Sir Anthony Sherley and his Persian Adventure: Including Some Contemporary Narratives Relating Thereto (The Broadway Travellers)

SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY AND HIS PERSIAN ADVENTURE

THE BROADWAY TRAVELLERS

THE BROADWAY TRAVELLERS In 26 Volumes I An Account of Tibet Desideri II Akbar and the Jesuits du Jarric III Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada de Andrada IV The Diary of Henry Teonge Teonge V The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico del Castillo VI Don Juan of Persia Juan VII Embassy to Tamerlane Clavijo VIII The English-American Gage IX The First Englishmen in India Locke X Five Letters Cortés XI Jahangir and the Jesuits Guerreiro XII Jewish Travellers Adler XIII Memoirs of an Eighteenth Century Footman Macdonald XIV Memorable Description of the East Indian Voyage Bontekoe XV Nova Francia Lescarbot XVI Sir Anthony Sherley and His Persian Adventure Sherley XVII Travels and Adventures Tafur XVIII Travels in Asia and Africa Battúta XIX Travels in India, Ceylon and Borneo Hall

XX Travels in Persia Herbert XXI Travels in Tartary, Thibet and China Vol. I Huc and Gabet XXII Travels in Tartary, Thibet and China Vol. II Huc and Gabet XXIII Travels into Spain D’Aulnoy XXIV The Travels of an Alchemist Li XXV The Travels of Marco Polo Benedetto XXVI The True History of His Captivity Staden

SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY AND HIS PERSIAN ADVENTURE SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY

LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published in 1933 RoutledgeCurzon is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to http://www.ebookstore.tandf.co.uk/.” All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. The publishers have made every effort to contact authors/copyright holders of the works reprinted in The Broadway Travellers. This has not been possible in every case, however, and we would welcome correspondence from those individuals/companies we have been unable to trace. These reprints are taken from original copies of each book. In many cases the condition of these originals is not perfect. The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of these reprints, but wishes to point out that certain characteristics of the original copies will, of necessity, be apparent in reprints thereof. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Sir Anthony Sherley and His Persian Adventure ISBN Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-415-34486-7 (Print Edition) The Broadway Travellers

SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY Portrait from life made by Ægidius Sadeler in Prague, 1601

First published in 1933 Printed in Great Britain by Butler & Tanner Ltd., Frome and London

CONTENTS PAGE PREFATORY NOTE

xii

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION

xiii

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PART I. THE LIFE OF SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY

xxiii

1

PART II. NARRATIVES RELATING TO SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY’S JOURNEY INTO PERSIA: I The Anonymous True Report II William Parry’s New and Large Discourse, III Abel Pinçon’s Relation IV George Manwaring’s True Discourse

60 64 85 106

APPENDICES: I Extracts from Sir Anthony Sherley’s Relation II Two letters written by Sir Anthony Sherley from Russia III L’Entrée Solomnelle faicte à Rome

135 140 146

INDEX

149

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS MAPS FACING PAGE

OUTLINE MAP, SHOWING SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY’s JOURNEYS

1

SECTION OF DE L’ISLE’S MAP OF PERSIA

90

PLATES

SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY

Frontispiece

WISTON HOUSE

1

HUSAYN ‛ALI BEG

33

AN ATTACK BY PIRATES

69

SCENE IN THE COURT OF SHĀH ‛ABBĀS

75

SHĀH ‛ABBĀS I

97

PERSIAN PAINTING OF A EUROPEAN

119

SIR ROBERT SHERLEY

132

PREFATORY NOTE THE preparation of this volume has occupied the leisure hours of many years, in the course of which I have received much assistance from my friends. I take this opportunity of expressing my grateful thanks to: Professor Babinger, Professor Paul Pelliot, Sir William Foster, Mr V.Minorsky, Mrs Cecil Edwards, Miss Peggy Jacobson, Miss Elizabeth Symes and Miss Stella Buchanan. In accordance with the system followed in this Series, the punctuation and the spelling of English words have been modernized, but as a rule obsolete words have been retained, and where necessary, explained. With regard to foreign personal and place names, the spelling of the originals has been retained throughout, the modern transcriptions being given in square brackets on their first appearance, and occasionally elsewhere, while complete cross-references will be found in the Index. With regard to Anthony’s family name, I have adopted throughout the form Sherley which was generally employed by the Wiston branch of this house instead or the more usual form Shirley. The chief variants found in contemporary documents are Sherlie, Shierlie, Shirlie, and such foreign spellings as Scierley, Xerley, and Cherle.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION SIR THOMAS SHERLEY of Wiston, Sussex, by his marriage in 1559 with Anne, the daughter of Sir Thomas Kempe, had three sons, Thomas, Anthony, and Robert, all of whom were destined to lead exceptionally adventurous lives. Although these brothers seldom shared the same adventures, their biographers have always written of this “leash of brethren” jointly, and no separate life of any one of them has hitherto appeared. This circumstance has no doubt stood in the way of the individual celebrity of Anthony and of Robert, while it has preserved the memory of Thomas, whose career was of far less interest than those of his two brothers. It was the close association of Anthony and Robert with Persia that first aroused my interest in these brothers; and I have for many years been engaged in collecting new materials regarding them. As my researches proceeded, however, the documents began to multiply to such an extent that I came to the conclusion that it would be better to devote a separate work to each brother, and it was thus that I came to undertake the present volume on Sir Anthony Sherley for the Broadway Travellers Series. The main object of this Series has been to make accessible to the public narratives of travel and adventure with introductions and explanatory notes. The introductory matter in this volume occupies more space than usual, for I have reprinted in it a number of documents relating to Anthony Sherley’s career. I do not claim to have written a complete biography of Anthony Sherley, as many European archives still need to be closely examined before such a history can be written. On the eve of sending this book to press I received from my friend Professor Babinger of Berlin his very valuable Sherleiana, in which he has dealt in the most scholarly manner with two episodes in Anthony’s career, namely his journey from Moscow to Rome (1600–1) and his mission to Morocco (1605). Many of the sources he has drawn from were quite unknown to me, and as I have said above there still remain many others, notably in the archives of Vienna and Spain, which have not yet been examined. I hope this volume may be followed by one on Robert Sherley, in connection with whom I have collected a vast amount of unpublished materials. Of Thomas there are relatively few records, but I intend to publish elsewhere a sketch of his life together with the diary he kept on his way home from Constantinople after being held prisoner by the Turks for three years (1603–6). This diary is preserved in the Archbishop’s Library at Lambeth Palace. The earliest sources for the lives of all three brothers are the following:— 1. The first work to be written on the subject of the Sherleys was The Three English Brothers by Anthony Nixon, which appeared in 1607. This black-letter print is a compilation derived from a variety of sources without acknowledgement; among them being the Lambeth Palace MS. above referred to, and William Parry’s Discourse from which several passages are quoted verbatim. Nixon cannot always be relied upon, and in many cases his narrative is in conflict with the facts since established.

2. In 1632 Sir Thomas Shirley of Bottlebridge completed his Genealogicke Historie of the House of Shirley1 which contained every kind of record he was able to collect of the various branches of the Shirley family. It was probably first written in English, but there was also a Latin version. It was divided into ten books, of which the ninth and tenth were devoted to the Sussex branches of the family. These books are unfortunately missing from the English MS.Harleian 4928, but they are to be found in the Latin MS. Harleian 402 3. A two-leaf fragment from the missing books has found its way into the British Museum MS. Lansdowne 870 (f. 77) and is an extract from the life of Anthony. I quote this extract on page 7. Sir Thomas Shirley of Bottlebridge seems to have derived his information regarding Anthony’s Persian journey from Nixon, to whose statements he has nothing to add. 3. In 1825 there appeared anonymously a little book entitled The Three Brothers which is composed of selected passages from Parry, Nixon, the Harleian MS. 4023, Anthony’s Relation, Manwaring’s True Discourse, Hakluyt, and Purchas. A Persian translation of this book was published in Teheran in A.H. 1330 (A.D. 1912).2 4. In 1841 Evelyn Philip Shirley, a member of the Eatington branch of the family, printed privately his Stemmata Shirleiana which contains the annals of all the branches of the family. It is mainly based on the genealogical history referred to above, but also contains a great deal of additional information and many illustrations. A revised edition of this work appeared in 1873. 5. In 1848 Evelyn Philip Shirley published for the Roxburghe Club The Sherley Brothers, which is a model of fine scholarship, and in every way the most important contribution to the subject which has hitherto appeared. The learned author was the first to consult the many papers contained in our Record Office bearing on the lives and adventures of Thomas, Anthony, and Robert Sherley. Although as I have said there has never yet appeared any work dealing separately with the whole career of Anthony Sherley, there are several narratives, including his own, which describe his journey into Persia, and two which describe his journey from Persia to Moscow. One of these carries the story down to the arrival of Anthony in Rome. I shall enumerate these chronologically according to the date of their publication, although this does not always represent the order in which they were written. 1. In 1600 there appeared in London, only to be immediately suppressed, A True Report of Sir Anthony Sherley’s Journey, printed by R.B(lore) for J.J(aggard).1 The story of this little work is involved in considerable mystery. In the catalogue of the British Museum we read that this pamphlet was printed from the report of “two gentlemen who have followed him (Sir Anthony Sherley) the whole time of his travels and are lately sent 1

See Bibliography. Sir Thomas wrote under the pseudonym of Thomastos Cololeimon Philopatron. The Greek pseudonym Cololeimon seems to be based on the notion that the first syllable of the name Sherley is connected with the verb “to shear”—the Greek meaning “docked”. It is actually derived from the Old English scir, “bright”, and lēah, “a grove”. 2 See Bibliography. 1

It was William and Isaak Jaggard who printed the First Folio of Shakespeare’s plays which is dated November 8th, 1623.

by him with letters into England, September 1600”. We know that William Parry was in that year sent by Sir Anthony with letters to England, but we do not hear that he had a companion on this journey. In the registers of the Stationers Company we find entered on the 23rd of October, 1600, among the miscellaneous memoranda that Ra. Blore and J.Jaggar (or Jaggard) were fined 6s. 8d. “for printing without licence, and contrary to order, a little book on Sir Anthony Sherley’s voyage”. They were also directed “to bring all the copies to the Hall” so that they might be confiscated and cancelled. Nevertheless it apparently had to be suppressed a second time, on September 7th, 1601. Parry’s work, according to the imprint of the publisher, did not appear until 1601, but even this is not certain, as he mistakenly gives September 1601 as the date of his arrival in London, whereas it must have been 1600. Seeing that this True Report contains three documents of considerable interest which do not occur in Parry, it is conceivable that this little pamphlet was based on papers taken from Parry and used without his permission. The documents in question are (1) Anthony’s Oration to the Shāh in Qazvīn (which he made in Italian); (2) his letters of credence from the Great Sophi to the Christian princes1; and (3) the free privileges obtained by Anthony from the Great Sophi for all Christians to trade and traffic in Persia. It is curious to note, however, that the True Report ends with Anthony’s arrival in Prague, a circumstance not mentioned by Parry. The fact that Parry’s account was entitled “New and Large Discourse” seems to suggest that the True Report had obtained some currency before its suppression. Only three copies of this pamphlet are apparently known to exist, one in the British Museum (G. 6674), another in Lambeth Palace, and a third in the possession of William Jaggard, Stratford-on-Avon. 2. In 1601 appeared the New and Large Discourse by William Parry, in which he gives a first-hand account of the whole of Anthony’s journey from London to Venice, Venice to Ispahān, Ispahān to Moscow, and Moscow to Vlieland, where he left Anthony and proceeded to England. Purchas in his Pilgrimes gives a curtailed version of the earlier portion of Parry’s discourse, and it is by this that the work has been chiefly known, although the whole Discourse was privately reprinted by J.Payne Collier in 1864.1 3. In 1651 was printed for the first time Abel Pinçon’s narrative, though it must have been written shortly after the death of the Czar Boris Gudonov in 1605. This most interesting and important journal entitled Relation d’un Voyage faict es années 1598 et 1599 was edited and published by C.N.Morisot in 1651 in a volume entitled Relations Veritables et Curieuses …etc. The editor of this collection gives no indication either of the author of the narrative, nor of its origin. The document appears from one passage to be actually a letter or journal addressed to a friend whose identity it might be possible to discover, for he says (on p. 163), when speaking of the Muslims, “I know that you have more knowledge of these things than all those who have written about them,” The only fact that can be gathered from the narrative itself is that the writer was obviously serving Anthony Sherley in the capacity of major-domo; for on two occasions, both at Qazvīn 1

The Italian (original?) version of this letter is reprinted by Schefer in his edition of du Mans (see Bibliography). 1

Illustrations of English Literature, London, 1863–4, 2 vols.

and at Astrakhan, he is sent forward to announce the arrival of the party and to make ready their lodgings. On page 151 we read: “On the twenty-seventh of the said month I started in haste with Ange [Angelo], who was our interpreter and another who was a servant of the said lord in order to reach Qazvīn, and prepare the house for him.” In Manwaring’s narrative (p. 200) we read: “So, passing along the country and being in safety, Sir Anthony sent Angelo, our guide, accompanied with an English gentleman, whose name was John Ward, some days’ journey before us to Qazvīn, in secret, to provide us of a lodging, and to attend our coming two or three miles from the city, somewhat late in the evening, and so to convey us to our lodgings.” There is, we see, no mention of a third person being sent forward. However, on p. 222 Manwaring says that when the main party, who had been supplied with fourteen horses, accompanied the Shāh from Qazvīn to Ispahān they left “the rest of the company behind us under the conduct of Mr Abell Pinson, who was then Steward to Sir Anthony”. It is clear therefore that the author of this anonymous narrative was Mr Abel Pinçon, and if further proof were needed it is to be found in a letter addressed by Mr Winwood to Sir Robert Cecil dated Paris, November 15th, 1601,1 which runs as follows: Mr Winwood to Mr Secretary Cecyll RIGHT HONOURABLE, According to your Honour’s direction, I have sent over the party whose name is Abel Pinçon, with a desire full of hope that his diligent and faithful endeavours may give that satisfaction which the charge wherein he is employed doth require. He hath in his younger years lived and studied in England; since travelled in Italy, from whence Sir Anthony Sherley debauched him into Persia; from whom, upon unkind treatment, he departed in Muscovy.2 Your Honour will find him to be of a good spirit, and though he hath run some wild courses, now more settled and not injudicious. The instruction he shall receive from Your Honour will much enable him, and make him fully capable of this employment; the which I do the rather presume, because he seemeth so sincerely to protest for his vigilancy and fidelity in this service. I have often conferred with him, and cast all doubts and difficulties in his course. The greatest are to find a good pretext to colour his abode, among a people jealous and suspicious of strangers, who seldom travel in these parts for their particular pleasures, without some subject of business and affairs. Then, for a speedy and sure convoy for his letters. It were to be wished that he could find some address to give him a more speedy entrance into the knowledge and practice of these affairs, whereupon we have disputed, whether it were not convenient for him to go from hence to Genoa, and there to make abode for one or two months; in which time (by reason of the continual intercourse,) he might insinuate himself into the friendship and favour of some, either Genoese or Spaniard, whereby he may greatly advance the service. 1

See Winwood’s State Papers, Vol. I, 359. This curious remark throws some light on the reason for Pinçon’s narrative breaking off abruptly in Russia. 2

I have particularly talked with him about his entertainment, wherein he wholly referreth himself to your Honour’s discretion, yet he thinketh his expense cannot be less than a French crown by the day. I have delivered him for his journey, and to put him in equipage, thirty crowns. I have despatched the Milanese with a few crowns, but with good contentment, upon an attestate under my hand, that he made me privy to his voyage, and that his services should be worthily rewarded. I have advised this person not to stir out of his lodging until your Honour shall call for him. And besides assured him that no other of Her Majesty’s Council shall be acquainted with his employment; to the end that he might understand that his safety did principally consist in his own sober carriage and the discreet government of himself. And so for this time I humbly take my leave. Your Honour’s in all duty humbly to be commanded. RALPH WINWOOD. The French of Pinçon’s narrative is by no means free from errors and is often obscure. For this reason I have in my English translation always indicated doubtful passages and expressions by quoting from the original, As for the proper names, seeing that this narrative was printed presumably after his death, we cannot always be sure of the form he originally gave them. 4. George Manwaring’s True Discourse, etc. This account begins with Anthony’s journey to Italy and ends with his departure from Ispahān. The MS. ends with the words “and so much for that part”, which seems to imply that he remained with the embassy and intended to continue his narrative, as does also the promise he makes to recount the villainy of the false friar (see p. 226). Nothing more, however, has been discovered, and he is never heard of again. The original MS. which is preserved in the British Museum (Sloane 105) was partly published in the Retrospective Review, Vol. II, 1820, and in its entirety in the anonymous work entitled The Three Brothers referred to above. 5. In 1613 Anthony Sherley’s own account of his journey into Persia was published by an anonymous editor in London. This work, which Anthony apparently handed over in 1611 to his brother Robert in Spain, appeared in 1613, and has never since been republished, although it was summarized by Purchas (see Bibliography). There is a manuscript in the Bodleian Library containing the text of this Relation, and although this appears to be the copy approved for the purposes of licence, for it bears the following note at the end: “Januarie xxth, 1612. Let it be printed.” and is signed “Gervase Nid”, and “John Harison”1: it does not seem to be the copy which was sent to the press, as it contains several variants from the printed edition and bears no sign of having been in the printer’s hands. In this manuscript whole passages have been erased, and several words changed, apparently by the censors. This strange and prolix composition contains less than the other narratives of actual events and happenings, having been written—to quote the words of the anonymous author of The Three Brothers (p. 23)—“rather for the purpose of displaying his 1

Bodleian MS. Ashmole 829. Gervase Nid was a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and probably an official of the Bishop of London. John Harrison was a warden of the Stationers Company.

knowledge on the subject of government and politics, than of describing his adventures: and abounds more with pompous argumentation and tedious ethical reflections, than with interest or amusement”. For this reason, although the Relation contains a great deal of good sense and reveals above all a rare understanding of Oriental politics, I have decided not to reprint it here. I have however given in the Appendices two extracts from this work which offer characteristic examples of Anthony Sherley’s style. The first is a description of Shāh ‛Abbās’s internal administration, and the second an account of Farhād Khān’s treacherous behaviour at the battle of Ribāt-i-Pariyān. Both these passages are of interest to students of Persian history. Anthony obviously attached far less importance to recounting his personal adventures than to describing the political conditions he found in Persia. The two objects he had in view were: to extol the greatness of Shāh ‛Abbās, who had in 1600 been thirteen years on the throne; and to explain why ‛Abbās was in favour of an alliance with the princes of Christendom. Thus out of 139 pages of the original edition 34 are devoted to the history of Shāh ‛Abbās and 40 to the arguments adduced for and against the mission to Europe, including the Shāh’s interview with the Turkish envoy. We have no means of ascertaining either when Anthony wrote his Relation, or why he did not carry the narrative beyond his parting with the Shāh six miles outside Ispahān. The observations “To the Reader” prefixed to the edition of the Relation tell us that “a Gentleman of some understanding… obtained of the Persian Ambassador [i.e, Robert Sherley, who was in England in 1612] a copy of this discourse, penned by his brother Sir Anthony Sherley (as it seemeth) since his return out of Persia into Europe”. The editor further declares that “this discourse is but the former part”, and that “Sir Robert Sherley himself as time and opportunity shall give him leave, hath promised some addition of his own endeavours.” As far as we know Robert neither added to Anthony’s Relation nor did he ever describe his own adventures. All we have from Robert’s pen are two letters he addressed to Anthony from Persia which tell us very little about himself.1 We do not know who was responsible for the title-page of the 1613 edition, which bears the curious phrase “his honourable imployment there-hence, as Embassadour to the Princes of Christendome, the cause of his disappointment therein”, but this may possibly mean that Anthony had intended to describe his journey to Rome and the termination of his embassy there. The title-page also says: “Penned by Sir Anthony Sherley and recommended to his brother, Sir Robert Sherley, being now in prosecution of the like Honourable Imployment.” Robert Sherley did not leave Persia till 1608. In 1610–11 he was in Spain, and reached England in August, 1611, presumably carrying Anthony’s MS. with him. Anthony gives very lengthy reports of the speeches made by Shāh ‛Abbās, the Grand Vizir, Bustām Agha, Allah Vardi Khān, Tahmāsp Qulī Khān, and Muhammad Agha, the Turkish envoy. We should remember, however, first that Anthony knew practically no Persian, and that he relied entirely on the interpreter for his knowledge of what was said; and secondly that it is unlikely that the interview between the Shāh and the Turkish envoy was translated at the time for his benefit: at best he must have learnt afterwards what had passed between them. It is inconceivable that he really noted down 1

See The Sherley Brothers, Rox, Soc., pp. 56–9.

or remembered exactly what was said, and we can only presume that he allowed free play to his pen and his imagination when describing these interviews. According to Anthony’s own account he derived all his historical information from Shāh ‛Abbās himself. On p. 75 he says that, on the journey from Kāshān to Ispahān ‛Abbās told him “the whole history of those his fortunes which I have discoursed”. In another place, when referring to the King’s gracious speech to Farhād Khān, he adds “as the King himself told me”. Though it is quite likely that a man so deeply interested in politics as Anthony would have sought information on all hands, we may presume that Anthony’s historical matter was derived in the main from the Grand Sophi himself, and that it represents the history of the period as the chief protagonist felt it should be told. All we have to take for granted is that Anthony had a phenomenal memory and that he kept a notebook! It is unlikely that he had any clear idea of the dates of the events to which he refers prior to the victory of ‛Abbās over the Uzbegs in 1598, and his names and facts are in great disorder. He says, for example, that Shāh Tahmāsp died without issue and that Khudābanda was his brother; whereas Tahmāsp had three sons of whom two came to the throne, namely Isma‘il II (1576–1578) and Khudābanda who in 1587 abdicated in favour of his son ‛Abbās I. Among the separate writings devoted to Anthony must be included “A true relation of the voyage undertaken by Sir Anthony Sherley Knight in Anno 1596, intended for the Ile of San Tomé, but performed to S.Iago, Dominica, Margarita, along the coast of Tierra firma, to the Ile of Jamaica, the bay of the Honduras, 30 leagues up Rio Dolce, and homewarde by Newfoundland. With the memorable exploytes atchieved in all this voyage.” This anonymous narrative was apparently written by one of Anthony’s company and was first printed in 1599 by Hakluyt (see Glasgow ed. Vol. X, pp. 266–76). Besides these works which deal especially with Anthony Sherley there are various others which contain incidental references to him. Among these the two most important are the Relaciones de Don Juan de Persia, published in Valladolid in 1604, and the Ralaçam em que se tratam as Guerras e grandes victorias …etc., by Antonio de Gouvea, published in Lisbon in 1611. The Relaciones of Don Juan is a very important and interesting work, and was apparently unknown to Evelyn Philip Shirley. It gives the journey of Anthony from Ispahān to Rome. Don Juan, the name assumed by Uruch (Ulugh?) Beg after his conversion to Christianity, was first secretary to Husayn ‘Ali Beg, the joint ambassador sent with Anthony by Shāh ‛Abbās to Europe in 1599. He was the son of Sultān ‛Ali Beg, a nobleman of the Bayat family who had raised a regiment of 300 horse at his own expense. After the siege of Tabrīz in 1585, when Sultān ‛Ali Beg was killed, his son, the future Don Juan, was honoured by the Shāh Khudābanda with promotion to the command of a squadron of cavalry. His narrative was dictated to a friend in Spanish from the notes he had himself kept in Persian. It will be observed that he always takes the part of his fellow countryman against Anthony in the disputes which arose between these two envoys from Persia. He is indeed inclined to ignore Anthony’s official position except when occasion offers for maligning him. This work has been translated into English and edited by Mr Guy Le Strange for the Broadway Travellers Series (1926), The author of the Relaçam, Antonio de Gouvea, was born about 1575. As a young man he entered the Order of St. Augustine and in 1597 was sent to Goa. Five years later he was sent to the court of Shāh ‛Abbās, bearing a letter from Philip III. He travelled by

sea to Hormuz and thence overland to Meshed where he found Shāh ‛Abbās encamped. It was there he first met Robert Sherley, who was attached to the court. In February, 1603, Gouvea returned to Goa bearing the reply of the Shāh to the King of Spain. In 1608 he again visited Persia, and in the following year accompanied Dengiz Beg on his mission to Philip III and Pope Paul V. He returned to Persia in 1613 with Dengiz Beg, who was executed by the Shāh for sundry treasonable and disrespectful acts of his in Spain. Gouvea, for his part, was thrown into prison on the charge of illicit trading during his mission. Escaping from captivity, Gouvea found his way across Persia to Alexandretta where he took ship only to be captured by pirates off the coast of Sardinia. Not until 1620 was he ransomed and able to reach home. He shortly after became Bishop of Cyrene, and died in 1628. Gouvea was a good historian, and his Relaçam contains many interesting details regarding Anthony and Robert Sherley. In his Glorioso Triunfo he gives a full account of Nicolas de Melo, the Augustinian friar who accompanied Anthony Sherley from Ispahān to Moscow. Gouvea’s works also were unknown to Evelyn Shirley. The Rev. John Cartwright in his Preacher’s Travels published in 1611 has an interesting passage on Anthony’s experiences in Persia. Cartwright left Aleppo on July 7th, 1600, with John Mildenhall, and did not reach Persia till long after Anthony had started on his mission, and therefore only speaks of Anthony from hearsay. His account is chiefly valuable for the purposes of this book for the list it gives of the gentlemen left behind in Persia with Robert Sherley.1 An account of Anthony’s mission to Morocco occurs in a rare pamphlet on the history of Barbary written by Ro(bert) C(hambers) in 1609, from which I have reprinted Chapter XI.2 A slightly abridged version of this pamphlet was included in Purchas’s Pilgrimes, and the whole was reprinted in the monumental work of Count Henri de Castries: Sources Inédites de l’Histoire du Maroc,3 which contains a wealth of information regarding Anthony at this period. Finally among the sources for Anthony’s life must be included a treatise in Spanish written by Anthony himself in 1622 for the great Spanish minister Count Duke Olivares, of which the only known copy is MS. Egerton 1824 in the British Museum. Apart from the entries in the Egerton Catalogue, and in Don Pascual de Gayangos’s Catalogues of Spanish Manuscripts in the British Museum (4 vols. London, 1875–93, Vol. II, p. 16), attention was never called to this document till the appearance of De Castries’ Maroc (Series I, Angleterre, Vol, II, p. 543) in 1925. Egerton 1824 is a manuscript in folio containing 144 leaves. It is written on a paper bearing a watermark which I have found recorded as early as 1624; and there is no reason why it should not have been in existence in 1622 (the date of this composition). I feel convinced that this is the original and unique copy, and that it was taken down by a Spanish clerk from Anthony’s dictation. Many of the mistakes in the spelling of proper names could not have been made by Anthony himself. The full title on f.I.a is as follows: Pesso polytico de todo el Mundo por el Conde Don Anttonio Xerley. Al Exmo Senor Conde Duque de Olivares del Consejo de Su Magd su Sumiller de Corps y su 1

See p. 24. See pp. 62–67. 3 See Bibliography. 2

Caballerizo Mayor. It is a political review of the different European, African and Asiatic states in relation to Spain, at the beginning of Philip IV’s reign, including remarks on their power, resources, alliances, etc. It contains a Preface dedicated to Olivares, twentyseven chapters on various countries, and at the end a discourse addressed to Olivares in confirmation and explanation of the political and mercantile considerations contained in the foregoing chapters, and ends with the following words: “Granada, y Noviembre 2 de 1622 años. Finis coronatopus”1 De Castries (loc.cit.) prints the chapter of this work dealing with Barbary, which occupies fols. 79a–82b. Such then are the main works dealing with Anthony Sherley. Some of the most important of these books and pamphlets I have enumerated above are so hard to procure to-day that I have decided to reprint them in full, and although a certain amount of repetition is thereby involved, I feel that a useful purpose will be served by bringing them together in a handy form both by reason of their own merits and for purposes of comparison. I have therefore reprinted in Part II of this volume the True Report of 1600; the narratives of Parry, Manwaring, and Pinçon (in translation). As Appendices I have reprinted two extracts from Anthony’s Relation; two letters written by Anthony from Russia in 1600, which were first published in Evelyn Shirley’s Sherley Brothers; and a curious little pamphlet entitled L’Entrée Solomnelle faicte à Rome aux Ambassadeurs du Roy de Perse, le cinquième Auril mil six cens un.1 This brochure comprising twelve pages describes not only the entrance of the Ambassadors Anthony Sherley and Husayn ‛Ali Beg into Rome, but also their quarrels regarding precedence. As I have already stated, much investigation still remains to be made in printed books and in manuscript archives for information regarding Anthony Sherley. In the Bibliography which here follows, I have only enumerated those documents which I have myself consulted. Many additional references will be found in Professor Babinger’s Sherleiana. In addition to an outline map showing the various journeys made by Anthony Sherley, I have, in order to illustrate the narratives of his travels in Syria, Iraq, and Persia, reproduced a section of de l’Isle’s map of Persia made in 1724, since this is the best map known to me which gives the old place-names and spellings used by travellers in those countries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Many of these names have entirely disappeared from more modern maps, The only authentic portrait of Sir Anthony Sherley is the engraving made by Aegidius Sadeler in Prague in 1601. The bust preserved in All Souls College, Oxford, was made in 1740 from this engraving.2

1

1

Catalogue of Egerton MSS., 2 vols. Vol. I, p. 890.

See below, p. 46, and Bibliography. Babinger in his Sherleiana (p. 21 n) has an interesting note on the Sadeler portrait and its copies and reproductions. 2

BIBLIOGRAPHY PART I. ANTHONY SHERLEY. ANON. A True Report of Sir Anthony Shierlie’s Iourney ouerland to Venice, frõ thence by Sea to Antioch, Aleppo, and Babilon, and soe to Casbine in Persia: his entertainmnt there by the great Sophie: his Oration: his letters of Credence to the Christian Princes: and the Priuiledg obtained of the great Sophie for the quiet passage and trafique of all Christian Marchants throughout his whole Dominions. (Reported by two gentlemen who haue followed him in the same the whole time of his trauaile, and are lately sent by him with Letters into Englande. Sept. 1600.) London, 1600. R.B. for I.I. Also in abridged form in Purchas, q.v., Vol. VIII. BABINGER, Franz. Sherleiana. 1. Sir Anthony Sherley’s persische Botschaftsreise (1599–1601). 2. Sir Anthony Sherley’s marokkanische Sendung (1605–6). Berlin, 1932. Entree Solemnelle faicte à Rome aux ambassadeurs du Roy de Perse, le 5 auril 1601. Paris, I. & P.Mettayer, 1601. 12 pages 80.1 HAKLUYT Richard. (See Bibliography, Part III: The Principal Navigations… etc.) A True Relation of the Voyage undertaken by Sir Anthony Sherley Knight in Anno 1596. Intended for the Ile of San Tomé, but performed to S.Iago, Dominica, Margarita, along the coast of Tierra firma, to the Ile of Jamaica, the bay of the Honduras, thirty leagues up Rio Dolce and homewarde by Newfoundland. With the memorable exploytes atchieved in all this voyage. Glasgow, 1903–5. Vol. X. Also in abridged form in The Three Brothers, 1825, pp. 18–2.1. MANWARING, George. A True Discourse of Sir Anthony Sherley’s Travel into Persia, what accidents did happen in the way, both going thither and returning back; with the business he was employed in from the Sophi: written by George Manwaring, Gent., who attended on Sir Anthony all the Journey. The greater part was first printed in the Retrospective Review, Vol. II. London 1820. The whole was printed in The Three Brothers, 1825. PARRY, William. A New and Large Discourse of the Trauels of Sir Anthony Sherley, Knight, by Sea and ouer Land to the Persian Empire. Wherein are related many straunge and wonderfull accidents: and also the Description and conditions of those Countries and People he passed by: with his returne into Christendome. Written by William Parry, 1

At the foot of the title-page there is a note saying “Iouxte la copie imprimée à Lyon par Iaques Roussin.” There was also an edition printed at Rouen. See Moïse Schwab, Bibliographie de la Perse. Paris, 1875.

Gentleman, who accompanied Sir Anthony in his Trauells. London. Printed by Valentine Simmes for Felix Norton, 1601. An abridged version was printed by Purchas, q.v., Vol. VIII, and also appeared in The Three Brothers, 1825. The whole work was privately reprinted by J.Payne Collier in Vol. II of his Illustrations of English Literature. London, 1864. [PINÇON, Abel.] Relation d’un Voyage de Perse faict és années 1598 et 1599 Parun gentilhomme de la suitte du Seigneur Scierley, Ambassadeur du Roy d’Angleterre. Paris, 1651. 40. See under MORISOT in Part III of this Bibliography. SHERLEY, Sir Anthony. His Relation of his Travels into Persia, the Dangers and Distresses which befel him in his Passage, both by Sea and Land, and his strange and unexpected Deliuerances, his magnificent Entertainement in Persia, his Honorable Imployment therehence as Embassadour to the Princes of Christendome, the Cause of his Disapointment therein, with his Aduice to his Brother, Sir Robert Sherley. Also a true Relation of the great Magnificence, Valour, Prudence, Iustice, Temperance, and other manifold Vertues of Abas, now King of Persia, with his great Conquests, whereby he hath inlarged his Dominions. Penned by Sir Anthony Sherley, and recommended to his Brother, Sir Robert Sherley, being now in Prosecution of the like Honorable Imployment. London. Printed for Nathaniell Butter and Ioseph Bagfet, 1613. An abridged version was published by Purchas, q.v., Vol. VIII, pp. 375–441. SURTEES, Frederick Scott. William Shakespeare of Stratford on Avon: his epitaph unearthed, and the Author of the Plays run to ground. Hertford, 1888. Privately printed. VAN DER AA, P. Opmerkelyke Reystogten van den heer Antony Sherley gedaan in den Jare 1599, na Persien en van daar als Gesant aan de Kristen Vorsten afgesonden. Door hem selfs aan sijn broeder Robert Sherley geschreven; die insgelijx van de Persise Koning in Ambassade is afgevaardigt geworden. Nu aldereerst uyt het Engels vertaald, en met nodige Print-Tafereelen en Registers verrijkt. Leyden, 1706.

PART II. THE THREE BROTHERS. ANON. The Three Brothers; or, the Travels and Adventures of Sir Anthony, Sir Robert, and Sir Thomas Sherley, in Persia, Russia, Turkey, Spain, etc., with Portraits. London, 1825. A Persian translation of the above was made by Hovhannes Khān Mossaed1 and printed in Teheran, A.H., 1330 (A.D. 1912). NIXON, Anthony. The Three English Brothers, Sir Thomas Sherley his Trauels, with his three yeares imprisonment in Turkie, his Inlargement by his Maiesties Letters to the 1

This learned Armenian enjoyed a long and honourable career in the Persian diplomatic service, and was successively Ambassador in Berlin, London, and Tokyo. He was a great scholar and student of literature. His translation of all Shakespeare’s plays into Armenian is a classic. He also translated several of the plays into Persian. He died quite suddenly in Harbin on his way home from Tokyo on leave. The Soviet authorities, thinking that as Persian Ambassador he must be a Muslim, gave him a Muslim funeral. His remains were afterwards interned in the family vault in Persia.

great Turke; and lastly, his safe returne into England this present yeare; Sir Anthony Sherley his Embassage to the Christian Princes. Master Robert Sherley his wars against the Turkes, with his marriage to the Emperour of Persia his Neece. B.L. J.Hodgets. London, 1607. Reprinted in part as “anonymous” in The Three Brothers. SHIRLEY, Evelyn Philip. The Sherley Brothers, an Historical Memoir of the Lives of Sir Thomas Sherley, Sir Anthony Sherley, and Sir Robert Sherley, Knights. By One of the Same House. Chiswick, 1848. (For the Roxburghe Club.) SHIRLEY, Evelyn Philip. Stemmata Shirleiana; or the Annals of the Shirley Family, Lords of Nether Etindon, in the county of Warwick, and of Shirley in the county of Derby. London, 1841. 2nd Edition 1873. The Travailes of the Three English Brothers (A Play)—Sir Thomas, Sir Anthony, and Mr Robert Sherley, written by a Trinity of Poets, John Day, William Rowley, and George Wilkins. London, 1607. ASIATIC QUARTERLY REVIEW. The Sherley Brothers—James Hutton. London. Vol. IV. July-October 1887. CALCUTTA REVIEW. The Sherleys. Calcutta. Vol. 26 (No. LI). March 1856. DICTIONARY OF NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY. By (Sir) S(idney) L(ee). Vol. LII, pp. 121–4. GENTLEMAN’S MAGAZINE. The Three Shirleys. London. Vol. 22. NovemberDecember 1844, pp. 473–83, pp. 594–8. ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY’S JOURNAL. A Short Account of the Sherley Family. J.Briggs. London. Vol. VI (No. XI). 1841, p. 77 et seq. SUSSEX ARCHÆOLOGICAL COLLECTIONS. The Descent of Wiston with anecdotes of its possessors by Mark Antony Lower. Vol. V, pp. 1–28. London, 1852.

PART III. INCIDENTAL ALLUSIONS BELLAN, Lucien-Louis. Chah ‛Abbas I. Sa Vie, son Histoire. Paris, 1932. BERCHET, Guglielmo. La Repubblica di Venezia e la Persia. Ed. by C.Negri. Turin, 1865. BERCHET, Guglielmo. Raccolta Veneta. Collezione di documenti relativi alla storia, all’archaeologia, alla numismatica. Ed. by N.Barozzi. Venice. Series I, Vol. I, Pts. I–III (Pt. II, p. 7 et seq.), 1866. BIRCH, Thomas, D.D. Memoirs of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth from…1581 till her Death…from the original papers of. … A. Bacon Esq., and other manuscripts never before published. London, 1754. 2 vols. (Vol. I, pp. 455–8, 489–91.) BIRCH, Thomas, D.D. The Court and Times of James I, illustrated by authentick…letters, from various public and private collections (compiled by T.Birch, D.D.). London, Ed. by R.F. Williams. 1848. BROWNE, Edward G. A Literary History of Persia. Vol. IV, Persian Literature in Modern Times (A.D. 1500–1924), Cambridge, 1924.

Calendar of State Papers. Domestic Series. Vols. for 1591–1618. Edited by M.A.E.Green. London, 1857–70. Calendar of State Papers. Foreign Series—Venice, etc. Vols. IX–XII (1592–1613). London, 1897–1905. Holland and Flanders. Vol. X, Pts. II–IV (1586–8). London, 1927– 31. CARTWRIGHT, John. The Preachers Travels. Wherein is set downe a true Iournall, to the confines of the East Indies, through the great Countreyes of Syria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Media, Hircania, and Parthia. With the author’s returne by the way of Persia, Susiana, Assiria, Chaldaea, and Arabia. Containing a full suruew of the Knigdom (sic) of Persia: and in what termes the Persian stands with the Great Turke at this day: Also a true relation of Sir Anthonie Sherley’s entertainment there: and the estate that his brother M.Robert Sherley liued in after his departure for Christendome: with the description of a Port in the Persian Gulf, commodious for our East Indian Merchants, and a briefe rehearsall of some grosse absudities (sic) in the Turkish Alcoran. Penned by I.C. sometimes student in Magdalen Colledge, in Oxford. London, 1611. An abridged version was published by PURCHAS, Vol. VIII. CASTRIES, Henri de. Sources inédites de l’histoire du Maroc. Ire Série: Dynastie Saadienne (1530–1660). I. Archives et Bibliothéques de France, 3 vols. Vol. II, Paris, 1909. II. Archives et Biblrothèques des Pays-Bas. 6 vols. Vol. I. Paris, 1906. III. Archives et Bibliothèques d’Angleterre, 2 vols. Vol. II. Paris and London, 1925. CHAMBERLAIN, John. Letters written by John Chamberlain during the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Ed. by S.Williams. Camden Society, No. LXXIX. London, 1861. C(HAMBERS), Ro. A True Historicall Discourse of Muley Hamets rising to the three Kingdomes of Moruecos, Fes, and Sus. The dis-vnion of the three Kingdomes by ciuill warre, kindled amongst his three ambitious Sonnes, Muley Sheck, Muley Boferes, and Muley Sidan. The Religion and Policie of the More or Barbarian. The Aduentures of Sir Anthony Sherley, and diuer other English Gentlemen in those countries. With other nouelties. London, 1609. Also in abridged form in Purchas, q.v. Vol. VI; and the whole was reprinted by H. de CASTRIES, q.v., Sources Inédites…du Maroc, Ire Série III, Archives…d’Angleterre, pp. 318–408. CORBETT, Sir J.S. England in the Mediterranean. 2 vols. London, 1904. Vol. I, pp. 16–17. FOSTER, Sir William. Ed. Early Travels in India. London, 1921. Fugger News-Letters 1568–1605. Ed. by Victor von Klarwill. Authorized translation by Pauline de Chary. London, 1924. Fugger News-Letters. Second Series: being a further selection from the Fugger papers specially referring to Queen Elizabeth and matters relating to England during the years 1568–1605. Ed. by Victor von Klarwill. Translated by L.S.R.Byrne. London, 1926. FULLER. Thomas, D.D. The Worthies of England. Vol. III, pp. 107–8. London, 1662. GINDELEY, A. Rudolf II und Seine Zeit. Prague, 1862–6. GOUVEA, Antonio. Relaçam em qve se Tratam as Gverras e Grandes Victorias que Alcançou o grãde Rey da Persia Xá Abbas do grão Turco Mahometto, & seu filho Amethe: as quais resultarão das Embaixadas,

por mandado da Catholica & Real

Magestade del Rey D.Felippe segundo de Portugal fizerão algũs Religiosos da ordem dos Eremitas de S.Augustinho a Persia. Composto pello Padre F.Antonio de Gouuea Religioso da mesma ordem, Reitor do Collegio de Sancto Augustinho de Goa & professor da Sagrada Theologia. Dirigido a o Illustrissimo, & Reuerendissimo senhor Dom Frey Aleixo de Meneses Arcebispo de Goa, Primás, & Gouernador da India Oriental. Lisbon, 1611. GOUVEA, Antonio. Relation des grandes gverres et victoires obtenves par le Roy de Perse Cha Abbas contre les Emperevrs de Turqvie Mahomet et Achmet son fils. En svite dv voyage de qvelqves Religieux de l’Ordre des Hermites de S. Augustin enuoyez en Perse par le Roy Catholique Dom Philippe Second Roy de Portugal. Par le P.Fr. Anthoine de Govvea, Religieux du mesme Ordre, Recteur du College de S.Augustin de Goa, Professeur en Theologie. A l’illvstrissime et reverendissime Seigneur Dom F.Alexis de Meneses, Archeuesque de Goa, Primat et Gouuerneur de l’Inde Orientale. Traduit de l’original Portuguais, imprimé a Lisbonne avec Licence de l’Inquisition de l’Ordinaire et du Palais. Rouen, 1646. (Auec approbation et priuilège du Roy). GOUVEA, Antonio. Glorloso Triunfo de tres Martires Españoles dos Portugueses y frailes de la Orden de S.Agustin, y uno Castellano hijo de Madrid, etc. Madrid, 1623. An English translation of Chapter III dealing with the journey of Fra Nicolo de Melo was published by Mr Laurence Lockhart in the Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society, 1931. Part IV, p. 570. HAKLUYT, Richard. The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffics, and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Overland to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 Yeares. Glasgow, 1903–5. 12 Vols. Vol. X, pp. 266–76. HARLOW, V.T. Ralegh’s Last Voyage, being a critical account of his attempt to find gold in the Orinoco, and of his subsequent execution in England… etc. London, 1932. HARRISON, G.B. An Elizabethan Journal, being a record of those things most talked of during the years 1591–4. London, 1928. HARRISON, G.B. A Second Elizabethan Journal, being a record of those things most talked ofduring theyears 1595–8. London, 1931. HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW. The Spanish version of Sir Anthony Shirle’s Raid of Jamaica, 1597. Irene A.Wright. Vol. V, pp. 227–48. Baltimore, 1922. DON JUAN OF PERSIA. Relaclones de Don Ivan de Persia. Dirigidas a la Magestad Catholica de Don Philippe III Rey de las Españas, y señor nuestro. Divididas en tres libros, donde se tratan las cosas notables de Persia, la genealogia de sus Reyes, guerras de Persianos, Turcos, y Tartaros, y las que vido en el viaje que hizo a España: y su conuersion, y la de otros dos Caualleros Persianos. Valladolid, 1604. DON JUAN OF PERSIA. English Version. Don Juan of Persia: a Shi’ah Catholic (1560–1604). Translated and edited from the Castilian with an Introduction by Guy le Strange. London, “Broadway Travellers Series,” Routledge, 1926. KHEVENHÜLLER, Franz Christoph. Annales Ferdinandei, oder Wahrhaffte Beschreibung Kaysers Ferdinandi des Andern Mildesten Gedächtnis, Geburth, Aufferziehung und bisshero in Krieg und Friedens-Zeiten vollbrachten Thaten, geführten Kriegen, und vollzogenen hochwichtigen Geschäfften, samt kurzer Erzehlung deren in der gantzen Welt von höchstgedachter Käyserl. Majestät Geburthen biss auf derselben

seeligsten Hintritt, das ist von Anfang des 1578, biss auf das 1637 Jahr vorgelauffenen Handlungen und denckwürdigen Geschichten. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1721–4. LODGE, Edmund. Illustrations of British History, Biography and Manners in the reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary, Elizabeth and James I, exhibited in a series of original papers, selected from the manuscripts of the…families of Howard, Talbot, and Cecil:… with numerous notes and observations …with Portraits. 3 vols. Vol. III. London, 1791. MALCOLM, Sir John. A History of Persia from the most early period to the present time. London, 2 vols. 1815. MORISOT, Claude Barthélemy. Relations Veritables et Curieuses de l’Isle de Madagascar et du Brésil, avec l’Histoire de la derniere guerre fait au Brésil entre les Portugais et les Hollandois, trois relations d’Egypte et une du Royaume de Perse. Ed. by C.B.M. Paris. 2 parts. 1651. 40.1 See PINÇON (Bibliography, Pt. I). 1

These appeared all in one volume. The British Museum (press mark 566.e.8) has a separate volume containing Trois Relations d’Ægypte, et autres mémoires curieux des singularités du dit pays and [Abel Pincon’s], Relatlon d’un voyage de Perse faict és années 1598 et 1599.

MOULE, Thomas. Portraits of illustrious persons in English history. London, 1869. Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland. IV Abteilung. 17 Jahrhundert. Ed. Georg Bath. Pub. by the Königlich Preussisches Historisches Institut. Berlin, 1913. O’DONOGHUE, Freeman. Catalogue of engraved British Portraits preserved in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum. London, 1908–25. 4 vols. OLEARIUS, Adam. Persiaensche Reyse der Vorstelyke Gesanten uyt Holsteyn. Door Lyflant, Moskovien, Tartaryen in Persien. Amsterdam, 1651. Editions also appeared in German, French and English. ORTELIUS, Hieronymus. Chronologia, oder Historischebeschreibung aller Kriegs empörungen und belägerungen der Stätt…in Ober und Under Ungern…mit dem Türcken…etc. Nuremberg, 1602. OSSAT, Arnaud d’, Cardinal. Lettres de l’illustrissime…. Cardinal d’Ossat au roy Henry le Grand et à Monsieur de Villeroy depuis l’année 1594 à l’année 1604. Paris, 1624. There are several other editions. PASTOR, Ludwig von. Geschichte der Päpste. Vol. XI. Freiburg, 1927. English trans.: History of the Popes. Vols. XXIII– XXIV. London, 1933. PURCHAS, Samuel. Purchas His Pilgrimes, contayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells by Englishmen and others. (First printed London, 1624.) Glasgow, 1905–7. 20 vols. Vol. VI, pp. 54–108. A collection of Things most remarkable in the Historie of Barbarie, written by Ro. C. (See Ro. C(hambers).) Vol. VIII, pp. 375–441. A Briefe Compendium of the historie of Sir Antonie Sherley’s travels into Persia… etc. (See Pt. I, Sir Anthony Sherley.) Vol. VIII, pp. 482–523. Observations of Master John Cartwright in his Voyage from Aleppo to Hispaan and back again: published by himselfe, and here contracted. (See John Cartwright.) Vol. XX, pp. 24–33. The Voyage to the Iles of Azores, under the conduct of the Right Honorable Robert Earl of Essex, 1597.

Vol. XX, pp. 34–129. A larger Relation of the said Iland Voyage written by Sir Arthur Gorges, Kt. SANDERSON, John. The Travels of John Sanderson in the Levant, 1584–1602, with his Biography and Selections from his Correspondence. Ed. by Sir William Foster, C.I.E. London. Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1931. SCHEFER, Ch. Estat de la Perse En 1660, par le P.Raphäel du Mans. Supérieur de la Mission des Capucins d’Ispahan. Publié avec Notes et Appendice par Ch. Schefer. Including the letters of Pietro Duodo, Venetian Ambassador to Prague. Paris, 1890. SILVA Y FIGUEROA, Don Garcia de, Comentarios de D.Garcia de Silva y Figueroa de la Embajada que de parte del Rey de España Don Felipe III hizo al rey Xa Abas de Persia. Reprint of the edition of 1618 published by the Sociedad de Bibliofilos españoles, Madrid, 1903 and 1905. STEVENS, Henry. Dawn of British Trade to the East Indies, 1599–1603. Ed. by Henry Stevens. London, 1886. STLOUKAL, Karel. Projekt Mezindrodni ligy všeevropské s Persíiz konce XVI. století. This important article on the proposal for an international league between all Europe and Persia at the end of the XVIth century, appeared in the complimentary volume to Jaroslav Bidlo. Prague, 1928. Sydney Letters. Ed. Arthur Collins: Letters and Memorials of State in the reigns of… Queen Elizabeth, King James… Written and collected by Sir Henry Sydney… Sir Philip Sydney… Sir Robert Sydney…the Earl of Leicester… Philip Lord Viscount Lisle…and… Colonel Algernon Sydney… faithfully transcribed from the originals…collected from records, etc. by Arthur Collins, Esq. London, 2 vols. 1746. Vol. I, p. 359. Vol. II, pp. 35, 58, 79–80, 81. DELLA VALLE, Pietro. Delle Conditioni de Abbàs Rè de Persia. Venice, 1628. WADSWORTH, James: Ex-Jesuit. The English Spanish Pilgrime, or, a new Discoverie of Spanish Popery, and Iesuiticall Stratagems, With the estate of the English Pentioners and Fugitiues vnder the King of Spaines Dominions, and else where at this present. Also laying open the new Order of the Iesuitrices and preaching Nunnes, etc. London. Printed by T.C. for Michael Sparke. 1630. WINWOOD, Sir Ralph. Memorials and Affairs of State in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James I, collected (chiefly) from the original papers of… Sir Ralph Winwood. Ed. by Edmund Sawyer. London, 3 vols. 1725. Vols. II and III. XIVREY, Jules Berger de. Collection de Documents Inédits sur l’histoire de France: Receuil des Lettres Missives de Henri IV. Paris, 1853. ZINKEISEN, Johann Wilhelm. Geschlchte des Osmanischen Reiches in Europa. Gotha. 7 vols. 1840–63. (Vol. III, 1855. p. 581.)

PART IV. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES I. British Museum. Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla. Indiferente General Junta de Guerra, Consultas Originales, 1612 à 1618. Estante 147, cajon 5, legajo 17. Transcript: Addit. MSS. 36320, ff. 238 et seq. Genealogica Historia Domus de Shirley. Compiled by Sir Thomas Shirley of Bottlebridge, 1632. Harleian MSS. 4023, 4028, 4928, 6680. Harlelan MS. 4928 is in English and contains 8 books. Books IX and X of the original are missing. Harlelan MS. 4023 is in Latin, and is, with some variations, a Latin copy of Harleian MS. 4928, and includes Books IX and X, which deal with the Sussex branches of the Shirley family. Lansdowne MS. 870, f. 60:2 fragments from the books missing from Harleian MS. 4928; f. 77: another fragment of 2 leaves referring to Anthony Sherley, also from Harleian MS. 4928. MANWARING, George. A True Discourse of Sir Anthony Sherlys Trauell into Persia… etc. (see Bibliography Pt. I). Sloane MS. 105, f. 8. 35. XERLEY, Conde A. Pesso polytico de todo el Mundo por el Conde Don Anttonio Xerley [Shirley], Al Exmo Señor Conde Duque de Oliuares del Conssejo de Su Magd su Sumiller de Corps y su Cauallerizo Mayor. Dated Granada, 2nd November, 1622. Egerton MS. 1824, ff. 144.

II. Bodleian Library. SHERLEY, Sir Anthony. His Relation of his Travels into Persia… etc. (see Bibliography, Pt. I). Ashmole MS. 829, ff. 118–35.

III. Public Record Office. Various collections of Foreign and Domestic Records have been consulted in the Public Record Office, and reference to these will be found in the foot-notes. Those which have already been reproduced in The Sherley Brothers have been checked with their originals.

PART I THE LIFE OF SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY

WISTON HOUSE From a drawing taken in 1780, in the e Burrell Collection, British Museum

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I EARLY ADVENTURES. 1586–15981 AS already mentioned, Anthony Sherley was the second son of Sir Thomas Sherley of Wiston, Sussex. The first member of the Sherley family to reside at Wiston was Ralph Sherley, who was Sheriff of Surrey and Sussex in 1504. He died in 1510, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Richard Sherley, who was Sheriff of the two counties in 1515 and 1525, and died in 1540. His monument is still to be seen in the southern side of the church at Wiston. His eldest son William, who died in 1551, had two sons, Thomas Sherley of Wiston and Anthony Sherley of Preston. Thomas Sherley, who was born in 1542, was a man of some distinction. In 1573 he was knighted at Rye, Sussex, and in 1578 was in his turn Sheriff of Surrey and Sussex. In 1587 he was appointed Treasurer of War in the Low Countries, in which capacity he incurred the displeasure of the Queen. He had married in the year 1559 Anne, the daughter of Sir Thomas Kempe, of Ollantighe, Kent, by whom he had three sons, Thomas, Anthony, and Robert. Anthony was born in 1565. The two elder brothers matriculated into the University of Oxford in the beginning of 1579 and were sent to Hart Hall. It appears that Anthony took his Bachelor’s Degree at the end of 1581, and in the following year was elected Probationary Fellow of All Souls College. We have no positive record of his movements between that date and his appearance in 1586 as a soldier in the Low Countries, whither, according to the Harleian MS. 4023, he was summoned by his father who was already serving there. Anthony landed at Flushing where Sir Robert Sydney was the Commander of the Garrison. In the skirmish before Zutphen, in which Sir Philip Sydney was fatally injured, Anthony apparently displayed great courage. Some light is thrown on his activities between 1586 and 1588 by Anthony himself in his Spanish treatise Pesso polytico, to which I have referred in my Introduction, though the narrative is so carelessly written and some of its statements are so astonishing that I have not felt justified in discussing them without more study than I have up to the present been able to devote to this document, The most interesting of these statements occurs in the chapter on the Flemings (Los Reveldes), fos. 67b–77a. He here refers to his employment by the Earl of Leicester on a twofold secret mission to the Netherlands. In the first instance he carried letters apparently from Mary Queen of Scots and from Leicester to the Duke of Parma in Bruges. These letters, Anthony tells us, contained much abuse of Queen Elizabeth and the proposal that the Duke should strengthen his claim to the throne of England (“a qual reyno tenia un çierto derecho”) by marrying Mary Queen of Scots. Anthony obtained private access to the Duke by means of a letter from a Milanese merchant resident in London named Julio to his son who was in the service of the Duke. Having delivered these letters without his presence being discovered 1

For the details of the first thirty years of Anthony Sherley’s life I have mainly followed Evelyn Shirley, who supplies full references to his authorities.

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by Queen Elizabeth’s commissioners, who were at the time in Bruges, Anthony returned to Ostend whence he embarked for Middelburg in order to carry out the second part of his mission, for which he carried sealed orders only to be opened by himself on arrival there. These orders were to the effect that he should by means of bribes and presents stir up a mutiny among the garrisons of Middelburg and of other towns, which were mainly composed of English troops. Anthony was obviously romancing; but we must remember that he was writing in 1622, when his memory was no longer fresh, and that his main object was to impress the Spaniards with his own importance. In August, 1591, Queen Elizabeth dispatched an army to Brittany under the command of the Earl of Essex to aid Henry IV of France against the League, and in this army Anthony Sherley held a colonel’s commission. The force originally composed of 4,000 men ultimately dwindled through death and desertion to 1,000. Anthony, after two years’ campaigning—during which we hear that he distinguished himself, notably at the siege of Rouen in 1592—received in return for his services the Order of Saint Michael at the hands of the King of France, thereby committing treason against his own sovereign, Queen Elizabeth, who is reported to have said: “I will not have my sheep marked with a strange brand, nor suffer them to follow the pipe of a strange shepherd.” He was therefore recalled to be tried on this charge, and on his first examination on March 12th, 1594, was found guilty and made a prisoner of the Fleet but was released on a second examination which took place shortly afterwards, when he gave a satisfactory reply as to the manner of the oath he took when receiving the Order. His declaration, dated March 14th, is here reproduced as the earliest example of his style: Being demanded by Mr Cary from my Lord Keeper and my lord of Buckhurst, what solemn oath I took at the receiving the order of St Michael, as I answered their Lord-ships the other day, so I say still; that oath I took none, except the answer I made to the King’s demand were an oath, for book I had none presented me, to swear by, the effect of the king’s demand was, that I should promise in his hands never to bear arms against him for the service of any Prince Christian, but my Sovereign, or by her Commandment, and I did freely assure him: and then that I should never spot myself with any Infamy unworthy so high an order, as he termed it, which I did as liberally promise, as I mean to perform. This is all upon my life and reputation, so short a matter to be remembered, that I do assure the truth of the report of it. A.SHERLEY.1 This matter having been satisfactorily disposed of, Anthony seems to have rejoined the English contingent in France.

1

Harl. MS. 6996, p. 82, endorsed “Mr Sherley’s owne declaration.”

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About this time Anthony married Frances, the daughter of Sir John Vernon of Hodnet in Shropshire and Elizabeth Devereux, sister of Walter, Earl of Essex.2 The union was an unhappy one, and shortly after his return to England we find Anthony fitting out, in conjunction with his father and under the patronage of Essex, an expedition against the Portuguese settlement on the Isle of St. Thomé off the coast of Africa. Roland White in a letter to Sir Robert Sydney dated London, November 7th, 1595, says: “Sir Anthony Sherley goes forward on his voyage very well furnished, led by the strange fortune of his marriage to undertake any course that may occupy his mind from thinking on her vainest words.”1 Having completed his preparations, Anthony set out from Southampton on April 23rd, 1596, with nine ships and a galley. On reaching Plymouth, finding the Earl of Essex about to set out on his “Cadiz Action”2 he left with him three of his ships and 500 soldiers, and, with his fleet reduced to six ships, a galley and a pinnace, finally set sail from Plymouth on May 21st. On reaching Cape Verde in July, instead of going to St. Thomé he diverted his course to the West Indies. A full account of this voyage, which lasted fifteen months, was written by one of Anthony’s companions and printed by Hakluyt.3 A brief summary of this account made by Sir Thomas Sherley of Bottlebridge, is among the rare fragments of the English version of the chapters on the Sherleys of Wiston which have been preserved.4 It runs as follows: “This noble warrior, whose restless spirit was never satisfied with the acquisition of honour and renown, in the year of our Lord 1596 undertakes a voyage by sea for the Isle of San Tomé in the Indies; departed from Southampton the 23rd of April with nine ships, and a galley, all sufficiently victualled and furnished for ten months, and wellmanned with sailors, soldiers, and military forces under the dominance of this valorous knight their General. But after he had passed by the coast of Spain and arrived at Cape Verde, he fell extreme sick and therefore diverted his course from San Tomé to the West Indies, and arriving at the Isle of St Iagó and having recovered his strength, he landed his men and took the town of Praya with a little effort with eight brass pieces, and from thence marched to the city of St Iagó which after divers brave and fierce

2

Walter, Earl of Essex, married Lettice Knollys who subsequently married Robert, Earl of Leicester (after whose death in 1588 she married Sir Charles Blount). Anthony was thus connected by marriage with both Leicester and Essex. He calls Robert, Earl of Essex, his cousin, and in the Pesso Polytico (B.M.MS. Egerton, 1824, f. 71) he speaks of Leicester as mi tio (my uncle) and he further says in referring to his secret mission to the Netherlands: diome el pliego el Conde (i.e. Leicester) como a pariente mas confiado y nacido en su casa. 1 Sydney Letters (see Bibliography), Vol. I, p. 359. Evelyn Shirley says this is the only allusion to the marriage he has been able to discover. 2 The successful expedition which led to the capture of Cadiz in June, 1596. 3 Hakluyt, Vol. X, pp. 266–76. An abridged version appeared in The Three Brothers, 1825, pp. 18–21. 4 B.M.MS. Lansdowne 870, f. 77.

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squirmishes was by the excellent spirit, valour, and admirable military science of the General taken with the courageous enterprise after he had besieged the town two days; he departed from thence, and marched to his ships and shaped his course to Domenica an island in the West Indies. “And from thence he sailed to Margarita, and coasting from Capo de la Vela being bound for St Martha, he took a frigate laden with Guinea corn, linen-cloth, and had in her 500 pounds in money, all of which this brave liberal general bountifully bestowed on his soldiers and company, and arriving at St Martha he marched to the town, having had many brave and stout encounters and recovered his two brass pieces, put the enemy to flight and took the town St Martha. He sailed to Jamaica and made himself master both of the town and the whole island, the people submitting themselves to the mercy of this brave general. After all these exploits and enterprises at sea this brave Chevalier shaped his course for Newfoundland and from thence returned for England….” According to the writer of the Hakluyt narrative the expedition reached Jamaica on January 29th: “Here we landed and marched six miles into the country, where the town standeth; the people all on horseback made show of great matters, but did nothing. Now being masters of the town and the whole Isle, the people submitted themselves to our General’s mercy.” According to the Spanish archives1 the landing took place on February 4th at a point about two leagues from La Villa de la Vega (now Spanish Town), and, the inhabitants having fled in terror to the neighbouring woods, Anthony entered and sacked the town. Captain William Parker of Plymouth, the description of whose voyage follows immediately after Anthony’s in Hakluyt, says: “The second of March we met with Sir Anthony Sherley, who before our coming had taken the chief town in the Island and was now almost in readiness to depart.”1 On March 6th the two captains sailed away together, and after a number of adventures parted company at the end of April at Truxillo in Honduras. The remainder of Anthony’s voyage is thus described in the Hakluyt narrative:

1

In Vol. V of the Hispanic American Hlstorical Review (Baltimore, 1922), pp. 227–48, Irene A.Wright, in an article entitled “Spanish Version of Sherley’s Raid of Jamaica”, published, with English translation, a number of Spanish documents from the Archivo General de Indias in Seville bearing on the subject. 1

Hakluyt, Vol. X, p. 277. [By the merest coincidence the name and family of Shirley came later on to be intimately associated with the Island of Jamaica. The first resident seems to have been William Shirley of Port Royal in Jamaica (b. 1638, d. 1701), the grandson of Thomas Shirley of Preston and the brother of Sir Anthony Shirley, Bart., of Preston. The last representative was Leicester Colville Shirley, who was born in England in 1830 and succeeded to the family estates at Trelawney, Jamaica, in 1862. He took an active part in all public affairs on the Island, and died on October 21st, 1914.]

