study of collective action forms in the Italian press between 1966 to 1973, a tumultuous period, Tarrow (1994) found that the majority of the cases (56 percent), utilized conventional methods, 19 percent used confrontational methods, while 23 percent were violent. The findings suggest that in order to win policy successes, effective social movements evolve from confrontation to cooperation.


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However, the result of adopting this strategy may not always be positive, as Piven and Cloward (1979) found in four cases in the United States. They found that by accepting compromises movements could lose both their capacity to inspire their supporters and their ability to capture the attention of elites. In a study of the National Welfare Rights Organization, Piven and Cloward found that the organization’s leaders were so eager to transform it into a mass membership organization that the movement lost its impact. In another example, they found that the right of industrial workers to unionize, which they won in response to massive and disruptive strikes in the 1930s, “meant that workers were encouraged to use newly established grievance procedures in place of the sit-down or the wild-cat strike” (p. 32). Authority groups do not give concessions for nothing. “Concessions are rarely unencumbered. If they are given at all they are usually part and parcel of measures to reintegrate the movement into normal political channels and to absorb its leaders into stable institutional roles” (Piven and Cloward, 1979, p. 32). These concessions work to create a powerful image of a benevolent and responsive government that answers grievances and solves problems. At the beginning of the chapter, reference was made to the “garbage can” model of organization choice in which government is seen as “organized anarchy” (Cohen et al. 1972). The “garbage can” model can be applied to the agenda-setting in the policy process in Botswana as it related to the women’s movement. There appeared to be no proper explanation for policies or times when the women’s agenda would be picked up. At times, even when the women’s movement pushed hard for change, it did not happen, but when the conditions were favorable or convenient, the agenda would be incorporated into the national agenda. This supports Kingdon’s (1984) contention that when conditions are right, a policy window opens for a short time, allowing these streams to converge. This may explain what happened regarding the Citizenship Act, for example. It was only when the timing was right and the political climate was sufficiently flexible to permit the change that the problem was recognized as salient and a solution provided. When conditions were inhospitable to the movement, the women’s issues did not get on the agenda. However, the women had to keep pushing otherwise their issues would be completely ignored. As Mucciaroni (1990) points out, “If the problem is not salient, and/or a solution is not available, and/or political conditions are inhospitable, it will not get on the agenda.” This supports Kingdon’s (1984) assertion that problems and solutions ought to be studied separately in order to understand government decision-making. In the case of Botswana, the women’s movement was better served by them studying the government’s approach to decision-making and capitalizing on its weaknesses.

Chapter Six

The Impact of Emang Basadi

This chapter demonstrates the impact of the women’s movement, Emang Basadi, in the areas of legislation, government policies and political participation. In line with the political process theory, this study attempts to show the areas in which the women’s movement made an impact. This is the area of social movement literature about which little has been written. While there has been tremendous growth in the social movement field, there has not been much attention paid to the study of outcomes. Much of the research has focused on mobilization of social movements. William Gamson’s, study Strategy of Social Protest (1975), is the most systematic thus far. Still, conclusions about the impact of social movements remain tentative. The absence of research on outcomes is partly due to methodological difficulties. Kriesi et al. (1995), identify two challenges related to conducting theoretical and empirical analyses of social movement outcomes. First, social movements face the problem of defining and measuring success of the outcomes. Since one person’s success may not be somebody else’s success, it is subjective and therefore, difficult to measure. Taking into consideration the challenge of defining success, many social movement researchers have tended to confine their research to policy outcomes (Kriesi et al., 1995). The second methodological problem is that of attributing causality to the social movement. The environment in which social movements operate and the nature of their agitation sometimes makes it difficult to isolate one possible explanation of the change. While a social movement may be active, a change may arise independent of its actions. Figure 6-1 based on work by Charles Tilly (1999), shows the challenge of identifying social movement outcomes. The major areas are the movement claims, the effect of movement actions and the effects of outside events and actions. However, there are areas that fall outside the direct effect of the movement and the external events and actions, as illustrated by 95

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Social Movements and Democracy in Africa The Problem of Identifying Impact of Social Movements

Figure 6-1. The problem of identifying impact of social movements. Source: “The Problem of Identifying Social Movements Outcomes”) from Tilly, Charles, “Conclusion: From Interactions to Outcomes in Social Movements” from How Social Movements Matter. Eds. Marco Giugni, Doug McAdam and Charles Tilly (eds). University of Minnesota Press, 1999, p. 269. Copyright 1999 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota.

BCD. Tilly concedes, however, that these challenges can be resolved by formulating clear theories of the causal processes by which social movements produce their effects and limiting research to the effects made plausible by those theories. To this effect, this study has attempted to utilize various research processes in order to examine the probability of a women’s movement having an impact. Burstein (1995) attributes the paucity of research in this field to the lack of an overall theory of success. However, he concedes that studies of social movement emergence and maintenance mean little if movements never effect social change or if their successes are beyond participants’ control. There have been some attempts to formally analyze the outcomes of social movements. The first by Gamson (1975) utilized the resource mobilization approach. This approach focused on internal variables, including organizational infrastructure and the level of resources. Proponents of the political process approach criticize the resource mobilization perspective for ignoring the political context. Chapter Four, provided


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justification for applying the political process approach in this present study. The political process structure, including cognitive liberation, indigenous strength of individual citizens, the political climate, and external resources was used to interpret the Botswana situation. This study adopts the political process perspective that social movements can reach some measure of success when they are able to take advantage of their opponents, in particular the state and political authorities (Kriesi et al., 1995). The hypothesis related to this perspective is: Persistent pressure of the women’s movement will lead to policy and legal changes despite a strong state’s resistance. Parliament will pass more laws related to women as a result of the women’s movement. This study emphasizes the impacts and outcomes of the social movement in Botswana rather than limiting them to “success” because “success” is subjective and may be ambiguous. Sometimes a social movement may produce outcomes that may not have been intended by the movement. Also, a movement may produce outcomes that may be negative or counterproductive. From the movement’s standpoint, such outcomes would not be termed “successes” and hence would be overlooked. Analyzing the movement in terms of impact and outcome, provides a more inclusive account of Emang Basadi’s impact and also notes unintended outcomes. Gamson (1990), in his study of American social movement organizations, distinguished two forms of success, 1) a policy change that allows the challenger new advantages and 2) acceptance of the challenger as a valid representative. Schumaker (1975) has taken Gamson’s success further and defined it in line with the political system’s responsiveness to social movement demands. This highlights the political process theory on which this present study is based. Schumaker suggests that responsiveness occurs in five stages. The first is access responsiveness, which is similar to acceptance and refers to the willingness of the target or antagonist to hear the concerns of the movement. The second, agenda responsiveness, refers to the target’s willingness to put the movement’s demands on the political agenda. The third, policy responsiveness, is the target’s adoption of new policies in line with the movement’s demands. The fourth, output responsiveness, is the target’s implementation of its new policies. The fifth, impact responsiveness, refers to the degree to which the actions of the political system succeed in alleviating the grievances of the protest group. Schumaker’s typology is useful because it goes beyond merely showing policy change, but also focusing on implementation, which is important in gauging the success of the challenger. This study categorized the level of policy responsiveness into high, moderate, and low as follows: the indicators used for each area of responsiveness––access, agenda, policy, output and impact––are given in Table 6-1.

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Social Movements and Democracy in Africa High

A high level of responsiveness denoted positive responses of 70 percent and above. This referred to survey responses, newspaper articles, bills, and acts.

Moderate

Mixed responses. Between 40 and 69 percent of responses in favor of the type of policy responsiveness.

Low

Less than 40 percent of responses in favor of policy responsiveness.

In order to determine the level of policy responsiveness, the frequency of newspaper reports on women’s rights, bills and acts, and survey responses was calcluated. All the quantifiable indicators were calculated in percentages. For example, all the newspaper articles on women’s rights, bills, and acts and all the survey responses. In addition, the study used focus groups and interviews to support the findings.

ACCESS RESPONSIVENESS The first stage of access responsiveness, which refers to acceptance of a social movement, is high for Emang Basadi. Access also refers to the willingness of the target or antagonist to hear the concerns of the movement. In 2001, a survey of various categories of people, including less educated Table 6-1. Policy Responsiveness and Indicators Reference Access Acceptance of Emang Basadi responsiveness

Indicators people’s awareness and responses to role, impact of Emang Basadi

Agenda Willingness to put Emang Basadi Daily News reports, bills in Parresponsiveness demands on the agenda liament, party manifestos Policy Adoption of new policies responsiveness

Laws passed, policies, acts, international conventions adopted

Output Effective implementation responsiveness

Policies, court decisions implemented, new departments created

Impact Alleviating group’s responsiveness grievances

new roles for group, new grievances committees, lobbying


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men and women, government officials, lawyers, and members of parliament (MPs) was conducted to ask their views on the impact of Emang Basadi. Each category was given a set of questions (Appendix A) to gauge the group’s view of the role and impact of the women’s movement. Also, two focus groups were held, one consisting of college students and another of professional women. The responses of the different groups calculated in percentages indicate the level of acceptance of Emang Basadi. In this context, acceptance or access responsiveness refers to the acceptance of Emang Basadi as a valid representative of the women of Botswana. The following are some of the questions asked to determine acceptance: 1) Are you aware of Emang Basadi? 2) How did you become aware of it? 3) What role do you think Emang Basadi has played in Botswana society? 4) Does the government pay attention to the movement? See Appendix A for the full set of questions for each category. In the survey, at least 95 percent of the people surveyed were aware of Emang Basadi (Table 6–2). Many were aware of its activities or had heard about it through people who had been involved in it or through the media.

Table 6-2. Results of Surveys Conducted in Gaborone on the Role and Impact of Emang Basadi

Aware of EB

Legal practitioners

Government employees

Members of parliament

100%

100%

100 %

Less Educated females

Less Educated Males

95%

95

Role of EB

91.7%

91.7%

83.3%

65%

65

Impact of EB

33.3%

37.7%

77.8 %

70%

65%

No. Surveyed

20

24

21

20

20

Total surveyed = 105

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In the survey of men and women working for the government of Botswana, 91.7 percent of the people acknowledged that Emang Basadi was the voice of women in Botswana and that its major role was sensitizing women and the public on gender issues and fighting for women’s rights. The response was similar among women with primary education who did not work outside the home and men with similar education. At least 95 percent of the men and women with primary education or less said Emang Basadi had empowered women in fighting for their rights and better opportunities. Although the men surveyed agreed with the empowerment role of Emang Basadi, some did not view the women’s movement favorably. Of the men surveyed, 15 percent felt that, although the movement had helped the women, it had not helped the family because “the women rebelled against their lawful husbands” (male survey respondent). Emang Basadi activists are aware of this view: “They see the movement as a threat to the family”(Keboitse Machangana, interview, Gaborone 2001). Asked how much had changed because of Emang Basadi, 65 percent of the men said that women are more empowered now than they were before the movement. They also felt that the government was doing more for women and that there was more respect for women’s rights because of the women’s movement. Although some people had heard of the women’s movement, they were not clear about its objectives. However, most respondents, including 70 percent of less educated men, said women were more respected, had more rights, and were beginning to “have a stand in society” because of the movement. When asked what type of people were involved in the movement, most respondents said, “women, especially those educated.” Male respondents were less clear about the movement’s role. They also tended to be more negative in their view of the women’s group. Asked what the movement had done for women, one male respondent replied, “I don’t know but I think it is something criminal.” Another male responded; “I hear that your wife can take you to court through that movement.”

VIEW OF EMANG BASADI AS PROBLEM SOLVER The view of Emang Basadi as a group that solves women’s problems and is listened to by the government and other institutions is evident in many instances when discussing women’s issues in Botswana. The following scene at a guest lodge in Gaborone, Botswana, captures how an average woman views the women’s movement: A Motswana female employee held a heated discussion with her new expatriate owners of the lodge. The new owners were trying to reduce her wage. She refused to accept a lowered wage and the new owners were compelled to maintain her wage. Still furious, she turned to a guest and said: “They don’t know. In this country, there is Emang Basadi. I will go and report


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them.” Emang Basadi’s executive director, Keboitse Machangana, later commented that they try to advise women in all kinds of situations and sometimes people give the women’s movement credit even for things they did not do. In the survey conducted in the summer 2001 of government officials, including professionals in the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Information, Ministry of Education, and Local Government, 91.7 percent of the people surveyed felt that Emang Basadi was playing a positive role in Botswana society. One male respondent wrote, “It is useful to note that the perception of the general public about Emang Basadi has also changed over time. It seems most people see the important role that is being played by the movement. In the past, there was a perception that it was a movement of troublemakers, and some people thought it was influenced or dominated by women of a foreign culture, women married to foreigners (especially Europeans), and those who had divorced (or were divorced by) their husbands.” (Survey, August 2001). A female respondent wrote: “Emang Basadi has empowered the formerly “powerless” woman with the ability to stand up and achieve as much as she can alongside the menfolk, and given women a sense of self-worth. But unfortunately, (has) also made some arrogant.” (Survey, August, 2001). In the focus group of college students of three male and three female students studying at the University of Botswana, all the students acknowledged that Emang Basadi was the representative of women in Botswana and had brought about the awareness of the major issues facing women. The focus group of professional women felt that although the women’s movement had led the fight for women’s issues, it had confined itself to urban women and neglected those in the rural areas.

EMANG BASADI AS “WOMEN’S VOICE” Nonetheless, the major success of Emang Basadi is that it has become accepted as a legitimate voice on women. The government views it as the authority of women and consults it on major issues. Gaining acceptance in a patriarchal state such as Botswana has not been easy. “They thought Emang Basadi was disrupting democracy.” (Interview, Keboitse Machangana, Gaborone, July 2001). However, as the movement’s advocacy grew stronger and more diversified, it gained the respect of political parties, nongovernmental organizations, and the population in general. The movement forced political parties to discuss people’s concerns and what they should do about them. Emang Basadi was taken more seriously when it published the women’s manifesto. “We believe that the manifesto influenced the nature and content of politics in Botswana” (Molokomme quoted in Emang Basadi 1996). Until it split in the last election of 1999, the Botswana National Front (BNF) was the main opposition party to the ruling Botswana Democratic

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Party. BNF president, Dr. Kenneth Koma, who is also an MP, felt there was not sufficient discussion in parliament about women. Although Emang Basadi had made an impact, he felt that it had not done much for women in rural areas. “When they say women, they do not include women in the villages. I do not think they include their domestic workers. Because the leadership is elitist, they do not include women in the rural areas.” (Interview, Kenneth Koma, August, 2001). In order to resolve some of the concerns of inequality, Koma suggested that Emang Basadi needed to formulate a motion and give it to the women in parliament to sponsor it as an Emang Basadi motion. This motion should be well researched on issues of discrimination and provide examples. As an Emang Basadi motion, this would raise the issues of women to the national level and parliament would be compelled to debate the bill and act on it. This would be more effective than simply reacting to bills that are already drafted and on which the movement has limited impact. Koma felt that the women’s movement should do more to impact the National Assembly. “They should set a national target of how many women they need to see in decision-making positions.”(Interview, Kenneth Koma, Gaborone, August 2001). He suggested that Emang Basadi should continue to lobby the president to reserve all the four especially appointed positions for women. The suggestion of an Emang Basadi motion to be presented to parliament and lobbying for more seats for women showed how the movement was perceived as a legitimate voice for women. In 1993 Emang Basadi reached a turning point to becoming a popular organization by taking on the ambitious task of educating the general public on their political rights and special empowerment training for women candidates. At a general meeting, Emang Basadi decided to change its method of operation and adopt a different strategy. This change was necessitated by the poor response from the government in reversing discriminatory laws and policies. Emang Basadi noted the lack of representation of women in policymaking institutions and pervasive lack of education of the electoral process among the general public and decided to fill this void in Botswana politics. The opportunities for the women’s movement were three-fold. First, the women’s movement needed a number of women in parliament who could fight for changes from within. Second, the women were the voting majority and if they could be sensitized to vote for people who supported their empowerment, then the women’s movement fight could be won. Third, by educating people, Emang Basadi would gain visibility and would be not be perceived as “dangerous,” but rather as a patriotic and caring organization. In this study, Access responsiveness for Emang Basadi was high. At least 95 percent of the people surveyed were aware of the women’s movement. Almost 80 percent of all categories of people surveyed credited the women’s


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movement with being the voice for women in Botswana. Since its formation, the women’s movement had utilized different strategies to promote the cause for women in Botswana. By 2001, the women’s movement transcended the outsider role to be included in government committees as the authoritative group for women in Botswana.

AGENDA RESPONSIVENESS: IMPACT OF THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT This section, discusses the second stage, agenda responsiveness, which refers to the target’s willingness to put the movement’s demands on the political agenda. In this study, agenda responsiveness was indicated by the coverage of women’s rights stories in the Daily News, bills introduced in parliament and women’s issues being taken up by the main political parties. In addition, a survey was conducted to find out how responsive the government was to the women’s agenda. In the survey of government officials in 2000, 69.5 percent of the officials perceived the government as being responsive to the movement’s agenda. Although in the grading for responsiveness used in this study (p. 148), this falls under moderate, considering the history of Emang Basadi, and the resistance by the government this may actually be viewed as high responsiveness. Due to the nature of agenda responsiveness, a historical analysis of how the movement presented its issues and how the government responded is provided.

