Schools and Schooling in Late Medieval Germany: Regensburg, 1250-1500 (Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance)

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Schools and Schooling in Late Medieval Germany

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Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance Editors

Jürgen Miethke (Heidelberg) William J. Courtenay (Madison) Jeremy Catto (Oxford) Jacques Verger (Paris)

VOLUME 33

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Schools and Schooling in Late Medieval Germany Regensburg, 1250–1500 by

David L. Sheffler

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2008

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This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sheffler, David. Schools and schooling in late medieval Germany : Regensburg, 1250–1500 / by David L. Sheffler. p. cm. — (Education and society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ISSN 0926-6070 ; v. 33) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-16664-6 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Schools—Germany— Regensburg—History—To 1500. 2. Education, Medieval—Germany—Regensburg. I. Title. II. Series. LA775.R44S54 2008 370.943’347—dc22

2008015939

ISSN 0926-6070 ISBN 978 90 04 16664 6 Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Brill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all right holders to any copyrighted material used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the publisher welcomes communications from copyright holders, so that the appropriate acknowledgments can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ....................................................................... List of Maps ............................................................................... List of Abbreviations ..................................................................

vii ix xi

Introduction ..................................................

1

Chapter Two The Educational Landscape of Late Medieval Regensburg ................................................. Early Medieval Regensburg: An Overview ............................ The Sacred Geography of Regensburg ................................. The Schools of Regensburg ...................................................

15 15 17 21

Chapter Three Inside the Schools ...................................... The Foundations of Medieval Education .............................. Pre-University Curriculum ..................................................... Higher Education in Regensburg ........................................... Teachers and School Personnel .............................................. Students and Student Life ......................................................

85 85 93 112 120 142

Chapter Four Regensburg and the Universities ............... Attendance Patterns ................................................................ Funding University Study ....................................................... Office-holding Families and University Study ....................... Employment of University-Trained Men .............................. Networks of Friendship and Patronage ................................. Social and Economic Mobility ...............................................

161 164 185 200 203 207 208

Conclusion ......................................................

213

Chapter One

Chapter Five

Appendices Appendix I: Students and School Personnel ......................... Appendix II: Biographical Register “Regensburg” University Students ............................................................. Appendix III: Chronological List of “Regensburg” University Students .............................................................

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219 253 353

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vi

contents Appendix IV: “Regensburg” University Students Tables and Maps ....................................................................................

367

Bibliography .............................................................................. Unpublished Sources .............................................................. Published Sources ................................................................... Library Catalogs and Reference Works ................................. Secondary Literature ..............................................................

377 377 378 384 385

Index ...........................................................................................

407

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

It is a pleasure to acknowledge the numerous debts I have incurred while completing this work. First, I thank William J. Courtenay for his support, energy, and extraordinary patience throughout this entire process. In addition, I offer my gratitude to Maureen Mazzaoui, Johann Sommerville, Michael Shank and Silvia Montiglio, whose generous criticisms and provocative questions improved the final version of the manuscript. Eric Carlsson and Eric Ehrenreich read early drafts of several chapters and Dale Streeter, Nate Hedden and Scott Breuninger were always willing discussants. I also owe substantial debts to Professors Martin Kintzinger, Jürgen Miethke, Alois Schmid, and Peter Schmid, who gave generously of their time and expertise, and especially Dr. Anneliese Hilz for her guidance and kindness. I am grateful to the German-American Fulbright Commission, whose generous stipend and dedicated staff provided financial, logistical, and intellectual support during my year of research in Germany. The Seminar for Medieval Studies hosted by the German Historical Institute in 2001, provided a stimulating and hospitable forum for the presentation of my early findings, and I am especially grateful to Professors Johannes Fried, Patrick Geary and Caroline Walker Bynum for their helpful suggestions at that time. Numerous other individuals and institutions assisted me in my work. I am indebted to the librarians and archivists at the Bischöfliches Zentral Archiv, the Stadtbibliothek and Universitätsbibliothek in Regensburg, and the Bayerische Staatsarchiv and Stadtbibliothek in Munich, who guided me in the early phases of my research. I benefited as well from the scholarly generosity of Franz Fuchs, who read a full draft of the manuscript and provided additional references and important corrections. I thank the series editors for publishing this work, and Robin Gold and Marcella Mulder for their diligence, professionalism and patience during the editing process. I would also like to acknowledge the many personal friends and colleagues at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and the University of North Florida who contributed in less tangible but indispensable ways.

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viii

acknowledgments

I will always be indebted my parents who allowed me the freedom to seek my own path. Above all, I thank my wife, who has sustained, challenged, and inspired me, and our children Julia, Alex and Claire— my present and future. This work is dedicated to them.

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LIST OF MAPS

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Late medieval Regensburg .................................................... Origins of Dominican Lectors and Students ....................... Regensburg University Attendance to 1375 ......................... Regensburg University Attendance 1376–1449 .................... Regensburg University Attendance 1440–1499 .................... Regensburg University Attendance to 1499 .........................

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13 59 373 374 375 376

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AA Act. Erf.

Acta Grad. Pat.

Acta Nat. Germ.

AFA

AFH AFM AFP AFT

AUP

Bak.Reg.Erf

BayHstA BayStB

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Analecta Augustiniana Weissenborg, J. C. Hermann. Acten der Erfurter Universitaet. 3 vols. Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen und angrenzender Gebiete, vol. 8. Halle: O. Hendel, 1881–99. University of Padua. Acta Graduum Academicorum Gymnasii Patavini. 2 vols. Vol. 1 (1–3) edited by G. Zonta and G. Brotto (1970), vol. 2 (1) edited by M. P. Grezzo, (2) edited by G. Pengo (1992), (3–6) edited by E. Martellozzo Forin (2001). Fonti per la storia dell’Università di Padova. Rome: Editrice Antenore, 1970–2001. Friedlander, Ernestus, and Carolus Malagola, ed. Acta Nationis Germanicae Universitatis Bononiensis et archetypis tabularii Malvezziani. Berlin: Georgius Reimeri, 1887. Uiblein, Paul, ed. Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis Vindobonensis 1385–1416. Graz: Heinrich Böhlau, 1968. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum Schrauf, Karl. Acta facultatis medicae Universitatis Vindobonensis. 3 vol. Vienna, 1894–1904. Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum Uiblein, Paul, ed. Die Akten der theologischen Fakultät der Universität Wien (1396–1508), 2 vols. Vienna: Verband der Wissenschaftl. Gesellschaften Österreichs, 1978. Auctarium Chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis. Vols. 1–2, edited by Heinrich Denifle and Emile Châtelain (Paris, 1894, 1897), vol. 3, edited by C. Samaran and E. A. v. Moé (Paris, 1935), Vol. 6, edited by A. L. Gabriel and G. C. Boyce (Paris, 1964). Schwinges, Rainer C. Das Bakkalarenregister der Artistenfakultät der Universität Erfurt 1392–1521. Stuttgart: Gustav Fischer, 1995. Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv München Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München

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xii Bio-Lex Ingol.

BSB-Ink BZAR BzGBR Cam. CCL CUP I–IV Conc.Basil.

Crac. Album Stud.

Knod

Kopialbuch

MB MB 53 & MB 54

MBK I:2

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list of abbreviations Boehm, Laetitia, Winfried Müller, Wolfgang J. Smolka, and Helmut Zedelmaier, eds. Biographisches Lexikon der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München. Universität Ingolstadt-Landshut-München Forschungen und Quellen: Forschungen, vol. 18. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1998. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Inkunabula Bischöfliches Zentralarchiv Regensburg Beiträge zur Geschichte des Bistums Regensburg Cameralia Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis Secundum Andreae Schmelleri H. Denifle and E. Châtelain, eds. Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis. 4 vols. Paris, 1889–1897. Concilium Basiliense: Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des Concils von Basel, Johannes Haller, Gustav Beckmann, Hermann Herre, and Heinrich Dannenbauer, eds. 8 Vols. Basel: Helbing u. Lichtenhahn, 1896–1936. Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1971. Album Studiosorum Universitatis Cracoviensis, vol. 1 (1400 –1489), vol. 2 (1490 –1551). Krakow: Univ. Jagellonicae, 1887–. Knod, Gustav C. Deutsche Studenten in Bologna (1289–1562) Biographischer Index zu den Acta Nationis Germanicae Universitatis Bononiensis. Berlin: R. v. Decker, 1899. Uiblein, Paul, ed. Ein Kopialbuch der Wiener Universität als Quelle zur österreichischen Kirchengeschichte unter Herzog Albrecht V. Codex 57G Des Archivs des Stiftes Seitenstetten. Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. 2. Abt.: Diplomataria et Acta, vol. 80. Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1973. Monumenta Boica Widemann, Josef, and Franz Bastian, eds. Regensburger Urkundenbuch. Urkunden der Stadt. Monumenta Boica, vols. 53, 54. Munich: Verlag der k. Akademie, 1912, 1956. Krämer, Sigrid. Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz. Ergänzungsband: 1, 2, Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1990.

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list of abbreviations MBK IV: 1

MGH MIÖG MLMU

MUF MUH I

MUK I–III MUL I–III

MUP I

MUP II

MUT MUW I–II

PL

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xiii

Ineichen-Eder, Christine Elisabeth, ed. Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 4, pt. 1, Bistümer Passau und Regensburg. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1977. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung Pólnitz, Götz, Freiherrn von. Die Matrikel dar LudwigMaximilians-Universität Ingolstadt-Landshut-München, vol. 1, 1472–1600. München: Lindauer, 1937. Mayer, Hermann. Die Matrikel der Universität Freiburgim-Breisgau. 2 vols. Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1907. Toepke, Gustav. Die Matrikel der Universität Heidelberg von 1386 bis 1662. vol. 1. Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1884– 1916. Reprinted Nendeln: Kraus Reprints, 1976. Keussen, Hermann. Die Matrikel der Universität Köln, 1389 –1559. 3 vols. Bonn: H. Behrendt, 1892–1931. Erler, Georg, ed. Die Matrikel der Universität Leipzig, 1409–1559. 3 vols. Codex diplomaticus Saxoniae Regiae, vols. 16–18. Leipzig: Giesecke u. Devrient, 1895–1902. Reprint Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1976. Liber Decanorum Facultatis Philosophicae Universitatis Pragensis. Monumenta Historica Universitatis Carolo-Ferdinandeae Pragensis, vol. 1, pts. 1–2. Prague: Joan. Nep. Gerzabek, 1880–32. Album seu matricula facultatis juridicae Universitatis Pragensis: ab anno Christi 1372 usque ad annum 1418 et codice membranaceo illius aetatis nunc primum luce donatum, plenoque nominum indice auctum. Codex diplomaticus universitatis ejusdem originem, incrementa, privilegia, jura, beneficia, aliaque fata, tum prospera, tum adversa illustrans; cui item personarum rerumque index, atque tabulae lithographicae sigillorum quorundam notatu digniorum imagines exhibentes subnectuntur. Edited by Univerzita Karlova. Monumenta Historica Universitatis CaroloFerdinandeae Pragensis, vol. 2. Prague: J. Spury, 1834. Hermelink, Heinrich. Die Matrikeln der Universität Tübingen. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1906. Die Matrikel der Universität Wien. Publikationen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 6. Reihe. 3 vols. (issued in parts) Graz: H. Böhlau, 1956. Patrologia cursus completus, series Latina, publ. J. P. Migne, 217 vols, and 4 vols. of indexes, Paris, 1884–64.

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xiv QF QuE RegBoic Reg. litt. Rep. Germ

Ried I–III

RQ Schulen und Studium

Städt. Bildung.

StAR StBR Tit. Dot. Ferrara

Urk. AK.

VH

VHVOR VL

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list of abbreviations Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Dominikanerordens in Deutschland Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte Regesta Boica Registrum litterarum Repertorium germanicum, Verzeichnis der in den päpstlichen Registern und Kameralakten vorkommenden Personen, Kirchen und Orte des Deutschen Reiches, seiner Diözesen und Territorien vom Beginn des Schismas bis zur Reformation, vols. 1–9, Berlin: Weidmann, 1916–. Ried, Thomas, ed. Codex chronologico-diplomaticus episcopatus Ratisbonensis, 2 vols. Regensburg 1816; vol. 2, MS StBR (Sign. Rat. ep. 165). Römer-quartalschrift Fried, Johannes, ed., Schulen und Studium im sozialen Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters. Vorträge und Forschungen, vol. 30. Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1986. Moeller, Bernd, Hans Patze, and Karl Stackmann, Studien zum städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit: Bericht über Kolloquien der Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters, 1978–1981. Philologisch-Historische Klasse Dritte Folge, vol. 137. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983. Stadtarchiv Regensburg Staatliche Bibliothek Regensburg Pardi, Giuseppe. Titoli Dottorali conferiti dallo Studio di Ferrara nel sec. XV e XVI. Lucca: A. Marchi, 1901. Schmid, Josef, ed. Die Urkundenregesten des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle in Regensburg. 2 vols. Regensburg: J. Habbel, 1911–1912. Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg Urkunden (now held in Stadtarchiv Regensburg) Verhandlungen des historischen-Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg Stammler, Wolfgang. Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon/Begründet von Wolfgang Stammler,

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list of abbreviations

ZBLG ZHF ZKG

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xv

fortgeführt von Karl Langosch. 1933–1955. Edited by Kurt Ruh et al. 2nd ed. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, vols. 1–11, 1977–2004. Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte Zeitschrift für historische Forschungen Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION Qui iuvenis fideliter ad scholas properavit Et suam pronus ferulae cervicem subiugavit, Hunc fortuna sepius ad ardua levavit Et variis honoribus digne decoravit.1

The medieval educational landscape was complex, even chaotic. Educational opportunities varied significantly from place to place. They varied according to age, gender, religion, and social and economic backgrounds, as well as by profession; they also varied over time. Even within the same city, the schools operated independently of one another. The song schools, writing schools, schools of arithmetic, grammar schools and private instructors that made up the late medieval educational landscape did not constitute, except in the broadest sense, an educational system.2 Rather, they were a loosely knit, largely parallel,

1 Clemens Blume, Pia Dictamine: Reimgebete und Leselieder des Mittelalters, in Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, eds. Clemens Blume and Guido M. Dreves, vol. 33 (Leipzig: O. R. Reisland, 1899), 328. This popular poem appears in both Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (hereinafter BayStB) clm 237 fol. 221v, and BayStB clm 14529, fol. 2. The latter is a fifteenth-century Sammelband from the library of St. Emmeram containing a large number of school texts, including the fables of Aesop, the parables of Alan de Insulis (d. 1230), the popular pseudo-Senecan text de quattuor virtutibus cardinalibus by Martin of Braga (d. 580), the Algorismus of Johannes de Sacrobosco, and the Poetria Nova of the grammarian Galfridus Anglicus (fl. 1198). In addition to these older, traditional schoolbooks, the codex also holds a number of humanist-influenced works, including Augustinus Dati, Ars Dicendi; Leonardo Bruni Aretini (d. 1444), Comedia Poliscenae; and a translation of the fables of Boccaccio. For a discussion of the most common school texts, see Chapter Three. Compare also Nikolaus Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen lateinischer Schultexte: ihre verbreitung und Funktion im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit: mit einem Verzeichnis der Texte, Münchner Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, vol. 90 (München: Artemis 1988). 2 In this sense, the most commonly used term in the German literature, Bildungswesen, can be misleading by artificially projecting a system onto medieval education. Indeed, much of the German literature is concerned with constructing universal labels for schools (often using terms unknown in the Middle Ages) and neatly categorizing each of the schools encountered. This tendency tends to mask the great diversity of schools and to suggest the existence of a “system” when none existed.

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2

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and frequently overlapping collection of institutions and individuals with widely disparate ends. There are, of course, some similarities to modern educational structures, especially the division of medieval education into something akin to our elementary, secondary, undergraduate, and graduate study. However, when one moves beyond the obvious, and in many ways superficial, parallels between the modern western educational system and the medieval educational traditions from which it evolved, the differences become increasingly evident. First, the language of instruction in most schools was a foreign one—Latin.3 At the most basic level, the children learned little more than to recite portions of the Latin liturgy and the Psalter, frequently with little evidence of actual understanding. Even in schools with a more advanced curriculum, not all students learned the more specialized skill of writing.4 Moreover, the purpose of most medieval schools was the training of capable clerics; that schools served other ends was largely a by-product of this effort. The connection between schools and the church was so strong that contemporary writers often used the terms scholar and cleric interchangeably, a fact still evident in the modern English use of the term clerk.5 Even city schools continued to

3 Evidence of increasing use of the vernacular in instruction appears in many regions by the late fourteenth century. There were also a significant number of vernacular schools for the teaching of German reading and writing skills. However, in some cases, the statutes of the schools continued to forbid its use well into the fifteenth century. See N. Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 94–102. The 1446 statutes from the famous school of St. Stephan in Vienna stipulated that the students should speak Latin at all times. Johannes Müller, ed., Vor- und frühreformatorische Schulordnungen in deutscher und niederländischer Sprache, 2 vols. Sammlung selten gewordener pädagogischer Schriften früherer Zeiten, vols. 12–13 (Zschopau: F. U. Raschke, 1885–86), vol. 1, 60: “Item das die schuler vertig werden in der latein ze reden, so sol man in ider locatien haben ainen custos, der anschreib die schüler, die deutsch reden oder sust unzuchtig sein, die sullent denn darumb gestraft werden.” A similar statute from Landshut in 1492 also required the schoolmaster to punish students who did not speak Latin. Müller, Schulordnungen, 115: “Item er soll auch fleiss haben, dass die schüler in der schule, zu chor und auf der gassen latein reden, auch sonst nicht ungebühr treiben, und wo er das überfahre, dass er alsdann das ziemlich strafe und wende.” 4 Alfred Wendehorst, “Wer konnte im Mittelalter lesen und schreiben?,” in Schulen und Studium im sozialen Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters. Vorträge und Forschungen, ed. Johannes Fried, vol. 30 (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1986 [hereinafter Schulen und Studium]), 24. The division of writing and reading instruction is well documented. See, for example, Pierre Riché, Les écoles et l’enseignement dans l’Occident chrétien de la fin du V e siècle au mileu du XI e (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1979), 298. 5 This fact requires that historians of medieval education exercise caution. For example, one cannot assume that every reference to a Schuler implies the existence of a


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introduction

3

reflect the essentially religious nature of education through mandatory choir service.6 In addition, the schools existed within a nexus of competing jurisdictions. Even if in some regions the cathedral scolasticus—the titular head of the cathedral school—claimed authority over all the schools within the diocese, his ability to enforce this claim was never complete. Indeed, this diminished during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries as the ecclesiastical schools experienced increasing competition from city schools and private instructors. There was no overriding structure or authority, no progression from school to school, and no degrees before the university level. Most individuals who began their schooling in a “song school” could not expect to advance to study at a grammar school. Nor were there any prerequisites, no official progression of schooling that qualified an individual for university study. If one could find a master and afford the requisite fees, it was possible to matriculate.7 However, two important forces provided a degree of continuity and conformity. First, medieval schools inherited a relatively small number of texts, especially from late antiquity, that provided the backbone of instruction within the schools. The grammars of Donatus, Priscian, and the falsely ascribed Distichs of Cato remained in use well into the sixteenth century, surviving both intellectual and religious reform movements. Second, the increase in university study appears to have

school. Often the term simply denoted a young boy who assisted a parish priest in the performance of the liturgy, though this too could often mean at least minimal literacy. For a discussion of the role of children in the liturgy, especially within the monastic context, see Susan Boynton, “The Liturgical Role of Children in Monastic Customaries from the Central Middle Ages,” Societas Liturgica 28 (1998), 194–209. 6 The students’ performances of the large number of anniversary masses with which these schools were frequently endowed was particularly important. Martin Kintzinger, “Varietas Puerorum. Unterricht und Gesang in Stifts- und Stadtschulen des späten Mittelalters,” in Schule und Schüler im Mittelalter: Beiträge zur europäischen Bildungsgeschichte des 9. bis 15. Jahrhunderts, eds. Martin Kintzinger, Sönke Lorenz, and Michael Walter, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. 42 (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 1996), 305; and Martin Kintzinger, Das Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig im hohen und späten Mittelalter: Verfassungs- und institutionengeschichtliche Studien zu Schulpolitik und Bildungsförderung, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 32 (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 1990), 336. See also Urs Martin Zahnd, “Chordienst und Schule in Eidgenössischen Städte des Spätmittelalters: eine Untersuchung auf Grund der Verhältnisse in Bern, Freiburg, Luzern, und Solothurn,” in Kintzinger et al., Schule und Schüler im Mittelalter, 259–98. 7 Of course, significant prior training was necessary to complete a university degree. Nevertheless, some university students, primarily from among the nobility, could not write into the fifteenth century. Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 24.


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exercised, at least to some degree, a normative effect on the curriculum of the most important grammar schools; as more students began to seek higher education, it became increasingly important that the schools they attended provide ample preparation for university study, in particular a strong foundation in the trivium. German universities relied heavily on lectures, so it was also imperative that the students be able to write in Latin, and many must have been exposed to the complex system of abbreviations employed at the universities.8 This work will explore, with as much detail as the sources will allow, both the normative and eccentric characteristics of late medieval education. To do so, it is necessary to avoid forcing specific schools into modern terminological straightjackets, while providing sufficient comparative context. To this end, the chapters that follow will examine education and schooling, from the most basic level through advanced university study in the single city of Regensburg. As with any case study, I seek on the one hand to provide detailed descriptions and analysis of a specific place and time. On the other hand, to do more than simply satisfy antiquarian curiosity, the study must also generalize from this specific data to address questions of much broader significance: in short, to construct the forest from the trees, or, at the very least, suggest its likely nature and contours. *

*

*

During the last half-century, four issues have dominated the historiography of late medieval German education. The first is the question of curriculum. To what extent did the changing needs of an increasingly commercial society alter the curriculum? This debate has focused on whether a distinctly “bürgerliche Bildung,” an education aimed specifically at the needs of merchants and artisans, developed during the late Middle Ages. A second closely related debate centers on the ultimate purpose of education. Why did individuals (or their families for them) seek an education? To what extent did it advance the social and economic interests of these individuals and families? Third, how significant was the late medieval educational expansion and what effect did it have on rates of literacy? Finally, what was the nature of the interaction between ecclesiastical and civic institutions vis-à-vis education. The older 8 It is possible that they acquired this knowledge during the early years of study. However, the pervasiveness and complexity of the abbreviations suggests that some training prior to study would have been necessary.


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introduction

5

literature in particular has characterized this relationship as a frequently hostile struggle between ecclesiastically controlled institutions seeking to maintain their educational monopoly, and a rising commercial and civic elite attempting to wrest away this control.9 The question of the relationship between the curriculum of the schools and the rising merchant elite reflects the extraordinary influence of Henri Pirenne. In his study of twelfth-century Flanders, which first appeared in 1928, Pirenne argued that the increasing educational demands of a rising commercial class drove the development of a new type of education, emphasizing the practical skills of reading and writing in the vernacular, addition and subtraction, and cursive. The existing ecclesiastically controlled schools did not generally teach such skills, so their demand helped drive the creation of city schools catering to the needs of this new social and economic class.10 Writing at approximately the same time, Fritz Rörig saw similar developments within the Hanseatic cities of Northern Germany in the thirteenth century.11 The arguments of Rörig and Pirenne continued to hold the field well into the 1950s and influenced the work of Edith Ennen among others.12

9 There are, of course, significant points at which each of these overlap. Debates about the control of schools must consider the question of curriculum, which in turn informs the debate about the purpose of education and the extent of literacy. 10 Henri Pirenne, “L’instruction des marchands au moyen-âge,” Annales d’histoire économique, 1 (1929), 18. Pirenne cites the development of cursive as particularly emblematic of the growth of an educational structure tailored to the needs of the emerging commercial class. In support of this argument, he points to the example of Ireland where literacy remained almost entirely in the hands of clerics, and as a result, cursive was nearly nonexistent. See also Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 30. 11 Fritz Rörig, “Grosshandel und Grosshändler im Lübeck des 14. Jahrhunderts,” in Wirtschaftskräfte im Mittelalter, ed. Paul Kaegbein (Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 1971), 218. 12 Edith, Ennen, “Stadt und Schulen in ihrem wechselseitigen Verhältnis vornehmlich im Mittelalter,” 1957, in Gesammelte Abhandlungen zum europäischen Städtewesen und zur rheinischen Geschichte, ed. Georg Droege, Klaus Fehn, Dietrich Höroldt, Franz Irsigler, and Walter Janssen, vol. 22 (Bonn: Ludwig Röhrscheid, 1977), 159–62: “So beginnen im 12. Jahrhundert in Flandern die Kämpfe um ein Schulwesen das den Bedürfnissen des städtischen Patriziats entsprach und von ihnen abhing.” For other summaries of this debate, see Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 345–47; Hartmut Bleumer, “ ‘Deutsche Schulmeister’ und ‘Deutsche Schule’: Forschungskritik und Materialien,” in Schulliteratur im Späten Mittelalter, ed. Klaus Grubmüller (München: Wilhelm Fink, 2000), 78–79; Ursula Peters, Literatur in der Stadt: Studien zu den sozialen Vorasusetzungen und kulturellen Organisationsformen städtischer Literatur im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1983), 269–73; Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 28–32; Klaus Wriedt, “Schulen und Bürgerliches Bildungswesen in Norddeutschland im Spätmittelalter,” in Bernd Moeller, Hans Patze, and Karl Stackmann, Studien zum städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit: Bericht über Kolloquien der


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During the last forty years, scholars have been largely critical of this thesis. In 1958, Herbert Grundmann noted, “compelling evidence of a specifically bourgeois educational program and purpose, have, as yet, not been found.”13 In an article appearing in 1979, Hans Martin Klinkenberg rejected the notion of a distinctly “bürgerliche” education entirely, arguing that the diversity of city dwellers—which included laborers, farmers, artisans, and men of commerce—precluded the existence of any single educational norm. In addition, he notes that the city schools often continued the traditions of the older, ecclesiastically controlled schools, showing little impulse to reform the curriculum.14 Although Klinkenberg’s radical rejection of a commercial education has since been moderated, it is no longer possible to speak in terms of a specifically “bürgerliches Bildungswesen” entirely distinct from, and antithetical to, ecclesiastical educational programs.15

Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1978–1981. Philologisch-Historische Klasse Dritte Folge, vol. 137 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983) [hereinafter, Städt. Bildung.], 152–54. 13 Herbert Grundmann, “Litteratus—Illiteratus: Der Wandel einer Bildungsnorm vom Altertum zum Mittelalter,” in Ausgewählte Aufsätze, part 3, Bildung und Sprache, vol. 25, Monumenta Germaniae Historica (hereinafter, MGH ) Schriften (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann Verlag, 1978), 63. First published in Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 40(1958), 1–65. 14 Hans Martin Klinkenberg, “‘Bürgerliche Bildung’ im Mittelalter?” in Studien zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, ed. Rudolf Schützeichel (Bonn: Bouvier Verlag, 1979), 370. 15 Klaus Schreiner goes even farther, arguing that to the extent education did expand in the late Middle Ages, it was the product not of the needs of a commercial class but, rather, a defensive movement by the Church against heresy. K. Schreiner, “Grenzen literarischer Kommunikation. Bemerkungen zur religiösen und sozialen Dialektik der Laienbildung im Spätmittelalter und in der Reformation,” in Literatur und Laienbildung im Spätmittelalter und in der Reformationszeit. Symposium Wolfenbüttel 1981, ed. Ludger Grenzmann and Karl Stackmann, Germanistische-Symposien-Berichtsbände, vol. 5 (Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1984), 3–7. As late as 1986, however, Alfred Wendehorst argued a nearly unreformed Pirenne thesis. He writes “Nichtkirchliche oder nur noch formal unter kirchlicher Aufsicht stehende Lateinische Schulen werden zunächst in einigen grossen Handelsstädten, im 14. Jahrhundert auch schon in vielen Mittelstädten meist von der kaufmännischen Oberschicht ins Leben gerufen und der Unterrichtsinhalt nach ihren Bedürfnissen bestimmt.” Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 29. This debate also touches on the question of the rise of vernacular education. In the older literature (Rörig, Pirenne, Ennen), it was generally assumed that formal schools providing vernacular education appeared very early, by at least the late twelfth century. More recently, however, it has been shown that in most cities, even those with large and well-organized bureaucracies, this did not occur until much later. See Peters, Literatur in der Stadt, 274; and Bleumer, “Deutsche Schulmeister,” 79.


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introduction

7

The debates about the content of education also play a key role in the discussions concerning the ultimate purpose of education. The well-known battles between the schools of Herbert Grundmann and Peter Classen regarding the motives behind the foundation of the first universities continue to color debates fifty years after Grundmann’s seminal work.16 According to Grundmann, the university arose “neither from national nor ecclesiastical initiative, nor from social or economic developments, but from amor sciendi . . . in its origins and essence it was directed toward independent thinking, research and teaching . . .”17 For a decade, his argument remained unchallenged. In 1967, however, Classen began the first major assault on Grundmann. Gradually, Classen’s more pragmatic understanding of the universities as products of complex social, economic, and political developments began to dominate.18 More recently, the work of Rainer C. Schwinges has emphasized

16 See Peter Classen, “Die hohen Schulen und die Gesellschaft im 12. Jahrhundert,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 48 (1966): 155–80. Reprinted in Studium und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter, ed. Johannes Fried, in MGH Schriften, vol. 29 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1983), 1–26; Herbert Grundmann, “Vom Ursprung der Universität im Mittelalter,” Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig. Phil.-hist. Klasse 103, 2 (Berlin: Anton Hiersemann Verlag, 1957), 3–68, reprinted in Herbert Grundmann, Ausgewählte Aufsätze, part 3, Bildung und Sprache. MGH Schriften vol. 25 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann Verlag, 1978), 292–342, esp. 319f: “Primär aber und konstitutiv, wahrhaft grundlegend und richtungweisend für Ursprung und Wesen der Universitäten . . . sind weder die Bedürfnisse der Berufsausbildung oder der Allgemeinbildung noch staatliche, kirchliche oder sozialökonomische Impulse und Motive sondern—kurz gesagt—das gelehrte, wissenschaftliche Interresse, das Wissen- und Erkennen-Wollen.” 17 Grundmann, “Vom Ursprung der Universität,” 339: “nicht aus staatlicher oder kirchlicher Initiative, nicht aus sozialen oder wirtschaftlichen Beweggründen, sondern aus dem amor sciendi . . . in ihrem Ursprung und Wesen ist sie auf unabhängiges Denken, Forschen und Lehren gerichtet . . .” 18 Even within this limited consensus, significant debates remain, especially relating to questions of social mobility and the practical application of an education in the Arts. See in particular Rainer C. Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte des alten Reiches. Beiträge zur Sozial- und Verfassungsgeschichte des Alten Reiches; Nr. 6, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische Geschichte Mainz. vol. 123 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1986), 445–46. Schwinges argues that the extent to which a university education could overcome the low status of one’s parents has been grossly exaggerated. Rolf Köhn also challenges the role of the university in social mobility and questions whether the arts curriculum of the university served and was shaped by the practical needs of an increasingly commercial and bureaucratic society. Köhn, “Schulbildung und Trivium im Lateinischen Hochmittelalter und ihr Möglicher praktischer Nutzen,” in Fried, Schulen und Studium, 282–83: “Daß die Kluft zwischen Schulbildung und Trivium einerseits und der sozialen Umwelt andererseits zwischen dem 11. und 13. Jahrhundert nicht geringer wurde, sondern eher größer, halte ich für unzweifelhaft, zumal auf der Bildungsstufe der Artes liberales.”


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the extent to which the universities (and education generally) were social constructs, reflecting and reinforcing the existing hierarchies.19 A series of articles by Jürgen Miethke has shown the potential practical applications of a scholastic and theological education, emphasizing the critical skills obtained in university study over the specific content.20 Recent works on law students at the universities of Erfurt and Bologna have also explored the practical uses of education and its role as a force for social mobility.21 Nevertheless, Grundmann’s more idealistic insistence on amor sciendi as the driving force behind the foundation of universities, and by extension educational expansion generally, continues to find advocates.22 The question of literacy remains the least developed of these four debates. Although a great deal has been written on the subject, much uncertainty remains. Historians generally agree that literacy expanded significantly during the fourteenth and fifteenth century, especially in

19 See Rainer C. Schwinges, “Pauperes an deutschen Universitäten des 15 Jahrhunderts,” Zeitschrift für historische Forschungen (hereinafter, ZHF ) 8 (1981), 285–308; and Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 446. See also the recently available online database Repertorium Academicum Germanicum, available at http://www.rag-online.org/. 20 Jürgen Miethke, “Karrierechancen eines Theologiestudiums im späteren Mittelalter,” in Gelehrte im Reich, ed. Rainer Christoph Schwinges, Beihefte der ZHF, vol. 18 (Berlin: Dunker & Humboldt, 1996), 181–209; and Jürgen Miethke, “Practical Intentions of Scholasticism: The Example of Political Theory,” in Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society, ed. William J. Courtenay and Jürgen Miethke, vol. 10, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 211–28. Compare Köhn who is particularly critical of the notion that the content of medieval education was determined largely by social needs. Köhn, “Schulbildung und Trivium,” 282–83. 21 Robert Gramsch, Erfurter Juristen im Spätmittelalter: Die Karrieremuster und Tätigkeitsfelder einer gelehrten Elite des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Jürgen Miethke, William J. Courtenay, Jeremy Catto, and Jacques Verger, vol. 17 (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 561–66; and Jürg Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich: Die deutschen Rechtsstudenten an der Universität Bologna 1265–1425, Veröffentlichungen der Gesellschaft für Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, ed. R. C. Schwinges, vol. 2 (Basel: Schwabe, 2000), 188–214, 268–69. 22 As recently as 2000, Rainer C. Schwinges lamented the continuing influence of Grundmann’s school, “With his socially romantic and harmonizing ideas regarding the meaning and function of medieval universities, an expert such as Herbert Grundmann hindered research in this direction for a long time and continues to do so through his school and sphere of influence, which is already in the third generation.” See Schwinges, “On Recruitment in German Universities from the Fourteenth to Sixteenth Centuries,” in Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society, ed. William J. Courtenay and Jürgen Miethke, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, vol. 10 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 42. See also Michael Borgolte, Sozialgeschichte des Mittelalters. Eine Forschungsbilanz nach der deutschen Einheit, Historische Zeitschrift Beihefte, vol. 22 (München: R. Oldenbourg, 1996), 373–84.