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“Being athwart Havana, by what chance I know not, but all his ships forsook him the 13 of May, and here in a desperate place he was left desperately alone. The George departed by consent with his letters, the Galeon I know not how: but our misery in the Admiral [The Bevice] was very great, for there was not one in the ship that was ever before in the Indies, besides our miserable want of victuals, the danger of the place, and the furious current of the channel. Notwithstanding we were enforced without stay to disemboque (sic) which happily being performed, we shaped our course for Newfoundland. And by God’s mercy we arrived there the fifteenth of June, not having one hour’s victuals to spare, and there by our countrymen we were well refreshed; where we stayed till the 24 of June, still expecting the Galeon, for the execution of this his last purpose: but she not coming, and that plan overthrown, we returned for England, where we found the right honourable the Earl of Essex bound to the seas, with whom we presently departed in his lordship’s ship, to do him our humble service.” The last lines refer to the so-called “Islands Voyage” expedition made by Essex, one object of which was to destroy—before it could put to sea—the third Armada which Philip II of Spain had got ready under the command of Martini de Padilla, Adelantado of Castille. The other object was to waylay the Portuguese merchantmen returning from the West Indies with their precious cargoes. That Anthony was able to take part in this expedition was only due to the misfortunes which beset Essex at the outset They had first set out on June 3rd, but had to put back again for repairs. They again set out on July 9th, but were turned back by a terrific storm which caused so much damage that they were obliged to delay their start another three weeks while the ships were repaired and refitted in Plymouth. They eventually left at the end of July and Anthony was thus able to join them. Contrary winds prevented their entering Ferrol where the Armada lay, and they reached the Azores too late to catch the treasure ships which had time to find safe refuge in Terceira, the central citadel of the Islands. Essex and his fleet returned to England at the end of October. In the course of this expedition it would appear that Anthony Sherley took the place of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who had been invalided out of service, as Sergeant-Major. That he held a post of importance is clearly shown by the fact that the official report includes his name, the other signatories being Essex, Thomas Howard, Walter Raleigh, Charles Mountjoy, Francis Vere, and Christopher Blunt.1 We read in an undated (? July, 1597) letter from Sir Robert Cecil to Essex, that during his brief stay in England Anthony was presented by the Lord Admiral and Cecil to the Queen, and “was used with great favour both in the privy and drawing chamber”.2 1

See Purchas, Glasgow Ed., Vol. XX, p. 33. The Voyage to the Iles of the Azores…. Calendar of State Papers Domestic (1592–1597), p. 482, and Sydney Letters, II, 58. Stemmata Sherleiana (and ed.) gives this interview as taking place before Anthony’s departure in 1596. 2

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II THE JOURNEY INTO PERSIA. 1598–1599 AT the end of 1597 Anthony left his native shores never to return. Under the orders of the Earl of Essex he was sent into Italy with a company of twenty-four officers and men, to aid Don Cesare d’Este, the illegitimate son of the Duke of Ferrara, against the Pope, who laid claim to that principality. On reaching Augsburg, however, they learned that the Duke had submitted to the Pope and that consequently the services of Anthony and his company would not be required. Anthony therefore changed his plans and instead of proceeding to Ferrara, travelled to Venice. This journey, which started apparently from Sole (Southwold) in Suffolk, is fully described by Parry and Manwaring. Nearly every expedition of the many that Anthony embarked upon in his lifetime was doomed to failure, and now we see him stranded in Venice with his brother Robert and twenty-three others, with nothing toward and no excuse for his remaining there. Essex, on learning what had happened, was nevertheless opposed to his return, and there followed a correspondence between him and Anthony which finally led to the latter’s voyage to Persia. The party, according to Parry, spent ten weeks in Venice, during which time, as we know from Manwaring, Anthony had many conversations with Michel Angelo Corrai who afterwards became his interpreter (see p. 176), and with a Persian merchant, and it was no doubt these men who inspired the idea of his going to Persia, though he himself attributes this to the Earl of Essex. Essex apparently considered that such a visit might further the policy of persuading the Shāh of Persia to unite with the Christian princes against the Turks,1 and might also lead to the improvement of commercial relations between England and Persia, while Anthony hoped he would thereby have an opportunity of distinguishing himself and thus gain the approbation of Essex. Of the voyage to Aleppo, which was full of exciting adventures, we have the three first-hand accounts of Anthony, Manwaring, and Parry, which are in general agreement, Such discrepancies as we find seem to indicate that none of these narratives was based on written notes. The party which left Venice in a ship called by Anthony a morizell2 on May 24th or 25th, 1598, now comprised twenty-six persons,3 of whom the following are known to us by name: Anthony Sherley, Robert Sherley, George Manwaring (the “Marshall”), John Morris, Thomas Davis, Arnold Roldcraft, Abel Pinçon (the Steward), William Parry, Gabriel Brookes, John Ward, John Parrott, Edward Vanthivier (a Dutchman) and Michel Angelo Corrai of Aleppo (the interpreter). There were six gentlemen attendants, four upper servants, and “the rest inferior servants including some Persians”. Among the 1

The idea of an active alliance between Persia and the Western powers against the Turks had often been adumbrated in the past, and Shāh Isma‘il had in 1518 already suggested an alliance with Charles V against the Turks (see Karl Lanz, Corrispondenz des Kaisers Karl V. Vol. I, pp. 52 and 168. Leipzig, 1844.). 2 See p. 5 of Relation. The Bodleian MS. reads here morisigne. Angelo the interpreter told the Signory of Venice that the name of the ship was Nana e Ruzzina (see p. 30). 3 Manwaring says twenty-one.

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servants we must include a page-boy in the service of Anthony, of whom we hear again in Rome. From the three narratives of the voyage to Antioch it seems that the passage to Zante oceupied twenty-four days, in the course of which the Englishmen came to blows with the Italians by reason of disrespectful remarks made by an Italian passenger regarding Queen Elizabeth, and, although there were no fatalities, relations on board were thereafter so strained that on reaching Zante, Anthony and his company were sent on shore and their baggage after them, and were not allowed to return.1 They eventually hired a carramosall2 and proceeded to Candia, and thence to Cyprus. From this point the narratives are conflicting, but it is clear that the party having touched at Tripoli in Syria proceeded to Alexandretta (Scanderoon) whence they sailed up the Orontes to Antioch. From Antioch they were able to proceed, thanks to the interpreter Angelo who had friends among the local Janizaries, to Aleppo, where they were hospitably entertained by the English merchants from whom we hear Anthony borrowed a large sum of money.3 Anthony and Manwaring both refer to the drinking of coffee here as something quite strange to them, for it was indeed then unknown in England. From Aleppo, after a stay of six weeks, the party set out on a four days’ journey to Bīra on the Euphrates, and here, before embarking on their boats for the downstream journey to Baghdad, they were joined by two Turkish officials: a “Tafderall” (Daftardār) or treasurer, and a Qādi; and certain English and other merchants. For this part of the journey we can now add to the other narratives the diary of Abel Pinçon, which begins with the departure from Aleppo on September 2nd, 1598. At Baghdad, which they reached on September 29th, Anthony had a series of misfortunes, which nearly brought the expedition to an untimely end: for before they entered the city their goods, to the value of 6,000 crowns, were confiscated by Hasan Pasha, the Governor, and shortly after, orders arrived from Constantinople that the party should be seized and sent to the Sultan. In his Relation Anthony tells how they were saved by the amazing generosity of a Florentine merchant named Signor Victorio Speciero, who not only helped them to get away secretly and to attach themselves to a caravan of Persian pilgrims, but also supplied Anthony with money and gifts to compensate for what he had lost. It is evident that Anthony kept the exact circumstances of this generous deed very carefully to himself: for neither Manwaring, Pinçon nor Parry report it; Manwaring indeed attributes their escape to a totally different agency. They left Baghdad on November the 4th, and reached Qazvīn in the first week of December. We owe to Pinçon a very detailed account of this journey, including an interesting allusion to the Behistun Inscriptions which he took to be Christian (see p. 151). The route followed was the main route over the passes via Qasr-i-Shīrīn and Kirmānshāh, although the party appear to have made a detour on leaving Baghdad in order to avoid the territory of Haydar Beg. At Mastarabad [?], which they reached on 1

In the Bodleian MS. the following passage occurs in this place, and, having been deleted by the censor, does not appear in the printed edition: “…as the Italians generally, I know not through what humour, being people so far removed from us, that they have had least cause of offence so they have received least offence from us, yet are vile speakers of Her Majesty so to continue that vile condition…” 2 See also p. 30 and Index. 3 C.S.P., Domestic, 1598–1601, p. 130.

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November the 27th, Anthony sent forward an advance party composed of John Ward, Angelo and Pinçon to Qazvīn to prepare their lodging. On reaching Qazvīn, Anthony and his party were well received by Marjān Beg, the master of the Shāh’s household. Don Juan states that Anthony “gave himself out as cousin of the Scottish King James, saying that all the Kings of Christendom had recognized him as such and had now empowered him as their Ambassador to treat with the King of Persia”.1 In order to understand the warm welcome which Anthony received on his arrival and the manner in which he was able to ingratiate himself with the great Shāh ‛Abbās, we must examine the political situation in the Near and Middle East at the turn of the sixteenth century. Shāh ‛Abbās on his succession to the throne of the Safavids in 1587 was faced with two great problems; first, that of restoring order in the East, where the Uzbegs were in revolt, and secondly that of recovering the territory lost by Persia to the Turks under his predecessors. It was obvious that ‛Abbās could not engage both these enemies simultaneously, and thus when in 1590 the Turks, desirous of concentrating on the war in Hungary, made proposals for peace, ‛Abbās consented, and as a result of this treaty was able to devote his attention to the consolidation of his kingdom and the suppression of the Uzbegs in Khurāsān. Not until August, 1598, was he finally able to crush his elusive enemy, and when in December of that year Anthony arrived in Qazvīn, Shāh ‛Abbās was on the point of making his triumphal entry into that city. The English party could not have arrived at a more auspicious moment; for it seemed as if they had come on purpose to congratulate the Shāh on his victory, and Anthony himself, in his Relation, lays great stress on the fact that while he was in Qazvīn—indeed until they reached Ispahān—he made no allusion to the main object of his journey, which was to persuade the Shāh that an alliance with the European powers against the Ottoman Sultan would be greatly to the advantage of Persia. It may be well here to explain the relative importance of Qazvīn and Ispahān. When Tabrīz, the first Safavid capital, fell into the hands of the Turks in the reign of Shāh Tahmāsp, Qazvīn had been selected as the new capital, and still was so when ‛Abbās I came to the throne of Persia in 1587. The new Shāh at the outset of his reign began to form plans for the removal of the capital to a centre more Persian in tradition and farther removed from the Turkish frontier. He was no doubt further prompted by the fact that the inhabitants of Qazvīn had been considered guilty of his brother Hamza Mīrzā’s death. No city seemed better suited to become the new capital than Ispahān in the heart of old Iran. Already, in 1590, he had for the first time celebrated there the festival of Naw Rūz, or New Year’s Day. Shortly after this the Shāh began to embellish this city, which was destined to become the most beautiful in all Persia. One of the first buildings he erected was his wonderful palace called Naqsh-i-Jahān. It was not, however, until March, 1598, that ‛Abbās declared Ispahān officially the new capital, and it was from Ispahān that he set out in May of that year for the east, to administer his crushing blow to the insurgent Uzbegs. Nevertheless, Qazvīn continued to be a place of importance all through the reign of Shāh ‛Abbās, who constantly made it the headquarters of his court and his army, and after his great victory at Ribāt-i-Pariyān (August 10th, 1598) he led his army to Qazvīn as was his 1

Le Strange’s ed., p. 232.

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practice after each campaign in the East. He had certain important affairs both military and political to dispose of in the north before he was able to dismiss his army and settle down in his new capital, Ispahān. Iskandar Munshi tells us1 that after his triumphal entry into Qazvīn his troops were disbanded and allowed to go to their homes. Manwaring, however, says that all the soldiers except those who lived in Qazvīn were sent to their homes before the Shāh entered the city “for fear of making any uproar”.2 According to Don Juan3 the Shāh found awaiting him in Qazvīn not only the Sherleys but also Muhammad Agha, Grand Chaush of the Sultan, who at once set forth his master’s preposterous demands. The presence of a Turkish ambassador in Qazvīn is also referred to in the True Report (1600) and by Anthony and Manwaring, but I think it was in Ispahān that his pourparlers with Shāh ‛Abbās took place, and not, as Don Juan says, in Qazvīn. Anthony says that ‛Abbās set out for Kāshān in advance of his own party. Manwaring, on the other hand, says that Anthony and certain of his companions proceeded to Kāshān in advance of the Shāh, and were overtaken by him just before reaching that city. It was on the journey between Kāshān and Ispahān that they formed one party, and on this occasion Anthony enjoyed the constant companionship of the Shāh. We picture the Shāh, Anthony, and the interpreter, possibly Angelo, riding side by side while ‛Abbās told Anthony the story of his life and his reign,4 Before leaving Qazvīn the Shāh had conferred on Anthony the title of Mirzā, and thereafter always addressed him as Mīrzā Antonio. They eventually reached Ispahān on January 25th, 1599. While at Ispahān the Shāh talked with Anthony almost daily, and it was now that Anthony revealed the real object of his coming to Persia. A very full account is given by Anthony himself of the arguments he used to persuade ‛Abbās to send an embassy to the Christian princes; of the willing ear ‛Abbās lent to his words.1 He gives also the speeches of the ministers who agreed with him and of those who opposed him. Anthony’s two great supporters were Allah Vardi Khān, and Tahmāsp Quli Khān, both Christian-born Georgians, renegades to Islam. While these discussions were taking place the Turkish ambassador mentioned above arrived in Ispahān. According to Anthony he was the commander of the janizaries of Baghdad; Manwaring tells us he had come to renew the peace treaty of 1590. His demands were outrageous; not only should the Shāh restore Khurāsān to the Turkomans, but he should also return the ten thousand families who had migrated to Persian Kurdistan.2 Don Juan says that the Sultan demanded that ‛Abbās should send one of his sons as hostage to Constantinople in the place of Haydar Mīrzā, his nephew, who had died there in 1594, and that the Shāh replied by cutting off the ambassador’s beard and sending it as a present to the Sultan. It is strange that Anthony should have made no allusion to the Sultan’s demand for a royal hostage, nor to the Shāh’s ill-treatment of Muhammad Agha, which is also referred to by Pietro Duodo in a letter to Venice dated Prague, December 18th, 1600 (see Schefer’s Du Mans, p. 284). While this mission was in 1

See ‛Ālam-ārāyī-‛Abbāsī, Teheran lith. A.H. 1314, p. 404. See Manwaring, p. 206. 3 See Le Strange’s translation, p. 231. 4 See Appendix. 2

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Ispahān, Anthony was ill, and during the frequent visits which the Shāh is said to have paid him in bed, he no doubt had opportunities of finally inducing ‛Abbās to dismiss the Turkish ambassador. “The next morning”, writes Anthony, “the King came unto me and told me he had well considered of my proposition and approved it. ‘And because you have been the Mover and Persuader of this business, you shall also be the actor of it, assuring myself that my honour cannot be more securely reposed in any man’s hands’.” One would naturally have expected to find in the Persian histories of the period, more especially in Iskandar Munshi’s voluminous ‘Ālam-ārāyi-‛Abbāsī which often refers to embassies to and from Europe, some allusion to Anthony’s arrival in Persia or to his subsequent embassy to Europe; but as a result of careful search I have only discovered one passage which could refer to Anthony and his party. This occurs in the Ta’rīkh i Shāh ‛Abbās, a history of Persia from the death of Shāh Tahmāsp (1524) down to the twentyfifth year of the reign of Shāh ‛Abbās I (1611), by Jalāl ud-Dīn Muhammad Munajjim Yazdī. Among the events of A.H. 1007 (1598–9) he records that “after the conquest of Khurāsān, envoys came from Europe saying ‘We have done much harm to the Turks, and have defeated them. You must now endeavour to regain your own territory so that the aspirations of us both may be realized.’”1 Much stress has been laid by European writers on the fact that Anthony had in his company a “gun-founder”, and it is claimed that this man was responsible for the introduction of artillery in the Shāh’s army. Anthony also relates that he had with him certain books with “Models of Fortifications” in which the Shāh was much interested. In a well-known passage Purchas,2 who was personally acquainted with Robert Sherley, writes as follows: “The mighty Ottoman, terror of the Christian World, quaketh of a Sherley-fever, and gives hopes of approaching fates. The prevailing Persian hath learned Sherleian arts of war, and he which before knew not the use of ordnance, hath now 500 pieces of brass, and 6000 musketeers; so that they which at hand with the sword were before dreadful to the Turkes, now also in remoter blows and sulphurian arts are grown terrible. Hence hath the present Abas won from the Turk seven great Provinces, from Derbent to Bagdat inclusively, and still hath his eyes, mouth, and hands open to search, swallow and acquire more. In the renowned battle with Cigala Bassa, of 160,000, 2,000 only remained to flee with the General, who yet would not remain after that disaster but by poison prevented domestic shame: and there did our noble countryman receive three wounds, as a triple testimony of his love and service to Christendom.”1 1

See Anthony’s Relation, pp. 80–120. Ibid., pp. 109–11. 1 B.M. MS. Add. 27, 241, fol. 148b., and MS. Or. 3549, fol. 75a. 2 Purchas (Ed. 1905), X, p. 376. 1 Purchas has summed up in two sentences events extending over twenty years: the capture of Tabrīz in 1603; the death of Chighālazāda Sinan Pasha who poisoned himself by drinking powdered diamonds after the final conquest of the northern provinces by Shāh ‛Abbās in 1605; and the taking of Baghdad by the Persians in 1623. 2

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III AS PERSIAN AMBASSADOR. 1599–1601 IT was Anthony’s own suggestion that he should be accompanied on his embassage by a Persian, also having the rank of Ambassador, though subordinate to himself. This is borne out not only by Anthony’s own Relation, but also by the Shāh’s letters of credence (see p. 95). The Persian finally selected for this post was Husayn ‛Ali Beg. Anthony’s party included William Parry, George Manwaring, Abel Pinçon, and four others of his original companions. Husayn ‛Ali Beg took with him four secretaries, Uruch Beg, who later became Don Juan of Persia; ‛Ali Quli Beg—nephew of Husayn ‛Ali Beg; Bunyād Beg, and Hasan ‛Ali Beg. The party was joined at the last moment by two Portuguese friars, a Franciscan named Alfonso Cordero, and an Augustinian, Nicolas de Melo. The whole company numbered about twenty-five. There is some uncertainty as to the exact date of their departure from Ispahān: Duodo gives May 24th, and Don Juan places it as late as July 9th,1 but the letter quoted below (p. 26) brought by Angelo to Venice from Anthony is dated Gīlān, 24th May, 1599, and the party must actually have left Ispahān at the end of April or the beginning of May. The Christian princes and others to whom Anthony bore letters from the Shāh were the following: the Pope, the Emperor (Rudolph II), the Kings of France, Spain, Scotland, and Poland, the Queen of England, the Earl of Essex, the Signory of Venice, and the Duke of Florence. Although the lists given by the various writers are not all in agreement—for Cartwright and Angelo omit the King of Poland and the Earl of Essex, while Angelo also omits the King of Scotland but adds Cardinal Aldobrandini—none of them mention the Czar of Muscovy, who was apparently not regarded as a European prince. Therefore although Anthony and Husayn ‛Ali Beg visited the court of Boris Gudonov it was not in their capacity as Ambassadors, and this probably explains how Anthony came to be treated with such scant courtesy by the Czar. The letter of credence printed in the True Report of 1600 makes it quite clear that Anthony was recommended to the Czar’s favour only as a traveller on his way through to Europe. The only letters which Anthony himself actually delivered were those addressed to the Pope and the Emperor, though the letter to the King of Spain must have been delivered by his Persian colleague, With regard to Henry IV of France, it should be remembered that the Treaty of Vervins concluded with Spain in 1598 had not included Henry’s ally the Sultan, with whom Spain was still at war, and Henry was therefore unwilling to risk giving offence to the Sultan by receiving the Persian Ambassadors. In a letter to Monsieur de Breves, dated July 13th, 1601, the French King wrote: “I made it known to the ambassadors of the Shāh of Persia, coming from Europe, that it was not my pleasure to receive them, since they had visited the others in order to incite them to make war against the Sultan, and a state of friendship exists between this Lord and myself which I 1

This is quite impossible and may be an error for May 9th.

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desire to maintain.”1 As is pointed out by Gouvea and others, the correct procedure would have been for an Embassy to the Christian princes to visit the Pope in the first instance. But it was obviously impossible for such a mission to pass through the Ottoman Empire, and the alternative routes were by sea from the Persian Gulf, or by land through Russia. The latter was of course the more expeditious, and the fact that ‛Abbās was sending a special ambassador to Moscow to congratulate Boris on his accession to the throne (1598) was an additional reason for choosing this route. This envoy, whose name was Pīr Quli Beg, had set out a fortnight in advance of Anthony’s mission in order to prepare for their journey through Russia, but he actually reached Astrakhan after the others. It was arranged that Anthony should leave his brother Robert Sherley as a hostage and to guarantee his own return to Persia. We learn from Cartwright in The Preachers Travels (p. 70) that the following members of Anthony’s original party remained behind with Robert: “Honest Captain Powell, John Ward, John Parrot, who afterwards died in Lahor, being in Master Mildenal’s company; one Brookes who is gone for the East Indies; and an English gunner, whose name I do not well remember, who was slain by an Italian in the way to Corassan.”1 As is well known, Robert remained in the service of Shāh ‛Abbās for the remainder of his life, distinguishing himself greatly as a soldier and afterwards proceeding to Europe as Persian ambassador on several occasions, eventually dying in Qazvīn in July,1628. Although the embassy was unable to proceed through Turkish territory we learn from a curious document preserved in the Archives of Venice that Anthony dispatched his interpreter, Angelo, via Trebizond and Constantinople to announce his approaching mission to the Signory. This document was published by Guglielmo Berchet in the Raccolta Veneta in 1866,1 and I regard it as of sufficient interest to warrant its inclusion here. I have not translated Berchet’s notes—but I shall have occasion to refer to one of them later on (see p. 59). This morning (i.e. November 28th, 1599) there appeared at the door of the most Excellent College a man of small stature, with black beard, of olive complexion, robed in a black camlet, of about forty years; this man said that he was an agent of the King of Persia and that he wished to enter the most Excellent College in order to present certain letters to His Excellency; the Excellent College, having learnt of this, ordered me, the secretary Pellegrini, to conduct him with proper respect to the antechamber and there to see and find out exactly who he was, whence he came and what he wanted; I followed these instructions: he told me his name was Michiel Angelo Corrai of Aleppo, that he came from the King of Persia, sent by the Englishman Antonio Sherley, who had lately spent 1

Collection de Documents Inédits sur l’Histoire de France: Receuil des Lettres Missives de Henri IV (Pub. par M.Jules Berger de Xivrey, 1853 seq.), V, p. 435. 1

I have not been able to verify these statements, and it should be remembered that Cartwright is by no means reliable.

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some months in this city, and was now in Persia, held in great esteem by that king, that his letters were in the Italian language and had been given to him for His Excellency by Signor Sherley, with other letters for the High Pontiff, the King of France, of Spain, the Emperor, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Cardinal Aldobrandini and the Queen of England; that the said Signor Sherley was to have left Persia a few days after him with letters from the King, and with gifts for all these princes; and the said King, intent on his purpose, yet knowing that the journey of the said Antonio to all these princes would necessarily be fraught with great danger or at least much delay, had desired the said Michiel Angelo to go privately to Italy by the Constantinople route with letters from Signor Sherley, so that his will should be made known in any event. When I had related this to the most Excellent College it was decided to summon him in order to receive the letters from him, and to hear whether he had anything further to say. He was brought in, and showed a letter for His Excellency; this was opened and found to be from the said Signor Antonio Sherley; on the said Michele being asked to withdraw, the letter was read—as follows: Most excellent Sir—The great and rare reception which your Excellency gave me when I was passing through Venice has strongly urged me to endeavour to become worthy of serving you in the future, in accordance with the respect and regard I now bear towards you. Although I have given you no sign of my deep gratitude from the time I left you until now, the cause was not neglectfulness nor forgetfulness, but that I have never stayed in any one place. I now come with this letter, notwithstanding the delay, to bow before you and advise you that I arrived in Persia after many difficulties and hardships; the which, however, were immediately alleviated by the munificence and goodness of the Sophy. He put such confidence and trust in me that this cannot but result in great advantage to all Christendom and in the aggrandisement of the Catholic Faith. The bearer of the present letter is one whom I am sending to Europe on some of my affairs; and rest assured that I send a gentleman, one who serves me in unquestionable good faith; Your Excellency will be well informed by him of the authority and power with which His Majesty sends me to Your Excellency and to all the other Christian princes. For the sake of security this man will supplement the brevity of my letter; and without further ado I humbly kiss your hands, praying that God may keep you and ever be the protector of your great realm. From Gilan in Persia, the 24th May 1599. Your Excellency’s humble servitor ANTONIO SHERLEY. 1 Raccolta Veneta. A collection of Documents relating to History, Archaeology and Numismatics. Edited by N.Barozzi. Series I, Vol. I, 1866.

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After this had been read, by the unanimous consent of the most Excellent College, the said Michel Angelo was once more brought in and questioned as to who he was and whence he came, to which he answered what is told above; when he was asked which route he had taken he said: “Having left Persia I arrived at Tauris, whence I went to Erzerum, and then to Trebizond, in which place I was a prisoner for twenty-one days by reason of an affront at the hands of a Turk called Acmat Celebi [Ahmad Chelebī]. But I freed myself by paying out seven hundred and thirty-eight piastres to the Chièagà 1 of the Defterdar of Erzerum, of which money I had but four hundred piastres, and the rest was lent to me by Messrs Daniel, an Armenian, who went with me to that city.” And he added: “Signor Giacomo, an English merchant in this city, should pay out for me five hundred ducats in the name of Signor Antonio Sherley and according to his letters, but, from what I have heard from one of his friends, I fear that he will not pay them to me, because he says that if Signor Antonio has started on this journey he would not know from whom to recover the said money; from which I fear that I may have to await his arrival in this city. I then arrived in Constantinople and spoke with the Persian ambassador,2 but I gave him no letters, and having departed thence, I arrived in this city on the ship Pirona.” Questioned as to whether he had treated with other people in Constantinople, whether he had been recognized and how he had hidden the letters, he replied: “No one knew me except the said Persian ambassador, nor did I treat with any others; as to the letters,” he said: “I kept them hidden between the stock and barrel of my arquebus.” Questioned as to whether the Persian ambassador had left Constantinople, how many people he had with him and if he would be able to make his return journey to Persia in safety, he replied: “The ambassador left Constantinople a day before me, and was to proceed to Tauris over land, but I went to Constantinople by way of the Black Sea. He had in his company about thirty-five persons, counting servitors, but I fear that he will not have a very safe journey, for the way is infested with bandits and rebels. Questioned as to whether he knew when Signor Sherley was to leave Persia and which route he would take, he replied: “He was to leave six days after me, and was to go by the route through Moscovy in company with other of the King of Persia’s men; among these there is one Assan [Husayn] Ali Beg, a man of standing, as one might say a captain with two 1

Chiècagà Possibly the Turkish Kehāya, a corruption of the Persian Ket-Khudā, i.e. a steward or bailiff. 2 I think the Persian ambassador to whom Angelo refers may be Muhammad Quli Beg Arabgirlu, ishikaghasi, who in A.H. 1007 (A.D. 1599) was sent by ‛Abbās to Constantinople to announce to the Sultan his victory over the Uzbegs. See ‛Ālam-ārāyi-‛Abbāsi, Teheran lithograph A.H. 1314, p. 355.

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or three hundred horsemen under him; nevertheless this man may not command anything, because everything is ordered according to the will of the said Antonio and of a Portuguese friar, I believe of the Francescan or Capucin order, who is called Friar Nicolò Damego,1 and even he obeys the orders and commands of Signor Antonio; he and another friar keep company with Signor Antonio in lodging and at table.” Questioned as to how long the said friar had been in Persia, he replied: “He arrived in Persia a few days after Signor Antonio and came by way of Ormus.” Asked to give some information about the King of Persia and his state, he replied: “At the time of my departure the King of Persia was at Ispahān with all his court, which is very large. In a short time he brought twentyfour Kurdish provinces, great and small, under subjection, but he did not put great trust in them, saying that they were bad men. He waged war on the Tartars and took from them the whole country of Korassan, causing the death of about six thousand Tartars. Since the said acquisition he has freed the brother of the King of the Tartars from prison, and has given him the government of the country of Korassan which he [i.e. the King of Persia] captured from him [i.e. the brother of the King of the Tartars]; he has given him slaves and horses, and has surrounded him in this governorship with a great number of persons.” He [i.e. Michel Angelo] then added: “From what I have heard, the said King of Persia has proclaimed throughout his whole realm that his people are to be ready whenever he may command, for he means to wage war.” Questioned as to where he has planned to wage war and against what prince, he replied: “That I do not know, because the King never tells his secrets to anyone, but it is believed that he will declare war on the Turk and enter on his destruction by way of Erzerum.” Questioned as to the numbers of his soldiers, he replied: “The King can muster as many men as he wishes, but at the present time he can provide horses for a hundred thousand men, who are armed not as the Christians but with bows, arrows and scimitars. In addition he has 50,000 arquebusiers, also armed with scimitars.” He said: “At one time the King did not use arquebusiers, but now he delights in them, and takes great care to procure them; he also has some cannon, having captured many pieces from the Tartars; moreover there is no lack of masters to manufacture new ones, these masters have turned against the Turk and have come to serve the King of Persia.” He continued: “The King has commanded Signor

1

sic for de Melo.

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Antonio to send me, Michel Angelo, back to him as soon as possible with the answers of the princes” 1; and, asked whether perhaps the King desired to have the answers before setting out for war, he replied: “That I do not know, but Signor Antonio will be able to tell you everything, for he has full authority with the King.” Questioned as to whether the King was well-disposed towards the Christians, he replied: “The King loves the Christians dearly, and behaves more favourably towards them than we towards the Turks; and when the Turks celebrate the Fast the King eats and drinks wine publicly in the square, and wishes that the same may be observed by his soldiers. He wishes to build churches in the Roman style in all his lands, and he wears covered beneath his robes a crucifix carved in gold, and whenever he mounts his horse he invokes in aid the name of St James. In addition he wishes to give free passage to all the Christians in Gīlān, a place situated on the shores of the Black Sea, so that the Christian merchants may come and go freely with every sort of merchandise, without having to pay duty.” Questioned as to whether he would await Signor Antonio there or proceed to deliver his letters, he replied: “I shall not wait for him, but I shall go as soon as may be by Ferrara to Florence and Rome to deliver the letters, as I was commanded.” Questioned as to where he was lodging, he replied: “In the house of Messer Antonio Padovan stuer, whom I knew nine or ten years ago when I was here, and again lately when I embarked on this last Ascension-Day [May 25th] with the said Signor Sherley on the ship Nana e Ruzzina bound for Soria [Syria].” Asked to relate his journey, he answered: “We disembarked in Alessandretta, because Signor Antonio quarrelled with the master of the ship, there we took a caramossal and went with it to Aleppo; from Aleppo by the river Euphrates to Babylon [Baghdad]; and from Babylon we proceeded across country to Persia.” It was told him by the Excellent Savj [Councillors] that he was not to make himself known to anyone, and I repeated this to him by order of Their Excellencies, and he replied; that it was well, he would not speak further with anyone, and that if he should be asked what he was doing he would answer that he was there on his own affairs or in order to join the Duke of Mantua, who had been his patron for many years, and that in the journey which he had to make in order to deliver these letters, he had arranged to travel as secretly as possible. When questioned as to whether he wished to say anything further, he replied: “The King of Persia wishes to send to this city a certain 1

See Robert Sherley’s letter of September 10, 1606, The Sherley Brothers, Rox. Soc., p. 58.

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merchant,1 one of his subjects, to buy in Italy many beautiful things from this district.” Questioned as to whether he had many people with him, he replied: “Three men in all, one is at my lodging and the other two are still on the ship.” It was said to him that it would be well for him to advise them not to speak of this affair to anyone, to which he answered that they could not speak Italian. After this I conducted him outside the Most Excellent College, and he departed. It seems well in this place to introduce a quotation from Gouvea (Relaçam, 1611, pp. 55a et seq.), which bears on Angelo’s interview and tells us of the merchant to whom Angelo referred during that interview, namely Asad Beg: “While His Holiness was wondering how to confirm the wished-for alliance between the King of Persia and the Christian Princes, it so happened that there arrived at Venice, by way of Aleppo, a Muhammadan, a Persian by birth, who said that he had been sent to Italy by the King, in order to advise him how his Ambassadors were being received by the Christian Princes, and to provide them with anything of which they might stand in need. It may be that the King had so commanded him, but the principal aim of his visit to Venice was to carry out negotiations in accordance with his profession, for it must be understood that all the Kings of Asia are the chief merchants in their realms, trafficking through the persons of those in whom they place confidence and whom they send to different places with merchandise; he of whom we are speaking was called Assad [Asad] Beg, and was one of the principal merchants employed by the King, and was sent to Venice to sell there certain wares which are prized in Europe, and to buy others which are prized in Persia. This man brought letters from the King to the Signory, for which he was thanked, and a short time afterwards he was recognized by certain Portuguese who had seen him at Ormus carrying on the same profession of a merchant as he was doing in Venice; these Portuguese, and in particular Diego da Miranda, who was at Venice with another young man, a native of Ormus called Dominico Stropene, who accompanied him afterwards on the voyage from Persia, entered into acquaintance and friendship with him. This young man of Ormus spoke the Persian language very well, and he and Diego da Miranda accompanied this Muhammadan merchant and assisted him in every way in order to help him find those things which the King his master had commanded him to procure, the young Ormusian serving him as interpreter and Diego da Miranda acting as his companion. The Bishop of Pistoia, a man of exceedingly enquiring disposition and of excellent spirit, who was then residing at Venice, was very glad to discourse now and then with Diego da Miranda of the East and West 1

This was Asad Beg. See below.

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Indies and of the Philippines, for the reason that he had travelled in those parts; sometimes Diego da Miranda brought Assad Beg to him, and the said bishop took a great liking to him and was eager to hear him talk of the affairs of his own country. One day while they were talking he told him that he was no merchant but in fact a secret ambassador of the King’s, by whose command he had come to Venice to see how the Christian Princes had received the Ambassadors whom he [the King] had sent to them, and that he had also been charged to furnish the Ambassadors with whatsoever they might need for so long a journey; and in addition he said that the King of Persia and all his children intended to become Christian, and that the Queen was already a Christian: he said that he had been the Queen’s almoner, and that the King’s plan was for His Holiness to send a Prelate and monks of exemplary life to Persia in order to convert gradually such a large number of Persians, that he himself and all his children might be baptised openly, without fear of any rebellion on the part of his other subjects; as testimony of this he said he was willing to go to Rome to inform His Holiness of the whole matter and to be baptised. The Bishop of Pistoia, approving this plan and desiring that His Holiness should be more fully informed of it, gave orders that as soon as possible Diego da Miranda and the Persian were to leave together for Rome. At the moment when they were ready to leave, an Armenian named Angelo gave advice of all this to one of the members of the Council of Venice; the Duke [Doge] hearing this (the Venetians being very cautious in matters touching the Turk), feared that it might get known that the King of Persia had sent an Ambassador to the Signory, so dismissed Assad Beg forthwith and made him embark against his will. By reason of this act on the part of the Venetians and also by reason of others of which he had knowledge, the King told me one day that the Venetians regard the Turk with great fear, to which I replied that the hatred which they bear towards the Turk is yet greater; but prudent and well-advised as they are, and being such close neighbours, they do not wish to give him any cause of breaking the peace now existing between them, for the Turk would break this on the slightest provocation; on the other hand if they were to see that Your Highness and the other princes would declare war on them, it would be to their cost to cause them [the Venetians] even the least harm. Assad Beg, wishing to depart for Persia, went first accompanied by Diego da Miranda to take his leave of the Bishop of Pistoia, and, in order that what had passed between them might produce results, the Bishop, who regarded as a certain fact what the Persian had told him, according as it had been agreed between them, so dealt with the matter as to show himself desirous of being employed by His Holiness in the execution of this plan; and he ordered Diego da Miranda to go to Rome, in order to give His Holiness an account of this affair, which was, however, more colourful than true. Matters having been thus arranged, Assad Beg left for Persia, and died on the way: many of the things which he had given out as

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true to the Bishop (it is likely that he so described all of them) are manifestly untrue, for he was not an Ambassador, nor was the Queen a Christian, although it is true that the King’s Circassian and Georgian women are Christian; however, the chief in the King’s palace, she to whom all the others do reverence, is Muhammadan by race and faith, being his aunt, his father’s sister. The others are rather slaves than mistresses, and are moreover so closely confined that no Muhammadan speaks to them, and indeed cannot speak to them without running the risk of losing his life for it; the which shows that the said Assad Beg could not have been the Queen’s almoner, and had never even spoken to her, and moreover was not the man to whom the King would have entrusted matters of this consequence even if they had been true; but as he was one of the King’s merchants he had the entrée to the palace, and might have seen certain actions of the King in which he had demonstrated his friendliness towards the Christian religion, and he might have seen there several images of our Saviour and of His Blessed Mother, and perhaps, seeing him enquiring into all these matters with affection and curiosity, he seized the opportunity of exaggerating everything which came into his mind. We now return to Anthony whom we left in Gīlān waiting to embark on the voyage across the Caspian to Astrakhan, They apparently did not set sail till the end of June, and owing to bad weather and bad navigation they did not reach Astrakhan till the middle of September, having, according to Don Juan, been driven across to Manqishlagh on the eastern shores of the Caspian, where they spent ten days. The whole party, including the special envoy Pīr Quli Beg, set out up the Volga in five galleys, each with 100 rowers, as far as Nijni-Novgorod, whence they proceeded overland to Moscow, arriving there at the end of November. The journey from Ispahān to Moscow, which occupied over six months is fully described by Don Juan, Abel Pinçon, and William Parry, and the three accounts, while differing in detail, are in general agreement. At Moscow, where they remained six months, Anthony seems to have been very badly treated. It is not very easy to arrive at the truth of what actually took place, seeing that Don Juan and Parry, our chief informants, each writing from a totally different standpoint, are often at variance. The Friar Nicolas de Melo, who had been permitted to proceed to Europe with the party on the strength of a highly exaggerated account he had given of his own importance, was a thorn in the flesh to Anthony, who kept him under arrest during their journey through Russia and according to Gouvea1 tried to drown him when they were walking by the Volga. According to Parry, Nicolas was released by Boris Gudonov, who had lent ear to malicious stories told by the Persians; but as a result of a formal enquiry (in the course of which Anthony, losing his temper, boxed the friar’s ears), Anthony received better treatment and the friar was imprisoned and ultimately put to death.2 Don Juan has a totally different story to tell: 1

Glorioso Triunfo de Tres Martires Españoles, Chap. III. This chapter was translated by L.Lockhart in the Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society, 1931, Part IV, p. 570.

2

See below, pp. 131, 134–5. But see Index, under Melo.

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“We further here lost sight and all knowledge of the Dominican Friar, for he suddenly had disappeared and we could get no news of him, though we diligently sought to find him. It was our suspicion that Sir Anthony had made away with him, for at the time when we were voyaging up the river Eder in the galleys, he had often threatened to kill the Friar, and for a time had kept him prisoner down below decks in a cabin of the galley. But we Persians had then managed to rescue him, for the Friar had explained to us that he had lent Sir Anthony a thousand crowns, and further entrusted him with ninety small diamonds to keep safe for him, and that it was because he had wanted these and the money back from Sir Anthony that he [Anthony] was so treating him to compass his destruction.”3 In the appendices will be found two letters written by Anthony from Russia. They unfortunately throw very little light on what passed at the Court of Boris, but it was only natural that he should not wish his fellow countrymen to know how badly he had been treated, though he can have had no doubt that William Parry, whom he was sending to England with letters, would tell the full story: as indeed he did very shortly after his arrival home, In the first of Anthony’s letters, dated Moscow, February 12th, 1600, and probably addressed to Anthony Bacon, he describes the bad behaviour of the Augustinian Friar Nicolas on the journey to Moscow, and also makes interesting proposals for the improvement of commercial relations between England and the Emperor Akbar. The second letter dated Archangel, June 10th, 1600, was we know carried by William Parry. It is addressed to Sir Robert Cecil, and its main purport is to explain why Anthony is proceeding next to Germany and not to England, laying the blame on his “yoke-fellow” the Persian ambassador, who was determined to carry out the Shāh’s orders.In this letter he further states that Boris is looking for a husband for his daughter and suggests that Queen Elizabeth might find some suitable gentleman “whom she will vouchsafe to call cousin”, and by such an alliance facilitate the opening up of trade with the Indies via Russia.1 He further insinuates that the Shāh’s amity might be of great use to the Queen, and claimed to have such credit with him that “he could undertake to settle great security and commodity to our merchants”. Robert Cecil in a letter addressed to Mr Lello, the Queen’s Resident in Constantinople, dated October 17th, 1600, makes a clear statement of the attitude of the English Court towards Anthony’s proposal. Cecil says the Queen foresaw that if Anthony’s policy of circumventing the Levant trade by carrying merchandise through Russia were followed there might be considerable danger to these merchants’ trade with the Sultan.1 But before the folly and vanity of his ideas could be 3

Le Strange’s ed., p. 258. Anthony Jenkinson when visiting Shāh Tahmāsp in 1562 had already suggested that Persian goods might be carried to Europe via Russia. Sir Thomas Randolph’s Embassy to the Emperor of Russia in 1568 obtained the first privileges ever procured for our English merchants in that country. 1 In 1520 and 1524 an Italian named Paolo Centurione paid two visits to Moscow with a view to persuading the Grand Duke to circumvent the Portuguese maritime monopoly by carrying goods from India to the Baltic via Russia. 1

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pointed out to him he had “taken upon him to be an ambassador to the Princes of Europe, to unite themselves in a League with the Persian, for which purpose he came through Muscovy, and a Persian Ambassador joined with him, where he was long detained from thence he came by sea to Embden, and took the audacity to write to the Queen for leave to come to her…. Hereupon Her Majesty increased her former displeasure towards him…as by no means she will suffer him to come into the kingdom….”2 To judge by contemporary letters it seems that it was generally believed that Anthony had been more or less a prisoner in the hands of Boris while he was in Moscow. In a letter dated October 29th, 1600, from Henri IV of France to Monsieur de Breves,3 we read: “There is an Englishman who, having been in Persia, has been commissioned by the Sophi to visit all the Christian princes in order to beg them to unite with him in making war against the said Grand Seigneur [i.e. the Sultan of Turkey]. It cannot be believed that the said Englishman has undertaken this negotiation without the knowledge of his sovereign. He has just been to see the Emperor and should go next to Italy, whence he will come to England and to my kingdom…. The said Englishman has travelled through Muscovy, where he was kept as a prisoner four or five months, as I learn from one who was of his company.1…” On leaving Moscow the party proceeded via Yaroslav, Rybinsk, and Kholmagory to Archangel (St Nicolas) whence they eventually set sail in a Flemish ship of 1,000 tons. The ambassadors had with them thirty-two cases of presents which they had brought from Persia. It appears that Anthony suggested sending these cases by sea to Rome, and for this purpose handed them over to a ship-master in Archangel. Don Juan asserts that Anthony actually sold the presents to this ship-master. In any event the cases never reached Rome and the Persians missed no opportunity of repeating this story of Anthony’s iniquity wherever they went. Anthony’s own version of the story is given in the letter from Father Parsons dated 30th April, 1601 (which I shall have occasion to quote in full later), who says that on opening the chests Anthony found that the presents were of but little value, and “unmete” for the European Princes, and had therefore decided to send them back to Persia. They encountered terrible weather in the North Sea, and after nearly two months put into Stode (Staden) in the estuary of the Elbe, whence they proceeded by sea to Emden on the Weser. During this part of their journey they were driven right out of their course, for Parry tells us that he reached Stode with the others, and that after leaving Stode they “fell upon the Fly”: i.e. touched at the island of Vlieland, where he left the party and proceeded via Holland to England, bearing letters from Anthony. The route followed from Stode to Prague is described in some detail but with little 2

S.P. Foreign, Turkey, 4. Collection de Documents Inédits sur l’Histoire de France: Receuil des Lettres Missives de Henri IV (Pub. par M.Jules Berger de Xivrey, 1853 seq.), V, p. 334. 1 This may possibly refer to Abel Pinçon, who we know left Anthony’s party at this time owing to a dispute. 3

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accuracy by Don Juan.1 Mr Le Strange in his very valuable notes left a number of these puzzles unsolved, but Professor F.H.Babinger of Berlin by a careful study of the contemporary archives of Central Europe has been able to clear up most of the difficulties, and he has dealt in detail with this part of Anthony’s journey.2 Some time in August, 1600, they reached Emden and were there lavishly entertained by Count Enno III of East Frisia. At Cassel, which they reached on the 14th September, they were received by the Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-Cassel. Travelling via Rotenburg on the Fulda, Schmalkalden, Gotha and Erfurt, they arrived at Naumburg on September 30th and Leipzig on October 1st. Their route then led through Innsbruck, Bozen and Trient in the Tyrol, and they eventually reached Prague on October 11th. The dispatches of Pietro Duodo, Ambassador of the Signory of Venice at the Court of the German Emperor, have much of interest to tell us regarding the sojourn of the Persian Ambassadors in Prague. The following extracts translated from the Italian originals published by Charles Schefer in his edition of du Mans (pp. 277–84), and also to be found in English in the Calendar of State Papers (1592–1603), furnish a lively first-hand account of what took place at the Court of Rudolph II, and fully confirm the statements made on no particular authority by Nixon3: Despatch of 23rd October, 1600. …On the 20th the two Ambassadors from Persia made their entry here; one is an Englishman called, as I understand, Antonio Sherley, he is the principal Ambassador, and the other is a Persian called Assan Halevech [Husayn ‛Ali Beg]; there are about twenty or twenty-five persons with them. In order to do them great honour, His Majesty ordered about three hundred citizens to mount on horseback, and sent the chief major-domo of the realm with about fifteen coaches and a great number of people on foot to the Stella1 distant two Italian miles away, and there the meeting took place. Here in the inner city, in the square where they are lodging, from the gate as far as the inn, the street was crowded with soldiers according to the custom of this nation, so that the spectacle, both of the multitudes and of the encounter was honourable in the highest degree. His Majesty himself was at a window of the castle: but, through being so far away, although in an eminent position, he was only able to enjoy the general view of the crowds, and nothing more. They have not yet had an audience.… Despatch of October 30th, 1600. …Doctor Petzen has arrived here, and they have also summoned the interpreter Negroni, to assist the Persian Ambassadors and to translate their letters…. The English Ambassador begged that his excuses might be made to His Holiness for having come to this city instead of having first gone to Rome, according to his commission; all this had been caused by 1

Le Strange’s ed., pp. 265–75. Sherleiana, pp. 8–17. 3 See The Three English Brothers, pp. 108–10. 1 The Sternschloss, near Prague. 2

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the nature of the journey which he had made.2 What this commission is no one knows for certain, for they have not yet had an audience: however, it is said that it is a matter of great importance, the which has been interpreted as written proposals for an alliance, and some even add a greater paradox, saying that this King plans to become a Christian. The Catholic Ambassador3 fears another thing, on account of the nature of their journey, namely that the King intends—as has been proposed before—diverting the spice-trade of the Indies to that route, and sending the spices by a shorter route, through the Low Countries, to England and the whole of Germany: and his fear is aroused all the more by reason of the fact that they travelled by water up the Volga for so many days when they could have gone much quicker over land. I am writing to Your Excellency of everything that happens here in connection with this matter. Despatch of November 8th, 1600. …Yesterday these Ambassadors from the King of Persia had an audience. The Englishman spoke in Spanish, and the substance of that King’s offer to His Imperial Majesty was that he would arm against the Turk, and would also make the Arabs and the Georgians take the field with him; and as this offer has been made in time, may God be pleased for it to bear results as soon as may be. Despatch of November 13th, 1600. …After these Ambassadors from Persia had had an audience all the Ambassadors visited them—I did likewise, in order to do the same as the others—and the Englishman confirmed to me that he was indeed negotiating an alliance, and would carry out whatever His Majesty might command, he was only awaiting the translation of the letter which he had brought—Andrea Negroni, whom they were expecting, not yet having arrived. He then spoke to me of the greatness of that King who, having conquered Osbech [The Khān of the Uzbegs] and killed him and his son, had made himself lord over five kingdoms, and, where such of these were situated on the shores of the Caspian Sea, his realm now bordered on Moscovy; he was surprised that, since there was such great abundance of silk and other merchandise in Persia, some of our merchants did not go to live in those countries, particularly in [Corazan] which had lately been conquered by that King: this country, in the role of centre-point of the Indies, as it were, would be most fitted to distribute almost all the spicetrade, which now goes through Portugal. He then discussed with me at length the facility there would be for sending these spices by the Caspian Sea, the Volga and the Dwina to those northern seas, telling me that in 2

Gouvea says that Pope Clement VIII overlooked the mistake the Shāh had made in not ordering his Embassy to visit Rome first. 3 The Spanish Ambassador.

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Moscovy one of the Grand Duke’s physicians was giving much thought and study to this proposal…. Despatch of 17th November, 1600. …At last these Persian Ambassadors are about to take their leave. His Majesty wished them to return as soon as possible to Persia, as I advised you, and to leave behind all the letters which they brought for the various Christian princes, himself offering to send them to all these princes by special messengers; but they would not agree to this at any price. Finally both parties agreed that His Imperial Majesty should send the procurations and ratifications by express messengers to the brother of the English Ambassador, who remained in Persia, and that letters from the Ambassadors should accompany these: these were to be sent by way of Moscovy, Ragusa and Soria, and were to be in duplicate, so that they might with all certainty reach that country; and the substance is that His Majesty promises to continue the war, and not to make peace, except on the conditions proposed by them. These Ambassadors will not now go to England nor to France, so the chief minister told me, but they will go to Italy, and thence to Genoa and Spain, where they plan to embark on their return journey. They bear the safe conduct of the King of Persia for all Christians who wish to go to that country, and also for the public practice of our faith, as Your Excellency will be able to discover more fully by the letter patent which accompanies mine. It will be well if Your Excellencies give orders that this is not to be made public until they themselves publish it openly, for I have obtained it from a reliable source, but possibly without their knowledge…. Despatch of 20th November, 1600. These Persian Ambassadors are not yet leaving; their negotiations consist of two articles only: they demand an alliance against the Turk, and a promise to continue the war, each side on its own behalf, and neither side is ever to make peace without the other. There is no difficulty in promising everything of this first article, so a minister told me: but they think it would be very difficult to observe the second article, inasmuch as they would have to send to Persia every time such a question or necessity arose. The fact which gives rise to discussion among the ministers regarding the persons and negotiations of these Ambassadors is the Englishman’s statement that they must first go to England, from there to Ormus, and so by sea to Persia; this was told me by one of those who returned my visit—they have returned all such visits—and they cannot imagine with what purpose such a journey is undertaken, seeing that the Queen is friendly towards the Turks and little desirous of the greatness and well-being of this House, and therefore they believe that, besides this, there may be something else about which they do not know. Despatch of 18th December, 1600. …These Persian Ambassadors have not yet taken their leave, and the Englishman has been many times to the Catholic Ambassador, on the subject, it is believed, of the treatment they had received. Two weeks ago

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he received letters from Persia by way of Venice, and, after he had read them, the bearer said that those letters sent by the King had remained in his hands, he having been entrusted with the care of them, for fear that they might have been lost in dispatch, and that the King had also bestowed upon him an important lordship in those countries. He gave the information that the Turk had sent an Ambassador to Persia, to demand one of the King’s sons for a hostage, and that the King had immediately commanded that the Ambassador should be put to death: but, on the intercession of those most dear to him, he had had him beaten instead; and although this thing happened a long time ago, and possibly Your Excellency heard of it earlier from another source, nevertheless I considered it my duty to write of it in any event. The return embassage which Rudolph sent to Shāh ‛Abbās in 1602 is described in an interesting little work called Iter Persicum.1 Etienne Kakasch de Zalonkemeny, a nobleman of Transylvania, who was entrusted with this mission, set out on his voyage on August 22nd, accompanied by a certain Georges Tectander von der Jabel. Travelling via Silesia, Poland, and Lithuania, they were received in Moscow by the Grand Duke Boris Gudonov. They next proceeded to Astrakhan whence they sent a courier to Ispahān. The courier found ‛Abbās engaged in an expedition against Tabrīz. The main party, having crossed the Caspian, were joined at Lenkorān by Robert Sherley who was to escort them to the presence of the Shāh, but Etienne Kakasch was too ill to proceed beyond Lāhijān, where he died three days after his arrival on October 25th, 1603. Tectander, however, managed to reach the Shāh and deliver his documents. Although Anthony no doubt wrote both to the Shāh and to his brother Robert, we know that his letters were for the most part intercepted. Indeed it would appear that one of the chief functions of ministers abroad was in those days to intercept letters and forward them to the Foreign Office. Tectander, who had met Anthony in Prague, probably brought the most up-to-date news of his mission to the Shāh, though it is possible that Angelo had already returned to Persia. According to Professor Babinger, Anthony and his Persian colleague left Prague on February 5th, 1601, and travelling via Nürnberg and Augsburg, reached Munich in the middle of February and were there received by the Elector Maximilian I of Bavaria. During March they travelled through Innsbruck, Trient, Mantua, Verona, Florence and Siena to Rome, where they arrived on April 5th. According to Don Juan they intended to visit Venice, but the Signory refused to admit them on the grounds that a Turkish embassy was expected there, “to the which message our ambassador, affronted, gave answer, that he cared not a jot for the Turkish ambassador, nor would pass comment on this discourtesy of the Signory of Venice. …”1 At Siena, where they were met by a cardinal who was to escort them to Rome, a fresh quarrel arose between the two ambassadors, of which Don Juan gives an account and 1

1

Edited by Ch. Schefer. Paris, 1877.

Schefer (du Mans, p. viii) states that the messenger sent to Venice on this occasion was Michel Angelo Cerray (sic) of Aleppo.

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naturally throws the blame on Anthony: “Now here in the city of Siena our ambassador had a quarrel with Sir Anthony Sherley, and matters would have come to a bad pass, had not the Cardinal, whom His Holiness had sent to us, been present to compose the dispute, though indeed he could not prevail on our ambassador to allow Sir Anthony to enter Rome in his company, as originally it had been intended. The cause of this quarrel of our ambassador with Sir Anthony was in the matter of the thirty-two chests of presents, which, as already explained, had been given in charge of the English ship-master (at Archangel) to be brought direct to Rome. The ambassador was now demanding of Sir Anthony the due delivery of these chests, in order that he might make His Holiness a suitable present from what was in them, which, indeed would have been a gift of much magnificence. It now appeared that the whole affair had been a cheat, for no chests had ever been brought to Rome, Sir Anthony having sold or bartered away their contents, namely those seven gifts of price (for the Pope and the Princes), to that English merchant captain, while we were travelling by sea in the Baltic Gulf or Northern Ocean. This in truth was the fact of what had happened, for afterwards we had notice how our pieces of brocade and cloths had afterwards all been publicly sold by the English merchants in Muscovy. At length, however, this quarrel between us was accommodated by the kind offices of the Cardinal, and we went on to Rome.”1 In Rome a still more serious quarrel arose regarding their respective claims for precedence which ultimately made it impossible for these two “Orators” to be received together in public audience by Pope Clement VIII, and thus they were privately received on different dates, Anthony on April 25th, and Husayn ‛Ali on April 26th. The Calendar of State Papers (Venice, 1592–1603) contains references to rumours and actual reports of Anthony’s mission addressed to the Doge and Senate from the Venetian Ambassadors in Madrid, Constantinople, Rome and London. Mocenigo, the Venetian Ambassador in Rome, wrote on April 21st, 1601: “…The credentials have been translated, and it seems that the Englishman is not called an ambassador; he defends himself by declaring that the translation is faulty, and that there is no one here who understands Persian….” After the audience with the Pope, he wrote on May 5th: “…It does not seem that he (i.e. Anthony) is making much way in the favour of His Holiness and of the Court, although a large number of his fellow-countrymen here in Rome do all they can to support him and maintain him as Ambassador….” So great was the public interest aroused by these visitors from Persia, that even before the audiences with the Pope had been arranged a broadsheet was published on the subject in Italian. No copy of the imprint is known to exist and it was apparently suppressed, but a transcript has been discovered in the Vatican Library by Professor Ettore Rossi.1 A somewhat abridged French translation seems to have enjoyed great popularity in France Solemnelle faicte à Rome aux Ambassadeurs du Roi de Perse, le cinquieme Auril, 1601, seeing that it was printed in three different towns.1 This will be found in the Appendices to this volume (p. 247).under the title of L’Entrée 1

Le Strange’s ed., pp. 283–4. See Babinger, op. cit., p. 27. 1 See above, p. xxix. 2

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Of their stay in Rome we have very vivid accounts written by Cardinal d’Ossat to Henri IV of France, and to Monsieur de Villeroy, from which I have translated the following extracts: ROME. 11th April, 1601. To the King. …On Thursday the 5th of this month there arrived here the Ambassadors from the King of Persia, coming from the Court of the Emperor. Your Majesty has heard of them from Seigneur Ancel [Angelo?], why they were sent, and that there are two of them, an Englishman and a Persian. They made a state entry and the Pope has given them lodging and entertainment in the Borgo, near St Peter’s, in a separate palace. They have not yet had an audience of the Pope, because they are not agreed as to their rank, and each claims the right to precede his companion. That was the reason why they came to blows, a short time before their entry, in the house where they were awaiting those who were to conduct them. And after their entry, when they had returned to their lodging they once again fell on each other on the staircase of the said house. An attempt is being made to reconcile them, but this is very difficult to achieve. Perhaps someone may be found who shall tell them that since they, being but two and sent by the same Prince on the same mission, cannot agree between themselves, they will find it difficult to bring about a union of so many Christian Princes and others in order to ruin the Empire of the Turk…. ROME. 26th April, 1601. To the King. …The Ambassadors of the King of Persia have long awaited an audience of the Pope, the reàson being that they could never agree as to their precedence, and indeed they are still in disagreement on this matter. Owing to this the Pope finally gave to each a separate audience, yesterday evening to the Englishman, and this evening to the Persian; by this order it is implied that the Englishman is the principal ambassador…. ROME. 14th May, 1601. To M.de Villeroy. …The ambassadors of the King of Persia have been dismissed by the Pope, who sent to them yesterday evening the 10th of the month by the Patriarch Biondo, his chamberlain, one thousand gold crowns each; and also to their interpreters two hundred each: and he sent word to them that they might go when they pleased. They are still here, and have never been able to agree as to their rank, and they wish each other dead, unless they are taking us all in. And since they were granted separate audiences and receptions it is said that they will depart separately, and that the

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Englishman will be the first to leave. As for the Persian, it is said that when he leaves this city he will go straight to Spain, and will return thence to Persia. As for the Englishman it is not known what he will do. M.le Cardinal de Sourdis told me on the 5th of the month that the said Englishman had been to see him, and had asked for his advice as to whether or not he should go to the King [i.e. Henri IV]; and that he (i.e. the Cardinal) had replied that he would ask me: and the said Cardinal having put this question to me that same day, I replied to him that the King had given me no instructions in the matter, and that I too was unable to give any advice; and I recommended the said English Ambassador to do what seemed best to him. I made this answer: (1) Because this was the truth of the matter, and because I always leave Nature to take its course when I do not know whether things are for good or ill; (2) In order not to give the Englishman an opportunity for making me responsible for his decision whether or not to go to France, nor for discussing the matter with others in Rome, particu-larly with the Spaniards, who have, I know, exploited him…. ROME. 28th May, 1601. To M.de Villeroy. …The next day Saturday the 26th the other Ambassador, the Englishman, also came to see me, either in imitation or emulation of the Persian, or possibly for the sole reason that he wished so to do: he told me that he was the good servant of the King and had served him in past wars; that he wished to be my servant also, and came to declare himself as such; that for the rest, owing to the misfortunes which he had experienced at this Court, he wished to return to Persia, without travelling further afield, in order to rejoin his brother whom he had left there: and that he had not the least desire to go to Spain. As for England, he had been forbidden by the Queen to go there: and as for France, it seemed to him that he should not go there, for he did not wish to prejudice the service of the King, who was at peace with the Turk, nor did he wish to give cause for the ill-treatment of those subjects of His Majesty trading in the lands of the Turk. I preserved the same demeanour in replying to him as I had with the other, not giving any sign as to whether I thought he or the other should or should not go to the King. For the time being I replied to everything else as graciously as possible; so that he could not have surpassed me in courtesy, and he was left wondering, supposing he wished to discover, what I was thinking about it. He told me that he would send me certain papers concerning his mission; which he did: and I have had a copy made of the principal, which is what he said to the Pope on behalf of the King of Persia; and I am sending you this copy, as well as others of lesser importance, by the next courier to leave after this. The said Englishman seemed to me to be very hostile towards the Spaniards; but I know well that they have exploited and interrogated him, and have made him fine

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offers in order to win him over to their side, as much by reason of their ancient designs against England as for these affairs of Persia against the Turk. And it may be that he, being far from his own country and in need of money, will accept a post from the Spaniards, who pay more willingly for wrong-doing than for any other thing: and I think it possible that in the document of which I am sending you a copy and in the article beginning “Tertio, che vi sia confederatione”, they made him insert to our detriment the clause beginning “Et acciò questa confederatione”. One thing I know very well, that he was in conference with the English Jesuit, Father Personio [Parsons], and with the Spanish Ambassador before his audience of the Pope; by which I believe that he was sought out by them, and did not himself first seek them…. ROME. 11th June, 1601. To the King. …Of the two Ambassadors of the King of Persia the Englishman left on the 30th of May,1 and the Pope sent him the day before three hundred crowns, in addition to the thousand given previously; and it is said that he has departed. He said that he was returning direct to the King of Persia, and he has not left a very good name behind him, for he has deserted his following to whom he owed money, and he deceived them with false hopes and promises that they would be paid by a certain Englishman in Rome, with whom he said he had deposited the necessary money, whereas he left nothing at all… …When the said Persian [i.e. Husayn ‛Alī Beg] was at Pontremoli, three of his Persians returned to Rome, saying that they wished to become Christian; and in point of fact their instruction has already been begun….