COVERAGE BY DAILY NEWS OF WOMEN’S AGENDA Initially the agenda responsiveness was negative. The women’s movement and the issues they advocated were met with hostility. An analysis of the news related to women in the Daily News found few reports pertaining to women’s rights before the movement’s inception. There is a total of 14.4 percent news on women from 1973 to 1985, as compared to 85.6 percent from 1986 to 1999 (Table 5–2). This indicates high agenda responsiveness. The year 1985 shows a significant increase in the number of news stories pertaining to women’s rights, from an average of 0.6 to 4.3 percent of all stories published during the period under study in the Daily News. From 1986–1992, Emang Basadi’s activities focused on women’s legal rights. They held workshops, seminars, and conferences with other organizations to make women aware of the discriminatory aspects of the laws, as well as advocating for reform of the laws. In 1993, Emang Basadi saw the need for strong representation of women in decision-making structures at both national and local levels and thus initiated the Political Education Project. The project was divided

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into two components, the Women Decision Makers and Voter Education. Women Decision-Makers focused on prospective women candidates, women’s sections of political parties, women counselors and parliamentarians, and women in decision-making positions in the public and private sectors. The voter education was aimed at teaching people their rights as voters. Beginning in 1993 there was an increase in the number of articles related to women’s empowerment. The years 1993 to 1999 show the highest number of articles published pertaining to women’s rights–3.9 percent in 1993 to 13.6 percent in 1996 and a high of 17.2 percent in 1999. Another example of agenda responsiveness is the introduction of women-related bills in parliament. In the analysis of all the bills related to women introduced from 1973 to 2000, this study found that there were more bills introduced in relation to the women’s movement after the creation of Emang Basadi. Only 10 bills were introduced in parliament pertaining to women’s rights prior to Emang Basadi founding compared to 21 bills after the emergence of the women’s movement. In July 2001, Emang Basadi and the National Women’s Coalition intervened in the parliament’s discussion of a marriage bill. The women’s organizations worked with female parliamentarians and sent representatives to parliament to change contents of the bill that were discriminatory to women. Most of the changes that the women demanded were adopted. Prior to the general elections of 1994 and 1999, Emang Basadi compiled a Women’s Manifesto that summarized the status of women and demanded that the government and political parties take steps to change the situation. Each election year, the Women’s Manifesto was revised and distributed to all the political parties before they drew up their own manifestos. The first manifesto in 1996 was discussed by various representatives, including women’s groups, government departments, political parties, financial institutions, and labor movements and was formally adopted as the “Manifesto of Botswana Women.” This served as provocation for the political parties and the government. In order to show that they were in favor of women’s advancement and thus solicit women’s votes, they took on some of the issues demanded by the women’s movement. The ruling party and the main opposition party responded to the women’s issues in their own manifestos. In its 1994 manifesto, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) acknowledged that it had not signed the Convention for the Elimination of All Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and that the women’s movement found the party lacking in its progress in support of women. The BDP responded to these issues in its own manifesto as follows: “Much of the doubts by women’s groups about our stand on


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Table 6-3. Frequency of Women’s Rights News from 1973 to 1999 Valid

Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

1973

1

.4

.4

.4

1974

1

.4

.4

.7

1975

1

.4

.4

1.1

1976

1

.4

.4

1.4

1977

2

.7

.7

2.2

1978

2

.7

.7

2.9

1979

2

.7

.7

3.6

1980

1

.4

.4

3.9

1981

1

.4

.4

4.3

1982

2

.7

.7

5.0

1983

8

2.9

2.9

7.9

1984

6

2.2

2.2

10.0

1985

12

4.3

4.3

14.3

1986

12

4.3

4.3

18.6

1987

4

1.4

1.4

20.1

1988

10

3.6

3.6

23.7

1989

7

2.5

2.5

26.2

1990

7

2.5

2.5

28.7

1991

7

2.5

2.5

31.2

1992

10

13.6

3.6

34.8

1993

11

3.9

3.9

38.7

1994

10

3.6

3.6

42.3

1995

29

10.4

10.4

52.7

1996

38

13.6

13.6

66.3

1997

14

5.0

5.0

71.3

1998

32

11.5

11.5

82.8

1999

48

17.2

17.2

100.0

Total

279

100.0

100.0

Frequency = Number of stories published on women’s rights Percent = Percentage of the total number of stories published on women’s rights.

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Social Movements and Democracy in Africa Comparing Women’s Bills to Total Bills

Figure 6-2. Comparison of women’s bills to the total number of bills presented in Parliament from 1973 to 1999.

the place of women crystallize around our non-signature of the CEDAW. Notwithstanding, we have achieved substantially more in terms of practical implementation of the objectives of CEDAW than the overwhelming majority of countries who have signed CEDAW” (BDP, 1994). The BDP did not say why it did not sign CEDAW, but further responded to the women’s manifesto with the following promises: •

We will review all legislation which may have up to now hindered the full participation of women in the development of our country;

•

We will address ourselves effectively to the increasing trends of violence particularly where women are the primary victims;

•

We will educate our society to recognize the vital contribution women continue to make to development;


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•

We will endeavor to encourage women to actively participate in all spheres particularly the political arena and other policymaking bodies;

•

We will ensure that future legislative enactments and policy formulation are not discriminatory on any citizen of Botswana.

The opposition party, the Botswana National Front (BNF), attacked the ruling party’s refusal to sign CEDAW and remove discrimination against women. Its attack and its own response were also a result of the Women’s Manifesto: “This is the government which refuses with impunity to sign international declarations on workers, children and women” (Botswana National Front, 1994). In 1999, the BNF had in its manifesto a section entitled “Emancipation of Women.” It included the following promises: •

BNF is committed to abolitions of all forms of discrimination based on gender.

•

Repeal all laws that discriminate against women.

•

Introduce special projects and programs for women’s participation in the development of the country.

•

Improve access of women to economic and financial resources.

•

Agricultural credit and more opportunities for women in management and other skilled jobs.

•

In all BNF structures 30 percent of eligible positions shall be reserved for women and the remaining 70 percent shall be contested by women on equal basis with men.

The promises related to women indicate that the political parties had taken into consideration the women’s demands. As pointed out earlier, women comprised 58 percent of the population. The political parties wanted to be seen as supporting women in order to win their votes. The result of Emang Basadi’s actions was that the women’s issues and concerns were put on the national agenda. One of the demands taken up by the political parties in their manifestos was to reserve 30 percent of the seats for women, although this has yet to be implemented. The opposition party embraced it in its manifesto. The ruling party, the BDP did not. However, President Quett Masire took up Emang Basadi’s proposal to nominate women as MPs. The president nominated two women to parliament after the 1994 elections. The next

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president, Festus Mogae followed the practice of nominating two women after the 1999 elections. By 2001, the women’s movement’s agenda responsiveness was fairly high compared to the movement’s earlier years. Reports in the Daily News, parliamentary proceedings, and political parties’ responses show that the women had achieved a status where their issues were more easily put on the national agenda. Also, interviews with and surveys of government officials and MPs supported the view that the women’s agenda was taken seriously.

POLICY RESPONSIVENESS: LAWS AND POLICY CHANGES Policy responsiveness is the government’s adoption of new policies in line with a movement’s demands. In this study, indications of policy responsiveness are the adoption of new policies, laws passed by parliament, and adoption of international conventions. Among the demands that were fulfilled as a result of the first manifesto, was the enactment of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 1995. After years of the government mobilizing against it, the Citizenship Act was finally amended. Sections of the Citizenship Act were repealed and replaced with gender neutral provisions. By the time the second manifesto was published in 1999, some other acts were amended as a result of the women’s agitation. Other discriminatory acts that were amended included the Deeds and Registry Act, which was amended in 1997, and the Mines, Quarries, Works, and Machinery Act, which was amended in 1999. The Deeds Registry Act prohibited registration of immovable property in the name of a woman in a marriage with community property. The law treated joint estates of husbands and wives as the property of the husband. The Mines, Quarries, Works and Machinery Act prohibited women from working in mines. Laws Passed after the Women’s Movement In the 1994 manifesto, the women’s movement had asked the government to implement the Court of Appeal’s decision that found the Citizenship Act to contravene the Constitution. It also called upon the government to review and amend all other discriminatory laws. A comparison of all the laws from 1973 to 1986 (Figure 6-3), before Emang Basadi was established, with laws from 1987 to 2000 shows a significant difference. There is a correlation between the number of acts related to women and news related to women1 that is statistically significant at 0.003, that suggests that Emang Basadi impacted the parliament in Botswana and the changes in the laws toward women. In 1993 and 1999, there were more laws passed in parliament in favor of women when the women’s movement adopted different strategies. In 1995, there was another increase in the laws passed relating to women,


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which may be explained by Botswana’s participation in the International Women’s Conference of 1995 in Beijing. In the data analysis there was a statistically significant correlation between the news on women’s rights and the 1995 conference of 0.0481. In the analysis of variance, the correlation of 0.0062 between the women’s conference of 1995 and the total bills presented to parliament related to women is also significant. In 1999, there was another increase in laws adopted in Parliament related to women. One expected the women’s movement to make a significant impact on the legislature and society in Botswana in 1999 because it was the second time Emang Basadi used educational and political strategies to influence the system. Due to the movement’s experience and five years of planning after the 1994 elections, they were more likely to make an impact, reflected in the increase in the number of laws passed by parliament. Adoption of CEDAW The United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) on December 18, 1979. Since then, this UN human rights convention has been Women’s Acts Passed in Parliament

Figure 6-3. Marginal means of women’s acts passed.

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ratified by more than 160 countries. The objective of the CEDAW is to ensure women’s rights. The Convention relies on the political will of signatory states to enforce obligations to protect women’s rights. According to Articles 1 and 2 of CEDAW, discrimination is defined as: Any distinction, exclusion, or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect of impairing and nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality with women and men, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social cultural, civil or any other field.

CEDAW requires states to embody the principle of the equality of women and men in their national constitutions, or other legislation. For years the government of Botswana refused to sign the CEDAW. Its refusal to sign it was based on the fact that the definition of discrimination in the Botswana Constitution did not comply with that spelled out in CEDAW. Since Botswana had many discriminatory laws and was not ready to change them the government was hesitant to sign CEDAW. But as one of the few liberal democracies in Africa, Botswana was constantly taken to task about the legal status of women and its non-participation in the international convention. The government participated in the International Women’s Conference for the first time in 1995 in Beijing. Governments that participated in the Fourth World Conference on Women openly stated the following: They are committed to promote the goals of equality, development, and peace for women, backed by the UN Charter and other international instruments and conventions, including the Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies. (Women’s Affairs Department (WAD), 1996, p. 3)

The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action was adopted at that conference as an agenda for women’s empowerment. Since Botswana participated in the Beijing Conference, the government was compelled to make a commitment and take deliberate steps to move the women’s agenda forward. It ratified the Convention in 1996. The women’s movement continued to use international and local fora to push its government to sign the Convention. The ratification of CEDAW was one act, and after that the government was under pressure to amend discriminatory instruments (Figure 5-4). In 1997, the Women’s Affairs Department within the Ministry of Home Affairs commissioned a study to review all laws affecting the status of women and particularly the following:


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Women’s Bills Presented and Acts Passed in Parliament

Figure 6-4. Women’s bills presented in Parliament and women’s acts passed. WOMACTS—Women’s Acts, TTBLZWO—Total Bills on women.

1) Marriage Act 2) Married Person’s Property Act 3) Abortion: Penal Code Amendment 4) Deeds Registry Act 5) Administration of Estates Act 6) Employment Act 7) Deserted Wives and children Protection Act 8) Matrimonial Causes Act 9) Adoption Act The commission reviewed each of the laws and provided recommendations as to what positive action should be developed to redress any areas of discrimination against women. The commission noted that the Botswana

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Constitution did not state unequivocally that everyone is entitled to equality before the law. The commission further recommended that the Constitution be amended to state unequivocally that everyone is entitled to equality before the law, as well as equal protection. Also, the commission recommended that the Constitution of Botswana be amended to be consistent with CEDAW, that is to state sex as a prohibited ground for discrimination and remove the exceptions contained in the Constitution. “There are some moves to change the laws, but not much is happening. Although the government is in a position to change all the laws, what has been done is piecemeal” (Puseletso Kidd, National Coordinator for the Women in Law in Southern African–Botswana). Women’s Movement’s Impact on Parliament The parliament of Botswana has 44 MPs. Almost fifty percent of MPs responded to a 2001 survey of all members. With the exception of one, who was out of the country, all the female MPs responded. The Members of Parliament agreed that Emang Basadi had influenced the discussion in Parliament and had impacted the legislative system and Botswana society as a whole. Of the MPs who responded, 88.9 percent felt that Emang Basadi had impacted the society positively. Asked what impact Emang Basadi has had on the Botswana parliament, 77.8 percent indicated it had made a significant impact, while only 16.7 responded that it had made some impact, but not that much. All the female Members of Parliament surveyed agreed that Emang Basadi had impacted Parliament significantly, compared to 63.6 percent of the male Members of Parliament. Another 27.3 percent said the movement had made moderate impact. Only 9.1 percent responded that the women’s movement had no impact on Parliament. There was no marked difference between the views of the ruling party and the opposition party. Members of the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), Botswana National Front (BNF), and Botswana Congress Party (BCP) all felt that Emang Basadi had an impact on the national assembly as well as the society. The following are typical responses: “I would say women’s issues are prioritized not only at the National Assembly but in a number of NGOs” (BCP member).2 “They have changed the mindset of those who regarded women as inferior and less capable. I still believe women’s movements have a long way to go”(BNF member).3 Asked to describe the relationship between Emang Basadi and Members of Parliament, a BDP male MP responded, “Initially, it was rough but now it is very cordial because all are informed about gender equity and its importance in Botswana society.”4


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The results of this study indicate that policy responsiveness was moderate. After much agitation, the government moved slowly and reluctantly to change the laws and adopt the policies in favor of women. The women’s movement had to adopt different strategies and tactics in order for the government to change its stand.

OUTPUT RESPONSIVENESS: IMPACT ON GOVERNMENT POLICIES AND COURTS The fourth stage, output responsiveness, is the target’s implementation of its new policies. In this study, the indicators for output responsiveness were policies, court decisions, and new departments for women’s affairs implemented by the government. It also included responses of surveys of government officials. A survey of 24 government officials was conducted in 2001 (Table 5–4) to find out how they viewed the output responsiveness of the government to demands by Emang Basadi. Eleven of the respondents were women and 13 were men. In the survey, 50 percent of the government officials indicated government was doing enough for women. At least 33 percent felt that the government was not doing enough for women. Of the women, 36 percent felt that the government was not doing enough compared to 30 percent of the men. Asked to give examples of the ways in which the government has responded to Emang Basadi, 66.7 percent of the respondents gave one example or more and 29.2 percent gave more than one example of the government’s response to Emang Basadi. Among the examples given were 1) the Marriage Act, 2) Emang Basadi’s participation in reviews and policies that discriminate against women, 3) putting pressure on the government to improve women’s progress in various arenas, 4) creation of a department for women’s affairs, and 5) that women on maternity leave get 100 percent of their salary, as compared to 25 percent in the 1980s. Asked what policies the government has initiated to support women, 50 percent could name at least one policy, while the other half could not recall any policies. In response to how the government has responded to Emang Basadi’s requests, 75 percent of the respondents felt that the government had responded positively, although 37.5 percent said that the government has responded either slowly or reluctantly. One demand of the women’s movement was for the government to adopt a national policy on Women in Development. For ten years the government had a draft policy on women on the agenda but did not act on it. In addition, women felt that the government did not award high status to women’s concerns as evidenced by putting women’s affairs in a “division,” which is lower in governmental hierarchy, and not a “department.” The women’s movement demanded that the government approve and adopt the draft policy

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Table 6-4. Results of a Survey of Government Officials on how the Government has Responded to the Women’s Movement. Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

0

2

8.3

8.3

1

4

16.7

16.7

25.0

2

9

37.5

37.5

62.5

3

5

20.8

20.8

83.3

4

4

16.7

16.7

100.0

24

100.0

100.0

Valid

Total

Cumulative Percent

0 = No response 1 = Don’t know 2 = Positive 3 = Positive but not enough 4 = Positive but reluctant

and that the women’s division be upgraded to a department. After much urging and women’s lobbying, the government finally adopted a national policy in 1995. The government also elevated the Women’s Affairs Division to the Women’s Affairs Department. Coming after the 1994 elections, this may be seen as a result of the women’s agitation in 1994. The government admitted the need for the policy on Women in Development: “It is now evident in Botswana that a policy decision at government level is a pressing need in order to address the continuing disadvantages and discrimination faced by women” (Women’s Affairs Department, [WAD], 1995, p.16).

WOMEN AND THE COURTS One of the main concerns in Botswana is how the courts treat women. Historically the courts have been male dominated. Consequently, the women’s movement felt that the courts have been slow to redress discrimination against women. In a 2001 survey of male and female lawyers, 33.3 percent responded that Emang Basadi had had an impact on the courts, while 25 percent said it had had no impact on the courts. Some of the responses on the impact were: “It does give them (the court) the recognition that they have lesser power due to cumulative discrimination from the past and, therefore, give them the benefit of doubt.”5


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“I think the courts, especially the customary courts, still consider women to be in the position of minors, with fewer rights than their male counterparts,” (female lawyer, responding in a survey). Commenting on how the courts related to the demands of the women’s movement another female attorney wrote, “Most judges/chiefs are men and are pretty conservative.” (survey, August 2001). Only 33.3 percent of attorneys surveyed felt that courts were generally fair to women. An equal number of attorneys, 16.7 percent, felt that the courts behaved negatively to women, while the same percentage felt that the courts behaved positively to women. Twenty-five percent of them felt there was no change in the courts’ treatment of women. A female attorney wrote, “Because most of the judiciary is male, they are not sensitive to women.” Only one male attorney wrote that the courts tended to be biased against women, the rest of the male attorneys felt that justice was blind and the courts treated everyone the same. Another attorney responded thus: “I’m not really sure, but I think that it has made a difference in the courts’ perception of women generally.” (Survey, August 2001). The male attorneys surveyed said they were not sure of Emang Basadi’s impact on the courts. Asked the general attitude of the courts towards women, 40 percent of the female legal practitioners felt that the courts were generally biased against women. A female state attorney wrote in the survey, “I think the courts, especially the customary courts, still consider women to be in the position of minors with fewer rights than their male counterparts.” Another respondent felt that the courts were still skeptical about the women’s movement, adding: “They probably think that women in the movement are over-reacting to certain issues.”6 One attorney pointed out that judges were made aware of women’s rights and were conscious of this when making their rulings. Overall, 91.7 percent of male and female attorneys felt that Emang Basadi had played the role of empowering women in Botswana. They felt that Emang Basadi was instrumental in making sure that women’s rights were recognized and their standards uplifted.