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introduction

9

urban areas.23 However, even these basic statements are difficult to prove demonstratively. Since rates of literacy are notoriously difficult to assess with any accuracy, it is hardly surprising that the literature betrays a necessary, if ultimately unsatisfying, vagueness. Historians must often generalize from a small sample of documents, which correspond imperfectly to the larger population they are attempting to describe. Within these significant limitations, there is some consensus that literacy rates in urban areas were between ten and thirty percent.24 The fact that the best estimate has a margin of error of 300 percent shows the uncertainty that characterizes this subject. Historians have long cast the fourth major debate, the nature of the relationship between ecclesiastical and civic authorities vis-à-vis education, in terms of the so-called Schulstreit, a term Martin Meister first applied as early as 1868. Unlike later historians, however, Meister argued that the desire of individual churches to protect their traditional prerogatives drove these conflicts, rather than specific concerns about the curriculum. Meister also noted that examples of Schulstreit were rarer in the south where religious foundations, especially collegiate churches, were more abundant.25 The fact that these foundations frequently housed schools obviated the need for the cities to establish new ones. In the 1920s, the theories of Pirenne and Rörig recast the question in terms of the educational needs of a new and powerful commercial 23 See, however, Schreiner, “Grenzen literarischer Kommunikation,” 57, who questions whether one can truly speak of an explosion in education as some historians have been wont to do. 24 For the early Middle Ages in Germany, see Detlef Illmer, Formen der Erziehung und Wissensvermittlung im frühen Mittelalter: Quellenstudien zur Frage der Kontinuität des abendländischen Erziehungswesens, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung, vol. 7 (München: Arbeo-Gesellschaft, 1971); and Rosamond McKitterick, Books, Scribes and Learning in the Frankish Kingdoms, 6th to 9th Centuries (Aldershot: Variorum, 1994). For the later period, see Robert W. Scribner, “How Many Could Read?,” in Stadtbürgertum und Adel in der Reformation: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte der Reformation in England und Deutschland = The Urban Classes, the Nobility and the Reformation: Studies in the Social History of the Reformation in England and Germany, ed. Wolfgang J. Mommsen, Peter Alter, and Robert W. Scribner, Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Historischen Instituts London, vol. 5 (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1979), 44f; and Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 30. Estimates for England vary even more widely, although the 13 percent given by Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran for the diocese of York compares favorably with those given for Germany. See Moran, The Growth of English Schooling 1340–1548: Learning, Literacy and Laicization in Pre-Reformation York Diocese (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985), 181. 25 Martin Meister, Die deutschen Stadtschulen und der Schulstreit im Mittelalter: ein Beitrag zur Schulgeschichte des Mittelalters, Programm des Königlichen Gymnasiums zu Hadamar (1868), 22–23.


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class.26 The influence of this class, according to Pirenne and Rörig, altered curriculum and drove the creation of city-controlled schools. This in turn fueled the struggle between the ecclesiastical hierarchy and civic institutions over the control of education. Pirenne’s and Rörig’s assumption, and that of their followers, that the rise of city schools occurred in conjunction with the economic expansion of the eleventh and twelfth centuries led them to posit extremely early dates for the foundation of many city schools—both Latin and vernacular. Yet these early dates, as Hartmut Bleumer has pointed out, rarely hold up to close scrutiny.27 Some historians have also seen the establishment of city schools as integral to the expression of civic pride and identity. According to these historians, the growth of a wealthy, self-conscious, civic elite, spurred the development of civic institutions that challenged the traditional role of the church. This, they point out, was true in the case of hospitals, poor relief, and education. For example, Rudolf Endres placed the establishment of a city-controlled school in Rothenburg within the context of the city’s drive for increasing independence from the church.28 In so doing, the city touched off a struggle with the church engendering the classic Schulstreit. Some recent studies, however, have begun to reexamine the idea of Schulstreit. In Martin Kintzinger’s work on Augsburg (a city that did not lack for identity and civic pride), he points out that there appears to have been little controversy there, suggesting that the existing schools

26 See Pirenne, “L’instruction des marchands,” 13–28; Rörig, “Grosshandel und Grosshändler,” 29–41; and Ennen, “Stadt und Schulen,” 159. 27 Although the early foundations of many specific Deutscheschulen have been shown to be dubious, more recent general works continue to assert these dates. See Peters, Literatur in der Stadt, 274; and Bleumer, “Deutsche Schulmeister,” 79. Often the existence of a parish school that is not clearly identified as a Latin school has been considered sufficient grounds to assert the existence of a vernacular “Deutscheschule.” Some of the literature has also tended to equate the foundation of any new parish with the existence of a city school. Finally, the use of the vernacular “schulmeister” is often taken to imply that the instruction was vernacular. This seems to be the case with “Agnes die Schulmeisterin” of Regensburg who is often used as evidence of the first vernacular school in Regensburg, although we know only the year of her death, place of burial, and that she was called “die schulmeisterin.” 28 Rudolf Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation. Gesamtdarstellung,” in Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesens, 153: “Das wachsende selbst Bewußtsein der Bürger und der wille, alle Bereich des lebens selbst zu regeln, machten auch vor den Schulen nicht halt. Wie in der Armenfürsorge und im Spitalwesen so wurde der Einfluß der Kirche auch im Schulwesen zurückgedrängt.”


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met the needs of the city’s inhabitants adequately.29 Hartmut Bleumer argues that the continued insistence on Schulstreit has led many historians to miscast the issue and has skewed the way historians look at the evidence.30 In addition, the German historiography of education has tended to remain primarily a local endeavor. Many studies focus entirely on a particular city, or particular school, with little effort to place them within a larger regional or European framework. This is, at least in part, a reflection of the organization of German research institutions by regions, with many of the most important chairs dedicated to the history of particular state (Landesgeschichte). Although this focus certainly has its strengths, it has tended to limit the breadth of many of the studies conducted under its aegis. The lack of studies in the German literature seeking to place German education within a broader context is evident in Paul Grendler’s summary article on schooling in Western Europe during the late Middle Ages. Writing in the early 1990s, he mentions studies from France, Italy, England, and Spain, but German-speaking regions remain conspicuously absent.31 An article presented at the same conference describes the field of German pre-university education in the late Medieval and early modern periods as “wide open.”32 A number of important works published in the last fifteen years have begun to close this frontier; however, much work remains to be done. This work, it is hoped, will shed further light on the historiographical debates discussed previously and place the German, especially southern German, educational landscape within a European context. I begin with a detailed discussion of the schools of late medieval Regensburg, paying particular attention to the educational institutions, their organization,

29 Martin Kintzinger, “ ‘Ich was auch ain Schueler’: die Schulen im spätmittelalterlichen Augsburg,” in Literarisches Leben im Augsburg während des 15. Jahrhunderts, ed. Johannes Janota and Werner Williams-Krapp, Studia Augustana, vol. 7 (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1995), 64. 30 Bleumer, “Deutsche Schulmeister,” 79: “Aber die Frühdatierungen wurden eben nicht nur vorgenommen, weil die geringe Anzahl und Aussagekraft der Quellen Freiraum für Spekulationen ließ, sondern sie beruhten auch darauf, daß durch die pointierte Auffasung vom mittelalterlichen Schulstreit die Interpretation der Quellen eine deutliche Färbung erfuhr.” 31 Paul F. Grendler, “Schooling in Western Europe,” Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 4 (1990), 775–87. 32 Susan Karant-Nunn, “Alas, a Lack: Trends in the Historiography of Pre-University Education in Early Modern Germany,” Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 4 (1990), 788–98.


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and periods of prominence. I argue that the existing ecclesiastical schools sufficiently met the needs of Regensburg’s elite, reducing pressure for the establishment of new schools under the city’s direct control. In addition, this study examines schools and education for women and Jews. I will then consider the schools themselves more closely, including discussions of the curriculum, teachers, and students. There existed no sharp distinction between the curriculum of ecclesiastical schools and city-controlled schools. Finally, I will examine the interface between the universities, the city, and the schools of Regensburg within the context of the demands of an increasingly complex civic bureaucracy, reflecting the extent to which Regensburg participated in broader European educational trends, demonstrating the role (and limits) of university education in social and economic mobility.


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Schottenkloster (St. Jakob)

Late Medieval Regensburg

To Prüfening

Dominikanerin

Second Expansion (ca. 1320)

Rathaus

St. Emmeram To Prüll

St. Paul (Mittelmünster)

Obermünster

St. Cassian

Second Expansion (ca. 1320) Franciscans

Poor Clares (Franziskanerin)

Old Roman City

Alte Kapelle

St. Ulrich

Map 1: Late medieval Regensburg.

Dominicans

River

Niedermünster Cathedral

Synagogue and Jewish Quarter

St. Johann

St. Mang

Augustinian Hermits

First Expansion (ca. 920)

Danube

St. Katharinenspital

Stadtamhof

To Straubing

introduction 13

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4/11/2008 3:57:55 PM

CHAPTER TWO

THE EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE OF LATE MEDIEVAL REGENSBURG Few cities in medieval Germany were home to as many churches and religious houses as Regensburg. By the fifteenth century, Regensburg had nearly two hundred church buildings, numerous chapels, four canonical houses, and fourteen houses of religious men and women.1 These created positions for educated men, and they provided educational opportunities. Schools attached to parishes, monasteries, and especially, the canonical houses trained young boys for careers in the church, and in some cases, lay careers as well. The sheer number of religious institutions, and the impressive libraries that many of them accumulated, ensured that educated men continued to be attracted to Regensburg long after regional powers such as Augsburg and Nuremberg had eclipsed it. Somewhat paradoxically, Regensburg’s economic decline, which began in the mid-fourteenth century, appears to have coincided with a period of increasing lay interest in education and a commensurate expansion in access to learning. Early Medieval Regensburg: An Overview Regensburg’s educational landscape owed much to its status as the political and economic center of early medieval Bavaria. Favored first by the Aigilofing dynasty and then the Carolingians, the city flourished both politically and economically. After the foundation of a bishopric in

1 Map drawn from Alois Schmid, Regensburg: Reichsstadt—Fürstbischof—Reichsstifte— Herzoghof, Historischer Atlas von Bayern: Teil Altbayern, Heft 60 (München: Kommission für Bayersiche Landesgeschichte, 1995), 165. Ulm, with approximately the same number of inhabitants, and Nuremberg, with a population more than three times that of Regensburg, had only eight religious houses each. Karl Josef Benz, “Klosterleben im Umbruch der Zeit zur Situation der Regensburger Klöster um die Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts,” in Crossroads of Medieval Civilization: The City of Regensburg and Its Intellectual Milieu, ed. Edelgard E. DuBruck and Karl Heinz Göller, Medieval and Renaissance Monograph Series, vol. 5 (Detroit: 1984), 5.

SHEFFLER_F3_15-84.indd 15

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chapter two

Regensburg in 732 and the rise of the Carolingians, royal favors continued to flow into the old Roman city on the Danube. The assimilation of Bavaria into the Carolingian Empire further enhanced the position of Regensburg. Charlemagne himself visited the city frequently, spending more time in Regensburg than any place outside of Aachen. The later Carolingians, Louis the German and Arnulf von Kärnten, were even more partial to Regensburg. Both established residences within the city, the former near the Alter Kornmarkt and the latter near St. Emmeram.2 The monastery of St. Emmeram was renowned for learning throughout the German-speaking world, inspiring one eleventh-century writer to opine, “Ratispona vere secunda Athene, aeque studiis florida, sed verioris philosophiae fructibus cumulata.”3 Such hyperbole aside, Regensburg stood among the first rank of German cities economically, culturally, and politically throughout the high Middle Ages. The expansion of trade during the eleventh century further improved Regensburg’s standing. Sitting astride important eastwest and north-south trade routes, the city profited from the Italian as well as the Danube trade. Wine and cloth merchants in particular amassed significant fortunes and carved out a degree of political influence commensurate with their wealth. Their growing influence culminated in the mid-thirteenth century with the establishment of Regensburg as a Reichsstadt governed by a mayor and a council of sixteen.4 Inspired by both piety and hubris, the growing patrician elite emulated ducal and imperial generosity. From early on, these elites contrib-

2 Peter Schmid has written extensively on this subject. For a recent discussion, see P. Schmid, “Ratispona Metropolis Baioariae: Die bayerischen Herzöge und Regensburg,” in Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, ed. Peter Schmid (Regensburg: Pustet Verlag, 2000), 51–63. Compare Alois Schmid, “Ratisbona Benedictina: Die Regensburger Benediktinerklöster St. Emmeram, Prüll und Prüfening während des Mittelalters,” in Regensburg im Mittelalter: Beiträge zur Stadtgeschichte vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit, ed. Martin Angerer and Heinrich Wanderwitz, vol. 1 (Regensburg: Universitätsverlag, 1995), 177–186. 3 Carl Theodor Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, edited by Hans Angermeier. 4 vols. (Regensburg: Montag und Weiss, 1800–1824. Reprint, München: C. H. Beck, 1971), vol. 1, 137. The trope of the “New Athens,” akin to the modern Paris of the . . . cannot be taken too seriously. Compare Pierre Riché, Les écoles et l’enseignement dans l’Occident chrétien de la fin du V e siècle au milieu du XI e siècle (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1979), 167: “Gozzechin, plus tard maître à Mayence, écrit . . . que Liège est une ‘nouvelle Athènes, fleur de la Gaule tripartite, nourrice des études.’ ” 4 Peter Schmid, “Die Bürgerschaft auf dem Weg zur Reichsfreiheit,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, 187–89.


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the educational landscape of late medieval regensburg

17

uted to ecclesiastical building funds, established numerous altars, and funded eternal masses that provided for the hereafter and redounded to their honor in the here and now. Despite the precipitous decline in Regensburg’s fortunes during the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the civic and religious institutions that flourished during Regensburg’s ascendancy continued to receive civic funding and provide important centers of learning into the sixteenth century and beyond.5 The Sacred Geography of Regensburg St. Emmeram, the most important of Regensburg’s religious institutions, was founded in the eighth century, enjoying ducal and eventually imperial support. Initially located just outside Regensburg on its southwestern edge, the convent was incorporated within the walls by the city at the beginning of the tenth century. The monastery housed one of the region’s richest libraries and attracted both scholars and pilgrims throughout the Middle Ages. Although outside Regensburg, the Benedictine monasteries of Prüfening and Prüll also contributed significantly to the educational and cultural history of the city.6 Prüll, founded by the bishop of Regensburg in the early eleventh century, served as a double monastery and a hospital for much of its history and provided lodging for travelers approaching the city from the south.7 The bishop of Bamberg, whose ties to the city dated from the reign of Henry II, founded Prüfening in 5 Compare Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran, Education and Learning in the City of York, Borthwick Papers, vol. 55 (York: University of York, 1979), 15–16. Moran finds similar developments in late medieval York. 6 The inclusion of these two monasteries in a fourteenth century inventory of Regensburg’s libraries illustrates their importance to the intellectual and cultural history of the city. Christine Elisabeth Ineichen-Eder, ed. Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 4, pt. 1, Bistümer Passau und Regensburg (München: C. H. Beck, 1977) (hereinafter, MBK IV), 1, 152–54. 7 Alois Schmid, “Die Gründung des Klosters Prüll,” in 1000 Jahre Kultur in Karthaus Prüll: Geschichte und Forschung vor den Toren Regensburgs, Festschrift zum Jubiläum des ehemaligen Klosters (Regensburg: Verlag Pustet, 1997), 11–19; A. Schmid, “Ratisbona Benedictina,” 181. After 1484, Prüll was re-founded as a male-only Carthusian house. Thomas Feuerer, “Die Aufhebung des Benediktinerklosters Prüll im Kontext landesherrlicher Klosterpolitik des ausgehenden 15. Jahrhunderts,” in 1000 Jahre Kultur in Karthaus Prüll: Geschichte und Forschung vor den Toren Regensburgs, Festschrift zum Jubiläum des ehemaligen Klosters (Regensburg: Verlag Pustet, 1997), 27–28. See also Anneliese Hilz, “Benediktiner, Kartäuser, Iroschotten, Mendikanten,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 769.


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the early twelfth century as a bastion of the Hirsauer monastic reforms, which sought to restore more rigorous monastic discipline.8 In addition to these, a fourth monastery existed in Regensburg under the Benedictine Rule—the Irish Schottenkloster.9 Founded in the late eleventh century by the Irish monk Marianus, the monastery occupied land just outside the old western gate of the city.10 Bolstered by papal and imperial support, and enjoying good relations with the city, the Schottenkloster became the focus of an important monastic movement.11 Within the first century of its existence, the monastery established daughter houses in Erfurt, Vienna, Würzburg, Nuremburg, Constance, Eichstätt, and Memmingen. These houses, especially those in Erfurt and Vienna, also became important scriptoria and centers of learning in their own right. Equally important fixtures in Regensburg’s religious landscape were the city’s four canonical houses. Those attached to the cathedral, Alte Kapelle, and St. Johann were grouped closely together within the original city walls.12 The fourth, belonging to the Augustinian canons of St. Mang, commanded the approach to the steinerne Brücke, the only route into the city from the north, and one of the keys to the city’s wealth.13 In each of these foundations, there is compelling evidence for

A. Schmid, “Ratisbona Benedictina,” 182. Although the Irish monks adopted the Benedictine Rule, the Schottenkloster performed more of an urban mission than did most of the older Benedictine houses. Rather than seeking isolation from the world, the Irish monks engaged the world directly through their involvement in the care of souls. In this, the Schottenklöster was more akin to the houses of regular canons that began to flourish during the same period. For a history of the Schottenkloster, see Helmut Flachenecker, Schottenklöster: Irische Benediktinerkonvente im hochmittelalterlichen Deutschland, in Quellen und Forschungen aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte, vol. 18 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1995). 10 It was incorporated within the walls after the expansion of the city in the first quarter of the fourteenth century. 11 Helmut Flachenecker, “Irische Klausner und Benediktiner: zur Geschichte von Weih Sankt Peter und St. Jakob,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, vol. 1, 187–201. See also A. Hilz, “Benediktiner, Kartäuser, Iroschotten, Mendikanten,” 780–81. 12 St. Johann was founded as a house of regular canons under the Augustinian Rule between 1127 and 1132. It initially required that the beneficed clergy maintain the common life (holding no individual property and living together in a manner similar to monks). By 1186, the reforming zeal of its founders had begun to wane, and by 1290, the eleven canons attached to the church each kept their own personal houses. See Heinrich Wanderwitz, “Die Kanoniker- und Chorherrenstifte im mittelalterlichen Regensburg,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, 199. 13 Despite St. Mang’s location outside the city proper, its canons appear frequently in property transactions and as beneficiaries of civic largesse. 8 9


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the existence of schools in song and, in the cases of the Alte Kapelle, the Cathedral, and St. Mang, grammar education as well. In addition, Regensburg was one of the first cities in Germany to host all four mendicant orders. Although the Carmelite foundation relocated to Straubing shortly after its foundation, the three largest mendicant orders maintained convents in the city from the late thirteenth century.14 The Franciscans arrived first, taking up residence in the church of St. Salvator, at that time located just outside the eastern gate of the city on the road to Straubing. When the Dominicans arrived a few years later, the bishop granted them the church of St. Blasius, located on the opposite end of the city (hoping no doubt to avoid excessive competition between the two orders), just inside what was then the city’s western gate. The Augustinian Hermits took up residence in the center of the city in a small chapel donated by the city immediately adjacent to the synagogue. Nor did Regensburg lack houses for religious women. The oldest and most prestigious were the quasi-religious houses of Obermünster and Niedermünster. These first appear in the sources in the ninth century.15 Both were within the confines of the old Roman walls (a testament to their age)—Obermünster on the southwestern edge of the city near St. Emmeram, and Niedermünster on the northeastern periphery.16 In the late tenth century, a third house for women, St. Paul’s (Mittelmünster), was founded not far from Obermünster. The arrival of the mendicants in the thirteenth century meant a significant expansion in the number of formal houses for the female religious.17 These new houses, which were placed under the direction

14 The Carmelites relocated to Straubing in 1367 where they faced significantly less competition. Alfons Huber, “Das Straubinger Karmelitenkloster im Mittelalter,” in Ratisbona Sacra: das Bistum Regensburg im Mittelalter; Ausstellung anläßlich des 1250jährigen Jubiläums der kanonischen Errichtung des Bistums Regensburg durch Bonifatius 739–1989, ed. Diözesanmuseum Regensburg (München: Schnell & Steiner Verlag, 1989), 283. 15 Paul Mai, “Die Kanonissenstifte Ober-, Nieder- und Mittelmünster in Regensburg,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, 203. See also Claudia Märtl, “Die Damenstifte Obermünster, Niedermünster, St. Paul,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 745. 16 Obermünster and Niedermünster, as well as St. Paul’s, primarily served noblewomen who did not take permanent vows. The women strenously and successfully resisted numerous efforts aimed at reforming them, including one spearheaded by the famous Regensburg Franciscan preacher Berthold of Regensburg. Among other things, the residents insisted on maintaining their traditional privileges, including the right to wear furs. 17 See, for example, the late fourteenth century city account records Regensburg Stadtarchiv (hereinafter, StAR), Cameralia (hereinafter, Cam.) 4 fol. 2v, 3r. (digital


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of their male counterparts, also reflected important demographic shifts within medieval society. Unlike the primarily noble women of Obermünster, Mittelmünster, and Niedermünster, the Dominican sisters and the Poor Clares came largely from among the families of Regensburg’s citizenry.18 As was often the case with such foundations, the women’s houses were in close physical proximity to the male mendicant convents charged with their spiritual oversight.19 The military orders had a presence in Regensburg as well, although there is no evidence that they had any educational role in the city beyond the employment of priests and acolytes. The Teutonic Knights had a commandery in the city by the end of the first quarter of the twelfth century.20 About forty years later, a small convent of the Knights Hospitaller also appeared in Regensburg, located in the western quarter of the city. In addition to these, there were approximately seventy chapels, numerous altars, and hospitals, all requiring priests for the performance of the Mass, and frequently “schuler der im darzu hilft.”21

reproductions and some transcriptions of StAR Cameralia can now be accessed online at http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm). The entry lists the payment of annuities from the city to a large number sisters from the mendicant houses, including members of such prominent Regensburg families as the Sterner, Baumburger, Winckler, Hüber, Hädrär, and Graner. 18 The Augustinian Hermits were also responsible for a women’s convent located in Viehbach. For education in this house, see the following discussion of women’s education. 19 The convents of the Poor Clares and the female Dominicans were initially established from existing loosely knit communities of pious women. In the western portion of the city, a house of female Dominicans under the spiritual supervision of the nearby male Dominican convent emerged by 1267. Approximately thirty years later, a similar group of women living in the eastern part of the city adopted the Rule of St. Clare. 20 Paul Mai, “Die Deutschordens-Kommende St. Ägid,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 821. 21 Josef Widemann and Franz Bastian, eds. Regensburger Urkundenbuch. Urkunden der Stadt. Monumenta Boica (hereinafter, MB) 54, 318 #767: 20 Feb. 1386 (Verlag der k. Akademie, 1912/1956). For a list of hospitals, see Guido Hable, Geschichte Regensburgs: eine Übersicht nach Sachgebieten (Regensburg: Mittelbayerische Druckerei- und Verlags-Gesellschaft, 1970), 97–98. In 1444, the master of the hospital (St. Katherinenspital) Ulrich Obser copied a Latin/German Psalter likely for use by the young boys who served the choir there. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 381 “Item psalterium, ubi semper primus versus est in Latino, postea wlgari, scriptus per manus Ulrici Obser civis Ratisponensis ac magister hospitalis 1444 . . .” For Ulrich Obser, see also Claudia Märtl, “Zur Biographie des bayerischen Geschichtsschreibers Andreas von Regensburg,” in Regensburg und Bayern in Mittelalter, Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte Regensburgs, vol. 4. (Regensburg: Mittelbayerische Drukerei und Verlags-Gesellschaft, 1987), 36 n. 20.


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The Schools of Regensburg With the exception of private instructors, Regensburg’s ecclesiastical institutions administered all the schools located within the city until the beginning of the sixteenth century. Yet one must be careful of making too much of this “monopoly.”22 The fact that the city, despite its numerous liberties and the considerable self-awareness of its leading citizens, did not make any serious efforts to found its own school suggests that the existing schools adequately met its needs. Indeed, the interests of the ecclesiastical schools demanded it. The schools of the Alte Kapelle and the cathedral suffered significant economic hardship when the city boycotted them in the mid-fourteenth century—a clear testament to the economic power the city could wield.23 Nor did ecclesiastical institutions represent a monolithic interest block. The existence of multiple ecclesiastical schools meant that they were in some sense competing with one another for students.24 As a result, despite the 22 Much of the older historiography has fixated on the ecclesiastical monopoly of education. As a result, the authors are often inordinately concerned with the establishment of the first city-controlled schools and the breaking of this, presumably, detrimental monopoly. However, cities such as Augsburg and Regensburg, which did not establish their own schools until the sixteenth century, do not fit this pattern neatly. Instead, they point to a substantially different understanding of the dynamic. Rather than objecting to clerical control of the schools or their curriculum, most cities appear to have been much more concerned with access. If the existing institutions were capable of fulfilling their educational needs, the city was not compelled to push for its own schools. 23 Bishop Friedrich placed the city under interdict following the death of a cathedral canon at the hands of a prominent Regensburg citizen. In response, the council decreed that no citizens of Regensburg should allow their children to attend the schools of the Alte Kapelle or the cathedral. The council punished the schools because the death occurred during the festivities associated with a popular school festival—the so-called Festum Stultorum or Bischofsspiel. The fifteenth-century Regensburg historian Andreas Presbyter (von Regensburg) mentions the boycott, saying that it lasted only “aliquantulum temporis.” Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum et imperatorum Romanorum, in Sämtliche Werke, ed. Georg Leidinger, Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte (hereinafter, QuE ), Neue Folge, vol. 1 (München: Rieger, 1903), 101–02. The financial impact of the ban was felt most keenly by the Alte Kapelle as evidenced by changes in the way the chapter allocated money to the schools. For more, see the discussion of the schools of the Alte Kapelle later. 24 Ecclesiastical schools often competed fiercely with one another. In the late fourteenth century, competition for students between the cathedral school in Freising and the collegiate school of St. Andreas led to a protracted legal battle. In the end, the bishop allowed the parents to choose freely between the two schools. Georg Lurz, ed. Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente Altbayerns, einschließlich Regensburgs. 2 vols. Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica (Berlin: A. Hoffman, 1907–1908), vol. 41, 170: “quilibet scolaris libere possit frequentare scola Ecclesie nostre majoris vel Ecclesie sancti Andree et illas, quos intravit, dimittere et alias intrare, prout magis sibi vel parentibus suis videbitur


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apparent ecclesiastical monopoly, the educational opportunities available in Regensburg appear to have satisfied the needs of its citizens, without the foundation of city-funded schools, or the development of a full-blown Schulstreit. Most priests and even acolytes could provide basic instruction sufficient for capable performance of the liturgy. Some were also able to teach reading and perhaps even writing. Thirteenth-century papal legislation required every parish to employ a cleric capable of leading a schola. It is, of course, one thing to legislate and quite another to enforce.25 That Regensburg diocesan officials issued a nearly identical decree more than 180 years later is reason enough for caution.26 Even when church officials made efforts to fulfill these obligations, the level of education and the quality of instruction varied widely. In many cases, instruction was limited to basic knowledge of the Creed and a few simple prayers that students might memorize easily.27 Throughout the

expedire absque contradictione vel impedimento cujuscunque.” The intensity of the competition between these schools is further suggested by the bishop’s prohibition against schoolmasters enticing students away from the other school with fraudulent promises. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 170: “Hoc autem omnino prohibemus rectoribus scolarum Ecclesiarum nostrarum cathedralis et sancti Andree prenominatarum, ne unus in fraudem vel prejudicium alterius scole promissionibus vel inductionibus aliis per se vel per alium sibi scolares alliciat vel acquirat . . .” In Regensburg, the existence of mulitiple open schools is also suggested by the success of the city’s boycott of the schools of the Alte Kapelle and cathedral. It is hard to imagine that the city would have been successful in enforcing this ban if alternative schools did not exist. 25 Gregory IX issued a bull in 1234 requiring all priests to maintain a cleric capable of leading a school. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 156: “quisque presbyter, qui plebem regit, clericum habeat, qui secum cantet, et epistolam et lectionem legat, et qui possit scholas tenere, et admonere suos Parochianos, ut filios suos ad fidem discendam mittant ad ecclesiam, quos ipse cum omni castitate erudiat . . .” However, in the fourteenth century, Conrad of Megenberg complained that few rectors complied. Konrad von Megenberg, Die Werke des Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik (Yconomica), Buch III, edited by Sabine Krüger, MGH Staatschriften des späteren Mittelalters, vol. 3, part 3, (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1984), 46. “Sed huic [papal decrees concerning education] nostris temporibus in plerisque locis Theutonie cura minima subministrat, quoniam scolarum rectoribus, ut deceret, minime providetur . . .” 26 See Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 174; and Thomas Ried, ed. Codex chronologico-diplomaticus episcopatus Ratispbonensis. 2 vols. (Regensburg: Typis Laurentii Stephani Schaupp, 1816), vol. 2, 982. Regensburg diocesan decree 1419. “Omnis Presbyter clericum habeat vel scholarem, qui Epistolam legat et ad Missam respondeat, et cum quo Psalmas legat . . . Videte, ut omnibus parochianis vestris Symbolum et orationem dominicam insinuetis.” 27 Some of the older literature, and even some of the more recent, has tended toward an overly optimistic assessment of the quality and availability of instruction in German parishes. For an excellent discussion of the relevant literature, see Reinhard


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Middle Ages, the competence of individual rectors remained uneven, prompting the anonymous author of the Reformatio Sigismundi (appeared 1439) to demand that bishops supply each parish with learned men who were “at least bachelors.”28 In Regensburg, evidence of such parish schools is limited. Two poor scholars attached to the parish church of St. Cassian received four

Jakob, Schulen in Franken und in der Kuroberpfalz 1250–1520: Verbreitung—Organization— Gesellschaftliche Bedeutung, Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter, ed. Horst Brunner, Harald Dickerhof and Dietrich Huschenbett, et al. vol. 16 (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1994), 7–9. As Jakob points out, discussions of these “pfarrschulen” often employ the term (and indeed other terms such as song school, city school, grammar school and “deutsche schule”) in an inconsistent and often confusing manner. The lack of terminological consistency likely reflects, at least in part, the extreme variation in the schools themselves. Many parish schools in small villages would have provided only very basic religious instruction, whereas in some cities and market towns these schools developed into important city-controlled institutions with a well-organized curriculum. For a recent discussion of the relationship between parish schools and such so-called city schools, see Rudolf Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation. Gesamtdarstellung,” in Handbuch der Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesen, vol. I, Geschichte der Schule in Bayern von den Anfängen bis 1800, 332–348. Bad Heilbrunn: Julius Kinkhardt, 1991), 152–55. 28 Heinrich Koller, ed., Reformation Kaiser Siegmunds, MGH Staatschriften des späteren Mittelalters, vol. 6 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1964), 131. Also cited in Martin Kintzinger, Das Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig im hohen und späten Mittelalter: Verfassungs- und institutionengeschichtliche Studien zu Schulpolitik und Bildungsförderung, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. 32 (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 1990), 192: “yeglicher byschof soll alle pfarkirchen lihen und besorgen mit gelerten personen, dye da z%m minsten bacalarien syent, die söllent an den byschof briefe bringen von den sch%len, da sie gestudiert habent, denen sol der byschof lihen an widerred . . .” Although the term baccalaureus can be ambiguous (in some cases it is used only to refer to the more advanced students who assisted the schoolmaster), the context makes it clear that the statutes intended for the individual to be university-trained. For a discussion of the impact of the Reformatio Sigismundi, see Hartmut Boockmann, “Zu den Wirkungen der Reform Kaiser Siegmunds,” in Bernd Moeller, Hans Patze, and Karl Stackmann, eds. Studien zum städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittelalters und der frühen neuzeit: Bericht über Kolloquien der Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1978–1981. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen: Philologisch-Historische Klasse dritte Folge, vol. 137 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1983) (hereinafter, Städt. Bildung.), 112–35. See also Lothar von Dohna, Reformatio Sigismundi: Beiträge zum Verständnis einer Reformschrift des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts, in Veröffentlichungen des MaxPlanck-Instituts für Geschichte, vol. 4 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1960), 52. The Reformatio Sigismundi circulated widely during the last quarter of the fifteenth and first quarter of the sixteenth century when many accepted it as an authentic imperial reform program. However, as Koller and Dohna have pointed out, the effect of the Reformatio on popular reform movements has often been overstated. See also Claudia Märtl, “Der Reformgedanke in den Reformschriften des 15 Jahrhundert,” in Reform von Kirche und Reich, eds. Ivan Hlaváček and Alexander Patschovsky (Constance: Universitätsverlag Konstanz, 1996): 91–108.