1

We know from other sources that Anthony Sherley did not actually leave Rome until July. See p. 52.

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IV WITHOUT EMPLOYMENT. 1601–1605 THE Persian “Orator” eventually left Rome on May 29th. Don Juan accompanied him to Spain, travelling by land to Genoa, and thence by sea to Savona. Thence they proceeded by land to Valladolid where the Spanish Court was then in residence, via Avignon, Perpignan, Barcelona, and Zaragoza. The Persian Ambassador after a tour in Spain determined to return home without visiting the other Christian princes, no doubt because three principal members of his suite—Don Juan, the first secretary; ‛Ali Quli Beg, the ambassador’s nephew, who was second secretary 1; and Bunyād Beg, the third secretary—had adopted the Christian faith. According to the Fugger Letter of June 9th, 1601, the Ambassador’s barber, cook and private secretary were also converted to Christianity in Rome.2 Husayn ‛Ali Beg sailed from Lisbon early in 1602 for Hormuz. We do not know when he reached Persia, but Gouvea3 tells us that he heard from “the Moorish ambassador himself” the story of Anthony’s treatment of Father Nicolas. This must have been before Gouvea left Persia in 1603. Nixon’s strange story of the Persian Ambassador’s execution by ‘Abbās on the ground of his having traduced Anthony seems to be a pure invention.1 Gouvea tells us (Relaçam, p. 41a) that Husayn ‛Ali Beg described to the Shāh in the presence of many the extraordinary honours and gifts he had received from the King of Spain. Dengiz Beg, the envoy sent to Europe with Gouvea in 1608, was however on his return to Persia in 1613 put to death by the Shāh for his improper behaviour at the court of Spain.2 Anthony was to have accompanied Husayn ‛Ali to Spain, but when the day of departure arrived was nowhere to be found. Presumably he and his party hid themselves somewhere in Rome, for although Anthony left Rome officially on May 29th, he was still there in July, when he secretly departed, attended only by one man and his page.3 His activities in Rome and the reason for his sudden departure are involved in mystery. A very remarkable letter written by the celebrated Jesuit, Father Parsons, and dated Rome, April 30th, 1601, which is printed in full in Evelyn Shirley’s Sherley Brothers (pp. 32, 33) must be included here:

1

This man must not be confused with ‛Ali Quli Beg Mardān who accompanied Robert Sherley to Europe in 1608, and of whom Gouvea, writing in 1610, speaks as being then Persian Ambassador in Rome. 2 See also quotation from Cardinal d’Ossat, p. 50. 3 Glorioso Triunfo, Madrid, 1623, p. 106. 1 The Three Brothers, 1825, p. 112. 2 ‛Ālām-ārāyī-‛Abbāsī, Teheran lith. A.H. 1314, p. 613. 3 S.P.Foreign, Turkey, 4, f. 140, Mr Lello to Sir Robert Cecil, August 2nd, 1601.

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FROM F.PARSONS TO ONE EURE IN ENGLAND TOUCHING SIR A.SHERLEY AT ROME. You shall understand we have here a Persian Ambassador Sir Anthony Sherley who at his coming was received very solemnly being brought in by all the nobility and gentlemen of Rome and hath now remained here these 3 or 4 weeks. There is with him an assistant a nobleman of Persia and with him 6 or 7 Persians more. Betwixt Sir Anthony and his assistant since their coming hither, there hath been, and is, no small unkindness, which having begun at Prague yet it since increased, is now become so great that the Persian hath sought by what means he can be discharged of him, first by claiming the principal place in the Embassage and then calumniating him that while he was in Persia he was of the Persian Religion, which Sir Anthony utterly denyeth to be true, though he confesseth he went in Persian apparel the better by that conforming himself to be amongst Turks and Christians. Again, he accuseth Sir Anthony to have persuaded him while they were in Muscovy to have gone into England with him, while he chargeth him to have sent such presents as the King of Persia had willed to be given to the Christian Princes, which he saith were worth 3, or 400,000x. the which Sir Anthony to dispute, hath this Persian’s own hand, for being entered on his journey before the Persian, and expecting with him the presents on this side the Caspian Sea, where opening the chests, he found them worth but about some 3,000 crowns, and that they were unmeet presents for many Princes, and very unfit to countenance out his Embassage; rather choosing to give none at all, he received a note under the Persian’s hand as well of the parcels’ value, and then feigning as though he would send them into England, returned them by merchants again into Persia. Thus is Sir A. much troubled with his assistant. You shall receive letters here of his negotiations which consisteth of 2 heads, the one concerning matter of religion, the other league with Christian Princes against the Turk, for the first he will give leave for building of chapels and churches, and full liberty for exercise of Christian religion, to the which also he will compel the Georgians that be under him; besides the Christians shall be free under him for impositions in respect of their religion, and shall also have liberty to dispose of their goods and their lands as they will. For the other he will give 50,000 horse, besides other profit, and assist them, if they will again attempt for the holy land. Sir A.demeaneth himself here very well, which also I learn he hath done ever since his being at Prague, where he was reconciled: He denyeth himself to have been a Protestant ever since his first being at Venice for that there he was reconciled as he saith by D.Tourant [?] now dead.

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HUSAYN ‛ALI BEG Engraving made to commemorate his entry into Rome, 1601 And since his being at Prague, and here also, he hath used to frequent confession every 7 or 8 day; He hath taken for his Ghostly father one

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Bartholomew Pigot an assistant of the Society, and upon Easter Eve he did communicate here; upon Easter day he dined here in the English College, and was in conversation after dinner among the fathers where he did so well discourse, besides after that one of his servants, concerning likelihood of casting religion in Persia, that many of our fathers were very much inclined to be employed there. Sir A.Sh. hath no great mind to return any more into England, as well for that the Earl of Essex and most of his special friends are gone, as also for that his father is very rigorously and wrongfully as he saith had in durance by the Queen, for that upon his account the Queen resteth 22,000li in his debt, and so clearly found, yet she seized all his livings into her hands, made a sale of them, and used such rigour towards him, that no man might buy of them, unless first favour be bought for Sir Thomas his father. Besides he complaineth of much maltreating, done his brother by Sir R.C. in taking away his wife and keeping her openly, whereupon he hath taken ship and gone out of England, with full purpose never to return. Evelyn Shirley makes the following interesting comments on this letter, pointing out that it “lets us in some degree behind the scenes at this period of Sir Anthony Sherley’s career; although he had secretly changed his religion, he had not given up all hopes of being received at home, if not in Elizabeth’s time, he had taken care to secure some influence with her successor in Scotland. The religious schemes which he amused the fathers by broaching, are not without interest, though it is to be feared he had little authority for them: it is curious also to observe the false light in which he represents his father’s extravagance, and the serious accusation which he brings against Cecil, of detaining his elder brother’s wife; an accusation for which there appears not the slightest foundation, and which he probably invented for the occasion.”1 Before leaving Rome, Anthony was apparently robbed by a servant of certain diplomatic documents he was carrying, including the reply of Rudolph II to Shāh ‛Abbās,2 which was sold by this servant to the Turkish Government.3 Evelyn Shirley (op. cit., p. 35) says that Anthony Sherley “appears to have left Rome in disgrace”. If this was so, it may have been in connection with his financial troubles (see p. 50), but the mys teryattaching to his disappearance from Rome was possibly due to his having left in disguise; for it appears from a most interesting letter in Latin discovered by Professor Babinger in the Cassel archives,4 that Anthony had planned to return to Persia with four companions, in the guise of merchants, in order to arrive there before his Persian colleague. According to this letter Anthony had formed this design while in Ragusa and had abandoned it partly because of the dangers of the road through Turkey, and partly because his plan had been discovered; whereupon he at once fled to Venice. It is conceivable that he adopted his merchant disguise in Rome, and did not learn until he reached Ragusa that the Turks had 1

The Sherley Brothers, p. 34. This reply has been printed in the Latin original in Monumenta Hungariœ Historica Scriptores, VII, (pp. 88–91), Pest, 1863. It is dated Prague, December 11th, 1600. 3 S.P.Foreign, Turkey, 4, f. 140, Mr Lello to Sir R.Cecil, August 2nd, 1601. 4 To the Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-Cassel from his agent, dated Florence, July 7th, 1602. 2

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become possessed of the stolen letters, and that they had at the same time heard of his proposed journey through their territory. His own reason for leaving Rome, however, is given in a letter to Lord Chief Justice Popham, in which he says that because he was not willing to join the Spaniards and go to Spain, they tried to ruin him, and even to take his life.1 From Venice, he wrote several letters to England, including one dated March 3rd, 1602, to Sir Robert Cecil2 in which he refers to the heavy debts he had incurred in England, and asserts that they were the reason for his leaving England without the Queen’s permission. While in Venice his political intrigues with Spain were regarded as sufficiently dangerous to warrant the appointment of spies sent from England by the Government to watch his movements. In a letter to the Countess of Cumberland dated July 20th, 1602,3 in which he complains that he has suffered “indigence itself, and even heavy scandals and defamations” he begs her to inform him as to the reason for his being subjected to the humiliation of being spied upon by “a fellar of a vile occupation, one Wilson, an Intelligencer”. Wilson, the spy referred to in this letter, actually tried to get Anthony arrested by the Signory, but without success, for they would take no steps without the order of the Queen or Council of England. That he was eventually arrested by the Privy Council of Venice on March 24th, 1603, we learn from letters in the Calendar of State Papers of Venice (1603–7, p. 1). His papers were apparently searched, but nothing was found to incriminate him with the exception of four letters which are missing from the Calendar. On April 11th he was allowed better quarters in prison on account of his illhealth. On May 11th his release was ordered, with the command to leave Venice and the Venetian dominions within eight days, “nor is he ever to return, under pain of our indignation”. His papers were to be restored to him. Later an amendment was moved to the effect that he should be released on no condition at all. In a letter dated May 17th we learn that he was granted twenty days more so that he might pay his debts and recover his health, which, as the doctor’s certificates show, was very bad, for he was suffering at this time from an acute form of kidney disease. James I on his accession probably used considerable influence on Anthony’s behalf, and was no doubt responsible for his release. A letter from Giovanni Scaramelli, Venetian Secretary in London, to the Doge and Senate in Venice describing the King’s interest in Anthony is included in the Calendar (Venice, 1603–75 p. 34), and runs as follows: LONDON, 22nd May, 1603. The King had not been two hours in the Tower of London—in sight of which, and hard by, I have my lodging in a house in the borough, quite new, with a great Italian garden, belonging to a merchant of Lucca—when his Majesty sent one of his gentlemen to wait on me with expressions of great affection for your Serenity, and kindliness towards your Secretary and servant. He informed me that he was well informed about my business and about myself, and 1 2

3

C.S.P., Domestic (1601–3), p. 223, dat. July 20th, 1602. Ibid., p. 159.

Ibid., p. 224.

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he excused himself for not having summoned me to audience, but promised to receive me after the French Ambassador and before Nassau, the States and all other Ambassadors and to speak to me more in private than in public. I returned thanks, and assured the gentleman that his Majesty might count on the sincere affection of the Republic. I thought the exchange of compliments had ended the interview, but the gentleman added that his Majesty had a great esteem for Sir Anthony Sherley [Signor Antonio Giarles], who is now a prisoner in Venice. Sherley had always been of the King’s party, and had not returned to England after his voyage to Persia for no other reason than that as a relation and dependent of the Earl of Essex, he would have been exposed to persecution by the opposite faction after the Earl’s death; that he is not the bad subject he is represented to be, nor was he ever a dependent of the King of Spain, except in so far as the service of the King of Scotland, now King of England, required; his Majesty therefore begs your Serenity, unless Sherley is a prisoner for plotting against the Republic, which cannot possibly be, to hand Sherley over to him to answer for all other misdeeds, as the King would have the greatest pleasure in seeing him once more, in order to recompense him. He added that the King’s request did not end here, but that he begged your Serenity to instruct your Ambassador at Constantinople to do nothing hostile to Thomas Sherley, Anthony’s brother, who is a prisoner in an island of the Levant, but to exercise his great influence with the Porte in order to secure Sherley’s liberation.1 I assured the gentleman that I would at once comply with his Majesty’s request and would write instantly. The gentleman took his leave, saying that the King hopes for a speedy and favourable reply. The house of Sherley is really noble in this kingdom, and Thomas may be said to have ruined himself by fitting out a squadron of seven ships at his own charges and at a cost of one hundred and twenty ducats, with the intent to sail to India. When about to pass the Straits of Magellan he discovered that he had been cheated by his agents and had not provisions enough, and so was compelled to return home;. from that moment he began the downward course. He who, as I am informed, went down on his knees to the King at Theobalds and called to his mind the loyalty of the three, Henry [for Robert], who is in Persia, Anthony and Thomas, is still in the same plight as when I wrote on the 27th of February last. One might have supposed that after his release from prison Anthony would have left Venice, but apparently he remained there for several months, On February 8th of that year he was granted a special licence by James I permitting him to remain “beyond the seas some longer time”.1 During these months he took great pains to restore himself to favour in England by reporting Jesuit plots against the English throne, but he never returned to England. Little is known of his movements until the end of that year, when, according to the secret proceedings of the Council of Ten, dated December 1st, he was, 1

The original letter addressed by James I to Sultan Ahmad and dated June 15th, 1605, asking for the release of Thomas Sherley, is now in my possession. 1

S.P., Docquets 7, dat. Feb. 8th, 1603–4.

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for important considerations, ordered to leave the Venetian state within four days on pain of death.2 Attention to this document was first drawn by Berchet in the pamphlet translated on pp. 25–31, and must be accepted as correct, unlike the note which follows it, in which Berchet states on no authority that Anthony was hanged in Venice for homicide on June 29th, 1612! This allegation is of course quite absurd in view of the documentary evidence of Anthony’s career long after that date, In this connection I may add that while engaged in these researches I came across a curious little MS. containing a list of all persons hanged in Venice between 820 and 1772, which of course contains no mention of Anthony.3

2 3

C.S.P., Venice, 1603–7, p. 194, dat. December 1st, 1604. See Maggs’s Catalogue of Strange Books, No. 5174, p. 178.

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V THE MISSION TO MOROCCO. 1605 IN 1604 we hear of Anthony in Ferrara, and later in Messina where he was living as a pensioner of the King of Spain, In June, 1605, he was invited by the Emperor to go to Prague in order to assist in the negotiations with Zaynal Khān the Persian Ambassador, who had arrived at the Emperor’s Court on the 20th July, 1604, and was awaiting the arrival of a second Persian envoy, Mehdi Quli Beg.1 A curious letter dated January 10th, 1605, from Ferreri, the Papal Nuncio at Prague, to Cardinal St Giorgio, tells us that Angelo, the interpreter of the Persian ambassador, had gone to Persia to look for Anthony.2 It was no doubt at his own suggestion that Anthony was sent by Rudolph II in the autumn of 1605 on a mission to Morocco, with the object of creating a diversion in that quarter against the Turks. The King of Spain, being an interested party, probably agreed to support the mission financially. We know too that the King of England also authorized Anthony to procure from the English merchants in Morocco any money he might require, from a letter from P.M.Coy, representative of the Low Countries in Barbary,3 and further, that certain Austrian horse-breeders advanced him 14,000 ducats for the purchase of Arab horses. It is therefore evident that he started out well provided with money, though he quickly got rid of it, and was obliged, before he could leave the country, to find other means of lining his pockets. Anthony embarked at Genoa with thirteen companions of all nationalities, chief among them being Sir Edwin Rich. The account of his journey is given in the first paragraph of his long letter to the Emperor (in Italian), dated Saffi, October 5th, 1605,1 in which he describes how they ran into a terrific storm near the Isle of Formentera and were obliged to take refuge at Alicante. Since the repairs to the ship would have necessitated a long delay, Anthony decided to travel by land to Cadiz and take ship from there. He arrived there in fifteen days, travelling via Madrid, without, however, having audience with the King who it seems did not wish to accord him official recognition. Anthony and his party were obliged to wait twenty days for a ship to take them to Saffi, during which time he apparently complained of the discourteous treatment he had received in Cadiz, and on hearing of this Philip III sent the Duke of Braganza to present 1

Letter from Lesieur, English ambassador in Prague, dated June 4th, 1605. S.P.Foreign, News Letters, 41. Zaynal Khān Bekdili had for some time been governor of Rayy (see ‛Ālam Ārāyī‛Abbāsī, p. 762). An account of his embassy to Prague will be found in Khevenhüller’s Annales Ferdinandei, Vol. II, p. 2357–8. 2 Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutsckland, IV. Berlin, 1913. 3 Dated December 16th, 1605. Quoted by de Castries, Pays Bas, p. 275. 1 C.S.P., Domestic, 1598–1601, p. 371. Quoted by Babinger, op. cit., p. 39.

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his excuses and express his interest in Anthony’s mission.2 They eventually hired a ship for 700 crowns, and, having again met with an even greater storm which lasted eight days, arrived in Saffi on October 2nd. Anthony’s main object was to uphold the Sa‘dian Sharīf, Muley Bū Fāris against his brothers Shaykh and Zīdān, and to drive the Turks out of Algiers and Tunis. He remained in Saffi four months and then moved to Marrakesh, but during his five months’ stay there apparently achieved very little. He assumed the title of Ambassador and entertained lavishly, living luxuriously and far beyond his means. The following passage from Chapter XI of the rare tract by Robert Chambers printed in 1609 is the only known account of Anthony’s adventures in Morocco.1 “About this time, being the beginning of October, arrived at Saphia Sir Anthony Sherley, as ambassador from the Emperor of Germany to the King of Morruecos. His attendance was better than a private man, though somewhat wanting of the person from whom he was sent; few of note were in his company, being in all about thirteen persons, of every Christian language one, because he would be fitted for interpretation of tongues. Amongst these was Sir Edwin Rich, whose behaviour was good, and well spoken of in every place where he came; not straining his credit to borrow money, but well provided to serve his own turn, answering to his birth, state, and disbursements for the time. Sir Anthony, then taking the title of ambassador, during four months’ abode in Saphia, kept open house, invited all Christian merchants daily, both to dinner and supper. To supply his own turn for money, he got credit of Jews to take up money, and pay them in Morruecos, but at excessive rate, almost fifty for a hundred. He bought, likewise, of an English merchant’s factor, being at dinner with him, at two or three words, a ship of a hundred and sixty ton, with all her lading, being wheat; paying him in hand two thousand ounces, and if he were not paid the rest of his money within ten days after his arrival in Morruecos, then the buyer to lose his earnest. But before he went up, Abdelmelich [‛Abd el-Melik] returning from Fez, by reason of his soldiers’ treason, the King of Fez marched towards Morruecos some four days’ journey, and there gave siege unto a port town called Sally, and took it, but the castle he could not win. So the Alkeyd [Al-qā’id] of the castle wrote to Muley Boferes [Bū Fāris], that though the town were lost, the castle he would keep for him, if he sent three hundred quarters of corn to victual his men, and a fresh supply of fifty soldiers. Boferes, loath to lose the place, and hearing Sir Anthony had bought a ship of corn, wrote to Saffi, and willed him to send his ship to Sallie, and there to unlade her 2

Letter from Arnoult de Lisle to Villeroy, dated Merrakech, January 29th, 1606. De Castries, Ire Série, France, Vol. II, pp. 331–2. 1 The greater part of this chapter was reprinted by Purchas in his epitome of the whole tract, Vol. VI, pp. 81–5 (see Bibliography).

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corn for the relief of the castellan and his soldiers. Sir Anthony, willing to do the King a favour, sent for the captain and merchant of the ship, and willed them to go for Sallie, and paying them for three hundred quarters, dealt so that thither they went; but the castle being yielded before they came, the captain and merchant landed neither men nor corn, but returned to Saphie. By this time were sent, for the conduct of the ambassador, five hundred men, under the command of two Alkeyds. Unto every soldier Sir Anthony gave a turbith,1 as a livery of his love, which made them respect and honour him exceedingly; insomuch, that one of the two Alkeyds not hastening to conduct the ambassador up to Morruecos, Sir Anthony desirous to set forward, and the soldiers willing to pleasure him, fell to mutiny in regard of the Alkeyd’s slackness, killing two of his men, to hasten their master forward. After his four months’ abode in Saphie, wherein his bounty was extraordinary, not to his countrymen only, but to Flemish, French, and Spanish, admired of his soldiers, he was received into Morruecos with great state; having by the way, as also during his abode in Saphie, divers letters from the King, extolling his honourable endeavours, and approved valiantness in his far-famed adventures both by sea and land, not omitting any courtship to win his love, or make him doubt his welcome. After two days’ stay in the city, the king made preparation for his entertainment at court, whither he went, suiting his followers as well as the shortness of the time could suffer, and his credit with the Christian merchants could afford, which was good; for two Spaniards were so wrapt with admiration of his worth, and by his speeches allured with so strange hope, that they fell in emulation, whether should do him more services, or help him to more money. Reasonably attended, he rode to court, not lighting from his horse where the king’s sons usually do, but rode through the Mushward,1 which is the King’s great hall, wherein most of his lords, gentlemen, and chief sort of people do attend when they come to court, which none but the King himself doth. Being come into the King’s presence, his letters of credit were received with great show of kindness and himself entertained with all gracious respect, not only at the King’s hands, but of the principallest men in office or favour, about the court, and so for that time was dismissed, the chiefest men attending him back to the place where he took horse. Some five days after, Sir Anthony Sherley coming to audience, and thinking to have ridden in as he did before, a chain was hung across the entrance of the Mushward, which he perceiving only done to hinder his passage, would not alight from his horse, but returned back very discontented. This being certified to Boferes, presently three of his chiefest Alkeyds were sent to qualify the matter. But Sir 1 1

turban. Arabic mashwar=Council Chamber.

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Anthony took the disgrace not as his own, but his whose person he represented; telling the Alkeyds, his master, the Emperor, was able and would requite the injury; neither did he fear though now within the power of Boferes, knowing the greatness of him in whose service he was employed, so far surpassing the King of Morruecos, as, maugre the proudest, he would be fetched from thence, and be fully revenged of the least injury done unto him. The three Alkeyds laid the blame upon the King’s porter, offering Sir Anthony the porter’s head if he would have it; so spending an hour to pacify his choler, and bring him back, the porter before his face was sore beaten and imprisoned, neither ever after was he hindered of riding through the Mushward. During his abode in Morruecos [Marrakesh], which was five months, Boferes and he had divers private conferences, as it was generally thought, which way to keep him in the kingdom against his two brethren, Sheck [Shaykh] and Sidan [Zīdān];as also to give the great Turk a blow, to drive him out of Argiers [Algiers] and Tunes. From Morruecos Sir Anthony departed, with great content to himself, and good liking of Boferes, of whom he bought two Portugal gentlemen for a hundred and fifty thousand ounces [of silver], which amounteth to some ten thousand pound sterling. These two had been captives in Morruecos almost sixteen years; the one son to the Viceroy of the East Indies, the other of a noble house in Portugal.1 The first had his resgat [ransom] thrice sent for to ransom him, out of the East Indies, but twice it was taken by the English, and once by the Flemings, during our late wars with them: the other his brethren drove him off for his resgat either to save so much money, or not able to pay so great a fine. To accompany him from the court to Saffi, was sent one of the King’s gentlemen ushers, to whom, at his parting, he threw him his hat which he wore, from his head, with a jewel of great value, rewarding largely all the usher’s followers. For his guard, the ways being then very dangerous, was sent down with him four hundred shot, under the command of Alkeyd Abdela Sinko, a Portugal Renegado, which is a Christian turned Moor. This man, whether by persuasion, or voluntarily desiring to see his native country, in the night got aboard of the ship Sir Edwin Rich was in, not Sir Anthony’s; the ship presently weighing anchor, made sail for Spain, but the other remaining with Sir Anthony in the harbour. This dealing was taken in ill part, insomuch, that five of his men, being sent to shore for certain provision which they lacked, were clapped up in prison, and sent in chains to Morruecos [Marrakesh], but afterwards released. Sir Anthony writing to the King, both to clear himself of the fact, and desiring remedy for these his new sustained grievances, set a good show upon the matter, stayed four days after the other ship which had carried away the Alkeyd, and would have tarried until he had his five 1

Antonio de Saldanha, son of Ayres de Saldanha the Viceroy of India (1600–5), and Pedro Cesar Dessa.

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men again, but that he was written unto to be gone, from an especial friend ashore advising him he did not well to ride so long in the port, divers Flemish men of war being abroad; and if any should chance to come in there, as seldom it is without, they, finding these two gentlemen as prizes, would seize upon them; and then was there lost thirty-five thousand ounces of silver, which a merchant’s factor had lent Sir Anthony Sherley to clear him out of the country; for which the factor had the two Portugals bound to pay this debt at their arrival at Lisbon. Upon this advertisement he departed, and the next day Boferes sent him a letter to clear his men.” The following letter from Sir Anthony was written in Italian to the Secretary of State of the Emperor in Prague from Morocco and translated by Lord Salisbury’s orders on being intercepted by his agents. Most renowned Sir, The time hath been such an enemy to the speedy dispatch of his Majesty’s business that where I hoped to have been returned before this, I have not yet attained to the king’s presence, who desireth to know himself sure in his state before he will hazard any person at the arbitrement of another vanquisher, as he hath let me understand divers time by the Governor of this place. But I make little doubt of his fortune, he being already in possession of the kingdom and the Treasure, and holding all the great ones at his devotion. Two days cannot pass before every discourse will be concluded in effect, the battle being appointed in the kingdom of Fez. His Majesty may vouchsafe to be contented with the necessity of these accidents, which were not possible in man’s judgement to be prevented, and for the rest to be confident in the enterprise, as much as all discourse of reason can persuade his high wisdom. We have a king rich in treasure, oppressed by a potent neighbour the Turk, ill assured of the king of Spain, and if he shall remain vanquisher of Mulley Xeque [Shaykh], he will retire himself presently to the Great Duke; having made his way, and keeping a ship of war of the Great Duke’s ready for that purpose, in the port of Caracha [? Larache], wherein is already put the treasure of jewels which he hath. Yourself may discourse of the rest, whether the great name of the Emperor will not be of force to take away all future fears from the king, and whether he will not be content to do more then ever he thought. For my part, my life, time, and fortune shall not be spared, to accomplish the sincere loyalty and affection which I bear to the service of his Majesty neither shall there want any sort of art or industry. This is all I can say for the present upon this occasion, God shall give happy success unto all for his own glory; meanwhile your patience cannot be greater in expecting the end, than mine in procuring it. The copy of the king’s letter to me I send unto his Majesty, the double thereof shall not be necessary sith all passeth by your own hands, unto whom from heaven I wish all happiness from Zuffra1 10. dec. 1605. Your lordship’s most devoted to serve you ANTHONY SHERLEY.

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(Addressed) “To the Lord Baructius,2 of his Majesty’s privy Counsel and his principal secretary.”3 Although Anthony’s mission to Morocco did very little to advance the Emperor’s interests, his extravagant way of living and over-lavish hospitality greatly increased his own popularity and fame. Robert Chambers in Chapter XVII of the same tract says of Anthony: “Without question he knoweth well the state of that uncivil and barbarous nation, having an apprehending and admirable wit to conceive the disposition of any people with whom he shall converse. Whilst he was amongst them, he behaved himself very well towards those of better sort, winning credit with them, and gaining the love of the poorer sort exceedingly by his largess, for if a Moor or slave gave him but a dish of dates, he should receive a reward as from an Emperor, and howsoever some may hold this a vice, counting him a lavisher, yet by this means he came to the knowledge of that which otherwise he never should have attained unto”.

1

Saffi. For Barvitius. 3 The Sherley Brothers, Rox. Soc., pp. 51, 52. 2

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VI IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN. 1607–1610 IN order to collect the repayment of the ransom for the two “Portugal gentlemen”— Antonio de Saldanha and Pedro Cesar Dessa—Anthony next proceeded to Portugal instead of returning to Prague, and arrived in Lisbon in the beginning of September, 1606. We learn from letters to Lord Salisbury from Mr Hugh Lee, Consul in Lisbon,1 and from Anthony himself that he failed to collect the ransom money from the two Portuguese prisoners who “not only deny to pay, but persecute me as much as they dare and can, with all the vile usage that can be devised”.2 Anthony therefore crossed into Spain to lay his complaint before Philip III, and appears to have been well received, and indeed so well ingratiated himself with the King that in March, 1607, he received the important commission of General of the Mediterranean Seas, also the office of one of the Council of the Kingdom of Naples. From that time forward he definitely threw in his lot with Spain. Gouvea (Relaçam, 164, p. 183b) gives us the following interesting details: “In order to understand the situation it must be remembered that Anthony Sherley, after seeking many ways of aggrandizing himself, finally decided that the best possible way was to place his services at the disposal of the King of Spain, of whose clemency and power he had already gained experience, for he was delivered by the Spanish ambassador residing in Venice from certain death in connection with a crime he was charged with. “As soon as he reached the Spanish Court he was employed in negotiations which enabled him to prove his cleverness and experience. He was eventually made General of the fleet [nauios de alto bordo], which Philip commanded to be sent to the Mediterranean, and was appointed to the Colateral Council of the Kingdom of Naples, where he served with the Count of Benavento who was then Viceroy of Naples. The Count was guided by Anthony’s advice, especially with regard to his plans for damaging the Turk. For Anthony had passed some time in the Turkish Empire, and realised the great profit which the Turks derived from the passage of silks between Persia and Europe via Turkey, which was a source of immense wealth to Baghdad, Aleppo and Constantinople. It is the Christians who come from France, Venice, Florence, England, and other Italian towns to Constantinople and Aleppo who are the main cause of the advantages which our enemies gain: for generally both coming and going they carry things which are prejudicial to the Christian 1 2

S.P.Foreign, Portugal, 3, ff. 86–7. S.P.Foreign, Spain, 13, f. 82.

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Republic, such as arms, gunners, money, and what is worst of all, information of what is passing among us. “To Anthony Sherley is due the credit of having discovered a remedy for this state of affairs. It was he who in the capacity of Counsellor of State to the Viceroy of Naples pointed out how simple a matter it would be to divert the silk trade from Turkey by carrying it to the sea at Hormuz and thence to Lisbon. For this only the consent of the Shāh was requisite. The Count Benavento determined to send a man to Persia, and wrote a letter to the Shāh. Anthony at the same time wrote a letter to his brother Robert, thinking he was still in Persia, although Robert had some time before been sent on a mission via Moscovie.” The man who carried these letters was Dominique Stropene, a native of Hormuz. Gouvea (Relaçam, p, 184b) tells us that the Shāh sent for him to discuss the purport of these letters.1 The Shāh was eventually converted to the new policy and decided to send his own consignment of silk for that year in the ship which carried Dengiz and Gouvea to Europe from Hormuz. Anthony left Spain in May, 1607, to take up his post in Naples, leaving behind him many debts, as indeed was his custom wherever he went. His departure seems to have caused some surprise to Sir Charles Cornwallis, who, writing with his customary delightful style and wealth of metaphor, on May 3rd, to the Earl of Salisbury, gives the following information with regard to Sir Anthony: Sir Anthony Sherley’s harvest proves not suitable to his spring. He is yet here, and for ought I hear or see, is likely so to be God knows how long. Hitherto he hath only the wind in favour, water to remove his ship he yet wants. A cunning juggler tarries not long upon his tricks, lest time and visibility discover what legerdemain seeks to draw into obscurity and marvel. I suppose Cresswell many times wisheth that he had not meddled with the scrutiny of such a conscience. The vainglory of drawing to Catholicism a man of so rare abilities as he reckons him, and putting him upon services so profitable to this state have moved him to engage his own credit very far, to raise and make good the cracks that were in those of his pupils. If his novice’s fortunes be not advanced according to expectation, yet one thing well he may joy in, that at least his soul hath received amendment; for whereas before his becoming of that congregation and performing in the Holy Week the exercise of their profession, he sware but one oath in ten words, he now (as they that since have had speech with him tell me) makes oaths of the longest measure his end of every fifth word. Of such and so facile a condition is that poor Jesuit, as he is easily abused; and certainly I continue mine opinion of him, that his metal may 1

See p. 74 below.

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be wrought into any form by him that hath skill to temper it. Sir Anthony (as I hear) is a great magnificator of the straw miracle; for being not long since in company of Sir James Lindsey and others, and Sir James much commending many parts of the late book discoursing the practices and proceedings against the late powder traitors, Sir Anthony said, that there were indeed in that book many eloquent and well set speeches, but one poor straw had made them all as nothing. Thus against both Nill and Will doth that poor gentleman (as I suppose) speak and do, to enable the continuance of his wasteful and overweening humour.1 Writing on May 30th to Lord Salisbury, Cornwallis says: “Cresswell with much labour and sweat of his brows hath in conclusion cleared his ghostly child Sir Anthony Sherley out of this town; though with so great an aspersion of evil fame, as much of the same hath fallen upon his own clothes.”2 Anthony arrived in Naples in July and seems to have been treated with great hospitality there. In October we hear of him again on his way to Prague. He had intended to travel via Venice but when he applied to the Signory for leave to pass through the city it was refused largely owing to the efforts of Sir Henry Wotton, the British representative in Venice, who suspected Anthony of further disloyalty to England. We have no account of his reception by Rudolph, but we learn from Sir Toby Matthew in a letter to Dudley Carleton dated July 21st, 1609,3 that he had been created Count of the Empire.4 Rudolph had in November, 1606, concluded a treaty with the Ottoman Sultan Ahmad, as on a previous occasion, with the ill-concealed intention of speedily breaking it Gouvea (Relaçam, p. 168b) tells us that when ‛Abbās heard of this peace he was the more angered in that Rudolph had been the first Christian prince to send an embassy to Persia.1 He moreover tells us that he held Rudolph in such high esteem that he kept a portrait of the Emperor at the entrance to his room, and used to bow to it as he passed in. So great was the Shāh’s wrath at the treachery of Rudolph that he summoned the Portuguese Friars and addressed them in the following words: “At a time when the Christian Princes fail to keep their word to me, do you wish to have churches in my realm? Do you wish the Armenians to submit to you? Do you wish to ring your bells publicly? Indeed I do not do well in that I do not cause your bells to be broken, your churches to be pulled down, and have you driven out of the country—since from you and the Princes who have sent you here, I have nothing but words and letters; as for deeds, they are like this present behaviour [of the Emperor of Germany].” In the spring of 1608 Anthony returned to Italy and concentrated on his duties as Admiral of the Levant seas. He is described in a letter from Venice as having attempted to bribe “as many English mariners and sea masters as with money and words he can

1

Winwood State Papers, Vol. II, p. 308. Ibid., p. 312. 3 S.P.Foreign, Tuscany, 2, ff. 265–6. 4 Pfalsgraf—or Count-Palatine. 1 See above, p. 43 et seq. 2

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persuade”,2 The following interesting letter to his sister, Lady Tracy, has been preserved in the British Museum.3 “MY MOST HONOURABLE AND MOST DEAR SISTER, You may think it strange, and you have reason to do so, that Captain Rawson is not returned in all this time unto you; but as in all business, and in the carriage of them, we must look to the nature of the business itself, to the nature of the time, and of those with whom we negotiated; so these points being considered, the Captain shall have some easy excuse and I also; you know the matter in itself is great: and for the honour both you and I bear to the quality and worthiness of the person, it must be carried with all the fashion and titles convenient: and certainly we will make it succeed; though the archduke have disturbed the passage for a while, those are things which wear out of our desirers, yet we must help with good ways and a well-tempered discourse our desire, through such accident: and we will find a passage for them. Yet you will say, I should have written—it is true—but there are such intercepting of my poor papers that before God I dare commit nothing to paper, and now less than ever; that villain Pagliarrino who received so great favour from you at Toddington, being run from me with all my papers, and disclosed to my good friend the Venetian, as much of the king of Spain’s secret and own business, which maketh me also not willing Captain Rawson should return; for fear of some sinister accident, for though my purpose be to serve and do honour to his Majesty and his State by procuring that such a high part of himself and his state should be worthily bestowed, yet if the liar say the fox hath horns there is no reply. I have met here in my passage to Spain whither I am going, my Lord Wentworth and my cousin Croft, I assure you with as much rejoicing as I could have received in this world. I am sorry my occasions carry me by very extreme necessity out of Italy, they being there, but in the end of October I will be returned by God’s Grace; in the meantime I have recommended them to the Count of Fuentars [Fuentes], who I do assure you will have as great a care of them as if they were his own. But that I durst not extend a Commission in which I have no part but my love, I would have carried them into Spain with me, where my cousin Croftes should have been honoured with the title which so many have, and I am sorry he is without it, but I durst not venture to persuade more than you had given order for; when I come back I will entreat them to come to Naples where they shall live free of charge and receive all honour, and learn whatsoever is fit or necessary for a gentleman to know; and my most dear sister when your Lord telleth you that he is able to travel, I will expect my son and heir, for whom I will provide by God’s Grace such a fortune, as shall content you and him, and so my most dear sister, I beseech God keep you and my most honoured Lady

2 3

S.P.Foreign, Venice, 5, ff. 88–9, G.Rooke “to his Bedfellow and Cosin”, April 15th, 1608. Lansdowne MSS. 90, f. 68.

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and your honourable good man in the happiness which I desire. Your own, El Conde Don ANTONIO SHERLEY. From Milan, this 12 of May, 1608.” Early in August Anthony returned to Spain and a letter from Lisbon dated August 12th, 1608,1 tells of his triumphant entry into Madrid with a cavalcade of twenty horse. From other letters it appears that in September he was with Sir William Stanley at Valladolid. Sir Edwin Rich had been left in charge of his house in Naples. During the autumn of 1608 Anthony was continually engaged in one wild scheme after another. He was also, as we saw in the passage from Gouvea quoted above, negotiating with Shāh ‛Abbās in regard to diverting the course of trade in Persian silk from Aleppo to Hormuz. His letters to the Shāh were apparently interpreted by an English captain in Ispahān named Thomas Boys, who wrote to Lord Salisbury informing him of Anthony’s plans in this connection.2 Just at this time Anthony received a letter from Robert saying that he was returning to Europe as Ambassador to the European Princes, and requesting Anthony to meet him in Poland. Sir Charles Cornwallis’s letters from Spain at this period contain several references to Anthony’s exploits, among which is the following characteristic passage: “Sir Anthony Sherley finding his first projected inventions not of strength sufficient to draw money out of so dry a purse, hath (as I am informed) lately made much discourse of the King’s planting in Virginia, and given many reasons of the evil consequences likely to follow it, if by this estate it be not prevented.”1 In the spring of 1609 Anthony conceived the most remarkable project of all, which was to induce three English pirates named Ward, Bishop, and Dauncer, to enter the service of the King of Spain. The following passages from the letters of Cornwallis allude to this scheme: On April 13th, writing to the Lords of the Council, he says: “It is said that our pirates Ward, Bishop, and Dauncer and the other Dutch will this summer gather a greater head than ever: some report that they will have at least twenty ships. Their conjunction with the Turk (considering that in his country they have their whole rendezvous) is much feared. The airy hopes that Sir Anthony Sherley and his confidant Cresswell the Jesuit have given here of reducing of those rovers to his service (out of which they have drawn some money out of this treasury, and as is said enlargement of maintenance and authority in Sicillia to Sir Anthony) are much cooled if not wholly quenched. 1

S.P.Foreign, Portugal, 3, f. 118, Hugh Lee to Mr T.Wilson. C.O.East Indies, Vol. I, f. 30, June 10, 1609. 1 Winwood State Papers, Vol. II, p. 439, October 16th, 1608.

2

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The best foundation that they built their confidence upon, were the endeavours of certain Flemings in this town, who pretend to have much acquaintance and power with Dauncer. Those pirates are as I understand at this present with twelve ships hovering upon these coasts between the Cape Saint Vincent and Malaga; Dauncer his own ship is said to be manned at least with 1,000 men. They have of late taken the spoil of eleven or twelve ships, English, French and Spanish, and for any thing that I can yet hear, we here are not able or not willing to meddle with them.”2 In a letter to the Lord Treasurer, dated May 10th, Cornwallis says: “The consequence of this purpose if it should succeed, your Lordship will consider much better than I can either deliver or imagine. The Spaniard to become Master of the Levant seas, which by this very plot of Sir Anthony Sherley and the credulous acceptance of this doting state is the mark they level at, to be possessed (besides their ordinary provision of galleys) of so many ships of Alta Borda, and to enforce themselves in times when their seasons shall serve with the conjunction of those that are gathered by the Florentine (now so near an ally unto this crown) are things that in my weak judgement, though not likely to be effected, yet not to be neglected or disregarded.”1 A paper “enclosed and sent in the Letter precedent” is sufficiently interesting to justify reprinting it in full: “Cornelius Peterson de Brenn, an Hollander and Inhabitant of Middleburghe, one of much acquaintance and familiarity with Dauncer the Pirate, and whose friends have heretofore had much dealing with him, is by Cresswell the Jesuit imployed unto Dauncer (with allowance or rather by procurement of the Council of State here) to draw him to serve the King of Spain by sea under Sir Anthony Sherley. Great offers are made unto the said Cornelius Peterson if he effect it, and order is given him to promise (besides pardon and protection) unto Dauncer, whatsoever conditions within any limits of reason he can require. Cresswell furnisheth the said Cornelius Peterson with money for his voyage. The first journey serveth only to make proof if Dauncer will hearken to the motion, and so to return for further commission and instruction. Andres de Prado the Secretary of State (as Cresswell affirms to the Dutchman) hath at this first time not thought fit to give him any instructions or commission in writing, for three reasons: the little 2 1

Ibid, Vol. III, p. 15. Winwood State Papers, Vol. III, p. 39.

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experience they yet have of him or his fidelity; that he goes by Marselles, and may there be subject to apprehension and examination; that Dauncer by possessing himself of matter written, may make his profit of it with the Turk, and so draw unto himself a better condition with them; and by that means make his reduction the more dear and difficult. Cornelius Peterson is also to negotiate the redeeming of certain Jesuits sold there by Dauncer. Two hundred and fifty crowns in ready money is given him for the charge of his voyage to Argiers; and for his more authorizing, a doublet of cloth of gold, and other suitable apparel to carry with him. If he find that Dauncer be gone to sea, he is to endeavour to embark himself in some vessel, that is to go unto him and to seek him out. If the Kings of Great Britain, the French, the Venetians, or any other Prince or State whose subjects have been spoiled by Dauncer shall complain of Dauncer’s being entertained and patronized by this State, the King is first to excuse himself as a thing done without his privity by Sir Anthony Sherley, whose commission is so large, as he may within any of the King’s dominions levy if need require 20,000 men, and procure any shipping under him in those services he is employed in. That excuse serving not, he is to defer and temporise, till either the heat of the complaint be cooled, or the matter otherwise tempered.”1 This plot, in common with most of Anthony’s elaborate schemes, came to nothing. He was fast falling out of favour in Spain on account of his unscrupulous methods of conducting his official duties, while his relations with England were not improved by his association with the Jesuits. A letter which he wrote at this time to his father was intercepted and is preserved in the Public Record Office.2 In it he tells of his preparations in Sicily—where he resided for the greater part of that year—for attacking the Turk: “Sir Captain Pepper will tell you in what a labyrinth of business I am, that I have not time to eat; much less to write. I am going hence with 23 ships, 7,000 men to land, and 12 pieces of cannon, and I know not where, than to take my direction as it shall be given me. The Turk is at Navarino as they say intending against Malta; what the King’s purpose is I may judge; but because judgements are uncertain, I remit myself to what shall be; for my own part I know by God’s grace that I will not fail to accomplish what I owe to my quality and your honour: and if I die I will die well. You will please to pray for me, as I do for your long life and prosperity with all my heart. Your most humble son, El Conde Don ANTONIO SHERLEY. 9th September, 1609. 1

Winwood State Papers, Vol. III, p. 39.

2

The Sherley Brothers, Rox. Soc., p. 71.

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Among the documents which P.Fr. Marcellino Dorelli, of the Carmelite Monastery in Piazza della Scala, Rome, most kindly copied for me in the Vatican in connection with Robert Sherley, there is an interesting letter addressed by Robert to Pope Paul V (Vatic. Lat 12319. Diar. Vol. 20) and dated Rome, October 4th, 1609. It contains a curious postscript which runs as follows: “The King of Persia begs Your Holiness in the event that Count Anthony Sherley, my brother, should be free, that you will order him to return to His Majesty, and if by chance he should be in the service of another Prince, that you should write to that Prince, so that he should dismiss him; and the King my master promises to employ him in such offices only as shall be an honour and of use to Christianity.”

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VII A PENSIONER IN SPAIN. 1610–1636 (?) ANTHONY’S exaggerated naval preparations in the Mediterranean had very poor results, so much so in fact that he was deprived of his command early in 1610. We read in the Latin Harleian MS. 4023, however, that Anthony had received from the King of Spain the collar and insignia of the ancient military order of St Michael and St James. By this time his brother Robert had arrived in Spain as ambassador from Shāh ‛Abbās but it was not until February, 1611, that they met. Anthony returned from Naples “extreme poor both in purse and reputation “and went to his brother’s house in Madrid. Anthony was growing increasingly unpopular in Spain and for his part did nothing to hide his mutinous feelings against the State. Since his interests were with the Jesuits he disliked Robert’s negotiations with England and did all he could to prevent his leaving Spain. A letter from the English Ambassador, Francis Cottington, to Lord Salisbury from Madrid, dated the 10th of April, 1611,1 gives an account of a plot against his brother in which he was involved. “Some six days past Mr Robert Sherley sent somewhat hastily and earnestly for me, and coming to him he seemed much perplexed, and troubled and in such sort as he was hardly able to speak to me. At length said these words, ‘Oh Mr Cottington, I am betrayed where I am most trusted,’ whereupon desiring him to explain himself, he gave me a letter out of his bosom, directed unto his brother Anthony, willing me to open it, which I did, and found it was from Secretary Prada, (whose hand I am well acquainted withal,) and to this effect:—‘I have given an account to his Majesty of your Plot, by which the Ambassador your brother may be secured from proceeding with his intention of going into England, or unto the rebels, who commands me to give you thanks in his name, and to let you know how well he takes your endeavours, which I have thought fit to do in writing, and also to desire you to proceed in your work, assuring you that you need not fear any want of secrecy.’ This letter I read twice over, and can only remember thus much of it, the Ambassador told me he lighted upon it by a great chance that very morning. Sir Anthony lies in his house and is so extreme poor, as if his brother did not relieve him, he would doubtless suffer much misery. The Ambassador fears they will find some means to poison him; myself I am now of opinion that he shall hardly be able to get from hence except by 1

S.P.Foreign, Spain, 18, ff. 53–6.

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stealth, he hath since desired leave to be gone, but cannot obtain it, they delay him with only entreating his patience, giving no reason at all. He desires me to help and advise him, but not having yet understood from your Lordship that his Majesty is pleased he should repair into England, I am very retired in my fashion towards him, and seem to have of these things as little feeling as in courtesy I may. The Secretary’s letter he says he will send unto your Lordship. I am of opinion that it will not be hard for him to escape from hence by stealth (if his body be able to endure the posting) yet hold it not fit to advise that course, except I had some order from your Lordship.” In spite of Sir Anthony’s unbrotherly behaviour, however, Robert and his wife were able to leave Spain in June, 1611. It was now, apparently, that Anthony gave the unfinished manuscript of his Relation to Robert in order that he might take it to England and prepare it for the press. It was eventually printed in 1613, in its incomplete state (see above, p. xix et seq). Anthony’s active career may be said to have ended in 1610 with the loss of his post in Naples. He was then 45 years of age, and we have very little information concerning him from then until the end of his life, what there is being by no means to his credit. He lived in poverty on a pension of 3,000 ducats a year allowed him by the King of Spain, most of which was appropriated in order to go towards the paying of his immense debts. In 1611 we hear of him in Granada, where he spent some months contriving various schemes and plots (without which he seemed unable to live) in conjunction with “the Earl of Bothwell, an Irish titular Bishop, and other discontented persons”.1 In the summer of 1617 Robert Sherley again came to Spain as Persian Ambassador and met his brother after an absence of six years. Anthony was at this time to have retired to live in the Canaries on his pension, but the scheme came to nothing. Robert stayed in Madrid until 1622, and extracts from a letter from Francis Cottington give some idea of the relations between the two brothers during these years. Of Anthony he speaks as “a very poor man, and much neglected, sometimes like to starve for want of bread. …The poor man comes sometimes to my house, and is as full of vanity as ever he was, making himself believe that he shall one day be a great Prince, when for the present he wants shoes to wear, The two brothers are much fallen out, and both by word and writing do all the harm they can, in defaming each other, but I must needs confess that the Ambassador is the discreeter of the two.”2 I wish it to be clearly understood that, outside the Calendar of State Papers, I have had no opportunity of consulting the Spanish archives where, either in Seville or in Simancas, quite possibly information about Anthony Sherley between 1606 and 1636 may be hidden. There is, however, in the British Museum a copy of a Spanish document which shows that Anthony was occasionally, if not regularly, employed by the Spanish Government in an advisory capacity. In the year 1617, when the Spanish were endeavouring to thwart the plans of Sir Walter Raleigh to forestall them in Guiana, a 1 2

The Sherley Brothers, Rox. Soc., p. 86. S.P.Foreign, Spain, 23, ff. 268–71. Cottington to Mr Secy Naunton, December 12th, 1619.

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certain “Count Shirley” was consulted and the letter he wrote to the Council of State on the subject has been preserved in the Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, Etc. (Estante 147, Cajon 5, Legajo 17), of which a transcript was made for the British Government in connection with the Hague Venezuela Arbitration (in 1903) and afterwards presented to the British Museum by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Add. MS. 36320 ff. 238 et seq.). This document was translated and printed for the first time by Mr V.T.Harlow in his Ralegh’s Last Voyage (Argonaut Press, 1932), p. 141. The letter runs as follows: “I have looked at the papers, and the recommendations therein indicate the method by which to put an end to this enterprise as well as the lives of all who go with Don Gualtero Rauli. But Senor, if the decision on every contretemps that arises in the West Indies, which is so far away, is to rest [with the authorities] here in Spain, there will be no end to them. It is essential that the decision and execution should proceed from the Governors on the spot, as was the case when the Duke of Osuna decided to make war upon the Venetians by sea—the wisest step that has been taken in all the Italian wars. I am certain that if the plan that I wot of were put into operation, within two or three years neither Virginia nor the Bermudas nor any rebels or trace of them would be left in the Indies—I stake my life on it. If I am acceptable for the carrying out of this task, I offer my life and labour for it, or alternatively I will serve in Poland, Milan, or on any duty that His Majesty may command. But if I am of no use for any service, it seems to me to be unreasonable that His Majesty should give me such an ample salary.1 I leave everything in the hands of your Lordship.” 19th August, 1613 (sic). I think there can be no doubt that this “Count Shirley” was Anthony, for although his brother Robert was also a Count and was, as we have seen, in Spain at this time, it was in the capacity of Persian Ambassador and it is unlikely that he would have offered his services in a different enterprise. Moreover, such a note as the above could only have been written by an Englishman who had definitely severed his connection with his mother country, which was not the case with Robert, We are however told that Robert during his stay in Spain was hospitably entertained and actually received while in Madrid 1,500 ducats a month besides the rent of his house and a coach to attend him.2 Anthony’s 3,000 ducats a year could by comparison hardly be described as “an ample salary” and we can only suppose that he was at this time receiving an extra allowance. How Anthony Sherley passed his time during the last years of his life we have no means of knowing. Certain it is that he remained in Spain and that he was still in receipt of a small pension from the Spanish Government, who may have considered it wise not to allow him to leave the country. Down to the end he seems always to have cherished the hope that he might be employed in one or other of the wild schemes he 1 2

Si no soy bueno para nada me pareze sin razon que Su Magestad me de tan largo salario. The Sherley Brothers, Rox. Soc., p. 86.

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was in the habit of planning. This is clearly indicated by the tone of his letter to the Council of State, in 1617 to which I have already referred, There are, moreover, two other documents from his hand, one written in 1622 and the other in 1625 which would seem to show that Anthony Sherley took immense pains to ingratiate himself with the Spanish authorities in order that they might make use of his services. The earlier of these documents is the Pesso Polytico, to which I have already referred in my Introduction (see p, xxv et seq and Bibliography). The whole work is one of considerable interest and though it contains little that is new and much that is inaccurate, a careful study of it would no doubt furnish curious details bearing on the history of the period. The style with its long-winded periods and its lack of co-ordination reminds one throughout of Anthony’s English Relation. He writes from the standpoint of a Catholic and a Spaniard. In speaking of the Venetians and the Russians he gives free scope to his feelings of resentment and dislike. By far the most interesting chapter is the one on the Flemings, to which I have referred above (see p. 4). The document written in 1625 I have unfortunately been unable to consult. It is MS. H.9 in the National Library of Madrid, and has the title Discurso del Conde Don Antonio Sirley, sobre diferentes cosas, y en particular de prevenciones de armadas y aumento del comercio. It bears the autograph signature of Anthony Sherley. The contents are thus summarized by the editor of the reprint of Garcia de Silva y Figueroa’s Comentarios who was the first to call attention to this MS.1 “After discussing the European nations the writer insists that Spain should retain the closest relations with Persia, for otherwise Turkey would be relieved of a powerful enemy. The Persians being masters of Bahrein, Comaron [sic for Gambroon] and Ormuz, formerly Portuguese possessions, were anxious to take Mascate, and thus become the dominant power in the Arabian Sea, and they could no doubt also get possession of Diu and Chaul, thus threatening the dominions of Philip III in the East.” There are only two references to Anthony Sherley in the Spanish correspondence in the Public Record Office during the rest of his life, both very briefly mentioning his continual “new projects”,1 and Wadsworth, in his “English Spanish Pilgrim” printed in 1630, makes the following uncomplimentary reference to him: “But gentle Reader, give me leave a little to digress, and reckon up unto you the state of our English fugitives in the Court of Spain, and first and foremost Sir Anthony Sherley, who styles himself Earl of the Sacred Roman Empire, and hath from his Catholic Majesty a pension of 2,000 ducats per annum, all which in respect of his prodigality is as much as nothing. This Sir Anthony Sherley is a great plotter and projector in matters of state, and undertakes by sea-stratagems to invade and ruinate his native country, a just treatise of whose passages would take up a whole volume.” 1

1

Comentarios…etc. (see Bibliography), Vol. I, p. xi.

a. S.P.F., Spain, 33, ff. 140–2. Mr Henry Atye to Sir Walter Aston, Madrid, December 23rd, 1625. Atye calls him “the Conde di Leste, alias Sir An0thony Shirley.” b. S.P.F., News Letters, 91. S′ Jun de Luz, 14th of January, 1626–7.

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There are no further traces of Anthony in the public records, but there is a curious note in the Harleian manuscript 402 3 (fol. 121, a.) which states that Anthony in 1636 was still living in Spain in the seclusion of private life (“Se in Hispania adhuc supersos [sic], anno 1636, in privatae vitae latebram collegit”). Granger also states that Anthony died in Spain some time after 1630.2

2

James Granger, A Biographical History of England… adapted to a Methodical Catalogue of Engraved British Heads, &c.

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VIII CONCLUSION IN the foregoing pages I have retold the story of Sir Anthony Sherley in the light of all the material at my disposal, and although these are incomplete, I feel they have shown me enough of the man for me to form a general impression of his character. This impression cannot, I fear, be wholly favourable. Anthony Sherley had too many obvious failings: he was an inveterate and unscrupulous intriguer, a sententious hypocrite devoid of all real sentiment, being incapable of single-minded devotion to any person or cause. He had all the natural instincts of a buccaneer, and his cupidity was only equalled by his extravagance. On the other hand he must have possessed great physical courage and a reckless love of adventure. He was certainly no fool, as is proved by his own writings which reveal a rare insight into the Oriental mind, keen powers of observation, and a retentive memory. He must also have been a good linguist. One cannot help feeling that had he been employed as English envoy to Persia, and not as Persian envoy to Europe, he might have rendered valuable services to his own country and to the East India Company, though one doubts whether he could have been trusted to remain loyal to any one master, For nearly a quarter of a century (1586 to 1610) he passed without compunction or regret from one employment to another and surely it is seldom that one man has served so many different monarchs. As a subject of Queen Elizabeth he is sent to fight for the King of France, and later is intriguing for James VI of Scotland; as an Englishman he becomes a Persian Ambassador; while still a servant of the Grand Sophi he is sent by the Emperor Rudolph II on a mission to Morocco, whence he finds his way to Madrid, and is appointed by Philip III High Admiral of the Spanish fleet in Naples. He must have possessed an almost hypnotic power in personal intercourse—even over those men who trusted him least—but its effects were never lasting. In the same way when reading his life we are carried away by his dominating personality, although we remain fully conscious that his character was far from admirable. In short he had the gift of leading men “by the nose” and persuading them against their better instincts, but I fancy he did so without a full enjoyment of the process, seeing that he gives no evidence of possessing a sense of humour. Though he had all the arts of a courtier when dealing with his superiors—for otherwise he could never have gained the confidence of the various royal masters who employed him—he was tactless in dealing with his equals, being both quick-tempered and quarrelsome. No doubt much more information regarding this strange man will in course of time be brought to light, and indeed, while putting the finishing touches to the present work new documents were continually coming to my notice. I felt however that, rather than postpone indefinitely the appearance of a book on which I had already been engaged for many years, I would send Anthony Sherley out into the world in this incomplete guise.

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PART II NARRATIVES RELATING TO SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY’S JOURNEY INTO PERSIA

I A TRUE REPORT OF SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY’S JOURNEY OVERLAND TO VENICE, FROM THENCE BY SEA TO ANTIOCH, ALEPPO, AND BABILON And so to Casbine in Persia: His Entertainment there by the Great Sophi: His Oration: His Letters of Credence to the Christian Princes: and the Privilege obtained of the Great Sophi for the Quiet Passage and Traffic of all Christian Merchants throughout his whole Dominions FIRST, SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY, departing from England, landed at Vlishing [Flushing], and so went to Colleine [Cologne], from thence to Frankeford [Frankfurt], then to Nuremberg [Nürnberg], and so to Augustus [Augsburg]: thence taking his journey over the Alpes he arrived at Venice, where he stayed two months, and from thence after honourable entertainment by the State and Duke of Venice he took shipping and crossing the straits passed the gulf of Zante, so came to Candie [Candia], then to Rodes [Rhodes], and so along the coast of Cipres [Cyprus] to Antioch where he landed, and in five days’ space marched to Aleppo and stayed there six weeks: From thence he passed with a caravan to Beere [Bīra]1 in Arabia. There he and his company made boats, and therein passed down the river of Euphrates unto Arabia, where he presented the King with a very rich gift or present. Thence he departed towards Babilon [Baghdād],1 stayed there six weeks, and at last met with a caravan bound for Persia in company whereof he passed the deserts of Sameray [Sāmarrā], being all sandy and very painful to pass, and are two months’ travel from thence to Casbine [Qazvīn] in Persia: at which place he met with the Great Sophi,2 by whom he was most honourably received and entertained. 1

1

The modern Birejik.

The name Babylon was at this time used indifferently for the ancient Babil, or Babylon, on the Euphrates, and for Baghdād on the Tigris. Babylonia with varying orthography was applied to Cairo after the name of a mediaeval Egyptian town in the neighbourhood of modern Cairo. Pletro della Valle (1619) was the first to refute this error. 2 The Great Sophi—the name by which the Safavid Shāhs of Persia (1502–1736) were known to Europeans. Sophi is a corruption of the dynastic name Safavī, which was derived from the name of their great ancestor Safi ud-Dīn of Ardabīl. Here it stands for Shāh ‛Abbās 1(1587–1629).