IMPACT ON WOMEN’S REPRESENTATION: INTER-PARTY CAUCUS Emang Basadi was also instrumental in the creation of the Inter-Party Women Caucus. Beyond raising consciousness, through its educational programs, Emang Basadi has provided women with information and training in various fields. Emang Basadi assisted women in campaigning for parliamentary and local councilor’s elections and also lobbied the president to nominate women to parliament in the specially elected category. As a result, in 1999 there were eight female MPs. Six were successfully elected in the elections

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and two were nominated by the president. Before 1993, when the women’s movement embarked on the campaign to put more women in parliament, there was only one woman in parliament. The president had the power to nominate any person he wanted to parliament, but he did not use them in that way. At present, there are forty-four MPs. In order to support women’s issues, Emang Basadi organized empowerment seminars, including “Effective Representation” and training in “Lobbying and Advocacy.” In 2001, four of the eight female MPs were interviewed and the other four completed questionnaires. In addition, in a survey of all members of parliament, 50 percent responded from the forty-four members. MP and Assistant Minister for Local Government Gladys Kokorwe attributed the increase in the number of women in parliament to Emang Basadi saying, “Emang Basadi has done a lot through its political education and especially impacted the 1994 and 1999 elections. There are more women in parliament because of Emang Basadi.” About women’s participation in the heavier patriarchal environment, Kokorwe said women tried their best to raise women’s issues. “Some of the men do support women’s issues but some make a lot of noise but we increase the volume and compete with the noise” (Gladys Kokorwe, Interview, Gaborone, August, 2001). Kokorwe found that one of the major problems was getting rural people sensitized to accept that women can succeed and be leaders. As an MP, her experience was that people in the rural areas found it hard to address her as an MP and instead referred to her as “Mama Parliament” (Mrs. Parliament), which meant that although she was in parliament she did not have the same status as male MPs and could only be seen in a secondary role. MP and Minister of Finance, Tebelelo Seretse, acknowledged that Emang Basadi had been very instrumental in identifying discriminatory laws and working with the women in parliament through the Inter-party Women’s Caucus. The women’s movement approached her to take up the issues concerning the Marriage Act. She went to see the minister responsible for introducing the bill and the process was effective. She admitted that the Women’s Caucus was in its infancy and it is only now that people are taking it seriously. Initially there was much opposition to the Women’s Caucus but now people are beginning to see it as a committee where they can address women’s issues. Seretse who has also had to fight to be taken seriously remarked, “Generally, men do no like to listen to women. But I force them to listen to what I have to say. You have to be a fighter.” (Tebelelo Seretse, Gaborone, July 25, 2001). Although women have achieved some top decision-making positions, they face the challenge of the general public, male and female, accepting them. According to the deputy secretary general of the Botswana Congress


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Party (BCP), Motsei Madisa, Botswana’s participation in the Beijing conference was seen by men to be effective because a male led the delegation. “Men were more positive about Beijing when they were told that a man, Bahiti Temane, who is also the deputy speaker, represented the country. They see Beijing through the deputy speaker, Temane. Being a man, ask Temane if you want to understand Beijing.” (Interview, Gaborone, July 2001). According to Madisa, a founding member of Emang Basadi, the Beijing Conference would not have had the impact that it had if the Botswana delegation had been led by a woman. Having an important male official represent the country validated the conference and made it appear important to men. This is more evidence of how the women’s movement had to be creative in their approach to be successful. Chair of the Women’s Caucus, Dr. Margaret Nasha, who is also the Minister of Local Government, said the impact of the caucus was not as great as the women would have liked it to be. They were still working with individual parliamentarians. She stated that women have come a long way in making their stand in parliament since the first time she was elected to parliament saying “Seven years ago the men would laugh each time you stood” and noting it has taken a long time to change the mindset. She said male MPs still laugh when women present their ideas, but they no longer take them as a joke. Nonetheless she was not satisfied with the level of discussion in parliament. She felt that the female MPs were not making enough contributions. She pointed out that some MPs were “passengers” and that women needed to be more gender sensitive saying, “A woman who is not gender sensitive could be more dangerous than men.” (Margaret Nasha, Interview, Gaborone, August 2001). Men had the same attitude towards her when she was campaigning for election in 1999, she said. “Men did not know I existed. While they were basking in their glory, I was working with the electorate from house to house and campaigning. I did not exist to them until polling day.” This attitude ties in with the general public’s perception that they could not conceive of a woman beating a male candidate, especially in constituencies where some important man believed they had a strong hold. Gaborone Central had been held for fifteen years by men from the opposition party. They took it for granted that the competition would be between the male candidates and Nasha did not constitute a threat. Her election to parliament thus became a double victory. The level of output responsiveness was low. The implementation of court decisions, and government policies seemed to be the lowest compared to other types of policy responsiveness. The government seemed slow to adopt policies and laws related to women, but it was even slower and more reluctant to implement those decisions and policies that passed. Although

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women were in some decision-making positions, they still had to learn how to be more effective. This study found that, while the women’s movement had achieved major success in access and agenda responsiveness, it still has to study how and when to make an impact in output responsiveness.

IMPACT RESPONSIVENESS: EXPANSION OF LOBBYING STATUS The fifth, impact responsiveness, refers to the degree to which the actions of the political system succeed in alleviating the grievances of the protest group. This topic addresses how the political institutions responded to increase the women’s participation in policy-making. Indicators used in this study were new roles for the group, including lobbying, inclusion in relevant policy-making committees, and decision-making positions. Emang Basadi has sought to exercise electoral clout. As Costain notes (1992), this was a change from protest to exercising political clout. In this way, Emang Basadi has increased the number of women activists to help sustain the interaction with the authorities. In July 2001, Emang Basadi in conjunction with other NGOs had an opportunity to intervene in the passage of a bill that they found to be discriminatory to women. Although they noticed rather late that the bill was going to be presented to parliament, the women’s movement asked the speaker to postpone the reading of the bill so that they could present relevant documents to one of the female MPs to draw parliament’s attention to the gender insensitivity of the bill. The women hastily got together and wrote a letter the same day that the bill was to be presented to parliament. The letter addressed, to both male and female MPs, read in part: “We know that the honorable MP supports the idea of gender equality and the promotion of women’s rights. Hence we are convinced that on behalf of the women of Botswana and women in your constituency, you will be able to raise the following concerns when this bill is discussed in parliament today.”7 The letter drew the attention of the MPs to issues that were not gender sensitive and terminologies that were found to be inappropriate. For instance, the proposed bill used the word “insane,” the women proposed the phrase “mentally unfit.” Instead of the word “mother” as used in the bill, the women proposed the term “parent” and explained that there were children who are raised by their fathers. The women also sought to bring equality to marriages by asking that all marriages be made equal before the law including religious and customary marriages which should be treated the same way as common-law marriages. Before the Bill, Botswana law did not recognize such marriages as those within Islamic law or Hindu


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law. Civil marriages were seen as being superior to other marriages, including customary marriages. As the women’s movement had requested, female MPs took up the presentation on behalf of the women. When the bill was presented, some MPs criticized the women’s demand for gender neutrality and appropriate terminologies. Female MPs defended the demands. Dr. Margaret Nasha, who was also the Minister of Local Government, responded, “Mr. Speaker, gender neutrality. I think we have talked about this in this House and other fora. I think Honorable members understand what we are talking about. Sometimes I do not understand the noise that we make in this House pretending that we do not comprehend straight-forward things like gender neutrality in our law and we have agreed that we will in future draft laws that are gender neutral and also amend and repeal those laws that are not in good standing in as far as gender issues are concerned.” 8 Another female MP, who was also the Minister of Health, Joy Phumaphi, took up the women’s agenda not to use inappropriate terms such as “insanity” after a male MP said there was “nothing wrong to say a person is sane or insane.” She challenged the male parliamentarian: “Mr. Speaker, if the Honorable Member is referring to a medical condition, then the use of the word insanity is no longer used by medical practitioners. If the male member is however referring to a legal term which I cannot argue very much about, my comment would not be relevant in this case. But I am assuming he is referring to a medical condition, and we no longer refer to a medical condition that is referred to as insanity. I find Mr. Speaker, very disturbing that the Honorable Member wants to insist that the use of such an unpalatable term which is not longer used by professional is still applicable. . . . The term mentally unfit Mr. Speaker, is more appropriate, but we refer to mental illness not insanity.”9 Another male MP, Gobopang Lefhoko, challenged the parliamentarian further: saying, “We have no problems with euphemisms, but what is important is, does it bestow certain rights to that target group?” MP Phumaphi responded, “The same benefit that you derive from not being called a bastard or from not being called a kaffir or any other derogatory term is the same benefit that is going to protect your dignity and protect you from discrimination and from being looked upon as a lesser human being than others is the benefit that this particular group is going to derive from the removal of the euphemisms that the Honorable Member is referring to.”10 In the final analysis, the women were successful in having some of the concerns introduced in the bill. This was the first case in which the women’s movement directly intervened in the framing of a bill. They learned that

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Parliament was willing to take their concerns into consideration. They also learned that in order to be effective, they needed to study the legislative process closely and know when to make effective interventions. In this case, they were limited by what they could change. Had they intervened at the drafting stage, they would have made more of an impact. Also, after bills are drafted, they are published in the Gazette. The public is given thirty days to scrutinize them and respond, but the women were not yet aware of this. Despite all the gains the women’s movement may have made, they did not surmount the biggest hurdle that women face and that is the male marital power. Neither Customary Law nor Common Law provides equality between the spouses. The husband has the marital power, which means that the wife has no capacity to bring or answer legal proceedings without the assistance of her husband. As Puseletso Kidd, National Coordinator for the Women in Law in Southern Africa–Botswana said, “Marital power resides with the patriarch. It does not matter how many laws are changed. Unless you change that, very little will change” (Interview, Gaborone, August, 2001). This becomes a problem when the wife wants to bring legal action against her husband. This also affects the wife’s domicile in that once married, she has no say in where they live or property rights, and the husband takes custody of children in case of a divorce. Married women obtain access to land only through their husbands. As the head of the family, the husband makes all final decisions and is presumed to be the source and controller of the family property, even when the wife brings her own property to the marriage. In 1998, the commission which reviewed the laws affecting the status of women recommended that marital power should be replaced with a system of joint decision-making. Currently, under Customary Law, women are regarded as minors, subject to the guardianship of the male head of the family.

OPPOSITION TO EMANG BASADI While acknowledging the success of Emang Basadi, some people, men and women, felt that at times the movement went to extremes that led to some resentment. For instance, when debating the marriage bill, there was an issue that some women and MPs objected to. The women wanted removed a sub-section that forbade a divorced husband or wife to marry their former wife’s sister or brother because it impinged on the human rights of those who may be wish to do so. Some people felt that in their quest for equality the women’s movement at times exaggerated the issues. Some of the ideas, such as having the women demand equality in the home by having the men share


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the work load, were difficult for women from a cultural point of view. In the Attorney General’s Chambers, Senior Assistant Attorney-General, Segametsi Segopolo said in 2001 some recommendations made by the movement were too aggressive for women to pursue because of the kind of culture in which they grew up. She believed changes in how men relate to women will take a long time because their behavior is deeply entrenched in Setswana culture. The Commissioner of Police, Norman Moleboge, felt that the women’s movement tended to raise issues in an “emotional” manner. “They tend to focus on one issue and when that specific issue is resolved they tend to disappear” (Interview, Gaborone, July 2001). He cautioned women to continue to champion the woman’s rights cause, but at the same time not to overdo it because they would lose their credibility. “Culture cannot be changed in one night. They need to accept incremental changes.” Emang Basadi also has been criticized for seeming to side with the ruling party. After the 1999 elections, minority parties felt that the movement had become a ruling party voice. Initially after its creation, the Women’s Caucus, the majority of whom was drawn from the ruling party, was avoided by women from other parties. This situation was exacerbated by the fact that all the female MPs belonged to the ruling party. Another criticism against Emang Basadi was that it was elitist and had not done much in the rural areas. The movement had one branch in Mahlapye with an active membership. While they had conducted some programs in the rural areas, they had not been consistent. Some people surveyed said the movement was targeting the wrong group and should instead target grassroot women in order to be more effective.

CO-OPTION: NEW ROLES FOR CHALLENGERS When social movements achieve some success there is a fear of co-option which may lead to the movement weakening its position. In Botswana there are fears of co-option by the government. Unity Dow, who challenged the Citizenship Act, was appointed a judge of the High Court in Botswana. Athaliah Molokomme, who was one of the founder members and at one time led Emang Basadi was appointed high court judge and later in 2005, appointed attorney general. Onalenna Selolwane, who also led the movement, is the head of the Department of Sociology at the University of Botswana. The government works closely with Emang Basadi, a situation that can be dangerously close to co-option. Emang Basadi’s executive director, Machangana confirmed the fear of co-option saying, “It is a situation we are aware of and we may be getting too comfortable in the relationship” (Interview, Gaborone, 2000). The opposition party has accused

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Emang Basadi of taking the side of the ruling party. Coordinator of the Women’s NGO, Vivian Mazunga, said the women’s movement is losing its independence to some extent; “We are in danger of being subsumed by the government due to close collaboration. Now we are like part of the government.” Emang Basadi gets resources, including financial assistance, from the government as do all women’s NGOs. Many of the meetings by the women’s organizations are attended by representatives of the government. “They penetrate and make an impact. As a result the government influences the outcomes of the documents,” (Mazunga, Interview, Gaborone, July 2001). The government regularly seeks the advice of the women and has also made them part of its committees related to gender. Mazunga suggested that the women’s organizations needed to “get out of some of the committees. We are disadvantaged when we are part of the government because we lose our watchdog role.” The women’s organizations were in a dilemma because they depended on the government for financial support and international donors were getting out of the country because of Botswana’s good economic situation. Maundeni (2001) suggested that civil society in Botswana is donor-driven. When the donors pull out of the country, it would leave the organizations dependent on the government and thus weaken them further.

EXPANDING DEMOCRACY Although Botswana has practiced liberal democracy since 1966, the question has frequently been posed as to whether the majority of the citizens understands and internalizes the meaning of democracy. Somolekae’s (1989) study found that the majority of Batswana who had little education did not favor multi-party competition but preferred a one-party system. Their preference was based on their experience with their traditional rulers. Although Botswana has been independent for more than 30 years, people’s views have persisted, especially in rural areas, in their relation to the political system. “It is democratic. [Yet] in terms of lived experience it is not there. Not in the rural areas” (Zibani Maundeni, Interview 2001). According to Maundeni, a political scientist, the majority of the people in Botswana do not really care or participate in active politics. “They are more cultural oriented than economic rationality. As far as they are concerned, BDP has ruled well. Why should they change”? Botswana’s democracy has been characterized by a weak parliament, a weak opposition, and a weak civil society (Molutsi, 1998). This had led to the ruling party acting as though it was in a one-party system and a top-down political culture. It was very much in this atmosphere that the


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women’s movement entered the scene. The political education provided by the women’s movement was the first in the country to sensitize the people about their rights in a liberal democracy. The women’s movement’s political education project set a precedent in political practice in Botswana, with voters determining the issues to be debated at political rallies (Selolwane, 1997). Although the political education was initially aimed at empowering women, it resulted in both women and men learning about their role in a democracy and holding their leaders accountable. Before the political education program, prior to voting, most people in Botswana did not take into consideration the issues or the differences between the major parties because they did not follow party politics. According to Maundeni, when there was a split in the main opposition party, most voters never heard of it.11 When participating in the women’s movement voter education program, people were made to appreciate the vote. “The average people did not see their vote as a powerful tool. They were not fully aware of how much power they had.”(Selolwane, interview, Gaborone, 2000). Emang Basadi trained community mobilizers to sensitize and teach people why they were voting. They advised the voters to ask the candidates what they had done for them and why they should elect them. Many politicians were not accustomed to being questioned and held accountable. As Selolwane said, “This was enough to rattle the political situation. The opposition saw it as ammunition to get the ruling party out.” For the first time there was serious debate about the issues affecting the country including rising unemployment, the economic slump, the effects of a long drought the country was experiencing, and the lack of attractive facilities in the rural areas. It is ironic, that when Emang Basadi first emerged, people said “Emang Basadi is disrupting democracy,” when actually the movement’s agitation led to the deepening of Botswana’s democracy by making the people aware of their rights and role in a democracy. The result of the debates and the sensitizing was that young people who were not usually interested in voting decided to exercise their right to vote. In 1994, women were not “sufficiently disgruntled” to vote against the ruling party. Young men, however, cast their “protest vote” against the ruling party. In 2000 and 2001, analyzing the situation among the different constituencies indicates some heightened sense of their roles in Botswana society. The civil society is more watchful of the laws and policies being implemented, politicians are no longer taking the people’s vote for granted even in areas where they have had a stronghold, and voters are learning that their votes count. Many women, especially those in urban areas, are more aware of discrimination and democracy. This, however,

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does not necessarily mean they will act in a way radically different from their way of doing things or even how they cast their vote. The women’s movement impact responsiveness was moderate (Figure 5-5). There have been some significant gains and the women’s movement status is much higher. The government has moved to act on some of the women’s demands. Also, the government has sought to accommodate the women’s group by including some of its members on committees, a situation that may lead to the “capture” of the organization and thus render it less active. There are also new roles for the group, including lobbying the policy-making institutions.