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groschen29 each quarter for assisting the priest when he administered the sacraments to the sick and dying.30 The pfarrer of the hospital of St. Lazarus received sixteen denarii, and each of the “schüler” who assisted him two denarii, when they celebrated a perpetual mass in honor of the donor—Nicholas Swaiger.31 In addition, the city account books record at least sixteen payments between 1478 and 1498 to the “knaben auf der Thumbpfar [St. Ulrich’s] die in der stat vorm sacrament singen.”32 However, this appears to have involved only a small number of boys trained exclusively in song.33

Medieval currency is notoriously complex. It varied significantly over time in terms of purchasing power, weight and fineness. The best effort to assess the relative values of the most common medieval currencies is Peter Spufford, Handbook of Medieval Exchange (London: London Historical Society, 1986). The most common currencies used in Regensburg were the Regensburg pfennig (denarius), the Rheinische Gulden (also called Florin) the Bohemian Groschen, and the Hungarian Florin or Ducat (especially in the fifteenth century). The relative values fluctuated significantly over time making it difficult to compare them. By the fifteenth century, the Bohemian Groschen was worth about seven Bohemian pfennige (originally it was worth twelve). In 1385, one Bohemian Groschen was equal to 1/18 of a Florentine Florin. In 1382, it took eighty-six Regensburg pfennige to equal one Florentine Florin. (Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, III, 270). In the mid fifteenth century, fifty Rheinische Gulden were equal to just more than seventeen Regensburger pounds (see, for example, StAR Cam. 18 fol. 25v. “Item wir haben maister Casparen Canntner mer aufgericht in sein Studium L guld. Reinischen machent xvii lb v schil. 20 den.” At approximately the same time, a skilled craftsman could expect to earn 7 Regensburg pfennige a day while the lowest city officials received approximately six pounds per year (240pf.=2.5 pounds) See Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, III, 270. From the fifteenth-century mathematical textbook found in St. Emmeram, Kurt Vogel calculates the following exchange rates: 1 Rheinische Gulden = 22 Groschen (Prague) = 66 Regensburg pfennige. See Vogel, Die Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis: ein Rechenbuch des Benediktinerklosters St. Emmeram aus der Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts nach den Handschriften der Münchner Staatsbibliothek und der Stiftsbibliothek St. Florian, Schriftenreihe zur bayerischen Landesgeschichte, vol. 50 (München: C. H. Beck, 1954), 235 f. 30 See Josef Schmid, ed. Die Urkundenregesten des Kollegiatstiftes U.L.F. zur alten Kapelle in Regensburg. 2 vols. (hereinafter, Urk. AK.), I, 262–63 #1316: 12 February 1489. The reference to these two scholars at St. Cassian is problematic. St. Cassian was under the control of the Alte Kapelle, which already had a large school. As such, it seems unlikely that they would have allowed a competing school to develop there. There are also no references to a schoolmaster at St. Cassian. It seems most likely that there were a few poor clerics associated with St. Cassian instructed in song by the rector, or more likely one of his subordinates. 31 Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 318 #767: 20 February 1386. 32 StAR Cam. 17 fol. 231v (1478), Cam. 19 fol. 16v (1479), 153r (1483), 229r (1486), 256r (1487), Cam. 19a, 31 (1488), 212 (1490), Cam. 22 fol. 39r, 40rv, 41r (1498). 33 The first reference in 1478 lists three scholars (StAR Cam. 17 fol. 231v): “item wir gaben den dreyen schulern auf der Thumb pfarr die vor dem sacrament singen iiii lb vii schil. vi d. R.” The number increased to four by 1490: “Wir gaben den vier knaben aus der thumbpfarr die vor dem sacrament in der stat so man das zw den 29


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There are also references to scholars attached to individual clerics. In 1260, a certain Arnold, scholar of magister Leo, dean of the cathedral in Regensburg, witnessed an agreement between Hugo unter den Walchen and the cathedral chapter.34 Perhaps the cathedral dean maintained Arnold, a poor cathedral scholar, from his own resources as required in other churches. In what may have been a similar arrangement, the rector of St. Paul’s maintained a scholar.35 In 1335, a certain Heinrich “dez pharærers schu˝ lær von sant Pauls” witnessed the sale of property to the convent of St. Paul.36 Beyond these more individualized and somewhat limited arrangements, several schools in Regensburg had long and distinguished teaching records. The schools with the greatest degree of continuity were those attached to the houses of canons.37 Although initially intended for the krangken tregt singen das iar vi lb v schil vi d. R.” See StAR Cam. 19a 212. See also Cam. 22 39r “Item eodem die geben den vier schulern in der tum pfarre ir quattemer vasstag i lb vi schil viiii den.” For a discussion of the curriculum associated with most song schools, see Chapter Three. 34 Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 50 #98: 27 October 1260. Probably the same as the scholar Arbo who appears as a witness in a charter from St. Paul. “Testes sunt hii: magister Leo canonicus Ratisponensis ecclesie, Arbo scolaris suus . . .” Johann Geier, ed., Die Traditionen, Urkunden und Urbare des Klosters St. Paul in Regensburg, QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 34 (München: C. H. Beck, 1986), 51 #5: 26 November 1259. See also Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv München (hereinafter, BayHstA). KU Stadtamhof St. Mang #12: 5 July 1262, where a certain Berthold “scholar of the cathedral provost” appears as a witness in a dispute over a benefice in Straubing. 35 Paul Mai and Marianne Popp, Das Regensburger Visitationsprotokoll von 1508, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Bistums Regensburg (hereinafter, BzGBR), eds. Georg Schwaiger and Paul Mai, vol. 18 (Regensburg: Verlag des Vereins für Regensburg Bistumsgeschichte, 1984), 33. 36 See also Geier, Die Traditionen, 145, Urkunde 81: 6 December 1335 and Urk. 55, 113: 16 March 1323 and Urbare 347, 355. 37 The importance of cathedral and collegiate schools as centers of education for both future clerics and the laity in the medieval west is well documented. For the lower Rhine see for example, Raymund Kottje, “Zur Bedeutung der Stifte für Schulen und Bildung in den Mittelalterlichen Städten des Niederrheins,” in Stift und Stadt am Niederrhein, ed. Erich Meuthen, Schriftenreihe des Stadtarchivs Kleve, vol. 5 (Kleve: Selbstverlag der Stadtarchiv Kleve, 1984), 109–19. For England, see Nicholas Orme, Education in the West of England 1066–1548: Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Gloucesterschire, Somerset, Wiltshire (Exeter: University of Exeter, 1976), 14–16 passim; Nicholas Orme, Education and Society in Medieval and Renaissance England (London: Hambledon Press, 1989), 189–207; Jo Ann Hoepner Moran, The Growth of English Schooling: Learning, Literacy and Laicization in Pre-Reformation York Diocese (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 8, 82. For Italy, see Giovanna Petti Balbi, L’insegnamento nella Liguria medievale: scuole, maestri, libri (Genoa: Tilgher, 1979), 13–32; Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300–1600. Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, 107th ser., no. 1. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 3–10. For France, see Carolus-Barré, “Les écoles capitulaires et les collèges de Soissons au


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training of prospective canons (domicelli ),38 the parish clergy, and the boys who served the choir, they came to include a significant number of children destined for a secular career.39 The institutionalization of the office of scolasticus in two of these houses—the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle—no doubt contributed to the stability of these schools by providing both institutional and economic support.40 Indeed, there is a nearly unbroken line of scolastici evident in the sources beginning in the early thirteenth century.41 As with other diocesan cities, the Regensburg cathedral and its secular canons maintained an early and important school. It is probable that an independent cathedral school existed from at least the late tenth century

moyen age et au XVIe,” in Enseignement et vie intellectuelle (IX e et XVI e siècle). Actes du 95 congrès nat. des Sociétés Savantes-philologie et Histoire jusq’à 1610, vol. 1 (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1975), 123–226; and Pierre Desportes, “L’enseignement à Reims aux XIIIe et XIV e siècles,” in Enseignement et vie intellectuelle (IX e et XVI e Siècle). Actes du 95 congrès Nat. des Sociétés Savantes-philologie et Histoire jusq’à 1610, vol. 1 (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1975), 107–22. 38 The Domicelli were still in minor orders, had not as yet received a prebend, and were frequently quite young. See the Regensburg cathedral statutes from 1414, Andreas Mayer, ed., Thesaurus novus iuris ecclesiastici potissimum Germaniae, seu codex statutorum ineditorum ecclesiarum cathedralium et collegiatarum in Germania: notis illustratus atque dissertationibus selectis iuris publici ecclesiastici adiectisque animadversionibus (Regensburg: Anton Lange, 1793), vol. 3, 7: “Accoliti vero, vel in minoribus ordinibus constituti, qui et Domicelli dicuntur, stare debent una cum scolaribus in ordine . . . et una cum scolaribus accedere cumulatim ad pulpita maius et minus.” See also Martin Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus und Institutio Scolarum im späten Mittelalter. Überlegungen zur Institutionengeschichte des Schulwesens,” in Dieter Engelhus: Beiträge zu Leben und Werk, ed. Volker Honemann, Mittelhochdeutsche Forschungen, vol. 105 (Köln: Böhlau, 1991), 34. Kintzinger refers to the “angehenden Kanoniker” and the “Schüler-Präbende,” who were waiting to become full canons. The acceptance of such young men and boys as canons presented problems because they were unqualified to perform the priestly functions associated with the position. By the fourteenth century (1323), this practice, coupled with frequent absenteeism among the canons, forced the Regensburg cathedral chapter to fund three vicars, one priest, one deacon and one subdeacon, who could stand in for absent or unqualified canons. Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 2, 63. 39 This is clear from the city’s boycott of the schools of the Alte Kapelle and the cathedral in 1357, which affected many children from among Regensburg’s citizenry. For more, see later discussion on the cathedral school and the Alte Kapelle. Also see note 23. 40 In the cathedral and collegiate schools, the scolasticus was initially personally responsible for running the school. By the thirteenth century, however, the actual teaching responsibilities fell to men hired and overseen by the scolasticus. For a more detailed discussion of the office of scolasticus, see Chapter Three. See also Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus,” 35–36. 41 Although the mere existence of a scolasticus tells us very little about the state of the school itself, the fact that someone had the statutory responsibility to oversee the schools ensured some degree of stability.


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when the abbot of St. Emmeram ceased to hold both the abbatial and episcopal office.42 It is certain that one existed from the eleventh century and continued to operate throughout the Middle Ages. Evidence of a nearly unbroken succession of schoolmasters extends back to the second half of the eleventh century, when the future cardinal of Ostia—Geraldus—served as scolasticus.43 Geraldus was followed by a master Idung—likely the same as the well-known author and Cistercian apologist, Idung of Prüfening—who first appears in the sources in 1133.44 These earliest schoolmasters were directly responsible for classroom instruction and no doubt obtained their positions as the result of a personal reputation for learning. However, by the thirteenth century, the titular schoolmaster, as in other collegiate and chapter schools, ceased to be involved directly in teaching. Ironically, this development may have occurred partly as a result of conciliar decrees intended to improve the quality of and funding for education within the diocese. Both the Third (1179) and Fourth Lateran Councils (1215) required that each cathedral provide permanent sources

42 Dominicus Mettenleiter, Aus der musikalischen Vergangenheit bayerischer Städte Musikgeschichte der Stadt Regensburg, aus Archivalien und sonstigen Quellen bearbeitet (Regensburg: J. G. Bössenecker, 1865), 107. Christian Heinrich Kleinstäuber’s suggestion that there may have been a school from the fifth century is highly dubious. Kleinstäuber, Ausführliche Geschichte der Studien-Anstalten in Regensburg: 1538–1880, vol. 1, Geschichte des evangelischen reichstädtischen Gymnasii Poetici (von 1538–1811) (Stadtamhof: Joseph Mayr, 1881), 3. 43 Franz Fuchs, “Ulrich von Zell,” in Wolfgang Stammler, Die Deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon/Begründet von Wolfgang Stammler, fortgeführt von Karl Langosch. 1933–1955, ed. Kurt Ruh et al. 2nd ed. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1977–2004 (hereinafter, VL), vol. 11; and Rudolf Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus und Kirchen Roms, 1049–1130, in Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom, vol. 48 (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1977), 132. Geraldus entered the monastery of Cluny following a pilgrimage to Rome in 1061 and in 1067 was appointed to the cardinalate as a supporter of the reforms of Gegory VII. Geraldus died in Rome in 1077. 44 Idung of Prüfening entered the Benedictine monastery of Prüfening circa 1144 after suffering a near-fatal illness. Shortly after the death of Bernard of Clairvaux, Idung left the monastery of Prüfening to join the Cistercians (the specific monastery remains unknown). See Idung of Prüfening, Le moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages: “Argumentum super quatuor questionibus” et “Dialogus duorum monachorum,” ed. R. B. C. Huygens, Biblioteca degli studi medievali, vol. 11 (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 1980), 6–10; and Stammler, VL, vol. 4, 362–64. References to Idung as cathedral schoolmaster appear from 1133 to 1142. In a charter of Bishop Henry I of Regensburg dated 20 January 1142, Idung rector scolarum appears in the third position, after the provost and dean of the chapter in the list of witnesses from the cathedral. Since inviduals generally appear in such documents in rank order, by the twelfth century the schoolmaster clearly held a prominent position in the chapter hierarchy. See Jürgen Petersohn, “Zur Biographie Herbords von Michelsberg,” Jahrbuch für fränkische Landesforschung, 34/35 (1975), 401.


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of income for their schools (beneficium).45 However, as these benefices became objects of intense competition, the original function of the office became detached from the title and incomes intended to support it.46 The specific chronology of this change is difficult to determine, although it is tempting to see clues in the change in terminology that occurs at the end of the twelfth century. Before 1194, the schoolmaster consistently bore the title magister scolarum or magister scolae. In every case thereafter (at least in Latin documents), he appears with the title scolasticus. The change is particularly striking given that it occurs during the tenure of a certain Belethus who served as the cathedral schoolmaster from 1171 to 1194. He appears on three occasions as magister scolarum (1171, 1189, and 1193) and once as scolasticus (1194).47 However, other cities clearly employed the terms synonymously, making it unwise to read too much into this change.48 Whatever the timeline may have been, the elevation of the schoolmaster to a position with only a supervisory role in the schools had important consequences. Most significant was the transfer of teaching responsibilities to a rector scolarum (sometimes rector puerorum) provided by the scolasticus.49 The first reference to this position comes from 1295 45 A decree of the Third Lateran Council reads, “Quoniam ecclesia Dei (et in his, quae spectant ad subsidium corporis, et in iis, quae ad profectum proveniunt animarum, indigentibus), sicut pia mater, providere tenetur; ne pauperibus qui parentum opibus iuvari non possunt, legendi et proficiendi oportunitas subtrahetur, per unamquamque cathedralem ecclesiam magistro, qui clericos eiusdem (ecclesiae) et scholares pauperes gratis doceat, competens aliquod beneficium praeberetur, quo docentis necessitas sublevetur, et discentibus via pateat ad doctrinam . . .” Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 153–54. 46 This development was not unique and paralleled that of other chapter and collegiate offices. For a lengthy and informative discussion of similar developments in the collegiate churches of Braunschweig, see Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 92–110. See also Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus.” 47 See Ried, Codex chronologico-diplomaticus, vol. 1, 244, 273, 276, 278. 48 Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 110. Kintzinger argues that although the term scolasticus won out in the early thirteenth century, it was one of several terms along with magister scolae and magister scolarum commonly used to refer to the same position. In Soissons, the terms rector scolarum and scolasticus appear to have been used interchangeably. A “Hugo scolasticus” served the cathedral school at the beginning of the twelfth century and was succeeded by a certain “Gaufridus magister scolarum.” Both terms were employed at various times until the early thirteenth century, after which scolasticus appears to have become the preferred designation. Carolus-Barré, “Les écoles capitularies,” 169–70. For a lengthier discussion of terms as they relate to school personnel, see Chapter Three. 49 The separation of office and function mirrored larger changes within the chapters and the church more generally, as vicars came to fulfill the daily responsibilities


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when the authors of a music treatise listed the rector puerorum among those to whom they dedicated the work.50 By this time, the scolastici routinely recruited schoolmasters to perform the daily teaching responsibilities.51 The school itself included both grammar and song scholars as evidenced in a payment by the city to the cathedral school for the “singern and schuelern.”52 Surviving evidence from the chapter library also provides some insight into the level of study at the cathedral school. A fragmentary library catalogue from the late fifteenth century, which likely originated in the cathedral, suggests a significant library, perhaps as many as two hundred volumes. These included a large number of sermons, liturgical works, theological treatises, and books of canon law and medicine. There were also numerous works relating to the arts, especially the quadrivium, as well as basic grammar texts.53 Even of the increasingly absent canons. Such changes expressed themselves most clearly in the choir itself with the creation of vicars choral who performed the liturgical function of the canons, and succentors who took over responsibility for directing the choir and instruction in song. In the late fourteenth century, concerns about the quality of teaching in some cathedral schools led to reforms seeking to reverse these trends. In the diocese of Freising in 1373, the position of scolasticus was converted from a dignity to an office requiring that the scolasticus himself attend to the school. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 168: “Scholastria ecclesiae Frisingensis dignitas, ad quam consuevit quis per electionem assumi existat, et magis expediens ac vtile sit eidem ecclesiae, quod Scholastria ipsa in officium commutetur.” 50 Mettenleiter, Musikalischen Vergangenheit, 61. “Venerantissimis et in Christo plurimum diligendis dominis suis, Phy[llipo] Scolastico Magistro Eberhardo, Archicdiacono, Ch. Lanckgravio, ceterisque dominis et Canonicis, H. domino granatari, Alberto, Clerico Bohemo Vicariis, Rectori puerorum omnibusque clericis et scolaribus maioris ecclesie Ratisp. H. et O. Monachi de Hailsprunne, quondam eorum.” Similar developments in the Alte Kapelle are discussed later. The musical treatise survives as MS 66 Erlangen Universitätsbibliothek: Hans Fischer, Katalog der Handschriften der Universitäts-bibliothek Erlangen, vol. 1, Die Lateinischen Pergamenthandschriften (Erlangen: Universitätsbibliothek 1928), 71. The scolasticus Philippus is most likely the donor pictured in the so-called Philippus Fenster that occupies a central window directly behind the altar in the Regensburg cathedral. See Gabriela Fritzsche and Fritz Herz, Die Mittelalterlichen Glasmalereien im Regensburger Dom, Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi Deutschland, XIII: Regensburg und Oberpfalz, part 1, 2 vols. (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1987), 88. 51 Mettenleiter suggests that the scolasticus was personally responsible for instruction into the fourteenth century. Mettenleiter, Musikalischen Vergangenheit, 111. However, the existence of a rector puerorum in 1295 and parallel developments in the Alte Kapelle shows this was not the case. See later, Chapter II, Alte Kapelle. 52 StAR Cam. 14 fol. 138v (1457): “Item wir gaben den singern und schuelern vom tumb zu stewr irem spil schuffen mein herrn 50 den.” 53 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 97–98. The catalogue lists several Aristotelian works including: de Generatione et Corruptione, de Anima, de Caelo et Mundo, de Sensu et Sensato, Metaphysica, as well as the pseudo-Aristotelian, Problemata. Also included is the


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though the catalogue is incomplete, the works collected in the library suggest an active intellectual life and school. The educational level of the scolastici and teaching personnel also suggest a productive well-supported school. In the mid-fourteenth century, the Parisian arts master Conrad of Megenberg vied with the Bologna-educated Johannes Rederer for control of the office of scolasticus.54 It may have been during this time that Conrad completed the portion of his Yconomica relating to education. Although he failed in his effort to secure the position, his presence in the cathedral chapter until his death in 1374, coupled with his interest in the promotion of education, would likely have had a positive impact on the schools.55 In the years following Conrad’s tenure, the scolastici and even the rectores scolarum were increasingly university trained.56 The ability to attract such men, even for a short period, required at least some chapter investment in the schools. mathematical text de Proportionibus (Oresme or Bradwardine?) and a work of logic by the mid fourteenth-century Franciscan Jacobus de Spinello. The library also held a copy of Priscian’s grammar and an otherwise unidentified Forma Dictandi. 54 Conrad of Megenberg was involved in a struggle over the position of scolasticus with Johannes Rederer (Riederer). It is likely that Conrad ultimately abandoned his claims to the benefice in exchange for his brother’s ( Johannes de Monte Puellarum) reception of the rectory of Engelprechtsmünster recently vacated by Riederer. Franz Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von Megenberg,” in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg und sein Werk (1309–1374). Akten zur Tagung vom 8. bis 10. Oktober 2003 München, eds. Gisela Drossbach, Martin Kintzinger, and Claudia Märtl in Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, Beihefte B, 27 (München: 2006) forthcoming. 55 Unfortunately, Conrad does not specifically discuss the schools of Regensburg in any of his works. He comes closest in his tract De limitibus parochiarum civitatis Ratisbonensis in which he is primarily concerned with the authority of the rector of the parish church of St. Ulrich’s vis-à-vis the other churches in the city, especially those belonging to the mendicants. In addition to reiterating his characteristically strident criticism of the mendicants, he states that the scholars who labor under the yoke of the rod (sub iugo militant ferularum) should (regulariter dicendo) receive the sacraments “in eadem ecclesia . . . ubi scolasticam servat et recipit disciplinam.” Konrad von Megenberg, De limitibus parochiarum civitatis Ratisbonensis: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pfarrinstituts aus dem 14. Jahrhundert, ed. Philipp Schneider (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1906), 147. For a brief discussion of this work, see Margit Weber, “Konrad von Megenberg Leben und Werk,” BzGBR 20 (1986), 304–05. In book three of the Yconomica, a work likely completed in the late 1340s or early 1350s, Conrad discusses schools and schooling at some length. Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III. For a partial translation see Lynn Thorndike, ed., University Records and Life in the Middle Ages, trans. Lynn Thorndike, Columbia Records of Civilization, vol. 37 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 201–35. 56 For a discussion of university study by the scolastici and teachers, see Chapter Three.


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Beyond the financial support provided by the chapter, the city also contributed to the schools in ways both direct and indirect. In 1457, the city council gave fifty denarii to the students of the cathedral “zu irem spil.” The city made similar payments in 1483 and 1498.57 Notable citizens remembered the scholars and schoolmasters in their wills and set up memorial masses that benefited the scholars who participated. 58 Finally, and perhaps most important, the city’s inhabitants supplied a significant number of the scholars themselves. In 1249, the abbot of Prüfening complained that the “clerks and youthful scholars of the city of Regensburg” had violently attacked his monastery during the celebrations associated with the Feast of the Innocents.59 The distinction between clerics and scholars suggests that by 1249 there were a significant number of lay students attending the cathedral school. After violence erupted again during the same festival a century later, the council briefly banned attendance of the schools of the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle by the city’s schoolchildren. The resulting decline in attendance especially damaged the Alte Kapelle, forcing the chapter to find new ways to fund its school.60 Along with the cathedral, the school of the Alte Kapelle exhibited the greatest degree of continuity. Although the school itself was certainly much older,61 the first scolasticus to leave his name in the sources was a

57 StAR Cam. 14 fol. 138v. See also StAR Cam. 19. fol. 133r (1483): “dem schulmayster xii den . . . dem organisten vi den . . .” and StAR Cam. 22 fol. 40v, 41r (1498). Interestingly, in 1405, the city made a similar contribution to the festivities associated with Fasching. In this case, however, there is no specific mention of any school. “Item wir haben geben den jungen purgaern iii lb den. zu Steur an dem hof vor Fasnacht.” StAR Cam. 6. 86r. Given the similarity to other payments made in support of Fasching celebrations, it seems possible that this was also meant for the benefit of the scholars. 58 See, for example, the will of Barbara die Lechinn dated 4 January 1428 which left a yellow tunic to the cathedral schoolmaster as a choir robe. Franz Bastian, ed., Das Runtingerbuch (1393–1407) und verwandtes Material zum Regensburger-südostdeutschen Handel und Münzwesen, 3 vols., Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, vol. 6–8 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1935–1944), vol. 3, 68. Numerous other wills mention scholars more generally, providing payments as well as bread. 59 MB 13, 214. “Clerici et Scolares juvenes Civitatis Ratisponensis . . .” 60 Bischöfliches Zentral Archiv (hereinafter BZAR) StiAK U 244, 31 October 1359, summary in J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 48 #244; See also Josef Schmid, Die Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle (Regensburg: G. J. Manz, 1922), 265. 61 In 1240, the chapter assigned funds for the repair of the “edificiis granarii nostri et scolarum,” which “minabantur ruinas . . .” BZAR, StiAK U 21, 4 May 1240. See also J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 2 #21, and J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 264. Given that these buildings were already on the verge of collapse in 1240, it would


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certain Liuthard who held the office in the last quarter of the twelfth century.62 In the subsequent three hundred years, some twenty-three additional scolastici appear in the records of the college.63 As in the cathedral school, the scolasticus in the Alte Kapelle ceased to be directly involved in teaching by the beginning of the thirteenth century. Ancillary teachers first appear in the records by 1238. In that year, a Riboto, doctor pueroum, witnessed the same document as Heinricus de Ponte Judaeorum (de Juden prukhe) scolasticus.64 Approximately fifty years later, a Johannes rector puerorum also appears in the sources.65 Although the names of the individual teachers do not surface again until the fifteenth century, these men clearly bore the primary burden for teaching. In the fifteenth century, the chapter enacted statutes that confirmed this long-established fact.66 During its long history, the school endured several periods of decline. An early thirteenth-century charter described the school building as nearing collapse.67 By the last quarter of the fourteenth century, the school faced another crisis brought on by the city’s boycott in 1357. not be unreasonable to assume that a school existed continuously within the Alte Kapelle since its reestablishment in the early eleventh century. Compare J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 105–106, 263; By the late eleventh century, evidence indicates significant literary activity and possibly a school at the Alte Kapelle. Around 1100, a codex containing numerous rhetorical letters was compiled in which a single author wrote both sides of a fictional correspondence. Norbert Fickerman has argued that the nature of the letters, which were more concerned with the arguments than the specific content, suggests they were exercises created by a schoolmaster as a teaching tool. See Fickermann, Die Regensburger rhetorischen Briefe, in MGH, Die Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit, eds. Carl Erdmann and Norbert Fickermann, vol. 5 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1950), 259–382. 62 See J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 103. Schmid places Liuthard in the Alte Kapelle c. 1177–c. 1205. He appears as scolasticus in a document that Schmid incorrectly dates in his register of the charters to 1285. Although Schmid appears to have recognized the error (in a subsequent work he dates this charter to the end of the twelfth century), the document is still found under the incorrect date of c. 1285. For the register of the charter, see J. Schmid, Urk. AK I, 17–18. #64 c. 63 See Appendix I. 64 J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 106; MB 27, Monumenta Monasterii Reichenbach #74, 53–54. 65 Ried, Codex chronologico-diplomaticus, vol. 3, 4 March 1287. 66 “Hic Scholasticus summus ad voluntatem Capituli aut maioris partis habet Rectorem scholarium ad scholas introducere, et ipsum ad eundem Capituli aut maioris partis et non aliter licentiare, quod si non fecerit, fiat per Capitulum, aut per unum de Canonicis nomine Capituli. Item habet prouidere et superintendere, ut Rector in scholis diligentiam faciat, et vt scholares in choro disciplinaliter cantent . . .” Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 4, 100. 67 BZAR, StiAK U 21, 4 May 1240.


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The most obvious and immediate effect is evident in a series of alterations to the way in which the chapter funded the school. Beginning in 1359, citing a lack of money for the schools “because of the defection and withdrawal of the scholars of the city of Regensburg,” the chapter required new canons to give sixteen pounds to the chapter’s treasury—nine pounds for the scholars frequenting the choir, four pounds to the rector scolarum, and three pounds for the church fabric.68 By 1388, the financial situation had continued to deteriorate, forcing the cardinal bishop Phillip of Ostia to assign the income and presentation rights of the parish of Moosheim to the scolasterie for the maintenance and repair of the school buildings and the rebuilding of those that had already collapsed.69 Despite these troubles, the situation appears to have improved in the fifteenth century when references to the schools increased dramatically. The only surviving school statutes and most of the identifiable schoolmasters date from this period, appearing by name in 1402, 1424, 1429, 1467, 1487, 1495, and 1498.70 Although this apparent increase occurs within a context of expanding documentation, that we also see the establishment of a number of endowments for the benefit of the students suggests that material support for the school was indeed growing. In 1404, the widow Elzpet Lausser71 provided money to her pfarrer, three priests, and thirty sch%llar to accompany her body “when they carry me out.”72 In 1451, the canon and former city physician, Rudolf 68 BZAR, StiAK U 244, 31 October 1359. See also J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 48; and J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 265. 69 BZAR, StiAK U 415, 10 June 1388: “quod scolasticus predictam scolastriam pro tempore obtinens de ipsis redditibus et proventibus debite sustenari edificia scolarum iam collapsu reparare seu reficere . . .” See also J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 78 #415 and vol. 2, 27 January 1389. See J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 265. Pope Boniface IX confirmed the privilege in 1401, J. Schmid, Urk. AK. I, 101 #530, 13 September 1401. 70 See Appendix I. 71 She was the widow of Ulrich Lausser, whose family repeatedly held civic office and was represented within the inner council several times in late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. The family was engaged in the wine trade and members traveled frequently between Prague and Venice. Fritz Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg bis 1400.” VHVOR 85 (1935), 99. See also Bastian, Runtingerbuch, vol. 3, 400–401; and Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 2, 271, 349. The widow also established a chapel in St. Emmeram dedicated to the Visitation of Mary in 1410. 72 Although the text does not specify the origins of the thirty school children, the rest of the text suggests a close connection with the Alte Kapelle, making it likely that


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Volkard von Heringen lerar der heyligen geschrifft und Erzney und maister in der freyen Künsten left an endowment for the celebration of the feast of Our Lady of the Snow, in which he provided money and bread to the “schulmaister, Locaten [ushers/assistant teacher],” and “yglichem Schuler.”73 The former scolasticus Conrad Plessing made a similar bequest, leaving money to the schoolmaster, two choralisten, and five schoolboys to sing a Salve each Saturday in honor of the Virgin.74 These statutes and endowments testify to a school of substantial size, perhaps the largest in the city. In addition to the rector scolarium, the statutes mention assistant teachers including locati and succentores. Although they do not specify the number of assistant teachers, the plural of each of these indicates a school employing at least four teachers in addition to the schoolmaster himself.75 The endowment of Rudolf Volkard von Heringen placed the number of students at sixty, but allowed for the possibility that there might be more.76 What were these sixty or more scholars studying? The reference to at least two succentores highlights the importance of song and choir service. However, the high level of education attained by many of the schoolmasters makes it likely that the curriculum extended beyond basic song and included more advanced grammar studies. The library holdings from this time also support this conclusion.77 Alongside the large number of antiphonies and Psalters, the library of the Alte Kapelle at least a significant number of the school children would have been drawn from there. BayHstA RS. Regb. Urk. (Gemeiners nachlaß) (vor) 1404 X 26: “Ich schaff wan man mich auz trag daz man mein pfarrar en und drei priester mit im und geb dem pfarrer XII dn. und . . . iegleichen priester iiii pfennig und schaf daz man xxx sch%llar nem.” 73 BZAR, StiAK U 851, 23 March 1451: “zw dem Schulmaister 8 rg. pf. und zwo semel Zw zwayn locaten yglichem drey Regensburger pf. und ain semel dem Mesner zwelf Regensburger pf. und zwo semel ainem yglichem schuler der sulln sechtzuk sein ain semel und das ain yglichen semel ainis halbigen werdt sey . . .” Compare J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 196–97. 74 J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 116. 75 Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 193: “et eodem die Rectorem et submissarium in mensa habeat propter scholares communicantes, quibus deserviant.” In the scolasticus’ oath mentioned above he promises that he will ensure “quod Rector et succentores, Locati et scholares in choro et scholis laudabiliter vivant.” 76 BZAR, StiAK U 851, 23 March 1451: “wär aber das der schuler mer wärden so sol man umb sechtzick Helbling prot kauffen damit yglichen geleychen tail werd.” 77 Unfortunately, the lack of surviving works before the fifteenth century makes definitive statements about the curriculum problematic. The following discussion is based on Josef Schmid’s catalogue of the library of the Alte Kapelle. See J. Schmid, Die Handschriften und Inkunabeln der Bibliothek des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle (Regensburg: G. J. Manz, 1907). With few exceptions, the works date from the fifteenth century.