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For before his arrival (understanding of his coming) he sent horses [?]…leagues for him and his company to travel unto Casbine, the imperial city of Persia, where, finding him on horseback (as the manner is) he offered to have kissed his foot, but the Great Sophi refused it, putting his hand between Sir Anthony Sherley’s mouth and his foot. Then did His Majesty presently appoint a very fair and large house fit for him and his company to abide and rest themselves in, and daily sent all manner of diet unto him (limiting him a short time wherein his pleasure was to give him audience) at which time Sir Anthony resorting unto the Court, made his oration in Italian, as followeth: THE TRUE COPY OF SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY’S ORATION TO THE SOPHI, as followeth: “I am so assuredly free from any just imputation, that I will not draw into suspicion so noble a cause (as this of my coming with circumstances) which though they bear the name, yet are in substance nothing but uncertain excuses that betoken a fault: whereas truth seeketh no starting-holes, but as a pilgrim (who followeth the motion of his affections) is come from far to yield and pay unto virtue his zeal and devotion, and to none other end, if it may please Your Majesty to accept the consecration of his poor carcass unto you, which my mind hath carried hither to be made an offering or hanging vow in the temple of your most singular virtues, being brought to this point by the extremity of my desires, with expenses of much time, and not without great peril: which though it be no present in any degree of worth estimable to such a prince: it may please Your Majesty to remember that the pitch of an eagle’s flight doth far surmount the fluttering of a fly, and that common base minds are not capable of such noble thoughts as might raise themselves with the true seeking of these your most rare and worthy parts, which have drawn me to your presence: whereof I have heard men speak with wonder, and now they give me cause to think myself most happy. And therefore I humbly beseech Your Majesty, when you have read the history of the inward thoughts of my mind, you will vouchsafe to judge hereof, not as of conceits hanging of the threads of flattering terms: but that you will be pleased to understand through the conscience of your own virtues that words of never so great magnificence are but the least part of so high and excellent desert, and that the less I am able to display their dignity with my speeches: the more will I with my blood make proof of my zeal towards them, if at any time I may be made worthy to be commanded by Your Majesty. “I am a soldier whose profession is clean contrary to words, which shall sooner fail me than my courage to greater effect. If the present be acceptable to Your Majesty, I shall esteem it as a most singular good hap unto me: but much more, if it shall be employed. For it would be but a very idle end and conclusion of so long a travel, full of so many perils, if it were knit up with words only and a very poor and slender harvest of so fervent affection, if it should bring forth only buds or blossoms and no sound fruit: and finally too meek a subject for Your Majesty’s most excellent virtues if my devotion and observances were not sealed with my blood the which I do humbly and freely offer at Your Majesty’s feet, to be shed and spent at the least sign and token of Your Majesty’s pleasure.” Since which time Sir Anthony Sherley hath received all the familiar and kind entertainment at the Great Sophi’s hands that could possibly be devised. It happened within a small time after that Sir Anthony Sherley came thither, the Turk sent a very principal Basha [Pasha] to the Great Sophi upon an embassage, after whose

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coming the Great Sophi dined one day publicly: where he feasted both the Basha and Sir Anthony and his company also, placing them on his right hand and the Basha and his train on the left. The Great Sophi hath dealt very graciously and liberally with Sir Anthony Sherley during all the time of his being there: for the King, intending a journey from Bassan [Kāshān] unto Hastfam [Ispahān], required Sir Anthony to go with him, at which time the Great Sophi sent him this gift following: viz: forty horse well furnished, whereof four saddles were plate of gold, set with precious stones, and two of silver, fifteen camels, and as many mules for his carriages, three most fair tents, eighteen carpets curiously wrought with gold, 16,000 pistolets—withal com-manding his messenger to tell Sir Anthony that the Great Sophi would not have him to accept them as a present, but as things necessary for his journey (being but for eight days) and ever since he hath bestowed many great gifts upon him. Sir Anthony Sherley is now at Prage [Prague],1 being sent by the Sophi upon an embassage to the Emperor and divers other Christian princes. THE COPY OF SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY’S LETTERS OF CREDENCE FROM THE GREAT SOPHI TO THE CHRISTIAN PRINCES “There is come unto me in this good time, a principal gentleman (Sir Anthony Sherley) of his own free will, out of Europe, into these parts: and all you princes that believe in Jesus Christ, know you that he hath made friendship between you and me; which desire we had also heretofore granted; but there was none that came to make the way and to remove the veil that was between us and you, but only this gentleman; who as he came of his own free will, so also upon his desire, I have sent with him a chief man of mine. The entertainment which that principal gentleman hath had with me is that daily, whilst he hath been in these parts, we have eaten together of one dish and drunk of one cup, like two brethren. “Therefore, when this gentleman comes unto your Christian Princes, you shall credit him in whatsoever you shall demand or he shall say, as mine own person; and when this gentleman shall have passed the sea and is entered into the country of the great king of Muscovie [Muscovy], (with whom we are in friendship as brethren) all his governors, both great and small, shall accompany him and use him with all favour unto Mosco [Moscow]: and because there is great love between you, the King of Mosco, and me, that we are like two brethren, I have sent this gentleman through your country and desire you to favour his passage without any hindrance.” THE COPY OF THE FREE PRIVILEGES OBTAINED BY SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY OF THE GREAT SOPHI FOR ALL CHRISTIANS TO TRADE AND TRAFFIC INTO PERSIA. “I the King &c. Our absolute commandment, will and pleasure is that our countries and dominions shall be, from this day, open to all Christian people and to their religion: and in such sort that none of ours, of any condition, shall presume to give them any evil word. And because of the amity now joined with the princes that profess Christ, I do give this patent for all Christian merchants, to repair and traffic in and through our dominions, 1

See Introduction, p. xv.

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without disturbances or molestations of any duke, prince, governor, or captain, or any, of whatsoever office or quality, of ours: but that all merchandize that they shall bring shall be so privileged that none, of any dignity or authority, shall have power to look unto it: neither to make inquisition after, or stay, for any use or person, the value of one asper. Neither shall our religious men, of whatsoever sort they be, dare disturb them, or speak in matters of their faith. Neither shall any of our justices have power over their persons or goods for any cause or act whatsoever. “If by chance a merchant shall die, none shall touch any thing that belongeth unto him: but if the merchant have a companion, he shall have power to take possession of those goods. But if (by any occasion) he be alone, only with his servants, the governor or whomsoever shall be required by him in his sickness, shall be answerable for all such goods unto any of his nation which shall come to require them. But if he die suddenly and have neither companion nor servant, nor time to recommend to any what he would have done, then the governor of that place shall send the goods to the next merchant of his nation which shall be abiding in any parts of our dominions. “And those within our kingdoms and provinces, having power over our tolls and customs, shall receive nothing, nor dare to speak for any receipt from any Christian merchant. “And if any such Christian shall give credit to any of our subjects (of any condition whatsoever), he shall, by this patent of ours, have authority to require any caddie [qādi] or governor to do him justice, and thereupon at the instant of his demand shall cause him to be satisfied. “Neither shall any governor or justice, of what quality soever he be, dare take any reward of him, which shall be to his expense: for our will and pleasure is that they shall be used in all our dominions to their own full content, and that our kingdoms and countries shall be free unto them. “That none shall presume to ask them for what occasion they are here. “And although it hath been a continual and unchangeable use in our dominions every year to renew all patents; this patent notwithstanding shall be of full effect and force for ever, without any renewing; for me and my successors, not to be changed.”1

1

The original Italian version is given by Schefer in du Mans, pp. 282–3.

FINIS.

II A NEW AND LARGE DISCOURSE ON THE TRAVELS OF SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY, KNIGHT, BY SEA, AND OVER LAND, TO THE PERSIAN EMPIRE Wherein are related many strange and wonderful accidents: and also, the Description and conditions of those Countries and People he passed by: with his return into Christendom

Written by Willlam Parry Gentleman, who accompanied Sir Anthony in his Travels. IT HATH BEEN, AND YET IS, A PROVERBIAL SPEECH amongst us that travellers may lie by authority; now, whether this proverb hath had authority from that authority which some travellers have usurped (never by justice granted) to lie; or whether their report (albeit most true) yet exceeding the belief of those auditors that will believe nothing that falls not within their own ocular experience, or probability of truth, squared by the same: whether (I say) from one or both of these grounds, this proverb hath sprang, I am uncertain: but certain I am, diverse there are (entitling themselves travellers, for crossing the narrow seas, to the neighbour parts of Picardie peradventure, or the Low Countries perhaps) from thence take authority to utter lies in England (at their return) by retail, which they have coined there in gross. And as sure I am, that many honest and true travellers, for speaking the truth of their own knowledge (for in the world are many incomprehensible miracles of Nature) yet because it exceeds the belief of the unexperienced and homebred vulgars, they are by them concluded lies for their labour. How could a man, from his birth confined in a dungeon or lightless cave, be brought to conceive or believe the glory and great magnificence of the visible, celestial and terrestrial globes, with the wonderful works of the great Author of Nature in the same. Nay, were such a one suddenly transferred to the top of some mountain or lofty turret in a summer’s day, from whence he might behold the glory of the heavens, replenished with that most admirable cresset, who for his glittering and divine glory, provokes many nations of the world to perform divine adoration thereunto; to see (I say) these resplendent and crystalline heavens over-canopying the earth, invested most sumptuously in height of Nature’s pride with her richest livery; the particularities whereof, were they described according to the truth of their nature, it might breed a scruple in the natural man, whether Man were for transgression ever unemparadized or no. And such a man, of whom I speak, would (like a soul suddenly transferred by the hands of angels from earth

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to heaven) be beheavened with the joy he would conceive, by reason of so glorious a prospect, and such soul-ravishing and sense-bewitching objects, The application hereof is apparent: for were men merely home-bred (and in that respect but as the man confined to his cave) abroad in the eminent and opulent places of the world, as also in the most remote and obscure corners of the same, and there with insearching and well-discerning eyes, to behold the rarities (surmounting admiration) therein included, he would (no doubt) be rapt up with ceaseless wonderment, or wondrous amazement at the sight and consideration of them. For mine own part, I am resolved to make a true relation of what mine eyes saw, not respecting the judgement of the vulgars, but contenting myself with the conscience of the truth; besides which, (I protest) I purpose to write nothing. This by way of preamble: now to the matter. Therefore, first landing at Vlishing [Flushing], we were honourably received and entertained of Sir Robert Sidney, Lord Governor of that garrison: from whence we went on foot to Middleborough [Middelburg] where we took a small hoy1 that carried us that night to Sierichzec [Zerikzee]. From thence we then took our journey to Somerdicke: From whence we likewise crossed the water the next morning, and at night we lay at Brill [Brielle]. Hitherto we passed on foot, hiring poor soldiers to carry our baggage, by reason that the frost was so great that horses were not able to pass, and the way unusual. From the Brill the next day we crossed the water; and landing, we had waggons that conveyed us and ours to the Hage [Hague]: where, no sooner being alighted, but that Sir Anthony (attended by us) went to visit His Excellency, consociated with Master Gilpin, the Queen’s Agent thither, where continuing not past an hour to compliment with the Prince, he withdrew himself to his lodging to repose himself: whither (not long after) His Excellency and the States sent fifteen great flagons of wine, together with his pass through his country, whereby he was to take convoy as he thought requisite. The next day to Leiden, so to Utricke [Utrecht], to Dewborough [Duisburg] and then to Collen [Cologne], the passage whereunto was somewhat dangerous; by occasion whereof we had Sir Nicholas Parker’s troop of horse to convoy us thither; our company having 25 of his horses to ride on, and 25 more of his troop, besides the cornet-bearer to accompany us to Collen, which we did in six days, spending one night merrily. The next morning, Sir Anthony giving the troop that were his convoy a bountiful reward, sent them back again; we taking our journey forwards through those parts of Germany as Frankeford [Frankfurt], Norembege [Nürnberg], and so to Augusta [Augsburg], altogether by coach. From thence we hired horses to pass the Alpes, in respect that it was not passable by coach. And from thence we were ten days passing to Venice, whither we went with resolution to aid the Duke of Ferrara in his wars against the Pope1; who (good duke) fearing the Pope’s curse, gave over the wars, as the Pope would: howbeit we remained in Venice ten weeks. In which time Sir Anthony went to the Duke thereof, who entertained him with all princely compliment, sending him to his lodging a royal banquet of all kind of confected sweetmeats and wine in great abundance; which continued a long time. Who likewise commanded that we should have liberty to see anything in the city worthy the sight, which accordingly we saw, to Sir Anthony’s no small cost; for in his rewards he was there and elsewhere most royal. 1

From the Dutch hoei a flat-bottomed coasting boat.

1

Manwaring says they learnt in Augsburg that the Duke had submitted to the Pope, p. 176.

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To write of the fashions and dispositions of the Germans and Italians were a matter not worth my pains, because it is so well known to all men that know or have read or heard anything: therefore I will go forward with our journey, and write of matter more novellous, and less known to my home-bred countrymen, for whose sake (chiefly) I have compiled this discourse. In May next, following our departure from England, we set forwards from Venice, in an Italian ship, which we had compounded with, amongst others, to convey us to Aleppo; but by occasion of some jars we had with some Italians (passengers as we were) in the ship, they landed us in an island of the Venetians called Zanc (sic) [Zante], unto which place we were two and twenty days passing: the captain assuring us that we should have passed it in ten days, which made us provide but for fifteen days’ victuals; these fifteen days being expired, our victuals quite spent, and having seven days’ travel further in that ship, we could for money nor by no means get any victuals of those unkind Italians, whereby we had been very grievously distressed, but that certain Persians (though Pagans by profession) being in the ship well victualled, and seeing the impious and dogged disposition of those Italians, supplied all our wants for that seven days gratis. In which time an Italian in that ship, using some villainous and opprobrious speeches towards our Queen’s Majesty, and the same not heard of by Sir Anthony, nor any of his company in two days after, but then made known by an Italian that attended Master Robert Sherley: whereof when Sir Anthony heard, he forthwith caused one of our company so to beat him with a billet that it is impossible he should ever recover it. In the performance whereof he made a great outcry, whereupon all the Italians were up in arms, being in number some three score persons and we but four and twenty. Howbeit, we were (with weapons drawn) pressed to defend and offend. The captain of the ship thereupon demanded of Sir Anthony how any man durst intermeddle in that kind under his command? Whereunto Sir Anthony replied that it was an injury tending to the reproach and indignity of his Sovereign, which he neither would nor could endure; and therewithal told him if he would suborn or abet him therein, the one side should welter in their blood. And our side being rather desirous to prosecute this point with swords than with words, Sir Anthony’s brother gave the captain a sound box which was very hardly digested, and much mischief had like to have fallen thereon; but by means of certain merchants in the ship, more fearful of their goods than of the loss of their bloods (and yet fearful enough of either) pacified with much ado both parties. Howbeit, either part lived watching and warding until they put us on shore, on the said island of Zant [Zante]: where they left us hopeless (God wot) of going forwards or backwards. There we continued ten days, in which time we hired a Greekish ship, being an open boat, and very old, and full of dangerous leaks; yea, so dangerous were the leaks that in eleven days (in which time we passed from Zant to Candia) continually during all that time four men had as much toil as possibly they could endure to lave water out of this rotten boat: which was so weak that if even then we had but ever so little rough weather, there had all our hopes, together with our carcases, perished, and we never have arrived at Candia, where we made our abode some twelve days until our boat was repaired and made fitter to brook the seas. In which time, the Governor of that isle (being a Duke under the Venetians) sent for Sir Anthony to his palace to dinner, who also sent to his lodging a very great and costly banquet, and likewise permitted us (in great favour) to pass round about the town, to see the strength thereof; which was reasonable well

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fortified with ordinance and other adjuncts of war, especially on that side that lay towards the sea: the other parts not so strong, for the ditch about the town was dry. The inhabitants of that town and isle are (for the most part) Greeks, whose manners and behaviours do verify our English proverb, which termeth any man pleasantly disposed (by reason of wine or otherwise) a merry Greek; alluding to these Greeks that always sit drinking and playing the good fellows before their doors: some dancing arm in arm up and down the town: some others making some other sports to procure laughter; and thus gamesomely do they pass their time, as if they were created but for the matter of pleasure: So that to me it seemed no little wonder that that nation, which heretofore made all the world admire their wisdom and learning, who (in regard to themselves) held all the world besides but barbarians and barbarous, should now become such cup-shop companions, tripping their nimble wits with quick and subtle wine thereby turning all their deep policy into deep carousing and shallow jocundity. But Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in illis. Having spent those twelve days, as aforesaid, in Candia among these merry Greeks, we eftsoons embarked ourselves for Ciprus [Cyprus], to which we were some nine days passing: where, as the saying is, the Italians with whom we passed to Zant did our errand (like knights errant) against our coming. They made report to the Turks inhabiting the same isle that we were all pirates, and that they should do well to lay hands on us and to carry us to the Great Turk their emperor, because besides that we were pirates and came into Turkey but as spies. Whereupon the Turks laid hands upon us, even upon our first arrival, threatening to have brought us to Constantinople: howbeit they stayed us in Ciprus two days; in which time they were indifferently well qualified, in hope of money we promised them, and which they had to their full contentment, ere we parted from them. This was the worst welcome which we received on shore since our departure from the English shore, and made us most to doubt our safety. But within two days’ passage of Candia, as we came towards Ciprus (which I had almost omitted) there is also a Greekish isle (whose name—I am ashamed therefore—I have quite forgotten)1 whereupon we touched and watered, which is some half mile over, having one religious house therein and alone, with about some twenty Greek friggots [friars] inhabiting the same, which is (as we thought) another Eden; and the most pleasant place that ever our eyes beheld, for the exercise of a solitary and contemplative life: for it is furnished with the foison of all God’s good blessings. All kind of fruits (as apples, pears, plums, oranges, lemons, pomegranates, and the like) in great abundance groweth there: with most pleasant gardens, replenished with all manner of odoriferous flowers and wholesome herbs for sallets and medicines: wherein breaketh forth many fresh and crystal clear springs of water: having therewithal cattle (as beeves and muttons there naturally bred) more than sufficient to serve that house. In our travels many times, falling into dangers and unpleasant places, this only island would be the place where we would wish ourselves to end our lives. They have also this help, that if they did want aught, shipping continually passing by that way would soon supply it. From Ciprus (as from a place we had small reason to take pleasure in, our 1

Possibly Mt. Athos, see Manwaring, p. 179.

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entertainment was so unpleasant) we hired a very small boat of some ten tons, there being none other to hire, to transport us unto the Holy Land, the which was but four and twenty hours sailing. But the Turks (our Taxers)2 told us that there lay galleys fraught with thieves that robbed all that passed that way: notwithstanding, we hoist up sail and put ourselves to sea thitherward, abandoning ourselves to all the roving adventures of Fortune, being accompanied with another boat which held her direct course whither we were bound, which was taken (as afterward appeared) and her men drowned. But, as God would have it, (to whom, as well for that as all our other many preservations, beyond all probability and expectation, we were infinitely bound) our boat, by the way, being taken by an indirect wind to that our direct course, we thereby fell down upon Tripoly [in Syria]. Who being guided by an omnipotent and never-failing Pilot, we passed out of the sea into that famous river Orontes; along the which we held our course up into the country, the Janizaries or soldiers thereof flocking about us, threatening, that if they might not have what they demanded, they would cull out such of our company as best pleased them to serve their sodomitical appetites and most vile and villainous purposes. This while we sent to Antioch, not three days’ journey off, for certain Janizaries to safeconduct us thither, which Janizaries were of our interpreter’s acquaintance, who being come, the other left us immediately, and so we passed to Antioch, conducted by the Janizaries which we sent for thither; where we remained six or seven days, for the company of certain merchants that were bound to Aleppo, being six days’ journey from Antioch, between which cities in the way were from time to time divers robberies committed by some two hundred Arabs until that instant that we were at Antioch, where we heard that the Janizaries of Aleppo issued out against these robbers, part of whom they killed and the rest put to flight, by means whereof our passage was cleared to Aleppo, whither we were bound and where we were right well entertained by the English Consuls and the rest of the English merchants. There we remained about some six weeks at the English houses, and feasted (for the most part) while we there continued. And being examined by the Bashaw [Pasha] of that place, touching our intendment, Sir Anthony answered that we were merchants desirous to trade to the utmost confines of his countries, which was granted by the Bashaw, with his pass, together with the English Consul’s and Vice-consul’s. Leaving here awhile to prosecute our journey, I will speak somewhat of the fashion and disposition of the people and country; whose behaviours in point of civility (besides that they are damned infidels and sodomitical Mahomets [Muhammadans]) do answer the hate we Christians do justly hold them in. For they are beyond all measure a most insolent, superbous, and insulting people, ever more pressed to offer outrage to any Christian, if he be not well guarded with a Janizary or Janizaries. They sit at their meat (which is served to them upon the ground) as tailors sit upon their stalls, cross-legged: for the most part, passing the day in banqueting and carousing, until they surfeit, drinking a certain liquor which they do call coffee,1 which is made of a seed much like mustardseed, which will intoxicate the brain, like our Metheglin.2 They will not permit any 2

The reprint of 1864 here reads “Tartars”.

1

See Manwaring, p. 186.

2

Obsolete drink made from fomented honey, a kind of mead (cf. Welsh meddaglyn).

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AN ATTACK BY PIRATES OFF ALEXANDRETTA From Pieter Van der Aa’s Opmerkelyke Reystogten van der heer Anthony Sherley. 1706 Christian to come within their churches, for they hold their profane and irreligious Sanctuaries defiled thereby. They have no use of bells, but some priest three times in the day mounts the top of their church, and there, with an exalted voice cries out and invocates Mahomet to come in post, for they have long expected his second coming. And if within these six years (as they say) he come not (being the utmost time of his appointment and promise made in that behalf) they have no hope of his coming. But they fear (according to a prophecy they have) the Christians at the end thereof shall subdue them all, and convert them to Christianity. They have wives in number according to their wealth, two, three, four or upwards, according as they are in ability furnished to maintain them. Their women are for the most part very fair, barbed [i.e. veiled] everywhere; and death it is for any Christian carnally to know them; which, were they willing to do, hardly could they attain it, because they are closely chambered up, unless it be at such time as they go to their Bastows,1 or to the graves to bewail their dead as their manner is, which once a week usually they do, and then shall no part of them be discovered neither, but only their eyes, except it be by a great chance. The country aboundeth with great store of all kinds of fruit, whereupon for the most part they live, their chiefest meat being rice. Their flesh is mutton and hens; which muttons have huge, broad, fat tails. This meat most 1

I have not met with this form elsewhere, it is evidently a corruption of bustān or garden.

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commonly they have but once in the day, all the rest they eat fruit as aforesaid. They eat very little beef unless it be the poorest sort. Camels for their carriage they have in great abundance; but when both them and their horses are past the best and unfit for carriage, the poorest of their people eat them. They have one thing most usual among them, which though it be right well known to all of our nation that know Turkey, yet it exceedeth the credit of our home-bred countrymen, for relating whereof perhaps I may be held a liar, having authority so to do, as they say and think, because I am a traveller. But the truth thereof, being known to all our Englishmen that trade or travel in these parts, is a warrant omni-sufficient for the report, how repugnant soever it be to the belief of our English multitude. And this it is, when they desire to hear news or intelligence out of any remote parts of their country with all celerity (as we say, upon the wings of the wind) they have pigeons that are so taught and brought to the hand that they will fly with letters fastened with a string about their bodies under their wings containing all the intelligence of occurrents, or what else is to be expected from those parts: from whence, if they should send by camels (for so otherwise they must) they should not hear in a quarter of a year, for so long would they be in continual travel. As for example: when any merchandize are to come out of the East Indies to Mecha [Mecca] or elsewhere of like distance, pigeons are carried from Mecha or Aleppo beforehand, which is a quarter of a year’s passage, then they tie (as before is mentioned) the said letters about the pigeons, acquainting thereby their factors what commodities they have, and what are like to prove most vendible: by means whereof, whiles their camels are three months in coming, they know what merchandize is fit to be kept and what to do away. Now to return where I left, and so to go forward with our journey: we passed from Aleppo through the heart of the Turk’s country, the strength whereof is very small, whereof the Christian Princes are ignorant, as it seems, for if they knew it, as we do, that with all circumspection observed it, doubtless they would with no great difficulty utterly suppress him, or so extremely distress him that they would constrain him to embrace the Christian faith, and rest at their devotion, or at least remove his seat from the Holy Land and parts adjacent. And to give the reader a taste how probable this is, (lest I should be held, as one that knoweth not whereof he doth affirm) there is, as it is there commonly reported and as commonly known, in all Palestine and Syria but one thousand and five hundred Janizaries that guards these cities of Aleppo, Damascus, Antioch and Jerusalem. As for Grand-cagro,1 they are not able to stir for diverse Arabs that lie in the hills betwixt Jerusalem and it: between whom and those Turks of Grandcagro there is deadly feud, as the Scot speaketh, As for Babilon [Baghdad] and Balsera [Basra], they have likewise continued wars with those Arabs of Arabia Felix. Besides, there are a great number of Christians born and bred in those parts, which would most willingly be assisting for their liberty. From Aleppo we set forwards in the midst of August, accompanied with our English merchants three days, to wit, until we came to a town called Beerah, or Birrah [Bīra], by which runs the most famous river of Euphrates, parting Mesopotamia and Syria; where we rested six or seven days, whilst boats were preparing for us and other Turkish merchants: that being done, we parted from our merchants, and betook ourselves to the 1

(?) Grand Cairo.

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said river of Euphrates, on the which we were some three and twenty days passing down the same. In which time we came by a castle called Racca [Raqqa] where we were to take in fresh meat and men to row. But, lo! there it happened that a Turk being in one of the boats in our company discharged his piece towards the shore at random, where he most unhappily slew a Turk of the town, (the bullet entering his brain) by reason whereof our boat, as well as the rest, was stayed, and we constrained to make satisfaction for the man’s death: which cost Sir Anthony for his company some hundred crowns. Which being paid and we discharged, we held on our course from thence some two or three days’ passage, where we were eftsoons stayed by the King of the Arabs1 there living upon the river’s side in tents: before whom we were brought, whose hands we kissed: and demanding what we were and what business we had in those parts, we replied we were Englishmen and merchants by our trades, coming for traffic into those parts of the world. Whereupon this good king told us that he must needs see our merchandize, which we (God wot) durst not contradict: and so he borrowed (without a privy seal, or bill of his hand) some thirty yards of cloth of silver until our return. That being done, we had license to depart to our boat. In whose camp we saw nothing but a multitude of camels, mules, asses, horses, sheep and goats: from whence we passed to another town called Anna [‛Ana], From thence to a town called Dire [ad-Deyr], by which there is a lake or pool of very pitch, which in their language they call the Mouth of Hell. It swells in the midst thereof to the bigness of an hogshead, and so breaketh with a great puff, falling flat, and thus continually it worketh: whereof there is no bottom to be found, albeit it often hath been tried by all means. There was nothing else worth the noting until we came where we were to pass by land again. So we sent for camels and horses to Babilon [Baghdad] (being two days’ journey from us) to carry us thither. Where being no sooner come, for our welcome we had all our merchandize arrested, for the use of the Bashaw of that place, to be paid therefore at his price and pleasure: howbeit, we had license to provide ourselves an house, and he dealt better with us than we expected; for he gave us, by estimation, half the worth of our goods, which was good pay from so ill a debtor. Yet he extorted from Sir Anthony a great deal of plate made of pure emerald which he purposed to bestow on the Persian king, by us called the Sophi. Howbeit, we prevented him for the one half of our goods which was carried into the town in another Turk’s name that came with us, for which favour we gave him by agreement forty crowns. At Babilon [Baghdad] (being thus entertained) we remained a month or more, in which time a Dutchman, being one of our company, had like to have preferred us all to the headsman’s handling. For, being one day drunk according to his wont, and withal bearing a grudge to some of our company, went in that mood to some of the chief officers of the Turks in Babilon, [Baghdad] made signs to them that he had some matter of importance to deliver to the Bashaw, touching Sir Anthony, Which officers sent for an Armenian, a Christian, that was then in town, who had used Sir Anthony exceeding well, and was beloved no less of these officers, to whom they showed the signs this Dutchman had made. He forthwith answered that he was a drunken companion, and that Sir Anthony had often beaten him for his immoderate bowsing and continual drunkenness, which was (as he said in our excuse) the only cause 1

Abū Rīsha, see Pincon, p. 139.

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he thus played his part. And withal desired them to suffer their Janizaries to beat him well and to send him so beaten to his master. Which was done (by their commands) accordingly. Whereupon Sir Anthony was constrained to chamber him up close until we were past danger, leaving money with him to carry him back to Aleppo. During the time we stayed in Babilon [Baghdad] we had all kind of fowl, flesh and fish, with great store of venison very cheap. The old tower of Babel is three days’ journey from this place, which, by common and just report of the inhabitants of this city is about the height of Paul’s at this time, as they by towers of the like height, in our estimation, described it. It is not hollow, but solid throughout; the base or foot whereof is about a quarter of a mile in compass. It consists of bricks baked in the sun, of great breadth and thickness, interlined with canes plaited like mats, which remain much less perished than the bricks. The tower which is called Nebuchadnezzer’s Tower standshard by New Babilon [Baghdad], which is fashioned much like the other (as it is said) but not so high as that we saw, by which doth run the famous river Tigris, taking his course through the city and so along by this tower. Thus, having spent a month and somewhat more in New Babilon [Baghdad], in great fear and perplexity by reason of the drunken Dutchman’s signs and tokens (as before is mentioned), staying the most of that time for a caravan1 of the Persians and a great company of merchants, we received letters from Aleppo, by which we were wished to make all possible speed from Babilon [Baghdad], for that we were discovered there; signifying thus much further unto us, that there were letters from thence in all post addressed to stay us. By chance this caravan of Persians were gone but one day before we received these letters, and had they been gone four days before, we would soon have overtaken them, in regard of their heavy lading. But after the receipt of these letters, it was but like the spurring of the most free horse to hasten us after them, for without taking leave, we stole slyly away, and were soon with them: who would not go the direct way whither we were bound, but passed through the Medes’ country, which was five or six days’ journey out of the way, on pilgrimage unto a certain Sanctone [santon], a prophet of theirs; whom we were moved to accompany, more for fear than for any devotion. In which country as we passed we saw that which was ruth to see, the confused ruins of marvellous great towns, which had, as it should seem, flourished when the Medes triumphed, and their commonwealth prospered. This pilgrimage ended, we went on from thence directly the course we had determined: demanding of the Persians whether we had any more of the Turkish Governors to pass, who answered they had one (and that very mighty) called Cobat-Bag [Qubād Beg], by whom we must of necessity pass, At which answer it had been an easy matter to have found a company of poor hearts near their masters’ mouths; for to us remained no hope, but we should have been intercepted there. Yet, as God and good fortune would, some of them (better bethinking themselves) remembered another way, through one Heyderbag’s [Haydar Beg]1 country; who was neighbour to the other, howbeit at continual wars with him, in regard whereof we had good hope he would aid us. So entering the first night into this Heyder-bag’s country or jurisdiction, the other 1

Parry has the following note: “A caravan is a great many of camels laden and men in a company, not much unlike our carriers (many in a company) here in England.” 1

See Manwaring, p. 198, for variants of this name.

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hearing thereof sent into our company, that if we would not return and come by him, he would in the morning with his troops cut us into gobbets. Then were we in worse plight than at any time before: notwithstanding we resolving to sell our bloods as dear as we could (since avoid that extremity we could not) we thereupon took heart of grace and about midnight we arose with bag and baggage, and so held on our course through Heyderbag’s country. When in the break of the day we might descry a troop of horses coming towards us, which we verily imagined to be the enemy: but we were luckily deceived, for it was he that governed that country, who came to our succours, and safely to convoy us through the same, having had some intelligence before of our progress that way. Which having passed in safety, through his gentle assistance and conduction, we were indifferent well at heart’s ease, albeit we had six days’ journey to pass (ere we should enter the confines of Persia) through the Courdes’ [Kurds] country, which is by interpretation the thieves’ country. The people whereof are altogether addicted to thieving, not much unlike the wild Irish, so that as we passed through them, every night we did encamp they slyly stole more or less from us, watched we never so warily: else would they do but little hurt. This people do live altogether in tents, keeping of cattle, Having passed this pilfering people, we then happily entered the King of Persia’s country, where upon our first entrance we thought we had been imparadised, finding our entertainment to be so good and the manner of the people to be so kind and courteous far differing from the Turks’, especially when they heard we came of purpose to their King, We passed from the borders nine days’ journey, ere we came to Casbin [Qazvīn], where we expected the residence of the King: during all which time we passed by no great towns worth the noting until we came thither, having sent a courier before to signify what we were to the Governor of the city, lest, by our sudden approach, our welcome should have been the less and his marvel the more. Who thereupon prepared for us a house of the King’s, furnished with such ornaments as befitted a great state. We came into the city by night, for that we would not be first seen in our travelling apparel. Howbeit the Governor the next morning, together with the chief of the King’s house, came with a great train to salute Sir Anthony, assuring him that his coming would be right pleasing and acceptable to the King: but signified unto him that he then was in person against the Tartars, his borderers, with whom he had wars; to whom at that time he had in a pitched field given a mighty overthrow. And thereupon dismissed a post to the King, signifying unto him that there was come a Christian (right well attended) to see him by reason of the fame he had heard of him. Which when by the post he understood, he made as much expedition as possibly he could with respect had to his great affairs to come to Sir Anthony. There we remained some three weeks before he came. In which time we were banqueted and right royally intreated by the Governor and the King’s Steward, who brought us to the King’s gate, to offer that homage that all strangers do—that is, to kiss the entrance of his palace three times. Against the King’s coming we apparelled ourselves in the best manner we could, with such stuff as we brought with us, that is to say, Sir Anthony himself in cloth of gold, the upper coat and under; his brother in cloth of silver, the upper and under; six Gentlemen, their lower coats silk, the upper cloth of silver; four of his chiefest servants in silk under-coats, the upper crimson velvet; the rest of his servants in a pretty kind of bombast stuff, all the upper coats watchet

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damask; our whole number being six and twenty, which made a very seemly show, the fashion of our apparel somewhat differing from the Persian.1 Now by this time that we were thoroughly thus furnished and fitted, the King approached within five miles, where he encamped: from whence he sent to his Governor, commanding him to furnish our company the next day with horses, to the end we-might come forth to meet him on the way, which was performed on either part accordingly, he coming in great triumph, having borne before him, advanced upon pikes, one thousand and two hundred heads of the conquered Tartars; whose king and his son he led along in triumph, having taken them prisoners: which triumph was continually more and more graced and augmented by the country as he passed, each one endeavouring according to his power to give him welcome from the wars. Himself being accompanied with all his nobles and great men in diverse troops, that we could not see anything all the way but men and horses, with such thundering of trumpets, kettle-drums carried upon camels, and suchlike instruments of war, that a man would have thought heaven and earth were tilting together. Their trumpets being all straight, some two yards and a half in length, having such a deep, harsh, and horrible voice that it would amaze a man to hear them, if he never heard them before. At length we were brought into the presence of the King, as he thus passed in triumph: we all dismounting our horses to kiss his foot, as the manner is, Sir Anthony first, who offering to perform that compliment, the King, out of special and unusual favour, put his hand between his mouth and his foot, and would not permit him to do it, so all the rest in order kissed his foot: which being done, the King called Sir Anthony unto him, told him that he was right heartily welcome to him and to his country, which ere his departure he said he should find indeed. Who suffering not Sir Anthony to reply, caused his horse to be brought, and so we rode on next to the King. Where in a while after we might see a great troop of courtesans of the city come riding richly apparelled to salute the King and to welcome him from his wars, their apparel little differing in fashion from the men’s, but only in their head attire and upper coats. They wear breeches and ride astride as men do, and came with such a cry as the wild Irish make. The multitude of people were so great (consisting of actors and spectators) that we had much ado in six hours to pass three miles, which was from the place where we met the King to the market-place of the city. Unto which at length being come, the King brought us to the door of the house where we should alight, situate in the same, commanding one of his great men to place us therein, whilst himself rode about some hour or two to see the shows and matters of triumph performed. Which being done, he returned to Sir Anthony, where being set upon the ground, with carpets under him, according to the custom of the country, commanding stools to be brought for Sir Anthony and his brother, there Sir Anthony made his oration: which being ended, the King discoursed with him of his travels, of his native country, the manner of government there, and of diverse other things that accidentally became then subject to their discourse: the particulars whereof Sir Anthony answered to the King’s high contentment: and further, possessed the King with such a burning desire to invade the Turk’s dominions by reason his strength was so small, (as before is mentioned, and then at large Sir Anthony unfolded) that he would on the very necks of that his late 1

A far more detailed account of these costumes is given by Manwaring (see p. 204).

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AN ENTERTAINMENT AT THE COURT OF SHĀH ‛ABBĀS From a MS. of the ‛Ālam Ārāyī ‛Abbāsi

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victory, before his blood was cold, as it were, have entered into action against the Turk, to the which Sir Anthony ceased not to animate him, for a double grudge he bare him—to wit, for being such a mortal enemy to Christ, and for using them so like mortal enemies being Christians: howbeit, that expedition was, for a time, deferred, yet nevertheless fully resolved on. These and the like made the King instantly to conceive so exceeding well and grew more and more into such liking of Sir Anthony that once a day at the least he would send for him to confer, and compliment with him: yea, sometimes he must be sent for to come to his bed-chamber at midnight, accompanied with his brother, for that purpose. The King continued in that town about some thirty days, where many nights the people entertained him with spectacles, and shows in their basars [bazaars], which we do call shops, all covered overhead as the Royal Exchange. At which always we must meet the King. Their manner is to make the greatest show of those wares they have in four long streets, in the midst whereof is a round kind of stage covered with costly carpets, whereon is laid all kind of fruits, confections and wine for the King to banquet withal. After that he had seen all the shows, towards night, they set up as many lights as possibly can stand one by another, consisting all of lamps; so that, by estimation, there burneth at once in those four streets a hundred thousand lamps, so close upon and round about their stalls upon the ground that a man can hardly put his hand between each lamp. After which sights, he goeth to that place appointed for the banquet, where banqueting till midnight, being solaced all the while with all kinds of music, of instruments and voice, with boys and courtesans dancing strange kinds of jigs and lavoltas1: without which courtesans no banquet, be it never so costly, hath any relish with them. Howbeit, no man’s wife comes thereat; neither is it possible (or if it be, very rarely) for a man once to see a woman if she be once married, and her husband living, no, though it be her own natural brother. So jealous are husbands of their wives’ loves and chastities, and such cause of suspicion is there amongst them in that respect. There is a custom in that country that if the King purpose to make any man great by enoblizing him, he hath a very rich chair set with stones carried after him, wherein he placeth that man at his banquet in public assembly. This chair was brought for Sir Anthony to sit in, and he by the King placed therein accordingly. Which made the people much to admire that accident, in that he vouchsafed that high favour to a stranger without desert or experience of his worth: whereas accustomably he would have great proof of a man’s worthiness before he would so vouchsafe to dignify him. Instantly he caused Sir Anthony to sit, he gave him his own girdle from about him for a further favour, which was all of some golden stuff, very curious and costly, three yards long and an ell broad. Three days after he sent a present to Sir Anthony, being a certain demonstration of the great estimation he had him in. Which was forty horses furnished with saddles, etc., four of which were very rich and fair, fit for the proper use of any prince, twelve camels for carriage, together with six mules, four and twenty carpets, most of them rich and fair, three tents or pavilions, with all other necessaries of house: last of all, six men laden with silver. The steward that brought it told Sir Anthony that the King had sent him that to defray his charges till the next remove, which was ten days off. I need not speak more of 1

Lavolta, an old Italian dance, popular in England in Elizabethan times.

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the King’s bounty; let the world by this imagine the rest, and how he entreated Sir Anthony. And albeit the fashion and manner of the Persians is not unknown to many of our English nation, as having, by their own travels, attained that knowledge, or by reading, or creditable report being informed thereof: yet somewhat to speak touching the same, I hold it not altogether amiss for the better information of those my countrymen that do not so well know it. For their sitting at meat on the ground, with their manner of food and feeding, it is much after the Turkish guise. Their devotion as the Turk’s, but somewhat different in religion. As the Persian prayeth only to Mahomet [Muhammad] and Mortus Ally [Murtaza ‛Ali], the Turk to those two and to three other that were Mahomet’s servants. Against which three the Persian still inveighs, and hath in all towns men that carry axes on their shoulders, challenging them to rise again, and they are there pressed to encounter them by force of arms. They use much exercise, as hawking and hunting, with very much shooting. Their hawks are excellent good, which they bear on their right hand, without hood or bell. The merchandize and commodities which Persia yieldeth are silks, both raw and otherwise, of all suits and colours; spices, drugs, pearls and other precious gems; together with carpets of divers kinds. These, with many other commodities of this nature, Persia plentifully affordeth. They write from the right side of the paper to the left like the Turks, contrary to our manner. Their letters or characters being so irregular and (as we would think) deformed, that to us it seemeth the writing of some utterly unskilful in letters or learning, or as a wild kind of scribbling that hath therein neither form nor matter: howbeit, they affirm their writing is most compendious, and every letter (well near) with his circumflex importeth a whole word, though consisting of many syllables. They have not many books, much less great libraries amongst their best clerks. They are no learned nation, but ignorant in all kind of liberal or learned sciences, and almost of all other arts and faculties, except it be in certain things pertaining to horses’ furniture and some kinds of carpeting and silk works, wherein they excel.1 They have neither gold nor silver from any mines of their own, for they have none: howbeit, they have money made of both kinds in great plenty, together with some small coin made of copper, like our Bristol tokens.2 Their conceit of Christ is that he was a very great prophet and a most holy and religious man, but in no way comparable to Mahomet: for Mahomet (say they) was that final prophet by whom all things were and are to be perfected and consummated. They further say that because God never had wife, therefore Christ cannot possibly be his son. If any man conspire treason against the King, or otherwise capitally offend him, he is punished, not only in his own person, but in his whole tribe. If they affirm any matter with another, they swear by God and Mahomet, or Mortus Ally: and when they would be believed, they swear by all three at once. 1

It is strange that a man of Parry’s intelligence should have formed such an erroneous opinion of Persian learning and letters. It is hard to believe he had not seen book-shops in the bazaars and libraries in private houses. Evidently the beauty of Persian calligraphy made no appeal to his eye. 2 Similar to coins, and issued by tradesmen in various English towns instead of, but representing, money.

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They circumcise their children at seven years old, according to the custom of their neighbour the Turks. They buy and sell men and women in the market, which is a principal merchandize of theirs among themselves. If they buy any young women there they feel them everywhere. If a man buy a bondwoman for his own carnality and she prove false to him, he may by their law kill her, as he may a dog in England. In praying, they turn their faces towards the South, as we do towards the East, because Mecha, where Mahomet is coffined in iron (which by force of a temple’s roof, consisting of adamant, hangeth, as it were, by way of miracle in the air) lieth in Arabia, which is south from them. To which, whosoever shall go on pilgrimage, as many of them do, they are ever held for most holy and sacred saints, which they call Setes [Sayyids], and not only themselves are so reputed, but the posterity of that man are so accounted, and of themselves are so persuaded. For if one shall in anything contradict them, either in saying or in doing, they will over-rule him, and exact credit and belief with all obedience by saying he is a saint at least, and therefore, on pain of damnation, must be believed and highly esteemed, although he lie never so loudly and do never so lewdly. Their buildings are, for the most part, made of brick hardened in the sand, not made with fire, as ours are: wherein they have very little furniture other than carpets upon their floors; and such the poorest man hath, but the goodness thereof is according to the ability of the owners: their houses are made with flat roofs without, covered with a kind of plaster or earth spread plasterwise. Near unto a town called Backo [Baku] in Persia there issueth out of the earth, in the manner of water-spring, a certain kind of oil in great abundance which they (from all parts of the Persian dominions) do fetch upon camels, kine and asses, to burn in lamps which are the light they use in their houses. The people are now very courteous, using all strangers with kindness and civility, especially since this King hath governed. Howbeit, (by report) they have been heretofore little better in that respect than the Turks. The names of the parts of Persia that in times past were distinct kingdoms are Casvin [Qazvīn], Hasphane [Ispahān], Seraze [Shīrāz], Kughgollo [Kūh Gilūyah], Suster [Shushter], Curdistan, Hammadan, Kirman upon Corrozan [Khurāsān]. These this King had when he came first to the crown; these following he took and won since: Tuntabas [Tūn u Tabas], Coffe [Khwāf], Corrazon, Buchora [Bukhārā], Urgans [Urganj], Taskane [Tashkent], Strabat [Astarābād]; the kingdoms of Mascendran [Māzandarān], Marcu [Mākū], Rustendar [Rustamdār], Nurecugge [Nūr-Kūh], the kingdoms of Ieglands1: the first Iegland [Gīlān], Reast [Resht], Saughtoser [?] Caskeger [Kaskar], Tawlis [Tiflis], Aderbegsan [Azerbaijan], being a great kingdom. These towns following were lost by his predecessors to the Turk, viz: Tawris [Tabrīz], Seruan [Shīrwān], Samachy [Shamākhi], Iange [Ganja], Berthe [Berda‛], with many others, which the Persian doth now hope to recover; being far better able than in times past, for that he hath drawn all the fore-mentioned towns and parts into his possession: which, when his predecessors would invade the Turk before, these would impeach and molest them behind: so that now he stands secure from all invasion of the borderers, whereby he is able to carry all his force clear, without interruption against the Turk, 1 Ieglands evidently represents the Arabic plural Jīlānāt, i.e. Gīlāns.

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which at the least will be four hundred thousand strong. Upon which undertaking he is (as before was mentioned) fully resolved: but first by Sir Anthony’s advice he determined to join in league, amity and confederacy with the Christian princes, by means whereof he may the sooner prevail in his purpose, and thereby utterly suppress the Turk. Howbeit his councillors were all obstinately bent against these determinations and proceedings at the first, yet the King with his general, who is a Georgian Christian1 (still animated and provoked thereunto by Sir Anthony’s forcible persuasions) were resolute and confident in the cause, and being so irremovable, at last prevailed, and all the rest absolutely assented. And by that mutual consent of the King and his council, no man was thought so fit to be employed in embassy to the Christian princes (to the purpose above recited) as Sir Anthony, being a Christian and the first mover of the King to these undertakings, appointing a great man of the Persians to accompany him in those businesses, but the whole burden thereof to lie only upon Sir Anthony, who undertook the same accordingly. Which being concluded and thus undertaken, we were ready to depart from the King’s court, lying then at Hasphane [Ispahān], when suddenly there came news of a Portingall [Portuguese] friar that was coming thither, accompanied with two other friars and four servants: this friar stayed some three miles off the town, and sent the other two with letters to Sir Anthony; whereby he signified unto him that he was the last King of Portugal’s brother and that he was sent by the King of Spain as Procurator General of all the East Indies. Sir Anthony, believing it, went himself, accompanied with as many Christians as he could get, to the Frigot [friar], And after mutual greetings he told Sir Anthony that hearing of his great and weighty businesses and so godly a work, he being a great bishop of the King of Spain’s, came posting night and day to assist him therein. Which Sir Anthony was right glad of, and to manifest the same the better, he brought him along to his own house and there dislodged his brother to lodge him. This being done, he told Sir Anthony that he greatly desired to see the King, for that he had a present to bestow on him, which Sir Anthony soon procured. But now, by the way, this present was delivered him in trust, to be delivered to the King; howbeit, he presented it in his own name, in requital whereof the King gave him a crucifix worth by estimation a hundred pounds and better: which villainy and many others, Sir Anthony afterwards discovered, though the meanwhile he held him for a holy man. Ere we departed from the King, he would fain, by the King’s commission, have been an agent in the present action wherein Sir Anthony was principally employed, and likely he was to have been one with universal consent, but that the writings and all other things thereunto incident were before perfected and finished. And seeing he could be no actor as he desired, by reason thereof he entreated Sir Anthony to procure the King’s favourable letters in his behalf to the Pope and the King of Spain; which Sir Anthony did accordingly. In requital whereof, he began (underhand) to deal with those of the King’s council which had been backward in the beginning of the business, who assured them that Sir Anthony was not able to perform so great a negotiation. Which Sir Anthony perceiving, he made all the haste he possibly could to be gone, the rather because he had waded somewhat too far with this execrable friar, who the first night he lodged in Sir Anthony’s house found the means to have a7 Persian courtesan to lie with him, and had night by night during his continuance there.… 1

Allah Vardi Khān.

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Soon after we departed, taking the friar and one of his fellows with us, having eighteen days’ journey from the Persian court to Iegland [Gīlān], where we were embarked to cross the Caspian Sea. In which time the friar confessed he was but an ordinary Augustine friar, and in a gamesome vein he further confessed how he would bring men’s wives, after he had shriven them, to his bent, as taking advantage of their confessed faults: and to close up this and suchlike good talk in the day, we should be sure to take him with a whore at night…. Thus having merrily passed the time with this sorry friar, and being come to the place where we should be embarked, we stayed there one month for the Persian peer1 that was to go along with us, as before is mentioned. Upon whose coming, we presently embarked ourselves for Haster-caune [Astrakhan], which is the first landing-place of the Emperor of Russia’s country to Persiaward. Upon the Caspian Sea, which we were to cross, we were two months before we landed; which time we endured much pain and no less fear, having, besides the natural roughness of the sea, very much foul and stormy weather, by reason whereof we had been like to have suffered shipwreck, the vessel having twice struck on ground, so that we were constrained to disburden the same of a great part of our substance. Howbeit, in the end God so blessed us, that in two months we came to our wished harbour; where, being arrived, the governor having intelligence of our landing, sent a captain with a guard to receive us and to conduct us to the castle of Haster-caune, where was landed, but the day before, an ambassador that the King of Persia had sent a month before, only to make our passage through the Emperor of Russia’s country. From which castle to Musco [Moscow] Town we were by river and by land ten weeks passing: all which time Sir Anthony and his company, with the other ambassadors and their attendants, were all at the charge of the Russian Emperor; for so is the custom of that country to all travellers of that nature, as long as they are passing through his dominions, who eat such meat as is brought before them gratis, having withal a guard set over them; so that they are little better than prisoners as long as they are Within the limits of his territory. From Haster-caune we passed by boat along the mighty river of Volgo [Volga], until we came to a town named Negson [Nijni Novgorod], which was seven weeks’ passage. In which time we saw nothing worthy the noting but three or four wooden castles or block houses to guard that river; which river doth bring marvellous great commodities to the Emperor and to the whole country. Divers Tartars passing from place to place about the river, living in little houses made upon wheels, and are carried to and fro, having abundance of cattle, live so in subjection to the emperor, paying him tribute, etc. One only fair city we saw all that while, called Cassane [Kazan], wherein we were; from whence we passed to Negson, aforesaid; where, by the way, fell out a jar between Sir Anthony and the other ambassador, because Sir Anthony presumed to reprehend him for divers misdemeanours which he committed, to the dishonour of his king and country; insomuch that had we not had a guard in our company, one of us had killed another. Leaving here awhile, I will turn again to the friar, who was by this time grown into mortal hatred with his fellow-friar, of whom before I spake, whose name was Alfonso, a friar of the order of St Francis; which friar had acquainted Sir Anthony that friar Nicolao had spent his life most lewdly in the Indies, the particularities whereof he at large related. Moreover he told him that, by reason of his licentious life, the King of Spain had 1

i.e. Husayn ‛Ali Beg who had stayed behind for the presents. See Manwaring, p. 226.

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sent for him because he did much more hurt than good in those parts, but never would come until now that he was going thitherward. He also told Sir Anthony that that present which he delivered the King of Persia in his own name was sent by a friend of the King’s from Ormous by another, who had withal a letter to the King: which bearer, being of his acquaintance, he inveigled and enticed by the gift of fifty crowns and fair words to deliver him the present, together with the letter to carry to the King, who finally prevailed with him; and when he came to Persia, he suppressed the letter, but delivered the present in his own name, as before is declared. Upon discovery of which villainies, Sir Anthony took him prisoner and carried him along with him, as one deprived of former liberty; and being come to Negson, we stayed there near hand a month. Towards the end whereof the Emperor sent a great man of his court thither for to accompany and conduct us to Musco, who gave the pre-eminence to the Persian ambassador in that he was ambassador to the Emperor from the Persian, and Sir Anthony but a passenger through his country, as he esteemed him; and so did use him at his pleasure, to Sir Anthony’s small contentment, until we came to Musco; where we were entertained in the best sort they could, with a crew of aqua-vitæ-bellied fellows, clad in coats of cloth of gold; which show being ended for the first encounter, those coats were put up again into the treasury or wardrobe, and we shut up in prison for ten days; yea, all access of others to us, or we to them, was thereby utterly barred. In which time we sent to entreat that either our English merchants might be permitted to come to us, or that we might go or send to them for necessaries; because we were not fitted with clothes, as we thought, convenient for the Emperor’s presence. Whereupon the lord chancellor sent for the merchants, inquiring of them what Sir Anthony was, and whether they durst give him any credit. To whom they replied that he was nobly descended and allied even to the best men of England, yea, and that they would give him credit for as much as they were worth. Hereupon they had liberty to send us such necessaries as we sent for, but no liberty to come to us, much less we to them. The tenth day we were sent for to come before the Emperor after their order, which was to lay down in a note how every man should be marshalled in coming, being all on horseback; wherein the Persian ambassador was appointed by the Emperor to have the first and chief place; the next that Persian that was sent but to accompany Sir Anthony; and the last of the three should be Sir Anthony himself: which, when Sir Anthony perceived, he utterly refused to go in that order; because that he, to whose trust and charge the whole business had been committed, and by whom the same was solely procured, by which Persia likewise should be infinitely benefited, especially he being a Christian, and they Pagans, should be put hindmost in the march, that was the foremost in the matter.1 By the means of which refusal he purchased the Emperor’s displeasure; and to manifest the same, first he took the friar from Sir Anthony, and gave him his liberty to go whither he thought good; next, he daily sent his great dukes to examine Sir Anthony upon divers frivolous particularities, to prove if they thereby might grope out some matter of advantage against him. Thus daily he was extremely vexed and molested by the Emperor. The Persian ambassador withal, setting on the friar, underhand, to devise all the villainy he could against him, as to say he knew Sir Anthony 1

Parry is perfectly correct here. The only official ambassador was Pīr Quli Beg. Husayn ‛Ali and Anthony were merely travellers through Russia (see Part I, p. 24).

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was but a man of mean parentage, and also that he was come but as a spy through the country, for purposes tending to his own good, and not of Persia and Christendom, as he pretended. Whereupon they took all the King’s letters from him and opened them, to know the purport thereof. Soon after Sir Anthony and the friar were brought before the commissioners to be further examined; where Sir Anthony, being inflamed with choler by reason of his exceeding ill-usage, notwithstanding the goodness of the cause of his coming, demanded whether the Emperor did ever purpose to send any ambassadors to any other countries; protesting, if ever he met with them in any parts of the world besides their own, he would endeavour to let them know he was not half so well entreated in Russia, as the cause of his coming of right deserved, and the Emperor, by the laws divine and civil, ought to have performed; and the rather, because he was a Christian, such as he pretends himself to be, and came, as became a Christian, for the general good of all Christendom; the Persian being stirred up thereunto by his only means. Whereupon the friar in terms thwarted Sir Anthony, whose blood already boiled with the excess of his choler’s heat, which as then abounded; and being by that graceless and ungrateful friar further provoked, he, not able, though instantly he should have died for it, to suppress his heat, gave the fat friar such a sound box on the face, his double cause of choler redoubling his might, desire of revenge withal augmenting the same, that down falls the friar, as if he had been struck with a thunderbolt: which being done with that courage and high resolution which well appeared in his looks, words and deeds, they forthwith gave over examination, because they had too far examined Sir Anthony’s patience; which well they with fear, as I think, saw, and the friar, almost past fear, did far better feel. Whereupon they went instantly to the Emperor and informed him of all that had happened, and how Sir Anthony was resolved; for which, as by the event it appeared, he was used the better. For from henceforward we had liberty to go to the Englishmen, of whom we were very honourably entertained and royally feasted. Howbeit, we were constrained to remain there six months; expecting every day, for all this, some mischief to be done unto us, or to be sent into some part of his country to be kept where we should not have heard from our friends in haste, which we feared worse than death. Yet in the end we were eftsoons sent for before the privy council, where Sir Anthony had his charge to be gone, which was no small joy to us all. But the day before we left Muscovia it was my fortune to see the King and his Queen, in ceremonious and triumphal manner, passing out of the city with a great image and a huge bell, to offer to a certain friary some thirty miles off, which was performed in this sort:—First, all the morning divers troops of horse passed out of the city, to stand ready to receive him at his coming out of the gate. About mid-day the King setting forwards, his guard foremost, all on horseback, to the number of five hundred, all clad in stammell1 coats, riding in rank, three and three, with bows and arrows, and swords girt to them, as also hatchets under the one thigh. After the guard were led by twenty men twenty goodly horses, with twenty very rich and curious saddles, and ten more for his son and heir apparent, being a child of twelve years of age. After which was led, in like sort, twenty beautiful white horses for the Queen’s chariots, having only upon them a fine sheet and on their heads a crimson velvet bridle. After them came a great number of friars, in their 1

A woollen cloth of a dull red colour (cf. O.French “estamin”).

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rich copes, singing, carrying many pictures and lights. After them followed the greatest part of the merchants of the city. Next them was led the King’s horse for that day, together with his son’s; the King’s saddle and furniture most richly beset with stones of great price and beauty. Then followed the patriarch, with all the archbishops, bishops and great prelates, singing in their copes, very rich and glorious, having huge images borne before them, being very richly inlaid with precious gems of divers colours, and lights about them. Then followed the King himself, who in his left hand had his son abovementioned, and in his right hand his cap. Next him came the Queen, supported on either side by two old ladies; her face was thickly plastered with painting, as were the other ladies, according to the custom of the country; her body very gross, her eyes hollow, and far into her head, attended with some threescore very fair women, if painting, which they hold a matter religious, deceived not the judgement of mine eye. All whose apparel was very rich beset with pearl, curiously wrought; having white hats on their heads, with great round bands laden with pearl. We never saw hats worn by any women in the country but by them only. Next unto them were drawn three huge chariots, the first with ten fair white horses, two and two; the second with eight; and the third with six, in like order; which chariots were all very rich and gorgeous within and without: after which all the noblemen passed in coaches, Then was carried in a great chest the forenamed image, guarded by a great man and of state in the country, with some five hundred under his command, for the guard and convoy of that image. And last of all came that huge bell, being of twenty tons’ weight, drawn by three thousand and five hundred men—not being possible to be drawn by oxen or horses—in manner following:—they fastened six exceedingly long hawsers, or mighty great cable ropes, in six lengths, to the frame whereon the bell was placed; in this rank of ropes were placed those three thousand five hundred men, with little cords over their shoulders fastened to the great hawsers, drawing after the manner of our western bargemen here in England. The poise of the bell was so great that, passing along the streets of Musco, being paved with great square pieces of timber set close one by another, the wood of this frame or carriage, whereon the bell was drawn, set the timber of the streets on fire through both the woods chafing together; so that some were fain to follow hard after to throw on water as the timbers began to smoke: and thus was this bell and the image conveyed to the friary, as hath afore been said. The next day following we took our journey (that is to say, in mid-May), towards Saint Nicolas [Archangel], to take shipping, which was some six weeks’ passage by land and river; during all which time we saw nothing, in a manner, but woods and water. But, being come to the seaside, being the place where we were to take ship, we stayed there one month for provision for our journey; in which time we were divers times invited aboard English ships, where we were royally banqueted at the agents’ charge and the merchants’; to the solemnization of which banquets we had three hundred hundred [sic] great shot. And as we stayed there one Master Megricke, a merchant, came from Musco, and brought the friar’s two letters with him, reporting that the lord chancellor, in satisfaction of the wrong and ill-usage he extended to Sir Anthony, sent after the friar to the borders, who took both his letters and all his substance that he had deceitfully and lewdly gotten in many years before in the Indies from him, leaving him not so much as his friar’s weed; and whether he caused his throat to be cut it was uncertain but not unlike.

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Thus as this lewd wretch had (as peradventure he thought) passed the pikes of God’s judgment bent against him and threatening his ruin, for his several villainies, and that, as to him perhaps it seemed, he was now even entering the confines of his own country, furnished with letters in his commendation from the Persian mighty potentate to his liege lord the King of Spain, whereby he thought to have attained, notwithstanding his former lewd life in the Indies, great reputation and preferment, even then was he overtaken with a vengeance and paid home with a mischief, to the utter loss of his letters wherein so much he joyed, his substance that was all his livelihood, and (as it is most likely) of his life, the lewdness whereof brought upon him these unexpected yet well-deserved miseries. A good caveat for all those that under God Almighty’s coat will play all devilish pranks, whereof there are but too many in these last days (and therefore the worst days), crept into his holy church in all quarters of Christendom, making the same sacred house of prayer (which ought with all prayer and holy endeavour to be preserved from all pollution and polluted persons) a very den of thieves, as it is in the Gospel, that walk continually in sheep’s clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves: they are known by their works. From hence we took ship for Stoade, being six weeks upon the sea ere we could recover it; in which time we were continually tossed and tumbled with contrary winds, and once had been like to have been utterly cast away; so that we all were overwhelmed in despair, as we were at point to be in the sea; but that, by God’s protection and direction, we, past all expectation, fell upon the Fly1; where, having divers letters of Sir Anthony’s to his friends in England, I parted from him, he holding his course toward the Emperor of Germany; from whence I came to the Tassel [Texel], then to the Firme,2 so to the Hage, from the Hage to Vlushing, and finally from thence to Dover, where I landed in the midst of the month of September, the three and fortieth year of the Queen’s Majesty’s reign, and in the Year of Our Lord God 1601.3

1

The Island of Vlieland. The mainland or continent. 3 Sic for 1600. Parry’s book was entered in the Stationers’ Hall Registers, “11th November, 1601, 43 et 44.” 2

III THE RELATION OF A JOURNEY TAKEN TO PERSIA IN THE YEARS 1598–1599 BY A GENTLEMAN IN THE SUITE OF SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY, AMBASSADOR FROM THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND Translated into English from the French Original of ABEL PINÇON WE sojourned about two months in Halep [Aleppo], whence we departed after we had supped, the second day of September in the year one thousand five hundred and ninetyeight, taking the road to Babylon [Baghdad]. We arrived about midnight at a village called Gibrin,1 five miles distance from Halep. On the third of the said month we came to another village named Bab [Bāb], near which there is a spring of very good water. The fourth day, or, more exactly, the fourth night—as we marched always by night—we passed by a ruined and deserted village a mile from Bab, and three miles away from Bab another called Abissin,2 which is inhabited. On the fifth day we came to Bule [Bīra], which lies on the river Euphrates. The country between Alep and Bule is very beautiful and fertile, though it is ravaged by certain Arab marauders who, when they find themselves the stronger, will not let a single traveller pass without robbing him. Bule is an enclosed town with a castle fortified after the manner of the Turks. We sojourned here for five or six days, making the necessary preparations, overhauling our boat, and buying biscuits, cheese, butter, meat, chickens and other supplies obtainable on the spot. Very early in the morning on the tenth of September we embarked on the Euphrates. There were thirteen barges, among them being those of the Cadi and of the Diftendar [Daftardār], who were on their way to take up their duties at Babylon [Baghdad]. There were many Turkish merchants and peasants, and in our barge there were three or four Venetians and the same number of Jews. That day we saw nothing remarkable, other than the poverty of the Arabs. We saw a great number all naked, some of whom crossed the river on skins which were inflated and filled with air. Likewise we saw on the shores of the river an ancient house which the Jews said had been a house of Abraham, and we passed by ruined edifices built of stone blocks of great size.

1 2

Not identified. Not identified.