DISCUSSION OF IMPACT IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE This study has defined success as the political system’s responsiveness to social movement demands, as proposed by Schumaker (1975). The findings and discussion support the political process perspective that social movements can reach some measure of success when they are able to take advantage of their opponents, in particular the state and political authorities. In this study, the women’s movement took advantage of the political situation in Botswana to introduce some elements that were absent and thus draw attention to their agenda. The success of Emang Basadi has been measured in five stages of access responsiveness, agenda responsiveness, policy responsiveness, output responsiveness, and impact responsiveness (Table 6–5). The highest levels of responsiveness were for access and agenda responsiveness. It was clear from the responses and data analysis that Emang Basadi was accepted as the voice of the women of Botswana and that the target, the government, was willing to put the movement’s demands on the political agenda. This finding is in accord with those of Gamson’s (1990) who clearly articulates access responsiveness and agenda responsiveness. Most studies focus on policy responsiveness, but few on Table 6-5. Emang Basadi’s Impact: Levels of Responsiveness of the Women’s Movement in Five Areas

High Moderate Low

Access

Agenda

√

√

Policy

Output

√

Impact

√ √


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access responsiveness. This study, however, found that the first step for a social movement to make an impact is to win access followed by agenda responsiveness. A social movement has to be seen to represent the views of the challengers in order for it to attempt to effect changes in the society. Most studies on the impact of social movements tend to emphasize policy responsiveness and ignore the others. This study found that social movement impact followed a sequence and that before a social movement could impact policy it had to achieve access responsiveness and agenda responsiveness. This also suggests that when access and agenda responsiveness are high there is a high probability that a social movement will be successful in achieving policy, output and impact responsiveness. Table 6–4 shows the extent to which the women’s movement in Botswana succeeded in achieving government responsiveness. This typology allowed an analysis beyond Gamson’s to determine what may lead to a social movement’s success and the level of success at each level. The level of policy and impact responsiveness towards the women’s movement in Botswana was moderate. Output responsiveness scored the lowest. This suggests, as Burstein et al. (1995) found, that the factors affecting the success of a social movement at one level may not be the same as the ones that may influence success at a different level. For instance, while violent tactics may help a social movement achieve access, the same tactics may not help the movement gain policy responsiveness. In the case of Emang Basadi, while political education helped it achieve access, it had to adopt other strategies, including lobbying, in order to win moderate policy and impact responsiveness. Also, Emang Basadi had to change its tactics from operating “outside” the system to being “inside” the system in order to impact policy. Tarrow (1994) points out that, from the point of view of the outcomes of social movements, the important point is that, although movements almost always conceive of themselves as outside of and opposed to institutions, collective actions insert them into complex policy networks and, thus, within the reach of the state. This nearly summarizes the working of the women’s movement in Botswana. When it was founded in 1986, Emang Basadi saw itself as being outside the institutions and opposed to the system. By 1993, although still opposed to the system, the movement found that some degree of involvement in that system would be more beneficial than simply being opposed to it. The new strategy seemed to work better and the movement gained more acceptance. This was a success for the movement. Instead of being seen as “troublemakers,” its status rose to being seen as a group educating and sensitizing both men and women about their rights.

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There have been questions about whether the acceptance of leaders of challengers necessarily leads to new advantages for the group. As Piven and Cloward (1977) argue, access to elites won by organizations that develop within movement may blunt the impact of challenges by way of co-option. While the fear of co-option hovers over Emang Basadi, the acceptance of the women’s movement as the voice of women in Botswana increased its access to the elites and garnered it new benefits. As part of its women’s empowerment program, Emang Basadi resolved to increase the number of women in the national assembly. After the women were elected, Emang Basadi planned to use the women to increase its access to the policy-makers and impact the policy-making process. So, in the case of the women’s movement in Botswana, acceptance of the women’s movement has led to new advantages. This chapter alluded to two methodological difficulties when measuring success. As Kriesi et al. (1995) pointed out, there are two challenges related to conducting theoretical and empirical analyses of social movement outcomes. The two are 1) defining and measuring success and 2) the problem of attributing causality to a social movement. Chapter One, described the weakness of the civil society in Botswana. Although some groups existed in Botswana prior to Emang Basadi, none of them challenged the status quo. Most of the organizations were non-political and did not confront the legal situation. Until the emergence of the women’s movement, no other organization had lobbied the legislature. Also, lobbying the national assembly in order to effect change in the outcome of the laws had not been done before. The absence of other lobbying organizations in Botswana, therefore, makes it easier to attribute changes in the laws to the women’s movement. Also, the specific demands made by the movement had not been articulated and presented to the authorities before the emergence of the women’s movement. Unlike other countries where it may be difficult to attribute an outcome to a social movement, in the Botswana situation the fact that that there was only one protest movement making demands on the system makes it less problematic. Also, looking at the women’s movement in terms of time-series analysis, one sees clearly the differentiation in the frequency of women’s acts adoption as shown in Figure 6-5. Using regression analysis one can examine the changes in one variable over time. There are more acts passed and with a regularity after the emergence of the movement in 1986. Giugni (1999) proposes gathering data on other actors, including rulers, political parties, interest groups, the media, and other countermovements, to control for the role of other actors and make a better assessment


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Figure 6-5. Women’s acts passed by Parliament from 1973 to 2000. 1986 marks the emergence of the Women’s Movement.

of the movement’s actual impact. This study handled the concern of assessment by including interviews and surveys of the various actors, including media, policy-makers, political parties, non-government organizations, academics, government officials, attorneys, low-level employees, women who were not employed outside the homes, students, and varied professionals. The study has also revealed that the cultural orientation and structural political setting of a given society influence the procedural and substantive impacts of a social movement. In a study of anti-nuclear movements, Kitschelt (1986) found that their impact varied according to specific characteristics of the political context of the countries he studied. As pointed out earlier, the Botswana strong state has the means to implement policies, although it has been slow to respond to demands by the women’s movement. One of the problems encountered in researching the impact of social movements is that of determining the impact on social change. Most studies of impact of social movements have tended to focus on the change in laws and policies. This task is less challenging than assessing the impact on

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social change. While there are indications of the types of social changes that have taken place in Botswana as a result of the women’s movement, this was not the focus of this study. One aspect of the political opportunity structure that was brought to light in this study is the effect of openness in a policy-making system. According to Eisinger (1973), Tarrow (1983), and Kitschelt (1986), social movements are likely to take advantage of political structures that afford citizens a great deal of access to political institutions. Although Botswana has been a liberal democracy for more than thirty years, its formal policymaking institutions have not been accessible to everyone. Botswana’s cornerstone of liberal democracy, the Kgotla, is a community gathering for adult males to consider issues raised by the chief or his headmen. It has been accessible to men but not to women. The nature of the traditional Kgotla system influenced the formal policy-making institutions in which women were absent. With the emergence of the women’s movement and its agitation and education programs, the political space was forced wider in Botswana. This resulted in the opening of the policy-making institutions. After that opening, people were able for the first time, to participate and intervene in the policy-making process. This is in line with Eisinger’s (1973), Tarrow’s (1983) and Kitschelt’s (1986) propositions that social movements are likely to take advantage of political structures that afford citizens a great deal of access to political institutions.

Chapter Seven

Conclusions: Social Movements in Africa

Much of the success of social movements is dependent on the receptivity of the political process. The women’s movement was able to emerge and survive in Botswana due to the tolerant nature of the country’s political system. Due to its open system, Botswana is one of the few African countries where a women’s movement could rise and boldly campaign against the political and legislative system. However, an open system does not mean that a movement is easily accepted. An open system can also make it difficult for a social movement to emerge or to make an impact. Emang Basadi was the first movement to challenge the Botswana government. The type of pressure that the women’s movement exerted on the government was unprecedented in Botswana history. The women’s movement provided the first major test of Botswana’s democracy. Whereas correlation does not mean causation, in general, the agitations of the women’s movement are strongly related to the changes in laws and policies affecting women in Botswana. This also resulted in a broadening of democratic perspectives in Botswana. The contribution of this research has been in the area of the impact of social movements and outcomes. It is one of a few studies conducted on social movements in Africa using Western theoretical approaches.

CONTRIBUTION TO SOCIAL MOVEMENT DEFINITION In Chapter Two, I formulated a definition of social movements based on propositions by Tilly (1984) and Zald and McCarthy (1987): A social movement is a sustained interaction between a specific set of authorities and various spokespersons holding a set of opinions and beliefs and preferences for changing some aspects of the social structure and reward distribution of a society. 129

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This definition applies to the study of the women’s movement in Botswana, its relationship with the government, and its intent to change the laws and policies of the country. Based on the literature and this study, there are three elements that are central to a social movement. First, “sustained interaction.” This study affirmed the importance of sustaining the interaction between the aggrieved parties and the authorities. If a social movement is to be seen as a voice of challengers, it is important to keep up the interaction, otherwise they lose their impact and the issues they demand disappear from the national agenda. The “sustained” interaction is important for the constituency as well as for the authorities. Second is “the specific set of authorities and various spokespersons.” It is important to identify the “specific authorities” and to maintain the interaction with them. The challengers need to be consistent in their pursuit of the authorities so that they can hold them accountable. Their case is strengthened if they maintain pressure on the same authorities. Third, is the notion of “changing some aspects of the social structure and reward distribution in a society.” A social movement almost always wants to change some aspect of a society. This study found that it is important for a social movement to define what it wants to change. How the movement defines what it wants to change can determine its success or failure. This was critical in Botswana where the women’s movement had to change how they framed their issues and how they defined their grievances in order to be acceptable to the Tswana cultural society. At first, the women’s movement demanded equality with their male counterparts. Yet even after winning the Citizenship court case, the Botswana state was not willing to give in to the women’s demands. When the women redefined their demands in terms of increasing women’s representation in decision-making positions and empowerment, the patriarchal state was more responsive.

EMANG BASADI AND THE POLITICAL PROCESS PERSPECTIVE In this study, four dimensions of the political process perspective emerged as being central. First was the significance of the state in social movements and in this case study. The state organizes the political environment within which social movements operate, creating opportunities for action and, alternatively, imposing restrictions on movement activities. The nature of social movements cannot be understood without reference to the central role of the state. The second dimension was cognitive liberation and the emergence of women’s movement. The third dimension was external alliances, resources, and international pressure. The political process approach allows the possibility to determine the extent a supranational structure represents an opportunity for the mobilization of social movements. In line with the

Conclusions

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political process model I found that external support was a product of insurgency, rather than that external support triggers insurgency as in the case of resource mobilization. The women sought support from international groups. The international women’s conferences had an impact on coercing the government to adopt favorable policies in line with the international women’s movement. This affirmed the hypothesis that the legislature is more likely to take up an agenda set by social movements during times of increased external and internal pressure from challenging groups. The fourth dimension was agenda-setting and issue salience. In order to ensure that the women’s issues became part of the national agenda, Emang Basadi had to use innovative and tactful strategies that would result in profound changes. Instead of just being antagonistic, the women’s movement took on the responsibility of educating people about their role in a democracy. This resulted in a wider acceptance of the women’s movement. According to critics of the political process perspective, the success of social movements derives more from opportunities created by political crises or from the structural context of mobilization than from their internal organization (Kriesi et al. 1995).

EMANG BASADI AND THE STATE Social movement scholars have noted the challenge of demonstrating the impact of a social movement. Such scholars as Guigni (1999) have analyzed the problem of determining causality and the difficulty of measuring impact. Guigni poses the following fundamental question: “How can we eliminate the possibility that such change would not have taken place anyway, as a product of other social forces or as the result of a broader protest cycle involving several movements and actions?” (p. xxiv). One of the ways to overcome this situation is to gather data widely. This was achieved by analyzing bills, acts, and newspaper articles from before the emergence of the women’s movement to the present. In addition, interviews, surveys, and focus groups were conducted. The varied ways adopted in this study showed the impact of the movement on the parliament, courts, and government. The likelihood that change would have taken place in Botswana without the women’s movement is quite remote considering that there were no other movements at the time and the conservative nature of the Botswana society and government. In the literature, the terms “outcome,” “impact” and “success” are used interchangeably. The first two are neutral and are more inclusive than “success.” Also, success can be an intended as well as unintended consequence of a movement’s action. Success can either be “proactive,” meaning that there is the introduction of new advantages for the challengers or

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that it can be “reactive” meaning the prevention of “new disadvantages” (Kriesi, 1995, p. 172). In the “proactive,” case, a social movement acquires policy-making power, while in the “reactive” the movement is able to avoid a worsening situation by exercising a veto. The distinction between the two types of success permits a demonstration of the linkage between state strength and impacts of social movements. State strength does matter and is a significant dimension of the political opportunity structure. In line with the nature of the state, “reactive” success is more easily obtained in weak states than in strong ones, while “proactive” success is difficult to achieve in any type of state. As was evident in the case of Botswana, the strength of the state makes a difference as to the impact that a social movement is likely to make. Due to their limitations, weak states may sometimes be forced to grant proactive concessions, but may not be able to implement them because the movement’s adversaries also have the ability to exercise a veto. Strong states that are sympathetic to a social movement may sometimes grant proactive concessions, but this is viewed as a case of reform from above rather than as intensified protest (Kriesi et al. 1995). This means that the state feels sympathetic and awards some concession to the movement. Characteristically, due to the fact that strong states have a greater capacity to implement policies either contrary to or in accordance with a movement’s goals, situations of reform and threat will occur with greater intensity in such states. In comparison to some weak African states, the emergence of a women’s movement may not impact the state to the same degree of intensity and perceived threat as it did in Botswana. Kriesi et al. (1995) suggest that, according to the political process perspective, social movements can reach some measure of success when they are able to take advantage of the weakness of their opponents, in particular the state and political authorities. This formed the basis of the impact of the women’s movement in Botswana. In its fight the women’s movement uncovered two major weaknesses of the Botswana state and society, the lack of political education among the general population and the state’s failure to provide that education. The impact of Emang Basadi on Botswana society was largely a result of taking advantage of the state’s weaknesses and providing those services. The view that Botswana is a strong state with a weak society deserves some discussion. Migdal’s (1988) comparative theory of the state being “strong” or “weak” proved relevant in analyzing how different states relate to social movements. Strong states are autonomous and are capable of getting things done, while weak states lack autonomy and the capacity to act. In this study Botswana embodied characteristics of a “strong” state. The

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state penetrates people’s lives at the local and national level. In general, people see it as an “effective government that generally delivers.” However, Botswana society has been weak and civil society has been almost non-existent from the time of its independence. After independence, the “strong” state weakened the society further by making it financially dependent on the state. From the beginning, the government was hostile to civil society and discouraged the creation of politically-oriented groups. Thus the civil society has been dependent on the state and external funding. As external funding has lessened the civil society has become even more dependent on the state for funding. This study, confirmed the Kristi et al. (1995) hypothesis that strong states may have the capacity to act, but they may also be able to resist a movement, as was the case initially in Botswana. It also found that while the courts, under pressure of the women’s movement, were willing to render a judgment on the Citizenship Act in the movements’ favor, the strong state was not willing to accept that judgment. The women’s movement seemed to be fighting what in many other societies would be seen as a clear case. The issue of women’s rights was also endorsed by the United Nations in 1979, but almost two decades later the strong state of Botswana was still fighting the women’s movement and trying to maintain discriminatory laws. Despite the women’s victory, represented by the case brought by Unity Dow, the Botswana government was still unwilling to change the laws. The state had the capacity to act but chose to resist the women’s movement and ignore the judgment.