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held manuscript copies of Hugo of Trimberg’s Registrum auctorum (a list of works useful in the schools),78 a dictionary, and several works of Aristotle, Isidore of Seville, Boethius, and Aesop’s Fables.79 Among the books were a significant number copied at the universities of Vienna, Leipzig, and Heidelberg.80 In addition, the chapter library collected a significant number of printed books in the last quarter of the fifteenth century, including many editions and works connected with the humanist movement.81 Moreover, at the end of the fifteenth century, a certain Henricus Erlbach (perhaps the same as the Henricus Erlbach who matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1486) copied the Summulae logicales of Peter Hispanus while a student at the Alte Kapelle.82 This evidence points to a large and advanced grammar school operating in the Alte Kapelle during much of the fifteenth century. Although never as significant as the schools of the cathedral or the Alte Kapelle, the college of St. Johann supported song scholars from at least the thirteenth century. By this time, the canons had ceased to observe strictly the Augustinian rule, which required that they personally perform religious services, and relied heavily on proxies to fulfill their obligations to the choir. Direct evidence of the existence of song scholars at St. Johann dates from the early fourteenth century. In 1302, bishop Conrad von Luppburg of Regensburg provided one pound to the scholars of St. Johann who sang the “O sapience” at the celebration of the feast of St. Nicholas.83 Moreover, the statutes of 1381 forbade the

78 J. Schmid, Handschriften und Inkunabeln U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 21. The author Hugo of Trimberg (ca. 1230–ca. 1315) compiled an influential list of school texts which circulated widely during the fourteenth and fiteenth centuries. Nikolaus Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen lateinischer Schultexte: ihre Verbreitung und Funktion im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit: mit einem Verzeichnis der Texte, Münchner Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, vol. 90 (München: Artemis Verlag 1988), 17–19. 79 See J. Schmid, Handschriften und Inkunabeln U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 30, 34–36. 80 J. Schmid, Handschriften und Inkunabeln U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 17, 20, 22, 23, 26. 81 These works included early imprints of antique authors, Cicero, Sallust, Seneca, and Quintillian, as well as many of the most important humanist writers: Lorenzo Valla, Pico della Mirandola, and Leonardo Bruni Aretini among others. J. Schmid, Handschriften und Inkunabeln U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 53–54. 82 BayStB Munich clm 14518; Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis Secundum Andreae Schmelleri CCL), II, II, 186. Henricus Erlbach eventually became a monk at St. Emmeram, leaving to the convent a large number of books, which he had received from his brother Georgius when he died in 1521. See also Appendix II. 83 Matthias Thiel, Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg. QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 28, pt. 1 (München: C. H. Beck, 1975), 142, Urk. #96, 11 May 1302: “quam dari volumus et ordinamus ipsorum obellario, qui pro tempore fuerit, annis


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canons from crossing the choir without a surplice when other canons and scholars were present.84 The chapter account books also provide frequent references to scholars. The earliest accounts record a series of payments for the performance of the scholars in the choir for the most important feast days. In 1409, the chapter made several payments “pro sallario scolastici et magistri.”85 Similar payments appear in nearly all the surviving account records from subsequent years.86 Despite the frequent references to scholars, the chapter never maintained a larger number. An endowment from the early sixteenth century provided a helbing87 to each of the six scholars attached to St. Johann.88 During the most important

singulis in die beati Nycolay, illis noctibus, quibus ille antiphone “O Sapiencia” cum ceteris sequentibus cum sollempni pulsacione decantari debebunt, per eundem obellarium inter presentes in choro tantum dividi communiter ordinabunt . . .” See also Mettenleiter, Musikalischen Vergangenheit, 191. 84 Thiel, Urkunden St. Johann, 437 #366, 28 April 1381: “Dignum eciam representamus, ymo districcius precipimus statuentes, ut nullus canonicorum in quibuscumque ordinibus constitutus deinceps sine superpellicio, aliis canonicis et scolaribus in choro existentibus, per chorum transire presumat sub pena XII denariorum Ratisponensium . . .” See also Mettenleiter, Musikalischen Vergangenheit, 191; and Gerhard Matischok, “Die Statuten des Kollegiatstiftes zu den Heiligen Johannes Baptist und Johannes Evangelist in Regensburg im Laufe der Jahrhunderte,” in 850 Jahre Kollegiatstift zu den Heiligen Johannes Baptist und Johannes Evangelist in Regensburg, ed. Paul Mai (München: Schnell und Steiner, 1977), 72. 85 Matthias Thiel, ed. Die Urbare des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg mit den Registern zu Urkunden und Urbaren. QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 28, pt. 2 (München: C. H. Beck, 1996), 24. The use of the phrase “pro sallario scolastici” is problematic here given that St. Johann did not have a scolasticus in the sense that the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle did. See, for example, Thiel, Urbare St. Johann, 520. Later formulations do not refer to the scolasticus but rather the “magister de summo” suggesting that the payments were intended for the cathedral schoolmaster. Given the frequent payments made to the “scolaribus de summo” (cathedral scholars) who would have been supervised by their master, such an explanation appears at least plausible. Compare, for example, BZAR, St. Johann 10. 15r, 1473, the chapter made payments to “magistro et scolaribus de summo.” However, it is also possible that the account books were using scolasticus loosely in reference to the director of the scholars of St. Johann. See following discussion. 86 BZAR, St. Johann 1, 11r 1426: “magistro de summo et scolaribus visitantibus chorum ad singulas horas per circulum anni”; and BZAR, St. Johann 10, 15r. 1473. See also Thiel, Die Urbare St. Johann, 24–28. 87 Equal to half a Regensburg pfennig. 88 Testament of Gregorius Griespeck, citizen of Regensburg, funded the celebration of the octave of St. Erasmus “with all adornments and decorations,” and stipulated that each of the six scholars of St. Johann should receive “ayn helbing.” J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 315 #1541, 3 February 1504. The epitaph of Gregorius Griespeck, canon and dean of St. Johann, appears in St. Emmeram. (died 2 October 1503) Rudolf Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St. Emmeram in Regensburg aus dem Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts, Blätter des Bayerischen Landesvereins für Familienkunde, 2 (1924), 29.


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celebrations, it appears to have been necessary to recruit additional voices from the adjacent cathedral. In addition to payments for the “scholars of our choir,” the chapter made frequent distributions to the master and scholars de summo (from the cathedral). The origin of these scholars is unclear. However, they were likely drawn from among the poorer citizens of Regensburg and the surrounding area. Their education likely ended with basic song and at most prepared them for minor positions within the church. In 1138, shortly after the foundation of St. Johann, a second house of regular canons was established just across the river in Stadtamhof. Unlike St. Johann, St. Mang continued to adhere to the Augustinian rule throughout the Middle Ages. From the beginning, the canons of St. Mang adopted a rule based on the tradition of the church of St. Maria de Porto in Ravenna. Despite its small size and relative poverty—it had a single incorporated parish—St. Mang managed to maintain a small school and built a significant library.89 The existence of a school at St. Mang is evident by the thirteenth century. Between 1241 and 1303, two teachers and a scolaris attached to St. Mang appear in the sources. In 1241, a Heinricus doctor puerorum witnessed an exchange of incomes between the convent and the Katherinenspital;90 in 1262, a Berthold, scolaris, also appears as a witness;91 and in 1303, a Heinricus scolasticus witnessed the establishment of an anniversary in the name of the cathedral canon Albert de Hainkofen.92 Despite the presence of the well-known historian Andreas von Regensburg, and the apparently active intellectual life of the convent during the first half of the fifteenth century, there is almost no evidence relating to the school during this period. No schoolmaster appears in sources again until the beginning of the sixteenth century, when the schoolmaster Johannes Gebhart appears as a witness to the will of Jörg Wölffel.93

89 Heinrich Wanderwitz, “Die Kanoniker- und Chorherrenstifte im mittelalterlichen Regensburg,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, vol. 1, 200; see also Franz Fuchs, Bildung und Wissenschaft in Regensburg: neue Forschungen und Texte aus St. Mang in Stadtamhof, Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters, vol. 13 (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1989), 17–19. 90 Sammlungen des historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg, (now held in Regensburg Stadtarchiv), Urkunden #3, 1241 November 3. 91 BayHstA. KU Stadtamhof St. Mang 12. 5 July 1262. 92 Ried, Codex chronologico-diplomaticus, vol. 2, 739 #737: 19 August 1303. 93 BZAR, StiA U 845, 30 October 1506.


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Although we know only a few of the individual schoolmasters, evidence from the library provides important clues about the level of instruction available at St. Mang. In addition to religious and devotional texts, the library held a significant number of works associated with grammar education. These included four copies of Graecismus compiled by the twelfth-century grammarian Eberhard of Béthune and a Donatus.94 In addition, the library contained a copy of Isidore of Seville’s Etymologies, as well as works by or attributed to Boethius, Ovid, and Peter Helyas.95 There were also a number of works on arithmetic, astronomy, medicine, natural philosophy, and theology.96 The mathematical texts included two copies of Johannes de Sacrobosco’s introductory text on mathematics, Algorismus (here called Algorismus de integris), as well as the Computus Norinbergenis, and a Computus Parisienis with gloss, designed for calculating the church calendar.97 The library of St. Mang continued to enlarge its holdings through bequests and new purchases in the early sixteenth century. These included works related to canon law as well as medical texts. In 1521, for example, Georg Graff, the Dean of St. Mang, purchased twenty medical texts “pro fratrum inibi studentium profectu . . .” Although the text themselves were little used, Graff clearly intended for them to be of use in furthering the education of his canons.98

94 Fuchs, Bildung und Wissenschaft in Regensburg, 50, 51, 73. For a discussion of the importance of these texts in the pre-university curriculum, see also Chapter Three, pp. 131–34. 95 The most important of these texts were the following: Boethius, Consolation of Philosophy; Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scolarium (a work that served as a model for Konrad von Megenberg’s work on education); Ovid’s Metamorphoses; and a rhymed Priscian with commentary generally attributed to Peter Helyas (d. 1166?). Fuchs, Bildung und Wissenschaft in Regensburg, 47, 61, 66. For more on the texts typically associated with grammar education, see Chapter Three. 96 The library contained a large number of texts originating within the universities, especially Vienna. These included works of Jean Gerson, Heinrich Totting von Oyta, Nicholas of Dinckelsbühl among others. See Fuchs, Bildung und Wissenschaft in Regensburg, 54, 56, 60, 63, passim. 97 Fuchs, Bildung und Wissenschaft in Regensburg, 43, 76. 98 Jacobus de Forlivio, Expositiones et quaestiones in primum librum Canonis Avicennae (Venice: Nicolaus Jenson, 1479.12.21, 150 pages, 2o) I-16 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Inkunabula (hereinafter BSB-Ink): Online-Version, 24 May 2007. Canon law texts included the following: Gratian’s Decretum; Clement V, Constitutiones and Jodocus, Vocabularius iuris utriusque. See BSB Ink: Online-Version, C-455, G266, I-256, P-73, T-36, V-250. See also Fuchs, “Die Bibliothek des Augustiner-Chorherrenstifts St. Mang (StadtamhofRegensburg) im späten Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit,” in Kloster und Bibliothek: Zur Geschichte des Bibliothekswesens der Augustiner-Chorherren in der frühen Neuzeit, Publikationen der Akademie der Augustiner-Chorherren von Windesheim, ed. Helmut Grïnke (Paring: Augustiner-Chorherren-Verlag-Paring 2000), 74.


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Each of these schools provided educational opportunities and employment for a significant number of scholars. Although the relationship between the city and the schools was not without episodic conflicts, such conflicts were exceptional. Throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the city and its citizens continued to support the schools. The result was a relationship of mutual dependence rather than frequent conflict. The collegiate schools were thus key fixtures in the educational landscape of Regensburg. Alongside the collegiate schools, Regensburg was also home to several important convent schools. Although some historians continue to make broad claims about the role played by these schools in the education of secular priests and laymen, more recent works have tended to be more cautious. Nowhere is this increased caution more evident than in recent works on the mendicant schools. Such caution is especially striking given that historians once wrote confidently of mendicant schools as a kind of medieval Volkschule.99 However, even if these schools only educated their own (which was not always the case), the educated men they produced enjoyed frequent, and often profound connections to the communities that surrounded and supported them. Indeed, in the case of the mendicants (and to a lesser degree the Schottenkloster as well), the urban mission came to define their movements. Thus, without resorting to the overly enthusiastic assertions of earlier historians, the convent schools remained significant features in the educational landscape of medieval cities. Without question, the oldest and, in many ways, the most influential school was that of St. Emmeram. There was a school at St. Emmeram since the early days of its foundation. By the ninth century, its scribes and growing library were well known.100 Periodic evidence from the 99 Among others who have called for caution see Bert Roest, A History of Franciscan Education, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, eds. Jürgen Miethke, William J. Courtenay, Catto Jeremy and Jacques Verger, vol. 11 (Leiden: Brill, 2000). See also Kaspar Elm, “Mendikantenstudium, Laienbildung und Klerikerschulung im spätmittelalterlichen Westfalen,” in Städt. Bildung., 603–604. 100 In the early ninth century under the direction of the Abbot Baturich, the monastery added some sixty manuscripts. See Franz Fuchs, “Das Reichsstift St. Emmeram,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 731; Bernard Bischoff, “Literarisches und Künstlerisches Leben in St. Emmeram (Regensburg) während des frühen und hohen Mittelalters,” in Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, vol. 2 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann 1967), 77ff. The fame of the monastery’s scriptorium was so great that Louis the German offered land to St. Emmeram in exchange for one of its scribes. Franz Anton Specht, Geschichte des Unterrichtswesen in Deutschland: von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Mitte des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: J. G. Cotta 1885, reprinted Wiesbaden, Dr. Martin Sändig oHG, 1967), 379.


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tenth century also suggests that the school of St. Emmeram was open to at least some outsiders.101 However, it is more likely that these examples reflect special arrangements made by well-placed individuals rather than being indicative of an open school per se. In the eleventh century, the monk Hartwig of St. Emmeram appears to have spent some time in the school of Fulbert of Chartres, from which he brought back several classic liberal arts texts.102 A generation later, Otloh of St. Emmeram was active in Regensburg as an author, scribe, and teacher. Given that Otloh began teaching for the convent before he had taken permanent vows, it is likely that he was responsible for teaching at an external school rather than providing instruction for monks and oblates. Unfortunately, further evidence of a large external school at this time is lacking, and such suggestions must remain speculative.103 Surviving fragments from the convent account books of St. Emmeram from 1305 and 1325 record payments made to wandering scholars for their service to the choir and as a form of charity.104 Also in 1325, a certain Johannes rector puerorum witnessed the adoption of new statutes for the convent, which among other things, limited the number of monks to thirty-two.105 In 1358, the monastery made payments to scholars for singing and for carrying the fish and wine during the celebration of the See Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 379–86. According to Specht, a number of important families sent their sons to study at St. Emmeram. The standard work on the library and scribes of the convent during the early Middle Ages remains Bernard Bischoff, “Die Schreibschulen der Diözese Regensburg,” in Die Südostdeustschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, ed. Bernard Bischoff (Wiesbaden: Harroswitz, 1960), 171–267. 102 Bischoff, “Literarisches und Künstlerisches Leben in St. Emmeram,” 80. The texts included Cicero and Boethius along with anonymous works on music, arithmetic, and logic. The library continued to grow, and by at the middle of the thirteenth century, it required its own librarian. In 1258, a Conradus librarian of St. Emmeram witnessed two documents. BayHStA KU Regensburg Dominkaner #78, 80, 1258 October 14, 1259 October 25. 103 Helga Schauwecker, Otloh von St. Emmeram: Ein Beitrag zur Bildungs- und Frömmigkeitsgeschichte des 11. Jahrhunderts, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerorderns und seiner Zweige, vol. 74 (München: Bayersiche BenediktinerAkademie, 1963), 11. See also Benedickt Konrad Vollmann, VL 11, 1116–1152. 104 BayHstA KL Regensburg St. Emmeram, 35 ¼. “vagis scolaribus ½ tal . . .”; Roman Zirngibl, “St. Emmeramische Kloster-Rechnung von 26. Julius 1325 bis wieder den 26 Julius 1326,” Beyträge zur vaterländischen Historie, Geographie, Staatistik Etc. 9 (1812), 234: “causa honoris, vagis scholaribus, et quibuslibet aliis hystrionibus xii. sol. xv. dn.” Such payments continued despite a series of prohibitions aimed at the often-troublesome wandering scholars. 105 BayHstA KL. Urk. Regb. St. Emmeram #325, 1325 III 27. 101


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third Sunday in Lent.106 In 1363, St. Emmeram made two payments of six solidi each to the rector scole, one for his service to the choir and one for the purchase of winter clothes. That same year, the monastery also gave four denarii to a certain scholar from Nuremberg. 107 Such payments suggest that the convent was home, at least in the mid-fourteenth century, to an open school with a secular master and students. This period was also one of heightened intellectual activity within the monastery itself. At least three monks from the monastery studied in Bologna between 1337 and 1349 and brought back a large number of law books. In addition, the convent undertook an inventory of the major libraries of the city, including St. Emmeram, Prüfening, Prüll, and the three mendicant houses.108 The catalogue facilitated the exchange of texts between the most important Regensburg libraries and provides tangible evidence of an active and vibrant intellectual community in Regensburg during the middle part of the fourteenth century.109 In 1380, an H (enricus?) Locatus (a term frequently used to denote an instructor who assisted the primary schoolmaster) copied a commentary on the seven sacraments, a staple of elementary instruction.110

106 Johann Paul Rosenbeck, “Die St. Emmeramer Abtei- und Werkamtrechnung 1358/59: Edition und Kommentar,” (Ph. D. diss., History, Regensburg, 1989), 231: “Item dominica oculi in prima missa Johan(n)is de Abach scolari prioris ferenti pisces et vinam 4 d.”; and Rosenbeck, 227: “Em(m)eram(m)i scolaribus cantantibus alle(lujam) IIIIor d. in vigilia Symonis et Jude in capelle nostra scolaribus cantantibus alle(lujam) VI d.” 107 StBR. Rat. Ep. 263, St. Emmeram Rechnungbuch 1363 86 v.: “Item magistro scole pro vestitu hymali vi sol. dn. Item magistro scole vi sol. den.” StBR Signatur Rat. ep.263: St. Emmeram Rechnungbuch 1363, 73 v “Item cuidam scolari de Neu(o)nberch 4 den.” 108 For a discussion of this document, see Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 112–113, 152–54; See Bernard Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter (1324–1525),” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige 65 (1953/54), 152–98, reprinted in Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, vol. 2 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1967), 115–19. Bischoff describes the period from 1325 to 1358, that is the tenure of Abbot Albert Schmidmüln, as belonging to “einer der glänzendsten in der Geschichte des Klosters.” For a discussion of the expansion of the library during this period, see also Elisabeth Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, CCL, vol. N. S. 4, 2 (Wiesbaden: Harrosowitz, 1995), 28–43. 109 The exchange of texts appears to have been fairly common. St. Emmeram obtained several manuscripts that originated in the library of the Augustinian Hermits during the fourteenth century. One of these was originally left as a surety for a copy of the Sentences of Peter Lombard. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 464. A version of Miracula Beate Marie probably copied from an exemplar in Prüfening also appears in the Dominican library. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 448. 110 On the meaning of this term and other terms for school personnel, see later Chapter Three.


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The fact that this commentary was contained in a volume that also included other common school texts such as the Algorismus of Johannes de Sacrobosco, several astronomical tables, and works on the calculation of the ecclesiastical calendar, further suggests that this Locatus did serve the school in St. Emmeram. It also points to the importance of mathematics in the curriculum of the monastery’s school.111 However, by the end the fourteenth century, St. Emmeram, perhaps mirroring the declining fortunes of the city itself, appears to have fallen on hard times. When Johann Schlitpacher visited the monastery in 1452 as a representative of Nicholas of Cusa’s monastic reforms, he found twelve monks (down from about thirty in the fourteenth century) and six pueri. In addition, he reported that the regular life in St. Emmeram had collapsed.112 Nevertheless, a school continued to operate at St. Emmeram. In fact, one of Schlitpacher’s primary complaints was that the monastery did not properly separate scholars and other seculars from the monks and novices. The reformers ordered the monastery to establish an external school, “since observation of the rule is incompatible with a secular school within the convent close . . .”113 During the same period, the first known university-educated schoolmaster taught at St. Emmeram. Associated with the convent since 1448, magister Hermann Pötzlinger appears for the first time as rector scolarum ad St. Emmeram in 1450.114 During his lifetime, Pötzlinger collected a substantial, if generally conservative library. Most of the texts were those that had dominated pre-university and university curricula since the thirteenth century. In addition to biblical commentaries, sermons, and scholastic texts, he held a number of books more directly related to his teaching. These included glossed Psalters, and hymns, grammars BayStB clm 14706. f. 11. Such pronouncements should not be taken at face value because reformers almost always found unreformed houses to be in a state of spiritual decline or collapse. The obvious intellectual energy emanating from St. Emmeram during the late 1440s and 1450s hardly supports Schlichtpacher’s dire assessment of the convent’s health. 113 Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 182. “Item quia observacione regulari non competit scolas secularium infra septa monasterii existere volumus ut deinceps scola pro secularibus iuvenibus extra huius monasterii septa deputetur nec fratres iuniores cum eisdem demorentur sed in alio loco apto per virum discretum et doctum diligenter informentur in scienciis primitivis habito pedagogo religioso qui eis presit quo ad disciplinam regularem.” 114 J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 164 #846, 15 November 1450. For more on Pötzlinger, see Appendix II. The last identifiable teacher before the sixteenth century was a certain Fabianus Wachter who appears by name in a sermon dated from 1498. Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram,” 117. 111 112


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excerpted from Eberhard Béthune’s Graecismus and Alexander de Villa Dei’s Doctrinale;115 works of Conrad de Mure, John of Garland, and Galfridus Anglicus;116 and collections of fables.117 The latter manuscript also contained Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy, the pseudo-Boethian text de Disciplina Scolarium, and the Ethics of the pseudo-Cato—all texts with a long history of use in grammar education. Other school texts in Pötzlinger’s collection included Peter Helyas, Commentarius in Priscianum maiorem;118 excerpts from Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale; and Aristotle’s Nichomachean Ethics.119 Despite Pötzlinger’s conservative tastes, there is a hint of the increasing influence of humanism north of the Alps. One of his manuscripts (BayStB clm 14134) contains letters of Aeneas Sylvius (the future Pius II), Petrarch, and Guarinus of Verona. Pötzlinger’s exposure to these texts probably came as early as his studies in Vienna in the 1430s and no doubt continued during his stay at the University of Leipzig (1455–ca. 1460) where humanist lectures were beginning to take hold.120 Overall, however, the humanist influence on Pötzlinger appears to have been only superficial. More profoundly influenced by humanist writings was the future abbot of St. Emmeram, Johannes Tegernpeck.121 Slightly younger than Pötzlinger, Tegernpeck matriculated at Leipzig in 1464 and returned with a significant number of humanist works, many in his own hand.122 During the fifteenth century, other humanist influenced BayStB clm 14133. BayStB clm 14254, 14958. 117 BayStB clm 14134, 14301. 118 BayStB clm 14424. 119 BayStB clm 4818; Ian F. Rumbold has reconstructed the library of Hermann Pötzlinger. See Rumbold, “The Library of Hermann Pötzlinger (ca. 1415–1469), Rector Scolarium at the Monastery of St. Emmeram, Regensburg,” Gutenberg Jahrbuch 60 (1985): 337–40. BayStB clm 14133 also included the Satires of Juvenal, and Johannes Versor on Aristotle. These texts are discussed at greater length in Chapter Three. See also Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 180–84. 120 Franz Fuchs, “St. Emmeram in Regensburg, ‘eines der an Allem, auch an Büchern reichsten Stifte,’ ” Review of Ingeborg Neske (ed.), Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in Regensburg clm 14131–14260, Handschriftenkatalog der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München. Abt. 4. Series nova: Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften 2, 2 (Wiesbaden: Harrossowitz, 2005), retrieved from IASL online (http://iasl.uni-muenchen.de/, 6 June 2006). Compare James H. Overfield, Humanism and Scholasticism in Late Medieval Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press,1984), 74–75. 121 Tegernpeck served as abbot from 1471 to 1493. Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram,” 133. 122 Ibid., 131–32. Tegernpeck copied portions of BayStB clm 14529 (mentioned in Chapter One, note 1), which included a Latin version of Boccaccio, as well as works by Augustinus Dati, and Leonardo Bruni Aretini, BayStB clm 14125 containing Aeneas 115 116


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texts continued to flow into St. Emmeram’s library.123 Indeed, by the beginning the sixteenth century, the library also provides evidence of interest in the study of Greek.124 Of particular importance for secondary education was the large number of grammars and dictionaries copied in the monastery during this period.125 By the end of the fifteenth century, St. Emmeram had also begun to collect printed school texts, including copies of Donatus, Priscian, Cato, Aesop’s fables, and Seneca, as well as humanist-influenced works.126 The numerous grammars and other schoolbooks collected in this period provide further evidence of a significant school providing a high level of grammatical instruction. Finally, the library provides evidence of a thriving interest in science and mathematics, especially in the fifteenth century. Between 1445 and 1464, the Leipzig-educated Friedrich Amman copied and compiled numerous scientific codices including works on astronomy and medicine.127 However, most important were a series of mathematical texts

Silvius, Petrach and a poem by the humanist influenced cathedral canon Ulricus Part. For more on Part, see Appendix II. 123 See, for example, the catalogue compiled in 1500 by the librarian of St. Emmeram Dionysius Menger. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 298. Also see BayStB clm 14554, which includes works by Marsilius Ficino and Conrad Celtis and BayStB clm 14644 with works by Aeneas Silvius. Compare Max Piendl, Die Bibliotheken zu St. Emmeram in Regensburg, Thurn und Taxis-Studien, vol. 7 (Kallmünz: Lassleben, 1971), 7–11. 124 In 1501, a Greek dictionary was obtained for the monastery. Johannes Crastonus, Dictionarium graecum cum interpretatione latina (Venice: Aldus Manutius, 1497.12, 2o), C-691 BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007. 125 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 331. In 1468, Erasmus Daum, who died in 1504 leaving behind a substantial library, copied a “composita verborum”, in 1471 frater Iacobus Schlech copeid a gloss on the second part of Priscian. Fr. Stephanus, a contemporary of both Schlech and Daum, copied “a German language treatise on Donatus and the Leipzig-educated Abbot Johannes Tegernpeck copied a work on music”. 126 In 1501, Dionysius Menger reorganized and catalogued St. Emmeram’s library at which time the library already held a substantial number of printed works including several copies of the grammar of Alexander de Villa Dei printed between 1486 and 1491 (Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 381) as well the works of Plato “a Marsilio Ficino Florentino traducti . . .” (Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 360). The letters of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, works by Petrarch (Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 361) as well as a Greek dictionary (Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 363). The continued importance of medieval grammars, even as humanist texts become increasingly visible, is clearly evident. 127 The controversy regarding the identity of this Friedrich is discussed in Chapter Three. See also Christoph Meinel, “Maß und Zahl im Mittelalter,” in Gelehrtes Regensburg Stadt der Wissenschaft: Stätten der Forschung im Wandel der Zeit, eds. Angelika Reich and Hans Jürgen Höller (Regensburg: Universitätsverlag Regensburg, 1995), 42–44.; See, for example, BayStB clm 14583 (includes tables of fixed stars, works on the astrolabe, and a translation of the Cosmography of Ptolemy), 14622 ( Johannes de Sacrobosco, Algorismus and de Sphaera, an anonymous medical text on the blood, and a remedy for the plague), and 14783 (treatises on eclipses, on the motion of the stars and planets).


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known together as the Practica Algorismus Ratisponensis.128 The work was intended for mathematical instruction and shows significant Italian influence. Along with excerpts from a variety of popular mathematical texts, the work includes techniques for the calculation of interest, monetary exchange rates, and profits.129 Unfortunately, there is no direct evidence relating to the size of St. Emmeram’s school. Presumably, it must have been of some size to require its own building outside the convent.130 In 1455, the city gave the “studenten und schuelern” half a pound for its Fasching celebrations.131 This relatively large sum suggests a significant number of students, and the reference to “studenten” and “schuelern” indicates the likely existence of both an elementary and secondary school132 In addition, the school appears to have trained a large number of choirboys. Whether these were the same children who attended the grammar school is not clear. However, judging from the number of personnel associated with this school, the monastery clearly dedicated significant resources to the program.133

Compare Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, XIV. 128 The work survives in at least six copies, all but one held by the library of St. Emmeram. The Practica was frequently bound together with other authors of mathematical texts including Nicole Oresme, Thomas Bradwardine, and Nicholas of Cusa. Of particular interest is the manuscript BayStB clm 14544. Along with the Practica, this codex includes other popular school texts, Cato Novus (composed in the twelfth century by an otherwise unknown Martinus; see Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 274–76), Walter Map’s, Valerii epistola ad Rufinum, (a twelfth-century treatise against marriage), and Historia Troiana by Guido de Columne (compare Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 21) as well as a Computus Norimbergensis. The inclusion of these texts frequently used in secondary education demonstrates the didactic purpose of the text as well as the likely age and education level of the intended students. For a description of these codices, see Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 10–25. 129 Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis 155, 159, 184, et passim. 130 Walter Ziegler, Das Bendediktinerkloster St. Emmeram zu Regensburg in der Reformationszeit, Thurn und Taxis-Studien 6, vol. 6 (Kallmünz: Lassleben 1970), 172–73. 131 StAR Cam.14, 56 v. “Item wir geben den Studenten und schuelern zu Sand haymeran von des spils wegen das sy gehabt wollten . . . ½ lb den.” 132 The city paid ½ pound each year to the Augustinian Hermits for wood to heat their buildings. StAR Cam 14. 16 r. It was approximately the equivalent of seventeen days pay for a skilled craftsman. Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, III, 270. Similar payments appear in 1457 and 1458. See StAR.Cam 14. fol. 138r and fol. 177r when the city contributed 30 denarii to the “schuelern . . . zu vasnacht.” 133 The city accounts from 28 September 1498 record payments by the council to a rector scole, organisten, cusster, and orgeltreter, all associated with this school for the performance of a mass in St. Emmeram on the Octave of the Feast of St. Emmeram. StAR Cam. 22. fol. 37r: “Item am freytag vor Michaelis geben gen sand haimeram


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Although evidence regarding the school at St. Emmeram is at times sparse, its significance emerges clearly from the documents. By the middle of the fifteenth century, it had even come to resemble, in curriculum, if not in administration, what one would expect to find in many city schools. Not coincidentally, evidence of direct financial support for the school of St. Emmeram emerges during this period.134 Even as the revenues of the city were in rapid decline, members of the council saw fit to dedicate some of its scarce resources to support the school. Although to a lesser degree than the more famous monastery of St. Emmeram, the Schottenkloster also made important contributions to intellectual and educational landscape of the city. A scriptorium existed in the convent from its foundation in the late eleventh century. Marianus, the founder of the Schottenkloster in Regensburg, along with his fellow Irish pilgrims copied a large number of manuscripts for their first patron, the abbess of Niedermünster.135 In addition, the monastery enjoyed a close relationship with the city’s merchant elite—a closeness demonstrated both in the choice of location for the new convent, the so-called pagus mercatorum in the northwestern portion of the city, and in the frequency with which the city had its documents notarized in the convent.136 There is evidence of a school at the Schottenkloster’s church of St. Jakob by the fourteenth century. In 1360, a magister Georgius rector scolarium apud St. Jacobum appended his name to the convent’s protest of a legal decision in a case between the Schottenkloster and Obermünster.137 In

von dem ambt des achtisten san haymeran dem schulmeister xii den. cusster von dem gelewtt xii den. dem organisten vi den. und dem orgltreter iiii heller alles 1 schil den. 11 heller.” 134 Direct payments to the student or schoolmaster at St. Emmeram are recorded on at least five occasions. See entries from 1455, StAR Cam. 14.56v: “Item wir geben den Studentten und schueleren zu Sand haymeran von des spils wegen das sy gehabt wolten haben das sy das underwegen liessen schuf der camer ½ lb den.”; 1457, StAR Cam. 14.138r.: “Item wir gaben den schueleren zu sand haimeran zu stewr zu irem spil schuffen mein herrn xxx den.”; and 1498, StAR Cam. 22 fol. 3r. See also StAR Cam. 22 fol. 37v. 135 Gustav A. Renz, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob und des Priorates Weih St. Peter (O.S.B.),” in Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des BenediktinerOrdens und seiner Zweige, vol. 16 (1895), 65–66. These included a Psalter and the letters of Paul. Helmut Flachenecker, “Irische Klausner und Benediktiner: zur Geschichte von Weih Sankt Peter und St. Jakob,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, vol. 1, 187. On Marianus and the circle of scribes around him, see Hartmut Hoffmann, “Irische Schreiber in Deutschland im 11. Jahrhundert,” in Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 59 (2003), 100–114. 136 Flachenecker, “Irische Klausner und Benediktiner,”194. 137 Renz, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob,” vol. 17, 231: 21 January 1360.


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1446, Nicholas Gerber, rector scolarum in St. Jakob, was witness to the election of Mauritius of Würzburg as abbot of St. Jakob.138 The presence of a schoolmaster with a German family name in a monastery that remained exclusively Irish suggests that the monastery was involved in the education of German-speaking children, rather than simply serving their own educational needs.139 An undated school statute (copied mid-fifteenth century?) provides further evidence that the monastery employed a secular schoolmaster.140 The schoolmaster, cantor, and “quilibet eorum” were not to disturb the monks under penalty of expulsion from their positions.141 In addition to making it clear that the scolasticus was not a monk himself (they also warned against introducing suspect women),142 the existence of a cantor and assistants suggests that the school was of significant size. Finally, the scolasticus was to maintain four prebendial scholars “qui ad vocacionem sacristani” to ring the bells “propter prebendam cottidianam.” These scholars were clearly not monks, or they would have been maintained from the monastery’s resources, and were in addition to a presumably larger body of tuition-paying scholars.143

138 Renz, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob,” vol. 17, 637: March 1446. 139 The monastery itself was extremely small in the mid-fifteenth century, having only three monks and five iuvenes described in the visitation records of 1452 as “ydiote nec literam nec theutonicum scientes.” Ignaz Zibermayr, “Johann Schiltpachers Aufzeichnungen als Visitator der Benediktinerklöster in der Salzburger Kirchenprovinz,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung (hereinafter, MIÖG ) 30 (1909): 274. Compare Karl Josef Benz, “Klosterleben im Umbruch der Zeit zur Situation der Regensburger Klöster,” 5. The youths here were clearly Irish although their precise function in the convent is unclear. They do not appear to have been novitiates; in other monasteries, these were clearly denoted. At the monastery of Lambach, for example, Schlitpacher recorded the presence of four novitiates. Zibermayr, “Visitator der Benediktinerklöster,” 279. Their age (iuvenes rather than pueri) and continued illiteracy suggests that they were not students. 140 BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235. The document itself is undated. It is bound together with a number of texts relating to the reform of St. Emmeram in the mid-fifteenth century and may be related to these, perhaps connected to the reforms of the Benedictine Order spearheaded by the cardinal Nicholas of Cusa. The hand appears to be fifteenth century, though it could also be from the early sixteenth century. 141 BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235. “Nullumque ex confratribus seu familiaribus dicti monasterii molestant perturbant seu vexant . . .” 142 BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235. “Item ordinamus que nullus eorum aliquam mulierem suspectam ad scolas seu limites dicti nostri monasterii introducat seu ab aliis introduci permittant.” 143 BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235v: “Item ordinamus quod id scolasticus semper aput se teneat in scola quatuor scolares prebendistas qui ad vocacionem sacristani campanas pulsare debent tenentur ad hoc propter prebendam cottidianum.”