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On the eleventh day we saw a market-town situated in an elevated position on the shores of the river, which our Arab boatmen called Sarin.1 That day a number of Arabs on foot and on horseback, armed with slings and bows and arrows, appeared on the riverbank. They slung stones and shot arrows at us, but when they heard the noise and racket of our arquebusade they took to flight. On the twelfth day appeared some of these ruffians who had come to water their herds; they shouted abuses at us, but retired when they heard our carbines which we fired in the air. The same day we saw three towns, one called Arborera [Abū Hreyra], the other Giabar [Qal‛at Jābir], and I could not learn the name of the third. The day before we had passed another called Bélis [Balis]. We saw in this district five lions, two very large and three medium in size, and certain birds with red wings, much larger than geese. Watermelons are also found there, and the Arabs used to bring them to us at night, swimming to our boat and exchanging them for bread or money; they called this species of melon angurie.1 On the fourteenth day we saw again three lions on the river-bank; near by, an attendant of the said Diftendar unintentionally killed a Turk while firing an arquebus, which nearly caused us a great deal of trouble at Raccha [Raqqa], a very ancient town, because the Turks there tried to lay the blame on the Christians of our company. However, we were able to escape because Aborice [Abū Rīsha]2 was in the neighbourhood and would not allow innocent men to pay for the blood of a Turk. Aborice is a king of the Arabs and he usually lives in Mesopotamia, camping in tents and never wishing to enter a town. He is a prince of about thirty-two years of age; he has a certain majesty, being of shapely form, but his skin is very black. He has a large stud of several thousand camels, which he uses as a rampairt with which to enclose his encampment. He also keeps many small horses and birds of prey, and leopards with which to catch gazelles. On the fifteenth day some of our company went to present their gift to the said King, and to make their obeisance; the gift consisted of four robes of cloth of gold and silver, to which the Venetians contributed, as we were all travelling in the same boat. On the sixteenth day one of our rowers was wounded by an arrow discharged by an Arab; on the same spot we caught sight of another lion. On the seventeenth at about daybreak a misfortune occurred to one of our ship’s masters. He was sleeping by the river-bank when he felt his turban being pulled off his head. This was followed by a dangerous shower of blows which were delivered by an Arab whom it was impossible to overtake, for he disappeared with his booty into a neighbouring wood; and though some of our men pursued him they were unable to capture him. The same day we arrived at the ruins of an ancient town which in Arabic is called Zelbe [Chelebi], and is situated on a hill surmounted by a castle. Formerly it was encircled by walls in the style of those of Antioch. On the eighteenth day we came to Der,1 an enclosed market-town, where we rested from mid-day until dawn the following morning, which was the nineteenth. That same 1

1

Not identified.

See Manwaring, p. 190 and Index. Abū Rīsha (a hereditary name) was the paramount chief of a tribe group who had their base at ‛Ana, and were independent of the Sultan of Turkey. 1 Ad-Deyr or Deyr az-Zūr. 2

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day at sundown we arrived at a castle which is three or four bow-shots within the territory of Rabba [Rahaba]. From there we continued to Aziera [Achera], which we reached before dark, and where we spent the night. The following morning, which was the twentieth, we passed by many erections constructed for the purpose of conducting water; they are like elevated pillars above the river and have enormous wheels by means of which the water is spread over the fields, and they caused us great inconvenience in navigating. During four or ve days we were constantly troubled in this way. Later we came across other methods of irrigating the country, machines for drawing water with an ox or some other animal suitable for that purpose. Many wild boars and roebuck are found in this district. The following morning, the twenty-first, we started before daybreak on the way to Ana [‛Ana], but we could not reach our destination the same day, so we spent the rest of the night in a place five miles distant from Ana. The country in these parts is very fertile, full of trees and verdure. On the twenty-third, two hours after sunrise, we reached Ana. It comprises seven small and beautiful islands which are like little towns, and where there grow quantities of dates. We left Ana after mid-day and slept at a village ten miles away, from whence we departed the following day, the twenty-fourth of September. All that day we saw nothing worthy of notice, other than a little island which was very fertile. In the evening we reached a large and very ancient town called Adita [Hadītheh]. We left there the following day, the twenty-fifth, very early in the morning. After midday we reached another town where there are some fine buildings and a castle still beautiful in spite of its old age. On the twenty-sixth we passed by very beautiful and fertile country in which was situated a little hamlet; thence before nightfall we came to Ith [Hīt], a very ancient town with a castle about a mile away. There is a great spring from which flows bitumen in large quantities, even the surrounding soil and pebbles contain bitumen, and the inhabitants of the country say that when the Tower of Babylon was being built bitumen was fetched from there. This spring is horrible, by reason of its black, bubbling water, and is commonly known as the “mouth of hell”. The surrounding fields produce large quantities of saltpetre. On the twenty-seventh we passed neither town nor village, but we saw a number of herds and stud farms and many machines by means of which oxen and other animals draw water to irrigate the country. We took little rest that night, but as soon as we had supped we set out again downstream. On the twenty-eighth we reached Faluge [Fellūja], where we stayed two days awaiting the arrival of camels to carry our baggage, and where we procured mounts for ourselves. A day later we reached Babylon [Baghdad]. This city is built on the banks of the Tigris and is about the size of Alep, although the population is not as large. It is enclosed by walls on the north, east and south, except on that part of the south where the river Tigris flows. This river is crossed by a bridge formed of boats on which are placed wooden planks and at either end are courtines. The castle of Babylon [Baghdad] stands at one end of the town between south and north. It is rather large, but, in spite of possessing a good deal of artillery, not very strong for defence. The towers are round and well built, partly

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of stone and partly of purple-coloured tiles. One can see the ruins of older buildings, such as the private residence of the Caliph, which is on the left-hand side of the bridge on entering the town. Opposite, on the other side of the river, there is a big ruined mosque, also several beautiful columns or obelisks and some mosques similar to the one which is near the castle. One can also see a little fortress which lies lower down towards the east on the same side of the river. There are likewise many chans [khān] or palaces where the merchants live and keep their wares. The most beautiful is that belonging to Cicala [Chighālazāda], which was built while he was governor of the province. The second belongs to Murat [Murād Pasha], The others are not very well constructed; but during our stay Chassan Bassa [Hasan Pasha] was having a new one built on the north side of the river. As far as one can judge by foundations and by plans, this should be the most beautiful and the largest of all. It is being built of certain tiles, both large and beautiful, which are found in the ground outside the city, on what I believe to have been the site of ancient Babylon. As regards private houses, those of Mustapha [Mustafa] Agha, of Mehemet [Muhammad] Agha and of Mutucugi1 seem to me the most beautiful, though none of them are especially fine. All the women of this country, at least the greater number of them, bore a hole through their nose and attach a ring thereto. The town women have an extreme horror of the scent of musk and believe it to be poison to their little children. As the European merchants carry on a great trade in musk, we were chased away from one quarter of the city where we had taken lodgings, the people thinking we wanted to traffic in it. In Babylon, otherwise named Bagadet [Baghdad], one lives well and cheaply; bread, wine, fruit, milk and cream are excellent and to be had for nothing, as also mutton, gazelle, chicken and pigeon, but especially the most exquisite partridges in the world, of which we bought a brace for two Venetian gazettes, which are eighteen deniers. The biggest boars cost only half a teston. Stuffs for clothing are also very cheap, and there are groceries of all sorts. Money, however, is expensive; for the loan of it one usually has to pay fifty per cent per annum. The Moors and the Turks there are much more courteous towards strangers than any of the people whom I have encountered in wandering round the world. It happened one day that a drunken Turk unsheathed his dagger at us, whereupon Hassan Bassa [Hasan Pasha], being told of this, immediately ordered that he should be given a hundred blows with a stick on the soles of his feet and the buttocks; this offence would not have been punished in Alep. The Tower of Babel is at least two days’ journey away from the city. There is another tower which is only half a day’s journey away; the Venetians called this the false tower. The Moors in their tongue call it Carcuf [‛Aqarqūf], which signifies “sacrifice of the lamb”. We sojourned over two months in Babylon [Baghdad], waiting until there should be a caravan and until the Bassa of the district had paid Monsieur Sherley money which he owed him for certain cloths of gold, silver and silk; but having found about five hundred Persian pilgrims who were on their way to perform certain devotions in those parts, we joined them, hiring some of their mules and horses. We remained with them up to the borders of the Sophi of Persia, but we did not travel by the direct road. 1

Not identified with any Muslim name.

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We left Babylon [Baghdad] at sundown on the fourth of November in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-eight. We marched all night long, seeing neither house nor village. At sunrise the following morning we reached a village named Dochala [? Dahala]. The country between this place and Babylon [Baghdad] is one vast plain, which, were it cultivated, would be fertile in many parts. It is irrigated by certain dykes or canals, through which flows water from the river Tigris. On the sixth we left Dochala before sunrise, and three miles off we saw a beautiful and well-situated village called Angigsia.1 It lay on our right within bow-shot of our road. Having passed through another much populated village, we reached before mid-day a large market-town named Chasania [?Hasaniyya]. From Dochala to Chasania one traverses open country, but the road is rather troublesome on account of trenches and ditches which are made for the purpose of irrigating the fields. We departed from Chasania two hours after sunset, finding the road very bad on account of the many hills, streams and torrents by which we were drenched. But once past this district we found the country very barren, and towards sunrise at seven o’clock in the morning we reached a valley, or rather a depression in the earth between two moats, which the inhabitants of the district claim to have been the site of a large town. We could, however, see no vestige of such a town other than a huge mound of earth. This place is distant from water, of which there was great scarcity, and, according to the guide of our caravan, is known as Bat,1 which name the Arabs give to all similar places. Later we passed through a pleasant little wood, and at some distance away past another town we came to a great desert, in which all the Persians and their guides on their way to their devotions at Samarra [Sāmarrā] lost their way; so much so that from dinner-time onwards for a good part of the night we kept on turning round in every direction without recognizing our road. At last we halted in order to rest ourselves and to refresh our mounts, and the following day, which was the eighth of the month, we were set on our road. A short while later we discovered the towers of Samarra, where we arrived at ten o’clock. In ancient times this was a very great town, as one can recognize by the ruins of old Samarra which lay facing us at a distance of about two bow-shots. One can see there the ruins of a mosque, which in my opinion must have been one of the most admirable buildings in the world. It has a spiral staircase on the outside.2 The place is named Samarra after its Lord.1 He is buried with his wife and children in a richly gilded room or chapel; and Persians of every age and sex come here in great devotion, through which means the government of the place receives great benefit.

1

1

Possibly Qādisiyya, which lies about ten miles south of Sāmarrā.

Perhaps the Arabic badu—desert. This, no doubt, refers to the zigurrat form of minaret, which is found also in Ibn Tūlūn’s mosque in Cairo. 1 The origin of this name is unknown. The Caliph Mu’tasim when he took up his residence there called it officially sura-man-rā’a, “he rejoiced who saw it”. 2

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We remained there that whole day and part of the following night, waiting until the Persians had finished their prayers. These completed, we departed, walking the rest of the night, and reached another pilgrimage place named Scherschersene2 about two or three hours before mid-day, this being the ninth day. This mosque is built in the Persian style, and several marble columns lie upon the ground. There was no one guarding this place like the preceding one; it remains always open and deserted. Here we found great scarcity of water, as there was only one salty and evil-smelling well, and, our casks being empty, we had to continue until midnight, when we reached a valley near a small wood where our guides hoped to find water: but in order to procure any we had to dig and make wells for ourselves, otherwise we would have remained thirsty. We left there immediately after mid-day, and, walking at night-time, came upon the great road which goes from Bagadet to Persia. We spent that night in view of a great plain, facing certain inaccessible-looking mountains which we traversed the following morning, this being the eleventh day. We arrived two hours before daybreak in a large market-town built of earth near a small river. The place is called Seirp,3 and we remained there the rest of the day and night until the following day, the twelfth. On that day one

SECTION OF THE “Carte de Perse, dressée pour l’usage du Roy, par G. de l’isle, premier Geographe de S.M., de I’Atadtmie Royale des Sciences d Amsterdam. (Cbez Jean Covens et Cornçille Mortier, Geographes.)” 1724 2

This is marked on de l’Isle’s map, but I have not identified it with any modern place. Marked in de l’Isle’s map, and may stand for Sar-i-āb, i.e. “head of the stream”. Possibly the modern Qara Tepe.

3

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of our camels and a mule died of cold, for the nights were getting cold in those parts. Passing on from there and walking a great part of the night through very pleasant country where there were many ditches and streams, we reached another spot which is charming on account of the bushes and date-palms which grow there, and because it is surrounded on nearly all sides by low hills. The place is called Stéroban,1 and the neighbouring country is very fertile; a short distance away we had to cross six arms of a river, also many ditches, some full of water and others dried up, which gave us much trouble. We walked most of the night, going about hither and thither, for we had strayed off our road. Finally after midnight we called a short halt, but as soon as the day began to break we started again, this being the fourteenth day. After having passed many mountains, we a: rived at the remarkable ruins of Farhatserin,2 formerl, a very large town. We rested until midnight beside a little stream in the vicinity, then continued, always ascending or descending until we reached the summit of a high mountain three hours after sunrise. An Italian of our company designated it as Caucasia, which I do not believe. A castle stands on the top of the said mountain; it is built as a quadrangle with uneven sides and is not very strong; it is surrounded by walls made partly of earth and partly of stone. Within the castle’s boundaries are many dwellings [loges] made of earth and covered with reeds. There we ran short of bread and fuel. The inhabitants speak neither Arabic nor Turkish, Armenian nor Persian, but have a language of their own, in the same way that the population has a name of its own, and does not obey a single living prince. From here to the borders of the Kingdom of Persia all the people are known as Courdes. The inhabitants of the castle, upon discovering the arrival of our caravan took much trouble to relieve us and to refresh us, cooking for us des tourteaux dans les tertrières according to their custom and bringing us butter made in their own way. They possess a great quantity of cattle, rice, dates and chick-pea. For a sheep we exchanged linen and handkerchiefs, which they value much more than money; in this way we obtained from them bread, butter, fruit and vegetables. The name of this place is Tanghi, and the whole country is called Tetang.1 One can see guns on the castle ramparts. The landscape around is very rocky and contains many good wells; at these one has to pay the toll charge of two schaiz [shāhīs] per horse and mule. We remained there until the seventeenth day, departing thence at sunrise. On the eighteenth day of the month we came to Calachérin [Qal‘-i-Shīrīn],2 a wondrous place where the houses are built on a reef of rock, to which access is immensely difficult. We bought provisions for two days, as we would not be able to find any sooner. In this district one finds partridges which are larger than geese,3 they are grey with red feet, head and eyes. 1

? Shahrabān, a village near Daskara. See le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, p. 62. Possibly the Karat Sirin of de l’Isle’s map—i.e. Qasr-i-Shīrīn, where the scene of the famous romance of Farhād and Shirin is laid. Pinçon may have mistaken these personal names for the name of the town. 1 Tanghi is not a place but merely tang—a pass. Tetang appears in de l’Isle’s map as a district. Manwaring gives Tartange which stands for Dartang, the modern Zohāb. 2 Le Strange (op. cit., p. 63) says that the legend of Farhād and Shīrīn is localized in many places in the surrounding district. 3 Bustards. 2

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One pays one schai for a horse, one for a mule and two for a camel, the same as at the castle of Tanghi. That day I saw a horse’s bone being cut; the malady of the bone is very strange and affects horses who have eaten too much barley. There is a similar illness which affects the lip of a horse; if this is not removed in time it will in the space of three or four days cause the horse’s death. The horses of this country are acutely subject to these maladies, as they are fed exclusively on barley. We departed thence on the twentieth after sunrise, and on the eve preceding our departure one of our company had an unfortunate encounter, Having arisen on account of a colic and having gone out of the tent unarmed, he was surprised by a Kurd, who hit him on the head with a stick; fortunately he was wearing a well-quilted and padded bonnet, and he covered his head with his hand, which saved him from certain· death. The custom of these robbers, as also of the Arabs, is to watch for the arrival of a caravan and, when it stops anywhere, to lie flat on the ground, hiding behind hedges, bushes or trees: when some one ventures forth, particularly at night, they deliver him a blow on the head in order to stun him, then remove his turban or anything else they can lay hands on, and flee. When out on such a thieving expedition they are usually in pairs, one to deliver the blow with the stick, and the other a little way off with bow and arrows, prepared to shoot, should anyone attempt to attack his companion. On the twenty-first we could advance little on account of the rains, and we spent the rest of the day at five or six miles distance from the castle of Heiderberg. [Hayderbeg].1 The whole length of this road there is a beautiful plain abundant in cattle, and one sees the remains of a ruined castle. We departed on the twenty-first before mid-day, and, as we could cover little more than seven miles that day, we halted beside a ruined castle. Before reaching it we passed through a mountain gorge, which was extremely awkward for our laden camels and mules. All this country is one beautiful plain, half of which is very fertile, while the other half is marsh-land and in the swamps are numberless wild birds such as cranes, ducks, teal, plovers and others. There is also a very pleasant little river. We suffered continually from the rain pouring down on our backs, and we ran great risks on account of robbers who caused our caravan to scatter several times. We departed from there at mid-day on the twenty-second of the month, and after about eight miles of road we passed across a wondrously beautiful plain, at the end of which we came to a mountain. After much ascending and descending we traversed the mountain and rested that night at its foot. On the morning of the twenty-third we left before sunrise and marched all day, finding neither house nor any shelter whatsoever. At nightfall we ascended another mountain, and descending the other side we came to a rich and fertile valley, That day we left [the main] caravan beside a broken bridge and a dangerous torrent named Abmorradan.1 Five or six miles’ distance from there we rested for the night. 1

See Manwaring, p. 198, for variants of this name.

1

Not identified: possibly stands for Āb-i-Murād Khān.

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On the following morning, which was the twenty-fourth, we crossed a small river which divides the lands and countries of the Turk from those of the Sophi of Persia; it is called in the language of the country Kara-Su, which translated into French means “Noíre Eau”. A well-constructed stone bridge crosses this river; it is called Pulischa [Pul-i-Shāh], which means the King’s Bridge. As soon as we had crossed it we entered a country rich in grain and every kind of cattle. After dinner we arrived at a big ruined Han [khān], which is the name given to the palaces and houses where are lodged all ambassadors, merchants and merchandise. Some soldiers and customs officials were on guard there, for in that place one pays toll to the King of Persia. The said place is built below a very high ridge or mountain of living rock where are carved many images of men and animals with Greek inscriptions, but these have already been so destroyed by time that one cannot recognize more than two or three letters in sequence. One finds the image of the Ascension of Our Lord, with some Greek characters: the place is called Brisseton [Bīsutūn].1 We remained there the rest of the day and the whole of the following night, leaving an hour before daybreak of the next day, which was the twenty-fifth. We passed through some of the most beautiful country imaginable, with many houses and tents or pavilions. That same day we passed through a town which had been burnt six years previously by the Bassa Cicala [Chighālazāda], who was then governor of Bagadet. We slept in a place called Chengagiur [Kengaver], and left after dinner on the twenty-sixth of the month. The town is quite large and is built entirely of earth, no other materials being used. From there we continued to another town called Mastrabad,2 which we reached before evening and where I left Monsieur Sherley. On the twenty-seventh of the said month I started off in haste with Ange, who was our interpreter, and another,1 who was a servant of the said lord, in order to reach Casnivot, or, as others call it, Casnem or Casbin [Qazvīn], and prepare the house for him. From Mastrabad to a large market-town called Sadarvad [Asadābād] it is three miles. All the country is very mountainous and was at that time covered in snow, That same day, an hour before sunset, we reached a markettown called Sadca [?Zaga] and departed thence before midnight. After changing horses we came before sunrise to Raican [?Razan], where we breakfasted. This was the twentyeighth day, and that evening we reached Caha,2 where we slept, having strayed from the road on account of a thick fog. Three hours after daybreak on the twenty-ninth day we came to Darghesin [Darguzin], where we changed horses. It is a large town, where are to be found all the necessities of human life, such as bread, wine, fruit, and among other things the most delicious melons I have ever tasted. After leaving there we slept at a small village called Ana [?Ava], situated on a mountain called Karagan [Kharaghān], which means “murderous”, for one or two hundred people usually perish there in winter-time. At the foot of this mountam lies quite a good market-town, at one end of which there is a Han, that is to say a palace which, both for its size and for its apartments, built in the modern style, is one of the most beautiful to be seen, 1

This description of Bīsutūn is especially interesting in that the writer has taken the Achaemenian bas-relief for a Christian monument, and the Persian cuneiform for Greek. 2 ? Mandirābād shown on some maps between Kengaver and Asadābād. 1 John Ward: see p. 200 2 See de l’Isle’s map.

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Leaving Ana two hours before daylight and marching all day until night of the following day, which was the thirtieth, we came to a small place called Ismansada.3 Here we had great difficulty in finding food either for ourselves or for our horses, or even a spot where we could take cover against the cold, which at that time was very great. Coming away from this place at midnight, two hours before sunset on the following day, the first of December, we reached Casvin, or Kasbin, which is at present the capital of the lands of the Sophi. It lies in ancient Media, about ten days’ distance from Tauris [Tabrīz], in a great plain between hills and mountains. It is a little smaller than London in England, and the same length, but it is very badly built of baked earth, and the houses on the interior are of chalk. The town has no walls or fortress, also no river to give water, except a little stream which flows through one quarter of the town. There is nothing remarkable except a few mosques and the doorway of the palace of the King, which is well built. There are a great many merchants, but not many rich ones, also several artisans such as goldsmiths and cobblers, who make the best shoes in the whole country out of segrin [shagreen], in green, white and other colours. There are some masters who make gilded and coloured bows with arrows to match, and others who make richly gilded horse-saddles with gilded and coloured saddle-bows. There we awaited the King, who was returning victorious, having conquered the lands of the Tartars of Usbec [Uzbeg], whom he had been away fighting for some time. When the King approached Casbin and heard of our arrival, he ordered us to issue forth two miles outside the gates of the town to offer him homage; we were conducted there by one of the stewards of the King, who was governor of Casvin and guardian of His Majesty’s wives. When our company had approached to within five or six steps of the King, the steward made a sign to Monsieur Sherley, his brother and myself to dismount in order to kiss His Majesty’s feet, for it is thus that this prince is accustomed to being saluted. He was five or six steps ahead of a large squadron of cavalry, and while he stretched out his leg he pretended the whole time to look in another direction. After we had kissed his boot he spurred his horse sharply and, guiding it dexterously, dashed across the camp after the manner of the country. He was clad in a short garb without a robe, which is against the custom of Mahommedans, and he wore a gold brocade doublet and tight breeches of the same material. On his head was a turban, adorned with many precious stones and rich plumage. In his hand he carried a battle-axe, playing with it, carrying it now high, now low, and now and then placing it on his shoulder with rather strange movements. In his triumphal entry he caused to be carried on the end of strong and heavy spears twenty thousand heads of Tartars whom he had defeated in Usbeg, which appeared to me a hideous spectacle. After those who carried the heads came young men dressed like women richly decked, who danced in a manner and with movements which we had never seen elsewhere, throwing their arms about and extending them above their heads even more than they raised their legs from the ground, to the sound of atabales,1 flutes and certain instruments which are provided with strings, and to the sound of a song composed on the victory which they had gained, this being sung by four old women. In the midst of these young men were two grown men who carried while dancing, two lanterns like those 3

Possibly Imāmzāda Husayn, near Qazvīn.

1

Arabic tabl pl. atbāl, drum.

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of the largest galleys at the end of a stick which was attached to their girdle. On these lanterns were painted flowers, crowns, laurel-leaves, and birds, and along the stick hung mirrors and other glittering things. Among all this crowd was a large troop of courtesans riding astride in disorder, and shouting and crying in every direction as if they had lost their senses, and frequently they approached the person of the King to embrace him. Behind this noble squadron there came on foot a number of pages who carried good bottles and flasks of wine and cups, which they presented very frequently to the King and to his nobles. On either flank followed the cavalry, and in the first ranks there were four trumpeters who played on certain trumpets and sackbuts of extraordinary dimensions, which gave a bitter and broken sound very alarming to hear. The cavalry numbered two thousand five hundred horse; the first and those which were near the King were in good condition, covered with large cloths of brocade on which were represented angels and horses and other animals of all kinds, after the manner in which they decorate their materials in this country. All the inhabitants of Casbin and of the neighbourhood were come to receive their King two miles outside the gates of the city. They were separated into two groups between which the King was to pass with his triumphal retinue. And so the King on entering the town would go straight to the Midan [maydān], which is the public square, in which they have horse-races and training and shooting with the bow and other exercises. In the middle of this place two houses have been built, one on each side. The King, on dismounting outside one of these houses, entered it, and we were led thither. There had been prepared a collation of fruits such as pears, melons, raw quinces, pomegranates, oranges, lemons, pistachios, nuts, almonds, grapes, sweets and wine. Monsieur Sherley, his brother, his interpreter and myself were led into the chamber where the King was, and there we drank joyously with His Majesty, who gave us a very good welcome, show-ing us by word and by deed that our arrival was highly agreeable to him, Noticing that we were sitting on the ground somewhat uncomfortably, he had some benches and chairs brought for us and passed them to us with his own hand. Thus having drunk a little with us, he departed straight for his palace without warning us. And we, for our part, having realized by the number of people who had gone that the King had retired, went towards our lodging; but three hours after we had supped he sent for us to come to the Bazar—this word in the Arab language signifies “market”. This is a covered place or a market where are situated the greater part of the shops of the town, which the merchants had festooned and painted a month before the arrival of the King, in order that the King might there make festival and rejoicings. This is how they do it: the artisans come there at nightfall, open their shops which have been closed all day, light an infinite number of candles and lamps, using the fat of ox and other animals instead of oil, displaying outside their shops all their most expensive wares, even their money, and seat themselves in their shops as if they wished to sell this merchandise. The King, for his part, causes infinite treasure to be brought there, as gold and silver coins, horse-saddles, swords, vases covered with precious stones, especially with rubies and turquoises, and pictures which are brought from Venice, in which this prince takes a great delight All these things are exposed to the view of all; besides which there are many booths covered with all kinds of fruit, sweet-meats and good wine. In short, they eat and drink and jump about, and the children dance with the courtesans, and the fools make a thousand antics; and here I should observe that there are no banquets in Persia without music and courtesans, for otherwise they would take very little notice of them. Et s’il advient que quelque chrétien

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vient à se mêler avec ces femmes il ne court fortune comme en Turquie. Cette liberté coûta cher à un des nôtres, car il pêcha des huîtres à la Persane. The festivities of the Bazar lasted four or five nights, and the Francs were always invited. This is the name which one gives everywhere in the Levant to people from Europe. After these pleasant recreations Monsieur Sherley presented to the King a number of girdles and pistols which he had brought from Alep, and an emerald pendant shaped like a grape. The matchlocks of the pistols were inlaid with mother-of-pearl, but this present was not of much value. The King gave him in exchange thirty horses with their trappings, of which two were of gold enriched with turquoises and rubies, but the rubies, for the most part, were not very fine. I myself got a good Arab horse, the rest were old hacks badly saddled and with old bridles. At the same time he sent him twelve camels, five mules, and some carpets and mats to decorate his house and to sit on; an Indian tent suitable for sleeping in the open, and one hundred and fifty Philippe-dales [Spanish dollars] in cash. Having done this, the King desired to go to Spahan [Ispahān], the ancient capital of Parthia, distant twelve days’ journey by caravan from Casbin, whither we followed him. One finds on the road some fine cities as, for example, one which is called Com [Qum], and another, Cassan [Kāshān], which is larger and richer than Com, and one finds also many towns and villages. All the road is level, and on one side or the other one always sees mountains; among these, not very far from Com, there is one which the Persians call the mountain of the devil, saying that all those who ascend it are carried off by him without knowing whither; I was very anxious to know whether the devil was as malicious as they make him out, so I climbed to the top of the mountain, accompanied by an Englishman, and he and I walked for some time, but I fancy that he (the devil) did not yet want us, for he never appeared. The town of Spahan, formerly called, according to some, Hecatompyle,1 is very large, but it has no fort nor any beautiful palace. It is not so lacking in water as Casbin, but it is very deficient in trees. Within the town there are fountains, and a small stream flows by, from which they water the country when they need to irrigate their crops. This manner of watering the soil is common to all that country, and by this invention they mitigate the heat of the sun. Persia abounds in all things necessary for human life, such as grain, wine, rice, meat, chickens and game, but she has a special abundance of fruits of every kind. Nevertheless the poor eat the meat of horses and camels which are sold by the butchers, a habit they have probably acquired from the Tartars who are their neighbours. The present King of Persia is called Scha Abas. He is about thirty years of age, small in stature but handsome and well-proportioned, his beard and hair are black. His complexion is rather dark like that of the Spaniards usually is: he has a strong and active mind and an extremely agile body, the result of training, and far more so than one might suspect. He is very gracious to strangers, specially to Christians. He has in his court many Armenians and Georgians descended from Renegades, to whom he pays honourable wages. Among them there is one called Stammas Culibeg [Tahmāsp-Quli-Beg], without whom the King could not live a single day. We also found an old Frenchman, a clock-maker, who is among the King’s artisans; although he is decrepit and cannot work any longer 1

This is of course incorrect. Dāmaghān in the N.E. of Persia is said to occupy the site of the ancient Hecatompylos.

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SHAH ‛ABBĀS I From a Persian Miniature in the British Museum

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the King keeps him by charity, but his officers reduced his pension, deceiving him about [gabellaient] the liberality of their Prince, of which they complained to him. One day the old man related to me in his jargon, which is neither Italian nor French, how he had arrived in that part of the world, saying that he had been quite comfortable in Constantinople where he had plied his trade. He had, however, been induced by the words of Simon Chan [Khān], Prince of the Georgians, to leave Constantinople and to come to his country, where he promised him mountains and wonders. And, having charmed him by his tales, he took him to Japan where, on arrival, he took from him all that he had in money and goods, made him his slave, and forced him by beating to work at his art down to the time of his extreme old age, and treated him as if he had bought him in a market. He continued, as he told me, for ten years in this wretched plight until, having become useless, people took little notice of him, and so he saved himself by these means and came to the place where we found him and left him, burdened with many years but with even more troubles. He had been brought out to make us understand by the adventures of this poor and miserable old man the barbarity of a Christian prince and the kindness and humanity of a Muhammadan. But this prince of Persia treats in another way his own subjects, behaving towards them inhumanely and cruelly, cutting off their heads for the slightest offence, having them stoned, quartered, flayed alive and given alive to the dogs, or to the forty Anthropophagi and man-eaters that he always has by him. There happened on the road from Casvin to Spahan, of which we have just spoken, a very remarkable thing, whereby I learned his severity towards his subjects. Once at Cassan [Kāshān] one of his soldiers began laughing and disporting in a garden with a courtesan; she, displeased by the importunity of the soldier, cried out so loudly that the King heard, forthwith had her brought before him and asked her why she called so lustily, to which she replied that he was using force. The soldier was arrested before he had a chance to escape and was brought into the presence of the King, who with his own hands committed a strange butchery, first of all cutting off, with a knife which he wore, his lips, his nose, his ears, his eyelids and his scalp; he afterwards broke all his teeth with a flint, without this poor unfortunate being able to utter so much as a sigh. Near Spahan I saw him hack with his scimitar several who had come near him, pushed by the crowd. Among others he killed one of our interpreter’s servants, giving him a blow on the head, which rolled the length of his neck, cleaving him to the very heart, which one saw moving and palpitating; the boy immediately fell to the ground, calling his master by name. When the King had heard this he asked the interpreter if the boy had belonged to him, to which he replied in the affirmative; and the King made answer, “Do not worry, I will give you another.” For my part, wondering why he thus ill-treats his subjects, the only reason I can find is that it is necessary to keep a tight rein on their innate bad instincts, for by nature these people are very dangerous, extremely greedy for money, liars, wantons, blackguards, drunkards, cheats, and in a word, base, worthless and entirely lacking in courage, although there are some modern authors who have praised them to the skies and commended the nobles of Persia for generosity and liberality; either their knowledge of the present state of this country is very poor, or they are not speaking of those of this century. For all, whoever they may be, excepting the King, are miserly, although in appearance they have some shadow of generosity and nobility. And to return to Scha Abbas, although he is so familiar with his people that he makes no scruple about entering the booth of a merchant and drinking with him, yet he is so feared by them that as soon as

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they see him they bow their heads to the earth as if they saw some divinity, crying in their language “Long live Scha Abbas.” And the most solemn oath that they have at the present time is to swear by his head, which they do thus: Scha Abbassom Bassi [Shāh ‛Abbāsin bāshī], and if one is ever to believe them it is when they swear that oath. The King of Persia and his nobles take exercise by playing pall-mall on horseback, which is a game of great difficulty: their horses are so well trained to this that they run after the balls like cats. They also shoot with the bow on horseback, coursing at full speed; the target, of the size of a plate, is suspended on a tree and they often hit it and bring it down. They carry out these exercises in the public places of towns, to the music of drums [atabales], flutes, singing and those great horns or trumpets of which we have already spoken, which they play one after the other. I have seen the King exhaust seven or eight horses in such pastimes between noon and four or five of an evening, and I marvelled how they could endure such great exertion in the heat of the sun and the dust rising from the hooves of their horses. I have seen an exhibition of his force and dexterity when, stretched full length on the ground and taking one of the strongest bows, he bent it as if to discharge an arrow, and then, without using his hands or putting them on the ground, he raised himself with great agility from the earth with his bow bent; this seemed to me an invincible strength. He also takes great delight in the chase, and breeds more birds for hawk ing than I have ever seen elsewhere, falcons, tercels, vultures, merlins, with which they catch all kinds of birds that they meet: partridges, quail, pheasants, larks, rooks and others. By means of vultures they also trap a species of roe-deer which they call gazelles, which are very beautiful. They also catch these by means of leopards who creep along flat on the ground, and, when they see that there is a chance of springing up in three leaps and catching the animal, they attack it; and, if it so happens that it escape them, they fight and bite so angrily that they would kill each other, were it not that the huntsman strokes them, imploring them and telling them that they have done their duty well, but that fortune willed that their beautiful leaps should be in vain. As for the religion, or rather the superstition, of this King, he is a Mahometan [Muhammadan], Nevertheless under his shirt and round his neck he always wears a cross, in token of the reverence and honour which he bears towards Jesus Christ. He had a crucifix of gold inlaid with divers stones of great price, but he gave this, in recompense for a small present, to a Portuguese monk of the Order of St. Augustine, who came from the East Indies and arrived in Persia while we were there. As for eating and drinking, he eats the flesh of the pig, which is not done by other Persians or Turks. It seems to me unnecessary to treat here of the origin of the Sophi of Persia, starting with Ismaël, who lived about a hundred years ago, and equally unnecessary to treat of the hatred and discord which exist between them and the Turks over the explanation of the Alcoran [Koran],1 and over the precedence and dignity of their false prophets, for there are volumes thereon written in every language, and I know that you have more knowledge of these things than all those who have written about them.1 1

Referring of course to the Shi‘a Persians and the Sunni Turks.

1 This passage would seem to indicate that Pinçon’s narrative was originally in the form of a letter addressed to some European scholar acquainted with Arabic. I am not able to suggest his identity.

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I will only say that the Persians hold the Turks in great abomination, saying that they are impure in their law, and once every week a herald goes from square to square and market to market with an axe in his hand, which he holds aloft as high as he can, cursing the Turks and their adherents the while; and one sees several quarters which the present King of Persia has put to fire and sword because they inclined towards the religion of the Turks. As for his revenue, from what I have been able to learn, it is not above three million chequins, and I believe his reserves are not large. As for the forces which he can put in the field, according to what I have been able to learn from certain Armenians who know his country very well, he can muster as many as forty thousand horsemen armed with bows and arrows, scimitars, shields and battle-axes. Infantry is held in poor esteem. Quite recently they have acquired some arquebuses. They have no artillery at all, nor corselets nor cuirasses, although there are some who have written that Selim in his war against the Sophi2 left there all the artillery which he had transported over the Euphrates, and that in that time all the Persians were clothed in heavy armour. It must be that these have been consumed by rust and mice. Many of the coats of mail which they wear are brought to them from Muscovy. After the knight Sherley had stayed about three months in Spahan the Sophi sent him back to Christendom, with one of his nobles, bearing presents and letters addressed to the Pope, the Emperor, the King of France, the King of Spain, the Queen of England, the King of Scotland, of Poland, the Signory of Venice and the Earl of Essex, nevertheless he kept by him Monsieur Sherley’s brother for a hostage. His presents were not of much value. To each of the above-mentioned princes he sent nine scimitars, nine wrought and gilded bows with quivers and arrows of the same workmanship, nine pieces of the material of which they make their turbans, which they call seroiscia or, as some say, cessa,1 nine girdles of pure linen painted in the Indian fashion,2 nine more broad girdles made of the wool of the goat which secretes within itself the Bezoar stone. Before all these presents were ready to be transported there was much doubt about the route he was to take for his journey, for it was impossible to pass through Turkey, which is the shortest way, by reason of the letters and presents which he carried, also because, when he passed through Turkey he had given out that he was a merchant, but later he had been recognized as something other by Turkish agents at the court of the Sophi. To take his way through India was to throw himself into a labyrinth full of great difficulties, and it was to be feared that the Portuguese would not receive an Englishman in their ships or ports. It was decided that the best plan would be to go through Muscovy, although there was much difficulty even there. And to further this plan he wrote to the Grand Duke of Muscovy, begging him, for the sake of the alliance and fraternity which exist between them, to give passage through his land to the knight Sherley. 2

This refers to the battle of Chaldirān in 1514, and the capture of Tabriz by Sultan Selīm I, who after occupying the capital for a few weeks again withdrew. 1 Sir William Foster tells me that the word serassa occurs many times in his English Factories for a cotton cloth exported from Gujarat or Masulipatam. He also refers me to Peter Munday (Vol. II, p. 154) where chassaes—i.e. khāssa—is a thin cloth made near Dacca. 2 The text which is obviously corrupt reads: “neuf ceintures de fin ou façonnés à l’Indienne.”

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Having thus taken leave of the King and having received two thousand Persian chequins for the expenses of the journey, we returned to Casbin on our way to embark at Ghilan [Gīlān], a province bordering on the Caspian Sea. I believe that the province of Ghilan is that which the ancients called Hyrcania, for the sea itself is called the Hyrcanian Sea and the Sea of Bacchu [Baku]. Ghilan is situated on the territory of Casbin, which is a part of Media. The mountains there are so rugged and so difficult of passage that they are in no way inferior to the Alps, and it is not possible to carry baggage there on camels, but only on mules. In four days we came from Casbin to Rudassen [Rūdesar], which is a town of Ghilan, and near the roadstead where the King of Persia keeps the few vessels he has, which sail the Caspian Sea. One cannot imagine how great is the fertility of the province of Ghilan: as soon as one has passed the above-mentioned mountains there are fine pasturage, meadows, woods, and rich well-cultivated fields sown with wheat, rice, and all kinds of vegetables; any number of fine and beautiful trees; and especially important is the silk industry, for one finds men working at it everywhere. The countryside is so covered with white mulberry-trees and is so delightful that I often wondered why the King always lives on the other side of the mountains. They do not speak genuine Turkish in this district, nor Arabic nor Persian, but they have a particular idiom of their own.1 On our way from Media to Rudassen we found towns and villages furnished with all kinds of provisions, and very fertile fields: the best of the whole countryside is Langeron (Lenkorān). We were entertained everywhere. It is the custom in Persia that whenever an ambassador or personage of note arrives on a mission to the King, or on business in the country, he is entertained and the King provides him with soldiers to conduct him to the governors of the provinces, so that he lacks nothing. And if the peasants too do not bring what they have, God knows how they are beaten; I had no pleasure in seeing these poor people so maltreated. We also had with us letters patent from the King addressed to a merchant of Rudassen who has control of all the traffic on the Caspian Sea, commanding him to equip a vessel for us immediately and to furnish it with a good pilot, with provisions and with everything of which we might have need. This was performed in seven or eight days. My provisions consisted of rice, biscuit, very good butter, and mutton which had been roasted, cut in pieces and powdered with salt; this was put into large jars which were then filled up with melted butter in order that it should not get spoiled; also live sheep, chickens, goslings, and, since there was no great quantity of wine in Ghilan, we had a plentiful supply of eau-de-vie. The ships of this country are exceedingly strong, made of great beams and very thick boards; but they are badly polished, undecked, and have only one sail, one mast and two tillers made of two large planks which lie along the two sides of the ship, as if they were two great tails. If these ships are badly constructed, the sailors are even worse, and illversed in their trade; for they understand as much about the stars as pigs do about spices, and they never use the compass: that is the reason why they always keep close inshore, not daring to venture into the open sea. There are some who hold that the Caspian Sea is six hundred Italian miles long and four hundred miles wide, but I would not dare to believe that. The wind was violently contrary to us and we took six weeks to cross the sea, enduring terrible heat, for it was July and August. The gale was then very heavy, and 1

Pinçon is quite correct in saying the Gīlānis have a dialect of their own: but it is a form of Persian.

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although this sea is, properly speaking, only a lake, yet it is so subject to tempests that the pilots ought to know their calling somewhat better. On one particular day we were assailed by such a storm, such heavy rain and so devilish a wind that many of my companions, who had sailed the greater part of the coasts of the Indies and the European seas, said they had never seen the like; one of our helms was broken and we were nigh capsizing in the confusion. One heard a dreadful medley of voices and prayers. We of the Religion prayed in one way; there were some Portuguese monks who threw figures of the Agnus Dei into the sea to appease it, and muttered certain words, repeating “Virgin Mary”, “St John” and the In Manus. The Mahommedans invoked “Ali, Ali Mahomet,” but instead of all these I feared that the Devil would come to carry this rabble to Hell. But when we had been three hours in this storm God cast on us His eye of pity and delivered us. Here and there in this sea one meets stretches of fresh water, by which pilots well know that they are approaching port; this state is caused by the rivers which flow into it. As one approaches Astracan [Astrakhan] one enters a shallow expanse of fresh water which the sailors call “La Mer Douce,” and at the end of it in a certain place the Grand Duke of Moscovie keeps a garrison of Karagoli [Karakul]1—they are thus called in the language of Moscovie—who are a hundred poor soldiers who do duty both as soldiers and rowers on the rivers when they are needed; and, cowards as they are, they are sent to war when the affairs of the Emperor require this to be. When they are employed as rowers they wear large soutanes and carry an oar over the shoulder and an arquebus in the hand, and this they handle about as dexterously as an ox would a flute; they do not carry swords, because there is a law of the country which forbids it, for fear that, having drunk too much wine or eau-de-vie, they might commit some harm. They are shod with little high-heeled, low-toed boots which do not reach the knee, the men and the women generally wear these, and they have a wooden spoon attached to their girdle under their armpits; a large loaf of rye-bread, a small bag of salt with which to season their bread, and perhaps a fish being all in the way of provision; then they embark with their captain aussi vaillant qu’une quenouille, and that suffices them for ten days; as for drink, the river-water seems quite good to them, and they live joyously; for the rest they are great Sodomites. These honest people conducted us to Astracan in a day and a half by way of a river where they fish so many sturgeons, and so large, and make so much camaro,1 that it must be seen to be believed. On the fourteenth or fifteenth of September the heat was excessive, and we were so afflicted and stung by gnats and midges that, in my opinion, the road from the garrison to Astracan was a veritable Hell, I was sent on ahead to announce the arrival of the Ambassadors from Persia to the governor of the place. It was an hour after noon when I arrived. I think that everyone in the town was asleep, excepting those who could not rest for hunger, for it is the custom of the country of this great prince to sleep from noon until four o’clock, when the bells begin to sound vespers; this is an inviolable rule in summer and winter alike, so much so that during these hours the most thickly populated 1

Karakul or Karāūl—sentinel.

1

This word has not been traced. Possibly a printer’s error for caviaro—caviare.

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towns in Moscovie seem like deserts. There are no hostelries, and no one of the country would dare to receive a stranger in his house without leave of the governors. That was the reason why we had to wait in the middle of the public square, surrounded by a great crowd of idlers who took much delight in gazing on us, until the governor should awake, As soon as the bells began to ring, the governor was advised of our arrival and sent Tartar interpreters to us; for we always used the Turkish language on our journey to Mosco. They asked us whence we came, what we wanted and whither we were going, and put many other questions to us in the square, the which they wrote down, together with our replies, and took to the governor. Finally they returned, turned one of the townsmen out of his house, and put us in it. Then the governor gave us one of his Caragoli for an attendant, and this man never went further from us than the threshold of our door. They generally give them to strangers, chiefly in order to spy what they are doing, and to see that no one of the country has intercourse with them and that they never go out to reconnoitre the fortifications of the towns, and to prevent the Moscovites, when drunk, from pillaging them: and also for a sign of their greatness, and to serve those who go there without attendants and may have need of them. Our daily fare was sent to us (for it is the Emperor’s custom to behave in this way towards ambassadors and others passing through his realm by his good pleasure), sheep, chicken, fish, beer, eau-de-vie, and money with which to pay for the small necessities of lodging: and they give more abundantly and in better order than is done in Persia, for here it is given by those who receive money from the Emperor, and the peasants are not forced to give. The same day the governor sent a Baïar [Boyar], a captain of a hundred Caragoli, to receive Monsieur Sherley into the garrison, and the next day sent ships and provisions there to conduct him and his company of Europeans and Persians to Astracan: when they arrived they were led to their lodgings—the Persian gentleman to a separate one, and they were given attendants and food, The Sophi of Persia had sent another Ambassador expressly to the Emperor of Moscovie, with letters and presents and to rejoice with him on his accession to the Empire1; and, notwithstanding the fact that he had put to sea a fortnight before us, it happened that our company arrived at Astracan two or three days before him. He had a suite of forty, among whom were several Persian merchants and a gentleman who was chief falconer to the Sophi. He brought with him much merchandise, saying it belonged to his master, and this he wished to barter in Mosco for divers merchandise of Europe, such as woollen cloth, coats of mail, precious skins of animals— black foxes, sables and others—falcons and other birds for hawking, which sell for nothing in Moscovie. The merchandise which they brought from Persia consisted of satin, velvet, cloth of gold, many cotton materials and wide belts of silk. The Moscovites dress in these cloths, out of which they make quilted soutanes, and in robes of cloth brought to them from England, and were it not that Persia and England provide them they would have nothing in which to dress except the skins of wild beasts; for the wool of their sheep is too coarse and too rough, besides which they do not know how to dress it. The Ambassadors stayed a fortnight in Astracan, until the vessels which were to take them to Mosco were equipped, and this fortnight was spent in feasting and rejoicing. 1

See Part I, p. 24.

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The town of Astracan is of medium size, almost round, and entirely built of wood, including the walls and towers; the castle is built of the same, but it is surrounded by a wall of small burnt bricks. It is the capital town of the kingdom of the Zagatay [Chaghatai] Tartars, which is also called Astracan; it is well situated on the beautiful river Volga, which affords the only outlet from this region to the Caspian Sea. That is why one sees many merchants there, Persians, Armenians and Japanese. There is a Moscovite governor, a kinsman of the Emperor John1 who died three years ago; he governs this country with secretaries, who are given to him as associates and without whom he cannot carry through any important business. This governorship is one of great value for, in addition to the importance of the post and the richness of the country, no Ambassador or merchant comes there without making him some honourable present. The town is peopled by a colony of Moscovites, The land is rich and fertile in corn, cattle and fruits, among the latter being very delicate melons and anguries.2 There are salt-mines (salines) which bring in great wealth, the rents of which, when added to the taxes, tremendously increase the Emperor’s revenue, It is the custom that when some Ambassador from Persia or other countries arrives in Astracan they immediately send a courier with all speed to Mosco by river in several boats, often changing rowers in order to arrive the sooner; they row night and day and advise the Emperor forthwith; and the stranger who has arrived there can go neither forward nor back until there has been a reply from His Majesty. And there have been those who awaited a reply for a year or two before being allowed to proceed. The delay happens sometimes when he does not like the embassy, for first of all the governor makes full enquiries and then informs his master of them. When we were passing through, there was a chief of a certain company of Tartars, who was much troubled to find himself detained there as a prisoner. However, we were not allowed to make a long stay because winter was near, and they feared the river might freeze. In the very hour of our arrival the governor sent a gentleman to Mosco. We set out on the second day of October 1599, and Monsieur Sherley took a boat for himself and for his company of Europeans; the Persian Ambassador who has gone to Europe likewise took one for the transport of himself and the presents which the great Sophi was sending to the Christian princes. And he whom the Persian had sent to the Grand Duke of Moscovy took three boats by reason of his great suite and to carry the large amount of merchandise which he was bringing with him. All these were very well equipped with all kinds of provisions, enough for ten days and more, and with Caragoli rowers and their Basars [sic for Baïars] or captains, who serve as guides and couriers and prepare everything necessary for the journey. And all this is done at the expense of the Emperor of Moscovy, The vessels are very large and comfortable, with their cabins as long and broad and well-proportioned as any to be seen; and, since one’s course by the river Volga from Astracan to Mosco is upstream, in places where trees and other objects offer no impediment these Caragoli haul the boats by means of collars which they wear round their necks and hempen ropes round their waists; and they generally use their oars when they cannot haul the boats by strength of shoulder or when the wind is contrary; for their boats carry a very large sail, and when they sail before the wind they make good 1

Ivan, the father of Feodor, died in 1584: Pinçon’s Russian history is all astray. See also below, p. 174. 2 See p. 139.

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way. Thus is the custom in these countries, for it is very dangerous to go by land, by reason of certain Tartars and a host of ruffians called Cosacchi [Cossacks], barbarian robbers who plunder and kill travellers; one risks this danger as far as Cahan [Kazan], the capital town of the Tartary desert. And although this land between Astracan and Mosco is not inhabited in many parts, nevertheless the way is not so difficult as many people imagine; the river is most delightful by reason of its expanse, more especially because it is much wider than the Euphrates and the Tigris joined together, and also because it is bordered almost continuously on both sides by fertile woods; and the said river is so full of fish that one has but to throw in a hook to catch a fish immediately. Every evening they tie up, and everyone lands in order to take a walk; and along the river one finds great heaps of wood, which have been thrown up by the river when in flood, and this wood serves for cooking and for warming oneself, and it is so dry that one needs but to put a light to it for it to flare up. Thus progressing and passing up the river every other day one notices small towns which have beautiful castles, but their only means of resistance against Tartars are the wooden defences which surround them, such as we noticed in Astracan. Our Baïars, otherwise called Pristani,1 replenished our provisions from place to place, and our boats were unmoored in an instant without noise and without interference on the part of the poor who come to beg. Before we landed we saw three castles almost equidistant one from another, and here was once the royal seat of the King of the Tartars, Vlochan [Ulugh Khān], being a mile from Cassan, The governor sent one of his nobles to us to greet the Ambassadors, and this man made an extremely ridiculous speech to them, the substance of which was that they were very welcome in the land of the Grand Duke, who was, he said, the greatest prince in the world; he lauded the governor in similar terms, and said that he was styled “Monsieur”. He made his speech in the language of Moscovie to one of his Tartar interpreters, who repeated it after in the Turkish tongue to our interpreter, who was a Greek by nationality, and “en trois secousses” we had from him the interpretation in the Italian language. Afterwards he had horses sent to us, on which to make our entry into Cassan, whither we were escorted by a troop of Moscovite Baiari [Boyars] on horseback, bearing whips and switches in their hands; for they are not yet used to spurs, and the horses do not respond to them, but as soon as they feel them begin to rear and kick as if they were mad. The governor of Astracan and the governor of Cassan are of the race and blood of the Emperor recently dead,1 who was called Boris Feritelli: the present Emperor is called Rorik, and his son Feodet Borisoich. The father was elected Emperor by the Patriarch and all the clergy, by the nobles, the soldiers and all the people,

1

1

Apparently misreading of pristavi—“Zoverseers”. Pristan‛ means a landing-stage.

This approximately fixes the date of Pinçon’s narrative. Boris died in April, 1605. I have failed to make any sense of Pinçon’s other names. Feritelli may be a corruption of Filaret, the name taken by Feodor, the father of Michael Romanov, when he became a monk.

IV A TRUE DISCOURSE OF SIR ANTHONY SHERLEY’S TRAVEL INTO PERSIA. WHAT ACCIDENTS DID HAPPEN IN THE WAY, BOTH GOING THITHER AND RETURNING BACK, WITH THE BUSINESS HE WAS EMPLOYED IN FROM THE SOPHI:

Written by GEORGE MANWARING, Gent. Who attended on Sir Anthony all the Journey. THE FIRST ATTEMPT OF THE VOYAGE was this: Sir Anthony, understanding of wars like to have happened between the Duke of Pheraro [Ferrara] and the Pope, and hearing the duke to be a gallant man, and further he had notice that the duke had sent unto the French king for some good commanders, thought he could not spend his time better than to go and aid the duke with his service in the war; and, for this cause, did take his leave of England for a time. We were first embarked at a small port town called Sole in Essex,1 and arrived at Fflushinge [Flushing] in the Low Countries, where the next day we were worthily feasted by the governor, the Lord Sidney, and likewise at Midleborough [Middelburg] by our English merchants; from thence we did take our journey to Douha [Douai], where Grave Mores [Count Maurice] did keep his court, who in like sort did royally entertain us, giving us a warrant to take Sir Nicholas Parker’s troop of horse, who then did lie at Dewsboro [Duisburg], which troop of horse did convoy us through the enemies’ country to Collen [Cologne], and then left us; from Collen we took waggon and horses to Newrenbreg [Nürnberg] in Germany, and from Newrenbreg to Augusta [Augsburg] where we had news that the Duke of Pheraro had submitted himself to the Pope, and the wars were ended: yet Sir Anthony did encourage us with comfortable words, assuring us, that if we would follow him and arm ourselves to take the adventure which he did purpose, we should all gain honour and greatly enrich ourselves. From Augusta we took post horses to Venice, where we did solace ourselves almost three months, in which time Sir Anthony did send his brother, Mr Robert Sherley, of some business to the Duke of Florence,1 who used him very honourably, giving him a chain of gold, valued to the worth of sixteen hundred French crowns; and in that time we lay in Venice Sir Anthony did fall into some conversation with a Persian merchant, which did traffic in Venice for the King of Persia, for such commodities as were wanting in his 1

1

Essex is a mistake for Suffolk, see Index.

We do not know what this business was, but it may have been in connection with Muley Ahmad of Morocco: for in Anthony’s Pesso polytico (see p. xxv and Bibliography) he says he acted as intermediary between Duke Ferdinand of Tuscany and Muley Ahmad.

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own country, which was English cloth, both woollen and linen. This merchant told Sir Anthony of the royalty of the Sophi, his king, which pleased Sir Anthony very well; yet not resolved to go thither, but to take his voyage another way: but in the same city of Venice it was his fortune to hear of a great traveller, newly come to Venice from the Sophi’s court, whose name was Angelo, born in Turkey, but a good Christian, who had travelled sixteen years, and did speak twenty-four kind of languages. This Angelo did likewise acquaint Sir Anthony of the worthiness of the King of Persia, that he was a gallant soldier, very bountiful and liberal to strangers, and what entertainment he had at his court; assuring Sir Anthony that, if he would go thither, it would be greatly for his advancement; and moreover that he would be his guide, and attend on him thither, which Sir Anthony did consent unto, yet kept it very close, for fear it should be known in Turkey, because we must pass through that country, and the Great Turk and the King of Persia being not great friends, but only for a league for three years, which was all expired. So we left Venice, and went to Malemoccko [Malamocco], some five miles from Venice, where we found divers ships: amongst the rest, there was an argosy bound for Scandoroune [Alexandretta], where we did embark ourselves, paying a large price for our passage, but the wind was so contrary, that we were twenty-four days in sailing to Zant [Zante], which was not half the way; where, if the wind had served us, we might have been at Scanderoune in that time. But in the way, before we came to Zant, there was a passenger in the ship which used some disgraceful words against our late queen; whereupon, Sir Anthony caused one of his meanest sort of men to give him the bastinado, which he did very soundly, to the great sorrow of the offender, for he burst both his arms, with many hurts besides; whereupon, he made such a terrible cry that the captain of the ship, with the passengers and the seafaring men, rose up in arms against us, they being to the number of two hundred and fifty, and all our company not above twenty-one; yet we did withstand them, neither was there any hurt done, by reason of three Armenian merchants, which did stand between us, and entreated a peace, which the Italians did first consent unto: in the end, we arrived at Zant, where Sir Anthony and all we of his company went ashore for victuals, in regard all our provision was spent. When we were departed forth of the ship, they sent after us those things we had left behind, and mounted their ordnance against us, swearing, if we did offer to come aboard them any more, they would sink us. Whereupon Sir Anthony complained to the governor of the place, but could have no remedy; so we lost our passage, and were constrained to stay in Zant ten days for shipping, with great hindrance to our voyage and expenses, but that the English merchants did use us somewhat kindly. This Zant is an island belonging to the Venetians; the city is situated on the side of a hill, extreme hot; the land yieldeth great store of currants; the people are Greek for the most part, with some Italians, Venetians, and likewise Jews; it is a place well known to our English merchants, therefore I need not write any more of it. So, after we had passed away the time for ten days’ space, we embarked in a small ship, and so took our leaves of Zant, where, the next day after, being not well stored with fresh water, we did put into an island, to fill our vessels with water, because in the island of Zant water was very scarce. I will show you a reason why: one day, being in Zant, I was extreme dry, and, being in a merchant’s house, I desired a cup of water to drink of

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one of his servants; the merchant, hearing me, told me I should drink wine so much as I would, for his water was dearer unto him than his wine; I thought it a very strange thing, Well, now to the island, where we went for fresh water, a place worth the noting. It is a small thing, but a very pleasant little village, not plentiful for corn, yet very fruitful of all things else, as apricockes, pouncittorns, oranges, lemons, pomegranates, grapes of all sorts, with many other fruits; there is but one only castle in the island, which is inhabited with no other kind of men but priests and friars, all Greeks: they did entertain us lovingly, giving us of their fruits, for the which we did proffer them money, but they would not take any: in all our travels, I did not see a more pleasanter place, for I could have found in my heart to have lived there always; it is called by the name of the island of Priests.1 From thence we departed and sailed towards the Isle of Candie [Candia], where, within three days, we were in the harbour, having no business there, but only to see the place. We went all ashore, not thinking to stay any longer than one night; but our ship had a mischance, for we had not been out of her two hours, but one of the gallies of Candie, coming from the sea in a rough wind, did run herself against the rudder of our ship, and took it clean away; besides that, she was bulged in two places, which caused us to stay there nine days before she could be made ready. There we were royally used, but especially by one of the governors which was a Greek, for there are two governors, the one a Greek, the other an Italian. The city of Candie is a town of garrison, which hath to the number of fifteen hundred soldiers continually there; this governor, being a Greek, caused a proclamation to be made, which was that we should have free liberty, both day and night, to pass quietly by their court of guard and sentinels without any let, which was a very great favour: we were kindly used amongst the citizens, but especially by the gentlewomen, who oftentimes did make us banquets in their gardens, with music and dancing. They may well be called merry Greeks, for in the evenings, commonly after they leave work, they will dance up and down the streets, both men and women. There doth stand to this hour, about half a mile from the city, the chapel which Saint Paul did preach in, and it is called to this hour Saint Paul’s chapel, being held in great reverence among the Greeks. From Candie we sailed to Ciprus [Cyprus], a most ruinated place, now under the Turk’s government; there we stayed not past two hours, in which time the governor of that place, being a Turk, came aboard our ship, and brought us wine and other fruits; he used us very kindly, which made us think all Turks were of his condition, but we found it to the contrary. From Cipprus we sailed to Tripole [Tripoli], where we landed, and left our ship, for we hired it no further: being in the harbour, we found the argosy which brought us from Venice to Zant, who so soon as they did know us, the captain and master went presently to the governor, and told him that we were bandits or thieves at sea, and did counsel the governor to hang us all, which he consented unto. Sir Anthony having some notice of it, by a Greek which served in the argosy, presently sent Angelo, his guide, unto the governor, to tell him that we were Englishmen going to Constantinople, to the Great Turk’s court; which message would not be heard, in regard the Venetians did labour so much against us. The governor kept Angelo with him, fast bound in chains, and sent a captain for us, with three score soldiers, which they do call Janizaries; they came in 1

? Mt. Athos.

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a boat called a frigate, and when they were come close to the side of our ship, the captain came aboard us, commanding the Janizaries to remain still in the frigate: there he was talking with Sir Anthony an hour; in which time, the Armenian merchants that were in the argosy went to the governor, and persuaded him to take a ransom for us, and so to let us go, which he did, to Sir Anthony’s great cost, and so sent Angelo to us again: but there we were driven to some extremity, in regard we could not get shipping, which constrained us to embark ourselves in a small fisher boat for Scandarone [Alexandretta], which was not past one day and night’s sailing, but, the wind being contrary, we could not weather the point of Scanderone, but were forced unto the sea, where, by reason of a tempest and contrary wind together, we were tossed up and down six days, having no victuals, but a little fresh water and some tobacco. In the end, we had descried land, and, the wind serving us for that place, we took our adventure thither, and, when we came within perfect view of that place, the master of the boat told us we were hard by the river Orantes [Orontes] and, if it pleased Sir Anthony, we might go up that river, and so land ourselves in the Holy Land, which Sir Anthony was very desirous of; and so the seventh day we landed, being all of us almost spent for want of victuals. Of our usage in Turkey, and the dangerous attempts we had from the Turks. After we were landed from the river Orantes, Angelo, our guide, went up into the country some two miles, to provide us of victuals and other provision. At the same town did inhabit a spahie, which was one of the Great Turk’s soldiers, and had the command of that place under the Turk, for those which serve on horseback are commonly called spahies, or chorses.1 This spahie came to us, with certain Janizaries and others, which at the first did use us kindly, but in the end they altered their kindness, using reproachful words unto us, then offering to take from us some commodities we had, giving blows to some of us, which we durst not resist, but to endure them with patience; because they have a law in Turkey, that if a Christian do strike a Turk, he must either turn Turk, or lose his right arm, which law did cause us to endure many stripes with patience: well, these fellows could not content themselves with striking of us, nor in taking away some of our commodities, but they would needs have a boy from us, which was Sir Anthony’s page; whereupon Sir Anthony vowed before he would first lose him or any of his company in that sort, he would first lose his own life: but in the end, because we would be quit of those uncivil Pagans, they were content to take twelve pieces of gold, which be called in Venice chickeenes [chequins], and so they let us go. From thence we took our journey to Antiochia [Antioch], which is two days’ journey and a half from Orantes, riding and carrying of our luggage upon camels and asses, which, by great fortune, we had hired of the Turks. When we came to Antiochia, we lodged at a house where two Janizaries did dwell; they were Hungarians born, being both brothers, and were turned Turks; they used us more kindly than the rest, for, bearing some command of the place, they gave us free leave to walk up and down the town, sending one of their men with us, to keep us from hurt. Antiochia is situated on the side 1

qurchi—horse-guard.