EMANG BASADI AND BOTSWANA SOCIETY This study affirmed that utilizing similar approaches by movements does not necessarily ensure a similar outcome. Social movements working in different political cultures could work for the same cause but manifest themselves in different ways. The study adds to such literature as Katzenstein and Mueller’s (1987) that includes contributions comparing European and American women’s movements, Klein’s (1984) focus on the favorable structure of political opportunity that allowed the women’s movement to form when it did, and Costain (1992) who focused on the political impact of the women’s movement. These studies used the opportunity structure to study women’s movements. Other studies that have used this perspective include Adam (1982) on the civil rights movement, Kitschelt (1986) on environmental movements, and Tarrow on religious insurgency (1988) and cycles of protest in Italy (1989). This study found that, in order for the social movement to succeed, it had to adopt different strategies and frame issues accord-

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ing to its political culture. Katzenstein and Mueller (1987) also found that women’s movements mesh with different political cultures and configurations of political parties to produce different types of movements in different countries. Chapter Five referred to the concept of framing. Social movement scholars including, Tarrow (1994), Goffman (1974), and Snow and Benford (1992), have found that frames help to give meaning to grievances and guide actions. Collective action frames serve to emphasize the seriousness or the depth of injustice of a social condition or redefine the situation as unjust and immoral. Therefore, movement entrepreneurs have found the construction of framing to be important in ensuring the success of their mobilization. This was the case for the women’s movement in Botswana. Emang Basadi’s initial idea of making demands for change in the manner of some other countries did not yield positive results. Even a clear win in the highest court did not change the status quo. The movement had to use different means to arrive at similar results. Kitschelt (1986) had a similar finding in environmental movements in different countries. He found that, although the movements sought similar ends, they took different forms and had different measures of success. Thus, the political opportunity structure can help explain variations in the strategies, structures, and outcomes of similar movements in different places (Tarrow, 1989). The women’s movement demonstrated their skill in exploiting the political situation by identifying what was missing in political empowerment and being able to provide it. They were able to utilize the education campaigns to their advantage. This is also in line with this study’s finding that social movements operating in a stable strong state environment are more likely to effect change when they adopt innovative and tactful strategies, rather than when they adopt disruptive tactics. The study showed the relevance of relating to local culture. As would be expected in a patriarchal society, the emergence of the women’s movement was not welcomed. After initial social protests, which did not yield positive results, the women’s movement redesigned its campaign to take into consideration the local culture and resources. This included modifying the language utilized from more radical women’s “rights” and “equality” to the more acceptable terms of “empowerment” and “quotas.” The women’s movement also saw the danger of being seen as “all female” and sought alliances with prominent males like the deputy speaker and with other local organizations. Rather than being perceived as the only group seeking rights for women, Emang Basadi sought alliances with other women’s groups. The manifestos, for instance, were presented as manifesto of the women of Botswana. Leading women’s organizations in Botswana at the time

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endorsed the manifestos. Emang Basadi’s most important role in Botswana society was providing local political education. More than anything else, the provision of political education elevated the relevance and the status of the women’s movement. The findings of this study indicate that the cultural orientation and the structural political setting of a given society influence the procedural and substantive impacts of a social movement.

EMANG BASADI AND DEMOCRACY IN BOTSWANA Most studies of women’s movements tend to analyze the movement’s operations and impact narrowly within the women’s domain. According to Molyneux (2001), despite the extensive literature on women’s movements, the discussion of broader political implications of those movements remains relatively unexamined. This study extended the discussion of democracy by analyzing the women’s movement’s impact on the country’s politics and democracy. The study illustrates how the women’s movement played a role in engaging the whole nation in a reflection on its role in a liberal democratic state. Thus the study looks at the broader implication of women’s politics and activism. This study also demonstrated that a social movement can serve as a vehicle to further democracy. While some scholars have implied a relationship between social movements and democracy, this study has attempted to show empirically how a movement may deepen democracy in a society by engaging in broad-based education and advocacy campaigns targeting various constituencies. Donatella dell Porta (1999) reported a similar outcome in a study of public discourse between protesters and the state in Italy and Germany. The results of this study indicate that the most significant impact of the women’s movement on the Botswana political environment was to create a consciousness of what democracy means and the role of the elites and ordinary citizens in their society. Although the state has professed that Botswana is a democracy, the majority of the population did not understand and many still do not understand what democracy means. This can be explained by the fact that most of the population of Botswana was largely rural, poor, and non-literate. By the 1990s, the literacy level had risen to 46 percent, but the level of political education was still very low (Molutsi, 1998). The traditional political forum, the Kgotla, has played a significant role in Botswana society. The first president of Botswana, Seretse Khama, was chief of one of the leading ethnic groups. Although he died while in office, most of the voters from the rural areas, about 60 percent, have continued to vote for his party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP)

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without fail because they feel it is the party of their late chief. “Most of the electorate claims they have already voted for the BDP and do not feel that the position should change” (Molutsi, 1998, p. 369). Among the largely ill-informed electorate, chiefs still have great influence on the people, telling them whom to vote for. There are also people who feel that the ruling party has served them well and do not see the need to vote or participate in politics. The electorate, therefore, have not learned what their role is nor what to expect from their leaders. The ruling party has benefited from this situation while the opposition parties have been too weak to change the status quo. Emang Basadi took on the mammoth task of educating the masses. The results of the general elections held in 1994 and 1999 indicate that the women’s movement made an impact on the political climate in Botswana, this could also be seen as the realization of political consciousness. According to Piven and Cloward (1977), ordinary defiance is first expressed in the voting booth. In a political culture where people understand the power of the vote, people see voting as a mechanism through which political change can take place. As a result of the political education campaign by the women’s movement, for the first time the general population in Botswana had been informed about the actual value of their votes and encouraged to participate in politics. The women’s movement made the general public feel that they were important to the country’s democracy because their vote made a difference. Changes in voting patterns in Botswana in 1994 and 1999 may be interpreted as signs of political consciousness. As Piven and Cloward (1977), noted a change in voting patterns may also be seen as a first sign of popular discontent. “In a sense, the electoral system serves to measure and register the extent of the emerging disaffection,” (p.16). They found that one of the first signs of popular discontent in the United States is usually a sharp shift in traditional voting patterns. Based on the findings of this study, the deepening of a democracy can be seen at four levels. The first is the degree of informedness in society. In order to have a working democracy, a society has to have an informed electorate. The second is the impact education campaigns have on political candidates and outcomes. The third is the extent to which key political institutions like the parliament are strengthened. The fourth level is the growth in strength of civil society, notably how its development is affected by state policy. This leads to the conclusion that, although the state is closely identified with the people in terms of delivering practical goods, it still may not be in touch with the people in terms of the people understanding the political system. In this regard, in Botswana there is a disjuncture between state and

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society, a vacuum between the ruling elites and the electorate, which may be a deliberate move by the elites. As this study found, the ruling elites tend to be conservative and will discourage attempts to change the status quo. The people who are part of the ruling class are well educated and knowledgeable, while the large majority lacks understanding of basic issues and the political process. From the time of independence in 1966, the Botswana government worked hard to ensure that it had well trained bureaucratic elites to run the government and parastatal institutions. However, Botswana has been ruled by one party, the BDP. This attests to the weakness of the opposition, which thus far shows no sign of defeating the BDP. This study also found that, although the women’s movement has made some strides, it still has to institutionalize itself in a way that it is recognized as a significant player in policy-making. In general, the political elites have not sufficiently opened the political arena to accommodate effective participation by interest groups in high level decision-making. This also suggests that formal democracy may be a hindrance to change. When democracy is not fully institutionalized, as in the case in Botswana, radical change may be seen as a threat to the system. As pointed out in reference to the model of punctuated equilibrium, democratic systems are generally at a stable equilibrium and large policy impacts are unlikely. However, in an unconsolidated democracy, the prospect for greater policy impact is higher. In a stable democracy, a shock to the system will move the system from equilibrium for a time, but it will return it to its previous status. In an unstable system, the shock could result in destabilization and move it away from its previous position. The Botswana government has been conservative and avoided making policy decisions that could have large impacts.

THE FUTURE OF THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT IN BOTSWANA In 2001, the growing influence of the women’s movement and women in politics, particularly in the legislature, was evident. The lively discussion of the Marriage Bill was one of the indicators of its influence in policy-making. In addition, the women’s movement was elevated to a situation in which they were made committee members of national committees to examine women’s status. Apart from lobbying the government for new legislation, the women’s movement has also continued to be service-oriented by providing counsel to women. The movement also established a home for abused women. The women’s movement has gained momentum and engaged in new programs for women. One of the most significant outcomes is that the movement has gained widespread acceptance as the legitimate voice for Botswana women.

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Various constituencies in Botswana see the women’s movement as an effective force. The government consults the movement before making major decisions related to women. Thus it appears from the data that the women’s movement will continue to be an effective force in the future. There are two main reasons for continuing the women’s movement. First, Botswana has just started addressing the major issues concerning women, including discrimination against women. There are many critical issues the country has to deal with, including the political empowerment of women, women’s legal and human rights, their economic empowerment and poverty status, access to education and training, violence against them, health issues, and the status of the girl child. There are also challenges in implementing existing policies and the laws. All this suggests there is need for women’s agitation in order to impel the government to act. Second, the present political system is controlled by one party and therefore there is the need for other voices to be heard. This is not to suggest that there is only one party, but that the opposition is weak. Since opposition parties seem to be in their infancy, they tend to struggle just to maintain their own existence. While all the parties have pledged to give 30 percent of decisionmaking positions to women, they have yet to implement that pledge. At present, there are more women in decision-making positions and women’s access to the legislators has also increased. In addition, one of the highest positions in the judiciary, the high court judge, is held by a woman, Unity Dow who challenged the state in the Citizenship case. While this presidential appointment may be seeing as co-option, other women see it as a possibility to influence the judiciary for the better. “We think that Unity Dow can still play a role to further the objectives of the women’s movement.” (Machangana, interview, July 2000). Athaliah Molokomme, founder member of Emang Basadi was also appointed high court judge in 2003 and later, in 2005 she was appointed first female attorney general. Gamson (1975) implied that there are advantages for a group to have leadership in a higher social class, in either the resources that such leadership can bring and also that the ruling class is less likely to repress members of its own class than the poor. Also, social movements have more chances of succeeding when they gain support from influential groups within the system, as Steedly and Foley (1979) found in analyzing Gamson’s (1975) data. This could explain how some of the founders of the women’s movement could play advantageous roles operating from their high positions. It is apparent, however, that the women’s movement is going through a process in which it is adopting more institutionalized ways of influencing the government and society. The fear of co-option in Botswana, where the state is strong, may be well founded. The state is eager to “capture”

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any opposition in order to maintain the status quo. This may arise due to the women’s movement’s dependent financial situation and its close working alliance with the government. The process that the women’s movement in Botswana has undergone suggests it may be in danger of becoming an example of Piven and Coward’s (1977) findings that social movements are inevitably co-opted and thus do not serve their constituents. The women’s “success” may be more symbolic than real. Dryzek (1996) points out that, once rights have been secured, democratization is a matter of the more authentic political inclusion of different groups and categories in which formal political equality can hide continued exclusion or oppression. This thesis suggests that the mere award of formal rights does not necessarily translate into political inclusion and elimination of oppression. Democratic theorists who advocate the inclusion of all groups in the state do not take into consideration the fact that “real” as opposed to “symbolic” inclusion requires more than the simple gesture of including groups. Dryzek (1996) notes that conditions for authentic inclusion are quite demanding. Historically, authentic inclusion in the state is only possible when “a) a group’s defining concern can be assimilated to an established or energizing state imperative and b) civil society is not duly depleted by the groups’ entry into the state” (p. 117). When these two conditions are not met a social movement or civil society may be more effective outside the state in an oppositional role. Similarly, this study found that the effectiveness of a social movement is lessened when a social movement is assimilated into the state. The women’s movement was very active when it worked in opposition to the state. However, Emang Basadi had little choice whether to operate exclusively outside or to join the state. Also, one has to take into consideration the fact that the act of being co-opted sometimes happens unconsciously in that the movement might consider a government request for it to become part of a committee a gain for the movement when it is actually a loss. Thus a movement might be more successful operating outside the state.

THE CONTRIBUTION OF EMANG BASADI IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE This study found that there was very little discussion about women’s rights before the emergence of Emang Basadi. Although there were women’s organizations whose objective was to improve the lives of women, these were devoted to home economics and had little to do with women’s rights. In the Daily News, for instance, from 1973 to 1976 there were only four articles published which referred to women’s rights. The significance of the women’s

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movement is that they ushered in an era in which women’s rights issues are examined and discussed. The study found that Emang Basadi made an impact in changing some laws that discriminated against women. Data show a positive correlation between the women’s movement’s agitation and favorable laws, which indicate that more laws favorable to women were enacted after the emergence of the women’s movement. Also, there is a correlation between the women’s movement and the implementation of women’s policies. The study adds to the literature on the impact and outcomes of social movements. Rather than using only success as a measure, this study examined the women’s social movement outcome which provides a less subjective and more inclusive analysis. The lesson from Emang Basadi in reference to social movements in Africa is that social movements would be well served if they opened themselves to being more flexible and took advantage of the loopholes in their society. In this case, a movement would need to be more tactful and to take advantage of the weaknesses in the society. Emang Basadi became tactful and took advantage of the country’s weaknesses and used them to its advantage. The Botswana women’s movement played a significant role in raising women’s consciousness. The result of the women’s movement’s agitation and its education campaigns has been the redefinition of the status of women in various arenas. The women’s movement illustrated the importance of consciousness for political representation. Emang Basadi campaigned to increase the number of women in decision-making positions. This had the effect of increasing the number of women who could lobby for policies favorable to women, as well as instilling confidence in other women. Mueller (1987) made a similar observation when she evaluated women’s movements and the rise of women in public office in the United States in the 1970s. She observed that the women’s movement created a consciousness among a pool of women who were in a position to enter electoral politics. Similar to the Botswana situation, Mueller also found that the dissemination of a political consciousness meant that the increased representation of women in public office would be dependent not on voter prejudice, but on the increasing availability of candidates (p. 10). This study found that one of the significant outcomes of the movement’s agitation was the creation of a consciousness of women’s rights. This affirms the findings of Klein (1984) and Oberschall (1973) that the emergence and maintenance of a consciousness is central to the formation and success of political movements. Initially in Botswana there was resentment by the government and the public of the women’s movement and the issue of women’s rights. Like elsewhere, including the United States, most women were not willing to support women’s activism.

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By adopting an educational strategy that focused on the need for women’s empowerment and increasing the number of women in decision-making positions, the movement was able to raise people’s consciousness. This affirmed the proposition that the greater the saliency of the issue, the greater the probability that a social movement will be able to influence policy. The more the women’s movement was able to raise the saliency of the women’s issues, the greater its impact on the legislature. By 1999, the women’s rights issue had been adopted by government and non-government organizations as a priority issue. Not all the women’s demands were adopted, but at least the issues were being discussed and taken into consideration. This study found that the development of “collective” consciousness was crucial for the women’s movement to effect change on the laws and policies relating to women in Botswana. The term “collective,” refers to the various constituencies inside and outside Botswana, including government, non-government organizations, international organizations, parastatals, continental groups, and the general public. According to Mueller (1987), ‘collective consciousness’ refers to a transforming set of ideas that legitimate opposition to traditional norms, roles, institutions, and/or the distribution of scarce resources. New sets of revised rights and privileges are articulated on behalf of each category or community seeking to enhance its status as well as its share of scarce goods and services” (p. 92). The affirmation of the importance of consciousness adds to the findings of social movement scholars, including Piven and Cloward (1977) and Mueller and Dimieri (1982). According to the concept of collective consciousness, the degree of internalization lessens from the core activists to the general public. The data from the surveys and interviews indicate that the majority of the people in Botswana are aware of the general discussion of women’s rights, although they may not be knowledgeable on the specific details. This study also found an indication that the political culture and the institutions shape the form gender consciousness takes. Emerging in a situation of discriminatory laws, the nature of women’s consciousness in Botswana has focused on issues of equality and empowerment of women. Given the strict nature of the Tswana culture, the women’s movement has had to refrain from demanding equal rights and instead resort to such language as “women’s empowerment” and “women in decision-making position positions,” which has been more acceptable and more effective in getting the women what they want. This finding is in line with that found by Hastings and Hastings (1986) in a cross-national poll that explored respondents’ views on solutions to gender equality in the United States, Germany, and Sweden. Respondents offered different responses depending on the political climate in their countries. “American opinion emphasized

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the role of the individual effort, Swedish opinion the importance of reducing societal impediments, and Germans the role of juridical reforms” (p. 709).”

INNOVATIVE TACTFUL STRATEGIES When it changed its tactics, Emang Basadi experienced a profound change. Instead of just being antagonistic, the women’s movement took on the role of educating people about their role in a democracy. Thus, they found a more favorable environment in which to fight against discrimination and push for more women in decision-making positions. The women’s movement made an impact on legislation by using tactful agitation. This study found that a movement is more likely to impact legislative action using tactful agitation that will compel the government to introduce new legislation and policies in its favor rather than disruptive tactics. In line with those results is the following proposition based on comparative theory: Proposition 1: Social movements operating in a stable “strong state” environment are more likely to effect change when they adopt innovative and tactful strategies rather when they adopt disruptive tactics.

LOCAL AND EXTERNAL ALLIANCES The third dimension was external alliances, resources, and international pressure. To what extent does a supranational structure represent an opportunity for the mobilization of social movements is the issue considered. As pointed out in Chapter Four, the capacity of movements to effect change depends on their ability to create internal and external alliances. In line with the political process model, the external support was found to be a product of insurgency rather than that external support triggers insurgency, as in the case of resource mobilization. The women sought support from international groups and the fact that government participated in the international women’s movement correlated positively with new and positive laws and policies for women. The following three propositions on external alliances in line with the political process model are offered: First, a national movement working in conjunction with an international movement is more likely to have an impact on policies of a country when the government participates in the international activities rather than when the government refuses to participate. This study found that the Parliament of Botswana was more open to women’s issues when the government participated in the conferences than when it had not. Therefore the following proposition offered:

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Proposition 2: A social movement working in conjunction with an international movement is more likely to have an impact on policies of its country when the government participates in the international activities than when it does not. Second, the other dimension of external alliances is the pressure that those alliances put on a national government. International pressure can compel a government to adopt international treaties. Being one of the few liberal democracies in Africa, Botswana has faced a great deal of pressure to be seen as a democracy. The need to adopt some of the liberal policies and laws and signing international charters was also motivated by the country’s need to maintain a reputation as a guardian of democratic ideals. In line with this ideal, therefore, this study found the Botswana Parliament more willing to adopt laws and policies in favor of women during times of increased external pressure. Therefore the following proposition is offered: Proposition 3: A parliament is more likely to take up the agendas set by a women’s movement during times of increased external and internal pressure from women’s groups. The more general hypothesis is that a legislature is more likely to take up the agendas set by social movements during times of increased external and internal pressure from the challenging groups.