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If there was an external school at St. Jakob in the mid-fifteenth century, it almost certainly did not survive the financial hardships that plagued the monastery in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. The situation in the monastery was so dire that when Duke Albert IV sought to establish a university in Regensburg in 1487, he proposed suppressing the abbatial title, resettling its few remaining inhabitants in its affiliated priory of St. Peter, and using the former abbey’s assets to support the fledgling university.144 Although the proposed university never materialized, it certainly suggests an atmosphere of extreme spiritual and financial hardship. A short distance beyond Regensburg’s western gate, the monks of Prüfening demonstrated an early zeal for learning, zeal evident in the rapidity with which they built up the monastery’s library. Founded in the early twelfth century the monastery boasted an impressive collection of manuscripts by the 1150s. Two catalogues from the twelfth century show that Prüfening held a typical collection of biblical and patristic texts alongside the usual elementary, grammar and arts texts. Grouped together with two Psalters and a book of hymns were a Priscian Maior, a work of Boethius, and a copy of the Eclogues of Theodolus.145 In addition, the library held works of a number of authors from antiquity used to teach the trivium, especially rhetoric and dialectic.146 The library continued to grow during the the thirteenth and fourteenth

144 Alois Weißthanner, “Die Gesandtschaft Herzog Albrechts IV. von Bayern an die römischen Kurie 1487—Stiftungsprivileg für eine Universität in Regensburg,” Archivalische Zeitschrift 47 (1951): 197–98. “Et nihilominus pro sustentatione onerum et impensarum dicte universitatis erigende et presertim salariorum illorum, qui pro tempore cathedras huiusmodi regent, monasterium sancti Jacobi Ratisponense ordinis sancti Benedicti Scotorum nuncupatum, quod per monachos nationis regni Scotie gubernari consuevit et olim admodum notabile erat, nunc vero defectu personarum dicte nationis in spiritualibus et temporalibus fere totaliter defecit, ac ordinem, nomen, titulum et dignitatem abbatialem in illo penitus supprimere et extinguere ipsiusque sic suppressi et extincti structuras et edifica et bona omnia fructus quoque, redditus et proventus illius, qui C marc[arum] ar[genti] se[cundum] co[mmunem] esti[mationem] va[lorem] an[nualem] non excedunt, cum omnibus iuribus et pertinentiis suis, prioratu sancti Petri extra muros dicte civitatis . . .” A mark was equal to about sixty groschen. Spufford, Handbook of Medieval Exchange, xxiii. 145 Theodolus is the name traditionally associated with this didactic poem, although the true author is unknown. The poem first appeared in the late tenth or early eleventh century and remained popular in schools into the fifteenth century. Generally used after the introduction of the Distichs of the pseudo-Cato and as a complement to the fables of Avian. Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 239–40. 146 These included Ovid, Lucan, Virgil, Terence, Cicero, Porphyry, and Cornutus. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 420.


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centuries as the monks collected a variety of canon law texts, newer theological works—including those of the Franciscan theologians Bonaventure (d. 1274) and Johannes de Rupella (d. 1245), and the Dominican theologian Albertus Magnus (d. 1280)—and arts texts for use in their school.147 In addition to these, the catalogue of 1347 shows a library capable of supporting the full arts curriculum, including nearly all the works of natural philosophy used at that time within the universities.148 Despite serious financial hardships in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, the monastery continued to acquire new books.149 The university-educated abbot Johannes Grasser purchased missals, graduals, and sermons as well confessional literature.150 Direct evidence of a school, other than the existence of a substantial number of didactic texts, is thin. In the mid twelfth century, Idung of Prüfening, a former cathedral schoolmaster, authored his Argumentum super quatuor questionibus as a monk in Prüfening.151 About a half century later, Liebhard of Prüfening compiled a dictionary of biblical terms and phrases inspired by a similar work from Peter

147 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 437–38. The catalogue of 1347 lists among others, a quadrivium “in uno volumine,” a copy of Martianus Capella, the Isagogues of Porphyry, Boethius, Seneca, Cicero and the early thirteenth century grammar of Eberhard of Béthune. In addition, the library held a number of translations of Aristotle’s works, especially those relating to natural philosophy. These included de Anima, de Memoria et Reminiscencia, de Sompno et Vigilia among others. In addition, a copy of Peter of Riga’s Aurora was copied for the library in the first half of the thirteenth century. IneichenEder, MBK IV: 1, 409. 148 The library contained nearly the entire known corpus of Aristotle, including de Anima, de Metaphysica, de Memoria et Reminiscentia, de Sensu et Sensato, de Sompno et Vigilia, de Morte et Vita, de Generatione et Corruptione, de Longitudine et Brevitate Vite, de Iuventute et Senectute, and de Respiratione. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 438–39. 149 Schlitpacher’s visitation of Prüfening in 1452 recorded twelve monks associated with the house, although only four of them were present. Zibermayr, “Visitator der Benediktinerklöster,” 275. As with all the other Benedictine houses in Regensburg, Schlitpacher found the monastery lacking, deficient in its spiritualites, its temporalities, and monastic discipline. Although, as noted earlier, representatives of reform movements frequently overstated the failings of the monasteries, the general financial and spiritual health of Prüfening was threatened. 150 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 411, 440. The abbot of Prüfening, Johannes Grasser (1483–90) a 1474 Ingolstadt matriculant, appears to have been a particularly avid collector of books. Surviving fragments of his financial records show purchases of numerous volumes related primarily to pastoral care. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 440. See Appendix II. 151 Later he became a Cistercian, writing his most famous work Dialogus duorum Monachorum as a justification for his conversion. Idung of Prüfening, Moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages, 6–9.


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the Chanter.152 Unfortunately, only a single Prüfening schoolmaster— Albertus Elsendorfär who noted the year of his entry into Prüfening (1384) in two codices—appears in the examined sources.153 One, BayStB clm 13021, comprises primarily quadrivial texts clearly intended for use in the convent’s school. Included among these were mathematical texts of Boethius and Gerbert de Aurillac, works on the astrolabe and clocks by Hermann Contractus (von Reichenau), and musical treatises of Boethius and Guido of Arrezzo.154 A second manuscript, BayStB clm 13102, contains theological works by Jerome, Bonaventure, Anselm, and Augustine. Whether Albert used these latter texts in his teaching, or they simply reflected his own interests is unclear. Nevertheless, the monastery continued to produce new manuscripts and to train scribes at least into the first quarter of the fifteenth century.155 Of the four Benedictine monasteries in and around Regensburg, the schools and library of Prüll are the most poorly documented.156 A single medieval library catalogue survives, probably from the mid twelfth century.157 Although not nearly as rich a collection as St. Emmeram, the works listed would have adequately supported elementary and basic grammar education. The library held many of the most popular Christian school texts in use during the twelfth century, including works from Prosper, Juvencus, Sedulius, Arator, Prudentius, and Boethius; how-

152 According to Liebhard’s own account, he came to know the work from a Parisian student and extracted the parts he felt were the most important. Stammler, VL, vol. 5, 808–11. 153 For Elsendorfär, see Appendix I. 154 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 409. 155 Andreas von Regensburg tells the story of a iuvenis scholaris at Prüfening in 1420 who studied under an older scribe. Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 299. For more on the incident, see Chapter Three. 156 As mentioned previously, the monastery at Prüll was a dual monastery housing both male and female religious. It also served as a hospital for the poor and provided lodging for outsiders. The earliest evidence for the existence of nuns at Prüll dates from the thirteenth century and continued until the monastery was converted to a Charter house in 1484. Feuerer, “Aufhebung des Benediktiner Klosters Prüll,” 27–28. A. Schmid, “Ratisbona Benedictina,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, vol. 1, 181. Unfortunately, there is no evidence of the type of education provided to the nuns or of the books they might have kept. It is likely that they received an education typical of other Benedictine women, including instruction in song and the recitation of prayers. 157 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 394–95. Ineichen-Eder argues convincingly that the catalogue, which survives only in the copy made at St. Emmeram in 1347, dates from the mid-twelfth century. In particular, she points to the near-absence of works produced after the twelfth century.


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ever, it appears to have lacked the usual assortment of pagan authors. There is, for example, no Statius, Lucan, Terence, or Vergil.158 In addition, although there is mention of an abcedarius,159 there is no reference to the traditional grammar works of Donatus and Priscian. However, the catalogue does list Huguccio’s (ca. 1140–1210) grammar Derivationes. Another school-related text, the Fabularius (Conrad de Mure?), also appears in the library catalogue. The theological works are primarily those of the early fathers, although two works by Bernard of Clairvaux were represented.160 For much of its history then, the school at Prüll does not appear to have risen to the level of Prüfening or the Schottenkloster, much less that of St. Emmeram. However, in the middle of the fifteenth century, perhaps associated with the ambitious building program of the abbot Christoph Welser (1454–1484), the monastery hired a university-trained schoolmaster, Leonard Panholz. Panholz, who describes himself as rector iuvenum, first appears in Prüll in 1456 two years after he matriculated at Vienna.161 The precise nature of this school is unclear, but given that Leonard Panholz was not a monk it is likely that he was running a school for externs, rather than novices. We know very little about his teaching activities while at Prüll. However, a German/Latin vocabulary he copied while teaching at the Franciscan monastery suggests that he was running a grammar school for children already literate in German. The emphasis on forms of address, titles, legal terms, place names, and rivers also suggests a curriculum that would have provided valuable scribal training.162 This experiment appears to have been shortlived. There is no evidence that the school continued to function after Panholz left. Given the disastrous financial effects of Welser’s building projects, which forced many monks to seek shelter in other monasteries,

158 The complete absence of pagan authors sets the library of Prüll apart from its neighbors and may suggest an intellectual environment at Prüll that was overtly hostile to their use. It seems more likely, however, that it is a reflection of the fact that the monastery was primarily concerned with prayer and attending to the spiritual needs of the hospital connected with the monastery since at least 1130. A. Schmid, “Ratisbona Benedictina,” 178. 159 The abcedarius was used for teaching young children the alphabet. 160 These were de Gracia Dei and de Libero Arbitrio. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 402. 161 See Appendix I. 162 It includes among other headings de officialibus civitatum; de libris juristarum et de aliis; each of the words under the heading is then written in both Latin and German. BayStB clm 26611 fol. 146.


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it seems unlikely that the school would have been able to survive.163 In any case, it certainly ceased to exist after the implementation of the strict Carthusian reforms of 1484. Although the Benedictine monasteries housed the earliest convent schools in Regensburg, the relatively late-arriving mendicant orders quickly established schools that equaled, and often surpassed those of the Benedictines. By the early fourteenth century, even St. Emmeram had difficulty matching the energy and intensity of the mendicants’ studia. Through their well-stocked libraries, and highly educated lectors and preachers, the mendicant orders contributed significantly to the educational landscape of Regensburg. Following the example of the Dominicans who had embraced university training from the start, the Franciscans overcame their initial hostility toward formal education, developing a strong presence in Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge, and eventually the German universities as well. The Augustinian Hermits too pursued university study zealously and by the late fourteenth century were particularly evident in the theological faculty at Bologna. To supply these prestigious studia generalia with a steady stream of exceptional scholars, and to educate future preachers, each of the orders constructed hierarchical educational systems controlled at the highest levels of the order.164 At the elementary level, these schools served the needs of the individual convent, providing daily lectures and training useful for preaching. Some designated convents also provided the basic elementary and grammar teaching necessary to accommodate the increasing number of extremely young novitiates who began to enter the mendicant orders beginning in the late thirteenth century. Above this level, the orders were further divided into visitations, also called nations (Dominicans),

163 Former monks from Prüll appear in both St. Emmeram and the Augustinian convent. See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 397; and Josef Hemmerle, Die Benediktinerklöster in Bayern, Bayerische Heimatforschung, vol. 4 (München:Verlag Bayerische Heimatforschung, 1951), 103. 164 For discussions of the educational organization of the individual mendicant orders, see, for the Franciscans, Roest, Franciscan Education; for the Dominicans, see Michèle M. Mulchahey, “First the Bow is Bent in Study”: Dominican Education Before 1350, Studies and Texts, vol. 132 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1998). For the Augustinian Hermits, see Adalbero Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 1, Das dreizehnte Jahrhundert (Würzburg: Augustinus, 1969), 247–53; and William J. Courtenay, Schools & Scholars in the Fourteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 56–77.


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custodies (Franciscans), or limits (Augustinian Hermits). The schools at this level were open to all convents from the designated area and provided more advanced grammatical instruction, as well as rhetoric and logic. Above this level, provincial studia generalia provided advanced courses in the arts, philosophy and theology. The impact of these educational programs on the communities in which they operated was significant but not always direct. Mendicant schools open to the public appear to have been the exception rather than the rule despite the enthusiasm of some historians.165 The impact of their teaching programs was certainly evident in the convent libraries where the high degree of geographical mobility provided some of the most important networks for the rapid transmission of ideas and texts.166 However, the mendicants were concerned primarily with preaching, rather than with the promotion of secular education.167

Some outsiders were educated in mendicant schools, most famously Dante who studied at the Dominican school in Florence. Mulchahey, Dominican Education, XI. See also M. Michèle Mulchahey, “Education in Dante’s Florence Revisited: Remigio de’ Girolami and the Schools of Santa Maria Novella,” in Medieval Education, edited by Ronald B. Begley and Joseph W. Koterski, S. J. (New York: Fordham University Press, 2005), 143–181. Isnard Wilhelm Frank argues that the Dominican studia were open schools, training both secular clerics and laymen. Frank, Hausstudium und Unversitätsstudium der Wiener Dominikaner bis 1500, Archiv für österreichische Geschichte, vol. 127 (Vienna: Hermann Böhlaus, 1968), 54–58. Although this was clearly true in individual cases, historians continue to debate the extent to which mendicant schools in general educated externs. See, for example, Roest, Franciscan Education, 327: “Contrary to the overly optimistic view of P. Mandonnet [1914] the current scholarly consensus is that there was not everywhere a consistent and continuous enrolment of non-mendicant (clerical and lay) students in the studia of the mendicant orders.” See also Elm, “Mendikantenstudium, Laienbildung und Klerikerschulung,” 603–04. In her study of the educational opportunities in Esslingen, Sabine Holtz concludes, “Daß jedoch an diesem Studium (artium) auch externe, weltliche Schüler teilgenommen haben, läßt sich aus den Quellen nicht belegen.” Holtz, “Schule und Reichsstadt: Bildungsangebot in der freien Reichsstadt Esslingen am Ende des späten Mittelalters,” in Schule und Schüler im Mittelalter, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, eds. Martin Kintzinger, Sönke Lorenz, and Michael Walter, vol. 42 (Köln: Böhlau 1996), 449–50. 166 The library catalogue of 1347, compiled at the direction of the convent of St. Emmeram, demonstrates the extent to which the mendicant houses dedicated their resources to the acquisition of books. Even more important, the catalogue makes clear that the vast intellectual resources of the mendicant convents were to some degree available to outsiders. For a discussion of the nature of the catalogue see IneichenEder, MBK IV: 1, 394–95. 167 The city itself saw great value in the preaching of the friars and provided for frequent payments to support it. For the Franciscans, see StAR Cam. 08. Block 2, 122 v. (1415–16); for the Augustinian Hermits, see StAR Cam. 7. 18 r (1411); and for the Dominicans, see StAR Cam. 08. Block 2, 50 r., 70 v (1415), passim. 165


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The Franciscan presence in Regensburg was early and substantial.168 Part of the first wave of expansion north of the Alps,169 Regensburg was home for a time to two of the most famous German Franciscans— Berthold of Regensburg, and David of Augsburg.170 Evidence of a Franciscan school in Regensburg dates from the middle of the thirteenth century. However, the names of individual lectors do not appear regularly in the surviving documents until the fourteenth century. Despite the early presence of these distinguished friars, the evidence suggests that the school at Regensburg served as a custodial school for Bavaria during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It has been suggested that Regensburg attained the level of a provincial studium generale. However, there is no convincing evidence that this was the case.171 The biographies of the individual lectors who served in Regensburg certainly would not seem to point in this direction. The most promising students 168 For a discussion of the literary productions of the early Regensburg Franciscans, see Hubert Glaser, “Wissenschaft und Bildung im Spätmittelalter: Die Regensburger Minoriten,” in Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, ed. Max Spindler, vol. 2, Das alte Bayern der Territorialstaat vom Ausgang des 12. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ausgang des 18. Jahrhunderts, 2 (München: C. H. Beck, 1987), 811–18. 169 John B. Freed, The Friars and German Society in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Medieval Academy of America, 1977), 27. 170 Berthold of Regensburg served the convent as a preacher between 1240 and his death in 1270, leaving behind numerous Latin and vernacular sermons. The great Franciscan mystic David of Augsburg also spent time in the monastery where he served as magister noviciorum between 1240 and 1246. Anneliese Hilz, “Mendikanten-Niederlassungen,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, vol. 1, 212. In 1246, David of Augsburg served, along with Berthold of Regensburg, as visitor of the monastery of Niedermünster, where they attempted to reform the convent. BayHstA KU Regensburg Niedermünster 31: 31 December 1246. In addition to his more famous mystical works, David of Augsburg wrote three important treatises relating to the instruction of novices: Formula de compositione hominis exterioris ad novitios, Formula de interioris hominis reformatione ad proficientes, and de Septem Processibus Religiosorum. These have been edited in David de Augusta, De exterioris et interioris hominis compositione secundum triplicem statum incipientium, proficientium et perfectorum libri tres (Quaracchi: Ex Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1899). Two additional late-thirteenth-century figures bear mentioning: Werner of Regensburg lector in the convent in 1278 and author of liber Soliloquiorum (see Ottokar Bonmann, “Werner von Regensburg und sein Liber Soliloquiorum,” Zeitschrift für Aszese und Mystik, 12 (1937): 294–305) and Lamprecht of Regensburg who wrote, among other works, a vernacular life of St. Francis. Nikolaus Henkel, “Literatur im mittelalterlichen Regensburg,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, vol 1, 307f. For further discussion of intellectual activity within the convent during this early period, see Glaser, “Wissenschaft und Bildung im Spätmittelalter,” 811–19. 171 Compare William J. Courtenay, “The Franciscan Studia in Southern Germany in the Fourteenth Century,” in Gesellschaftsgeschichte: Festschrift für Karl Bosl zum 80. Geburtstag, 2 vols., ed. Ferdinand Seibt (München: R. Oldenbourg, 1988), 88–89. See also Roest, Franciscan Education, 29. Roest asserts that Regensburg came to serve as a provincial studium equal to Strasbourg and Erfurt.


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from Regensburg appear to have gone to Strasbourg to continue their education, as the examples of Liephard von Regensburg, Conrad von Sulzbach and Friedrich von Amberg show.172 The geographical origins of the individual lectors also point to this conclusion. Of the fifteen lectors before 1500 with discernible geographic origins, thirteen were from the immediate custody of Bavaria, with five stemming from Regensburg families.173 A fourteenth was from the nearby city of Passau, which did not have a Franciscan convent. Only Sigismund Behm (d. 1318) of Villingen, in the adjacent custody of Bodensee came from a convent outside of Bavaria.174 If the school served the entire province, it is surprising to find only one lector from outside Bavaria and none from the more distant custodies of Basel and Strasbourg.

172 Anneliese Hilz, Die Minderbrüder von St. Salvator in Regensburg 1226–1810, BzGBR, ed. Georg Schwaiger, vol. 25 (Regensburg: Verlag des Vereins für Regensburger Bistumsgeschichte, 1991), 127. Both Friedrich von Amberg and Liephard von Regensburg adhered to the Avignon papacy (both served as provincial for the province of Upper Germany under the Avignon obedience), whereas Conrad of Sulzbach returned to his native convent and to the Roman obedience. On Friedrich von Amberg, see Erwin Hermann, “Der Minorit Friedrich von Amberg,” in Verhandlung des historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg (hereinafter, VHVOR), 107 (1967), 47–64. Damasus Trapp identified Friedrich von Amberg with Friedrich von Regensburg who copied, and composed, sections of the famous Fribourg Cordeliers 26. Damasus Trapp, “ ‘Moderns’ and ‘Modernists’ in MS Fribourg Cordeliers 26,’ Augustinianum 5 (1965), 241–270; but see William J. Courtenay, “Friedrich von Regensburg and Fribourg Cordeliers 26,” in Die Philosophie im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: In Memoriam Konstanty Michalski (1879–1947), Bochumer Studien zur Philosophie, ed. Olaf Pluta, vol. 10 (Amsterdam: B. R. Grüner, 1988), 603–613. Courtenay shows convincingly that Friedrich von Amberg and Friedrich von Regensburg are separate individuals and that Friedrich von Amberg could not have compiled Fribourg Cordliers 26. Compare Christoph Jörg, “Untersuchungen zu Büchersammlung Friedrichs vom Amberg: ein Beitrag zur franziskanischen Geistesgeschichte des Spätmittelalters,” in Zeitschrift für schweizerische Kirchengeschichte, 69 (1975), 1–117. 173 The five Regensburgers were Wenzeslaus Meller (1358); Conrad Prew (d. 1424), who served as guardian in 1419 and witnessed the establishment of a memorial by Johann Sumpringer dean of the cathedral; Ulrich Teckendorfer (d. 1458); Ulricus Awmayer (d. 1468); and Johannes Mayrhoffer (1483). See Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 294–97. The others were drawn from Landshut, Sulzbach, Eichstätt, and Munich. In addition, one came from Kirchheim possibly near Munich. The significant number of lectors drawn from Regensburg families also points to the close ties between the city and the convent. Although the original foundation was supported by the bishop, the city became one of its most important patrons. From its inception Regensburg patrician families buried their members in the Franciscan cemetery, left generous bequests to the friars, and supported an array of convent activities from building projects to preaching. 174 Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 294. Compare Hilz, “Mendikanten-Niederlassungen,” 213.


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The educational background of the lectors also suggests a custodial rather than a provincial school. Few lectors appear to have held advanced university degrees, something one would expect at the provincial level.175 An exception to this was the lector and doctor of theology, Hildebrandus (d. 1316). The lector Conrad von Sulzbach (d. 1400), who “gave a chalice and good books” to the convent, studied at the provincial studium generale in Strasbourg,176 and Johannes Sack studied at Erfurt (1423) and Vienna (1431) before serving as lector in Regensburg in 1433. However, there is no evidence the latter two took degrees.177 Other than Hildebrand, the only lector who certainly held a higher degree was Marcus Schönprunner who studied at Vienna in the 1450s where he attained the rank of formed bachelor in theology in 1453.178 Finally, the Regensburg convent library does not suggest frequent university contact. The catalogue of 1347 consists of about one-third exegetical texts, one-third pastoral and patristic, and one-third a mix of early scholastic authors, Franciscan Sentences commentaries, canon law texts, and a handful of classical texts commonly used in grammar schools.179 The lack of works by such significant Regensburg This is somewhat problematic if the majority of the lectors had completed their studies at the level of a provincial studium generale, which did not have the authority to grant degrees but would, nevertheless, have provided a level of education similar to that available at a university. 176 Franz Ludwig Baumann, MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae vol. III, (Berlin: Societas Aperiendis Fontibus Rerum Germanicarum Medii Aevi 1905) III, 248, entry for Jan. 3: “Ob. fr. Ch. de Sulczbach, lector, filius conventus, dedit calicem et bonos libros celebratur.” Compare Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 127; and Jörg, “Büchersammlung Friedrichs von Amberg, 41, 45. 177 Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 296. Sack does not appear in the matriculation records of either university; however, he noted his studies in a series of manuscripts. See Benedict Kraft, “Der Bücherrücklass der Minderbrüder Hermann und Johann Sack (1438–1440),” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 28 (1935), 43f. 178 Schönprunner studied at Vienna from 1447 to 1453. He lectured on the sentences in 1451 and gave the Christmas sermon at St. Stephan’s in Vienna in 1453. See Appendices I and II. He died by 1462, at which time he was described as “doctor, lector et valens predicator et custos.” MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae III, 256, 1462 VIII.21. Compare Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 183, 296. For a discussion of the Regensburg Franciscans and university education, see Chapter Four. 179 The early scholastic authors represented were the usual: Anselm, Hugh of St. Victor and Peter Lombard. The Franciscan authors were Alexander of Hales, Bonaventure, and William de la Mare. The texts frequently used in grammar schools were Cicero’s work on rhetoric and Ovid. In addition, the catalogue included an otherwise anonymous collection described as “summa dictaminis.” Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 446. See also Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 161. 175


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authors as Lamprecht of Regensburg, Werner of Regensburg and David of Augsburg, and the single reference to the prolific Berthold of Regensburg suggests that the catalogue may be incomplete, and sounds a note of caution.180 However, a survey of the library’s surviving manuscripts also suggests that it was relatively small and narrower in scope than were the libraries of the other two mendicant convents in the city.181 Although the school had limited reach, the last half of the fifteenth century did witness a number of important developments.182 In addition to the increasing evidence of university study by members of the convent, the guardian Johannes Rab rebuilt and reorganized the library in the last quarter of the fifteenth century. Around the same time, the monastery erected a new school building next to the convent.183 This, coupled with the hiring of the secular school master Leonard Panholz,184 makes it likely that the school was providing elementary, and grammar education to externs, perhaps in connection with the kind of prepostulancy schools often run by the Dominicans.185 Moreover, Panholz’s

180 Only Berthold of Regensburg’s Rusticanus novus et antiquus is named. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 446. That the catalogue is incomplete has been suggested by IneichenEder, MBK IV: 1, 441. 181 A quick survey of the printed catalogues from the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich reveals only a few works with clear ties to the universities or the major studia of the order. BayStB clm 26602, dated from the fourteenth century, includes sermons and theological treatises of Robert Holcott. BayStB clm 26870 (15th century) contains Questiones super IV Libros Sententiarum compiled in Strasbourg by a certain brother Marquard. Finally, a collection of sermons, BayStB clm 26864 (1389), was compiled in Vienna. There were also a number of books donated to the library during the fifteenth century, including a copy of Walter Burleigh donated by Friedrich of Nördlingen. MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae III, 264. See also Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 352–68. 182 Interestingly, the Observant reform movement, which was so influential elsewhere during this period, seems to have had minimal effect on the Regensburg Franciscans. Hilz argues that this was the result of internal reforms enacted by the convent that paralleled, but were largely independent of, the observant movement. Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 129. 183 The Franciscan convent built the school in the new-acquired property of Sinzenhof in 1457. StBR, Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg (now held in Regensburg Stadtarchiv), Urkunden 292 (29 Sept. 1457). See also Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 153. 184 For more on Panholz, see Appendix I. He is called by various titles throughout his teaching career. At Prüll, he was called “rector iuvenum” at the Franciscan school “scolasticus.” In the Franciscan necrology, he is called “informator iuvenum fidelis.” MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae III, 253. 185 On pre-postulancy schools in the Dominican order, see Mulchahey, Dominican


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education and the books he employed suggest that the school was not limited to basic elementary education.186 This external school, however, was short-lived, closing its doors some time before 1499 when mounting debt forced the monastery to sell the property on which the school was located (see the map at the beginning of Chapter Two for the location of the Franciscan convent).187 Like the Franciscans, the Regensburg Dominicans were among the first houses of their order founded in German-speaking territories and

Education, 85–96. On the Franciscan school in Regensburg, see Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 152. The guardian Conrad Schreiber (1459) had an inscription carved above the door in Greek declaring the building’s purpose. The description is translated in Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 152: “Hier is nicht das reichbegüterte und gefeierte Haus eines Menschen, sondern eine Schule menschlicher Klugheit, eine geeignete Stätte der Arbeit, eine feste Ordnung rechtschaffenen Leben und eine Abwehr des Lasters.” Two additional pieces of evidence suggest that some outsiders were educated in the monastery. In 1502, the noble layman Erasmus Paulstorffer was remembered as “dominus Erasmus [Paulstorf] de castro Kürn magnus et singularis amicus fratrum quia cum illis educatus . . .” Karl Primbs, “Das Jahr- und Todtenbuch des Minoritenklosters in Regensburg,” VHVOR 25 (1868): 283. Although the term educatus can be ambiguous (similar to the German erzogen) in at least this one case, an outsider was brought up in the monastery without taking permanent vows. In another case, a memorial was established for a certain Hannsen Nurenbergen (most likely dating from the late fifteenth century) who gave the convent among other things, “eyn mespuch, Zwen psalter. . . .” Each year a banquet (Pietanz) was to be held in his honor in which “yedem priester eyn grpratns, eyn kopff weyn, eyn semel, den jungen eyn pratns, eyn semel, eyn seydl Franckenweyn ydweden oder ein Elsasser weyn.” MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae, 254: 8 July. The endowment is similar to others in which the young scholars were feasted. It thus appears likely that the Franciscans were in charge of song scholars who were the most frequent recipients of such donations. 186 The German/Latin vocabulary he copied was beyond the needs of a simple elementary scholar. If it were ever used directly by the students, it would also presuppose German literacy. It contains a long section on the scholastic disciplines written in both Latin and German including all of the liberal arts, as well as terms pertaining to law, medicine, and theology. BayStB clm 26611 fol. 147r. In the section of the liberal arts dedicated to logic, Panholz lists the logic of Buridan (1300–58), Wycliffe (1330–84), Albert of Saxony (1316–90), William of Ockham (d. 1347), and Marsilius of Inghen (1340–96). The inclusion of these names also provides a terminus a quo for the list from which he was working, and suggests it originated within a university context, quite probably at Vienna where Panholz matriculated in 1454; Other evidence for the type of instruction that may have been available comes from BayStB clm 14698. Michael Pföllinger, guardian of the Regensburg convent in 1507, produced word-for-word German translations of more than sixty hymns. These translations may have been connected with his teaching duties as lector in Augsburg in 1482 and were clearly intended to help young students understand the hymns they sang in the choir. He brought the manuscript with him when he returned to Regensburg after nearly twenty years of travel (including a journey to England). See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 112–15, and Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 443. 187 Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 152.


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Aachen

Cologne Usingen

Mörlen?

Guebwiller

Trier

Bern

Bavaria

Rosenheim

Wasserburg

Fleckendorf

Langdorf

Lemberg Friesach Pettau

Map 2: Origins of Dominican Lectors and Students.

Tulln

Austria

Krems

Vienna

Retz

Towns underlined once: Frequent provincial Studia.

Towns underlined twice: Studia Generales.

Town in Bold and Italics: Home convents of Regensburg students and lectors.

Towns in Bold: Origins of Regensburg students and lectors.

Teutonia

Meiningen Chur

Franconia

Constance Zürich

Lauffenberg

Zofingen

Alsace Basel

Luxembourg

Regensburg Dominicans: Origins of Lectors and Students Key: Towns in Italics: Dominican convents.

Würzburg Mainz Miltenberg Nürnberg Worms Bad Mergentheim Gotzenberg Speyer Amberg Bad Wimpfen Kallmünz Wissembourg Pforzheim Schwäbisch Gmünd Eichstätt Regensburg Hagenau Brackenheim Esslingen Nördlingen Strasbourg Raid Wangen Metzingen Schlettstadt Augsburg Ulm Landshut Rotweil Colmar Freiburg Moosburg

Swabia –

Saxony Koblenz Frankfurt

Lower Rhine

Antwerp Louvain Maastricht

‘s-Hertogenbosch

Groningen (Saxony)

the educational landscape of late medieval regensburg 59

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were blessed with early and auspicious connections. The presence in the convent of Albertus Magnus, as lector in the 1230s and as bishop of Regensburg from 1260 to 1262, must certainly have enhanced the convent’s reputation as much as it enriched its library.188 However, in contrast to the Franciscans, the Dominican school in Regensburg played a much more significant role within the larger order. The Dominican practice of rotating its studia from convent to convent, no doubt to defray the costs of such an expensive enterprise, meant that with the exception of the studia generalia, individual schools varied significantly in size and curriculum from year to year.189 At the same time, certain convents were more frequently designated as provincial studia than were others. Those deemed to have sufficient economic and intellectual assets would tend to be preferred over smaller convents with more limited libraries and financial stability. For much of its history, Regensburg was among the former. From Regensburg’s foundation in 1229 until the end of the thirteenth century, seven lectors appear in the sources. The first, Albertus Magnus, likely taught in Regensburg for two years around 1237.190 In 1260, two 188 The Regensburg Dominicans also held several works of Albertus Magnus likely donated by the theologian himself. See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 447–48. 189 For a detailed discussion of the organization of the Dominican studia, see Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 219–350 and Courtenay, Schools & Scholars, 61–66. The latter includes a summary of the literature relating to the educational structure of the order. The bottom rung of the Dominican educational system was the convent school overseen by the convent lector. The lector was required to hold daily lectures and frequent disputations at which all of the brothers, regardless of age and education, were required to be present. Above the convent school, there was an arts school (primarily logic). These were fewer in number and generally served several convents. Students who advanced through this program might be assigned to a studium naturarum, for the study of natural philosophy. After several years of teaching, some who completed this program could be assigned to one of the studia particularia theologiae and then might advance to one of the studia generalia of the order. In 1365, there were six arts schools and four schools of natural philosophy in the province of Teutonia serving some forty-seven convents. There were also ten studia particularis theologiae. Thomas Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71),” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum (hereinafter AFP) 26 (1956): 315–19. The Dominicans rotated their arts and natural philosophy studia every year, but the theological studia appear to have been somewhat more stable. Every year for which we have records between 1396 and 1401 (1396, 1398, 1400, 1401), Regensburg served as a theological studium for the province, as did six other convents. By the mid-fourteenth century, there appears to have been permanent theological studia at Cologne (which served as studium generale of the order), at Strasbourg, and Vienna (studium generale by the mid-fifteenth century). For a discussion of the development of the Dominican studium at Vienna, see Frank, Hausstudium und Universitätsstudium, especially 36–88. 190 Henricus de Hervordia, Liber de rebus memorabilioribus sive Chronicon Henrici de Hervordia, ed. August Potthast (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1859), 201.