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of a hill; it is very much decayed and ruinated, only the walls stand firm to this hour. There lieth St Lawrence who was brought from Come1 to that place to be buried there. The Christians which live and inhabit in the Turk’s dominion do pay a tribute yearly to the Turk, to have a lamp burn over his sepulchre always. From Antiochia, after three days being there, we hired camels and asses with a convoy, to bring us to Alepo [Aleppo], because we had notice that, in the way did lie some two hundred bandits or runagates. It is six days’ journey from Antiochia to Alepo: after we had passed two days’ journey, the captain of our convoy told Sir Anthony that we must hire sixteen men more forth of a village where we passed, because he did fear the next day we should meet with those bandits. Sir Anthony demanded what he must have to give them; he said, no less than six cheekenes; when he had received the money he went into the town, and returned again in half an hour, bringing with him only one man. Sir Anthony asking him where those men were: “Why”, quoth the Turk, “here they be all in this one, for this man hath fought with sixteen men, all at one time, and hath given them the overthrow; therefore, ever since he hath had sixteen men’s payment.” Sir Anthony, being a little moved to see their base fashions answered, that he had of his own company which would make a boy of a far better man that he was: yet, arming himself with patience, was contented to let his man depart from him in that sort, for fear of worse inconvenience. At the sixth day’s end we came safe to Alepo, where we were kindly received by one Mr Colthurst, then being consul for the English merchants, and also of the merchants themselves, who lodged us in their houses, and furnished us with such things as we did want; but the Turks did use us somewhat ill, for we could not walk in the streets but they would buffet us, and use us very vilely, except we had a Janizary with us; for it is the fashion there that all strangers have commonly a Janizary in their house with them for their safety. One day it was my hap to walk alone in the streets, where, to my hard fortune, I met with a Turk, a gallant man he seemed to be by his habit, and saluting me in this manner:—took me fast by one of the ears with his hand, and so did lead me up and down the streets; and if I did chance to look sour upon him, he would give me such a wring, that I did think verily he would have pulled off my ear, and this he continued with me for the space of one hour, with much company following me, some throwing stones at me, and some spitting on me; so, at the last, he let me go, and because I would not laugh at my departure from him, he gave me such a blow with a staff, that did strike me to the ground. So, returning home to the Consul’s house, the Consul’s Janizary, seeing me all bloody, asked me how I came hurt; I told him the manner of it: he presently in a rage did take his staff in his hand, and bade me go with him, and shew him the Turk that had used me so. In small time we found him sitting with his father and other gentlemen; so I did shew the Janizary which was he; who ran fiercely to him, and threw him on his back, giving him twenty blows on his legs and his feet, so that he was not able to go or stand: he was clothed in a cloth of gold undercoat, and a crimson velvet gown, but his gay clothes could not save him from the fierceness of the Janizary’s fury; and in this sort our men were served divers times. 1

?Hami the Camul of Marco Polo. This may refer to Brother Lawrence of Ancona, who was among the seven priests who were martyred at Almaliq (Kulja) in 1342. (See Moule, Christians in China, pp. 255, 256.) Hami is in the same province as Almaliq.

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I will write something of the fashion of the Turks, although it be known usually to our merchants, yet is it not commonly known to all men: first, concerning the liberty and freedom the Great Turk doth give to his soldiers, called Janizaries, which is:—they have free liberty to take victuals for themselves or their horses, without paying ever a penny for it, in what town soever they come into, under the Turkish government; and if they will not serve them to their content, they will beat them like dogs; which, if they chance to resist, then do they forfeit all their goods to the Great Turk. In my being in Turkey, I will shew you a pitiful example committed by the Janizaries, which was thus: six of them, travelling through the country, came to a town, and did use themselves in most vile fashion with the women; the men of the town, seeing their abuses, did withstand them, so that in the end, one of the Janizaries was slain, the other five left the town presently, and came to Alepo, being but twenty miles from the place, and told the Janizaries of the castle what had happened, there living always in the castle three hundred. The next day there went forth of the castle two hundred of them, to the town where the Janizary was slain; and coming thither they did kill man, woman, and child, pulling down their houses, and carrying away the spoil of all their goods. The town I saw myself within eight days after this happened where I did behold a pitiful sight. There doth inhabit amongst the Turks many Christians, which the Turks do prey upon in a most inhuman manner; for if a Christian or a Jew, walking in the way, chance to take but a stone in his hand and throw it from him, if there be ever a Turk in sight, although he be a good distance from him, he will presently accuse him, and will swear he did throw the stone at him; and so, as they call it in their country, make an avenge upon him; then must he either turn Turk or forfeit all his goods the one half to the Great Turk, the other to the accuser. They will also, in the night time, in their cities, where many Christians do inhabit, if they think them to be rich, do thus—you shall have two or three Turks take a Jew and kill him, and leave him lying at the door of a Christian’s house, and there watch until it be day; then will they call an officer, and shew him the spectacle, and swear they saw the Christian kill him; so they will make an avenge on him, as they call it; then must he either turn Turk or be hanged, and lose all his goods and money: and such like tricks do they use to plague the Christians with. As for their churches, they be very fair, and have high steeples, but no bells in them; but four times in the day they have a man which goeth up into the top of the steeple, and singeth out with a loud voice, that they may hear him all the town over, and biddeth them remember Mahomet’s laws, which he left them. They have in their churchyards, for the most part, a fountain of water, covered over the head with a little house, which hath a partition, the one half for the men, the other for the women; where they use, before they go to church to their prayer, both men and women, to wash the crowns of their heads, and hands and arms up to their elbows, and their feet and their privy members. They have Mahomet’s laws writ in great rolls of parchment, which their priests do carry two or three days in the week through their streets singing, and one carrying a basin before them, where the people will throw money into it; which money, as they say, doth repair their churches, and buy oil for their lamps. Their sabbath is on Friday, which in times past they had lost, and, finding it out again, do usually on the Thursday night hang lamps round about their steeples to put people in remembrance of their sabbath, that they might not lose it again. They have a certain kind of drink which they call koffwey [coffee], it is

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made of an Indian seed; they drink it extreme hot; it is nothing toothsome, nor hath any good smell, but it is very wholesome. As in England we used to go to the tavern, to pass away the time in friendly meeting, so they have very fair houses, where this koffwey is sold; thither gentlemen and gallants resort daily, where the owners of these houses do keep young boys: in some houses they have a dozen, some more, some less; they keep them very gallant in apparel; these boys are called Bardashes, which they do use in their beastly manner, instead of women, for all the summer time they keep their women very close in their houses, and have the use of boys. You shall also see Christians sold in their markets, both men and women, and children, like as they were sheep or beasts; which did grieve me very much. There is also, to this hour, of the kindred of Mahomet, and these they hold in great reverence among them, for one of their words goes as far as seven other men’s words will go; you may easily know them, for they go always in green turbans. There was also in Alepo at our being there, a Turk, a very fat man, and exceeding short, who did always sit naked in a corner of the street, with a little iron spit in his hand, which they did hold for a great prophet; and great resort of people came to him every day, but especially women; and they did hold such an opinion of him, that whosoever he did kill with that spit, they were sure to be saved; for in the short time of our being there he had killed three of them. The country of Turkey is nothing populous, except it be in their great towns; for a man may travel three or four days together, and neither see house nor town; moreover, it is exceeding barren. We did admire how the Great Turk could bring so many thousands of soldiers into the field, considering how barely the country is inhabited:—and so much for our usage, and the fashion of the Turks. Of our Journey from Alepo, through the Arabian Desert, and so into Persia. After we had spent our time in Alepo with the English merchants for the space of five weeks, Sir Anthony did furnish himself with some kind of merchandise, as pieces of cloth of gold, and twelve cups of emrodes [emeralds] and jewels of great worth, which cups and jewels he thought to have presented to the Sophi of Persia, but that ill fortune did cross him by the way. Well, from Alepo we hired camels, asses, mules, and horses, to bring us to a place called by the Turks Beere, or otherwise Bersada [Bīra], accompanied with a Turk called a Cadie who went of an embassage from the Great Turk to the Bashawe [Pasha] or Viceroy of Bagdat [Baghdad] otherwise called Babilon1: and four of the English merchants did go with us from Alepo to Beere, which was four days’ journey. When we came to Beere, there, after five or six days, with some trouble unto us, we were embarked in a boat upon the famous river Euphrates, with eleven boats more of Turks, who went with merchandise to Babilon [Baghdad], After we had gone down the river two days’ sail, we came by a place where there was a great heap of stones, and that place the Jews which were in our company did tell us was the place where Abraham did pitch his tents, and there did they do reverence unto it. We did commonly see every morning great lions come down to the river side to drink; and the wild Arabians would follow us most part of the day, on the top of the hills by the river side, to the number sometimes of one hundred and sometimes two hundred, with 1 See above, p. 92.

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slings, slinging stones at us; but they did small hurt unto us, in regard of our shot, although it was some trouble to us. So, passing along the river, we came to a town called Anna [‛Ana] which was governed by the Turks, but inhabited with many Arabians; and about two miles from the town by the river side the King of Arabia2 had pitched his tents; for, as we were told, he had made a vow never to come into house, until he could conquer all his country from the Turks. So, coming close to the town with our boats, as it was our order in all our boats, when we came by a place of note, to give a volley of shot, and doing the like at that place, one of the Turks had charged his piece with a bullet, which bullet did kill one of the King’s guard, being walking along the side of the river, accompanied with some fifty more of his fellows; who, seeing their fellow slain suddenly, did draw their swords in a rage, not knowing who to take revenge upon; but the Turk that killed him, standing up, cried with a loud voice, saying that it was one of the Christians that killed him; whereupon they came all towards our boat, swearing they would kill us every man; but God provided for us, for there was a Turk of Mahomet’s kindred in the boat with him that killed the man, who presently leapt into the water, saying to the guard, “there is the man that killed your fellow, for I saw him put the bullet into his piece”; which caused them to make a stand, and did us no harm; but, on the sudden they ran all fiercely upon him, and cut him in a hundred pieces, taking the pieces and throwing them up and down. This news came presently to the King, who sent a straight command for all the boats to come down to the place where all his tents were pitched; which we did immediately; and, at our arrival there, the King sent a company of his unto us, which did take away our oars of the boats, commanding the chief of the company to come before him, which they did. Sir Anthony went first, attended with three other gentlemen that were with him, and myself. This I may boldly speak of: at the first entry into his tent, it was full a quarter of an English mile before we came to the King’s presence, which was guarded on either side with shot and pikes. So, when we came before him, he did stand up, taking Sir Anthony by the hand, Sir Anthony offering to kiss his hand, but he would not suffer him, but we did. Then he demanded of Sir Anthony what he was? He told him the truth of all our voyage, which the King did greatly commend; and caused a banquet to be brought of such fruits as the country did afford. There is small store of bread in the country, but they live commonly on musk melons, anguries,1 radishes, and rice. Their apparel [is] very slender, for they wear commonly one robe, made like a surplice, with great sleeves of a kind of blue cloth, made of bumbaso [bombazine]; their sleeves they tie on their back by one corner of the sleeve, and all their arms naked. About their middle they wear a girdle made of a horse-hide, some five fingers broad, and a dagger sticking under their girdles with a wooden haft. They wear on their heads a cap of felt, made like unto a murrian2 or headpiece, tied under their chin with a black kind of stuff like a sipres.3 2

1

Abū Rīsha—see Pinçon, p. 139.

See Pinçon, pp. 139, 171. Morion, sixteenth-century form of helmet. 3 Cypress, a kind of crêpe. 2

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The King himself was in this sort attired, save only he had a satin coat without sleeves; he was a man of a goodly personage, exceeding black, and very grim of visage; his Queen was a blackamoor; his company that followed him was to the number of twenty thousand men; he had about ten thousand camels to attend him. In the summer time he did abide always by the river Euphrates, and in the winter up in the desert. When Sir Anthony saw the manner of his apparel, he sent for a piece of cloth of gold which he had in his boat, and did present it unto the King, which the King esteemed highly of to make himself an upper coat, and gave him great thanks for it; giving him a passport, under his own hand, to pass quietly through his dominions without any further let; which passport did us great good in our passage; but the Turks he made pay soundly for the death of his servant. So, after one day and a night, we departed, and came in a few days after to a place worth the noting, which did burn with brimstone and pitch, making such a smoke that it did darken the place extremely; the pitch rising up in great flakes as big as a house, making a terrible noise, and that place the Jews did tell us was Sodam [Sodom] and Gomora [Gomorra], but called by the Turks “Hell’s mouth”. From thence we passed by a fair town, called Racka [Raqqa], a very ancient place, inhabited with Turks and Arabians. The river of Euphrates doth run through it. They have neither bridge nor boat to pass from the one town to the other, but the skins of goats blown like a bladder, and so they cast themselves upon them and swim over. You shall see them pass to and fro, as thick as the boats upon the Thames. From thence we passed to Phalouge [Fellūja] which place is in the suburbs of old Babilon, and there we left our boats, and hired camels and asses to carry us to the city of Babilon [Baghdad] that now is, which was a day and a night’s journey from that place; but before we came to Babilon [Baghdad] the Cadie that went of the embassage from the Turk to the Viceroy of Babilon [Baghdad] told Sir Anthony that his goods would be searched and, as he did fear, would be taken from him, and did counsel him this: to deliver some of his goods to him, and he would safely keep them for him, and deliver them to him at his departure from Babilon [Baghdad], which he did very honestly perform. Sir Anthony did according to his advice, giving him some of his jewels and other commodities; but his cups of emmorods [emeralds] he reserved for the Viceroy of Babilon [Baghdad]; but before we came into the city we were searched, and all our goods taken from us, to the worth of six thousand crowns, and never saw it again. Had we not delivered that commodity to the Ambassador, we had been left naked to the world. I will speak somewhat of Babilon, because it is not commonly known to the Englishmen. The tower that Nemorod [Nimrod] builded standeth some part of it still; it is of a great height; a day’s journey or more from the city of Babilon [Baghdad] that now is; it standeth in a wilderness, and so many wild beasts be about it that a man cannot come near it by two miles or more; but it may be seen plainly. There is another tower which standeth within less than a quarter of a mile of the city, and that they call Nabachodonizer’s [Nebuchadnezzar’s] tower, or the false tower. The river Tigers [Tigris] runneth through the city, which is the swiftest river in the world; and they have a bridge made over it with great boats, and planks of wood laid overthwart the boats. It is a place of great traffic with merchants forth of the East Indies, Armenians, Persians, Turks, and Venetians, and many Jews. There is also the saying of the Psalm performed, that “Babylon should to dust be brought,” for the city that now is, and also the old, is so endued with store of sand that a man can hardly travel; for in some places it is so deep as

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the middle of a man’s leg. It is very well furnished with victuals, and very cheap; which did make us wonder to see it, in regard the country is so barren. They have little store of rain, but this device they have to water their fields of corn, as I myself did see it, both in the river Euphrates and also upon the river Tigres: they have four bulls yoked together, and a device with a wheel set hard to the river side, with two great ropes and, at the end of either rope, two long buckets made of the hide of a buffe [buffalo], and as the one cometh up the other goeth down, which bringeth up the water, that runneth in little trenches and watereth the ground, in some places ten miles, some more, some less: it is a very rare device to them that see it. The ruins of old Babilon are to be seen to this hour; for I myself did tell nine gates, as I did travel through it, with many vaults in the ground, and the foundations of houses. The inhabitants of Babilon [Baghdad] are Turks, Arabians, Armenians, and Jews. But now I will come again to the goods which were taken away from Sir Anthony. As soon as they were seized upon, they were brought to the Bashawe, who liked so well of the emmorod cups that he kept them for his own use, not giving Sir Anthony one penny for them, but sent for him; which when Sir Anthony came before him, the Bashawe did look for great reverence to be done him; but Sir Anthony, carrying a gallant mind as he ever did, would not do any obedience unto him; for, at the entrance into his presence, being bravely attended upon with noblemen, Sir Anthony came boldly in, and did not so much as once bow himself, but did sit down by him without any entreating, Whereupon the Viceroy, looking very grim upon him, told him he should be sent in chains to Constantinople to the Great Turk, and all his company should have their heads cut off, and set upon the gates of Babilon [Baghdad], Then replied Sir Anthony, that as for his own life he did not respect it, but for his followers; and he desired to endure any torments himself, so that his company might pass quietly without hurt; so that, for that time, he let him depart to his lodging. There was a Christian, an Armenian born, which did attend on the Bashawe, whom he loved dearly; his name was Margevelo: this Christian did labour very much in Sir Anthony’s behalf; which, in the end, he obtained, and got him his liberty to depart quietly, but could not get him his goods again, but made means to help Sir Anthony to eight hundred crowns, of some Venetian merchants which were there.1 So, after we had stayed there a month, there was a caravan of Persian merchants taking their journey towards Persia, who were very glad of our company. For you must understand that the merchants do travel in those parts exceeding strong, to the number of two thousand, sometimes more; because there are many thieves which lie in the way very strong; and the company of merchants is called by the name of a caravan, But, concerning our usage in Babilon [Baghdad] among the citizens, it was far better than in other places; for there we did pass very quietly up and down, without any disturbance, but were very kindly used of all men, the viceroy excepted: so in the end we did take our leave of Babilon [Baghdad], and being departed not past five or six miles, this Armenian, that shewed Sir Anthony such kindness, sent him a very gallant Arabian horse with a velvet saddle. I cannot express that great love which he shewed unto us; but mark the event: for when we had travelled some days’ journey or more from Babilon [Baghdad], there came a post from the Great Turk to the Bashawe, which was that he 1

This story of the financial aid rendered to Anthony differs entirely from Anthony’s own (see Relation, p. 22 et seq.).

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should send us with all speed to Constantinople. When he had this intelligence, he commanded presently two hundred horse to be sent after us: this Armenian, hearing of it, came to the captain that had the command of these horse, and gave him a hundred ducats to lead his troop of horse another way, and see to miss us, which he did—yet one night, as we had intelligence, he quartered within less than three miles of us; but the next morning he returned, and for his welcome to Babilon [Baghdad], lost his head; but the Armenian did escape that danger, and lives still in the Bashawe’s favour, and was highly commended of him, that he did stand so firmly to them of his own faith. So we held on our journey, and came in few days to a place called by the Turks Sammara [Sāmarrā], but, as we were told by the Jews that still accompanied us, it was Samaria: it is an ancient place, but much ruinated, the walls stand firm to this hour, and in the middle of the old city the Turks and Arabians have built a little town, walled about with a mud wall of an infinite height, that a man cannot see so much as a steeple in the town. There standeth also, by the old city, a tower about the height of Paul’s steeple, made in the form of the tower of Babilon; the going up is so broad, as three carts may easily go, one by another. Mr Robert Sherley and myself did go to the top of it; but before we could get thither, with the extreme heat of the sun, we were almost spent; but when we were at the top, it was far colder than it was below; there are also, about the citygates, stags as big as oxen. There lieth buried one of their saints, to which they go on pilgrimage every year, both Persians and Turks. From thence we passed along the desert, some five or six days, until we came to a wilderness, so called, which was very thick of wood: it had a small river running through it:—there we pitched our tents, in regard of the water, for we had not any water to drink two days before: and about two miles from us were quartered some ten thousand Turks, which were marching along the country from those quarters towards Hungary, as we were told. Their general, hearing of our being there, came to us; then were we greatly in doubt of our lives; but he, bearing the mind of a soldier, let us pass quietly, without any hurt. From thence, after we had rested ourselves one day and a night, we held on our journey, and came by a castle of the Turks called Tartange [Dartang].1 There being always in that castle two hundred soldiers, very well fortified with ordnance, we had no determination to stay there; but when they saw us pass by, commanded us with two pieces of ordnance; which to avoid other danger, we stayed, and pitched our tents under the castle. The governor was very inquisitive what we were; commanding us to deliver unto him our pieces, with our shot and powder; but we told him we were merchants, travelling to Ormouse [Hormuz], but he would hardly believe us, but commanded his soldiers to seize upon us; but they were not very forward, seeing us to stand upon our guard with our pieces charged, more willing to die than to yield ourselves subject to such uncivil pagans; so after some few words’ parley they were contented to take a small bribe of us, giving us leave to stay there all night, letting us have such commodities [as] they had for our money; the next morning, very early, we departed; and, in [a] few days after, we came to Curdia [Kurdistan], a very thievish and brutish country. They have no houses, but live in tents and caves; they till their corn twice a year, and remove from place to place with their tents; they ride commonly upon cows and bulls, and keep their abiding, for the most part, by a little river called Hadno[?]; their apparel is very coarse, for they wear only a shirt, and over that a rough felt coat, and on their heads a clout tied: they would come into our company sometimes forty, sometimes more or less; and, except we

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did look well unto them, they would filch and steal anything they could lay their hands upon. In the night-time we were compelled to keep good watch, for, the evenings being somewhat dark, these people would come creeping on their bellies amongst the Persians that were in our companies, and steal their turbans from off their heads; and sometimes they would make such an alarum, as if twenty armies of men had been together. But one night among the rest, we travelling somewhat late, they fetched off three of the chiefest merchants, being straggling behind the company, but they made such a cry that Sir Anthony caused us to make a retreat suddenly, and so we did rescue them, to the loss of most of their lives which did seize upon them, although they were very well horsed; those were the first horsemen we saw in the country. That night we quartered not far from a town, but did not know so much until the next morning, as they came down to us in multitudes, which made us betake ourselves to our arms; but, in the end, we did perceive they came without weapons, bringing bread, rice, goats, cheese, and other commodities, for which we offered them both silver and gold, but they refused it, for they had not the use of either of them, neither did they know it, but they would take old shoes, copper rings, and little looking glasses, which we bought for the purpose, being so advised by Angelo, our guide. There we did lie two days to rest ourselves, in regard the place was so pleasant, and the people shewing themselves so kind unto us; but the name of the place I have forgotten, because it was a place of no antiquity. From thence we passed along through the country, finding it more easier and pleasant for our travel than we did before, and the people more discreet and kind, which did somewhat rejoice us to see such an alteration after so great dangers we had passed before. As we passed through this country we saw many ruinated places, which Tamberlen [Tamerlane] had conquered, as we were told both by the Jews and Turks, for his name is had in memory among them to this day; so we passed along some four or five days, until we came to a place worth the noting called Hitherbagg [Haydar Beg], where there did inhabit a king called by the name of the King of Hitherbagg.1 There is but only one town, and it is walled round very strongly with a rock of stone, so that it is invincible: there this king doth live very gallantly, being a man of so goodly personage as we saw in all our travels: he holdeth always a league with the King of Persia, and setteth the Great Turk at defiance, for the Turks would fain conquer that place, but cannot. There we pitched our tents two days, in a pleasant valley under the town, accompanied with the king and his followers, who did sport with us, and used us very kindly, suffering us to go into his town by two at a time, which was a very great favour, for he doth not use to allow any stranger to go into it. There is but only one gate to go into the town, which is no wider than one horse may pass through alone; there is also in the middle of the town a very strong castle, planted with ordnance, where the king himself doth lie. This castle doth command all round about it, that they cannot come to plant any ordnance to give battery without the loss of many thousands; for the Turk did send a great army against it; but on one day and a night service they were fain to fly away, with the loss of the better half of his men, This king did give us great encouragement, assuring us we should find the Sophi of Persia the most famous prince in the world, both for his bounty and valour, and to be a great friend 1

The modern Zohāb. See also Pinçon’s narrative, p. 148. Manwaring, like de l’Isle, gives the king’s name Haydar Beg to the district. Cf. Pinçon’s Heiderberg, Anthony’s Hiderbeague, and Parry’s Heyder-bag.

1

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to Christians; so we took our leave of him, holding on our journey, where in [a] few days after we were safely arrived in the kingdom of Persia, without the loss of one man in our company; where, upon the sudden, we found such an alteration of the country and people, that we were overcome with joy. Of our usage in Persia and the Entertainment we had there After we had entered the country some two or three miles, Sir Anthony called us all together, and falling upon our knees, giving thanks to God that we were come safely to our intended purpose, although we were sometimes before past hope of our lives, but that we had so worthy a leader, which, in the greatest of our extremities, never made any show of despair, but with a gallant spirit did encourage us not to take any fear, for he would engage his life for us. The first town we came to was very strongly situated, for we could not see any house at all, but a place like unto a great mountain, whence did issue out smoke in many places, which were their houses digged underneath the mountain very strangely, to the number of some three hundred dwelling houses, The streets very fair, and as even as a table, and on the top of the mountain great holes were cut, to give light to these streets and houses; there we found great store of victuals of all sorts, and the people very courteous, and willing to do us any service. There was also a hundred soldiers lying there, for the king hath a guard round about his country at every entrance; they be all horsemen, and go all in red, with red turbans on their heads, and red feathers, with their bows and arrows, sword and target, and their short pieces. These soldiers did use us very respectfully, and told us their king would be overcome with joy when he did hear of our coming; so, after we had rested there one day and a night, we did hold on our journey towards Casbeene [Qazvīn], a famous city, and of great antiquity. We passed by many towns, but none of any account, and the further we went, the more kinder the people were. In every village where we did lodge, the chief men would come, and present us with one commodity or other every night, and happy was he that could have the best house to lodge us in: likewise, their women would come and welcome us, which we thought a great wonder, in regard we had not the speech of any woman in a long time before. In our way to Casbeene we did see a most miraculous piece of work, wrought by this king that now is; for in some parts of the kingdom water is very scarce, and this king with the multitude of men hath wrought a vale twenty days’ journey from a river, and so hath brought water enough into the country; it was wrought so that within every three score yards it is open to the air. So, passing along the country, and being in safety, Sir Anthony sent Angelo, our guide, accompanied with an English gentleman, whose name was John Ward,1 some four days’ journey before us, to Casbeene, in secret, to provide us of a lodging, and to attend our coming two or three miles from the city, somewhat late in the evening, and so to convey us to our lodging, without the knowledge of the citizens, in regard we were unprovided with apparel and other necessaries by reason of our long travels; yet they could not so secretly work their intended purposes, but it was made known, both to the Lord Steward of the king’s house, and also to the Governor of the city, who sent for them both, to know what he was that was coming to see their king. They told them the truth, 1

We know that Abel Pinçon was also of this party; see Pinçon, p. 151.

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but did not acquaint them the certain day of our coming, which made both them and the citizens greatly discontented, in regard they made great preparation to receive us with great triumphs; but, according to our intention, we came in by night, and so did disappoint them. The next day the Lord Steward came to our house, with a great train following him of gallant gentlemen, and did salute Sir Anthony in this sort: “In my King’s behalf, who now is in the Tartarian wars, this small kindness I would entreat you to accept, in regard of your long and weary travels; and that you being strangers here in our country, it may be your supplies cannot be so suddenly accomplished, therefore I would request you to pardon me, if I do amiss in my offer,” and, laying twenty pounds in gold at Sir Anthony’s feet, told him: “This much you shall receive every day for your provision beside other commodities; this do I of myself, until we hear from our King, who, I am sure, will treble it at his return.” Sir Anthony, according to his princely mind, turning the money over with his foot, returned this answer: “Know this, brave Persian, I come not a-begging to thy King, but hearing of his great fame and worthiness thought I could not spend my time better than come to see him, and kiss his hand, with the adventure of my body to second him in his princely wars.” The Persian, hearing this answer, stepped back very suddenly, and, making a low congé, replied thus: “Pardon me, brave stranger, for now I see thou art a Prince thyself, for so it seemeth by thy princely answer.” Sir Anthony, replying, said: “No, I am the second son to an English knight, but I have ever been trained up in martial affairs, and well esteemed of in my prince’s court, and for this cause do I come to do thy King the best office I can, if it please his Highness so to accept of me.” “I know my King”, said the Persian, “will highly esteem of thy coming, and think himself a happy man to receive so worthy a person into his court;” and so saluting all one after another did take his leave. So soon as he was departed, the governor of the city came with a gallant train of gentlemen, very well horsed, to attend him, being a man of a gallant personage, well spoken, and of good carriage; and gave Sir Anthony and all of us a very kind welcome, offering Sir Anthony all that he was worth to be at his service. He thanked him very kindly, but told him he did hope to have no such occasion to use his offer; so for that time he took his leave of us; and that night the Lord Steward and Governor did send such a variety of presents to Sir Anthony, that it did make us wonder at it, and so they did every day, for they two did strive who should use us best. So after some five or six days’ rest we were furnished with apparel and horses; and then the Lord Steward did invite Sir Anthony and all we of his company to a great banquet at the King’s palace, which Sir Anthony did not refuse; when the Lord Steward did royally receive us, meeting us half the way, attended with forty gentlemen very well horsed; so coming to the palace we did behold there a sumptuous spectacle, which was the palace gate being curiously set, wrought and garnished with rich stones very bright, the like I think the world cannot afford. The going up unto the gate was seven steps, about some half dozen yards broad, of a very strong kind of stone; so when we were alighted from our horses, and come near unto the gate, the Lord Steward told Sir Anthony that “it was the fashion that those which did enter into the gate must kiss the first step, and especially strangers, but you shall be privileged to do as it shall please you”. Sir Anthony replied: “In honour of the Sophi thy king, I will do this;” and so he made a low

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obeisance, and in the like sort did Mr Robert Sherley, his brother, but all we did kiss the step, which did greatly rejoice the Lord Steward and his company. So into the house we came, which was richly hanged in every room with gold carpets, and under foot with rich arras; but to tell the several sorts of dishes we had there I cannot express, and every dish trimmed with rice, coloured of all kind of colours. We had also the king’s music to attend us, both there and home or where we would command them. There was also at that feast ten women very gallantly apparelled, and very beautiful, who did dance according to their country manner, and sing all the time we were feasting. There we spent that day, and at our return to our house we were guarded very royally with all the citizens of worth, with the sound both of drum and trumpet. And in the like sort did the Governor feast us, and all men were willing to show us any pleasure we would. In the end there came a post from the King, forth of Tartaria, with a proclamation written with the King’s own hand, which proclamation was proclaimed by a nobleman in Casbeene, and we were all sent for to hear it; this was the effect of it, that we should command horse and man to be at our service, upon pain of death to those that should not obey; moreover, if any man did hold up his hand to offer the worst in our company wrong, he should lose his head; which proclamation the citizens did all embrace very willingly, and thus I leave awhile to treat of our entertainment….1 Now will I show you in what fashion he came from the wars and the welcome he gave us The King, some two days before he entered into Casbeene, sent a courier or post before him to his Lord Steward, to furnish us with the best horses he could get, and that we should meet him four miles forth of Casbeene, accompanied with the Governor and himself, which was very gallantly performed by them both. In this sort was Sir Anthony and we of his company appointed: first, Sir Anthony himself in rich cloth of gold, his gown and his undercoat, his sword hanging in a rich scarf to the worth of a thousand crowns, being set with pearl and diamonds, and on his head a turban according, to the worth of two thousand dollars, his boots embroidered with pearl and rubies; his brother, Mr Robert Sherley, likewise in cloth of gold, his gown and undercoat, with a rich turban on his head; his interpreter, Angelo, in cloth of silver, gown and undercoat; four in cloth of silver gowns, with undercoats of silk damask; four in crimson velvet gowns, with damask undercoats; four in blue damask gowns, with taffety undercoats; four in yellow damask, with their undercoats of a Persian stuff; his page in cloth of gold; his four footmen in carnation taffety. And thus we set forward: Sir Anthony and his brother riding together; the Lord Steward on the right hand and the Governor on the left; the rest came after by two and two, myself directly before Sir Anthony, with a white staff in my hand, for it pleased him to make me his marshal, for in that country every great man hath his marshal to ride before him. So after we were half a mile forth of the city we saw such a prospect as is not usually seen, which was, twelve hundred soldiers, horsemen, carrying twelve hundred heads of men on their lances, and some having the ears of men put on strings and hanged about their necks; next after these came the trumpeters, making a wonderful noise; because they 1

A short passage has here been omitted containing a digression on the events preceding Shāh ‛Abbās’s accession to the throne.

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are contrary to our English trumpets, these trumpets being two yards and a half in length, with the great end big, and so much compass as a hat. Next after them came the drummers, their drums being made of brass, and carried upon camels; then after them came his six standard bearers; then after them came his twelve pages, bearing every one a lance in his hand; then a good distance after them came the King, riding alone with a lance in his hand, his bow and arrows, sword and target hanging by his side, being a man of low stature, but very strongly made, and swarthy of complexion. Next after the King came his lieutenant-general of the field, and all his bows in rank like a half-moon; and after them came his officers in the wars, to the number of twenty thousand soldiers, all horsemen. So at our first encounter of the King Sir Anthony and his brother did alight off their horses, and came to kiss the King’s foot; for it is the fashion of the country, be he never so good a man he must kiss the King’s foot at the first meeting; after that was performed the King did look upon them both very stately, and afterward did look upon us all, giving never a word to Sir Anthony, but bid the lieutenant-general place him according as he had given him direction, and so the King set spurs to his horse, and did ride away for the space of an hour; Sir Anthony being placed in the King’s place, with his brother Mr Robert Sherley, the lieutenant-general on the right hand, and the lord steward on the left. After the King was departed, the lord steward told Sir Anthony that it was the fashion to entertain strangers in that fashion, but willed him to have patience awhile, and he should see the event; so within an hour the King returned back again as fast as his horse would go, and having following him sixteen women on horseback richly attired, and when he came close to Sir Anthony the women did holloa, and gave such a cry, much like the wild Irish, which did make us wonder at it; then after they had made an end, the King came and embraced Sir Anthony and his brother, kissing them both three or four times over, and taking Sir Anthony by the hand, swearing a great oath that he should be his sworn brother, and so did he call him always, and so the King marched along, putting Sir Anthony on his right hand. It was a wonderful sight to see the multitude of people that were there that day; and still as the King did pass along the people would kneel down and kiss the earth; but before we came into the city, there was proclamation made that, upon pain of death, no soldier should enter into the city, but such as were born there, for fear of making any uproar; and so they were all discharged and departed every one to his own country for that time. So after we had entered the city, we marched through every street, and in the end came to a banqueting house of the King’s; where the King brought Sir Anthony up into a very fair chamber richly trimmed; in which chamber Sir Anthony delivered a speech to the King, which was the occasion of his coming, with a discourse of our wearisome journey, and of our usage in Turkey, and other accidents which did happen unto us by the way, which the King did hearken very attentively unto, and when Sir Anthony had ended his speech, the King stood up and replied: “Brother, I do grieve to hear of thy sore adventures and troubles by the way, but I do much rejoice to see thee here in safety at our court; for be thou well assured I will place thee on my head.” This was his meaning, that he would advance him to great honour; then was there a great banquet brought in, with music before it, where they passed away the time for the space of two hours, with great joy; after the banquet was ended, the King requested Sir Anthony to look through the window to behold their sports on horseback. Before the

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house there was a very fair place to the quantity of some ten acres of ground, made very plain; so the King went down, and when he had taken his horse, the drums and trumpets sounded; there was twelve horsemen in all with the King; so they divided themselves six on the one side, and six on the other, having in their hands long rods of wood, about the bigness of a man’s finger, and on the end of the rods a piece of wood nailed on like unto a hammer. After they were divided and turned face to face, there came one into the middle, and did throw a wooden ball between both the companies, and having goals made at either end of the plain, they began their sport, striking the ball with their rods from one to the other, in the fashion of our football play here in England; and ever when the King had gotten the ball before him, the drums and trumpets would play one alarum, and many times the King would come to Sir Anthony to the window, and ask him how he did like the sport. So when the sport was ended Sir Anthony sent me down of some business, and as I went down the stairs it was my chance to meet with the King, who, when he saw me, took me by the arm, and caused me to return back again with him, and brought me to the chamber where the Turk’s ambassador was, and did lead me along to the upper end of the chamber, and put me above the Turk’s ambassador, bidding me sit down there, by reason they have no stools, but sit on carpets. I could ill sit cross-legged after their manner, but did kneel on my knees; then the Ambassador told the King it was the fashion of England to sit on stools, for he had been oft-times in the English merchants’ houses in Constantinople. When the King had heard those words, he presently went into the next room, and caused one of his pages to bring forth a little form, which they did use to set bottles of wine upon, and throwing a carpet of gold upon it, caused me to sit down; then he called for some wine, and did drink a health unto me, and used these words: “I do esteem more of the sole of a Christian’s shoe, than I do of the best Turk in Turkey.” And then he asked me if I would serve him? I answered him, in regard I was a subject in his country I must be at his command, yet I was loth to leave my old master, in regard he loved me well; at which words the King did take me about the neck and kissed me three or four times, and said, “I do highly commend thy constancy; nevertheless I will entreat my brother, thy lord, for thee, that thou shalt be my servant so long as you stay in my country.” Then after some few words more he went forth of the room to Sir Anthony and told him that he must needs have one of his servants from him; he answered, that it did not lie in his power to give any of them, but if it pleased him, he might command any of them to do him what service they were able; the King thanked him very heartily, and told him that he should command all his servants to do the like; then after some few words’ parley the King brought Sir Anthony to his house, and told him he would take no leave of him, for he did purpose to see him before he did sleep. So after we had supped at our own house, Sir Anthony, not thinking the King would have seen him any more that night, because it waxed late, he determined to have gone to his rest, but he was disappointed, for the Lord Steward came for him, with sixteen torches and some twenty gentlemen to attend him, to bring Sir Anthony and all his company to the King, to spend that night with him, but when we came where the King was, such a spectacle we did behold which did almost ravish us with joy to see it; you shall understand that in the middle of the city of Casbeene there is a place which they call the Bussard [Bazaar], made in fashion like the Exchange in London, though not so beautiful, yet three times so big, where they keep

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shops of all manner of trades; for that time the shopkeepers had set forth their commodities in the best manner, and themselves apparelled very gallantly. In the middle of that place standeth a round thing made with a seat, set up with six pillars, about some [ ] over, on which place they use to sell apparel and other commodities; that being bravely trimmed with rich carpets, both of gold and silver and silk, and the King’s chair of estate placed in the middle, the chair being of silver plate set with turkies [turquoises] and rubies very thick, and six great diamonds, which did shew like stars, the seat being of rich scarlet embroidered with pearl, and the multitude of lamps hanging about it were innumerable. The King, when he came unto it, did cause Sir Anthony to ascend up into that princely throne, and, standing by the chair with his viceroy and other of his nobility, did take Sir Anthony by the hand, and willed him to sit down in his chair or estate; but Sir Anthony, falling on his knee, desired the King to pardon him, for so princely a place did not become him, in regard he was but a subject himself. The King swearing a great oath, which was by the soul of Mortasolee [Murtazaā Alī], that he should sit in the chair, and if the best Persian of them all did grieve at it, he would presently cut off his head; and taking Sir Anthony by the hand, bade him sit down without fear, which Sir Anthony did, and when he was set, the King kissed him, and said, “Brother, thou dost well become this place”; then he called for a stool for Mr Robert Sherley, which was presently brought, and he sat him close by his brother Sir Anthony, and placing all us of Sir Anthony’s company round about the throne, sitting on carpets cross-legged, according to the country fashion; then came there in a royal banquet with drums and trumpets sounding before it, which was brought in by twenty-four noblemen, and when the drums and trumpets were departed, the music came in playing, with twenty women very richly apparelled, singing and dancing before the music. So when the banquet was ended the King arose, taking Sir Anthony by the arm, and so they walked, arm in arm, in every street of the city, the twenty women going before, singing and dancing, and his noblemen coming after, with each of them one of our company by the hand, and at every turning there was variety of music, and lamps hanging on either side their streets of seven heights one above another, which made a glorious show; and thus for the space of eight days and nights did we spend the time in sporting and banqueting with all the pomps they could devise. So after the tenth day was expired the King sent Sir Anthony twelve camels, three tents very large, with all kind of official houses belonging to them, and household stuff; six mules, every mule carrying four carpets, four of silk and gold, six of clean silk, the rest very fair crewel carpets; also he sent him fourteen horses,1 whereof two of them were for his own saddle, two for his brother, and the other ten for ten of us; he sent fourteen saddles, whereof two of them were of gold plate, set very thick with turkies and rubies, two of gold plate, plain, the other ten of velvet embroidered with silver very richly; and so much silver1 as six men could carry, entreating Sir Anthony to accept of that small trifle for a month’s expenses: desiring Sir Anthony that he would meet him some four days’ journey with ten of his best men to attend him and his brother. Sir Anthony, thinking the King did it to make trial of our valour, called ten of us unto him, which were these: myself, John Norris, Thomas Davis, William Parry, Thomas Powell, John Ward, 1

Anthony says “forty”.

1

Of the value of 16,000 ducats. Anthony’s Relation, p. 72.

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John Parrott, Gabriel Brookes, Arnold Roldcraft, Edward Vanthivier, a Dutchman; and he told us what he thought the King’s intent was, and willing us to show ourselves like true Englishmen, if any such occasion should happen, So the next morning we set forward, accompanied with one of the King’s gentlemen of his horse to attend us, and be our guide, who did provide us victuals in every place or town we passed through, paying never a penny: so at the four days’ end, somewhat in the evening, we met in a cross way with the King’s mules, which carried his provision. One of the King’s gentlemen told us that the King was at hand; so within half an hour the King overtook us, having in his company to the number of two hundred men following him; so when he was come to Sir Anthony, he took him about the middle and, kissing him two or three times, sware that he thought every day a year until he saw him. That night we supped with the King in a great house which the King builded on purpose for travellers; for through the country, where it is not well inhabited, there the King hath built great houses which they call Canes [khāns] for the merchants and other travellers to lodge in, and there you shall have both man’s meat and horse meat. That night at supper the King was very pleasant with us, until such time as one of his noblemen had angered him, upon some small occasion, and then we went to rest. The next morning the King was stirring very early, and being in wrath caused this nobleman which had offended him to be tied with chains to a stake, and ten of the King’s gentlemen to throw quinces at him to the number of one hundred. The King himself did throw the first, so after they had thrown every man one quince, Sir Anthony stepped to the King, entreating him to pardon him, and throw no more; the King presently smiled and said, “Brother, it shall be as thou wilt have it,” and caused him to be untied, and the nobleman came and kissed Sir Anthony’s hand. So that night we went twelve miles to a gallant city called Cason [Kāshān], spending the time by the way in hawking and hunting, and we came into the city in the evening, where we were royally entertained by the citizens. The King did lie at his own palace, and we were lodged in a nobleman’s house, where we were entertained with all kind of dainties from the citizens. About ten o’clock in the night we were sent for to meet the King in the Piazza, which is a fair place, like unto Smithfield, standing in the middle of the town; there we found the King and all his nobility, with great store of torches, and round about the place were lamps hanged on the sides of their houses unlighted; so the King took us upon the top of a turret, and caused us to look down towards the lamps, which lighted all at the twinkling of an eye, and likewise on the tops of all the houses in the city were lamps which made a glorious show, thicker than the stars in the sky. Then there was such stately fireworks, made by a Turk, that Sir Anthony did wonder at, which seemed as if dragons were fighting in the air, with many other varieties, especially one firework worth the noting, which was this: there was a great fountain of water in the Piazza, out of the which from the very bottom there would arise things like fishes, throwing fire out of their mouths about a dozen yards high, which we thought a great wonder. So, after these sights were past, there came in a gallant banquet with the sound of drum and trumpet: so when the banquet was ended it was my chance to walk down from the company, being somewhat weary of sitting cross-legged, according to the country manner; and going towards the King’s palace-gate it was my fortune to meet with a very gallant gentlewoman, who came running, making such a cry that I did wonder at her, she

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came presently towards me, and catched me by the arm. I asked her what the matter was, she said there was one of the King’s gentlemen would have ravished her; so as I was talking with her the King came to us all alone, as his manner is; sometimes he will go from the company on the sudden, commanding that no man shall follow him. He asked the woman why she cried; she answered that one of his servants would have ravished her, and another did stand by and would not help her. The King demanded where they were, she said they were in his court; then the King did take her by the hand, and going towards his palace-gate, there came a couple of gentlemen forth of the gate. “There they are”, said the woman, saying that “this is the man that would have ravished me, and that is he which did stand by.” The King presently halloed, and immediately there came running all the company, both lords and others, but Sir Anthony was the first man that came to the King, for they were all afraid to hear him call; yet, when his company was come together, he asked once again the cause of her crying; she said as she said before. Then the King caused the gentleman that did stand by, and would not rescue the woman, to have his two little fingers cut off, and so he kissed the King’s foot and departed, but the other he put to cruel torments: for first he caused his privy members to be cut off, then his tongue, his eyelids, the crown of his head, his lips, his nose, and after all this they did cut his ham strings: this being finished, the King, looking upon him, used these words: “Villain, be thou an example to all men: do I allow in my country that for money any man may have the use of a woman, and wilt thou make my house a stews?” With that the man’s father came to entreat the King he might carry away his son. He said, “No, here he shall lie and starve in this place, and he that cometh near him, to give him any aid, shall be served in the like manner.” Well, after we had passed away three days with all varieties of sports, as namely these, wrestling with men naked, fighting of camels, and of rams, of antelopes, bear-baiting, bull-baiting, and such other sports, we held on our journey to that famous city of Aspahaune [Ispahān], riding through many towns, but none worth the noting save only one, which was called Coome [Qum], where we were kindly received by the townsmen. There we rested one day and a night, but did hold on our journey, hawking and hunting by the way; wherewith in four days we came within three miles of Aspehane, where we lodged all night, both the King and all the rest of his lords. The next morning, by nine of the clock, we made ourselves ready to attend the King, where, after we had ridden but one quarter of a mile, we saw in a valley the King’s soldiers, to the number of thirty thousand men, attending the King’s coming; who, when they perceived the King was at hand, the drums and trumpets made such a noise, as if heaven and earth had met together; there were also the heads of men carried upon lances; so, after the king had spoken to them, they fell all into a half-moon, and marched after the King’s train. So when we came within two miles of the city the citizens did meet him very gallantly apparelled, to the number of some ten thousand: they made a way of taffety and satin lying upon the ground for the King’s horse to ride upon: the King, when he saw it, gave them great thanks, which pleased the citizens very much. Then the King did take Sir Anthony by the hand, and willed him to ride his horse upon it, but Sir Anthony would not by any means; so when the King saw he would not he called his guard unto him, and gave all the silks and satins to them, and they shared it among them, There we made a stand, and the King caused his lieutenant-general to see his soldiers skirmish: and some

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of his gentlemen being amongst them did not behave themselves to the King’s mind; and, moreover, his soldiers were not so perfect as the King did expect they should; whereupon he presently ran in amongst them with his sword drawn, like to an Herculean offspring, and, upon a sudden, he gave four of them their death’s wound. Then did he grow more into blood, and not sparing any, but cutting off the arms from divers of them, and riding after. One gentleman which did but only smile the King never left, and, coming for succour into our company, the King gave him such a blow on the middle, that the one half of his body fell from the other. There we spent that day, and in the evening, about six of the clock, we marched towards the city, where, the governor leading the way, the young prince came riding fast by him, and jesting with him somewhat grossly about his wife, in regard she was a fair woman, the governor did use some unkind word to the prince, which made him angry; so he came presently and told the King, who charged him to take his bow and arrows and shoot him through; which he did immediately, and did shoot him through one of the thighs. The governor presently did alight off from his horse, and came and kissed the prince’s foot; when the King saw it, he came to the governor and kissed him, and made him viceroy of that province, and ever after did impose great trust into him: so we entered the city, and marched about in every street. Then the King brought Sir Anthony to his house, which was prepared ready for his coming, and willed him to have patience, and he would see him again in the morning; then the King went to his palace, and that night we rested. There were slain that day to the number of seven score, in regard of the extremity of the heat, and those which the King himself did kill; among the rest it was the King’s fortune to kill one of Sir Anthony’s footmen, being a Persian; who when the King was told of it, he was exceeding sorry, thinking he had been a Christian, and he came the next morning in private to Sir Anthony, and told him he was exceeding sorry, wishing it had been his fortune to have slain a dozen Persians for him; Sir Anthony made answer that he was a Persian; when the King heard it he was exceeding glad, and willed Sir Anthony to make choice of any footman that he had: and thus much for our entertainment into Persia. Now will I treat of the manner, condition, and fashion of the Persians. You shall understand that the country of Persia is far more pleasant for a stranger to live in than the Turks’ country, for this King, since his coming to the crown, hath brought this country into such subjection that a man may travel through it with a rod in his hand, having no other weapon, without any hurt: the people are very courteous and friendly to strangers; their apparel very neat and comely, The men wear long coats to the small of their leg, with great rolls on their heads, of divers colours, called turbans; they wear gowns furred with rich fur, for, although the country be exceeding hot, they wear always furred gowns. The women are very beautiful, for the better sort, in regard they wear veils over their heads, so that the sun never shines on their faces; the women do wear breeches as well as the men, and red velvet stockings. The men have only one wife, but as many concubines as they can keep: a woman that is married, and is proved to commit adultery, she is presently burnt. As it is allowed in the Turks’ kingdom for the men to have the use of boys, it is not so here, for the Persians do severely punish that vice, for I saw a notable example:—at my being in the country there was a great nobleman, called Peerr Callibecg

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[Pīr Quli Beg] and allied to the King, which did offer that abuse to one of the King’s pages, offering him a large gift, but the boy did acquaint the King with it; which, when the King heard of it, sent presently in a rage for the lord, and caused the boy to cut off his head with his own sword. Moreover, as the Turks do hold the kindred of Mahomet in great reverence amongst them, so the Persians do contrary unto them; for you shall see in every town through the kingdom of Persia, once a day, one walks along the streets with an axe on his shoulder, and speaking these words with a loud voice, “that if any man do hold Mahomet’s kindred to be better than any other man, or if any one do say that he is of his kindred, he shall presently lose his head”; for I myself saw a Turk, that was in Aspahane, come to the fellow, and say that he was of Mahomet’s kindred, and in that opinion he would die, and so kneeled down, laying his head upon a block, and the fellow immediately cut off his head. Their belief is in God the father, and Mortus Alley, and they hold Mahomet to be a great prophet. They have churches and very fair churchyards, which they keep very clean, with a pulpit in the middle of the churchyard; and likewise a fountain, which they use to wash them in before they go to prayer. They have also, as they term them, holy men, which they call Saynthones [Santons], whom they put much trust unto, that they can tell them what shall happen unto them if they take a journey in hand: these men go naked, without shirts, only they have a felt gown of blue; and every year, on that day that Mortus Alee died, they will slash themselves over their arms and breasts with knives, in most piteous manner, that sometimes they die with it. Their priests go apparelled in white, and preach every Friday, for that day is their sabbath: they pray with great devotion, for I myself have seen them at their prayers with such zeal, that they have fallen into a swoon. They keep their Lent much about that time that we do here in England, and they call it their Birum [Bayrām]; it lasteth twenty-eight days, and all the day they eat no meat, until the south star do appear, and then they go to their victuals; and then will they sport themselves all night. The better sort of them do never at this or any other time drink wine, except they have a licence from the King; and sometimes the King, in his humour, will cause a proclamation to be made, that for three days any man may drink wine at his pleasure; then sometimes you shall see them drunk, and then will the King take great delight to walk up and down the city to see them; but he that is found drunk when those three days are expired shall presently lose his head: all Christians are allowed to drink wine, and all the King’s servants. The country is very well furnished with all kind of fruit; they have great store of wheat, so that bread is very cheap, and victuals at a very good rate: the most of their feeding is rice, dressed divers kind of ways. The King will go in private to their markets, to see what order they keep; for, two years before our coming into the country, the King had been in the market at Aspahane, and, falling in talk with a fellow that sold milk, he asked him how the governor of that place where he dwelt did behave himself. “Why,” said the fellow, being of a bold spirit, “if I were in his place I would bring the King a dozen heads a week of villains which rob up and down the country, so that we can scarce go a stone’s cast from our houses, but we shall be robbed; and the governor doth bear with them, and takes money of them to let them live in that fashion.” The King hearing this liked the fellow well, desiring him to come to the court the next morning, and he would show him the King’s house, bidding him, when he came, to ask some of the King’s guard for one Abbas. The fellow said he would, so when the King came to the

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court he gave order with his guard when such a fellow came to speak with one Abbas the next morning, they should bring him to him. Well, the next morning the man came, according to his promise, and demanded of some of the guard for one Abbas; so they brought him presently to the King’s bed-chamber; when the King heard that he was come, he caused him to be brought in unto him. When the man did perceive that it was the King, he fell down on his knees, asking him forgiveness: the King commanded him to stand up, and sent for apparel for him, and gave him the command of fifty men, charging him first to bring the governor to him, which he did within three days after, who presently lost his head. Then the King charged him to bring him twelve heads of those villains which robbed in the country the next week following, or else he should lose his own; so he took his leave of the King for that time; and within four days after he brought the King twenty heads. When the King saw that, he gave him the command of fifty men more, and made him governor of that place; and he behaved himself so well, that he brought the country, in one month’s space, to such quietness, that a man might walk with a rod in his hand without hurt. The King, after a small time, did take such a liking of him, that he made him captain of his guard, and gave him the command of a thousand men, to keep the borders of his country. It happened upon a time, that the King being in progress (for this is his custom, he doth never trouble his country with carriages, but hath carriages of his own for that purpose, and all his nobility), the King, in the way, did overtake some carriages of this new-made governor, whereof were six mules laden, the middle mule having his carriage covered with a carpet wrought with silk and gold; he demanding of the men whose carriage it was, one made answer that it was the Lord Mustriffa’s [Mustafa’s], captain of his guard, for so the King had created him. The King that night did lodge in his tents; this new-made lord came to the court somewhat late; but when the King did hear of his coming, he presently did call him, and told him that he did overtake his carriages, whereof there was one mule that was covered with a gold carpet, which lading, said the King, I must have. He presently did fall on his knees, and entreated the King to take all the rest, for that was all the wealth he had. The King presently was in a great rage against him, and caused him to be laden with irons, and went presently where his carriage was; there, finding it to be a chest, caused it to be broken open, and there he found nothing but his old clothes and his milk-pails, which he used to sell his milk with. When the King saw it he presently wept, because he had done him so much wrong; then he asked him why he did keep those so safe; he answered, that the favours of princes sometimes are lost for a small fault, and his fortune may in time prove so bad, in regard there were many in the court which did envy his honour and fortunes he had received; “which made me reserve those, if such a chance should happen, to get me my living”. The King presently caused them to be burnt, and created him a duke, adding four thousand tomans a year to his living, which is eight thousand pounds English; and, at our being there, he was most in favour with the King. He was, absolutely, a man of the bravest carriage in the court, and did use Sir Anthony very kindly, and all his company, but especially myself, for I did receive many kindnesses from him, And in this fashion hath this King exalted many poor men to honour since his coming to the crown. The King’s disposition is noted by his apparel which he wears that day; for that day which he weareth black, he is commonly melancholy and civil; if he wear white or green, yellow or any other light colour, he is commonly merry; but when he weareth

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red, then all the court is afraid of him, for he will be sure to kill somebody that day: I have oft-times noted it. They have martial law in the country; for if a man be found to steal the worth of sixpence, he is presently hanged at the next tree, by order from the governor of that place where he is taken; for every little town or village hath its governor, or, as they call them, Cadees; and commonly where the King is, he will give justice himself. The King doth ever ride with a great train, to the number of five or six hundred men, in his company. They are very expert in their pieces or muskets; for although there are some which have written now of late that they had not the use of pieces until our coming into the country, this much must I write to their praise, that I did never see better barrels of muskets than I did see there; and the King hath, hard by his court at Aspahane, above two hundred men at work, only making of pieces, bows and arrows, swords and targets: and thus much concerning the fashion, manner, and custom of the Persians. Now to the former matter:—I shewed you before how ow the King sent us fourteen horses at Casbeene, with other provision, to attend him from thence to Aspahane, leaving the rest of our company behind us, under the conduct of Mr Abell Pinson,1 who was then steward to Sir Anthony, which were to the number of twenty-four persons, English, French, Greeks, and Persians, who were gallantly furnished by the viceroy of the whole kingdom, every man his horse and furniture, according to his vocation, and were conducted by one of his own gentlemen from Casbene to Aspahane; where, after their coming to us, we stayed there six months, without any remove, spending our time in hawking, hunting, and other sports. In the which time the King was resolved to send Mr Robert Sherley to the Queen of England,2 with a very rich present, only to shew how much he honoured her; but Sir Anthony altered the King’s mind, persuading him to send to all the princes in Christendom, which he was assured the Queen would like well of, and to be in league with them all, and he would undertake to accomplish the embassage; and, moreover, that he would maintain wars against the Turk on that side of him, and he would work so with the Christian princes that they should maintain wars on the other side, and so by that means overthrow him. The which matter the King was exceeding glad of, giving Sir Anthony many thanks for his good invention; and presently he sent away the Turk’s ambassador who was come thither to renew the league between the Great Turk and the King of Persia, commanding him to tell his master the Turk that he would never rest until he were in the field against him. At which answer of the King’s the Persians did much rejoice; for there was an old proverb in Persia, that there should come a Christian from far into their country, by whose advice they should gain all their right from the Great Turk, which the Persians in former times had lost. Yet, after all this was concluded upon, the King was very loth to part from Sir Anthony, and offered him to be lieutenant general of all his forces against the Turk; which offer Sir Anthony did highly embrace; yet in regard he was a man of greater note than his brother was, did make choice to go of this embassage, and to return again with as much speed as possibly he could; but mala 1

This is the only allusion to Abel Pinçon in these narratives, see Introduction, p. xvii. Manwaring alone states that there had been any thought of sending Robert to Queen Elizabeth.

2

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fortuna did happen on him by the way.1 Then Sir Anthony did request the King to send a Persian along with him, some man of account, to witness with him how much the King did embrace the love of the Christian princes. The King did very well like of his motion, and made choice of one which had followed him along, whose name was Seane Olibege [Husayn ‛Ali Beg]; the King created him a lord, and allowed him sixteen men to attend on him. Moreover, the King promised Sir Anthony that he would send presents to every prince, of a great value. Well, after all these matters were concluded on, there came to us a Franciscan friar to Aspahane, and told Sir Anthony in regard he was a Christian he was the more bolder to come to him; and told him, moreover, that there was another friar coming, a Dominican friar, who was Bishop of Aromouse [Hormuz], a Portingall [Portuguese] born, and he was going of great business to the King of Spain: his request was this, that Sir Anthony would get him that favour from the King, that he might go apparelled in his own weed or habit; which favour Sir Anthony did obtain of the King. And the next day after Sir Anthony did go and meet him four miles forth of Aspahane, with one hundred horse to attend him; and so he brought him into the city, and lodged him in his own house. The next day after he brought him to the King, who received him for Sir Anthony’s sake very royally; and the King gave him a crucifix of gold set with diamonds, turkes, and rubies, which crucifix was sent the King from Presbiter Jhon,1 as the King himself did shew unto us. The King asked the friar where he had travelled; the friar answered that he was sent from the Pope as his deputy into those parts amongst the Christians; “the Pope,” said the King, “what is he?” although he did know very well what he was, yet did he make as though he had never heard of him: the friar made answer that the Pope was Christ’s vicar upon earth, to pardon and forgive sins; “then”, quoth the King, “he must needs be a very old man, if he have been here on earth ever since Christ was crucified by the Jews:” “nay,” said the friar, “there hath been many Popes since that time, for when one dieth another cometh in his place.” “What!” said the King, “are they earthly men born in Italy or in Roome [Rome]?” “Yes,” said the friar: “but have they at any time talked with Christ or God the Father?” said the King; “No,” quoth the friar. Then the King made this answer:—“I do not believe that any man on earth can pardon or forgive sins, but God the Father; and for Christ,” said the King, “I do hold him to be a great prophet, yea, the greatest that ever was; and I do think, verily, that if any man could forgive sins, it was he; for I have read that he did great miracles when he was upon the earth; he was born of a woman; but, as I have read, the angel of God came to her, and breathed upon her, and so was he conceived. I have read, likewise, of his crucifying by the Jews, which doth make me hate them; for to this hour there is none suffered to live in my country.” The friar was stricken mute; and we all did wonder to hear the King reason so exceeding well, in regard he was a heathen; but he told Sir Anthony he was almost a Christian in heart since his coming unto him. 1

We do not know when Manwaring’s account was written, but it was evidently after Anthony had given up his mission to Spain. 1

Prester John—the name given in those days to the Negus of Ethiopia.

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SIR ROBERT SHERLEY A water-colour copy by W.M.Gardiner (1766–1814), after the portrait of Sir Robert Sherley, painted in Rome in 1622 by Van Dyck in the collection of Lord Leconfield at Petworth (British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings)

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So, after we had stayed there two weeks longer, the King’s letters were ready to all the Christian princes, which Sir Anthony received from the King. So we took our leaves of Aspahane; and the King brought us two days’ journey, and did take his leave of Sir Anthony very sorrowful; and did take his brother, Mr Robert Sherley, by the hand, whom we left behind us; and the King said to Sir Anthony that he would use him as his own son, and that he should never want, so long as he was King of Persia. Then he gave Sir Anthony a seal of gold, and said, “Brother, whatsoever thou dost seal unto, be it to the worth of my kingdom, and I will see it paid.” So the king kissed Sir Anthony three or four times, and kissed us all, and said that if we did return again we should receive great honour. So we departed from the King, accompanied by the false friar, who, in the end, as you shall hear hereafter, would have betrayed us with his villainy; but Seane Olibeg, that was to come along with us, stayed behind for the presents, because they were not ready, and he was to come to us at Longorownei Gryland [Lenkoran-i-Gīlān],1 where we were to take shipping: and so much for that part.”