AGENDA-SETTING AND ISSUE SALIENCE The fourth dimension is agenda-setting and issue salience. In relation to agenda setting, this study examined the importance of framing: changing the way the problem is presented in order to make it more appealing. The agenda-setting theory was affirmed that if a problem fails to make the agenda, one way of pushing it may be by changing the way the issue is defined. Emang Basadi changed the way they presented their grievances with the result that they were able to become recognized as a player in the political environment of Botswana. Also, they tactfully created a parliamentary caucus that allowed them greater access to the legislature. The general proposition emanating from this study then is: Proposition 4: The greater the saliency of the issue, the greater the probability that a social movement will be able to influence policy. 4a): The more the women’s movement was able to raise the salience of the women’s issues the greater its impact on the legislature in Botswana. 4b): The more the women’s social movement was able to demonstrate the importance and significance of changing the discriminatory laws and policies related to women beyond the Citizenship Act, the greater the movement’s chances of influencing policy. This study found that women’s movements operating in “strong” states are more likely to achieve significant change when they adopt incrementalism, tactful strategies, and less threatening ways to effect change.

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Strong-State, Weak-Society Theory-Affirming. This study affirms the following proposition for studies of the state in comparative politics and especially in the area of states: Proposition 5a: The elite and members of the ruling class tend to be conservative and resist change. They want to maintain the status quo and will fight to keep away any groups that they perceive may seek to usurp their position. A “strong” state is less willing to implement procedural and substantial demands, thus social movements operating in strong states are more likely to confront stronger challenges in movement mobilization than those operating in weak states. Proposition 5b: While the state is strong in countries like Botswana, the society is weak. Strong states may have the capacity to act, but they may also be able to resist the movement. In Botswana the government attempted to divert the implementation of a court ruling by resorting to tactics such as referendum. Thus a weak state provides a more favorable setting for mobilization for collective action. This study showed that under pressure of social movement and agitation, the courts will be more likely to take a movement’s demands into consideration. In passing judgment about discrimination against women in the Citizenship Act, the high court judge, Martin Horwitz, (Dow, 1995) referred to changing circumstances: “What is considered degrading treatment today has changed from former misconceptions”(p. 42). He made reference to the 1967 United Nations Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women: “Discriminating against women, denying or limiting as it does their equality of rights with men, is fundamentally unjust and constitutes an offence against human dignity” (Dow, 1995 p.40). A judge of appeal in the Court of Appeal, Justice Aguda, referred to Botswana’s liberal democracy and its status in Africa and the global situation. “[W]e cannot afford to be immune from the progressive movements going on around us in other liberal and not so liberal democracies such movements manifesting themselves in international agreements, treaties, resolutions, protocols and other similar understandings”( Dow, 1995 p. 166). In line with this analysis, I affirmed the following proposition based on comparative theory of the state and agenda setting: Proposition 6: Courts are more likely to pass judgment in favor of women during times of heightened agitation of the women’s movement. However, in line with the characteristics of a “strong” state like Botswana, the state will be reluctant to implement the procedural and substantial demands.

Appendix A

QUESTIONNAIRE REGARDING THE IMPACT OF THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT Female ____ Male ____ Party Affiliation _________ Education __________

1. Have you heard of Emang Basadi?

2. How did you learn about it?

3. What does it do?

4. What has it done for women? People in general?

5. What kind of people are involved in it?

6. Does the government pay attention to it? Please give examples.

7. What do you think are the main concerns of women in Botswana?

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Appendix A

8. Do women have the same opportunities as men?

9. Do you think the government is doing enough for women?

10. What do you think it should do?

11. What do you think has changed because of Emang Basadi?

12. Any other comments? Please add any comments you may have. Thanks.

Appendix B

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS, MEMBERS OF EMANG BASADI, WOMEN ACTIVISTS Female ____ Male ____ Party Affiliation _________ Education __________ 1. What role do you think Emang Basadi has played in Botswana society? 2. How many people are involved in the movement? 3. Do you think the government is doing enough for women? 4. How do you think the government has responded to Emang Basadi’s requests? 5. Can you give examples of ways in which the government has responded to Emang Basadi? 6. What kind of policies has the government initiated to support the women? 7. What is the relationship between the government and Emang Basadi? (Please write additional comments on the back page. Thank you).

147

Appendix C

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR LEGAL PROFESSIONALS: LAWYERS, JUDGES, STATE ATTORNEYS, DEFENSE LAWYERS Female ____ Male ____ Party Affiliation _________ Education __________

1. Are you aware of Emang Basadi?

2. How did you become aware of it?

3. What role do you think it has played in Botswana society?

4. How many people do you think are involved in the movement?

5. What do you think is the position of the courts towards women?

6. What impact do you think Emang Basadi has had on the courts?

7. What do you think is the general attitude of the courts towards women?

149

150

Appendix C

8. Do you think courts are more likely to favor women during times when the women’s movement is active?

9. What type of change have you seen in the way the courts handle cases regarding women?

10. How do you think the courts relate to the demands of the women’s movement?

Appendix D

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR HONORABLE MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT Please indicate your party affiliation ______________ Mark “X” where appropriate: Female _____ Male _______

1. What do you think Parliament has done for women in Botswana?

2. How much discussion of women’s issues is there in Parliament?

3. What impact has Emang Basadi had on Parliament?

4. How has Emang Basadi influenced the discourse regarding women’s issues in Parliament?

5. What change has there been in Parliament’s attitude towards women’s issues since the women’s movement?

6. Do you think there have been more laws in favor of women as a result of the movement?

151

152

Appendix D

7. Describe your perception of the relationship between Emang Basadi and members of Parliament: a) Male members b) Female members c) BNF members d) BDP members e) BCP members

8. In your opinion, what has been the impact of the women’s movement in Botswana? (Please continue on the back page).

Appendix E

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR LESS EDUCATED MEN, WOMEN (IMPACT OF WOMEN’S MOVEMENT) Female = 1, Male = 2 Party affiliation

None = 0 BDF = 3 BNF = 4 BCF = 5

Education

Primary = 11 Secondary = 12 College = 13

1. Have you heard of Emang Basadi? No = 0 Yes = 1 2. How did you become aware of it? Media = 1 Affiliation = 2 Person/people related to movement = 3 Not aware it = 0 3. What does it do? (Role) Don’t know = 0 Helps women/women’s rights = 2 Against men = 1 153

154

Appendix E

4. What has it done for women (Impact) Don’t know = 0 Very little = 1 Helps women/women’s rights = 2 5. What kind of people are involved in it? Women = 1 Educated, urban women = 2 Men and women = 3 Don’t know = 0 6. Does the government pay attention to it? No = 0 Yes = 1 Don’t know = 3 7. What do you think are the main concerns of women in Botswana? They do not have problems = 0 Employment = 1 Inequality/women’s rights = 2 Lack of opportunities = 3 All of the above = 4 I am not sure = 5 8. Do women have the same opportunities as men? No = 0 Yes = 1 Don’t know = 2 9. Do you think the government is doing enough for women? No = 0 Yes = 1 Don’t know = 2 10. What do you think it should do? I am not sure = 1 More opportunities for women = 2 Government has done enough = 3 More opportunities for men and women = 4

Appendix E 11. What has changed because of Emang Basadi? Nothing much = 0 Don’t know = 1 Women’s empowerment/rights, government more responsive = 2 Negative impact = 3

155

Appendix F

CODING INSTRUCTIONS These procedures were adapted from those used by Doug McAdam’s (1982) work on the civil rights movement. As a result, only the events relevant to women’s rights were coded. The following were coded: a) Stories appearing in the Botswana Daily News from 1973 to 2000. b) Bills introduced in the Botswana Parliament from 1973 to 2000. c) Acts passed in the Botswana Parliament from 1973 to 2000. Coding 1. Identification number. 2. Newsyear—the year the article related to women’s rights was published in the Botswana Daily News. 3. Dateyear—the actual date of publication. 4. Source—The initiator of the news story: 1000—Male government or ruling party (BDP) official 1020—Female government or ruling party (BDP) official 1021—Other parties—Male 1022—Other parties—Male 1030—Anti-women’s rights 1031—Male—religious leader, spokesperson 1032—Female—religious leader, spokesperson 1033—Male community leader 1034—Female community leader 157

158

Appendix F 1040—Traditional women’s groups, e.g., YWCA, Girl guides, etc. 1050—New pro-women’s groups, including NGOs, Botswana Coalition of NGOs, Metlhaetsile, etc. 1060—Emang Basadi 1080—International organizations, meetings, expatriates, international visitors 1090—National/local women’s conferences, seminars

5. Target—The target audience of the news item 2000—Women in general 2001—General population 2010—Conference, seminar, workshop 2012—Community, group gathering, including political rallies, kgotlas 2020—Professional group 2021—Religious groups 2030—Women in rural areas 2040—Women in urban areas 2050—Government, party 2060—International women’s group 2070—Women in politics 2080—Men Issue Identification—Major issue related to women 3000—Equality 3010—Economic situation 3020—General plight of women, including rights, poverty 3020—Role of women 3030—Health 3032—Violence against women 3040—Family 3050—International Women’s Year-related articles 3060—Education 3070—Politics, elections 3080—Laws Event Direction—Whether the initiator of the story was pro-women’s rights, anti, or neutral. 1—Pro 2—Anti 3—Neutral

Appendix F

159

ttblz—Total number of bills introduced in parliament in one year ttblzwo—Total number of bills that relate to women in that year ttnewz—Total number of news items in the year related to women’s rights and empowerment numacts—Total number of acts passed in parliament womacts—Total number of acts relating to women in that year

Appendix G

CODING: GOVERNMENT QUESTIONNAIRE Variable name Sex Female = 01 Male = 02 Age 18–29 = 03 30–39 = 04 40–49 = 05 50–59 = 06 Party Affiliation BDP = 7 BNF = 8 BCP = 9 None = 0 1. Role What role do you think Emang Basadi has played in Botswana society? Don’t know = 0 None = 1 Very little = 2 Anti-men = 3 Raised awareness of women’s rights = 4

161

162

Appendix G

2. EBPPL How many people are involved in Emang Basadi? Don’t know = 0 None = 1 A few = 2 Many = 3 3. GOVDUTY Do you think the government is doing enough for women? Don’t know = 0 Not enough = 1 Yes, enough = 2 Slow response = 3 4. GOVANS How do you think the government has responded to Emang Basadi’s request? No response = 0 Don’t know = 1 Negatively = 2 Positively = 3 Reluctantly = 4 5. EXMPLS Can you give examples of how the government has responded to Emang Basadi? Don’t know = 0 None = 1 One example = 2 More than one example = 3 6. PLCS What kind of policies has the government initiated to support the women? None = 0 Don’t know = 1 One example = 2 More than one example = 3

Appendix G

163

7. RLSN What is the relationship between the government and Emang Basadi? None = 0 Don’t know = 1 Not much = 2 Cordial = 3 Very good = 4

Appendix H

CODING: LEGAL QUESTIONNAIRE Sex Female = 1 Male = 2 Age 18–29 = 3 30–39 = 4 40–49 = 5 50–59 = 6 Profession Legal = 7 Other = 8 1. Are you aware of Emang Basadi? Yes = 9 No = 10 2. How did you become aware of it? Through media = 1 Affiliation = 2 Person related to group = 3 3. What role has Emang Basadi played in Botswana society? Don’t know = 1 Negative = 0 A little = 2 Sensitizing, empowering women = 3 165

166

Appendix H

4. How many people do you think are involved in the movement? Don’t know = 0 A few = 1 Many = 2 5. What do you think is the position of the courts towards women? Negative = 0 Fair = 1 Neutral = 2 Positive = 3 6. What do you think has been the impact of Emang Basadi on the courts? Don’t know = 0 None = 1 Some impact = 2 A lot = 3 7. Attitude of courts towards women? Don’t know = 0 Biased against women = 1 Sensitive to women = 2 Same as everyone else = 3 8. Are courts more likely to favor women during times of women’s activity? No = 1 No comment = 2 Yes = 3 9. What type of change has there been in the courts’ handling of women’s cases? None = 0 No comment = 1 More sensitive = 2 10. How do you think the courts relate to demands of the women’s movement? Indifferent = 0 Not cooperative = 1 Aware/more sensitive = 2 Fair = 3 No comment = 4

Appendix I

CODING: QUESTIONNAIRE FOR MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT (MPS) Political Party Affiliation BDP = 900 BNF = 800 BCP = 700 Sex Female = 400 Male = 300 Q1. What do you think Parliament has done for women in Botswana? (PARLYDO) A lot = 3 Some = 2 Not much = 1 None = 0 Q2. How much discussion of women’s issues is there in Parliament? (WOTALK) A lot = 3 Some = 2 Not much = 1 None = 0

167

168

Appendix I

Q3. What impact has Emang Basadi had on Parliament? (EBPARLY) Great deal = 3 Some = 2 Not much = 1 None = 0 Q4. How has Emang Basadi influenced the discourse regarding women’s issues in Parliament? (EBTALK) Positive = 3 Negative = 2 Little = 1 None = 0 Q5. What change has there been in Parliament’s attitude towards women’s issues since the women’s movement? (EBCHANG) Positive (male MPs sensitized) = 2 Negative = 1 Nothing has changed = 0 Q6. Do you think there have been more laws in favor of women as a result of the movement? (MOLAWS) Yes = 2 No = 0 Fair = 1 Q7. Describe your perception of the relationship between Emang Basadi and members of Parliament in relation to the following categories of MPs: a) Male members b) Female members c) BNF members d) BDP members e) BCP members a) Very good (excellent) = 3 b) Good = 2 c) Fair = 1 d) Not good = 0 e) Don’t know = 9

Appendix I

169

Q8. In your opinion, what has been the impact of the women’s movement in Botswana? (Please continue on the back page). Great impact = 3 Little impact = 2 Not much = 1 None = 0

Appendix J

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL REPORTS (HANSARDS) (*Denotes dates of significance to women and presidential speeches),

171

10 7

2nd Parliament, 5th Session, 3rd Meeting

3rd Parliament, 1st Session, 1st Meeting

3rd Parliament, 1st Session, 2nd Meeting

3rd Parliament, 1st Session, 3rd Meeting

3rd Parliament, 2nd Session, 1st Meeting *Presidential speech

3rd Parliament, 2nd Session, 2nd Meeting

Hansard 50 (6/24–7/5/74)

Hansard 51 (11/18–26/74)

Hansard 52 (2/ 24–4/3/75)

Hansard 53 (7/14–24/75)

Hansard 54 (11/24–12/5/75)

Hansard 55 (3/4–4/2/76)

18

8

11

9

1

2nd Parliament, 5th Session, 2nd Meeting

Hansard 49 (3/11–20/74)

6

4

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

Bills Bills Relevant Introduced to Women

2nd Parliament, 1st Meeting, 5th Session *President Seretse Khama delivers speech

1st Parliament, 2nd Meeting, 4th Session

Session

Hansard 48 (11/ 26/73)

*Missing 45–47

Hansard 44 (3–12/73)

Sitting Period

No mention of women.

Married Women’s Property Act

No mention of women

Comments

172 Appendix J

3rd Parliament, 3rd Session, 2nd Meeting *President Khama addresses Parliament.

Hansard 57, 11/29–12/17/76

3rd Parliament, 3rd Session, 3rd Meeting

3rd Parliament, 4th Session, 1st Meeting *Presidential address

3rd Parliament, 4th Session, 2nd Meeting

3rd Parliament, 4th Session, 3rd Meeting

3rd Parliament, 5th Session, 1st Meeting *President Khama addresses Parliament

3rd Parliament, 5th Session, 2nd Meeting *4/3/79: Mr. Meswele moved that the House adopt the International Year of the Child to mark the 20th anniversary of the UN Year of the Child

Hansard 59 (8/15–31/77)

Hansard 60 (11/21–12/1/77)

Hansard 61 (2/20–3/23/78)

Hansard 62 (7/12–28/78)

Hansard 63 (11/20−12/7/78)

Hansard 64 (2/26−4/4/79)

*Hansard 58 Missing

3rd Parliament, 2nd Session, 3rd Meeting

Hansard 56 (7/19–30/76)

0 0

12

0

0

0

0

0

0

9

13

11

8

4

9

10

(continued)

It passed; no mention of women

Noted country’s achievements. No mention of women.

No mention of women.

No mention of women

1 bill to increase marriage fees

Appendix J 173

3rd Parliament, 5th Session, 3rd Meeting

4th Parliament, 1st Session, 1st Meeting 11/13, Acting President addresses Parliament

4th Parliament, 1st Session, 2nd Meeting

4th Parliament, 1st Session, 3rd Meeting

4th Parliament, 2nd Session, 1st Meeting * Nov. 17, President addresses Parliament

4th Parliament, 2nd Session, 2nd Meeting

4th Parliament, 2nd Session, 3rd Meeting Motion for House to adopt UN International Year of the Disabled

4th Parliament, 3rd Session, 1st Meeting

4th Parliament, 3rd Session, 2nd Meeting *Questions on Customary Marriage.

Hansard 66 (11/13−26/79)

Hansard 67 (2/25−3/25/80)

Hnasard 68 (8/25−9/5/80)

Hansard 69 (11/17−12/4/80)

Hansard 70 (2/23−3/32/81)

Hansard 71 (8/17−28/81)

Hansard 72 (11/13−12/18/81)

Hansard 73 (2/22−3/22/82)

Session

Hansard 65 (7/30−8/17/79)

Sitting Period

9

11

9

11

?