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lectors taught in the convent, suggesting that the school was serving as more than a simple convent school.191 In the 1280s (1284–88?), the general chapter designated the convent as one of nine arts studia for the undivided province of Teutonia.192 Moreover, the evidence makes it clear that Regensburg drew students and lectors from a large geographical area. The arts lector in the 1280s came from Groningen in far northwestern part of the province and four of the six named students that year came from outside the Bavarian nation/visitation.193 The data surviving from the fourteenth century shows that Regensburg was consistently among the second tier of Dominican studia, after Cologne, Strasbourg and Vienna. In 1346, Regensburg ranked alongside Cologne, Strasbourg, Basel, Freiburg, [Speyer?], Trier, Louvain, Mainz, Würzburg, Vienna, and Friesach as the only convents in Teutonia with a

These were Johannes and Eberhardus. For Johannes, see BayHStA KU Regensburg Dominkaner #81, 21 March 1260. Published register in Renz, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob,” 575. For Eberhardus, see Andreas Kraus, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg,” VHVOR 106 (1966), 165; and Heribert Christian Scheeben, Albert der Grosse: zur Chronologie seines Lebens, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Dominikanerordens in Deutschland (hereinafter, QF ), vol. 27 (Leipzig: Albertus Magnus Verlag 1931), 137. 192 Dominican leaders divided the province between Saxony and Teutonia in 1303. Thus, the nine studia mentioned in 1280 served all Dominican convents within German speaking territories. In addition to Regensburg, there were five arts studia in the western and southern parts of the province that would later compose the province of Teutonia: two in the visitation of Alsace (Basel and Worms) one in Swabia-Franconia (Würzburg), and one each in the visitations of Austria and Brabant (inferior). The remaining four studia were placed in houses of the future province of Saxony at Leipzig, Ruppin, and Halverstat. Heinrich Finke, “Zur Geschichte der deutschen Dominikaner im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” Römerquartalschrift (hereinafter, RQ) 8 (1894), 376–77. There were intitially four and later five visitations/nations in the divided province of Teutonia. Paulus von Löe places the number at four with the nation of Bavaria being combined with Austria, see Löe, Statistisches über die Ordensprovinz Teutonia, QF, ed. Paulus von Loë and Benedictus Maria Reichert, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1907), 6. However, most often the number appears to have been five: Brabant/Lower Rhine (Inferior), Alsace, Swabia-Franconia, Bavaria, and Austria (occasionally divided further into Austria and Styria/Carinthia). The convents of each of these nations were as follows—Brabant: Aachen, Antwerp, Cologne, Frankfurt, ’s-Hertogenbosch, Koblenz, Louvain, Luxembourg, Mainz, Maastricht, Trier; Alsace: Basel, Bern, Colmar, Freiburg Guebwiler, Hagenau, Schlettstadt, Speyer, Strasbourg, Wissembourg, Worms; SwabiaFranconia: Augburg, Chur, Esslingen, Constance, Mergentheim, Pforzheim, Rottenburg o. d. Tauber, Rotweil, Schwäbisch-Gmünd, Ulm, Wimpfen, Würzburg, Zurich; Bavaria: Bamberg, Eichstätt, Landshut, Nuremberg, Regensburg; Austria: Friesach, Krems, Leoben, Pettau, Retz, Tulln, Vienna, Vienna Neu-stadt. 193 Henricus de Groningen served as lector. The students were Henricus de Gamundia (Schwäbisch-Gmünd), Albertus de Rotweil, Gerhardus de Augusta, Everhardus de Augusta, Fredericus, and Fredericus de Rechilmanni (Regelmannbrunn?). See Appendix I. 191


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sentencias.194 This left Regensburg as the only Dominican school between Würzburg and Vienna holding formal lectures on the Sentences. A similar picture emerges from 1365, 1396, 1398, and 1400 to 1402 and again in the early sixteenth century.195 Although Regensburg did not rise to the level of a studium generale, between 1396 and 1402, the convent appears to have housed a semi-permanent provincial theological studium.196 Moreover, between 1396 and 1401, it ranked among the foremost schools in Teutonia. In those years, Regensburg along with Antwerp, Cologne, ’s-Hertogenbosch (Bois-le-Duc), Louvain, Trier, and Strasbourg were the only schools in the province housing a lector, sentencias, and magister studentium each year.197 The number of students assigned to Regensburg and their origins provide additional evidence of the significance of the studium. With the exception of 1398 and 1401 where the lists are clearly truncated, there were about seven students assigned to Regensburg in each of the years for which we have records, with a high of ten in 1396 and a low of five in 1400.198 Although these lists are notoriously incomplete—filled

194 Thomas Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 329–32. It is possible that Speyer should be included in this list. It appears in the list between Freiburg and Trier, which both have a sentencias, and the original scribe left out at least one name after naming the lector. 195 See Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71),” 316; Berthold Altaner, “Aus den Akten des Rottweiler Provinzialkapitels der Dominikaner vom Jahre 1396,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte (hereinafter, ZKG ) 48 (1929): 13; and B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” RQ 11 (1897): 298. 196 For a description of the organization of these studia, see Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 336–40; Kraus discusses the relative size and importance of the Regensburg studium. Kraus, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg,” 165. Unfortunately, provincial records survive only from the years 1365, 1396, 1398, 1400, 1401, and 1402. As such, it is impossible to say how often Regensburg was assigned a sentencias between 1365 and 1396. However, the fact that Regensburg had a sentencias in every year for which records survive between 1346 and 1401 suggests that Regensburg’s status was more or less permanent. 197 Altaner, “Rottweiler Provinzialkapitels 1396,” 9–15; Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia,” 296–318. In 1402, the convent was assigned a lector and master of students but no sentencias. Compare Kraus, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg,” 165. For a list of the teaching personnel during this period, see Appendix I. 198 The records for both 1398 and 1401 end their list with etc. Even if these two years are included, the average drops to just under six. Despite these problems, the average number of students is in line with the Mulchahey’s findings for the Roman Province at the end of the thirteenth century where there were between five and six students assigned each year. Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 324. For lists of students assigned to Regensburg, see Appendix I.


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with ellipses and etceteras—Regensburg’s significance as a center of Dominican study during this period emerges clearly. In 1365, the chapter sent students to Regensburg from Wissenbourg and ’s-Hertogenbosch, even though the visitations from which they came—Alsace and the Lower Rhine respectively—had several theological studia that year.199 Evidence gleaned from the later careers of the men assigned to Regensburg also provides valuable insights into the relative importance of Regensburg within the province. Friedrich Pfeffenhauser, who studied at Regensburg in 1396, appears two years later as a master of Students in Würzburg, a position that required several years of study at a provincial theological studium. In 1401, he lectured in the arts studium in Pettau, again a position requiring at least two years of study in a provincial theological studium and preferably two years of teaching in such a school.200 The career of Heinrich Gotzberger is equally telling. Heinrich studied with Friedrich Pfeffenhauser in 1396 before moving on to serve as master of students at Landshut in 1398. In 1400, Heinrich appears as a student at the permanent theological studium in Strasbourg. One year later, he was master of students in Basel, and in 1402, he served as a lector in the studium naturarum in the convent of Wimpfen.201 The picture that emerges from these years is that of a flourishing provincial theological studium producing some of the most qualified lectors in the German province. For the next seventy-five years, there is little surviving evidence from the convent studium. However, this apparent lack of activity is more a reflection of the paucity of provincial records than a real decline in the educational activities of the convent. The growth of the library throughout the fifteenth century suggests a vibrant and active intellectual life.202 The little evidence that does survive tends to confirm this impression. In 1407, the one-time Regensburg student Johannes Wismann served as

199 Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71),” 316. The lector in 1365 was Johannes Merlin (Mörlen? between Frankfurt and Cologne). The students were Chunradus de Wizzenburch, Wilhelmus de Busco, Albertus Leonach, Martinus and Hermannus Ysenkaster, and Sigbertus de Bruma (Bonn?). 200 Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 332. For careers, see appendix I. 201 From 1398 to 1402, friars from Regensburg were assigned to study in convents throughout the province and beyond. These included Strasbourg, Bamberg, Cologne, Würzburg, Speyer, Petau, Landshut, Constance, Worms, and Verona. See the biographical data compiled as Appendix I. The studia naturarum focused primarily on the natural philosophy of Aristotle. See Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 267–77. 202 See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 448–452.


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sentencias in Strasbourg.203 He was joined at Strasbourg by another former Regensburg student—Marquardus Semeler.204 Conradus Pruensser, a lector in Regensburg in 1425, purchased and copied a large number of manuscripts he later donated to the library in Regensburg.205 Petrus Rosenheim, an author of sermons and a prolific scribe, was active in the Regensburg studium in the 1430s and 1440s serving as a master of students in 1434 and as cursor (sententiarum?) in 1440.206 In 1461, Casparus Brandstetter of Regensburg studied in Cologne where he copied parts of BayStB clm 26878 that included works of logic by Peter Hispanus and Johannes Versoris (d. ca. 1485).207 After twenty years of relative quiet (1450–70), the reform movements that swept through many of the mendicant convents in the 1470s appear to have spurred a period of more intense intellectual activity, or at the very least higher levels of documentation.208 In 1475, with the support of the Regensburg city council, the order appointed the reformer Johannes Nigri (Schwarz) as prior.209 Around the same time, Duke Louis the Rich commissioned Johannes’ brother and fellow Dominican, Petrus Nigri, to preach to the Jews of Regensburg.210 In 1478, another

203 Thomas Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1349, 1407),” AFP 22 (1952), 194. 204 Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1349, 1407),” 195. 205 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 449. 206 See BayStB clm 26805 fol. 188, and BayStB clm 26833 fol. 13. 207 BayStB clm 26878 fol. 188: “Scripsit Caspar Branstetter de Ratisbona OP semistudens Coloniae.” See also Hermann Keussen, Die Matrikel der Universität Köln, 1389–1559. 3 vols. Bonn: H. Behrendt, 1892–1931 (hereinafter, MUK ), vol. 3, 1461/2 Ntr. 720. 208 Some of the friars resisted the reform movement and left the convent. Their numbers, however, appear to have been replenished quickly. By 1490, the convent had more than forty members. BayHstA KU Regensburg Dominkaner 10 May 1490 #189. 209 For a discussion of the reform activities of Johannes Nigri, see Kraus, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg,” 165; and Marianne Popp, “Die Dominikaner in Bistum Regensburg,” BzGBR 12 (1978): 241–42. Originally from Kaaden in Bohemia, Johannes Nigri received his doctorate in 1475 at Ingolstadt. Kraus, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg,” 165. In addition to his work as prior, Nigri contributed numerious manuscripts containing theological treatises and sermons, some of which he had composed himself. See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV; 1, 450–451. In 1476, Nigri was also the recipient of forty-three Hebrew manuscripts, likely taken from the recently suppressed Jewish communities of southern Germany. 210 Petrus Nigri studied theology in Montpellier and perhaps also in Salamanca where, according to his own account, he secretly studied with the local rabbis. He later matriculated at Freiburg where he lectured on the Sentences. By 1473, he was in Ingolstadt where he appears to have taught Hebrew until 1474. In 1474 to 1475,


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brother, the future provincial of Bohemia, Georgius Nigri, served the convent as lector.211 Four additional university students with ties to the convent—Bartholomew Prenner, Leonardus Modler, Georgius Koler, and Blasius Cropolt—appear in studia in various capacities throughout the province.212 Perhaps because it served so frequently as a theological studium, Regensburg rarely housed other provincial studia. There is no reference to an arts studium in Regensburg after 1280, nor does it seem to have ever housed a studium naturarum. Indeed, the library in the midfourteenth century would appear to have been ill suited for such an undertaking. The catalogue of 1347 shows a library lacking even the most common works of Aristotle213—a fact made more surprising given the early presence in the convent of Albertus Magnus, one of the most important students of natural philosophy produced by the order. The works included were primarily biblical, patristic, and pastoral with a smattering of more recent theological works by Albertus Magnus (d. 1280), Thomas Aquinas, Henry of Ghent (d. 1293), and the mystical theologian Johannes von Sterngassen (d. after 1327).214 There were,

the city account records from Regensburg report a payment of 5 schillings 22 denarii to “pruder Petern zu den Predigern der den Juden hie predigt . . .” StAR Cam. 17 fol. 93r. Nigri’s writings especially address questions related to the Jews; most notable is the higly polemical treatise Tractatus contra perfidos Iudeos de conditionibus veri Messie in which he quotes from the Massoretic text rather than the Vulgate. Benedikt Konrad Vollman, “Petrus Nigri OP,” VL, vol. 6, 1008–1013. 211 Georg Nigri matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1478, at which time he was called lector of Regensburg. MLMU I, 84, 23. See also Popp, “Die Dominkaner in Bistum Regensburg,” 241. 212 Kraus, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg,” 165–66. Bartholmew Prenner was lector in Strasbourg and Hagenau (1475–76), and prior in Wissembourg in 1487. Leonard Modler was lector in Schlettstadt, student in Toulouse, vicar at Bozen, and Lector of Friesach. Blasius Cropolt was sent to study in Bologna in 1501. Georgis Koler served as lector in Iglau (Bohemia) in 1490. During his stay in Bohemia, Koler purchased a copy of Thomas Aquinas’ Summa Theologiae, which he later donated to the Regensburg convent library. Aquinas, Summa Theologiae. P. 2, 1 (Venice: Andreas Torresanus, Batholomaeus de Blavis and Maphaeus de Paterbonis, 1483) T-283: BSB-Ink, Online-Version: 24 May 2007. In 1503, Jeorius Koler in sacre theologie licenciatus lectured and disputed (legat et disputet) in Freisach. G. M. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 261. See Appendix I for Medler, Prenner, Koler, and Cropult. 213 The Dominican library in 1347 held only the pseudo-Aristotelian text of the Problemata. Ineichen-Eder, MBK: IV: 1. 459. In the same year Prüfening held nearly the entire known corpus of Aristotle as did St. Emmeram. See Chapter Two Benedictines and Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 160. 214 See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 456–459. Compare Popp, “Die Dominkaner in Bistum Regensburg,” 239. There were six works of Albertus Magnus including


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however, a few works suitable as natural philosophy texts.215 These included several works by Aquinas, Hugh of St. Victor on Geometry, a work of Maimonides, and medical texts of Galen, Hippocrates, and Theophilus.216 By the fifteenth century, the library had acquired several of the most important Aristotelian works of natural philosophy, but it does not appear to have been a particular focus of collection.217 Logic texts, the core of the Dominican provincial arts curriculum, were better represented in the catalogue of 1347 but the works of Peter Hispanus (fl. first half 13th century) are notably absent.218 The library was better equipped to provide grammar instruction and may have served as the primary pre-postulancy school in the visitation of Bavaria. The catalogue of 1347 lists a number of texts useful for teaching both grammar and rhetoric. These included a Priscian Maior, as well as works of Cicero and Seneca.219 Among the surviving manuscripts of the library is a fourteenth century Latin/German dictionary bound with an expositio hymnorum, and the pedagogical poem Poenitentiarius.220 In addition, the convent owned a fifteenth-century manuscript copy of the his commentary on Luke, which is generally thought to have been completed during Albertus’ tenure as bishop of Regensburg, as well as commentaries on Isaiah and Job. Aquinas is particularly well represented—dominating nearly an entire bookcase. These included his commentary on the Sentences, Quaestiones, and his Summa in four volumes. The library also held Quaestiones of Henry of Ghent and Johannes von Sterngassen’s lectures on the Sentences. Johannes von Sterngassen was the principal lector at Strasbourg ca. 1320 (see Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 162.) This was one of the final entries in the catalogue of 1347 and no doubt one of the last acquisitions before the catalogue was compiled. 215 Mulchahey discusses the typical curriculum in the Dominican studia naturarum, which depended heavily on Aristotle. See Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 270–84. 216 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 458–59. Natural philosophy works of Aquinas held in the library included Contra Averroistas, de Principiis Naturae, de Aeternitate Mundi, and de Mixtione Elementorum. 217 See BayStB clm 26887, which was copied in 1469 and included de Caaelo et Mundo, de Anima, de Generatione et Corruptione, and de Libris Meteororum. The library also acquired a few works on astronomy in the fifteenth century. See, for example, BayStB clm 26812. 218 In 1347, the library did hold works representing both the logica vetus and the logica nova. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 459: “super veterem artem et super priorum et posteriorum.” A copy of Peter Hispanus was added in the mid-fifteenth century, copied by Casparus Brandstetter, a Regensburg Dominican and former student at Cologne. BayStB clm 26878. For more on Branstetter, see Appendix I. 219 These were Cato, de Amicitia and Paradoxa, and Seneca, Declamationes. IneichenEder, MBK IV: 1, 459. 220 BayStB clm 26874. The poem circulated widely as a work of John of Garland. Recent scholarship, however, has called the ascription into question. See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 699, for editions and relevant literature.


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grammar of Alexander de Villa Dei (1170–1250)221 and a printed copy of the Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scholarum, published in 1492.222 Even more than the Dominicans, the Regensburg Augustinian Hermits played a leading role in the history of their order.223 In 1290, nine years before the creation of the Province of Bavaria, the general chapter meeting of the order was held in Regensburg—the first in German-speaking territory.224 The history of the convent was also peculiarly enmeshed with that of the city. The city of Regensburg served as the founder and most important patron of the convent and frequently used the convent’s buildings for city business.225 In 1361, a native son of Regensburg, Conrad Straubinger, served as prior of the convent.226 This relationship no doubt helps explain the frequent financial support the city provided to the convent. Such support took a variety of forms including wood for fuel, general building repair, a window for the library, and funding for university study by specific friars.227

BayStB clm 26798. Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scholarium (Deventer: Jacobus de Breda, 1492.02.03, 4), B-625, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007. 223 The literature on the Augustinian Hermits in Germany is extensive. See, in particular, Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, especially vol. 1 and 3. See also two works by Josef Hemmerle, Die Klöster der Augustiner-Eremiten in Bayern, in Bayerische Heimatsforschung 12 (München: Verlag Bayerische Heimatforschung, 1958), and “Zur Geschichtlicher Bedeutung der Regensburger Augustiner,” in VHVOR 101 (1961), 147–64; and Adolar Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens in mitteleuropäischen Bibliotheken, in Cassiciacum, vol. 20 (Würzburg: Augustinus, 1966). In addition, I have made extensive use of BayStB clm 8423, an eighteenth-century copy made from the provincial records housed in Rome. 224 Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, Die Bayerische Provinz bis zum Ende des Mittelalters, 280. 225 In the third quarter of the fifteenth century, the council also supported and participated in the Augustinian Hermit’s Easter celebrations. Between 1466 and 1475, the council provided money for the wine used during Easter: “Item mein herren zechten mit dem profinzial zu den Augustinern zu Ostern und wir gaben umb wein lxix den.” StAR Cam. 16 fol. 166v (1466). See also Cam. 16. 258v; Cam. 17 fol. 18r; Cam. 17.fol.93v; and Cam. 16 fol. 121v. 226 BayHStA RS. Regb. Urk. #1270, 1361. Conrad Straubinger witnessed the establishment of an anniversary mass by Frau Chungunt der Peysingerin, widow of Heinrich der Peysinger. 227 In 1413–14, the council gave 4 pounds to the Baumeister “zu der stuben in der Capelln.” StAR Cam. 08. Block 2, fol. 33r.. In 1466, the city gave the convent 15 schil. and 4 den. “um ein glass . . . die librarey zu den Augustinern zu machen . . .” StAR Cam. 16 fol. 168r. The city also provided direct payments to at least three Augustinian Hermits to support their education: Berthold (Puchhauser?) (1401, 1404), the provincial Johannes Ludovici (1467) (StAR Cam. 16 fol. 81v), and the lector and native Regensburger Casparus Kursner (1477). See Appendix I for Puchhauser and 221 222


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Although there is no evidence that the order ran an open school, the convent’s studium was important for both the city and the order. A significant number of native sons of Regensburg entered the order, and likely received a portion of their education in the convent school.228 They also accumulated a large and impressive library from which a number of books found their way into the libraries of other convents. The convent school provided educated preachers to whom the council often provided direct support.229 In addition, a large number of Regensburg Augustinian Hermits served as suffragan bishops in Regensburg and elsewhere.230 In this capacity, they reached well beyond the walls of their convent and schools. Within the order, the influence of Regensburg’s school was profound.231 From the founding of the province of Bavaria in 1299, it served as a provincial studium generale, which provided the philosophical and theological training necessary for university study.232 Although we have little specific evidence regarding the curriculum in Regensburg, it was likely similar to that found in other provincial studia generalia within the order. These studia were responsible for providing the requisite

Kursner and Appendix II for Ludovici. The city also maintained a chamber (ratstube) in the convent for council use. In addition, the city made frequent payments to “den Augustinern fu(e)r Holz zu der Ratstuben 1/2 lb.” StAR Cam. 14 fol. 16r. Compare Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, III, 64. 228 The son of the Regensburg patrician Ulrich Woller was member of the convent. Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 422 #1073: 16 February 1375: “Ich han auch meinen sun, pruder Ulreich ze den Augustinern enpfolhen meinem pruder hern Otten dem Woller und hern Dietreich dem Zollner.” Other sons of Regensburg included Ulrich Straubinger, first provincial of Bavaria and prior of Regensburg in the 1290s (Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 283); Berthold Puchhauser (see appendix II); Friedrich der Straubinger, recipient of an annuity from the city in 1395 (StAR Cam. 04.1r); and Gottfried Portner (1395 StAR Cam. 04. 1r). 229 See, for example, StAR Cam. 07. 18 r: “Item wir haben geben dem Prediger zu den Augustiner 1 lb. den. . . .” 230 In this, they were similar to the Franciscans who also had a number of suffragan bishops from among their ranks. Nicholas of Laun, a former theology professor at Prague and provincial of Bavaria, served as suffragan bishop of Regensburg from 1362 to 1371, and Johannes Ludovici served in the same capacity from 1468 to 1480. See Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 240, 285; and Karl Hausberger, Geschichte des Bistums Regensburg, vol. 2, Vom Barock bis zur Gegenwart (Regensburg: Pustet, 1989), 262. 231 Hemmerle discusses the important figures connected with the convent in some detail. See Hemmerle, “Zur Geschichtlicher Bedeutung der Regensburger Augustiner,” 147–64. 232 Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 280. For a discussion of the curriculum of these studia, see Courtenay, “Franciscan Studia in Southern Germany,” 74.


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background in logic, grammar, and theology for students intended for further study in a studium generale ordinis.233 Unfortunately, the oft-mentioned library catalogue of 1347 appears to be an incomplete inventory of the convent’s holdings; it ends with the less than helpful phrase, “note that I did not record many books of sermons and also some other books.”234 Among those books the scribe saw fit to record, there were numerous mendicant authors. These included sermons by the Dominicans Albertus Magnus235 and Jacobus de Voragine (d. 1298), the Summa Theologica and quodlibet of Thomas Aquinas, the quodlibet of master Alexander (presumably the Franciscan Alexander of Hales), and the Summa Noviciorum by the Franciscan David of Augsburg. Finally, and again not surprisingly, the library included much of the corpus of Giles of Rome (d. 1316).236 In addition, the library held older school texts, including, the Soliloquium of Hugh of St. Victor (d. 1142), the Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, and several of his works of natural philosophy.237 The parade of students from Regensburg into the order’s studia generalia leaves little doubt about the status of the school. Beginning in the 1380s, Regensburg students advanced to many of the order’s most 233 According to the statutes of the general chapter held in Regensburg in 1290, these studia generalia, of which there were four in Italy at that time, were to have two lectors, one to lecture and lead disputations on the scriptures and when appropriate lecture on philosophy, and one to lecture on the Sentences and logic or philosophy according to the needs of the students. The statutes go on to stipulate that those sent to such a school should be sufficiently trained in logic and grammar so that after five years they would be fit for service as a lector. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 1, 252: “Statuimus denique et mandamus inviolabiliter obseruari, ut prior generalis qui pro tempore erit, in Italia quattuor studia generalia ad minus faciat semper in fervore et assiduitate studii retineri . . . Et in unoquoque ex ipsis studiis sint duo lectores quorum unus de mandato ipsius generalis legat de textu sacrae scripturae, et disputet tempore opportuno, et aliquam lectionem in philosophia prout consideraverit magis ad commoditatem studentium expedire . . . Alius vero legat sententias et in logicalibus, vel in philosophia secundum quod magis commoditas seu utilitas studentium exiget. Et ad praedicta quidem studia de qualibet prouincia mittatur unus studens in grammaticalibus et logicalibus ita sufficienter instructus, quod postquam in tali studio steterit per quinquennium inueniatur idoneus officio lectore.” 234 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 470: “Nota quod multos libros sermonum non scripsi et eciam aliquos alios libros.” 235 Included in the list is the work de Impressionibus Aeris as well as the falsely attributed Proprietates rerum Alberti Magni, (likely the work of fellow Dominican Vincent of Beauvais (d. 1264). 236 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 469–70. The works of Giles of Rome included his commentary on the Sentences, de Regimine Principium, his commentary on the Physics of Aristotle, Super Physicorum, and de Divina Influencia. 237 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 469–70.


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prestigious studia. In 1389, two Regensburg Augustinians were sent to study at Prague, and either Erfurt or Magdeburg.238 In the years following, friars from the Regensburg convent appear at Oxford, Paris, Rome, Bologna, Verona, Florence, Prague, Erfurt, and Vienna.239 The identifiable lectors and the notable names associated with the convent also attest to the existence of a vital studium. The first named lector appears in 1322.240 In 1357, no less than four lectors were active in the convent.241 Between 1390 and 1500, an additional six (perhaps seven) can be identified.242 The convent also produced a series of Bavarian provincials.243 Other notable Augustinians with important ties to the BayStB clm 8423, 285. For a discussion of the Regensburg Augustinians and university study, see Chapter Four. See also Appendix II. 240 StBR Rat.Ep. 117, Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphia seu lapides sepulchrales in ecclesia fratrum Minorum Conventualium ad S. Salvatorem, 522 #XCIX “Obiit domina Petrisia soror Johannis lectoris.” 241 K. H. Lang and M Freyberg-Eisenberg, eds., Regesta sive rerum boicarum Autographa usque 1300, [hereinafter RegBoic] (München:Impensis Regiis,1822–54), vol. 8, 364: 7 January 1357. Albertus, Wirenher, Ott, and Härtwig all appear in a dispute over the donation of twenty pounds to the convent by the Regensburg citizen Jörgen in dem Hirsee. Also cited in Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 280 n. 1074. In 1375, Albertus was called lector and prior in Regensburg. BayHstA KU Regensburg Augustiner, 24 November 1375, nr. 50. He was still prior in 1382 when the convent was involved in a property dispute with the city of Straubing. Fridolin Solleder, Urkundenbuch der Stadt Straubing (Straubing: Cl. Attenkofer Buch und Kunstdruckerei, 1911–18), 207–10 #220: 27 April 1382. In 1389, Albertus served as proctor of the provincial of Bavaria. BayStB clm 8423, 286. The lector Ott also appears several times in charters. In 1368, he is named in the will of Dietrich Zollner (citizen of Regensburg) as the recipient of ½ lb for thirty masses. Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 325 #788: 21 June 1368. Seven years later, Ott is named in the will of Ulrich Woller (citizen of Regensburg). Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 422 #1073: 16 February 1375. 242 These were Berthold (probably Puchhauser) called lector in 1401 and 1404; Friedrich de Ratispona (possibly the same as Friedrich Hofmaister d. 1430), who served as prior several times between 1403 and 1420 and was called lector repeatedly; Nicholas de Ratispona, 1463 ; Leonardus de Ratispona (Mülhauser), 1466; Conradus de Ratispona, 1475; and Johannes Schwartz, 1500. See Appendix I, Augustinian lectors. 243 The provincials from Regensburg were Ulrich of Straubing (1300–15), probably Karl der Graner (1335), Ulrich of Regensburg (1343), Albert of Regensburg (1385–87), Berthold Puchhauser (1418–1431), and Casparus de Ratispona (1483–89). Kunzelmann does not identify Karl der Graner as being from Regensburg, however, two facts point in this direction. First, the Graners appear in the Regensburg city council from 1354 to 1429 and were a prominent family in the city by at least the 1330s. Second, the property transaction in which Karl der Graner is identified as provincial includes a number of Regensburg citizens as witnesses, including Conrad Thundorfer, Hansen Loebel, and Leutwin Regensburg treasurer. see Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 93; Fritz Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg bis 1400,” 94; Ingo H. Kropac, “Die Ämterlisten der Reichsstadt Regensburg,” 1996–2002, http: bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/public/amtlist/zugriff.htm (accessed 22 September 2003). For 238 239


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Regensburg convent were Nicholas of Laun (d. 1371) a former theology professor at Prague, and Augustinus Molitoris (d. 1517), who received his doctorate at Paris before entering the theology faculty at Vienna in 1501.244 The evidence considered thus far has primarily concerned males belonging to the majority Christian population. Individuals belonging to groups outside of this privileged class were not excluded entirely from educational opportunities. In recent years, interest in the study of women’s education in the Middle Ages has grown considerably. Veritable cottage industries have sprung up around the famously learned figures of Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim, Heloise, Hildegard of Bingen, Catherine of Siena, and Christine de Pizan, to name just a few. Several studies have also examined the educational culture within convents and Beguinages.245 However, more general studies of female Ulrich of Regensburg, Albert of Regensburg, Berthold Puchhauser, and Caspar von Regensburg (1483–89), see Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 84–123, 251–54. Berthold Puchhauser appears frequently in charters relating to his home convent during his years as provincial. BayHstA KU Regensburg Augustiner, 1420 VIII 28 #61, and 1429 X 21 #64. Berthold, who also taught in the theology faculty at Vienna for many years, brought the convent particularly close to the university. In 1420, for example, Michael Suchenschatz, professor of arts and theology, and canon of St. Stephan’s in Vienna left 150 Hungarian florins to fund four masses in the convent. BHstA. KU. Regensburg Augustiner, 1420 VIII 28 #61. Although not from Regensburg, the provincial Johannes Ludovici (provincial 1461–68) spent considerable time in Regensburg and enjoyed close ties to the city. In 1466, he received 4 Rheinische Gulden “zu stewr seiner Doctorei,” and from 1466 to 1468, the city celebrated Easter with the provincial. StAR Cam. 16 121v, 166v, 214r. In 1452, Ludovici lectured in Florence and was placed over the studia in Vienna in 1461. In 1468, he served as suffragen bishop of Regensburg. He also served as advisor to Ludwig des Reichen in 1473. Heinz Lieberich, “Die Gelehrten Räte: Staat und Juristen in Baiern in der Frühzeit der Rezeption,” in Zeitschrift für Bayerischen Landesgeschichte, vol. 27 (München: 1967), 175 died in 1480 and has an epitaph in the cathedral church. Rudolf Freytag and Johann B. Hecht (eds.) “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburger Domes,” Blätter des Bayerischen Landesverein für Familienkunde 11 (1933), 56. 244 Paul Uiblein, ed., Die Akten der Theologischen Fakultät der Universität Wien (1396–1508), vol. 2 (Wien: Verband der wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaften Österreichs, 1978), 376: 9 February 1501 “afferret litteras testimoniales ex studio Parisiensi, ubi se adeptum fuisse magisterium asseruit.” Hemmerle reports that he also studied at Cologne and in England. Hemmerle, “Zur Geschichtlicher Bedeutung der Regensburger Augustiner,” 159. Other significant figures from the Regensburg convent include Augustus de Ratispone, lector in Vienna in 1487 (BayStB clm 8423, 334, 24 August 1487); Johannes de Pferinger de Ratisbona, who copied BayStB clm 17633 in 1469 (Zumkeller, Manuskripte, 260) possibly the same as the Johannes de Rat. who copied a manuscript in 1443 in the Schottenkloster in Vienna (Zumkeller, Manuskripte, 261); and Johannes de Ratispona who was promoted to the licentiate in 1437 (BayStB clm 8423, 185, 19 August 1437). 245 See, for example, the brief discussion of Beguine teaching in the Low Countries


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education are still largely lacking. The appearance of the two-volume work Geschichte der Mädchen- und Frauenbildung has rectified this situation somewhat. However, works on the education of women remain largely impressionistic.246 Much of this is due to the nature of the surviving sources. The arrangements under which many women were educated are simply undocumented. It was possible, even for those of modest means and basic literacy, to provide their children with at least an elementary vernacular education within the home. Although Latin education was more difficult and expensive, the nobility and some wealthier merchant families would have been able to provide private tutors for both their sons and daughters. Cathedral, collegiate, and city schools which left clearer footprints, were not, as a rule, open to girls. That many medieval schools excluded girls was less the result of medieval perceptions of the fitness of women for learning than of the liturgical role that the students played in these schools. Indeed, the women and girls who entered the religious life, especially the older Benedictine houses, were frequently literate in Latin. However, the students who attended the open grammar schools attached to religious institutions, and even those funded directly by cities, were in a very real sense clerics, a status that by definition excluded women. The lack of access to ecclesiastical grammar schools and city schools meant that Latin education for girls was more limited by economic and social background than it was for boys. Private schools, which could be open to girls, appear to have been primarily, though not exclusively, vernacular schools. As such, a higher percentage of literate girls would

in Walter Simons, Cities of Ladies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries 1200– 1565, The Middle Ages Series, ed. Ruth Mazo Karras (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 80–85. As Simons points out, however, in German-speaking areas, the Beguines were more closely associated with the running of hospitals for the poor than they were with education. 246 Elke Kleinau and Claudia Opitz, eds., Geschichte der Mädchen- und Frauenbildung, vol. 1, Mittelalter bis zur Aufklärung (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1996). See also Edith Ennen, Frauen im Mittelalter, 5th ed. (München: C. H. Beck, 1994) and Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 255–95. Paul F. Grendler discusses female education in late medieval and Renaissance Italy at some length and concludes that although the majority of the noble and well-to-do girls learned to read and write in the vernacular, few ever learned to read and write in Latin, and fewer still learned Greek. As these languages were thought appropriate only for clerics and secular leaders, they were inappropriate for most women. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy, 87–102. The lacunae are particularly evident in local studies, which frequently give only cursory reference to women’s education.