1

See Parry, p. 127.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I TWO EXTRACTS FROM ANTHONY SHERLEY’S RELATION (I) pp. 49–52 Administrative Measures of ‘Shāh Abbās FIRST then after his arrival in Casbin [Qazvīn] having heard from his Vizir and the relation of Xa-Hammadaga [Shāh Ahmad Agha] who had not only spoiled his subjects in their substances, but also of all orders and just form of government which it now hath, and given them by that means more matter of disunion than union, insomuch that they were full of thieves, of vagabonds, of factions, and such like insolencies: he judged it fit to reduce it to the more peaceable and obedient to give it in those cases a good condition of government; whereupon he presently dispatched that Xa-Hammadaga—a terrible and resolute person—with full power and authority, for the reformation of those disorders; who, in a short time, though with more terrible examples, reduced all the provinces to a united tranquillity with mighty reputation. Whilst he was busied in that administration, the King, to show that it was necessity that counselled to give him that excessive authority, and to preserve it from being odious to himself, appointed in the chief city of every province a governor elected of those of most valour. To him he joined two judges of criminal and civil causes, a treasurer, two secretaries, with an excellent president, and two advocates general for the causes both particular and general of the whole province besides the particular advocate of every city, which should be resident in that metropolis. These determined all causes within themselves of those provinces in which they had the administration; and because they should neither be burdensome to the provinces, nor corrupt in partializing, the King paid them their stipend, enjoining them upon pain of life, to take no other sort of reward. And because such things and causes might fall out as by reason of the importance of them, or appellations of the parties, might be brought before himself; because he would ever know what he did and be continually informed not only of the general state of the provinces but of their particular administration, he ordained posts once every week from all parts to bring all sort of relations to the court; for which cause also he willed that one of the two general advocates should ever be resident there; who, receiving those relations, presenteth them to the Vizir, and he to the King. The Vizir sitteth every morning in council about the general state of all the King’s provinces, accompanied with the King’s Counsel, Advocates resident, and Secretaries of State. There are all matters heard, and the opinions of the council written by the Secretaries of State; then after dinner the council—or such a part of them as the King will

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admit—present those papers, of which the King pricketh those he will have proceed, and the rest are cancelled; which being done, the council retire them again to the Vizir, and then determine of the particular business of the King’s house. The King himself every Wednesday sitteth in the council publicly, accompanied with all those of his council and the aforesaid Advocates. Thither come a flood of all sorts of people, rich and poor, and of all nations without distinction; and speak freely to the King in their own cases, and deliver every one his own several bill which the King receiveth; pricketh some and rejecteth others to be better informed of. The Secretaries of State presently record in the King’s book those which he hath pricked, with all other acts then by him enacted; the which book is carried by a Gentleman of the Chamber into his chamber where it ever remaineth; and woe be to his Vizir if after the King hath pricked bill or supplication it be again brought the second time. When he goeth abroad to take the air or to pass the time in any exercise, the poorest creature in the world may give him his supplication, which he receiveth, readeth, and causeth to be registered; and one request or complaint is not ordinarily brought to him twice. Though these be great ways, wise ways, and just ways to tie unto him the hearts of any people; yet the nature of those is so vile in themselves that they are no more nor longer good than they are by a strong and wisely tempered hand made so: the country not being inhabited by those nobly disposed Persians of which there are but a few—and those few are as they ever were—but being mightily wasted by the inundation of Tamberlaine; and Ismael afterwards making himself the head of a faction against the Ottoman’s, and by that reason forced to re-people his country to give himself strength of men against so potent an adversary, calling in Tartars, Turcomans, Courdines [Kurds], and of all scum of nations, which though they now live in a better country, yet have not changed their bad natures; though, as I said, so careful and truly princely a regard of the King for the establishment of good and just orders for the government of this country in equity, general security, and tranquillity had been of sufficient ability to have bound the hearts of people unto him: yet knowing what his were, and to leave no means unacted which might both assure them more, and himself with them (because he knew that their own dispositions, which were evil, would never rightly judge of the cause of many rigorous examples that had passed; which, by that fault in them, had engendered him hatred amongst them); to purge their minds from that sickness and gain them the more confidently, he determined to shew that if there were any cruel act brought forth it did not grow from himself but from necessity; wherefore he displaced by little—finding particular occasions daily against some or other—all the whole Tymarri [Timariots]1 of his estate, as though from them had grown all such disorders as had corrupted the whole government; sending new ones—and a great part of them Gheytaners [gypsies]—to their possessions, with more limited authority, and more favourable to the people. The old ones, part he cashiered, part he distributed in Gheylan [Gīlān] and Mazandran [Māzandarān] which he had new conquered; so that by that art the people began to rest exceeding well satisfied, and himself the more secured; those which succeeded them 1

A tīmārī was the holder of a tīmār or hereditary fief.

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being bound to his fortune, and those which were removed also: being disposed in the new conquered provinces, which they were bound to maintain in security for their own fortunes which depended only upon their preserving them for the King. (II) pp. 58–63 The Treachery of Farhād Khān Thirty thousand men the King took with him for that war: twelve thousand harquebusiers which bare long pieces, half a foot longer than our muskets, slightly made, the bullet of the height of caliver [calibre] which they use well and certainly; and eighteen thousand horse, which may seem a small troop in these places, where the wars are carried with innumerable multitudes. But the King of Persia’s judgement agreeth with that of the best experienced captains: that multitudes are confusers of orders and devourers of time, and of those means which nourish the wars, and are good for no other use but to make a war soon break off, and to consume the world. This army, being chosen out from all his forces of elected good men, he carried into Corasan [Khurāsān] with wonderful expedition; and had taken it utterly unprovided if Ferrat Can’s [Farhād Khān] advertisement had not prevented his celerity: who had not only given notice to them, but to the Bassa of Tauris [Tabrīz], of the King’s purpose and his own resolution; promising them a certain victory and the delivery of the King’s own person. A day’s journey the King passed peaceably into the country without the sight only of an enemy; himself with five thousand of the best men, accompanied with diverse of the principallest, was a kind of vanguard to the rest, which followed with Ferrat Can, Zulphir Can [Zu’l-Fiqār Khān], and Oliver-di-Can [Allah Vardi Khān], which marched softly. The King by that means was far advanced, and being almost assured in himself that through the celerity of his coming he should find yet no enemy sufficiently able to resist him—and more confidently by the persuasion of Ferrat Can—some six hundred horse, under the leading of Useph-Aga [Yūsuf Agha] (which were sent to discover before the King’s troop) fell upon fifty thousand of the enemy, upon which sight he would fain have retired; but being so far engaged that he could not, and unable to resist so great a force: with the loss of almost all his company he was beaten back to the King’s gross, who, by the dust rising afar off, and the great noise following, imagining what it was indeed, with great and ready courage provided himself ready to fight, and dispatched messenger upon messenger to command Ferrat Can to advance unto him. To the first Ferrat answered that it was but a troop of some few rascals, and desired the King to march on, and not trouble himself nor his army; and to diverse the like. At the last, when young Hassan Can [Hasan Khān] came from the King and told him the King’s danger, and that certainly the whole force of the enemy had charged him; he began to show fear and to call a council of the commanders, then to know what they were best to resolve of for the saving of the army, since the King had so rashly lost himself: which, when Oliver-di-Can heard, upbraiding him of treason, called upon all those which loved the King to follow him; and putting spurs to his horse, being followed by Courtchibassa [Qurchibashi] and most of the King’s guard, and many others, with all possible haste speeded to the King, who by this time was forced to sustain and retire as well as he could without disorder or show of fear. But when this troop of Oliver-di-Can was seen his men

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received new courage, and the enemy, which depended more upon Ferrat’s treason than their own valour, began to be exceeding amazed, doubting that it had been the whole army and that Ferrat had exchanged his treason from his master to them. Wherefore, slacking their first fury, and rather standing at a gaze than fighting, the King commanded Useph-Aga to charge them thoroughly afresh, and not to give them time to take new courage: which he did with so good fortune that lighting upon the usurper of Corasan and his son he slew them both with his own hands, from which grew the first main flight of the enemy and the beginning of the victory for the King. The chase was desperately followed, so that in that battle and the chase were slain thirty thousand men, with the usurper king and his son, and diverse of the principal of the country taken. That night the King pitched his tents in the place of the battle; and being informed by Oliver-di-Can and the whole army which cried out with open mouth, of Ferrat’s treason: tempering the outward show of his indignation with a compassionate feeling of man’s errors and frailty, excused the constraint and necessity of the justice which he was forced to do; protesting that though for his states and his own preservation he was at last compelled to give his justice place above the power of his love and obligation, yet what the father had rent from himself by the violence of his own misdeeds, his son should find ripened for him: who should be heir of what his father had well merited by his former services, as he hoped he would be of his virtue; praying God that his father’s vices only might die with himself. Which, when he had said, he gave Oliver-di-Can the generalship of his army, and appointed him to do execution upon Ferrat: who, being resolved of that judgement which his double offence had brought upon him, attended ready in his tent, without fear to die or desire to live; and there received that punishment which was unworthy of his excellent parts, if he had made that true use of them which he should. Zulpher Can, his brother, knowing that he had as highly and as much offended as his brother had, yet wanting the same courage to receive judgement which he had to offend, fled to the port of the King’s tent and there prostrated himself on the ground; whence, being called by Oliver-di-Can he denied to die anywhere but there; that the King when he should come forth might tread upon that blood which had so vilely and undeservedly offended him: which, being brought to the King by a page that wished well to Zulpher, and had some good hope of the King’s nature, that he might do the poor prince some good; after a little pause the King came forth, and beholding Zulpher lying grovelling on the ground pitied him; and despising withal his little valour: “Behold!” said he to those which stood by, “how weak a foundation reputation hath, which is not erected from a man’s own virtue! “This man was so great yesterday that you all honoured him, and now lyeth despised before you all through his own wickedness. He hath been advanced by me for his brother’s virtues; and with the death of his brother he doth show you all that no worthiness of his own, but that which abounded in his brother (if he could have made good use of it), gave him courage also to seem capable of those honours which I bestowed on him. “Zulpher, God forgiveth me as great sins hourly which I commit against Him, as thy fault can be to me; and since it hath pleased Him that I hold so great a place by Him here, I will also use the example of His infinite goodness for the pattern of this mercy, and refer my vengeance to Him, and give thee time to repent; and the rather because thy

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abjectness taketh all apprehension from me of cause to doubt thee. He never dareth hurt a King, which feareth to die. “And remember that this is the first day of thy life in which thou must take more virtuous ways than thou hast hitherto walked in, that I may have honour by the mercy which I have showed thee, and profit by thy good services; and thyself mayest cast away far from thee by honest and good deeds, the shameful memory which men will have of thy past wicked treason.” This was the end of that great and foul conspiracy, which gave great hope to the King’s enemies, and ending by such a providence, was the means of the King’s greater and better security; which could never have been perfect so long as so great a man had lived: both having cause to fear, and by that giving continual cause to be feared. Next day the King marched farther into the country, and so daily advanced on without obstacle, the keys of all their towns meeting him by the way; and at last an embassage from the whole state, with a general submission: which, when he had received, having spent some time in the settling of such a government as was securest for himself, and having received the young prince, son to the first king, and diverse others of the principal of the country; having left order with Xa-Endibeague1 whom he left there with the best part of his army, which he increased afterwards to thirty thousand men—to extirpate all those which were likeliest, either through their obligation to the usurper, or through their own particular interest, to make innovation; he returned with that young prince and those prisoners into Persia. NOTE. From Anthony’s account it would appear that Farhād did all he could to drive ‛Abbās to certain disaster on the day of this battle, by making him attack superior numbers of the enemy to whom he had privily sent information; and that the situation was only finally saved by the discovery of his treachery. Though the Persian historians relate that Farhād at the head of 5,000 men was routed by the Uzbegs (‛Alam-ārāyi‛Abbāsi) Teheran lith. A.H. 1314, p. 393) and himself wounded, they do not speak of his treachery but only of his cowardice and they are apparently at a loss to explain why he was handed over to Allah Vardi Khān for execution. Possibly Anthony Sherley has in this passage provided us with new and reliable data on a subject which needed further explanation. Don Juan, who was present at this battle, says that Farhād fled from the field.

1

I have not been able to identify this name, which begins with Shāh and ends with beg.

APPENDIX II TWO LETTERS BY ANTHONY SHERLEY FROM RUSSIA THE two letters written by Anthony Sherley from Russia are preserved in the Public Record Office (Russia, 1, pp. 121 and 127). They have not yet been included in the Calendar of State Paper, but they were published by Evelyn Shirley in his Sherley Brothers (1848). The version here printed is taken from the original MSS. but the spelling, as elsewhere, has been modernized. (A letter probably addressed to Anthony Bacon. From Moscow, Feb. 12th, 1600.) SIR, Though a man in that sort absent that I have been must resolve to endure all the persecutions that malice and the spite of idle tongues can lay upon him; yet the true feeling which I have in my own conscience of the good end of that I have employed myself in, doth strengthen me exceedingly against all those storms, which the assured confidence which I have of my lord’s [?] favour and yours, which I have and do hold dear, because I know their beginning was upon an honourable thought of me, and will not be overthrown without…1 assurance of the contrary, which if I had not more despised, than death itself, I could not have put myself to so many hazards, and infinite labour as must accompany so great an Enterprise as this was; the beginning and first successes of which you have so well understood by many letters from me, that I need not return to them, but give here an account for the rest. When I was dispatched and ready to have taken my leave of the king, there came unto me two friars, with a letter from a third of their own occupation in which he took knowledge of my being there, only ignorant of my nation and business, that he was coming to the King of Persia from the Pope and King of Spain with large commissions of procuration, and because by the length of their journey, sickness had taken from him the greatest part of his train, he required of me so much courtesy as that some of my folks might meet him and bring him into the town of Asphan where the King was. I was exceedingly moved with the matter lest this intermeddling might either utterly undo or exceedingly alter my business, especially because I had done it contrary to the affection of most part of the King’s council, only upon the King’s own honour, to avoid as much as I might all harms, I went and met him myself, offered him my house, which he very soon accepted, and used him with the best courtesy which I could devise. When he had been one hour or two in my house, I began to feel him for his authorities. He told me that he had them, but seeing that he found that I was an Englishman of a nation so friendly unto 1

illegible.

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Don Antonio of which he was a near member he desired not to trouble any business begone by me, but only desired me to give him passage hither in my company or with my letters into England. Surely his art failed him—being so sudden with me, otherwise I might perhaps have been a little confident in him; notwithstanding I thanked him for his affection, commended his steadfastness to his Prince and blood which remained unchanged in so many afflictions and so passed with him, until the King’s own curiosity what strangers come unto my house, and my request to the King also, because I was unwilling he should have stayed behind me, brought him unto him. There in my own presence without any preamble, he desired the King to put no confidence in me, but to believe him both for his years and nation, which had been in long amity with the King’s predecessors, which if he would do, he would undertake by the help of his King that they two would put Christendom under his feet. This was no sooner spoken, but the factions against me had hold of it, so that I had a new labour both to keep the King constant to his promise and purpose and to stop this priest’s mouth. I told him at his coming home that I was sorry that he had not truly understood my purpose which was the general service of all Christendom, and that he might make himself great, by bearing a part in such a holy service; therefore that I would procure him a particular letter both to the Pope and King of Spain in which he should have equal authority with me. This liked him so well, as the letters were procured for him, which carry nothing in them but only what I have done, for the general good of all the world, and that himself come after the business effected, and only hath these letters committed unto him for my sake, that I brought him with me out of Persia with good spies upon his behaviour, which was such that for male and female of all sorts I think under heaven there lives not such a villain. Upon these vile occasions I undertook to divide the other friar his companion from him which I did in so violent a sort that he required me at Hastrokan, the first port of the King of Muscovya’s Dominion lying upon the Caspian Sea, to take hold of him as a prisoner, and so to carry him along with me, which I easily undertook upon so good warrant and specially with good confidence because I was in a country in league with my Mistress, and where his master is not so much as known. Hither I came in September and now it is February, and am yet held prisoner myself, the priest taken from me, and herein a thousand lies against me, and that which is most of all, none of my countrymen suffered to come unto me. The best is, if they do only entertain our track of merchandise for their own commodities, for without it they must go naked, and desire that their friar should get them more drink out of Spain which they love well, we can much better want their ratskins than they our clothes. This I can assure you, love to our state there is little, because as I understand by a Scotsman that is my keeper, they do favour much the hope of Scotland for Denmark’s sake, which is their good neighbour. Now from this evil preface, I will enter into the matter of what I have done. I have opened the Indies for our merchants in that sort that only excepting the outward show of power, they shall have more power than the Portuguese, through Persia they may bring as secure as between London and St Albones, the hatred which the whole Indian body beareth to the Portuguese being such that let only another trader enter, they will rather lose by him than sell to the Portuguese. This is one service which I have done for our state, and hereinclosed for the encouraging your belief, I have sent you the copy of the Patent given me for all merchants by the King of Persia, and I judge that my deserving is not ill, to have effected

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that which hath been so often attempted and were hopeless; which besides brings with it two mighty profits, our own wealth, and the enemy’s impoverishing. Besides if I may be bold (as I am ever bold to lay my thoughts open) before you, it is no unhappy thing for the glory of Her Majesty which hath been many times spitefully tainted for the Turks’ friendship to have in her own hands a richer, a greater and an infinite more honourable trade than that. And since the one principal main pillar of all actions is reputation, of how great importance will it be through all the world that her Majesty hath not only this many years supported the might of such a great enemy, but hath so honoured herself by him that so many, so great and so remoted princes desire to embrace her friendship and the commerce of her people, though they have thus long known her enemies, and are won only to her by the fame which she hath gotten upon them. The King of Tabur [Lahore] is the mightiest king of the Indies. With him I have so well fitted my credit that I have received two messages from him: in one he hath desired of me, some man which knows the wars to discipline his men, which I would not promise him, but have left with my brother, a gentleman, one Powell, ready to move upon the first commandment, and upon his coming unto him he will make war upon those forts of the Portuguese which are upon some parts of his dominions. In the other we have spoken of a thing of much mightier importance, if any of Don Antonio’s sons will come into his country he shall be assisted with money and men, for the recovering of the rest of the Indies. For the better hope of which occasion he shall also find eight thousand banished Portuguese in Bengula [Bengal] and Syndy [Sind] which will join for any such innovation, though for anything I can gather, being once there, he will have no great use of force, where the people’s affection is so great to his house. I have also sent you the copy of my general commission which I have from the King of Persia, by which you shall see my credit with him, and the ample authority which he giveth me to treat with all the Christian princes for him. I do know that I shall be bitterly inveighed against for it, but I will suddenly cut off the proceeding of any work which the greatest malice in the world can build against me; I am and ever will be Her Majesty’s true and faithful subject, neither will I proceed with anything unprivileged with her Royal consent, whose servant death shall only make me leave to be. It may be that in the handling of this business I may prove many humours, the knowledge of which can do no harm, and the main course of the business, which is to call all them against the Turk, can in no sort prejudice Her Majesty. I could say, if I durst, that it would honour her exceedingly, her enemies having libelled so bitterly against her for her Turkish Ambassador’s folly in Hungary, and diverse other accidents about that Turkish amity, but I will leave such curiosities untouched and unlooked unto, and hold all my thoughts to myself, until I hear from My Lord and you, according to whose directions I will make all my motions, wherefore if His Lordship or you will please to dispatch somebody of discretion and trust with your full instructions to Prage, I will either attend him there, or in Florence, and fashion myself and my business to your opinions and com mandments; for believe me as my affection, respect and reverence hath ever followed you two sincerely and faithfully above any, so even they command me to embrace nothing which shall not be worthy of myself which have been ever made dearer to myself by so

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honourable friends, and let not the light conjecturing humour of any, nor malicious tongues have power against me which will never deserve justly the least evil thought from you. A spirit which aspireth to great things with small means may show defects in many things, which ever are extreme torments to itself, but the true end which show the very causes indeed are perfect medicines to cure the wounds in honourable judgements, with which small apologies will serve, when they are approved by appearance and good examples. This I had forgotten to say by the way, that if Her Majesty please to send any of those two princes, only let her please to write to this King of Muscovya for his passage, and then upon my life, I will put him safe in La Hur [Lahore] and in an exceeding great fortune for a prince that is so far from any. In this meantime, this held and made ready secretly, will be a mighty blow to the King of Spain, of mighty honour and profit to Her Majesty, and I shall be able to strengthen myself mightily with the King of Persia for all occasions which Her Majesty shall command, by affecting his service, which will be good for all and hurtful for none. O, that I might place myself with one hour in talk with my Lord, or you, or both, but since I am so unhappy that I cannot, for God’s sake be not negligent in comforting me, and strengthening me to my business, for I protest unto you I am exceeding faint. For that unseen thing called honour is so hourly before the eyes of my mind in so many fears of being tainted by some or other disease, that, by Jesu, I am far worse than a mean commander, he being holpen with his extreme resolution, and I divided from myself by not knowing what to determine upon. Yet I will never be so much from myself, but that I will remember all the respect and reverence which I will ever give you whose I am Most faithfully and entirely in all service, ANTHONY SHERLEY. “To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Cecil, Knight, principall Secretary to her My” ARCHANGEL. June 10th, 1600. RIGHT HONOURABLE, The mighty obligations in which your honour’s favours have ever bound me shall also assure you of such acknowledgements as so great causes can effect in a heart which desireth not to be ungrateful: and though my disaster hath been in no one thing greater than that either the unfairness of the ways or messengers have kept my letters from you, which carried with them unto your honour those words which I will act with my life’s service; or if your honour have received them, that you have not vouchsafed me one only answer: yet nothing shall make me desist from this and greatest kind of duty, except that fall unto me from you, which I cannot by any means think possible to proceed from so noble and honourable a mind as yours, in confidence of which, as I have heretofore, so will I now, yield an account unto your honour, as patron of me and of my actions, of what I have done, and of the true occasions which drew me into them, the beginnings of which, if they may be defended by your favour, their ends shall be directed as much to your honour as you will yourself guide me which bear them. Your honour knoweth the

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fortunes of my house and from how great expectations our sins or disasters brought it, both in estate and in disgrace: and though my hope in it was least of any which was of it, yet my part was greatest in the sequel, since my employments abroad and fashion at home gave a shadow to idle judgements to lay the weight of the whole misfortune upon me. How miserable a burden this must be to a mind which had a true feeling of the present evil and was desperate of any return of good, your honour in the virtue of your own mind and wisdom will easily judge. I protest unto you it was such that the reasons of my comfort turned to be the most forceable occasions of my torment; and those Her Majesty’s excellent eyes, which as I have heretofore seen as the fairest light as of the world, my fortune made me esteem myself so unworthy to behold them, a withered branch cut off from any hope of good, that I rather desired banishment, or death, than to be beheld by them, blotted by such a censure of the world, in that fresh ruin I was in. Yet do I upon the knees of my heart acknowledge the greatness of my fault in departing from Her Majesty without the blessedness of her gracious favour, which I have ever since only laboured for, with the uttermost endeavours which my travail, expense or hazard could bring forth. If the purpose of my going from England had been evil, your honour knoweth that I could have wanted no ill means to have brought forth worse effects; but as my purpose was to satisfy the world in myself that I was too worthy to have the decay of my house laid on me, I desired to do some extraordinary thing which might honour Her Majesty’s most excellent person, bring general profit to my country and disburden myself of the spread ignominy which was also by some of my best friends daily passed over me, which, because it bare with it so great ends and my state which I then was in was likely to make me more scorned for the thought of them, then to give hope for the performance I departed with my resolution inclosed in my own breast, knowing that the good effects would give me my reward, and the sequel should breed me no scorn, no man knowing more ends of my going than that I was gone. And now God and Her Majesty’s fortune have brought it to such a fullness that Her Majesty, after the mighty resistances which she hath thus long made against her mighty, proud enemy, hath not only gloriously prevailed in it, but also brought such an admiration of her exceeding virtues and worthiness to all those great princes which have been hid from our knowledge by the shadow of the King of Spain’s far-stretched wings, that they do not only desire, but have sent to lay the desire of their amity with her at Her Majesty’s royal feet. I have laid open the treasures of other countries for her subjects in such a free sort as the Commission which I will present your honour with doth shew: which, as it hath been long sought for and more desired by our merchants, so I hope it will be the worthier present for your honour, to whom I do wish from my very heart all good and honour, and let me desire once more of your honour thus much: that as you have ever favoured good spirits, which have declined not so much as to base thoughts, so that neither the error of my going in the sort I did, nor absence, nor misfortunes, nor that wild beast of the world, malice, which ever waiteth upon best actions, remove that constant disposition so worthy of you, but that you lead my humblest desire and petitions before Her most excellent Majesty, and lay them, my life and fortune, prostrated before her most excellent Royal feet for a redeeming sacrifice for my fault; and though I do confess the greatness of my offence, yet besides the assured confidence which I have in her own excelling goodness and your honourable favour, and the intercession of my own humblest prayers, I may be thought to deserve some relenting from the height of indignation, by the precious dearness which I hold her favour in; since

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I have only used the favour and love of the King of Persia for her glory and left the possession of it to behold her person, which I so much reverence. Neither is it my will that I am first gone to the Emperor of Germany, my duty and desire commanding me the contrary, but the headstrongness of my yoke-fellow, who can understand no other reason than the bare commandment of his master, which indeed was so. Therefore I most humbly desire of your honour also your directions thither, that I may not fail in any respect to Her Majesty nor yourself, who I do desire as much to honour as to be directed by. This gentleman, Mr Parry, I have sent purposely for that cause, who your honour will please also suddenly to dispatch with your instructions and favour, which if you will not bestow of me for myself, yet I know you will for that I have done, which cannot fall to evil where so noble and honourable a mind lives as your honour hath, whose I will ever be In all humble and faithful service, A.SHERLEY. Your honour will give me leave to say one word in idleness of my judgement concerning this country. This King, as he is beyond expectation of fortune or hope come to this kingdom, so himself knoweth not how to carry his place better than with an only desire to be known to be a king, which maketh him so desirous to send and receive Embassages. He hath a daughter whom he will marry to a prince and what prince he careth not so he be a prince; for which intent he first sent for this Sweden which is with him, and since hath tried Maximilian, with how great judgement your honour knoweth—a worthless man in himself and one that can bring no advantage with him; but for the last cast he reserveth the first, whose dangerousness to our state of merchants, being wholly Spanish and a worker against us already, is likely to be more acted when his fortune shall make him more able. Therefore if Her Majesty do but in kindness of speech offer him any gentleman of spirit whom she will vouchsafe to call cousin, all will be broken, and what received to the infinite benefit of her merchants, while trade may be assuredly opened by it to the Indias. This your honour will pardon in me, as an idle thought, and no otherwise, but to confess to your honour my desire, it is infinite:—to draw that wealth and glory to our nation which this rich treasure of the Indias doth promise us. The substance of this nation your honour shall find by their Ambassador who is tied to his courtesies by commission, and must not make a reverence more nor otherwise than it is written.

APPENDIX III L’ENTRÉE SOLEMNELLE faicte à Rome avx Ambassadeurs du Roy de Perse, le cinquiesme Auril mil six cens vn. COMME sa Saincteté eust aduis, que les Ambassadeurs du Roy de Perse, estoyent arriuez en Italie, par la voye de Toscane, expediez de leur ambassade vers l’Empereur, & ayans negotté auec le Duc de Florence, venans à Rome, elle resolut de les receuoir auec le plus d’honneur & de magnificence qu’il se pourroit. Dont elle donna la principale charge & commandement à l’Illustrissime Seigneur Siluestre Aldobrandino Prieur de Rome. Lesdicts Ambassadeurs descendirent pour se reposer, & attendre ceux qui les deuoyent accompagner, à la vigne du Seigneur Marquis d’Eriano, où le Seigneur Vestri Secretaire des Briefs de sa Saincteté, les vint visiter, & inuiter de la part de sadicte Saincteté. Là ledict Seigneur Aldobrandino Prieur de Rome, les vint prendre, accompagné d’vne fort nombreuse trouppe de Seigneurs Romains & autres Gentils hommes de la Cour, les mieux montez, & leurs cheuaux le plus richement enharnachez qu’on veit dès longtemps, suiuis de la garde des cheuaux legers, & des Suisses de sa Saincteté. Comme on voulut cheminer, il suruint quelque differend entre les deux Ambassadeurs, l’vn Anglois & l’autre Persien pour la precedence: ils s’accorderent toutes-fois que l’Anglois, come principal Seigneur & seruant encor’ d’interprete, seroit au milieu de l’autre, & du Seigneur Prieur de Rome, lequel curieux extremement de les honorer, & soigneux de sa charge, ordonna que les Gentils-hommes de l’Ambassadeur Persien chemineroient auant les autres, au milieu des deux Gentilshommes Romains. En tel ordre ils entrerent dans Rome, les trompettes & tambours faisans vn bruict fort grand, conduicts par la voye Cesarine, tirant vers le Chasteau Sainct Ange. La nuict s’approchant on alluma des flambeaux en telle quantité qu’on eust dict le iour tousjours esclairer: & du Chasteau Sainct Ange on leur fit un salve fort long d’artillerie: passant outre par le bourg neuf vers la place de Sainct Pierre, & par le bourg vieil vers le Palais de la Rouere, d’où à leur abord toute l’artillerie tira. Descendus de cheual, il y eust de rechef de la conteste entre lesdicts Ambassadeurs pour la precedence. Dequoy l’Ambassadeur Angolis ayant faict donner compte à l’Illustrissime Cardinal Aldobrandino, il le manda prendre en carosse, par le Sieur Cheualier Clemente, & luy ayant parlé, il feit en sorte qu’il s’en alla tres-contẽt au logis qui luy estoit preparé, à sçauoir le dit Palais de la Rouere, orné & illustré par le commandement de sa Saincteté de tapisseries & ornements tresriches & tressomptueux d’or & de soye. En apres lesdicts Ambassadeurs accompagnez de tous les leurs, vindrent vers sa Saincteté. Ils furẽt ioyeusement receus, & splendidement defrayez. L’Ambassadeur Anglois faict, ainsi que l’on dict (ie laisse à la verité son lieu) profession d’estre Catholique, & desire tenir la vraye foy & Religion. II ne veit comme les autres Persiens, ains à la façon Chrestienne, ne mangeant que viandes permises au temps de Caresme, le soir faisant vn peu de collation, & le matin estant fort soigneux

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d’ouyr la Messe: & donne à entendre qu’il veut faire baptiser trois Turcs qu’il a en son seruice. Les autres viuent à la Persienne, sinon que ils ne mangent assis en terre, comme ils ont accoustumé en leur pays, mais à la table: vray est que ce n’est auec telles ciuilitez que l’Anglois, lequel en tout & par tout se faict cognoistre fort sage & accomply Seigneur. Ils ont pour leur garde quelques appoinctez, auec quelques Escuyers & Suisses du Pape, lequel pour les fauoriser esgalement, enuoya à chacun desdits deux Ambassadeurs un cheual de ceux qu’il a accoustumé de monter. On attẽd de iour en iour qu’ils ayent audience publique, qui sera, comme sa Saincteté a dit, en presence de l’assemblee, & congregation de tous les Illustrissimes Cardinaux, où ils presenteront les lettres du Roy de Perse, leur maistre, & feront entendre les causes de leur Ambassade. A quoy il faut croire que sa Saincteté rapportera tout ce qu’il pourra, pour acheminer & perfectionner vne si saincte œuure, à la gloire & honneur de Dieu, & aduancement de la Religion Catholique: & s’ensuiura la resolution & conclusion de la saincte ligue, qu’on espere entre tous les Princes Chrestiens, contre leur commun ennemy, le Turc, au benefice de toute la Chrestienté. ADVIS PARTICVLIER escrit de Rome du douziesme Auril 1601. II y a en ceste Cour deux Ambassadeurs du Roy de Perse, venus pour encourager les Chrestiens à faire la guerre à bon escient au Turc, promettãt d’y contribuer vne armee de cent cinquante mille cheuaux, & soixante mille hommes de pied, voulant qu’on luy promette aussi de ne faire aucune paix ny traicté auec le Turc, sans son sceu, & sans l’y comprẽdre. II offre encor tout libre commerce aux Chrestiens dans ses Royaumes, & permet qu’ils y puissent bastir des Eglises & Conuents, & d’y exercer leur Religion, donnant bonne esperance de se rendre à l’vnion de la Foy Catholique, Apostolique & Romaine. GLOIRE SOIT À DIEU.

INDEX N.B. The abbreviation A.S. is used throughout this Index for Sir Anthony Sherley. ‛ABBĀS I, Shāh of Persia (1587–1629), Great or Grand Sophi, A.S.’s oration to, xv; letters to Christian princes from, xv, 22, 95, 164, 225; allows Christians to trade in Persia, xv, 96 et seq., 240, 241; his journey with A.S., xvii, 211 et seq.; his administration, xx, 229 et seq.; his greatness, xx; desires alliance with European princes, xx, 13, 30, 31, 53, 124; history of, xx; interviews Turkish envoy, xx, xxi, 18; his speeches, xxi; tells A.S. his history, xxii; his victory over the Uzbegs, xxii, 153, 234, 236; appoints Husayn ‛Ali Beg joint Ambassador with A.S., xxiii, 224; Gouvea at court of, xxiv; encamps at Meshed, xxiv; executes Dengiz Beg, xxiv; his treaty with the Sultan in 1590, 16, 19, 223; his position in 1598, 16; makes Ispahān 18, 212; is influenced by A.S., 19, 118, 119, 124, 125, 223; his Turkish conquests, 21, 21 n.; Sends envoy to Moscow, 24, 127, 170; envoy from Sultan to, 27 n.; Angelo on, 28–30; his army, 29, 163, 232; his attitude towards Christians, 29, 30, 32, 34, 53, 162, 208, 225; his women, 33; 36; his offer to Rudolph II, 41; is mentioned by Duodo, 40 et seq.; Rudolph return embassy to, 43; his expedition against Tabrīz, 44; story of the execution of his Ambassador, 52, letter from Rudolph to, 55; sommons Stropene, 69; agrees to alter silk trade route, 70, 74; is angry with Rudolph, 72; his message to the Pope, 78; makes Robert Sherley his Ambassador, 79, 87; 92; 92 n.; entertains A.S. and the Turkish Ambassador, 94, his gifts to A.S., 94, 120, 157, 210; A.S.’s gifts to, 112, 157, 188; 115; 116; encamps outside Qazvīn, 116;

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orders A.S.’ party to meet him, 117, 153, 204; his procession into Qazvin, 117, 154, 155, 206; Welcomes A.S., 117, 155, 156, 206; witnesses celebarations in Qazvīn, 118; talks with A.S., 118, 206; his liking for A.S., 119, 211; his enterainment in Qazvīn, 119, 159–7, 207, 209,210; places A.S. in ceremonial chair, 120, 209, 210; his goood effect on Persia, 123, 217; his conquests, 124; de Melo’s gift to, 126, 129; presents de Melo with a crucifix, 126, 162, 224; gives de Melo letters, 126; 131; 150; toll paid to, 151; his palace in Qazvīn, 153,202, 203; his behaviour on meeting A.S. and party, 153–4, 205–6; summons A.S. and others to bazaar, 156, 208; goes to Ispahān, 157, 211 et seq,; described by Pinçon, 158; his court, 158; his cruelty, 159, 215; his Anthropophagi, 159; punishes soldier, 160, 213–14; his method of controlling the people, 160; fear inspired by, 161; his sports, 161–2, 207, 214; his religion, 162; punishes Sunnis, 163; his revenue, 163; asks Boris for passage for A.S., 165; letters to merchants from, 166; A.S. hears about, 176–7; 188; his league with Haydar Beg, 198; his guard, 199, 222; his irrigation works, 200; 201; 202; his proclamation to the people of Qazvīn, 203; talks to Manwaring, 207–8; requests one of A.S.’s servants, 208; his khāns, 211; punishes a noble, 212; his gift to the guard, 215; promotes governor of Ispahān, 216; kills A.S.’s footman, 216; punishes Pir Quli Beg, 217; his proclamations against intoxicants, 218; visits Persian markets, 219; story of the milkman and, 219 et seq.; his clothes and moods, 221; plans to send Robert to England, 222; sends message to Sultan, 223; offers A.S. a post in his army, 223; questions de Melo, 224–5;

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gives A.S. gold seal, 225; is betrayed by Farhād Khān, 232 et seq.; appoints Allah Vardi Khān general, 234; is merciful to Zu’l-Fiqār, 235–6; 245; 249 ‛Abd El-Melik (Abdelmelich), the son of Muley Zīdān, q.v., 62 Āb-i-Murād Khān. See Abmorradan Abissin, village in Syria not identified, 137 Abmorradan, “torrent”, possibly Āb-i-Murād Khān, 150 Aborice. See Abū Rīsha Abraham, house of, 138; tents of, 188 Abū Hreyra (Arborera), 138 Abū Risha (Aborice), name of paramount chief of a tribe group having their base at’Ana, who were independent of the Sultan of Turkey. “Borrows” A.S.’s merchandise, 111; described by Pinçon, 139; by Manwaring, 188 et seq.; his queen, 190 Achera (Aziera), 140 Acmat Celebi. See Ahmad Chelebi Ad-Deyr or Deyr az-Zūr (Dire, Der), 111,140 Aderbegsan. See Azerbaijan Adita. See Hadītheh Ahmad Chelebi (Acmat Celebi), a Turk, 27 Ahmad I, Sultan of Turkey, 1603–17. Letter from James I to, 58 n.; Rudolph’s treaty with, 71; his connection with Flemish pirates, 75, 77 Akbar, Emperor of Delhi, 1556–1605, (“King of Tabur”, “King of La Hur”), 36, 240, 242 ‛Ālam-ārāyi-‛Abbāsī, monumental history of Shāh ‛Abbās I, by Iskandar Munshi, 18 n., 20, 27 n., 52 n., 60 n., 236 n. Aldobrandini, Cardinal. Here probably Pietro is intended, one of Pope Clement VIII’s two nephews who shared the administration of the state. Pietro Aldobrandini was at one time the most important person in Rome, 23, 25, 248 Aldobrandini, Ippolito. See Clement VIII Aldobrandino (sic), Silvestre, Prieur de Rome, 247 Aleppo (Halep, Alep). Cartwright in, xxv; voyage to, 13, 102; A.S. travels through, 14, 15, 30, 91, 106, 137, 182 et seq.; Asad Beg in, 31; 44 n.; 69; 74; English consuls and merchants in, 106–7, 183, (see Colthurst, Richard;) 109; janizaries in, 110, 183, 184, 185; letters from, 113; 142; 143; girdles and pistols from, 157; 185; a “prophet” in, 187 Alexandretta (Alessandretta), or Scanderoon. Gouvea in, xxiv; A.S. in, 14, 30, 177, 181 Algiers (Argiers), 61, 64, 77 Alicante, 61 ‛Ali Quli Beg, nephew of Husayn ‛Ali Beg; on his conversion to Christianity took the name of Don Felipe, 22, 51 ‛Ali Quli Beg Mardan, Persian envoy in Rome (1610), 51 n. Allah Vardi Khān, (A. S.’s “Oliver-di-Can”;) Georgian renegade to Islam, xxi;

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sup-ports A.S., 19, 125; 233; is made general, 234; executes Farhād, 234; 236 n. All Souls College, Oxford, 4 Almaliq, 182 n. Alps, The (Alpes), 91, 101, 165 Al-Qā’id, title of governor, in Morocco, 62, 63, 64 Al-Qā’id Abdela Sinko, Portuguese renegade to Islam in Morocco, 65 Ana. See ‛Ana and Ava ‛Ana (Anna, Ana), 111, 139 n., 141, 188 Ancel, 47, possibly for Angelo, q.v. Ange. See Angelo Angelo (Ange, ? Ancel)—Michelangelo Corrai, of Aleppo. Probably a Syrian Christian. Pinçon calls him a Greek, while Gouvea says he was an Armenian. The Portuguese however constantly write Armenio for Arameo (Chaldean), misunderstanding the name the Malabar Syrians give to Mesopotamia for Armenia (Schurhammer, G., Three letters of Mar Jacob. Gregorianum, Vol. xiv, 1933, p. 71). Is sent forward to Qazvīn, xvi, 15, 152,200; talks to A.S., 12, 176; becomes his interpreter, 13, 13 n.; his friends in Antioch, 14; possibly interpreter in A.S.’s conversations with Shāh, 18; brings letter from A.S. to Venice, 22, 25; 23; described, 25; his communications to the College, 25–31; imprisoned, 27; informs the College of Asad Beg’s plans, 32; 44; 45 n., reported to have returned to Persia, 60; drinks with Shāh, 155; Manwaring on, 176; imprisoned in Tripoli, 180; is sent in advance to Syria, 181; advises on trading, 197; his ceremonial clothes, 204 Angigsia. Possibly for Qādisiyya, 144 angurie, species of water-melon. Huguet gives angurie and angourie, sorte de melon d’eau. 139, 171, 190 Anthropaphagi, the Shāh’ s man-eating men, 159 Antioch (Antiochia), A.S. in, 14, 91, 106; janizaries in, 110, 182; 140 Antonio, Don. The pretender to the throne of Portugal in 1598 supported by France and England, 238; his following in India, 241 ‛Aqarqūf (Carcuf), ruins of the Babylonian town of Dūr Kurigalzu. It was here, according to Muslim legend, that Nimrod threw Abraham into a fiery furnace, 113, 144, 192 Arabia, 91, 92, 123 Arabia Felix, 110 Arabs (Moors, Arabians), passim—King of the, see Abū Risha Arborera. See Abū Hreyra Archangel or St. Nicolas, 36; A.S. in, 38, 134, 243; episode of the presents in, 45

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Armenians, 72, 112, 158, 163; merchants in Astrakhan, 171; restore peace on A.S.’s ship, 177; save A.S. in Tripoli, 180; 192 armour, said to have been worn by Persians, 163 arms, A.S.’s books on, 20; used by Persians, 21; carried by merchants to Turkey, 69; “pistolets”, 94; in Persian army, 163 artillery, left in Persia by Sultan Selīm in 1514, but not used by the Persians, 163 Aromouse. See Hormuz arquebusiers in Persian army, 29 Asadābād (Sadarvad), 151 n., 152 Asad (Assad) Beg, Persian merchant who gave himself out as an Ambassador in Europe, 30, 30 n., 31–4 Aspahaune. See Ispahān Assan Ali Beg. See Husayn ‛Ali Beg Assan Halevech. See Husayn ‛Ali Beg Astarabad (Strabat), 124 Astrakhan (Haster-Caune, Astracan, Hastroban), A.S.’s arrival at, xvi, 34, 127, 170; Persian envoy in, 24, 170; German embassy in, 44; 128; 167; 168; entertainment in, 171; governor of, 168, 169, 170, 171, 174; 239 atabale (tabl), hand drums, 154 n, see Musical Instruments Augsburg (Augusta, Augustus), A.S. in, 12, 14, 91, 101, 176 Austrian horse-breeders, 61 Ava, misread Ana by Morisot, 152 Avignon, 51 Azerbaijan (Aderbegsan), 124 Aziera. See Achera Azores, 10 Bāb, 137–8 Babel, Tower of, actually Birs Nimrūd, 112–13, 144, 192, 195 Babinger, Professor Franz, ix, 39; his Sherleiana, xii, xxvii; 44; 46 n.; 55; 61 n. Babylon, for (1) Old Babylon, (2) Baghdad, q.v., (3) Cairo, q.v., 92 n.; described by Manwaring, 192, 193 Bacchu. See Baku Bacon, Anthony, A.S.’s letter to, 36, 237 et seq. Baghdad (Bagdat, Babylon, New Babylon, Bagadet) A.S.’s journey to, 14, 30, 91, 92, 137 et seq.; his misfortunes in, 15, 111, 112, 191–2, 193; A.S. and party leave, 15, 144; janizaries of, 19, 112; 21; 21 n., 69; 92 n., 110; food in, 112; described by Pinçon, 142–3; ruins in, 142; 151; 191–2; good behaviour of inhabitants, 194;

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Goveraor, Viceroy, or Pasha (Bashawe) of. see Hasan Pasha Bahrein, 85 Baïar. See Boyar Baku (Backo, Bacchu); town of, 123; sea of (Caspian Sea), 165 Bale. See Bāb Balis (Bélis), 139 Balsera. See Basra Baltic Gulf, The, regarded by Don Juan as part of the North Sea, 45; bandits and robbers, in Turkey, 28; in Syria, 106, 137, 183; in Kurdistan, 150; in Russia, 173; in Persia, 219, 220 Barbary. See Morocco. History of, by Ro. C., xxv Barcelona, Persian embassy at, 51 bardashes, word not identified, used for boys kept for immoral purposes, 187 Barvitius (Baructius), Secretary of State to Rudolph II, 66, 67 Bassan. See Kāshān Basra (Balsera), 110 bastows (corruption of the Persian bustān), 108 Bat, possibly the Arabic badu—desert, 145 Bayat, a noble Persian family, xxiii Bayrām (Birum), Muslim festival, 218 bazaars (basars, bussard), in Qazvīn, 119, 122 n., 156, 209 beer, in Russia, 169 Behistun inscriptions, referred to by Pinçon, 15, 151. See Bīsutūn Bélis. See Balis Benavento, Count of, Viceroy of Naples, 69 Bengal (Bengula), 241 Bengula. See Bengal Berchet, Guglielmo, Editor of Raccolta Veneta, 25, 25 n.; his statement regarding supposed execution of A.S., 59 Berda‘ (Berthe), 124 Bermuda Isles, 83 Berseda. See Bīra Berthe. See Berda‘ Bevice, The, flag-ship in A.S.’s fleet in 1595, 9 Bezoar Stone. From the Persian padzahr—antidote. A hard concretion found in some animals supposed to have antidotal properties, 164 Biondo, The Patriarch, Chamberlain to Pope Clement VIII, 48 Bīra (Beere, Beerah, Birrah, Bule, Bersada), he modern Birejik. A.S. in, 14, 91, 110, 137, 188 Birum. See Bayrām Bishop, a pirate, 75 Bīsutūn or Behīstun (Brisseton), 151 bitumen, issuing from a spring near Hit, 141 Black Sea. Angelo makes the curious error of placing Gīlān on the Black Sea, 28, 30 Blore Ra(ffe), Printer, xiv Blount, Sir Charles, afterwards Lord Mountjoy, 6 n., 11 Blount (Blunt), Sir Christopher, 11

Index

155

boars, in Mesopotamia, 140, 143 Bodleian Library, MS. of A.S.’s Relation in, xix, xix n. Boferes. See Muley Bū Fāris bombast, or bumbaso (bombazine), 116, 190 Borgo, The Vatican Quarter in Rome, 47 Boris Gudonov, Czar of Russia, 1598–1605, xvi; 23; envoy from ‛Abbās to, 24, 127; releases de Melo, 35, 130; seeks royal husband for his daughter, 36, 246; imprisons A.S., 37, 129; his physician, 42; receives embassy from Rudolph II, 44; 95; 96; 127; entertains Persian envoys, 128, 169, 172; sends escort for A.S., 129; treats A.S. badly, 130; 131; in a procession, 132; his lord chancellor, 129, 134; the Shāh’s entreaty to, 165; his garrison of Karakuls, 167; his daily sleep, 168; his revenue, 171; his treatment of ambassadors, 172–3; Pinçon calls him “Feritelli”, 174, 174 n.; 239; 242 Bothwell, Earl of, 81 Bottlebridge. See Shirley, Sir Thomas Boyar, Pinçon’s Baïar (misread Basar)—captain of 100 karakuls; pl. Baiari. 170; 172 (see also under Pristani), 173, 173 n.; 174 Boys, Thomas, English Captain in Ispahān, 74 Bozen, in the Tyrol, 39 Braganza, Duke of, 61 Bréves, François Savary de, French Ambassador at Constantinople, Letter from Henry IV to, 23; ditto, 37–8 Brielle (Brill), 100 Brisseton. See Bīsutūn Bristol Tokens, 122, 122 n. Brittany, 5 Brookes, Gabriel, one of A.S.’s companions in Persia, 13, 24, 211 Bruges, 4 Buchora. See Bukhārā Buckhurst, Thomas, afterwards Lord, 5 Bū Fāris. See Muley Bū Fāris Bukhāra (Buchora), 34 n., 124 Bule. See Bīra Bunyād Beg, third secretary to Husayn ‛Ali Beg; on his conversion to Christianity took the name of Don Diego, 22, 51 Bustām Agha, minister to Shāh ‛Abbās, xxi bustards, Pinçon’s “partridges larger than geese”, 148 Cadiz, A.S. in, 61 “Cadiz Action,” The (June, 1596), 7 Caha, 152

Index

156

Cahan. See Kazan Cairo (Parry’s Grand-cagro?), 92 n., 110, 110 n., 145 n. Calachérin. See Qal‘a-i-Shīrīn Calendar of State Papers (see Bibliography), 39, 46, 56, 57, 82, 237 Caliph of Baghdad, 142 calligraphy, of Persians and Turks, 121 camaro, possibly printer’s error for caviaro—caviare, 168 camels, in Syria, 108, 109, 111, 113 n., 182, 188, 191; used in Persian army, 117, 205; presented to A.S., 120, 157, 210; used for carrying oil, 123; Abū Risha’s stud of, 139, 190; one dies of cold, 147; price of, 149; eaten, 158 Camul. See Come Can. See Khān Canary Isles, 81 Candia (Candie), A.S. travels through, 14, 91, 103, 104; Governors of, 103, 179; entertainment in, 103, 179 cannon, in Persian army, 29, 163 Cape Verde, 7 Capo de la Vela, 8 Caracha, probably for Larache, 66 Caragoli. See Karakul caravans, Parry’s note on, 113 n.; 194 Carcuf. See ‛Aqarqūf Carleton, Dudley, 71 carpets, Persian, 94, 118, 119, 121, 123, 203, 208, 210; presented to A.S., 120, 157, 210 carramosall, a kind of ship, name derived from Qara Mursal, a town on the Sea of Marmora, 14, 14 n., 30 Cartwright, Rev. John, Author of The Preacher’s Travels, 1611, xxiv, xxv, 23, 24, 24 n. Cary, Mr, 5 Casbeene. See Qazvīn Caskeger. See Kaskar Casnem. See Qazvīn Cason. See Kāshān Caspian Sea (Hyrcanian Sea or Sea of Baku), A.S.’s voyage across, 34, 127, 167; 41; 44; 53; 165; 166; 171; 239 Cassan. See Kāshān Cassane. See Kazan Cassel, A.S.’s party in, 39; Archives of, 55. See also Hesse-Cassel Castries, Comte Henri de, Author of Sources Inédites de l’Histoire du Maroc, xxv, xxvi, 60 n. Caucasia, name ascribed by some to Zagros mountains, 148 caviare. See camaro Cecil, Sir Robert; in 1605 created Earl of Salisbury;

Index

157

Foreign Minister to Queen Elizabeth and James I. Letters to, xvii, 36, 52 n., 55, 56, 68, 70, 79, 81, 243 et seq.; letters from, 11, 36, 37; Parsons refers to, 54, 55; intercepts letter from A.S., 66; 74 Centurione, Paolo. An Italian traveller of the xvith cent., 37 n. cessa. See serassa Chaghatai (Zagatay) Tartars, ruling in the kingdom of Astrakhan, 171 Chaldirān, Battle of (1514), 163 n. Chambers, Robert. His history of Barbary, xxv; extract from, 62–6; 67 chan. See khān Charles V, King of Spain, Holy Roman Emperor (1500–1558), 13 n. Chasania, possibly Hasaniyya, 144 Chassan Bassa. See Hasan Pasha Chasteau Sainct Ange (sic), in Rome, 248 Chaul, a port in N.W. India, 85 Chaush, Grand, of the Sultan, 18 Chelebi (Zelbe), 140 Chengagiur. See Kengaver Chiècagà, possibly the Turkish Kehāya, a corruption of the Persian Ket-Khudā, i.e. a steward or bailiff, 27, 27 n. Chighālazāda, Sinan Pasha (Cigala, Cicala Bassa), Governor of Baghdad 1590–5, famous Turkish general and minister. He was by birth a Genoese and died on December 2nd, 1605 (see Rinieri, Clemente VIII e Sinan Bassa Cigala), 21, 21 n.; his khān in Baghdad, 142;151 Christianity, Don Juan’s conversion to, xxiii; ‛Abbās’ attitude towards, 29, 30, 32, 34, 53, 162, 208, 225; Muslims converted to, 51; Muslims’ fear of, 108; 131 Christian Princes, passim; letters of credence to, 95 et seq.; ‛Abbās’ permit for them to trade, 96–7; their ignorance of Turkey’s weakness, 109; 223; 225 Christians, passim; in Syria and Palestine, 110, 185; pay tribute to Turkey, 182; sold in Aleppo, 187; in Ispahān, 219; Persian prophecy concerning, 223 Chorse. See Qurchi Cigala Bassa. See Chighālazāda Circassian women, 33 circumcision, in Persia and Tur-key, 122 Clement VIII, Pope (1592–1605), Ippolito Aldobrandini; 12, 22, 23, 25, 31, 32, 33; A.S.’s excuses to, 40, 40 n.; sends Cardinal to settle dispute, 45; gives audiences to Persian Ambassadors, 46, 247; sends A.S. money, 48, 50; 101; 126; 164; Shāh questions de Melo about, 224–5; 238; 239 Clemente, Le Sieur Chevalier (sic), 248 Cobat-Beg. See Qubād Beg Coffe. See Khwāf coffee, in Aleppo, 14;

Index

158

Parry on, 107; Manwaring on koffwey), 186 College (Il Collegio), the administrative cabinet under the Doge and his council. It also stands for the hall on the first floor of the Doge’s Palace in which the Collegio met. Angelo’s interview with, 25–31 Collen. See Cologne Collier, J.Payne, reprinted Parry’s Discourse, xvi Cololeimon. See Shirley, Sir Thomas, of Bottlebridge Colthurst, Richard, Consul at Aleppo (see Foster’s Travels of John Sandenon), 183 Come, possibly Hami, the Camul of Marco Polo, 182, 182 n. Constantinople, Sir Thomas Sherley’s imprisonment in, xii; 15; 19; Angelo passes through, 25, 26, 27; envoy sent by ‛Abbās to, 27 n.; Venetian Ambassador in, 46, 58; 69; 104; 159; 180; 193; 194 Corassan. See Khurāsān Cordero, Alfonso, Portuguese Franciscan friar (Manwaring wrongly calls him a Domin-ican), 22, 125, 128, 224, 238, 239 Cornwallis, Sir Charles. English Ambassador in Madrid (1605–9); letters from, 70, 71, 75, 76, 77 Corrazan or Corrozan. See Khurāsān Cossacks, Pinçon’s Cosacchi, 173 costumes, worn by A.S. and his party, 116, 204; Persian, 116, 118, 217; coats of cloth of gold, 129; worn in royal procession through Moscow, 132–3; worn by Shāh, 154; worn by Persian cavalry, 155; in Russia, 170; worn in Mesopotamia, 190; in Kurdistan, 196 Cottington, Francis, English Ambassador in Spain, 79, 81 Council of State in England, xviii, 56, 84 Council of Ten in Venice, 59 Courdes. See Kurds Courtchibassa. See Qurchibashi courtesans, in Qazvīn, 117, 119, 155–7, 203; in Ispahān, 126; episode of the courtesan in Kāshān, 160, 213–14 Coy, P.M., Representative of the Low Countries in Barbary, 60 cranes, in Kurdistan, 150 Creswell, Father Joseph, English Jesuit in Spain, died 1623, 70, 75, 76 Crofts (Croft, Croftes), cousin of A.S., 73. Mary the sister of A.S. married Sir John Crofts of Saxham, Suffolk. They had two sons, Henry and Anthony Cumberland, Countess of, Margaret, daughter of second Earl of Bedford, married George Clifford, third Earl of Cumberland. A.S.’s letter to, 56 Curdia. See Kurdistan Curdistan. See Kurdistan cypress (sipres), a kind of crêpe, 190 Cyprus (Cipres, Ciprus, Cipprus), A.S. lands in, 14, 91, 104, 105, 180; governor of, 180 Cyrene, Bishop of. See Gouvea

Index

159

Dacca, cloth of, 164 n. Daftardār (Tafderall, Diftendar), “treasurer”, 15, of Erzerum, 27; 138, 139 Dahala (Dochala), 144 Damaghān, occupies site of ancient Hecatompylos, 158 n. Damascus, Janizaries in, 110 dancing, jigs and lavoltas in Qazvīn, 119, 156, 203 Daniel, Messer, an Armenian, befriends Angelo, 27 Darguzin (Darghesin), 152 Dartang, Manwaring’s Tartange, a castle; Pinçon’s Tetang, the name of a district—also marked as such in de l’Isle’s map. The modern Zohāb, 148 n., 196 Daskara, 147 n. Dausar. See Qal’at-Jābir Dauncer, a pirate, 75, 76, 77 Davis, Thomas, one of A.S.’s companions, 13, 24 De l’Isle, G., Cartographer, born 1675, died 1726. A collection of his maps was made and published by J.Covens and C.Mortier in 1733, under the title of Atlas Nouveau. His map of Persia, xxvii, 146 n., 147 n., 158 n., 198 n. Della Valle, Pietro, Italian travel-ler in Persia in the xviith cent., 92 n. Dengiz Beg. His mission to Philip III and the Pope, xxiv; his execution, xxiv, 52; 70 denier, French coin, 143 Denmark, 240 Der. See Ad-Deyr Derbent, 21 Dessa, Pedro Cesar, 65 n., 68 Devereux, Elizabeth, married Sir John Vernon. Their daughter Frances married A.S., 6 Dewborough or Dewsboro. See Duisburg Deyr Az-Zūr. See Ad-Deyr Digby, Sir John, 81 n. Dire. See Ad-Deyr Diu, port in N.W. India, 85 Dochala. See Dahala Doge, The (sometimes called The Duke of Venice), 33; 46; 57; 91 Dominica (Domenica), Isle in the West Indies, xxiii, 8 Douai (Douha), 175 Douha. See Douai Dover, 136 drugs, in Persia, 121 duck, wild, in Kurdistan, 150 Duisburg (Dewborough, Dewsboro), 100, 175 Duodo, Pietro, Venetian envoy to Prague. Refers to Muhammad Agha, 19; 22; letters from, 39–43 Dutchman, in A.S.’s party, not to be mistaken for Vanthivier, q.v. His “immoderate bow-sing”, 112, 113 Dwina, River, 41 East Frisia, A.S.’s party in, 39 East India Co., 86

Index

160

East Indies, 24, 32, 65, 109, 125, 162, 192 eau-de-vie, 166, 168, 169 Eder, River. Don Juan thus calls the Volga. A corruption of “Itil”, the name by which the Volga was known to Muslim geographers. See p. xxiii, 35 Elbe, River, 38 Elizabeth, Queen of England, 1533–1603. Sir Thomas Sherley the elder incurs displeasure of, 3; A.S. carries letter abusing, 4; her Commissioners in the Low Countries, 4; dispatches army to Brittany, 5; her anger towards A.S., 5; A.S. presented to, 11; disrespectful remarks by Italians regarding, 14, 102, 177; letter from Shāh to, 22, 25, 164; A.S. offers advice to, 36; is displeased with A.S., 37; her feelings towards the Turks, 43; forbids A.S. to come to England, 48; erroneous accusations against, 54; 86; 222; 223; 240; A.S.’s devotion to, 241; her Ambassador in Constantinople, 241; 242; A.S.’s hopes for her forgiveness, 243, et seq. Emden (Embden), on the Weser, 38 emerald cups and plate, 112, 188, 191, 193 England, xvii, 42, 43, 69, et passim. Queen of, see Eliza-beth English merchants, in Aleppo, 107; in Moscow, 129 Enno III, Count, of East Frisia, entertains A.S.’s party, 39 L’Entrée Solomnelle, xxvi–xxvii; 46, 247–9 Erfurt, 39 Eriano, Seigneur Marquis d’, 247 Erzerum, 27, 29 Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of (1566–1601). Commands army sent to Brittany, 5; his unsuccessful expedition against Spain, 10; letter from Robert Cecil to, 11; sends A.S. to aid Cesare d’Este, 12; his corre-spondence with A.S., 12; his reasons for A.S.’s Persian journey, 13; letter from Shāh to, 23, 164; 54; 58 n. Essex, Walter Devereux, Earl of (d. 1576), 6, 6 n. Este, Don Cesare d’, illegitimate son of Duke of Ferrara, 12 Ethiopia, Negus of. See Prester John Euphrates, River, 14, 30, 92, 92 n., 110, 137, 138, 163, 188, 190, 192 Faluge. See Fellūja Farhād Khān, Qaramanlu. (A. S.’s Ferrat Can.) Appointed Governor of Māzandarān in 1596. His treachery, xx, 232 et seq.; xxii; executed, 234 Farhād and Shīrīn. See Farhatsérin. Legend of, 147, 147 n., 148 n. Farhatsérin, possibly Karat Serin, i.e. Qasr-i-Shīrīn. Pinçon may have confused the names of Farhad and Shirin with the name of the town, 147

Index

161

Fellūja (Faluge, Phalouge), 142, 191 Ferdinand I, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 23, 25, 176, 247 Feritelli. See Boris and Filaret Ferrara (Pheraro), 12, 30, 60; Duke of, 12, 101, 175, 176 Ferrat Can. See Farhad Khan Ferreri, Giovanni Stefano, Bishop of Vercelli, Papal Nuncio at Prague, 60 Ferrol, 10 Fez, 62, 66; King of, 62 Fflushinge. See Flushing Filaret, name taken by Feodor, the father of Michael Romanov when he became a monk, 174 n. Pinçon’s Feritelli may possibly be a corruption of this name, 174 fireworks, in Kāshān, 212 Firme, The, i.e. the Continent or Terra Firma. (The Oxford Dictionary gives three quota-tions between 1598–1605 of this use), 136 Flemings, The (referred’ to in contemporary writings as The Rebels), Sir A.S. on, 4, 84; 65; in Madrid, 75; 80 Florence, 30, 44, 69, 241; Duke of, see Ferdinand Flushing (Vlishing, Vlushing, Fflushinge), A.S. lands at, 4, 91, 100, 175; Parry at, 136 Fly, The. See Vlieland Formentera, Isle of, 61 Foster, Sir William, 164 n. and Bibliography France, passim. King of. See Henry IV Francs, name used for Europeans in the Levant, 157 Frankfurt (Frankeford), 91, 101 French Ambassador in London, 57 Friars. See Cordero and Melo (friggots), 105; (frigot), 125 Friggot, or Frigot. See Friars Fuentes, Count of (Fuentars), Governor of Milan, 73 Fugger Letters. See Bibliography, 51 Galeon, The, a ship in A.S.’s fleet (1595), 9, 10 Gambroon (Comaron), 85 Ganja (Iange), 124 Gayangos, Don Pascual de. His catalogues, xxv gazelles, hunted by Abū Risha, 139; eaten in Baghdad, 143; hunted with vultures and leopards, 162 gazette, Venetian coin, 143 Genoa, xviii, 42, 51, 61 George, The, ship in A.S.’s fleet (1595), 9 Georgians, The, 33, 41, 53, 158 Germany, 41, 176. Emperor of, see Rudolph Gheytaners. See Gypsies Giabar. See Qal’at Jābir

Index

162

Giacomo, Signor, an English merchant in Venice, 27 Gibrin, village near Aleppo, not identified, 137 Gīlān (Ieglands, Ghilan), A.S. in, 22, 26, 34, 126, 165, 226; Christians in, 30; Kingdoms of Ieglands (i.e. Arabic plural Jilānāt), 124, 124 n.; Pinçon’s Hyrcania, 165; silk industry in, 165; dialect of, 165, 165 n.; ships and sailors of, 166; 226 Gilpin, Master, the Queen’s Agent in The Hague, 100 Glorioso Triunfo…. By A.de Gouvea (see Bibliography), xxiv, 35 n., 51 n. Goa, Gouvea in, xxiv goats, in Syria, 111 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 10 Gotha, 39 Gouvea, Antonio de. Augustinian Friar, author of several valuable historical works. Sent to Goa in 1597; made Bishop of Cyrene in 1620; died 1628. His Relaçam, xxiii; his history, xxiv; his Glorioso Triunfo, xxiv; his works unknown to Evelyn Shirley, xxiv; 24; 31; on Nicolas de Melo, 35; on A.S. and the Pope, 40 n.; refers to Husayn ‛Ali Beg, 51, 52; on A.S.’s Spanish employment, 68, 69; 70;71; 74 Granada, xxvi, A.S. in, 81 Grand-Cagro. See Cairo Granger, James. 85, 85 n. See Bibliography Greeks, in Candia, 103, 104, 179; in Cyprus, 105; in Zante, 178 Gudonov. See Boris Guiana, 82 Gujarat, 164 n. Gypsies, A.S.’s “Gheytaners”, 232 Haditheh (Adita), 141 Hadno, River in Kurdistan, 196 Hague, The (Hage), A.S. at, 100; Parry at, 136 Hakluyt, Richard, xiii, xxiii, 7, 7 n., 9 Halep. See Aleppo Hami. See Come Hamadān (Hammadan), 124 Hamza Mīrzā, brother of Shāh ‛Abbās, murdered in 1586, 17 han. See khān Harleian MSS. See Biblio-graphy, xiii, 4, 6, 85