10

5

3

20

1

0

0

0

1

0

1

0

0


Marriage Act Amendment as recommended by the Law Reform committee

Married Women’s Property Act. No mention of women

Citizenship Act moved to Law Reform

No mention of women

Comments

174 Appendix J

4th Parliament, 3rd Session, 3rd Meeting

4th Parliament, 4th Session, 1st Meeting *President addresses Parliament *Local government tax to collect tax from married women from Jan. 1983. Home Affairs Minister Mrs. Disele: “We have to accept what government wants of us, so that when we fight our course, we could be very clear that if a law has been discriminating against us in government’s favor have to be removed from the statute.” She continued, “Government makes demand on us as citizens of this country–married women, that we should pay tax like all other women.” Touched on women’ rights: the other side of the coin that we have to look at, Mr. Speaker, is that there are some discriminatory laws against women. These are the laws that women in this country would like to see out of the statute.” Voting on bill: Ayes = 16, including Mrs. Disele; Nays = 13 men; Abstentions = 2

Missing

4th Parliament, 4th Session, 3rd Meeting

Hansard 74 (8/9–9/1/82)

Hansard 75 (11/29–12/22/82)

Hansard 76

Hansard 77 (7/25–8/19/83)

0

1

6

18

2

13

(continued)

Companies Act “Discriminatory;” Call to be treated with “urgency” No mention of women

*Citizenship *Immovable Property

Appendix J 175

4th Parliament, 5th Session, 1st Meeting * 11/7, President addresses Parliament

4th Parliament, 5th Session, 2nd Meeting

3rd Meeting 3rd. Session 4th Parliament

5th Parliament, 1st Session, 1st Meeting *10/10, President addresses Parliament




Missing

5th Parliament. 2nd Session, 2nd Meeting

Hansard 79 (2/13–4/13/84)

Hansard 80 (6/18–28/84)

Hansard 81 (10/8–11/2/84)

Hansard 82 (12/12–14/84)

Hansard 83-I (2/18–3/11/85)

Hansard 84-II (8/13–30/85)

Hansard 85

Hansard 86-I (2/17–3/13/86)

Session

Hansard 78

Sitting Period

6

3

1

2

5

19

6

0

0

0

0

0

1

1


No mention of women

Citizenship Amendment

Surety Bill *Existing common law prohibited a woman from standing surety for other people No mention of women

Comments

176 Appendix J

5th Parliament, 2nd Session, 3rd Meeting

5th Parliament, 3rd Session, 1st Meeting *Presidential address briefly mentioned women and youth as target group for distance learning

5th Parliament, 3rd Session, 2nd Meeting


Emergency meeting, 5th Parliament, 3rd Session

5th Parliament, 4th Session, 1st Meeting *Capital Transfer tax (amendment) 1987

5th Parliament. 4th Session, 2nd Meeting


Hansard 87 (7/7–25/86)

Hansard 88

Hansard 89-I (2/18–3/12/87)

Hansard 90

Hansard 91 (9/14–18/87)

Hansard 92 (12/7–18/87)

Hansard 93 (2/22–5/16/88)

Hansard 94-I (7/4–8/5/88)

6

6

4

2

9

1

12

6

2

0

2

1

2

0

1

0

(continued)

*Mines, Quarries, Works and Machinery 1988 Bill to remove discriminatory provisions in the mines. *Nurses and Midwives (amendment) Bill 1988.

National Registration Indirectly related to women

Referendum

1. Constitution Amendment, 1987 2. Income Tax Bill, 1987: “The sex of a married individual will cease to have relevance for tax purposes.”

National Registration Indirectly related to women

Appendix J 177

6th Parliament, 1st Session, 2nd Meeting *Budget Speech had a special section on “Women in Development.” “There is one section of our workforce that merits special consideration: that of women. I am pleased to report that a special effort is being made to ensure that the interest of all such disadvantaged groups are addressed during the preparation of National Development Plan 7. The aim is not so much to promote “women’s projects, as to ensure that their interests are taken into account in the preparation of all projects and policies, enabling them to participate fully in our national, social and economic development.”

Hansard 99 (2/19–4/11/90)

0

6th Parliament, 1st Session, 1st Meeting *President addresses Parliament Nov 7, 1989

Hansard 98-II 7

Missing

Hansard 98-I

1

0

11


Hansard 97 (7/24–8/16/89)

0

0

0

12


Hansard 96-I (2/15–3/13/89)

5


5th Parliament, 5th Session, 1st Meeting President addresses Parliament

Session

Hansard 95-I (11/14–28/88)

Sitting Period

No mention of women

*Motion on whole monthly salary During maternity leave.

Income tax

No mention of women

Comments

178 Appendix J

Missing

6th Parliament, 1st Session, 4th Meeting

6th Parliament, 2nd Session, 1st Meeting

Missing

2nd Meeting 2nd Session, 6th Parliament

Missing

6th Parliament, 3rd Session, 1st Meeting *President addresses Parliament.




6th Parliament, 3rd Session, 4th Meeting

6th Parliament, 4th Session, 1st Meeting *President addresses Parliament

Hansard 100

Hansard 101 (8/27–9/21/90)

Hansard 102-II (12/7–21/90)

Hansard 102

Hansard 103-I (2/11–3/7/91)

Hansard 104

Hansard 105 (11/11–29/91)

Hansard 106-II (3/10–4/13/92)

Hansard 107-I (7/27–8/14/92)

Hansard 107-II (8/17–9/2/92)

Hansard 108 (9/21–23/92)

Hansard 109 (11/16–12/4/92)

5

0

2

10

11

0

2

5

3

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

(continued)

*Employment Act (maternity leave)

No bills presented No mention of women

Appendix J 179

0 0

6 5


6th Parliament, 5th Session, 1st Meeting *First time President addresses women’s issues in Parliament. Says government has to take steps to ensure “empowerment of women in recognition of the vital contribution they have continued to make to all facets of the development of the country.” [NEW P] Quett Masire: “Recommendations and resolutions from a number of women’s fora have expressed the need to revise some laws that have been identified as having adverse effects or implications on the status of women within the family and social set up. This exercise will need an input by all, especially NGOs in determining steps to be taken regarding these laws. As a result we have in April 1993 appointed a seven member task force to follow up on these consultations with a view to addressing any shortcomings.”

Missing

Hansard 112 (11/8–12/17/93)

Hansard 113

0

Hansard 111 (7/26–8/6/93)

7



Session

Hansard 110 (2/8–4/1/93)

Sitting Period

Comments

180 Appendix J


7th Parliament, 1st Session, 1st Meeting *President addresses Parliament Nov. 14, 1994, on women’s issues. Had a subsection on “gender.” “The integration of women in the process of governance and development remains an issue of national and international importance.”


7th Parliament

7th Parliament, 1st Session, 3rd Meeting

7th Parliament, 1st Session, 3rd Meeting *Motion—No confidence in government. Reasons: unemployment, rising crime, widening gap between rich and poor, lack of separation of governmental powers, failure of economic diversification, president’s failure to honor indebtedness.

Hansard 114 (6/20–8/5/94)

Hansard 115 (11/14–18/94)

Hansard 115-II

Hansard 116-I (2/13–17/95)

Hansard 117-I (6/26–30/95)

Hansard 117-II (7/3–14/95)

1

0

0

0

2

1

0

1

1

1

0

7

(continued)

* Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 1995. Income tax–consolidation of Acts.

Appendix J 181

7th Parliament *Statement by Law Reform Chairman Mr. Nkate, who told the House that the Law Reform Committee would travel throughout Botswana to sort out public opinion on the following laws:

Hansard 118-II (8/14–17/95)

Women, the House, and Family 1) Married persons property 2) Dissolution of marriages subject to customary law 3) Law of inheritance 4) Dissolution of customary marriages (property consequences of)

7th Parliament

Session

Hansard 118-I (8/7–11/95)

Sitting Period 4

3

Bills Bills Relevant Introduced to Women *Citizenship—to make the act more gender-neutral. *Deeds and Registry Act—ask House to amend Section 18 to allow for spousal consent before property of persons married in community of property can be transferred. *Mines, Quarries, Works and Machinery Bill (1995)—amend to allow equal opportunities for women in mine employment

Comments

182 Appendix J

Hansard 119-I (11/6/95)

7th Parliament, 2nd Session, 1st Meeting President addresses Parliament; addresses women’s issues: Conference held in Dakar, 5th African Regional Conference on Women, Nov. 14–23, 1994. Noted Botswana’s participation in Beijing, Sept 1995, saying, “Here at home we continue to search for ways of how best to integrate the majority of women in development programs. We are also reviewing legislation to make it gender-neutral.”

Others 1) Matimela Act 2) Road Traffic 3) Arms and Ammunition 4) Immigration Act 5) Death Penalty and any other laws the House feels are necessary to look at.

Employment 1) Defence Act 2) Employment 3) Public Service Act 4) Pensions and Provident Funds Act

5) Succession Act 6) The law pertaining to cohabitation and what the property consequences relating to people who cohabit but are not married should be 7) Marriage Act

0

0

(continued)

Appendix J 183

7th Parliament, 2nd Session, 1st Meeting

7th Parliament, 2nd Session, 2nd Meeting

Parliament, 2nd Session, 2nd Meeting

7th Parliament, 2nd Session, 3rd Meeting

7th Parliament, 3rd Session, 1st Meeting *President addresses Parliament Nov. 4. Speech had Gender Issues section. President recalled that the government adopted “The Women in Development Policy during the last session of Parliament: “With the support of UNDP and UN Population Fund Agency (UNFPA), started a process of formulating the National Gender Program in June 1996. In July 1996, Botswana acceded to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Plans are at an advanced stage to engage a consultancy that will review laws affecting the status of women in Botswana and recommend redress action.” Mentioned postBeijing and SADCC women’s machinery.

Hansard 120-I (2/12–16/96)

Hansard 120-II (2/19–23/96)

Hansard 121 (7/17–19/96)

Hansard 122 (11/4–8/96)

Session

Hansard 119-II (11/13–17/95)

Sitting Period

0 1

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0


*Deeds and Registry Act

Comments

184 Appendix J

(Part I) 7th Parliament, 3rd Session, 2nd Meeting

7th Parliament

Hansard 123-I (2/10–17/97)

Hansards 123II-VII

Missing


Missing


7th Parliament, 4th Session, 1st Meeting


Hansard 124-I

Hansard 124-II

Hansard 125

Hansard 126-II (4/20–23/98)

Hansard 127 (7/13–17/98.

Hansard 127-VI (8/17–19/98)

Hansard 123-VIII 7th Parliament, 3rd Session, 2nd Meeting (4/1–4/97)

7th Parliament, 3rd Session, 1st Meeting *Employment Act.

Hansard 122-I (11/11–15/96)

3

4

0

0

3

1

3

0

0

0

0

2

1

1

(continued)

*National Development Plan Presented

*Criminal Procedure Act—relates to rape evidence. *Botswana Defence Force

No bills

Appendix J 185

Session

7th Parliament, 5th Session, 1st Meeting

Hansard 128-I (11/9–13/98)

Hansard 132-I-III (2/7–25/00)

8th Parliament, 1st Session, 2nd Meeting *March 20–24–Discussion of Family Courts’ relation to the women maintenance law being insufficient. Minister of Presidential Affairs Mrs. Seretse.

Hansards 129–131 Missing

*President addresses Parliament Nov. 9. Women in development adopted in 1996 in the six critical areas: poverty, education, health, women in power and decision-making, the girl child, and violence against women.

*Vocational training

*Check the bills—Consumer Protection


Hansard 127-X (4/14–17/98)

Hansard 127-VIII 7th Parliament, 4th Session, 3rd Meeting (3/30–4/3/98) *Mr. Oteng: “If there is any piece of legislation that has caused this government some problems in the past and some bitterness in the past, it is the Citizenship Act.” Citizenship debated throughout the session.

Sitting Period

0

3

3

0

0

2


Continuation of Penal Code debate

Citizenship and Penal Code

Comments

186 Appendix J

Hansard 134-I (11/6–10/00)

8th Parliament, 2nd Session, 1st Meeting President addresses Parliament, has subsection on “Gender Issues,” saying, “The issues of gender and equality and empowerment of women remain of uppermost in government development strategies. Members might recall that last June, Botswana participated in the special session of the UN whose theme was “Women 2000: Gender, Equality, Development and Peace for the twenty first century.” He allocated more time to discussing gender issues than before in parliamentary address. Representation of women in parliament arose from 9 perent in 1994 to 18.2 percent in 1999. Cabinet 12.5 percent in 1994 to 23.5 percent in 1999. 30 percent of representation of permanent secretaries and deputy permanent secretaries. He also mentioned *Ratification of CEDAW and *amendment of Penal Code among the gender issues.

Appendix J 187

Appendix K

BOTSWANA ACTS 1973–2000 Year

Total No. Acts

Women Referenced

1973

41

1

1974

27

0

1975

42

1

1976

32

0

1977

51

0

1978

40

0

1980

44

1

1981

29

0

1982

37

2

Citizenship amendment. Employment Act.

1983

34

1

Citizenship Regulations

Title Act relating to Procedure for Divorce

Women’s Property Act “Provided that in the case of a married women who is a citizen of Botswana whose husband is a non citizen, immovable property may be transferred or ceded to such woman as if she were married out of community of property and marital power did not apply.”

1979 Married Persons Property Act.

(continued)

189

190

Appendix K

Year

Total No. Acts

Women Referenced

1984

28

1

1985

28

0

1986

30

1

National Registration Act

1987

27

4

Income Tax, Constitution Amendment National Registration, Insurance Industry Act–women’s rights laid out even in community of property.

1988

20

0

1989

22

1

1990

25

0

1991

16

0

1992

34

1

1993

20

2

1994

15

0

1995

20

2

Citizenship (amendment), Repeal of Part V of Mines, Quarries, Works and Machinery Act.

1996

23

1

Deeds Registry: “A woman whether married in community of property or not shall not require the assistance of her husband in executing any deeds or document required or permitted to be registered in the deeds registry or required or permitted to be produced in connection with any such deed or document, and immovable property may be transferred or ceded to her as if she were out of community of property and the marital power did not apply.” 5) “If immovable property not excluded from the community is registered in the name

Title Citizenship pertaining to women

National Registration. Citizen substituted for tribesman

(continued)

Appendix K Year

191 Total No. Acts

Women Referenced

Title of a spouse married in community of property, neither spouse may, irrespective of when that property was registered, alone deal with such property unless he has the consent, in writing, of the other spouse, or has been authorized by order of the court to deal therewith.”

1997

23

1

Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act.

1998

24

3

Penal Code Act, 1998, Citizenship Act, Workmen’s Compensation Act

1999

21

3

Affiliation Proceedings Amendment) Act 1999, Sectional Titles Act 1999– concept of sectional ownership of buildings, Registration and common Property sharing, One Act related to women’s equality. *Note change of language from his to “his” or “hers.”

2000

Not available

Notes

NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO 1. Marslow’s need hierarchy includes physical needs, self-actualization and safety order, love, belongingness, and self-esteem. 2. Lasswell and Kaplan’s values include well-being, wealth, skill, enlightenment, power, affection, respect, and rectitude. 3. Runciman uses the conditions of economic class, power, and status that people have in varying degrees to explain their relative satisfaction or deprivation.

NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR 1. Emang Basadi has been assisted financially by international organizations including SIDA, Norwegian Development Agency (NORAD), and HIVOS of Holland, the American and French Embassies. In 1999, it received 1.2 million pulas (approx. $400.000) from Norad, NTL government, the United States, HIVOS, SIDA, and the United Nations Development Plan (UNDP).

NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE 1. Daily News, June 13, 1973. 2. Daily News, July 11, 1973.

NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX 1. I conducted an analysis of variance and found the observed significance level to 0.0032. 2. Survey, 8/2001

193

194 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Notes to Chapter Six Survey, 8/2001 Survey, 8/2001 Female lawyer, responding in a survey. Attorney, survey respondent. July 2001. Machangana, Letter, 7/18/2001. Nasha, Parliament, July 19, 2001. Phumaphi, Parliament, July 19, 2001. Phumaphi, Parliament, July 19, 2001. Maundeni, 7/2001

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Index

A Africa, groups co-opting the state 31, effect of Emang Basadi on social movements in 129–144 African Charter on People’s Rights 17 African people, perspective of 14, and redistributive system 15, rights of xvi, role in political system xvi African Union 19 agenda-setting 69–70, and issue salience 70–73, theory of 70–71, and women’s agitation 73–75 Alexander, Elsie, coordinator for Women’s Affairs Unit, notes shift in paradigm after Nairobi Conference 74 alliances of Emang Basadi 10

B Bangwato 2 Banjul Charter (OAU) and communitarian rights 15 Batswana (nationals of Botswana) 1, democratic traditions 2, 10, status of children 53 Baumgartner, Frank, and Bryan Jones 11, 22 bifurcated state xvii, Black Civil Rights Movement 8 Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) 3, 44, acting as if in one-party system 122, influence over people’s opinion 86, losses by, in 1994 88, manifestos addressing women’s rights 66, 83, 104, 106–108, need to take voters seriously 87, reaction to, by civil society

123–124, reaction to women’s manifesto 79–80, 106–108 Botswana Federation of Secondary School Teachers (BOSETE) 44 Botswana National Front (BNF) 44, 54–55, gains by, in 1994 88, as main opposition party 101–102, manifestos addressing women’s rights 66, 83, 104, 106–108, need to take voters seriously 87, reaction to women’s manifesto 107–108, role in Botswana National Front (cont.) addressing social movement concerns 65, 66–67 Botswana, description of country 1, economics of 5, GNP 5, rural areas of 5, 116, state capacity and civil society of 40–43, 64. See also government of Botswana.