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have been so only in the vernacular.247 This, coupled with the fact that reading and writing of a native language could be taught more easily at home than could Latin, may help explain the importance of vernacular literature in the experience of the female religious, especially those connected with the mendicant Orders.248 However, women were not excluded from knowledge of Latin entirely. The earliest evidence of educated women in Regensburg were the women of Obermünster, Mittelmünster (St. Paul’s), and Niedermünster—women well known for their Latinity. The so-called Carmina Ratisponensia, which date from the late eleventh or early twelfth century, reflect the kind of education that was available to these women. Although the letters make no overt reference to their origins, internal clues make it clear that they were school exercises produced in Obermünster, Niedermünster, or convent of St. Paul.249 The level of learning within these convents was respected to such a degree that Idung of Prüfening (fl. 1133–1155)

247 Further complicating matters is that literacy was often defined as literacy in Latin, with even those literate in the vernacular labeled as Illiteratus. 248 Marie Luise Ehrenschwendtner argues that the vernacular dominated in the houses of the female Dominicans in southern Germany because it was more conducive to the expression of the kind of personal and direct piety that characterized their devotion. Ehrenschwendtner, “ ‘Puellae Litteratae’: The Use of the Vernacular in the Dominican Convents of S. Germany,” in Medieval Women in Their Communities, ed. Diane Watt (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 60. Although this may have been the case, it must also reflect the extent to which the nuns were more comfortable writing and expressing themselves in the vernacular; Latin itself was no bar to the expression of intensely personal religious feeling. The key may lie not in the nature of Dominican female spirituality but, rather, in the social and economic backgrounds of the sisters. Evidence from Regensburg shows that female Dominicans and Franciscans were drawn increasingly from among the citizens of Regensburg. Their education before entering the convent was thus less likely to include Latin than was that of the noble-women who dominated the older Benedictine houses. 249 Stammler, VL, vol. 7, 1096–97. Peter Dronke, Medieval Latin and the Rise of European Love-Lyric, vol. 2, Medieval Latin Love-Poetry, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968), 422–47. Dronke is not entirely convinced that these necessarily originated in Regensburg; see especially page 222. However, at least two references to the Alte Kapelle make the identification appear fairly certain. See Dronke, Medieval Latin Love-Poetry, 426: “Deprecor ad vetulam te mane venire capellam.” and “Prepositus vetule mandat tibi fausta capelle.” The poems are contained in BayStB clm 17142 and are described in some detail by Dronke. Along with these letters, the manuscript also contains the kind of scholastic miscellany that so often appears in such pedagogical manuscripts: fragments of classical and patristic authors, etymologies, and so forth. Interestingly, it appears that a canon of the Alte Kapelle was directly responsibilty for instructing the women and often, as the letters suggest, became an object of their (fictional?) affections. Märtl, “Damenstifte Obermünster, 752–53.


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a former magister scolarum in the cathedral,250 dedicated a copy of his Dialogus duorum monachorum to the Abbess Kunigunde of Niedermünster. He included in his dedication the request, “It be legibly copied and diligently emended by some of your sisters accustomed to this sort of work.”251 Similarly, the sisters of St. Paul were responsible for writing out the Visio Tnugdali, a graphic account of an Irish knight’s journey through heaven and hell that became one of the most popular works of its day.252 Although the nobility continued to dominate these houses, at least some from the Regensburg patriciate seem to have gained entry. In 1329, Elizabeth Umtuer, daughter of a wealthy citizen of Regensburg, Dietrich Umtuer, received papal support in her effort to be admitted into St. Paul’s (Mittelmünster).253 At the time of her appeal, Elizabeth 250 R. B. C. Huygens identifies the author with a certain Idung who appears frequently in the charters of the cathedral chapter. See Idung of Prüfening, Moine Idung et ses deux Ouvrages, 6–10. An Idungus appears as scolasticus or magister scolarum in 1133, 1137, and 1138; see Appendix I. 251 “Quaproter ut legibiliter scribatur et diligenter emendetur ab aliquibus sororibus vestris ad hoc opus idoneis desiderans postulo et postulans desidero,” Idung of Prüfening, Moine Idung et ses deux Ouvrages, 92. See also Stammler, VL, vol. 4, 362–64. 252 Märtl, “Die Damenstifte,” 753. see also Herrad Spilling, Die Visio Tnugdali: Eigenart und Stellung in der Mittelalterlichen Visionsliteratur bis zum Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung, vol. 21 (München: Arbeo-Gesellschaft, 1975), 16 ff. The author fr. Marcus dedicates his re-telling of the vision to “venerabili ac deo devote domine. G.[isela of St. Paul’s also called Mittelmünster],” requesting that she see to its transcription and “rogans tamen ut si qua ibi fuerint minus compendiose interpolita sententia emendare et competenter cudere vestra erudita non erubescat sollertia.” Brigitte Pfeil, Die “Vision des Tnugdalus” Albers von Windberg: Literatur- und Frömmigkeitsgeschichte im Ausgehenden 12. Jahrhundert, Mikrokosmos vol. 54 (Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1999), 1f. 253 G. Mollat, Jean XXII (1316–1334) Lettres Communes analysees d’apres les Registres dits d’Avignon et du Vatican, vol. 8 (Paris: A. Fontemoing, 1924), 352 #46018, 46024. Mollat’s printed register incorrectly transcribes the family name Umbtuar as Vinbruarii, a close examination of the photographic reproductions of the original show that it should read Umbtuarii. The Umtuers were a prominent Regensburg family and appear repeatedly in the charters of the city. They also increasingly held ecclesiastical positions in Regensburg. An Ulrich Umtuer received a papal provision to an expectation in the Alte Kapelle in 1329 (Mollat, Lettres Communes, vol. 8, 352 #46019) and appears as a beneficiary in the will of Konrad des Dürnstetters in 1350 (Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 694 #1286: 1350 Sept. 28). In the mid- and late-fourteenth century, another Ulrich Umtuer was a member of the Dominican order in Regensburg and served as prior on numerous occasions between 1357 and 1388. See Heinz Lieberich, Regesten des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg (1226–1806), Manuscript 1932/33, BayHstA, 33 #61, 71, 88. Compare StAR Cam. 4 fol. 1v: “Item Ulricis der Umbtuär zu den predigen hat xxxii gulden leipting.” Ulrich Umtuer also lectured in the arts studium in Bamberg in 1346. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” 333: “In Babenberg ponimus studium artium, ubi legat Ulricus Umptuer.”


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was already described as a “puella litterata.”254 Although it is unclear precisely how and where she had studied, it is clear that a Latin grammar education was possible for at least some daughters of Regensburg’s civic elite. The evidence for education in the female mendicant houses in Regensburg is much less direct.255 The rules of both orders required that the sisters participate in the liturgical life of the convent, so some familiarity with Latin can be assumed.256 The Dominicans were required to be “puellae litteratae” at the time they entered the order, but the precise meaning of this term, at least in this context, is not entirely clear.257 The extent to which vernacular books dominated their libraries, suggests that the general level of Latin literacy was not particularly high, and that most sisters were much more comfortable reading and writing in their native tongue.258 However, it also reflects broader trends within German literate society toward the use of the vernacular.

Mollat, Letttres Communes, vol. 8, 352 #46024. The term litterata was generally reserved for an individual who had attained a fairly high degree of Latin literacy: “Ratisponen. et Eysteten. episcopis, ac mag. Petro Placentis, archid. de Belvacinio in eccl. Belvacensi, capellano papae, mand. ut recipi faciant Elisabetham natam Dietrici Vinbruarii, civis Ratisponensis, puellam litteratam Ratisponensem, in monialem monastarii S. Pauli, O.S.B. Ratisponensi.” 255 As mentioned previously, these convents emerged from existing communities of pious women. Similar communities elsewhere in the Empire, and Europe more generally, were keenly interested in the collection of devotional texts in the vernacular, although the extent to which these groups were literate continues to be debated. In many cases, they were likely literate in the vernacular with more limited ability to read and write in Latin. 256 Their degree of literacy would likely have mirrored that of many male Benedictine houses. Some clearly would have been fairly competent, but others may have simply been able to recite passages committed to memory. Compare also the fifteenth-century Reformatio Sigismundi, which expected literacy among the female religious sufficient for a basic understanding of the liturgy. Koller, Reformation Kaiser Siegmunds, 210: “Item sy sollen in den clostern haben eine schule, dar sy innen lernen gramaticam und dye heyligen geschrifft, das sy versteen etwas, was sy gelesen.” 257 Ehrenschwendtner suggests that in this context a “puella litterata” was someone capable of performing all her liturgical duties in Latin, but did not require full understanding. As evidence she points to the Dominican nun and author Christine Ebner of Engeltal who, though she had learned to read the Psalter by age ten and composed two books in the vernacular, described herself as illiterata—unable to read and write Latin well. However, her ability to read the Psalter qualified her as a litterata puella for the purposes of acceptance into the order. Ehrenschwendtner, “Puella Litteratae,” 55. 258 A will from 1368 provides evidence of the importance of vernacular texts to female mendicants, as well as their frequently “bürgerliche” backgrounds. In 1368, the Regensburg patrician Dietrich Zollner left three female relatives, all members of the Poor Clares, a “salter der latein und ta%tsch ist.” Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 325 #788. 254


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Unlike the Franciscans and the Dominicans, the Augustinian Hermits were not associated with any female house within the city of Regensburg. They were, however, responsible for overseeing a convent of female Augustinians in Niederviehbach, located about ten kilometers northeast of Landshut. Converted to an Augustinian convent in 1296, Niederviehbach appears to have had a school from its inception.259 Moreover, it also seems to have provided education for at least some secular girls. A document from 1301 refers to the existence of a school in the convent and stipulates that the nuns were to educate the children until their maturity in exchange for gifts they brought to the convent. After they had reached maturity, the children could decide whether to take permanent vows or leave the convent.260 This arrangement clearly allowed for the education of girls who had no intention of entering the convent. Although it appears to reflect initiatives taken by an individual family rather than indicative of a pattern typical of the Augustinian Hermits more generally, other families with sufficient resources were likely able to provide for the education of their daughters by entering into similar, mutually beneficial arrangements.261 Although not as well documented, there were other avenues open to families seeking to provide their daughters (as well as sons) with an education. Perhaps most common was the engagement of a cleric by an individual family. In 1292, for example, a certain widow Ava and her four children—Alheidis, Karolus, Merboto and Ulricus—sold their house “on account of grave and imminent necessity” to the

For a history of the foundation of Niederviehbach as a Augustinian convent, see Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 85–87. 260 See Regesta Boica, vol. 5, 7: 1 May 1301: “Wernher Graf von Leonberg, eignet alles was des Wochners Kinder zu Wochen und zu Viehback dem Kloster daselbst mit dem Bedinge Geschenkt, dass die Frauen obige Kinder bis zu ihren reifern Jahren erziehen und jedem nachhin, wenn es aus dem Kloster treten will, 10pfd. geben, dem genannten Kloster.” See also Ferdinand Janner, Geschichte der Bischöfe von Regensburg, vol. 3 (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1886), 101. 261 The convent of Niederviehbach enjoyed close relations with the city of Regensburg. Regensburg citizens remebered the sisters of Niederviehbach in their wills and the daughters of prominent Regensburg familes entered the convent, see, for example, Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 123 #240, 26 June 1308: Diemut, wife of the prominent Regensburger Leutwin Hiltprand left two pounds “und den füchsinen pellitz und den grünen mantel, under si ze gelicher weise ze tailen.” See also Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 681 #1260, 14 November 1349: Agnes der Weimptingerin left “Gredrauten der Wollärinne ze Veichpach” (both of Regensburg families) one pound. A number of the women at Viehbach also collected annuities from the city purchased for them by their families. See StAR Cam. 4. fol. 1r. 259


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chaplain of the Altar of St. Blasius for a total of four pounds.262 They received two pounds in cash and the remaining two pounds were to be exchanged for their schooling, particularly the “acquiring and learning mathematical skills through which they might be sustained in the future.”263 The specific arrangement included the daughter (Alheidis), and perhaps the mother herself among those for whom the cleric was to provide instruction. The extremely practical motives of the mother are striking, as is the assumption that such skills provided tangible and significant rewards. Beyond the evidence mentioned already, some members of Regensburg’s elite would have been able to educate their daughters through the employment of private schoolmistresses. Although references to them are rare, as indeed they are for individual schoolmasters, at least two women in Regensburg appear in the sources with the name “schulmeisterin.” Both cases illustrate the difficulties faced when approaching issues related to the education of women. The most famous, Engel (Agnes) “die schulmaisterin” was buried in the Franciscan cemetery in 1318.264 Her burial there suggests that she may have overseen a girl’s school affiliated with the Friars; however, lacking further evidence, this must remain speculative. The second case is even more problematic. Indeed, it serves as an important reminder of the need for caution when asserting that anyone practiced a particular profession based solely on name. In 1405, a certain “Clar di Glaserynn” named “di schulmaisterynn” was censured by the city for theft and other “unjust deeds.” The name “schulmaisterynn” in this case appears to be a family name rather than being indicative of her active participation in a teaching profession.265 Nevertheless, it 262 Four pounds was approximately equal to the annual salary paid to a church vicar. For more on the salary for teachers, see Chapter Three, pp. 170–72. 263 “Ego Ava quondam nurus Illenchoverii et pueri mei videlicet Alheidis, Karolus, Merboto, et Ulricus . . . Vendimus domum nostram . . . viro discreto Alberto Bohemo Capellano altaris Sancti Blasii pro 4 lib. denar. Ratisponen. de quibus idem Albertus nos de 2 lib. denar. expedivit in pecunia numerata, residuas vero 2 lib. in usus nostros convertet, maxime pro aliqua Arte mathematica adquirenda seu adipiscenda, per quam possumus in posteram sustenari.” BZAR BDK Urk. 1292 X 24 transcribed in Ried, Codex chronologico-diplomaticus, vol. 3, 469, 24 October 1292. 264 MGH AntiquitatesNecrologie, vol. 3, 49, 28 January 1318. 265 BayHStA RS Regb. Urk. #4589, 1405. 2.25: “Ich Clar die Glaserynn genant di Schulmasterynn weilent gesessen zu Regenspurg . . .” In this case, probably from her father rather than a husband. There is no mention of a husband or children in the document in which she agrees to permanent exile from the city. For the form of the name, compare for example, “Hainrich der Schreiber genannt der Regeldorfär” in J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 92 #493, 9 October 1395.


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is interesting that she was professionally engaged as a glazier and may have had at least some basic education.266 Similar problems emerge when discussing the frequent “schreiberin” who appear in the sources. In most cases, they were likely the wives, daughters, and widows of scribes rather than practicing the profession in their own right.267 Nevertheless, given that in many professions the wives and widows appear to have assisted their husbands, and even carried on the family businesses themselves after their husbands’ deaths, it is not unlikely that a few of the numerous “schreiberin” were practiced vernacular copyists and scribes.268 It seems likely that this was the case with the Spitalschreiberinn, wife of Sigmünd Schüel.269 Despite the spotty nature of the evidence, a significant number of women in Regensburg received at least some level of education. A high percentage of the female religious in the city would have been able to read in the vernacular and some in Latin as well. The existence of a Schulmeisterin in the city at the beginning of the fourteenth century shows that there were at least some private schools teachers available for the instruction of girls outside of the convents. In addition, some wealthier families would have been able to secure private instructions to teach their daughters at home.

266 This seems even more likely if the name “schulmaister” reflected her father’s occupation. Jakob also discusses the problem of such names as Schulmeisterin. See Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 238. 267 See, for example, Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 568 #1018 ca. 1342: “Chunigunt di Schriberinn, hern Ulr. dez Schribers witib.” A Katharina Schreiber (here without the feminine ending) died 11 July 1424 and was buried in St. Emmeram. Freytag, “Grabmälerverzeichnis,” 33. 268 At the very least, the frequency with which the name appears points to the increasing importance of reading and writing among the lay population. For Regensburg, little direct evidence regarding vernacular (deutsche Schulen) schools survives. However, in other German-speaking regions, the evidence is somewhat clearer. In the adjacent diocese of Bamberg, for example, a school regulation of 1491 lays out the responsibilities of “iglicher teutscher schulmeister und schulfrawe.” See Johannes Müller, ed., Vor- und frühreformatorische Schulordnungen in deutscher und niederländischer Sprache, 2 vols., Sammlung selten gewordener pädagogischer Schriften früherer Zeiten, vol. 12–13 (Zschopau: F. U. Raschke, 1885–86), 109–10. The statute also illustrates the close association of wives with the teaching profession of their husbands. Schoolmasters were “nicht sein haus frawen mit den kinden umbgehen lassen, sie were dann auch gelert.” Johannes Müller, ed., Vor- und frühreformatorische Schulordnungen, 109–10. 269 StAR. Politica III, 1, 14 February 1475: “Sigmuend Schüel habet Spitalschreiberinn . . . [hat] Bürger recht gsworen . . .”


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Although often better documented than the education of women, an examination of Jewish education presents its own set of difficulties, not least of which is the ambivalent relationship between Christian and Jewish communities. In many ways, Jewish education, as with Jewish society more generally, remained separated from the Christian community that surrounded it; a separation most profoundly realized in the walls of the ghetto itself that both protected and restrained the Jewish community. Yet despite concerns for the maintenance of a healthy distance—concerns shared by some on both sides of the ghetto walls— the separation was never complete. The great early gothic synagogue that dominated Regensburg’s Jewish quarter for nearly three hundred years strongly resembled the nearby church of St. Ulrich.270 Christians served in the wealthy Jewish households, Jews and Christians bought and sold property,271 and, if the frequent condemnations are any indication, some Christians ate, drank, and socialized with Jews despite the threat of excommunication.272 Indeed, evidence of interaction between Christian and Jews abounds at all levels.273 Until the late fifteenth century, the interaction was largely peaceful, though at times tense, and always ambivalent. The thirteenthcentury Franciscan preacher Berthold of Regensburg condemned Christians who forced Jews into mock baptisms yet in other sermons, he castigated the Jews along with thieves, robbers, and arsonists.274 During the Black Death, when Jewish communities elsewhere were subject

270 Andreas Angerstorfer, “Ghetto und Synagogenarchäologie,” in ‘Stadt und Mutter in Israel’: Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur in Regensburg, Austellungskataloge zur Regensburger Geschichte, vol. 2, no. 3 (Regensburg: Stadt Regensburg, 1995), 31–35. 271 See, for example, BayHStA KU Regb. St. Emmeram #47, which records the sale of property by the monastery of St. Emmeram to the Jews. The abbess of Obermünster also sold “hofstat und unnutzperlich under den juden gegen ir schuel gelegen.” Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 21 #52: 10 December 1225. 272 The Regensburg schoolmaster Leonard Panholz copied a work that specifically mentions those who associated closely with Jews as among those to whom communion should be denied. BayStB clm 26111 fol. 70r: “allen der Juden haus gesind knechten” and “allen dy ubrig und umzimlich gehaym unmässigkleich mit in gemainschaft haben mit pad, essen zechen oder ander sach das sich treffen möcht zw lestrung cristenreichs gelauben.” 273 Given that the Jews never constituted more than three to five percent of Regensburg’s population, the frequency of references to them is striking—a testament to their important place within the city and the imagination of the Christians who inhabited it. 274 Siegfried Wittmer, “Mittelalterliches Judengemeinde kulturelles Leben,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, 637.


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to violent attacks, the city council in Regensburg protected its Jewish community and even provided asylum to those persecuted elsewhere.275 Writing during the worst outbreaks of violence, the Regensburg canon Conrad of Megenberg rejected the popular belief that the Jews were responsible for the spread of the Plague.276 By 1475, however, the tensions that eventually led to the destruction of the Jewish community in 1519 were beginning to mount. 277 Nevertheless, the relative security of Regensburg’s Jewish community throughout much of the medieval period allowed the Yeshiva to flourish.278 Beginning in the twelfth century, a series of influential

275 See Alois Schmid, “Die Judenpolitik der Reichsstadt Regensburg im Jahre 1349,” Zeitschrift für bayersiche Landesgeschichte 43 (1980), 599. The reason for the council’s decision to protect the Jews living in Regensburg was due, no doubt in large measure, to the fact that the city had recently secured the right to collect a portion of the Judensteuer. See A. Schmid, “Judenpolitik,” 610. 276 Sabine Krüger, “Krise der Zeit als Ursache der Pest? Der Traktat de Mortalitate in Alamannia des Konrad von Megenberg,” in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag Am 19. September 1972, Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte, vol. 36/II (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1972), 867. “Racio mea probatur: quia constat, quod in plerisque locis ubi remanserat populus Hebraicus, ipse crebro ceciderat casu modo mortalitatis communis . . .” However, like Berthold, Conrad’s tolerance had limits. In the very same work, he wrote that Jews should be detested by Christians, “Licet autem populus Iudaicus a nobis christianis merito sit detestandus propter catholice fidei fundamenta . . .” 277 During this period, the city of Regensburg funded a project aimed at converting the Jews. In 1474, they hired the Dominican preacher Petrus Nigri (Schwarz), a brother of the prior of the Regensburg Dominicans Johannes Nigri, to preach in Hebrew to the Jews. The city account books record several payments made to the learned friar: “Item wir gaben pruder petern zu den prediger der den Juden hie predigt der begert an mein herrn im ein stewr zugeben / in einem juedischen vocabulari schuffen im mein herren trinnckgelt. v schil. xxii.” StAR Cam. 17 fol 93 r. 1474. In 1476, a series of ritual murder trials inflamed the situation further. Wilhelm Volkert, “Das Regensburger Judenregister von 1476,” in Festschrift für Andreas Kraus, ed. Pankraz Fried and Walter Ziegler (Kallmünz: Michael Lassleben, 1982), 116. By the beginning of the sixteenth century, the position of the Jewish community had deteriorated considerably. Around 1507, the lector of the Regensburg Franciscans decried the greulich teuflisch wucherisch poshait of the Jews. By 1517–18, the situation had become so dire that the Jewish community appealed for aid from the emperor on two occasions. In particular, they complained about the mendicants and cathedral preachers who incited the citizens of Regensburg against the Jews. Raphael Straus, Urkunden und Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Juden in Regensburg, 1453–1738, QuE, vol. 18 (München: C. H. Beck, 1960), 335, 337–38 #946 and #952. 278 Most of the surviving evidence relates to higher education. Given the size of Regensburg’s Jewish community, between five and six hundred, there may also have been a significant elementary school as well. However, Eprhraim Kanarfogel argues against the assumption that Jewish elementary education was universally and systematically available. Instead, he points to the frequent hiring of private instructors (melammed ) by well-to-do families. Kanarfogel, Jewish Education and Society in the High Middle Ages (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 20–24. Further complicating


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Rabbis taught in Regensburg.279 These included Ephraim ben-Isaac (ca. 1110–1175), a Tosafist scholar educated in France who authored some forty-six glosses on the Talmud. As a teacher in Regensburg, he attracted numerous scholars to the Yeshiva from some of the most important Jewish communities in the Empire, including Worms, Mainz, and Speyer.280 The years following the career of Ephraim ben-Isaac constituted the intellectual highpoint of the school. From c. 1170 to c. 1220, some of the most important Jewish thinkers of their day held schools in Regensburg.281 Although the Yeshiva appears to have declined in subsequent centuries, it continued to attract a large number of students from outside of Regensburg until 1519, when Regensburg’ Christian community turned on its Jewish neighbors with whom they had shared the city for so long.282 Within a year the city had torn down the issue is the use of the German term Schul (less frequently the Latin schola) to refer to the synagogue. Most often Judenschul must be understood in this sense (a meaning it maintains in Yiddish) rather than referring to a school per se. The same is true for the term Schulmaister, which is best understood as Rabbi. 279 Andreas Angerstorfer, “Rabinisches Gericht und Talmudschule,” in “Stadt und Mutter in Israel”: Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur in Regensburg, Austellungskatloge zur Regensburger Geschichte, vol. 2, no. 3 (Regensburg: Stadt Regensburg. 1995), 47–48. Angerstorfer’s work also includes a list of Rabbis who served in Regensburg from the late eleventh through the sixteenth century. See also Wittmer, “Mittelalterliches Judengemeinde,” 647. 280 Angerstorfer, “Rabinisches Gericht und Talmudschule,” 48–49. The school continued to attract scholars from the major Jewish communities of the Rhine, as well as Vienna and Prague, throughout the Middle Ages. 281 These included Isaac ben-Mordechai (fl. ca. 1150–70), who came to Regensburg from Bohemia. One of the foremost Tosafist scholars of his day, he counted among his students the widely traveled Joel ben Isaac ha-Levi (ca. 1110–1180), who spent his later years as a rabbi in Cologne; and Baruch ben-Isaac (d. 1237), author of the widely circulating ha-Teruma. Other noted scholars were Isaac ben-Moses (b. ca. 1180), who studied in Bohemia, Speyer, Worms, Paris, and Regensburg; and Abraham benMoses (fl. 1210), who served in the Regensburg Synagogue alongside Isaac ben Jacob ha-Laban and Baruch ben-Isaac. See Ismar Elbogen, H. Tykocinsky, and A. H. Freimann, Germania Judaica, vol. 1, Von den ältesten Zeiten bis 1238 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr and Paul Siebeck, 1963), 48, 290–95; Georg Herlitz and Bruno Kirschner, Jüdisches Lexikon: ein Enzyklopädisches Handbuch des Jüdischen Wissens in Vier Bänden, Ismar Elbogen, Georg Herlitz, and Josef Meisl, eds. (Berlin: Jüdischer, 1927–30; reprint, Frankfurt am Main: Jüdischer Verlag bei Athenaum, 1987), vol. 2, 44; Wittmer, “Mittelalterliches Judengemeinde,” 648; and Siegfried Wittmer, Regensburger Juden: Jüdisches Leben von 1519 bis 1990, Regensburg Studien und Quellen zur Kulturgeschichte, vol. 6 (Regensburg: Universitäts Verlag Regensburg 1996), 14–16. 282 According to the St. Emmeram monk, Christopherus Hoffman, there were eighty foreign students attending the Yeshiva at the time of its destruction. Straus, Urkunden und Aktenstücke, 386 #1040, 21 February 1519: “fuere Judaei paulo minus quingenti scripto designati iunctis parvulis et mulieribus praeter alios 80, ut ferunt, studentes . . .” Compare Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 360. The great library associated with the synagogue was also destroyed during this period. Only a few scraps used in the bindings of other works can be traced to the once-impressive repository.


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the centuries-old synagogue and replaced it with a church dedicated to the Virgin. Beyond the educational structures associated with Regensburg’s venerable institutions, private instructors were essential, if ultimately elusive fixtures in the educational landscape of the city from at least the thirteenth century. By their very nature, such schools left behind few records. Where children were taught in their homes by parents or other educated members of the family, evidence is even less likely to survive.283 Occasionally, contracts with tutors or stray references to pedagogues attest to their existence, as does the existence of a large number of secular vernacular scribes. In other German cities, the council often mounted efforts to control private instructors. In 1499, for example, the city council of Constance admonished the private tütschschribern that they should not teach Latin to “any of the children entrusted to them.” In Bamberg, the city censured private teachers (both male and female) who lured away other masters’ students, or required their students to perform menial chores.284 Unfortunately, references to such teachers in Regensburg are rare and far less direct than are the examples cited from Bamberg and Constance. The contract mentioned earlier between Ava Illenchoveri and the chaplain of the altar of St. Blasius is the most overt example of the activities of private instructors. Agnes “die Schulmeisterin” also mentioned previously might have served a similar function as well. In some cases, private tutors accompanied their charges into the schools themselves. Given the informal nature of many of these arrangements, they left few traces of their existence. It is possible that Ulrich Grünsleder, a convicted heretic and erstwhile pedagogue of the secular judge who condemned him, had once served in such a capacity.285 The 283 In the late fifteenth century, the noble Zandt family owned a printed grammar reflecting humanist influence. Nicolaus Perottus, Rudimenta grammatices (Milan: Leonhard Pachel and Ulrich Scinzenzeler, 1478), 112 pages, 4o, P-224, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007. his work probably served as a text for private instruction in the Zandtner household. Some Zandtners certainly did pursue education. In 1511, for example, the cathedral canon Wolfgang Zandter de Zandt matriculated at Ingolstadt. See Appendix I. 284 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 109–10: “Es sol kein schulmeister durch sich, seine hausfrawen oder andere einem andern schulmeister seine kinder abspennen . . . Die schulmeister und schulfrawen sullen ire kinder nicht aufsschicken, holtz zu klauben, eisen oder anders in den gassen an den wegen oder in dem wasser zu suchen . . .” 285 Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum et imperatorum Romanorum, in Sämtliche


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few glimpses that these examples provide only hint at the contributions such instructors made to medieval education. By the early fourteenth century, the primary features of Regensburg’s educational landscape were in place. At the forefront were the schools of the Alte Kapelle, the Cathedral, and St. Emmeram where the city’s children increasingly received instruction in both song and grammar. Equally prominent, the mendicant schools brought teachers, students, books, and ideas to Regensburg from throughout Western Christendom. Although primarily aimed at educating skilled preachers, (a form of lay education that should not be minimized), the presence of such schools and their libraries contributed to the intellectual and educational climate of the city in significant, if often less tangible ways.286 The smaller schools of St. Mang, the Schottenkloster, Prüfening, and Prüll also taught grammar and likely song, for at least some periods during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. There were song scholars associated with St. Johann, St. Cassian, and St. Ulrich and many of the smaller churches and altars as well. Nor was the education of women neglected entirely. Although more common among the religious, lay women did have some limited educational opportunities, especially from private tutors. Finally, although Jewish education was strictly segregated from the larger Christian community, the importance of Regensburg as a center of Jewish intellectual life and culture should not be overlooked.

Werke, 133. “Qui [Ulrich Grünsleder] mox a iudice, cuius quondam pedagogus fuerat, ducitur ad comburendum.” The role of the pedagogue during this period could either be as a private tutor unconnected with a formal school or he could accompany and assist individual students within the context of institutionalized education. The statutes of the school of St. Stephan in Vienna from 1446 accorded to the locati the income from all the students “ausgenommen die aigen schulmaister oder pedigogen haben . . . .” Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 59. The statutes from Landshut (1492) use the term schreiber, although the meaning is clearly the same as pedagogue: “die Schreiber die den Bürgern ihre kinder gen schul führen. . . .” Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 115. R. E. Lerner asserts that Grünsleder was the rector of the cathedral school, but clear evidence of this is lacking. He held a benefice in the city, but I have been unable to identify any official connection to the cathedral school. Lerner, “Gruensleder,” in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. R. Aubert (Paris: Letouzey et Ané 1988), 430–32. 286 See for example Phyllis B. Roberts, “Sermons and Preaching in/and the Medieval University,” in Ronald B. Begley and Joseph W. Koterski, eds., Medieval Education, (New York: Fordham University Press, 2005), 83–99. Roberts discusses the interface between universities and schools and the communities in which they were located, especially through institutionally supported/mandated preaching.


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Having identified the contours of the educational landscape in late medieval Regensburg, we now take a closer look inside the schools themselves. First, we will consider the curricula of the schools, paying careful attention to aspects of both continuity and change. Second, we will look at those who administered and directed the schools, including their social and economic origins and career paths. Finally, we will consider the students themselves, their experiences, origins, and aspirations.


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CHAPTER THREE

INSIDE THE SCHOOLS Ut detur parvulis astutia adulescenti scientia et intellectus. Proverbs 1:4.