Index

163

Harlow, V.T. Editor of Ralegh’s Last Voyage, 82 Harrison (Harison), John, Warden of the Stationers Company, xix, xix n. Hart Hall, Oxford University, 3 Hasan ‛Ali Beg, Husayn ‛Ali Beg’s fourth secretary, 22 Hasaniyya. See Chasania Hasan Khān (Hassan Can), at battle of Ribāt-i-Pariyān, 233 Hasan Pasha (Chassan Bassa, Hassan Bassa), appointed Governor of Baghdad in 1595. Confiscates A.S.’s goods, 15, 111, 112; his new khān, 142–3; punishes a Turk, 143; 144; 188; 191; 193; 194 Hasphane. See Ispahān Haster-Caune. See Astrakhan Hastfam. See Ispahān Hastroban. See Astrakhan Havana, 9 hawking, in Persia, 121, 161–2, 212, 222; birds brought from Russia for, 170 Haydar Beg (Heyder-bag, Heiderberg, Hitherbagg), Kurdish chief. His territories are often called by his name. 15, 114, 149, 198 Haydar Mīrzā, nephew of Shāh ‛Abbās, was sent to Constantinople as hostage in 1590 and died there in 1594, 19 Hecatompyle, Hecatompylos. Pinçon erroneously says this is the ancient name of Ispahān; see Damāghān, 158 Heiderberg. See Haydar Beg Henry IV, King of France (1589–1610). His wars against The League, 5; bestows Order on A.S., 5, 6; letter from Shāh to, 22, 25, 164; his relations with the Sultan, 23; letters to M.de Bréves from, 23, 37–8; letters from d’Ossat to, 47, 50; 77; 86 Hesse-Cassel, Landgrave Maurice of, 39, 55 n. Hīt (Ith), on the Euphrates, 141 Hitherbagg. See Haydar Beg Holland, 39 Holy Land. See Palestine Honduras, Bay of, xxiii; 9 Hormuz (Ormus, Ormouse, Aromouse), Gouvea in, xxiv; 28, 31, 43; Husayn ‛Ali sails for, 51; 69; 70; 74; 85; 196; Bishop of, see Melo Howard, Lord Thomas, admiral, afterwards Earl of Suffolk, 10 hoy, Dutch hoei—a coasting boat, 100 Hungary, relations of Turkey with, 16, 195, 241 hunting in Persia, 121, 212, 222 Husayn ‛Ali Beg (Assan Ali Beg, Assan Halevech, Seane Olibege). Joint Ambassador sent with A.S. to Europe in 1599, xxiii; quarrels with A.S., xxvii, 36, 45, 46, 47, 128, 247; 22; 23; mentioned by Angelo, 28; by Duodo, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43; received by the Pope, 46, 48; dismissed by the Pope, 48; his plans for returning to Persia, 48; members of his party are converted, 50, 51;

Index

164

story of his execution, 51–2; leaves Rome, 51; sails from Lisbon for Hormus, 51; his treatment in Spain, 52; Parsons refers to, 52–4; joins A.S. in Gīlān, 127; his precedence in Russia, 130; takes boat on Volga, 172; 224; 226; A.S. refers to, 245 Hyrcania. See Gīlān, 165 Iange. See Ganja Ibn Tūlūn, mosque of, 154 n. Ieglands. See Gīlān Illustrations of English Literature, see Bibliography under Parry. xvi n. Imāmzāda Husayn. See Ismansada India, 164. See also Indies Indies, usually for India, but see East and West Indies. Trade relations with Russia, 36; spice trade of, 40; 83; de Melo in, 128; 240; 241 Innsbruck, 39, 44 Interpreter, used by A.S. in intercourse with Shāh ‛Abbās, xxi; required for Persian in Prague, 40 Iran, 17 Irish, “The wild—”, 115, 118, 206 “Islands Voyage”, expedition under Essex in 1597; 10 Isma’il I, Shāh (Ismaël), first Safavid Shāh (1502–1524), 13 n., 162 Isma’il II, Shāh (1576–1578), xxii Ismansada, possibly Imāmzāda Husayn, near Qazvīn, 152, 152 n. Ispahān (Hastfam, Hasphane, Spahan, Aspahaune, Aspahane), xv, Shāh’s journey with A.S. from Qazvīn to, xvii, xx; xxii; xxiii; A.S.’s journey to Moscow from, xxiv, 34, 164 et seq.; 16; becomes new capital of Persia (March 1598), 17, 18; A.S. and Shāh at, 18 et seq., 28, 157, 215; Turkish mission in, 19; A.S. leaves, 22, 164, 225; German embassy in, 44; 74; 94; 124; 125; described by Pinçon, 158; Shāh’s butchery near, 160, 215; Governor of, 215, 216; a Turk killed in, 218; story of milkman (Mustafa) in, 219, 220; 222; 224 Italian language, letters in, 25, 61; oration by A.S. in, 92 et seq.; interpretation into, 174 Italian wars, 82 Italians, quarrel with A.S.’s party, 102, 177, 180; spread rumours, 104; in Zante, 178; et passim Italy, xvii, 26, 31, 38, 42, 225 et passim

Index

165

Iter Persicum, 43. See Bibliography Ith. See Hit Ivan, Czar of Russia (1533–1584), Pinçon’s “Emperor John”, 171 Jabel, Georges Tectander von der, companion to Etienne Kakasch de Zalonkemeny on his mission from Rudolph II to the Shāh, 44 Jaggard, Isaac, Printer. Printed The True Report…, xiv; printed with Wm. Jaggard the First Folio, xiv n.; fined, xiv Jaggard, William, Printer. Printed the First Folio with I.Jaggard, xiv n. Jaggard, William, of Stratford-on-Avon, xv Jalāl ud-Dīn, Muhammad Munajjim Yazdī, his history of Shāh ‛Abbās I, 20 Jamaica, A.S.’s journey to, xxiii; A.S. takes town and island of, 8, 9; Shirley family in, 9 n. James I, King of Great Britain and Ireland and James VI of Scotland (b. 1566, d. 1625), story of A.S.’s relationship to, 16; letter from Shāh to, 22, 23;54; intercedes for A.S. 57, 58; and for Thomas Sherley, 58; letter to Sultan from, 58 n.; licenses A.S. to remain abroad, 59; authorizes A.S. to obtain money, 60; 86 Janizaries, Angelo’s friends among, 14, 106; their bad behaviour in Syria, 106, 185, et passim Japan, 159 Japanese merchants in Astrakhan, 171 Jenkinson, Anthony, English merchant adventurer, 34 n., 36 n. Jerusalem, no Jesuits, English, in Spain, 77, 79. See Parsons and Creswell. jewels, 94; in images in Russian procession, 133; in Qazvīn, 156; on harness, 157, 210; in Shāh’s crucifix, 162, 224; from Aleppo, 188, 191; in A.S.’s sword, 204; in Shāh’s chair, 209 Jews, The, in Morocco, 62; on boat on Euphrates, 138, 188; in Zante, 178; the Turks’ treat-ment of, 185; 191; in Baghdad, 192; 195; 198; Shāh on, 225 jigs. See dancing John, Emperor. See Ivan Juan, Don, of Persia, Ulugh or Uruch Beg. His Relaciones, xxiii; his history, xxiii; his statements about A.S., 16;

Index

166

refers to Turkish envoy, 18, 19; 22; 34; on Nicolas, 35; his version of the episode of the presents, 38; 39; quotes from Husayn Ali Beg, 44; his version of the quarrel, 45; accompanies Husayn ‛Ali Beg to Spain, 51; is converted, 51; 236 Julio, a Milanese merchant in London, 4 Karagan. See Kharaghān Karakul, a guard. Pinçon’s Karagoli or Caragoli, 167–8; one is appointed as A.S.’s guard, 169. See also Boyar Kara-Su, River, 150, 151 Kasbin. See Qazvīn Kāshān (Bassan, Cassan, Cason), xxii, 18, 94, 157; episode of courtesan in, 160, 213–14; 212; fireworks in, 213 Kaskar (Caskeger), 124 Kazan (Cassane, Cahan, Cassan); A.S. in, 125, 173; governor of, 174 Kempe, Sir Thomas, of Ollantighe, Kent, 3 Kempe, Anne, daughter of Sir Thomas Kempe, mother of Anthony Sherley, 3 Kengaver, Chengagiur, 151, 151 n. Khān (Can), Persian title, passim khān (chan, han, cane), guest house for distinguished travellers and merchants. Pinçon calls them chan in Mesopotamia, 142; and han in Persia, 151, 152; 211 khāssa (chassaes) a thin cloth made near Dacca, 164 n. Kharaghan (Karagan), a mountain, Pinçon says it means “murderous”; it is marked in de l’Lisle’s map as “M.Cara-gan ou Meurtries”, 152 Khevenhüller (see Bibliography), 60 n. Kholmagory, A.S. travels via, 38 Khorassan. See Khurāsān Khudābanda, Shāh (1578–1586), xxii, xxiii Khurāsān (Corrazan, Corrozan, Corazzan, Korassan, Khorassan, Corasan), 16; demanded for Turkomans, 19; conquest of by Persians, 20, 28, 232–4; 24; 41 Khwāf (Coffe), 124 Kirmān, 124 Kirmānshāh, 15 Knollys, Lettice, 6 n. koffwey. See coffee Koran, The (Alcoran), 162 Korassan. See Khurāsān Kūh Gilūyah (Kughgollo), 124 Kulja, 182 n. Kurdish provinces, taken by Shāh 28 Kurdistan (Curdistan, Curdia), Turks in, 19; “Courdes’ Country”, 115; 124; 196

Index

167

Kurds, The (Courdes, A.S.’s Courdines), 115, 148; one at-tacks an Englishman, 149; 231 Lāhijān, 44 Lahore (Lahor, A.S.’s Tabur and La Hur), 24. King of, see Akbar Lambeth Palace, MS. in, xii, xv Langeron. See Lenkoran Lansdowne MSS. in British Museum, 7 n., 72 n. Larache. See Caracha La Villa de la Vega, first called by the English Sant’ Iago de la Vega, and later Spanish Town, 9 lavolta. See dancing League, The Holy, 5 Lee, Hugh, Consul in Lisbon, letters from, 68 Leicester, Robert Earl of, 4; married to Lettice Knollys, 6 n. Leiden, 100 Leipzig, 39 Lello, Sir Henry, made Am-bassador in Constantinople, in 1597; letter from Cecil to, 36; letters to Cecil from, 52 n., 55 n. Lenkorān (Langeron) in Gīlān, 44, 166. Lenkorān-i-Gīlān, Manwaring’s Longorownei Gryland, 226 leopards, kept by Abū Risha for hunting gazelle, 139; 162 Lesieur, English Ambassador in Prague, 60 n. Le Strange, Guy, his translation of Don Juan’s Relaciones, xxiv, 39, 39 n., his Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 147 n., 148 Levant, The; trade of, 37; an Island of, 58; 76 Lindsey, Sir James, 71 lions, in Mesopotamia, 139, 140, 188 Lisbon, xxiii; Husayn ‛Ali Beg leaves, 51, 66; A.S. in, 68, 69, 74 Lisle, Arnoult de, 61 n. Lithuania, 44 London, fassim; Venetian Am-bassador in, 46 Longorownei Gryland. See Lenkorān-i-Gīlān Low Countries (Pays Bas), Sir Thomas Sherley the elder appointed Treasurer of War in, 3; A.S. in, 4, 175; 41; 98; representative of, see Coy Lucca, 57 Madrid, Venetian Ambassador in, 46; A.S. travels through, 61; A.S.’s entrance into, 74; Robert Sherley in, 79, 81; MS. by A.S. in, 84; 87 Maggs’ Catalogue of Strange Books, 59 n.

Index

168

Mahomet. See Muhammad Mākū (Marcu), 124 Malaga, 75 Malamocco (Malemoccko), 177 Malta, 78 Manqishlagh, promontory on the east coast of the Caspian, whence Anthony Jenkinson made his journey to Bukhara in 1558; 34 Mantua, Duke of, 30; A.S. travels through, 44 Manwaring (Mainwaring), George. One of A.S.’s companions. His True Discourse, xxiii, xix; his references to Pinçon, xvi, xvii, 200, 222; xxvi; 12; 13; 15; on Qazvīn, 18; refers to Turkish Am-bassador, 18, 19; on Kāshān, 18; joins return party, 22; 101; 105 n.; 114 n.; 116; 127 n., 149 n.; refers to Elizabeth as “our late Queen”, 177; is badly treated by a Turk in Aleppo, 183–4; climbs tower in Sāmarrā, 195; 198 n.; is made A.S.’s marshal, 204; Shāh invites him to join his service, 208; 211; 223 n. Marcellino (Dorelli), P.Fr. of the Carmelite Monastery in Piazza della Scala, Rome, 78 Marcu. See Mākū Margarita, Island in West Indies, xxiii, 8 Margevelo, Armenian Christian in Baghdad, 193, 194, 195 Marjān Beg, Master of ‛Abbās’ household—“Lord Steward”; greets A.S., 16, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 209 Marrakesh (Fr. Merrakech, Morruecos), 61 n., 62, 63, 64, 65 Marseilles (Marselles), 76 Mary Queen of Scots (b. 1542, d. 1587), 4 Mascendran. See Māzandarān Mastarabad (?Mandīrābād), 15, 151, 152 Masulipatam, 164 n. Matthew, Sir Toby, letter from, 71 Maurice, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, 39, 55 n. Maurice, Count, of Nassau (Grave Mores); son of William of Orange, Stadholder of Holland 1587–1625; in the Hague, 100; 175 Maximilian I, Elector of Bavaria, 44; 246 (?) Maydān (Midan), in Qazvīn, 155 Māzandarān (Mascendran), 124 Mecca (Mecha), 109, 123 Medes, The, Country of (Media), 113, 153, 165, 114 Mediterranean Seas, A.S. as General of, 68; 79 Megricke, Master, a merchant, 134 Mehdi Quli Beg, Persian envoy, 60 Mehemet Agha See Muham-mad Agha Melo, Nicolas de, an Augustinian Friar. He is sometimes wrongly called a Dominican or Capuchin. He was born in Portugal about 1545. He was sent as a missionary to Mexico and the Philippines; returned to Europe to recruit more workers, travelling via Goa and Persia. He reached Ispahān when A.S. was about to leave for Russia and joined his party. He quarrelled with A.S. and was imprisoned in Russia. He was brought from prison in Nijni to Astrakhan by the Grand Duchess

Index

169

Marina, the Catholic (Polish) wife of Dmitri. In 1613 he was burnt at the stake in Astrakhan, together with many other Catholics (see Gouvea, Glorioso Triunfo). Gouvea on, xxiv; joins A.S.’s party, 22, 28, 126, 226; his behaviour in Russia, 35, 36; is imprisoned, 35; 51; his arrival in Ispahān, 125, 224, 238; is given crucifix by the Shāh, 126, 162, 224; procures letters from the Shāh, 126, 238; his immoral behaviour, 126; 127; A.S. takes him prisoner, 129, 239; Boris releases him, 130; is examined by Boris’ commissioners, 131; is boxed by A.S., 131; is sent out of Russia, 134; his death rumoured, 135; Shāh questions him, 224–5 melons, 152, 171, 190; see angurie merlins, used for hawking, 162 Meshed, ‛Abbās encamped at, xxiv Mesopotamia, no; women of, 143 Messina, A.S. in, 60 metheglin, obsolete drink made from fermented honey, a kind of mead (cf. Welsh meddaglyn), 107, 107 n. mice, Pinçon humorously suggests that the guns and armour left by Sultan Selim in Persia may have been consumed by mice—this may imply an acquaintance on his part with the Indian fable of the iron-eating mice, or with the saying in Greek and in Latin: “Where mice nibble iron”. Cf. La Fontaine, Bk. IX, Fable 1 Michael Romanov, Czar of Russia (1613–1645), 174 n. Middelburg (Middleborough, Midleborough), A.S. in, 4; garrisons of, 5; 76; 100 Milan, 74, 83 Mildenhall (Mildenal), John, traveller, sometimes known as Midnall, xxv, 24 Miranda, Diego da, a Portuguese, 31, 32, 33. “Mirza Antonio”, name by which A.S. was addressed by the Shāh, 18 Mocenigo, Venetian Ambassador in Rome, 46 Monumenta Hungarlae Historica…, 55 n. Moors, used for Arabs (q.v.) or for Muslims in general (passim.). Pinçon speaks of “Moors and Turks”, 143 Mores, Grave. See Maurice Morisot, C.N., the publisher of Abel Pinçon’s anonymous Relation. His Relations Véritables… etc., xvi morizell (morislgne), type of ship in which A.S. sailed from Venice, 13, 13 n. Morocco (Morruecos), or Barbary, xii; A.S. dispatched to, 60, 87; armies in, 61; A.S. in, 62–7 Morris, John, one of A.S.’s companions, 13 Morruecos. See Morocco and Marrakesh Mortus Ally. See Murtaza ‛Ali

Index

170

Moscow (Musco); xii, xiv, xv, xxiv; ‛Abbās sends envoy to, 24; A.S. in, 34; A.S.’s letter from, 36, 237 et seq.; Rudolph’s embassy at, 44; 95; 127; 129; royal procession through, 132–4; 169; 171; 172 Moule, The Rev. A.C., 182 n. Mount Athos, possible identification with “island of priests”, 105 n., 179 n. Mountjoy, Lord. See Blount, Charles “Mouth of Hell”, a lake of pitch near ad-Deyr, 111, 191 muezzins. Parry on, 107; Manwaring on, 186 Muhammad (Mahomet), the Prophet, 121, 122; tomb of, 123; 186; 187; kindred of, 189, 217–18 Muhammad III, Sultan of Turkey (1595–1603), The Great Turk, 19, 23, 27 n.; hated by the Venetians, 33; 37; 43; his envoy, 43; his cruelty to Christians, 118; 124; his league with Shāh ‛Abbās I, 177; allows his janizaries freedom, 184; his army, 187; his Ambassador to Baghdad, 188, 191, 192; 193; demands A.S.’s party to be sent to him, 194; 198; is unable to defeat Haydar Beg, 198; Shāh’s message to, 223 Muhammad Agha (Mehemet), Turkish Ambassador to Persia, sent to renew treaty of 1590, Grand Chaush, xx, xxi, xxii, 18; his demands, 19; his beard is cut off, 19; 43; feasted by Shāh, 94; 207; 208, sent back by the Shāh, 223 Muhammad Quli Beg Arabgirlu, ishikaghasi (chief chamberlain); sent to Constantinople by the Shāh, 27 n.; leaves Constantinople, 26 mules, 94, 111; presented to A.S., 120, 157, 210; 144; 147; 149; 188 Muley Ahmad, al-Mansūr, Sa’dian Sharīf of Morocco, 1578–1603. On his death the succession was disputed by his three sons. 176 n. Muley Bū Fāris, one of the rival sons of Muley Ahmad al-Mansūr, recognized in Marra-kesh (1603). 61, 62, 63, 64, 65 Muley Shaykh (Mulley Xeque, Muley Sheck), brother of Muley Bū Fāris, recognized in Fez (1603). 61, 64, 66 Muley Zīdān (Sidan), brother of Muley Bū Fāris, ruled in Marrakesh, 1608–1627. 61, 64 Munich, A.S. in, 44 Munshi, Iskandar, 18, 20 Murād (Murat) Pasha, Governor of Baghdad, the khān he built, 142 Murtaza ‛Ali (Mortus Ally, Mortasolee, Mortus Alley, Mortus Alee), married Fatima, daughter of the Prophet Muhammad. 121, 122, 209, 218 Muscat (Mascate), 85 Musco. See Moscow Muscovy. See Russia

Index

171

Mushward, Arabic mashwar—council chamber, 64 Musical Instruments, trumpets, sackbuts, tabors, flutes, atabales (drums), etc., used in ‛Abbās’ army, 117, 155, 204; at public functions, 161, 210 musk, the Arabs’ hatred of, 143 Muslims (Muhammadans, Mahomets, Moors); Pinçon’s remarks on, xvi, 162, 167; Parry on, 107 Mustafa (Mustriffa), Captain of Shāh’s guard, a former milk-man; story of, 219–21 Mustafa Agha, 143 Mu’tasim, The Caliph (833–842), 146 n. Mutucugi, not identified with any Muslim name, 143 Nabachodonizer. See Nebuchadnezzar Nahr El-‛Āsī. See Orontes Nana e Ruzzina, name of ship in which A, S. sailed from Venice, 13 n., 30 Naples, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 87 Naqsh-i-Jahān, palace built by ‛Abbās in Ispahān, 17 Nassau, 57, Count Maurice of, see Maurice Naumberg, 39 Navarino, 78 Naw Rūz, New Year’s Day, Persian Festival observed at end of March, 17 Nebuchadnezzar’s (Nabachodonizer’s) Tower. See ‛Aqarqūf Negroni Andrea, an interpreter in Prague, 40, 41 Negson. See Nijni Nemorod. See Nimrod Netherlands. See Low Countries New and Large Discourse… xv Newfoundland, xxiii, 8, 9 Newrenbreg. See Nürnberg Nicolas, Friar. See Melo Nid, Gervase, Fellow of Trinity, Cambridge, xix, xix n. Nijni-Novgorod (Negson), A.S. in, 34, 128 Nimrod (Nemorod), Tower built by, 192. See Babel Nixon, Anthony. His Three English Brothers, xii, xiii; passages from his book reprinted, xiii; 39; his untrue story of the Persian Ambassador, 51–2 North Sea, The. A.S.’s voyage on, 38, 45 Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland (see Bibliography), 60 n. Nūr-Kūh (Nurecugge), 124 Nürnberg (Nuremburg, Nuremberg, Newrenbreg), 44, 91, 101, 176 oil, in Persia, 123 Olivares, Gaspar de Guzman, Count of Olivares and Duke of San Lucar, the famous minister of Philip IV, (1587–1645); xxv; xxvi Oliver-di-Can. See Allah Vardī Khān Orantes. See Orontes Ormous, Ormouse, or Ormus. See Hormuz

Index

172

Orontes, River (Orantes), the modern Nahr el-‘Āsī. A.S. sails up, 14, 106, 181, 182 Ossat, Arnaud d’, Cardinal (made a Cardinal in 1599, died 1604), letters from, 47–50 Ostend, 4 Osuna, Duke of, 82 oxen, used for drawing water, 140, 141 Oxford, University of, 3 Padovan, Messer Antonio. Pad-ovan possibly merely means “Paduan”. It is followed by the word stuer which has not been explained, 30 Padilla, Martini de, Adelantado of Castille, 10 Pagliarrino, 73 Palais de la Rouere, Rome, 248 Palestine, 105, 109; Janizaries in, 109, 181 pall-mall (a kind of polo), played on horseback by Persians, 161, 207 Parker, Sir Nicholas, 100; his troop of horse, 175 Parker, Captain William, of Plymouth, 9 Parma, Duke of, 4 Parrot, or Parrott, John, one of A.S.’s party, 13, 24, 211 Parry, William. His New and Large Discourse, xii, xv; sent to England with letter from A.S., xiv, 36, 245; gives wrong date of his arrival, xv, 136 n.; xxvi; 12; 13; does not mention Speciero, 15; joins return party, 22; describes journey from Ispahān to Moscow, 34, 126 et seq.; on de Melo, 35; 36; travels through Holland, 38; his peroration on travel, 98–100; on the Turks and Syrians, 107–10; his explanation of a caravan, 113; on the Persians, 119–23; his opinion of Persian culture, 121, 122 n.; 211 Parsons, Father Robert, (Personio), born in 1546, became a Jesuit in 1575, died Rector of the English College at Rome in 1610. His letter about A.S., 38, 52–4; A.S. interviews, 50 Parthia, 157 partridges, eaten in Baghdad, 143; “larger than geese” (see bustards); caught by hawks in Persia, 162 Paul V, Pope (1605–1621), 78 Peerr Callibecg. See Pīr Quli Beg Pellegrini, Secretary to the College in Venice, 25 Pepper, Captain, 77 Perpignan, 51 Persia, passim. The Sherleys’ association with, xi; her trade with Europe, 32, 33, 36 n.; 96; 97; 176; oil in, 123; kingdoms of, 124; martial law in, 221. Shāh of, see ‛Abbas I

Index

173

Persian Ambassador, in Constantinople, 27, 27 n.; see also Anthony Sherley, Husayn ‘Ali Beg, and Quli Bēg Persian Gulf, 24 Persian language, not known by A.S., xxi, 148, 165; Don Juan’s notes in, xxiii Persian merchants, 12, in Astrakhan, 171, 176 Persian pilgrims to Sāmarrā, 144, 145, 146, 195 Persians, The. Their marriage laws, 119, 217; banquets, 119; customs when eating, 121; religion, 121, 217–18; sport, 121; trade, 121; calligraphy, 121–2; silk and carpet-making, 121, 122; money, 122; their idea of Christ, 122; their punishment for treason, 122; circumcision of, 122; public selling of men and women, 122; methods of prayer, 123, 218; their buildings, 123; their improvement under ‛Abbās, 123; Pinçon’s view of, 160; their games and sports, 161, 162, 214, 222; their dispute with Sunni Turks, 162, 162 n., 217; in Baghdad, 192, 194; turbans stolen from, 197; weapons of, 222; A.S. on, 231 Pesso Polytico de todo el Mundo…a treatise in Spanish by A.S., xxvi-xxvii; references to A.S.’s early exploits in, 4; A.S.’s references to Leicester in, 6 n., 84 Peterson de Brenn, Cornelius, 76, 77 Petzen, Dr., 40 Phalouge. See Fellūja pheasants, in Persia, 162 Pheraro. See Ferrara Philip II, King of Spain, 1556–1598, 10 Philip III, King of Spain, 1598–1621. Letter to the Shāh from, xxiv; letter from Shāh to, 22, 23, 25, 164; his treatment of Husayn ‛Ali Beg, 52; supports A.S.’s Moroccan mission, 60, 61; employs A.S., 68, 69 et seq., 87; refuses re-sponsibility for Flemish pirates, 77; 125; 126; recalls de Melo from the Indies, 128; 224; 238; 239; 242; 245 Philip IV, King of Spain, 1621–1625, xxvi Philippe-dales (sic for dalers), Spanish dollars, 157 Philippines, The, 32 Picardy (Picardie), 98 pictures, brought from Venicc for Shāh ‛Abbās, 156

Index

174

pigeons, trained to carry messages, 109; eaten in Baghdad, 143 Pigot, Bartholomew, a Jesuit in Prague, 54 Pinçon, Abel. His “Relation d’un Voyage…”, xvi, 15; refers to learned friend to whom his narrative is addressed, xvi, 163, 163 n.; Manwaring’s references to, xvi, xvii, 200, 222; Winwood on, xvii; reason for ending his narrative in Russia, xvii n.; his erratic French, xviii; xxvi; leaves Venice as A.S.’s Steward, 135 does not mention Speciero, 15; gives details of journey from Aleppo to Qazvin, 15, 137 et seq.; is sent ahead to Qazvīn, 15, 151, 200; joins return party, 22; de-scribes journey from Ispahān to Moscow, 34, 165 et seq.; kisses the Shāh’s foot, 154; drinks with the Shāh, 155; looks for the devil, 157–8; is sent ahead to Astrakhan, 168; his erroneous Russian history, 171 n., 174, 174 n. Pirona, The, 27 Pīr Quli Beg. Special envoysent to Moscow by ‛Abbās. (His name is given only by Don Juan of Persia, see le Strange’s ed., p. 255), 24; in Russia, 34, 127, 129, 130, 130 n., 170; incites de Melo against A.S., 130–1; his merchandize, 170; takes 3 boats on the Volga, 172 Pīr Quli Beg (Peerr Callibecg), Persian nobleman referred to by Manwaring, 217 Pistoia, Bishop of, in Venice, 32, 33 pistolets, 94 plovers, in Kurdistan, 150 Plymouth, A.S. at, 7, 9; ships refitted in, 10 Poland, King of, 22, 23, 164; 44; 74; 83 polo. See pall-mall Pontremoli, Husayn ‛Ali Beg at, 50 Pope, The. See Clement VIII and Paul V Popham, Lord Chief Justice, letter from A.S. to, 56 Porte, The Sublime, 58 Portugal, A.S. in, 68, 69, 74. Her relations with India, 240–241 Portuguese friars. See Cordero and De Melo Portuguese merchantmen, 10 Portuguese prisoners. See Saldanha and Dessa post—peculiar use of this word by Manwaring in sense of “haste,” 107, 113 pouncittorns, ?persimmons, 178 Powell, Captain Thomas, one of A.S.’s party, 24, 211, 240 Prado or Prada, Andres de, Secretary of State in Spain, 76, 80 Prague (Prage), A.S.’s arrival in, xv, 39; Duodo writes from, 19; 44, 53, 71, 95,241; English Ambassador in, see Lesieur Praya, town in St Iago, 8 Preacher’s Travels, The. By John Cartwright, 24

Index

175

Presbiter, Jhon. See Prester John Prester John (Presbiter Jhon), name given by the Portuguese to the Negus of Ethiopia, 224 Preston, home of a Branch of Shirley family, 3 Pristani, name given to the Boyars, probably Morisot’s error for pristavi, 173 n. Pul-i-Shāh (Pulischa), “King’s Bridge”, 151 Purchas, Samuel, passages in His Pilgrimes referring to A.S., xiii; gives version of Parry, xvi; summarizes A.S.’s Relation, xix; reprinted part of R. Chambers’ pamphlet, xxv, 62 n.; 20 n.; knew R.Sherley, 20; 21 n. Qādi (Cadi, Cady, Caddie, Cadie), 15, 97, 138, 188,222 Qādisiyya. See Angigsia Qal‛a-i-Shīrīn (Calachérin), 148, 148 n. Qa‛Zat Jābir (Giabar), the modern Dausar, 138,139 Qara Tepe. See Seirp Qasr-i-Shīrīn, A.S. travels through, 15. See Farhatserin Qazvīn (Casbin, Casbine, Casnivot, Casnem, Kasbin, Casbeene, Casbene), xv; A.S. at, xvi, xvii, 15, 16, 115, 200; its relative importance to Ispahān, 17–18; Robert Sherley’s death in, 24; 91; 92; Governor of, 115, 116, 200, 202, 204; 152, houses in, 153; the Shāh’s entry into, 117, 118, 153–5, 205; festivities in, 119, 156, 157, 202–3, 207, 210; 124; 152; houses in, 153; the Shāh and A.S. leave, 157; lack of water in, 158; 159; 165; 222; 229; Lord Steward of, see Marjān Beg quail, caught by hawks in Persia, 162 Qubād Beg (Cobat-Beg), a Turkish Governor in Iraq, 114 Qum (Com), 157 Qurchi (chorse), horseguard, 181, 181 n. Qurchibashi (Courtchibassa), Captain of the bodyguard, 233 Rabba. See Rahaba Racca, Raccha or Racka. See Raqqa Raccolta Veneta, 25, 25 n. radishes, eaten in Mesopotamia, 190 Ragusa, 42, 55 Rahaba (Rabba), 140 Raican, ?Razan, 152 Ralegh’s Last Voyage, ed. by V.T.Harlow, 82 Raleigh, Sir Walter (Don Gualtero Rauli), 11, 82 Randolph, Sir Thomas, his embassy to Russia, 36 n. Raqqa (Racca, Raccha, Racka), 110, 139, 191 Rauli. See Raleigh Rawson, Captain, 72 Rayy, Governor of (see Zaynal Khān), 60 n. Razan. See Raican

Index

176

Reast. See Resht Rebels, The, See Flemings Relaçam, by Gouvea… xxiii, xxiv, quotations from, 31; 68; 52 n.; 69; 71 Relaciones, by Don Juan of Persia, described, xxiii–xxiv resgat, ransom, 65 Resht (Reast), 124 Reveldes, Los, “the Rebels”. See Flemings Rhodes (Rodes), 91 Ribāt-i-Pariyān, Battle of (August 16th, 1598), xx, 17 rice, eaten in Syria, 108 Rich, Sir Edwin, brother of Robert Earl of Warwick; accompanies A.S. to Morocco, 61; R. Chambers on, 62; 65; is left in Naples, 74 Rio Dolce, xxiii Rodes. See Rhodes roebuck, in Mesopotamia, 140 Roldcraft, Arnold, one of A.S.’s companions, 13, 211 Rome (Roome), xii, xiv, xxi, xxiii, xxvi, xxvii, 14, 30, 38, 40; A.S.’s party arrive in, 45, 247; Venetian Ambassador in, (see Mocenigo,) 46, 47; Persian Ambassadors leave, 50, 51, 52, 55; 78; 225 Rorik Pinçon’s “present Emperor of Russia”, 174 Rossi, Professor Ettore, 46 Rotenburg on the Fulda, 39 Rouen, siege of, 5 Roxburghe Club, xiv Rudassen. See Rūdesar Rūdesar (Rudassen), 165, merchant of, 166 Rudolf II, Holy Roman Emperor, King of Bohemia (1552–1612), 22; letter from Shāh to, 23; 25; 38; 39; welcomes Persian Ambassadors, 40; has audience with them, 40; negotiates with them, 42; his return embassy to Persia, 43; letter to Shāh ‛Abbās from, 55; invites A.S. to Prague, 60; despatches him to Morocco, 60, 87; letter from A.S. to, 61; letter from A.S. to his Secretary of State, 66–7; his treaty with the Sultan, 71; ‛Abbās’ anger with, 72; 136; 164; 245; 247 Russia or Muscovy. Pinçon in, xvii; 24, 25; A.S. in, 34, 35, 53, 129 et seq., 168 et seq.; R.S. travels via, 69; Queen (Czarina) of, 132, 133; coats of mail from, 163; 164; 167; 169; language of, 174; Czar of, see Boris

Index

177

Rustamdār (Rustendar), 124 Rybinsk, A.S. in, 38 Rye, in Sussex, 3 Sadarvad. See Asadābād Sadca (? Zaga), 152 Safavids, The, 16, 92 n, Saffi (Saphia, Zuffra), A.S. arrives at, 61; A.S. in, 62, 63 Safi ud-Dīn of Ardabīl, ancestor of the Safavids, 92 n. Saint Albans (Albones), 240 Saint Augustine, Order of, xxiv, 162 Saint Francis, Order of, 128 Saint Giorgio, Cardinal, 60 Saint Iago, Isle of, xxiii, 8 Saint Lawrence, probably for Brother Lawrence of Ancona, one of the seven priests who were martyred at Almaliq (Kulja) in 1342. 182, 182 n. Saint Martha, in Colombia, 8 Saint Michael, Order of, conferred upon Anthony, 5 Saint Nicolas. See Archangel Saint Paul’s Chapel in Candia, 180 Saint Peter’s, Rome, 47, 248 Saint Thomé (San Tomé), Isle of, A.S.’s voyage to, xxii, 6, 7, 8 Saint Vincent, Cape, 75 Saldanha, Antonio de, son of Ayres de Saldanha, Viceroy of India, 1600–1605, one of the Portuguese prisoners ransomed by A.S., 65, 68 Salisbury, Earl of. See Cecil, Robert Sallee (Sally, Sallie), port of Morocco, 62, 63 saltmines, in Russia, 171 saltpetre, produced near Hīt, 141 Samachy. See Shamākhī Sāmarrā (Sameray, Sammara). This town on the left bank of the Tigris about 60 miles N. of Baghdad had already long been in existence when the Caliph Mu’tasim of Baghdad in A.D. 836 made it his capital. As a favourable omen he changed the name officially to Surra-man-rā’a—“he rejoiced who saw it”. These descriptions of the minaret with its external staircase are the earliest known in European literature. The saint there visited annually is the Hidden Imām who disappeared in A.D. 878, and will reappear there at the end of time. 92, 145, 146 n.; thought by certain Jews to be the same as Samaria, 195 San Tomé. Set Saint Thomé Sant’ Iago de la Vega. See La Villa de la Vega Santon (Sanctone, Saynthone), a priest, 114, 218 Sardinia, xxiv Sarin, not identified, 138 Saughtoser, not identified, 124 Savj, The. Councillors of the College (q.v.) in Venice, 30 Savona, Persians in, 51 Sayyids (Setes) name applied to pilgrims, 123 Saynthone. See Santon Scanderoon. See Alexandretta Scaramelli, Giovanni, Venetian Secretary in London, 57

Index

178

schai. See shāhī Schefer, Charles, xv n., 19, 39, 43 n., 44 n., 97 n. Scherschersene, not identified, 146, 146 n. Schmalkalden, 39 Scotland, 240, Queen of, see Mary; King of, see James I Seane Olibege. See Husayn ‛Ali Beg Seirp (?Sar-i-āb). Possibly the modern Qara Tepe, 146, 146 n. Selīm I, Sultan of Turkey (1512–1520), 163, 163 n. serassa, cloth exported from Gujarat or Masulipatam. Pin-çon’s seroiscia or cessa. See also khāssa 164, 164 n. Seraze. See Shiraz seroiscia. See serassa. Seruan. See Shīrwān Setes. See Sayyids Seville, archives of, 82 shagreen (segrin), 153 Shāh Ahmad Agha (Xa-Hammadaga), 229 skāhī, Pinçon’s schai, a Persian coin, 148, 149 Shahrabān. See Stéroban Shamākhi (Samachy), 124 Shaykh (Sheck, Xeque). See Muley Shaykh sheep (Parry’s “muttons”), fat-tailed, in Syria, 108, 111 Sherleiana, by Professor F.Babinger, xii, xxvii, 39 n. Sherley, form adopted by the Wiston branch of the Shirley family. The name Shirley was taken in the reign of Henry III by the Ferrers of Eatington in Warwickshire from the village of that name in Derbyshire, which belonged to them. For etymology see p. xiii n. Sherley, the three brothers, Thomas, Anthony, and Robert. Sources for the lives of, xii et seq., papers concerning them in the P.R.O., xiv; chapters in Lansdowne MSS. on, 7 n.; Scaramelli on, 58 Sherley, Sir Anthony, of Wiston (Sherlie, Shierlie, Shirlie, Scierley, Xerley, Cherle, Giarles), born in 1565. Passages from his Relation reprinted, xiii, xx, xxvi, 229 et seq.; narratives of his journeys, xiv; his oration to the Shāh, xv,91, 92–4,118; his letters of credence from the Shāh to the Christian princes, xv, 91, 95, 164, 225, 241; free privileges obtained by him for Christian princes to trade in Persia, xv, 91, 96; his Relation described, xix-xxii, 84; his ignorance of Persian, xxi; his voyage to St. Thomé and raid on Jamaica, xxii, 6–10; his adventures described by Cartwright, xxiv; his mission to Morocco, xxv; his Pesso Polytico, xxv–xxvi, 4, 84, 176 n.; quarrels with Husayn ‛Ali Beg, xxvii, 45, 46, 47, 52, 53, 128, 247; genealogy of, 3; at Oxford, 3, 4; in the Low Countries, 4; his bravery in a cavalry skirmish before Zutphen, 4; his mission to Bruges, 4, and Middelburg, 5; receives Order from Henry IV, 5; incurs the displeasure of the Queen, 55

Index

179

is imprisoned, tried, and released, 5; rejoins army in France, 6; his marriage, 6, 7; his relationship with Leicester and Essex, 6 n.; takes part in expedition against Spain, 10; is presented to the Queen, 11; is sent by Essex to aid Cesare d’Este, 12, 101, 175; decides on journey to Persia, 12, 177; hopes thereby to distinguish himself, 13; leaves Venice, 13, 101, 177; travels via Zante, 14, 91, 103, 177; travels via Antioch, 14, 91, 106, 182; borrows money in Aleppo, 14, 188; his misfortunes in Baghdad, 15, 111, 112; is saved by a Florentine, 15; reaches Qazvin, 16, 17, 92, 115, 153, 201; is greeted by Marjān Beg, 16,116, 201, 202; reaches Kāshān, 18,212; rides from Kashan to Ispahān with ‛Abbās, 18, 214; is invested with title of Mirza, 18; talks with Shāh at Ispahān, 19, 223; is ill in Ispahān, 19; his gun-founder and books on arms, 20; suggests he should be accompanied by a Persian, 22, 223; leaves Ispahān, 22, 164,226; his treatment in Russia, 23, 129; sends Angelo ahead to Venice, 25; letter to Signory from, 26; Angelo on, 25–30; crosses Caspian, 34, 127, 167; journeys to Moscow, 34, 128, tries to drown de Melo, 3 5; is badly treated in Moscow, 34, 35, 37, 38, 129 et seq.; letters from, 35, 36; describesde Melo’s behaviour, 36; his suggestions to Cecil, 36, 246; travels to Archangel, 38, 134; the episode of the presents, 38, 45, 53; reaches Stode, 38, 136; reaches Prague, 39; his stay in Prague described by Duodo, 39–43; his audience with the Emperor, 41; negotiates with Emperor, 42; his letters toPersia are intercepted, 44; meets Tectander, 44; leaves Prague, 44; journeys to Rome, 44; is received by the Pope, 46, 48; referred to by Mocenigo, 46; d’Ossat’s references to, 47–50; is dismissed by the Pope, 48; his early connections with Spain, 49, 50;

Index

180

leaves Rome, 50, 52; Father Parsons on, 52–4; religion of, 54, 248; dines with Jesuits, 54; his intrigues on behalf of James VI of scot-land, 54; is robbed in Rome, 55; plans to return to Persia indisguise, 55, 56; flees to Venice, 55; his own reasons for leaving Rome, 56; his debts in England, 56; is spied upon, 56; is arrested and imprisoned, 56; is released, 57; in poor health, 57; Scaramelli refers to, 58; is licensed to remain abroad, 59; reports Jesuit plots, 59; ordered to leave Venetian state, 59; reported hanged, 59; in Ferrara and Messina, 60; invited to Prague, 60; is sent on a mission to Morocco, 60; his journey to Morocco, 61; entertains lavishly in Morocco, 62; Robert Chambers on, 62, 67; is received at court in Marrakesh, 63, 64; is insulted, 64; confers with Bū Fāris, 64, 65; ransoms two Portuguese prisoners, 65; leaves Morocco, 65; enters Spanish employment, 68, 69; his plan for diverting the silk trade, 69, 74; leaves Spain for Naples, 70, 71; negotiates with Creswell, 70, 71; goes to Prague, 71; is prevented from entering Venice, 71; is created Count-Palatine, 71; returns to Italy, 72; writes to his sister, 72–4; alludes toher son as his “son and heir”, 74; returns to Spain, 74; his various plots, 74–7, 79, 81, 83, 85; prepares an attack on theTurks, 77; loses his command, 79, 81; receives military orderfrom Philip III, 79; as a pensioner in Spain, 79, 81, 83; meets Robert, 79; plots against Robert’s return to England, 80; hands over his Relation toRobert, 80; his relations with Robert, 81; his poverty, 79, 81; his letter to the Spanish Cortes, 82–3;

Index

181

his Discurso, 84; Wadsworth on, 85; the last years of his life, 85; his character summed up, 86–7; the formality of kissing Shah’s foot, 92, 117, 154, 205; visits Governor of the Hague, 100; rewards Dutch convoy, 101; orders an Italian to be beaten, 102, 177; is entertained by Governor of Candia, 103; obtains passes from Governor of Aleppo, 107; pays for the death of a Turk at Raqqa, 110; sends a Dutchman back to Aleppo, 112; clothed in cloth of gold, 116, 204; meets Shāh outside Qazvīn, 117, 153, 205; talks with him, 118, 206; is summoned by Shāh, 119, 209; sits in ceremonial chair, 120, 209; is given Shāh’s girdle, 120; gifts from the Shāh to, 120,157, 210; Nicolas brings lettersto, 125; houses Nicolas, 125, 224, 238; procures letters from Shāh for Nicolas, 126, 239; discovers his treachery, 126, 238; travels at Boris’ expense, 127, 172; Cordero tells himabout Nicolas, 128–9; imprisons Nicolas, 129, 239; the Persian Ambassador is given precedence over him, 129, 130; described by English merchants, 130; refuses to recognize superiority of his Persian colleague, 130; is slandered by Nicolas, 131; is examined byCzar’s commissioners, 131; boxes Nicolas’s ears, 131; is permitted to leave Russia, 132; 151; drinks with Shah in Qazvīn, 155; goes to bazaar with Shāh, 156; gives presents to Shāh, 157; is escorted into Astrakhan, 170; takes boat on Volga, 172; encourages his party, 176; sends Robert on business to Duke of Tuscany, 176, 176 n.; talks to Angelo and Persian merchant in Venice, 176–7; is forced to stay in Zante, 178; his misfortunes in Tripoli, 180; refuses to part with his page, 182; is cheated by a Turk, 183; has audience with Abū Rīsha, 189, 190; presents Abū Rīsha with cloth of gold, 190; hands over some of his possessions to a Qādi, 191; is disrespectful to the Pasha of Baghdad, 193; saved by Margevelo, 193–4; rescues merchants in Kurdistan, 197;

Index

182

his thanksgiving on reaching Persia, 199; sends Angelo and others ahead to Qazvīn, 200; is welcomed by the governor of Qazvīn, 202; is entertained in Qazvīn, 202 et seq.,209,210; makes obeisance outside gate of palace, 203; 207; offers Shah the use of his servants, 208; calls his best men to him, 211; sups with Shah at a khān, 211; entreats pardon for Shāh’s nobleman, 212; sees fireworks, 212; 213; refuses to ride over satin, 215; Shāh kills footman of, 216; 222; persuades Shāh to send him on the mission, 223; Shāh offers him post in his army, 223; is given gold seal by Shāh, 225; his version of the story of FarhāZd’s treachery, 236; letters from, 237 et seq.; on his achievements, 240 et seq., 245; his devotion to Queen Elizabeth, 241; requests a messenger from Anthony Bacon, 241; begs forgiveness of Queen, 244, 245 Sherley, Ralph, of Wiston. The first member of the family to reside there, 3 Sherley, Sir Richard, of Wiston, son of Ralph Sherley, 3 Sherley, Sir Robert, third son of Sir Thomas Sherley the elder. Born about 1581; served in Persian army from 1599–1605; in 1607 he married Teresa, a Circassian; in 1608 he was sent as Persian Ambassador to Europe; in 1611 he was in England and in 1612 he returned to Persia. He was again sent as Ambassador to Europe, 1613–1614, but was delayed at Goa and spent a year in India. In 1617 he reached Lisbon. From 1617 to 1622 he was in Spain, and in the latter year we hear of him in Rome. In 1623 he returned to England. In 1627 he set out with Sir Dodmore Cotton’s mission for Persia and reached Ispahān in April, 1628. He died in Qazvīn in July of that year. His connections with Persia, xi; takes A.S.’s Relation to England, xix, 80; is mentioned in preface to the Relation, xx, 2; letters from, xxi; meets Gouvea, xxiv; is mentioned by Gouvea, xxiv; Cartwright refers to, xxv; 3; in Venice, 12; leaves Venice, 13; personally known to Purchas, 20; is left as hostage in Persia, 24, 164, 225; in ‛Abbās’s service, 24; 42; meets German embassy, 44; his journey to Europe, 51 n., 74; called by Scaramelli “Henry”, 58; letter from A.S. to, 69; letter to Pope from, 78; arrives in Spain, 79; his wife, 80; leaves Spain, 80; returns to Spain, 81;

Index

183

his treatment in Spain, 83; 102; assaults captain of ship, 103; is summoned by the Shāh, 119; drinks with the Shāh, 155; is sent by A.S. on business to Duke of Florence, 176, 176 n.; climbs tower in Sāmarrā, 195; his obeisance outside palace gate, 203; his ceremonial dress, 204; his place in the procession, 205; is saluted by the Shāh, 206; sits with the Shāh, 210; Shāh’s plan to send him to Elizabeth, 222; 223 Sherley, Sir Thomas the elder, of Wiston. Father of Anthony Sherley. Born 1542; in 1548 he was made Sheriff of the counties of Surrey and Sussex; in 1587 he was appointed Treasurer for War in the Low Countries. In 1588 he became indebted to the State and all his property with the exception of Wiston was confiscated; in 1591 he was committed to the Marshalsea Gaol. In 1603 he was elected member for Steyning and simultaneously committed to the Fleet for debt. This circumstance led to the famous case regarding the privilege of Parliament (2 Jac. I). He died in 1612 and was buried in Wiston church. His marriage, xi, 3; his history, 3; the incorrect story told by A.S. of his debts, 54, 55; letter from A.S. to, 77–8 Sherley, Sir Thomas the younger, elder brother of Anthony Sherley. Born at Wiston c. 1564. In 1589 he was knighted for services in the Low Countries; in 1591 he married Frances Vavasour, apparently under discreditable circumstances, for he was disgraced at Court and imprisoned in the Marshalsea for several months. In 1593 we hear of him again in the Low Countries as a captain in command of 300 men under Lord Willoughby. In 1598 he left England on a voyage to Portugal; in 1602 he set out again with 3 ships, and after various misfortunes was imprisoned by the Turks at Milo and later in Constantinople, where he remained until his release in December, 1605. In 1606 he lived for a time in Naples, later returning to England. In 1607 he was again arrested for interfering with the Levant trade, and imprisoned in the Tower. After his release he again became involved in his father’s debts and was obliged to sell Wiston. He was last heard of in the Isle of Wight in 1625. His career, xi; his diary, xii; 3, A.S.’s story of his wife and Cecil, 55; James I intercedes for, 58, 58 n.; 59 Sherley, William, son of Richard, father of Sir Thomas Sherley the elder, 3 Shiraz (Seraze), 124 Shirley Family (see also Sherley), branch of in Jamaica, 9 n. Shirley, Anthony, of Preston, son of William Sherley, 3 Shirley, Evelyn Philip, of Eatington. His Stemmata Shirleiana, xiii; his The Sherley Brothers (1848), xiv, xxvi, 29 n., 52, 55, 83, 237; xxiii; xxiv; his references to authorities, 3 n.; his remarks, quoted, 54, 55 Shirley, Sir Thomas of Bottlebridge, wrote genealogical history of the Shirley family under the pseudonym of Thomastos Cololeimon Philopatron, xii, xiii, xiii n., 7 Shīrwān (Seruan), 124 Shushter (Suster), 124 Sicily (Sicillia), 75, 77

Index

184

Siena, 44, 45 Signory of Venice, 23; A.S.’s letter to, 25; Shāh’s letter to, 31, 164; 33; 39; refuse to allow A.S. to enter Venice, 44, 45; will not arrest A.S. without orders from England, 56 Silesia, 44 silk industry in Gīlān, 165; trade in, from Persia to England, 69; in Persia, 121 Silva y Figueroa, Garcia de (see Bibliography), 84 Simancas, Archives of, 82 Simon Khān, Prince of Georgians, 159 Sinan Pasha. See Chighālazāda Sind (Syndy), 241 sipres. See cypress Sodom and Gomorra, site of, 191 Sole, for Solebay in Suffolk. Sole represents the local pronunciation of Southwold. Once an important port. Manwaring wrongly states it to be in Essex, 12, 175, 175 n. Somerdicke, 100 Sophi, The Grand, or Great, name first applied to the Safavid Shāhs. See ‛Abbās Sources Inédites de l’Histoire du Maroc, by H.de Castries, xxv Sourdis, Henri d’Escoubleau de, Cardinal, Archbishop of Bordeaux, 48 soutane, a coat reaching to the feet. This word was not in Pinçon’s day exclusively ecclesiastical. I have left it untranslated as the nearest English equivalent “cassock” only applies to the dress of the clergy, 168, 170 Southampton, A.S. sets out from, 7 Spahan. See Ispahān spahi (spahie), 181 Spain, xix, xxvi, 10, 23, 42, 48, A.S.’s early connections with, 48, 49, 56, 58; A.S. a pensioner of, 60, 79, 81, 83; A.S. in the service of, 68, 69, et seq.; A.S. on her relations with Persia, 84; wine of, 239; King of, see Philip II, III, and IV et passim Spanish (Catholic) Ambassadors, 40, 43, 50, 69 Spanish documents, 82 et seq. Spanish language, employed by Anthony in addressing Rudolph II, 40 Spanish Town. See La Villa de la Vega Speciero, Victorio, a Florentine merchant, 15 spice, in Persia, 121 spies (see Wilson) appointed to watch A.S. in Venice, 56 spurs, Russians unaccustomed to, 174 stamell (O, Fr. estamin), 132, 132 n. Stammas Culibeg. See Tahmasp Quli Beg Stanley, Sir William, A.S. with, 74 Stationers Company, xiv Stella, The, The Sternschloss near Prague, 40, 40 n. Stemmata Shirleiana, by Evelyn Philip Sherley, xiii Stéroban (?Shahrabān), near Daskara, 147, 147 n. Stode (Staden), on the Elbe, xvi, 38, 39, 135

Index

185

Strabat. See Astarābad Stropene, Dominico, native of Hormuz, 31, 69 stuer. See Padovan sturgeon, fished in Caspian, 168 Suffolk, 12, 175 n. Sultan (The Great Turk). See Ahmad I and Muhammad III Sultān ‛Ali Beg, Father of Don Juan of Persia, xxiii Surra man rā’a. See Sāmarrā Suster. See Shushter Sweden (King of ?), 246 Sydney, Sir Philip, 4 Sydney, Sir Robert, brother of Sir Philip Sydney, commands garrison at Flushing, 4; letter from R.White to, 6; entertains A.S.’s party, 100, 175 Sydney Letters (see Bibliography), 7 n., 11 n. Syndy. See Sind Syria (Soria), xxvii, 30, 42; Janizaries in, 110 Syrians, Parry on, 107–9 Tabrīz (Tauris), siege of, xxiii; capture of, 21 n.; Angelo at, 27; Persian Ambassador returns via, 28; 153; taken by Selim I, 163 n.; Pasha of, 232 Tafderall. See Daftardār Tahmāsp, Shāh (1524–1576), xxi, 17, 20, 36 n. Tahmāsp Qulī Khān (Beg), (Stammas Culibeg), Georgian renegade to Islam, xxi, 19, 158 Tamberlen. See Tamerlane Tamerlane (Tamberlen, Tamberlaine), 198, 231 Tanghi, Pinçon gives the name to a place, but it is actually tang—a pass; 148, 148 n., 149 Ta’rikh-i-Shāh ‛Abbās, by Jalāl ud-Din Muhammad Munajjim Yazdī, 20 Tartange. See Dartang Tartars, The, King of, 28, 117; his son, 117; see also Ulugh Khān; heads of, on pikes, 117, 154; on banks of the Volga, 128; 158; chief of tribe of, 172; wooden defences against in Russian villages, 172; 231; Chaghatai Tartars, q.v.; of Usbeg or Usbec, see Uzbeg Tashkent (Taskane), 124 Taskane. See Tashkent Tassel. See Texel Tauris. See Tabrīz Tawlis. See Tiflis teal in Kurdistan, 150 Terceira, central citadel of the Azores, 10 tercels, used for hawking, 162 teston, a silver coin, 143, 143 n. Tetang, in Pinçon and de l’Isle’s map it appears as a district;

Index

186

Manwaring gives Tartange as the name of a mountain town, which possibly stands for Dartang, the modern Zohāb, 148 Texel (Tassel), Island, 136 The Three Brothers, xiii, xix, quotation from, xx, 52 n. The Three English Brothers, xii, 39 n. Tierra Firma, coast of, xxiii Tiflis (Tawlis), 124 Tigris, River (Tigers, Tigres), 92, 113, 142, 144, 192 Timariots (Tymarri), a tīmārī=holder of a tīmār or hereditary fief, 231, 231 n. tobacco, 181 Toddington, 73 Tourant, D., priest, 54 Tower of London, 57 Tracy, Lady Anne, sister of Anthony Sherley, wife of Sir John Tracy (afterwards Viscount Tracy), 72 Transylvania, 43 Trebizond, Angelo travels via, 25; prisoner in, 27 Trient, 39, 44 Tripoli, in Syria (Tripoly, Tripole), A.S. travels through, 14, 106; his adventures in, 180 True Discourse of Sir A.S.’s Travels into Persia, xiii, xix; original MS. of, xix True Relation of the Voyage…, xxii True Report of Sir Anthony Sherley’s Journey…, xiv, xv, xxvi; references to Turkish Ambassador in, 18; letter of credence in, 23 trumpets. See Musical Instruments Truxillo, in Honduras, 9 Tūn u Tabas (Tuntabas), 124 Tunis, Turks in, 61, 65 turbans (turbiths), 63 Turcomans, 231 Turkey, passim. A.S. unable to travel through, 164 Turkey, Sultan of. See Ahmad I and Muhammad III. Turkish envoy, expected in Venice, 44, 45. See also Muhammad Agha Turkish language, 148, 165; used by A.S.’s party when in Russia, 169; Russian interpreted into, 174 Turks, The, passim. Their treaty with Shāh ‛Abbās in 1590, 16, 19, 223; 20; 21; 37; 43; Queen Elizabeth’s relations with, 43, 241; stolen letter sold to, 55; 60; in Algiers and Tunis, 61, 65, 66; 105; in Cairo, 110; a Turk kills another, no, 139, 189; 115; 118; religion of, 121, 186; writing of, 121; circumcision of, 122; in barge on the Euphrates, 138, 188; in Baghdad, 143, 192;

Index

187

their religious differences with Persians, 162, 162 n., 163; in Cyprus, 180; Christian tribute to, 182; their cruelty to Jews and Christians, 185; their immoral customs, 187; in Raqqa, 191; march on Hungary, 195; compared with Persians, 217 Tuscany (Toscane), Grand Duke of, see Ferdinand, 25, 247 Tymarri. See Timariots Tyrol, The, 39 Ulugh Muhammad Khān (Vlochan), the founder of the Tartar dynasty of Kazan, an offshoot of the Golden Horde, 174 Urganj (Urgans), 124 Uruch Beg. See Don Juan Utrecht (Utricke), 100 Uzbegs, The (Usbeg, Usbec), ‛Abbās’ defeat of, xxii, 17, 27 n., 153, 234, 236; ‛Abbās’ wars against, 28, 153, 201; revolt of, 16; Khān of (Osbech), 41 Valladolid, Don Juan’s Relaciones published in, xxiii; Persians in, 51; A.S. in, 74 Vanthivier, Edward, a Dutchman in A.S.’s party, 13, 211 Vatican Library, 46, 78 Venetians, The. Their fear of the Sultan, 33; 77; 82; A.S. on, 84; on the Euphrates, 138, 139; 178; in Baghdad, 192, 194 Venice, xv, A.S.’s journey from England to, 12, 91, 101, 176; A.S. leaves, 13, 102, 177; letter from Duodo to, 19; 22; Asad Beg arrives in, 31; archives of, 24; 43; A.S. not allowed in, 44, 71; Ambassa-dors from, 46; 54; A.S. flees to, 55; A.S. in, 56–9; list of persons hanged in, 59; letters from, 72; pictures from, 156; 180. Duke of, see Doge. Signory of, see Signory venison, in Baghdad, 112 Vere, Sir Francis, 11 Vernon, Frances, daughter of Sir John Vernon, wife of Anthony Sherley, 6 Vernon, Sir John, of Hodnet, Shropshire, Anthony Sherley’s father-in-law, 6. His wife, see Devereux, Elizabeth Verona, 44

Index

188

Vervins, Treaty of (1598), 23 Vestri, Secretary of the Briefs in Rome, 247 Villeroy, Monsieur de, letters from d’Ossat to, 47, et seq.; letter from de Lisle to, 61 n. Virginia, 75, 83 Vizir, The Grand, A.S. describes speech of, xxi; 229; his duties, 230 Vlieland, Island of (Parry’s “the Fly”), A.S.’s party reach, 38, 136, 136 n. Vlushing. See Flushing Volga, The, A.S. travels up, 34, 41, 128 et seq.; de Melo is nearly drowned in, 35; 171; method of travelling up by boat, 172; described by Pinçon, 173 vultures, used for hawking and hunting gazelle, 162 Wadsworth (see Bibliography), 85 Ward, John, one of A.S.’s companions; is sent ahead with Angelo to Qazvīn, xvi, 15, 152 n., 200; leaves Venice with A.S., 13; remains in Ispahān with Robert, 24; 211 Ward, a pirate, 75 Wentworth, Earl of, 73 Weser, River, 38 West Indies, A.S.’s voyage to, 7, 8, 9; Portuguese merchantmen from, 10; 32; 82 White, Roland, 6 Wilson, Thomas (afterwards Sir Thomas), employed by Sir Robert Cecil to watch A.S., in Venice, 56 Winwood, Sir Ralph, letter to Sir Robert Cecil from, xvii; his State Papers, xvii n., 71, 75 n., 76 n., 77 n. Wiston, Sussex, home of the Sherleys, ix, 3, church of, 3 Wotton, Sir Henry, British representative in Venice, 71 Xa-Endibeague, not identified, 236 Xa-Hammadaga. See Shāh Ahmad Agha Xerley, Spanish spelling of Sherley, xi Xivrey, Jules Berger de, his Collection de Documents…, 23 n., 37 n. Yaroslav, A.S.’s party travel via, 38 Yūsuf Agha (Useph-Aga), one of the Shāh’s generals, 233 Zaga. See Sadca Zagatay. See Chaghatai Zalonkemeny, Etienne Kakasch de, nobleman of Transylvania, 43, 44 Zante (Zant, Zanc), A.S. travels through, 14, 91, 102, 103, 104, 177; A.S. is forced to stay there, 178; people of, 178; scarcity of water in, 178; 180 Zaragoza, Persians in, 51

Index

189

Zaynal Khān Bekdili, Governor of Rayy, Persian Ambassador in Prague, 60, 60 n. Zelbe. See Chelebi Zerikzee (Sierichzec), 100 Zīdān. See Muley Zīdān Zohāb. See Tetang and Dartang Zu’l-Fiqār Khān, (A. S.’s Zulphir Can) brother of Farhād Khān, 233, 234, 235, 236 Zutphen, skirmish between English and Spanish cavalry in Sept. 1586 under walls of, 4