C Campbell, Donald, on time-series design 12 Castells, Manuel, on new social movement (NSM) theory 27 CEDAW. See UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women centralized states 38 Chiepe, Gaositwe, female High Commissioner to UK 72 Citizenship Act 50–51, 52, 59, 108, 130, amended 88, 108, threat of referendum on amending 55–63, 73 civil society 40–43, 64

207

208 classical model/theory of social movements 21–23, variations on 22, mass society, collective behavior 22– 23, status inconsistency, rising expectations and relative deprivation 22–23, Davies’ J-curve theory of revolution 22 cognitive liberation by social movements 31, 50–51 collective action frame, as tool of analysis of Emang Basadi 80–82, 91–92, 134, 143, frame realignment 82 colonialism, and bifurcated state xvii, under British 4, and creation of tribalized native authority xvi, and activism for human rights 17 Constitution of Botswana 53, 55, 59 Consultation for Women in Politics in Africa seminar by Emang Basadi 83 co-option by political parties or the state, fears of Emang Basadi of 67, 82, 121–122, 138–139 Costain, Anne, on change from protest to political clout 118 cultural relativists 11 Customary Courts Act 46 Customary law in Botswana 45, 120

D Daily News, 45, 56, 61, 71, 72–74, 83, 87, 88, 103, 105, 108, 139–140 Davidheiser, Evelyn, on strong and weak states 36, 37 decentralized states 38 della Porta, Donnatella, and Hanspeter Kriesi, on influence of international community 62, on supranational arenas for social movements 60 democracy, maturing 3, 8 democratic traditions 2 democratization, need for, in Botswana 139 disequilibrium, creation of, by Emang Basadi 8, 11, 24, 91, by social movements 74–75 Ditshwanelo (human rights organization) 52 Dow, Unity, and Citizenship Act 52–54, 133, founder of Metlhaesile 74, as high court judge 138, and international support of lawsuit 63 Dryzek, John, categories of analysis of social movements 64–65, conditions

Index for inclusion in the state of social movements 139 elites, bureaucratic 4–5, conservatism of, in Botswana 137, 144, as policysetters 2, role of, in Botswana’s democracy 135, 138

E Emang Basadi (“Stand Up, Women!”) women’s movement xv, 7, 8, 75, acceptance of 91, challenges to government 5, 19, 20–21, 74, creation of 50–51, 74, critical junctures 91, demands to increase number of women in Parliament and share power by 83, 88, expanded mobilization by 76, 92, formation of, after Nairobi Conference 74, framing issues by xviii, future of 137–139, and government accommodation 62, importance of development of collective consciousness 141, and international support 63, 142–143, and legitimization of public protest 64, 65, lobbying by 56, manifestos (q.v), negatively perceived 74–75, and opposition (BNF) party 65, 66, opposition to 120–122, and other women’s rights organizations 52, 104, and patriarchy 10, and POS 54–56, as problem solver 100–101, and public policy agendas 69–70, raising awareness of discrimination against women 75, 104, reasons for continuing 138, relating to local culture by 134, role in local culture 101, role in strengthening democracy 65, setting agenda in national politics 91, stand on full citizenship by xvi, strategies of, to achieve goals 73, 133–134, summary of analysis of 140, and threat of referendum 55, 56–63, training of female political candidates by 77, 83–85, troublemakers, members of, seen as 101, and Women’s Affairs Unit, collaboration with 75,

Index and women’s empowerment 64, as Batswana “women’s voice” 101–103, 137–138 ethnic politics xvii

F farming, subsistance 1 frame/framing, as tool of definition and interpretation. See collective action frame. Freedom House, and political rights/civil liberties 2–3

G Gaborone (capital of Botswana) 1, 51 Gamson, William, and procedural or substantive success 6, 42, 97, resource mobilization of social movements 95, 96 garbage-can model 7, 69, 93 Gazette 87 gender equality 10 government of Botswana, addressing major issues related to women by 138, adoption of National Policy on Women in Development by 80, 113–114, cabinet of 3, failure to mention women in speeches to open Parliament by 76, lack of government response to women’s issues by 73, National Assembly 3, need for democratization 139, passage of acts relating to women by 89–90, 106, president 3, public response to, on women’s issues 113, response to change by 8, 102, 103, response to drought by 4, response to international pressure by 142–143, shifts in attitude by 80–85, women in 75, 77, 80 government, as organized anarchy 7, and policy windows 7 group politics, lack of, in Botswana xvii, Guigni, Marco, on causality and impact 126–127, 131 Gurr, Ted, on relative deprivation 22, 23

H Habermas, J., on new social movement (NSM) theory 27

209 Horwitz, Martin, Hon. (High Court judge) 54 human rights, in Africa 15–18, communal[ist] approach to 14–15, 16, and cultural relativism 13, evolution of, in Western countries 14, 15, and universalism 13

I impact of Emang Basadi, in comparative perspective 124–128, on laws and policies 69–93, 95–128, and outcomes 97, on parliament 112, on political participation 95–128, on parliament (summary) 112–113 indigenous strength 36, 52 individual rights 14–18 influence of Beijing Conference on government of Botswana 67, 109, Inglehart, Ronald, and shift in values 29 inherent politicality of social movements 35–36 issue definition 73–77,

J Jackson, Robert, and Carl Rosberg, on characteristics of strong states 4, 40

K Kgotla (traditional) political system 1–2, 41, 43, 56, 128, 135 Khama, Seretse (first president of Botswana) 2, attitude toward interest groups 43–44, attitude toward women’s issues 76, nomination of women to Parliament by 83 Kidd, Puseletso (National Coordinator for Women in Law in Southern African–Botswana), on changing laws 112, on patriarchy in marriage 120 Kingdon, John, on government decisionmaking 69, on policy windows opening 93 Kokorwe, Gladys, MP, credits Emang Basadi with increase in women MPs 116, on rural perceptions of women MPs 116

210 Kalahari desert 1 Koma, Kenneth, BNF president, positive assessment of women’s movement by 101–102, on setting targets for women representatives 102 Kriesi, Hanspeter, measuring success of social movements 126, proactive and reactive substantive success of social movements 42–43

L law(s) in Botswana, amending those deemed discriminatory 108–109, common 46, 48, 53, constitutional 45–46, customary 46, 53, discriminatory 10, general 45, publication of drafts of 120, role of courts in affirming social movement goals 144, sources of 45–48, case 46, statute 46, those deemed discriminatory against women 47, 48, 104, 108–113, 118–119. See also BDP, BNP. lawyers in Botswana, 54 legal position of women in Botswana 45–48 legal rights and women in the law, workshops on, by Emang Basadi 75, 103 liberal democracy, Botswana as xv, 5 livestock 1

M Machangana, Keboise, executive director of Emang Basadi 100–101 Madisa, Motsei Athaliah (a founder of Emang Basadi), on Citizenship Act and other discriminatory laws 50–51, 56, on Botswana’s Beijing delegation being led by a man 117 mainstreaming gender, in National Gender Program 64 manifestos, from BDP and BNF addressing women’s rights 26, 66, 83, 104, 106–108, from Emang Basadi 66, 73, 76–80, 82, 83, 85, 104, 134–135, demands of Emang Basadi in 79, 104, reaction to women’s manifesto by BDP 79–80, 106–108, reaction to women’s manifesto by BNF

Index 107–108, women’s organizations affiliated with Emang Basadi manifestos 78 Marriage Act 104, 113 marriages, customary, in Botswana 120, types of and legality of, in Botswana 118–119 Masire, Quett (second president of Botswana), attitude toward interest groups 43–44, 60, attitude toward women’s issues 76 Maslow, A.H., on human needs, goals, or values 23, 28 maturing democracy, Botswana as 3, 8 Maundeni, Zibani (political scientist at University of Botswana), on Botswana as strong state 41, on disinterest about voting 86 Mazunga, Vivian, Women’s NGO Coordinator, on danger of Emang Basadi being subsumed by government 122 McAdam, Doug, on political opportunity structure 30, 133 McCarthy, John, and Mayer Zald definition of social movement 20, 21 Melucci, Alberto, on new social movement (NSM) theory 27–28 Mmegi 44, 58, 87 Metlhaetsile Women’s [legal] Information Center 52, 74 Midweek Sun 87 Migdal, Joel, and theory of “strong” and “weak” states 36–37, 40, 132–133 Milward, Brinton, and Wendy Laird, on issue definition and opportunity 76 Misztal, Bronislaw, and Craig Jenkins, on developed world pressure for citizen rights 62 Mogae, Festus (third president of Botswana), nomination of women to Parliament by 83, 85, 108 Molokomme, Athaliah (Botswanan lawyer and a founder of Emang Basadi) 50, 51,101, on importance of voter education 85, as first woman attorney general 138 Molyneux, Maxine, lack of examination of broader political implications 135

Index Motswana (Botswana citizen), and 53, woman’s wage protest 100

N Nasha, Margaret, Dr., chair of Women’s Inter-Party Caucus, on impact of caucus 117, 119 Nairobi Conference 74 National Policy on Women in Development, adoption of, by Botswana government 80, 113–114 National Women’s Coalition 104 new social movement (NSM), paradigm 25–28, and POS 31, 32–33 newspapers 44, coverage of Beijing Conference 63, 109, coverage of women’s movements 57, 61, 83, Daily News 61, Gazette, headlines in, by opposition to women’s movement 87, Midweek Sun 87, Mmegi 44, 58, 87, women’s issues, analysis of Daily News articles on 45, 56, 61, 71, 72–74, 83, 87, 88, 103, 105, 108, 139–140

O Olson, Mancur, on collective action 25 outcomes 6, 93, 126

P paradigm shift 74 parliamentary system of Botswana 2 Passy, Florence, on supranational political opportunities 59 patriarchy/patriarchal society xv, 7, Botswana as xv, 51, 55, 89–90, 116, 120, 121. See also patrimonialism patrimonialism xvii Phumaphi, Joy, Minister of Health, on appropriate terminology for mental illness 119 Piven, F. Francis, and Richard Cloward, on consequences of concessions 93, on negative outcomes 6, 93, 126 Platform for Action 60 Political discourse 64, 65, 85 political education/empowerment strategy of Emang Basadi 56, 76–80, 82–85, 86–87, 91, 103–104, 116, 123, 141, Political Education Project

211 56, 76–80, 82–85, 86–87, outcome of project 91 political mobilization by Emang Basadi 85–88 political opportunity structure (POS), as analysis tool 35–48, 128, and Emang Basadi 54–56, and indigenous strength 52–54, and international movements 59, propositions related to 49–50, and social movements/ women’s activism 49–50, 64, 134 political process model/theory 29–32, 59, 96– 97, and access responsiveness 97– 193, 118, 124–125, and agenda responsiveness 97, 103–108, 118, 124–125, and impact responsiveness 97, 118–120, 124–125, indicators 98, and output responsiveness 97, 113–118, 124–125, and policy responsiveness 97, 98, 108–113, 117–118, 124–125, use of, in this study 97, 130–131 Pollis, Adamantia, and human rights framework 14 postmaterialism 27–29 pre-colonial social organization 16 proactive success of social movements 43, 131–132 propositions 9–10 protest cycle analysis 91–92 public policy/policy process, impact of social movements on xviii, 69 punctuated equilibrium, as applied to politics 7, in democratic societies 137 Putnam, Robert, on social capital xvii, concept of two-level games for domesticinternational interaction 63

R radical to institutionalized tactics, change from 92, by Emang Basadi 92, 142 reactive success of social movements 43,132 referendum 55, 56 research questions 10–11 resource mobilization theory 24–25, 30 Riker, William, on disequilibrium 91 Rochon and Mazmanian on types of success 6 role of the state in social movements 35–48 rural areas 5, 116

212 S saliency of issues 11, 69–73, 79, 143 Selolwane, Onalena Doo (a founder of Emang Basadi) 50–51, 52, 55, 56, on importance of voter education and the vote 85, 123, on radicalization of women’s issues in context of world movement for women’s emancipation 74 Seretse, Tebelelo, Minister of Finance, on Emang Basadi’s role as advocate for women 116 Setshwaelo, Ntombi (a founder of Emang Basadi) 50–51 silent revolution 27 Setswana (language of Botswana) See Tswana Snow, David, and Robert Benford, collective action frame as tool of analysis 80–82 social capital xvii social disequilibrium 11, 74–75 social movements, attributing causality for 95, Civil Rights Movement in U.S. 91, classical model 21–23, and cognitive liberation 31, and co-option by elites 6, creation of disequilibrium by 74, social movements (cont.) definition of 19–21, 129–130, and disruptive tactics 12, effect of Emang Basadi on, in Africa 129–144, hallmarks of effective 92, impact on public policy-policy process xviii, 69, as inherently political 35–36, and international environments 62, measurements of success of 6, 125, 127–128, outcomes of 6, 95–96, in Poland 91–92, political process model (q.v.), political opportunity structure (POS) (q.v.), problems defining 19–21, role of the state in 35–48, resource mobilization theory 24–25, 30, and saliency of issues 11, 70–73, 143, and significance to women 28–32, success of, proactive 131–132, success of, reactive 132, and tactful agitation 58, taking advantage of political structures by 128, theory of

Index success, lack of 96, variations on classical theory of 22 stable systems 11 state(s), African, as weak or strong 39–40, 144, Botswana as strong 4, 5, 48, 40–43, 48, 54, 132–133, 144, centralized and decentralized 38, nature of xviii, relationship of, to social movements 35–48, strength of xviii, 64, state capture 42, strong vs. weak xviii, 36–40, strong state theory 5, 144, strong state’s ability to weaken social movements 64, 97, 132–133, 144, weak, as favorable setting for collective action 144 status of children 53 strategies, appropriate xvi strong state(s) 36, 37, African 39–40, 144, Botswana as 4, 5, 48, 40–43, 48, 54, 132–133, 144, strong vs. weak xviii, 36–40, strong state theory 5, 144, strong state’s ability to weaken social movements 64, 97, 132–133, 144 success, lack of theory of 96, measures of 42– 43, procedural or substantive 42 surveys on role and impact of Emang Basadi 99–101

T tactful agitation 58, disruptive tactics 58 tactics, institutionalized 92, 142 Tarrow, Sidney, on access to political institutions 128, on internationalized social movements 60, on outcomes 125, on protest cycles 91–92 Temane, Bahiti (deputy speaker), liberal stance of 55, and Beijing Conference 63, 88, 117 testing strategy 11 Tilly, Charles, definition of a social movement 20, 21, 129, role of state and political protest (study of France) 59 time-series design 12, and Campbell’s The Connecticut Crackdown on Speeding 12 Touraine, Alain, on new social movement (NSM) theory 27

Index Tswana , society/culture xv, 2, 5, 8, 51, 58, 79, 121, 141.

U UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) xv, xvi, 133, 144, adoption of, by Botswana’s parliament 109–110, 112, Botswana’s reluctance to ratify 63, 104, 106–108, discrimination defined in 110 UN Decade for Women xvi, 49, Beijing Platform for Action, 1995, 60–61, bypass of UN Women’s Year and Decade by government of Botswana 75, influence of Beijing Conference, influence on government of Botswana of 67, 109, conferences 12, 59, Botswana’s Beijing delegation 62, 88, 109, 117, Nairobi conference, 1985 xvi, 7, 12, 49, 74 Universalists 13 University of Botswana, lecturers 50

V Verba, Sidney, and Gabriel Almond, on civic culture xvii

W weak civil society of Botswana 41, 48, 126, 132–133. weak state(s) 36, 37, African 39–40, 144, as favorable setting for collective action 144, strong vs. weak xviii, 36–40 Weber, Max xvii, 4 window dressing, government of Botswana’s 62 women(‘s), agitation by, in Botswana 73–75, Botswana 75, 77, 80, by Botswana courts, treatment of 114–115in Botswana government 75, 77, 80, empowerment of, in Botswana 64, first Botswana female attorney general 138, government of Botswana addressing major issues related to 138,

213 lack of Botswana government response to 73, laws in Botswana deemed discriminatory against 47, 48, 104, 108–113, 118–119, lawyers in Botswana 54, legal position of, in Botswana 45–48, movements 6, movements in Botswana, see Emang Basadi, movements in Africa 13, movements in U.S. 8–9, nomination of, toBotswana Parliament 83, 85, 108, passage of acts relating to, by Botswana government 89–90, 106, POS on activism by 49–50, 64, 134, public response to issues relating to, in Botswana 113, radicalization of issues of, in context of world movement for women’s emancipation 74 raising awareness of discrimination against, in Botswana 75, 104, rights, and African Charter on People’s Rights 18–19, rural perceptions of Botswana women (cont.) female MPs 116, significance to, of social movements 28–32, treated in Botswana as minors and second-class citizens xv, 2, 115. See also marriages, newspapers, social movements. Women in Law and Development in Africa (WIDLAF) 52, chapter in Botswana, on patriarchal customs 120 Women in Law in Southern Africa (WILSA) 52, 74 Women’s Affairs Unit 74, collaboration with Emang Basadi 75, elevation to governmental department 114, review of laws affecting women 110–112 Women’s Inter-Party Caucus 88–89, impact of 115–118 Women’s NGO Coalition 74 Women’s Rights 66, 83, 104, 106–108 Women’s Wing of Botswana Trade Unions 74 Zald, Meyer, on mobilization theory 25, 129. See also McCarthy, John, and Meyer Zald.

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