The Foundations of Medieval Education To understand the educational structures and curriculum of the late Middle Ages, it is necessary to consider the textual and institutional traditions from which they grew. Particularly important were the legacies of late antiquity and the Carolingian reforms. These provide the essential context for the content and form of late medieval schooling. In addition, these legacies serve to frame the ambivalence and occasional hostility that characterized the relationship between clerical and lay authorities vis-à-vis the schools. Although medieval education differed sharply from the late antique schools of rhetoric,1 it owed much to texts and traditions stretching back to late antiquity. Even if, in the words of Pierre Riché, “Christian education did not appear as its heir, but as its rival.”2 Nowhere is the foundational importance of late antique texts more apparent than in the basic grammars. The most popular medieval grammar was the product of Aelius Donatus (mid fourth century) and was so pervasive that grammar students were often called simply Donatists.3 Priscian’s 1 These had largely disappeared by the sixth century. See Pierre Riché, Education et culture dans l’Occident barbare, VI e–VIII e siècles (Paris: Variorum, 1962), 548. Riché points to the important evidence of discontinuity between late antique and early medieval education. The schools of the Carolingian period were, with few exceptions, ecclesiastical schools whose primary purpose was the education of future clerics. The content, too, was increasingly religious. 2 Riché, Éducation et culture, 549: “L’école chrétienne n’apparaît pas comme l’héritière de celle-ci, mais comme sa rivale.” 3 Aelius Donatus’ work the Ars grammatica was divided into two parts. The first (Ars minor), which was primarily used with beginning students, covers the eight parts of speech providing paradigms for the memorization of correct forms. The second part (Ars maior) was used for more advanced students and, after a repetition of the eight parts of speech, emphasized style. From the number of surviving copies the first part


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grammar Institutiones Grammaticae (early sixth century) also circulated widely throughout the entire Middle Ages.4 It was the subject of frequent commentaries and glosses5 and served as the basis for Hrabanus Maurus’s (d. 856) discussion of grammar.6 Nor was the importance of this period for medieval education limited to grammar. Two texts in particular, Martianus Capella’s (fl. 420s) The Marriage of Mercury and Philology and Boethius’s (d. 524), The Consolation of Philosophy provided the foundation for the medieval conception of the seven liberal arts.7 They also justified the use, and even admiration of pagan texts within the context of a specifically Christian education.8 To these must be added a long list of classical and late antique pagan was clearly the most important of the two, although this may also reflect the fact that fewer people advanced beyond basic Latin. See Nikolaus Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen Lateinischer Schultexte: ihre Verbreitung und Funktion im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit: mit einem Verzeichnis der Texte, Münchner Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, vol. 90 (München: Artemis 1988), 237–39. 4 Priscian’s work also circulated in two parts: the first sixteen books as Priscianus Maior, and books seventeen and eighteen as Priscianus Minor. Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 79. 5 The most famous of these is the Gloss of St. Gall produced in the ninth century. See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 79. 6 Hrabanus Maurus served as the Abbot of Fulda and the Archbishop of Mainz during his celebrated career. In his capacity as archibishop, he oversaw the synod of 848, which resulted in the condemnation of Gottschalk of Orbais and his teachings on predestination. See, most recently, Hanns Christoph Picker, Pastor Doctus: Klerikerbild und Karolingische Reformen bei Hrabanus Maurus, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz, vol. 186 (Mainz: von Zabern, 2001). 7 For a discussion of the importance of Boethius in medieval education, see Michael Bernhard, “Boethius im Mittelalterlichen Schulunterricht,” in Schule und Schüler im Mittelalter, ed. Martin Kintzinger, Sönke Lorenz, and Michael Walter (Köln: Böhlau, 1996), 11–27. As Bernhard and others have noted, one can scarcely overstate the importance of the works of Boethius for medieval education. This was true not only for the Consolation of Philosophy, but also his quadrivial works. The latter, however, were gradually replaced by more concise handbooks such as those produced by Johannes de Sacrobosco (Algorismus) and Johannes de Muris (Arithmetica speculativa and Musica speculativa). Bernhard, “Boethius im Mittelalterlichen Schulunterricht,” 26–27. 8 See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 11. See also the classic, if somewhat dated, C. S. Lewis, The Discarded Image: An Introduction to Medieval and Renaissance Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964). This conversion, however, was only imperfectly accomplished. Many continued to be ill at ease with their use. See, for example, the eleventh century author, scribe, and school master Otloh of St. Emmeram whose work, Liber Proverbiorum, expresses considerable doubt concerning the compatibility of the arts and the monastic life. Otloh von St. Emmeram, Liber Proverbiorum PL 146, 331D: “studium saeculare cito facit homines in via Dei errare.” See also de Doctrina Spirituali, PL 146, 270: “ast equidem dico, cognoscens exprimento, Hostis ab antiqui stimulis hos exagitari.” Otloh himself was well-schooled in pagan literature, and had, at least at some point in his life, felt especially drawn to it reflecting a familiar trope popular among the early Church fathers. Jerome himself had once famously dreamed that his love of pagan literature had led him to become a Ciceronian rather than a Christian.


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authors who served as guides in grammar, rhetoric, style, and even morality. From classical antiquity, the medieval schools were particularly fond of the poets Terence,9 Vergil, Horace, Juvenal, Statius, Lucan,10 and the prose authors Sallust,11 Cato, Cicero, and Seneca. Finally, the fables of Avian became standard texts both as Latin texts and as moral exempla.12 Medieval educators held these writers in such esteem that tradition spuriously credited many later works to them. Medieval traditon ascribed important school texts to Cato (Disticha), Ovid (de Nuce), Vergil (de Viro Bono) Boethius (de Discipuli Scolarium), and Seneca (de IIII Virtutibus).13 In addition to the textual legacy of late antiquity, medieval education owed much to the development of two late antique Christian institutions: the cathedral school and the monastery. In the early fifth century, St. Augustine founded a school for priests at his church in Hippo, which combined the reading of sacred texts with the study of the liberal arts.14 There is evidence of similar institutions in southern France and 9 The tenth-centuy nun and playwright Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim (d. ca. 972) wrote in her preface to Dulcitius that her purpose was to provide an alternative to Terence that captured the “dulcedine Sermonis” of Terence but that did not lead astray through the “nefandarum notitia rerum.” Hrothsvita, Hrotsvithae Opera: mit Einleitung und Kommentar von H. Homeyer (München: Schöningh, 1970). 10 By the eleventh century, Ovid was also widely used as a school text. Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 37. 11 The histories of Sallust, although used as examples of proper Latin, were particularly valued for providing moral exempla. 12 For a discussion of the use of the fables of Avian, see Michael Baldzuhn, “Quidquid Placet: Stellung und Gebrauchsformen der ‘Fabulae Aviani’ im Schulunterricht des 15. Jahrhunderts,” in Martin Kintzinger, ed., Schule und Schüler im Mittelalter, 357–65. Avian’s fables (and a twelfth-century Latin version of Aesop’s) were used extensively as educational texts throughout the Middle Ages. These texts provided an extremely flexible textual foundation for teaching basic grammar and style, morality, and even elements of philosophical thought. As such, they were employed at almost all levels from youngest grammar student through university study. In the fifteenth century, the library of St. Emmeram held a Latin version of Aesop’s Fables bound together with other school texts of Avian, Cato, and Boethius; see Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (hereinafter, BayStB) clm 14301 and humanist influenced texts of Petrach and Aeneas Sylvius in BayStB clm 14134. 13 Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 57–59. One of the earliest references to Seneca as the author of this work is found in the library catalogue of St. Emmeram dating from the tenth century. Listed among a number of other school texts there appears Liber Senece de IIII virtutibus. See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 306, and Christine Elisabeth Ineichen-Eder, ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 4, pt. 1, Bistümer Passau und Regensburg. München: C. H. Beck, 1977 (hereinafter, MBK IV), 1, 146. 14 For a discussion of the origins of the cathedral school, see Detlef Illmer, Erziehung und Wissensvermittlung im frühen Mittelalter: ein Beitrag zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Schule (Kastellaun: Aloys Henn, 1979), 87–99. Augustine established his school within the context


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in Visigothic Spain.15 Although no direct line of descent existed from the cathedral schools of the fifth and sixth centuries to those of the Carolingian period, the precedent of Augustine surely influenced the structure and curriculum of the Carolingian schools.16 Even more important than the precedent provided by Augustine’s cathedral educational program, was the development of monastic education. By the seventh century, most of the traditional Roman schools, with their emphasis on rhetoric and Latin literature, had disappeared. Thus, the monasteries became one of the few surviving enclaves of literate culture in the West.17 The Vivarium founded by Cassiodorus in the sixth century provides perhaps the most spectacular example of the role of monasteries in preserving Latin literature and culture. The Vivarium boasted an extraordinary library, much of it produced by the monks themselves. In his work, the Institutiones divinarum et secularum litteratum, Cassiodorus laid out a rigorous course of study incorporating both Christian and non-Christian texts. Yet, despite the relatively wide circulation of Cassiodorus’ work, his foundation was in many ways unique, both in its intensity of study and the enthusiasm with which it embraced non-Christian literature. Around the same time, but a world away from the pleasant climes of Cassiodorus’s Calabrian monastery, Irish monks began a tradition of spiritual migrations that continued well into the eleventh century. Inspired by the rigorous asceticism of Eastern monasticism and an incurable restlessness, they traveled tirelessly throughout the British Isles and the continent establishing new monasteries and reforming existing ones.18 Many of their foundations and the daughter houses that grew out of them became centers of learning and book production. of the vita communis, which required the priests who served the cathedral church to live in almost monastic fashion. 15 See Hans Schöneberg, Schulen, Geschichte des Unterrichts von der Antike bis zur neuesten Zeit (Frankfurt: Haag und Herchen, 1981), 83, and Riché, Éducation et culture, 331–32. 16 Riché, Éducation et culture, 549. 17 See, among others, Franz Anton Specht, Geschichte des Unterrichtswesen in Deutschland: von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Mitte des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: J. G. Cotta, 1885; reprinted Wiesbaden: Dr. Martin Sändig oHG, 1967), 4; Bruno Hamann, Geschichte des Schulwesens: Werden und Wandel der Schule im Ideen- und sozialgeschichtlichen Zusammenhang (Bad Heilbrunn: J. Klinkhardt, 1986), 19; Schöneberg, Geschichte des Unterrichts, 67b; Riché, Éducation et culture, 150–62; M. M. Hildebrandt, The External School in Carolingian Society (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 21–22. 18 Although many of the most important migrations occurred before the turn of the millennium, Irish monks continued their wanderings well into the eleventh century. The Schottenkloster in Regensburg, founded in the late eleventh century by the Irish monk


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Despite the importance of the Irish tradition, the Rule of St. Benedict (early sixth century) established the most enduring educational legacy. The monastic discipline required by the Rule, especially its emphasis on the lectio divina, provided a specific institutional context in which education was encouraged and even necessary. Although the Rule never speaks of a school in its modern sense,19 its provision for the acceptance of oblates necessitated the establishment of convent schools to teach Latin literacy and writing. Yet the Rule of St. Benedict left a complex and even ambivalent legacy. The very texts used in the schools sparked significant internal debate. Although the pagan authors provided important educational texts, many monks had difficulty reconciling their study with the spiritual life. This ambivalence reflected the feelings of many of the most influential Christian writers of fifth and sixth centuries and continued to be a concern throughout the Middle Ages.20 Further complicating the Benedictine educational legacy, was its combination with the monastic ideal of flight from the world. St. Jerome famously admonished his followers, “The duty of the monk is not teaching, but lamenting.”21 The Rule sought to limit contact between the monks and the outside world, an ideal that if upheld precluded the use of monastic schools for the education of outsiders. Benedict saw the entire monastery as a school but one intended for the spiritual advancement of the monks; he never envisioned the monastery as a Marianus, became the center of a network of Iro-Scottish houses that continued to draw “schotten” to Regensburg into the fifteenth century. For the history of the early years of the Schottenkloster, see Helmut Flachenecker, “Irische Klausner und Benediktiner: zur Geschichte von Weih Sankt Peter und St. Jakob,” in Regensburg im Mittelalter: Beiträge zur Stadtgeschichte vom Frühen Mittelalter bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit, ed. Martin Angerer and Heinrich Wanderwitz (Regensburg: Universitätsverlag, 1995), 187–201. 19 Benedict calls the monastery a “school for the Lord’s service” Benedicti Regula, Rudolf Hanslik ed., Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, vol. 75 (Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1960), 8: “Constituenda est ergo (a) nobis dominici schola servitii . . .” 20 For a discussion of this ambivalence, see Jean Leclercq, The Love of Learning and the Desire for God: A Study of Monastic Culture, trans. Catharine Misrahi (New York: Fordham University Press, 1982), 112–15. Benedict was much more influential than was the somewhat anomalous foundation of his contemporary Cassiodorus, the Roman noble whose monastic community enthusiastically accepted profane texts as objects of study and created a two-part educational system divided into the study of profane and sacred knowledge. Later reform movements such as the Cistercians and early Franciscans were highly critical of the study of pagan texts, even as they employed and eventually embraced them. 21 “Monachus non habet docentis offitium sed plangentis.” Decretum II, causa XVI, q. 1, c. 4, Corpus iuris canonici, ed. Emil Friedberg, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Bernhard Tauchnitz, 1879), col. 762.


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tool for the education of lay clerics, let alone the laity. These tensions became particularly evident in the late eighth and early ninth century when Charlemagne attempted to use the monasteries to forward his educational reforms and continued to influence monastic attitudes toward external scholars throughout the Middle Ages. Charlemagne quite naturally turned to the cathedrals and to the monasteries as the two institutions capable of raising the level of education within his kingdom.22 He expressed his desire in a letter to the abbot of Fulda intended for general circulation, in which he wrote that the bishoprics and monasteries ought to provide schools for “those who, by God’s blessing are able to learn, each according to his capacity.”23 However, Charlemagne’s primary concern was the education of competent clerics who could perform the liturgy properly, rather than universal education.24 The concern here is that priests and monks be able to perform their duties in a correct and presumably efficacious manner. The inclusion

22 Not surprisingly, when Charlemagne sought to employ the monasteries and their intellectual assets to advance his own educational agenda, many monks saw it as impinging on monastic spiritual life. For a discussion of Charlemagne’s reforms and the backlash under his successor, see Hildebrandt, External School in Carolingian Society, 63–71. 23 Luitpold Wallach, “Charlegmagne’s de Litteris Colendis and Alcuin,” Speculum 26 (1951), 290; see also M. L. W. Laistner, Thought and Letters in Western Europe, A.D. 500–900 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966), 196: “ut episcopia et monasteria . . . in litterarum meditationibus eis qui donante Domino discere possunt secundum uniuscuiusque capacitatem docendi studium debeant impendere . . .” 24 Hildebrandt emphasizes that Charlemagne’s primary interest was the reform of religious education, rather than the establishment of widespread, accessible lay education. See Hildebrandt, External School in Carolingian Society, 55. In the Admonitio generalis of 789, Charlemagne spelled out the purpose of the educational program he was attempting to establish: “In order that by the good practice of these, many may be brought into the service of God, they should gather and join to themselves, not only children of a servile status but also the sons of freemen. And that they should establish schools of reading for boys.” He also expressed concern for the proper editing of liturgical texts. See Georg Lurz, ed., Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente Altbayerns, einschließlich Regensburgs, Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica (Berlin: A. Hoffman, 1907–1908), vol. 1, 143: “ut eorum bona conversatione multi protrahantur ad sevitium Dei, et non solum servilis conditionis infantes, sed etiam ingenuorum filios adgregent sibique socient. Et ut scolae legentium puerorum fiant. Psalmos, notas, cantus, compotum, grammaticam per singula monasteria vel episcopia et libros catholicos bene emendate; quia saepe, dum bene aliqui Deum rogare cupiunt, sed per inemendatos libros male rogant. Et pueros vestros non sinite eos vel legendo vel scribendo corrumpere; et si opus est euangelium, psalterium et missale scribere, perfectae aetatis homines scribant cum omni diligentia.” The extent to which monasteries and bishoprics actually followed these edicts is unclear and no doubt varied significantly from place to place.


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of the sons of both free and servile men in his educational program has led some historians to argue that Charlemagne attempted to establish some sort of universal public education. However, evidence of an abiding interest in providing public education is lacking.25 Indeed, as the pendulum has swung in the opposite direction some historians have begun to question whether the educational reforms of Charlemagne resulted in any significant increase in the educational level of the laity, or even the vast majority of the clergy.26 As M. M. Hildebrandt has pointed out, his efforts to employ monasteries in the training of secular clerics seems to have been extremely ephemeral. After Charlemagne’s death in 814, his son and successor Louis the Pious immediately began to restrict the education of external students in monastic schools. A capitulary from the Synod of Aachen in 817 required, “There be no school held in the monastery except for those who are oblates.”27 By restricting monastic schools to monks, reformers sought to define the boundaries between monks and the world more clearly. Louis the Pious’ endorsement, and Benedict of Aniane’s zealous promotion of these reforms effectively ended any attempt to provide for the systematic education of clerics within the context of existing monastic schools.28

There are some hints at the possibility of the existence of schools open to a broader public. A capitulary of Theodulf of Orleans, for example, admonished, “Presbyteri per villas et vicos scholas habeant. Et si qui libet fidelium suos parvulos ad discendas litteras eis commendare vult, eos suscipere et docere non renuant, sed cum summa caritate eos doceant . . .” Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 144. Hildebrandt is open to the possibility that there was a desire to educate the lay public but concludes that direct evidence of the establishment of such schools eludes us. Hildebrandt, External School in Carolingian Society, 58. 26 For a particularly negative assessment of the impact of the Carolingian Renaissance see Thomas Frenz, “Das Schulwesen des Mittelalters bis ca. 1200,” in Max Liedtke, ed., Handbuch der Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesens, vol. 1 Geschichte der Schule in Bayern, von den Anfängen bis 1800 (Bad Heilbrunn: J. Klinkhardt, 1991), 86. See also François Ganshof, Was waren die Kapitularien? trans. Wilhelm A. Eckhart (Darmstadt: Hans Böhlau, 1961), 85. For a more positive assessment of education in the Carolingian period, see the works of Rosamond McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 212–23, and “The Carolingian Renaissance of Culture and Learning,” in Charlemagne: Empire and Society, ed. Joanna Story (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 151–66. 27 “Ut scola in monasterio non habeatur, nisi eorum qui oblati sunt.” Synodi secundae Aquisgranensis decreta authentica, Kassius Hallinger, ed., Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, vol. 1, Initia Consuetudinis Bendictinae, (Siegburg: F. Schmitt, 1963), col. 474. See also Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 148. 28 See Hildebrandt, External School in Carolingian Society, 139–40. 25


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Concern for education, however, continued. In the famous monastery of St. Gall, the monks sought to address the problem of separation by establishing an external school within the monastic compound but outside the cloister area. Other monasteries do not appear to have emulated this ingenious solution. Indeed, even at St. Gall, some have continued to question whether the school as it appears in the surviving plan ever actually existed.29 In most cases, despite the occasional appearance of externs within monastic schools, there were no systematic educational programs for secular clerics or the laity within the monasteries. One final example from the reign of Louis the Pious bears mentioning. In 829, the bishops of the empire encouraged Louis the Pious to establish at least three “scolae publicae” in the kingdom for the benefit and honor of the holy church lest, “his labor, and that of his father be undone through neglect, or God forbid, intentional destruction . . .”30 This short exhortation illustrates two important points. First, the bishops linked the scolae publicae with the honor and prestige of the church, pointing again to the training of clerics as the primary goal of Carolingian educational policy. Second, as early as 829, the bishops looked back to Charlemagne’s reign nostalgically. Already they saw his educational reforms under threat from neglect and possibly much worse. During the century following the eclipse of Carolingian political hegemony, the flow of evidence relating to schools in the former empire diminishes considerably.31 Although this resulted partly from the loss of a centralized record keeping bureaucracy, it also reflected a general decline in the activities of many schools. Faced with invasions, economic decline, and political instability, the brief Carolingian Renaissance faltered. Nevertheless, many monasteries and cathedral schools continued

Hildebrandt, External School in Carolingian Society, 99–100. Monumenta Germaniae Historica (hereinafter, MGH) Legum, Section II, Alfred Boretius and Victor Krause, eds., Capitularia Regum Francorum, vol 2 (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopoli Hahniani, 1897), 37; and Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 149: “Similiter etiam obnixe et suppliciter vestrae celsitudini suggerimus, ut morem paternum sequentes, saltim in tribus congruentissimis imperii vestri locis scolae publicae ex vestra auctoritate fiant, ut labor patris vestri et vester per incuriam quod absit labefactando non depereat, quoniam ex hoc facto et magna utilitas, et honor sanctae Dei ecclesiae, et vobis magnum mercedis emolumentum et memoria sempiterna adcrescet.” 31 Documents from Bavaria for this period are particularly sparse, and as Thomas Frenz has noted, fall silent much sooner than those relating specifically to western Frankish areas. Frenz, “Schulwesen des Mittelalters,” 81. 29 30


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their educational traditions, reemerging in the early eleventh century with renewed vigor.32 Pre-University Curriculum Building on these earlier traditions, the basic organization of grammar and especially elementary curriculum was remarkably stable.33 As early as 789, the Synod of Aachen laid out a program that included song, the Psalter, letters, mathematics (for calculating the church calendar), and grammar.34 Although not without some changes and local variations, the 32 The monastery of St. Emmeram in Regensburg continued to add to its library until the mid-ninth century followed by a period of significantly less activity. Bernard Bischoff has identified around sixty codices from the period between 800 and 850 but only 10 from the subsequent fifty-year period. Bischoff, “Die Schreibschulen der Diözese Regensburg,” in Die Südostdeustschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, ed. Bernard Bischoff (Wiesbaden: Harroswitz, 1960), 181–82. Bischoff describes the surviving manuscripts from the tenth century as “zu spärlich, um irgendein Tradition erkennen zu lassen.” 33 Several historians have argued that medieval education became increasingly secular during the late Middle Ages. Although lay literacy and lay education expanded significantly during this period, wholesale changes in the curriculum do not seem to have been the result. Nor was the relationship between civic and ecclesiastical authorities invariably hostile, as some historians appear to suggest. See, in particular, Edith Ennen, “Stadt und Schulen in ihrem wechselseitigen Verhältnis vornehmlich im Mittelalter,” in Gesammelte Abhandlungen zum europäischen Städtewesen und zur rheinischen Geschichte, edited by Georg Droege, Klaus Fehn, Dietrich Höroldt, Franz Irsigler, and Walter Janssen, vol. 22 (Bonn: Ludwig Röhrscheid, 1977), 160. Ennen argues that the rising merchant class of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries was confronted by a church largely antithetical to its aspirations and lifestyle (Homo mercator vix aut nunquam potest Deo placere). As a result, the increasingly merchant-controlled civic institutions sought to establish their own educational institutions: “Denn sie schickten ihre Kinder nicht gern auf die Kapitelschulen, die es ja in all diesen Städten gab, wegen der tiefen Kluft, die zwishen der Lebensauffasung der Kirche und derjenigen des Kaufmanns lag.” In addition to expressing this growing self-awareness and self-confidence, the merchants sought to establish schools that could provide their children with an education that the existing shools were unable to provide, that is, a curriculum that served the specific needs of this new class. See also Fritz Rörig, “Grosshandel und Grosshändler im Lübeck des 14. Jahrhunderts,” in Wirtschaftskräfte im Mittelalter, ed. Paul Kaegbein (Wien: Böhlau, 1971), 29–41; and Henri Pirenne, “L’instruction des marchands au moyen-âge,” Annales d’histoire économique 1 (1929): 13–28. However, evidence from these new city foundations point to a greater degree of continuity in both structure and curriculum than Ennen, Pirenne, or Rörig allow. See, for example, Martin Kintzinger, “‘Ich was auch ain Schueler’: die Schulen im spätmittelalterlichen Augsburg,” in Literarisches Leben im Augsburg während des 15. Jahrhunderts, ed. Johannes Janota and Werner Williams-Krapp (Sonderdruck aus: Studia Augustana, vol. 7, 64–68 (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1995). 34 Admonitio generalis a. 789 c. 72. MGH Leges, Section II, Alfred Boretius ed., Capitularia Regum Francorum, vol 1, 60. See also Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 67. The length of study


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program described in the Synod of Aachen would have been recognizable by pupils and pedagogues throughout the Middle Ages.35 Even in schools directly controlled by cities, medieval education remained strongly religious at all levels.36 The most basic texts were religious, the instructors themselves were frequently clerics, and the schools were generally associated with ecclesiastical institutions. The liberal arts, which dominated the medieval curriculum were themselves fully converted to Christian ends, despite their pre-Christian origins. The Parisian arts master and Regensburg cathedral canon Conrad of Megenberg believed them to be the sine qua non of the successful theologian, The more proficient he is in the arts, the more praiseworthy he will be as a theologian, because it is for the theologian alone to dispute concerning anything and to know the universe, so that he may be able to declare the more clearly the invisible of God through those things which are visible.37

Although education came to serve secular ends as well, the essentially religious and moral nature of education remained largely unchallenged. Within this context, medieval pre-university education consisted of several complimentary though not necessarily sequential avenues varied from eight to twelve years for the full elementary and secondary curriculum. Conrad of Megenberg laid out a course of study that divided the curriculum into three seven-year periods analagous to the elementary, secondary, and undergraduate curriculum familiar today. However, Conrad’s use of seven-year periods was primarily symbolic, and he himself suggests that it was possible to reduce them to five-year periods, a periodization that more closely resembled practice. Konrad von Megenberg, Die Werke des Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik (Yconomica), Buch III, edited by Sabine Krüger, MGH Staatschriften des späteren Mittelalters, vol. 3, part 3, (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1984), 38. 35 This basic elementary curriculum was common throughout much of the West. See, for example, Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran, The Growth of English Schooling 1340–1548: Learning, Literacy and Laicization in Pre-Reformation York Diocese (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 39–40; and Pierre Riché, Les écoles et l’enseignement dans l’Occident chrétien de la fin du V e siècle au mileu du XI e siècle (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1979), 223: “Jusqu’à la fin du Moyen Age, être psalteratus signifie savoir lire.” 36 Compare Martin Kintzinger, Das Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig im hohen und späten Mittelalter: Verfassungs- und institutionengeschichtliche Studien zu Schulpolitik und Bildungsförderung, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. 32 (Köln: Böhlau 1990), 335–36. 37 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 40: “Sed quanto perfectior in artibus, tanto laudabilior theologus erit, quia solius theologi est disputare de quolibet et noscere universa, ut invisibilia dei per ea, que visibilia sunt in creaturis, luculencius valeat declarare.” translated in Lynn Thorndike, ed., University Records and Life in the Middle Ages, trans. Lynn Thorndike, Columbia Records of Civilization, vol. 37 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 227.


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of study. In the traditional ecclesiastical schools, and in many of the city-controlled schools, the primary subjects were song, reading, writing, and grammar. In some cases, computation was also included.38 In the largest and best-documented schools, the students studied each of these subjects in an orderly procession. However, other schools may have taught only song, or a combination of reading and writing but with little grammar training.39 A student might advance from a simple song school to study grammar, however, there is no indication that this was in any way a typical progression. Outside the traditional network of ecclesiastical and city schools, there were an increasing number of private instructors teaching reading, writing, and computational skills in the vernacular and in Latin. In the German literature, these schools are often lumped together under the rubric deutsche Schulen to distinguish them from the more institutionalized grammar schools that taught primarily Latin.40 Such schools were generally small, lasted for only short periods, and often operated without official license. As a result, they tended to leave behind only the vaguest traces of their existence and even less of their curriculum.41

38 This appears to have been the case at St. Emmeram in the mid-fifteenth century. See, for example, Kurt Vogel, Die Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis: ein Rechenbuch des Benediktinerklosters St. Emmeram aus der Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts nach den Handschriften der Münchner Staatsbibliothek und der Stiftsbibliothek St. Florian. Schriftenreihe zur bayerischen Landesgeschichte, vol. 50 (München: C. H. Beck, 1954). 39 See Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 24–25. 40 Although the terms themselves appear in medieval sources, deutsche Schule and deutscher Schulmaister can be misleading. On the one hand, it seems to imply that such schools were the only source of vernacular instruction, which was certainly not the case; on the other hand, some modern historians have tended to use the term deutsche Schule as a catchall for private schools and private instructors generally, when actually private instructors also taught Latin at times. 41 A series of school visitation records from 1558 to 1560 provide significant details regarding the curriculum of several private schools. However, given the impact of the Reformation on the schools, these must be used cautiously when discussing preReformation education. For mid-sixteenth century statutes in Regensburg, see, for example, Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 251–302. Hans Jürgen Kiepe has shown from one pre-Reformation example that the emphasis on religious instruction apparent in these later schools may not have been indicative of the fifteenth century. See Kiepe, “Die älteste deutsche Fibel. Leseunterricht und deutsche Grammatik um 1486,” in Studien zum städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittelalters und der frühen neuzeit: Bericht über Kolloquien der Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1978–1981. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen: Philologisch-Historische Klasse dritte Folge, eds. Bernd Moeller, Hans Patze, and Karl Stackmann, vol. 137 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1983) (hereinafter, Städt. Bildung.), 461. Kiepe examines a fifteenth-century German grammar book and concludes that the earlier medieval grammars emphasized the practical over the religious: “zwar enthält die Fibel


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Given the overwhelming importance of ecclesiastical institutions in the dissemination of learning and the employment of learned men, it is hardly surprising that the most frequent references to schoolchildren appear within the context of religious service, in particular service to the choir.42 Scholars performed for memorial and funeral masses, chanted in processions, and sang for special feast days, especially those related to Christmas and Easter celebrations.43 Choir service was an experience shared by many students across the entire spectrum of preuniversity education—elementary and grammar students and those trained specifically in song. Actually, the chorschüler was so familiar in the Middle Ages that the author of the Algorismus Ratisbonensis used the examples from the choir to illustrate a mathematical problem. That the text appears to have been intended for use by lay students bound for careers as merchants and tradesmen suggests that the experience of choir service was as familiar in those circles as it was for those intended for ecclesiastical careers.44

auch zwei kurze Gebete, aber lesen lernten die Schüler nicht am Va-ter un-ser . . . und den Zehn Geboten, sondern handfest-praktisch an korn und gersten, an haller und pfenning.” 42 Compare Kintzinger, “Schulen im spätmittelalterlichen Augsburg,” 302: “Was den Alltag der Schüler kirchlicher Schulen im Spätmittelalter allzu häufig bestimmete, war nicht die intensive Übung des Kirchengesanges, sondern dessen praktische Ausfürhrung bei Meßfeiern.” The importance of choir service is evident in the Statuta vel precepta scholarium, a poem in rhymed couplets, which circulated widely in last quarter of the fifteenth century. No fewer than seven couplets deal with the responsibilities of the students in the choir. Karl Kehrbach, “Schüler-Regeln aus dem Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts,” Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft deutsche Erziehungs- und Schulgeschichte, 3 (1893), 132–33. 43 Susan Boynton, “The Liturgical role of Children in the Monastic Customaries from the Central Middle Ages,” Societas Liturgica 28 (1998), 204–209. 44 Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 54: “Item sein 5 korschuler, dere 1 get all nacht gen meten, dy ander vber dii ander nacht, dy dritt vber dii driten <etcetera>. Queritur, wenn sy all zesam komen in einer metn.” Although all students were expected to serve the choir, not all bore the the burden of choir service equally. By the fifteenth century, especially, the poor and intinerant scholars were most called on for these duties. Compare, for example, Urs Martin Zahnd, Die Bildungsverhältnisse in den Bernischen Ratsgeschlechtern im ausgehenden Mittelalter. Verbreitung, Charakter und Funktion der Bildung in der Politschen Führungsschicht einer spätmittelalterlichen Stadt. Schriften der Berner Burgerbibliothek (Bern: Berner Burgerbibliothek, 1979), 286: “Offenbar waren es ofte gerade die armen, die fremden oder eben die “fahrenden Schüler”, die das Singen in der Kirche übernahmen . . .” The poor and the itinerant tended to be more dependent on the payments that they received for such services. In Regensburg, for example, two poor and pious scholars were to receive 4 groschen a quarter to accompany the priest of St. Cassian and to sing when he administered to the sick and dying. Josef Schmid, Die Urkundenregesten des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle in Regensburg (Regensburg: J. Habbel, 1911–1912) (hereinafter, Urk. AK.), vol. 1, 262 #1362: 12 February 1489.


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The primary concern was that the students learn to sing and recite properly. As the liturgy, and the attendant performance became increasingly complicated, many churches began to employ special choristers to perform the complex arrangements associated with the increasing use of polyphony.45 The fifteenth century statutes of the Schottenkloster, for example, demanded that the cantor be an expert musician and direct his choir without mistakes. To ensure the diligence of the cantor, these statutes also included the levying of financial penalties for errors commited by his charges.46 By the sixteenth century, the cathedral chapter saw fit to completely reform its choir, bringing well-trained professional musicians to sing alongside the scholars.47 As part of these reforms, the cathedral in Regensburg began to employ eight chorales or professional choristers. These served two functions: first, they reduced the burden on the cathedral scholars, and second, they raised the performance of the choir.48 The chorales were

45 See, for example, the Regensburg musical treatises edited in Marie Louise Martinez-Göllner, ed., The Manuscript Cod. Lat. 5539 of the Bavarian State Library: With an Edition of the Original Treatises and of the Two-Voice Organal Settings, Musicological Studies & Documents, vol. 43 (Neuhausen/Stuttgart: American Institute of Musicology: HänsslerVerlag, 1993), 7–8. The specialization can also be seen in the increasing number of professional choristers employed by cathedral churches during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. See, for example, the early sixteenth century statutes from Regensburg. Andreas Mayer, ed., Thesaurus novus iuris ecclesiastici potissimum Germaniae, seu codex statutorum ineditorum ecclesiarum cathedralium et collegiatarum in Germania: notis illustratus atque dissertationibus selectis iuris publici ecclesiastici adiectisque animadversionibus (Regensburg: Anton Lange, 1793), vol. 3, 42–45. 46 BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235r: “Item ordinamus quod idem scolasticus semper et continue scolam et chorum bono et experto Cantore provideat sciens artificialiter musicam qui scole et chori preesse possit et vale ac idemque cantor singulis vigiliis festivitatum ac singuilis sabatinis diebus totius anni historias tam de sanctis quam de tempore cum suis scolaribus per cantet prevideat et confusiones chori evitet sub pena privacionis prebende diei occurrentis.” 47 Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 44–45: “Item quia compertum est, quod diverse et multe confusiones ac errores in Antiphonis ac Responsoriis et aliis Cantibus in Missis et horis Canonicis sepius sunt, et scandala non modica exorta fuerunt. Later, “Item placuit, quod in psalmodiis rectus ordo et debita distinctio habeatur, ita quod intra festa summa ac mediocria, et feriis debita sentiatur differentia etiam in elevando et deprimendo voces, nunquam tamen in eisdem ita properandum erit, quin virilis verborum fiat pronuntiatio, sic ut distincte et syllabe et verba intelligibiliter proferantur et intelligantur.” 48 The cathedral in Freising funded ten chorales and two choirboys to sing so that the cathedral scholars could spend more time in study (magis studio literarum insistere . . .). Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 191. No doubt similar considerations lay behind the establishment of eight chorales in the Regensburg cathedral school at beginning of the sixteenth century. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 42–45.


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to be rigorously examined both for their skill and for moral character.49 In addition, the statutes required that those who had not yet attended a studium generale attend the cathedral school.50 Although the chorales were clearly a special case, the level of education demanded of them suggests that, at least in the cathedral schools, the song scholars would have achieved a fairly high level of literacy. Outside the context of cathedral and collegiate schools, the level of literacy attained by song scholars is more difficult to gauge. They certainly did not always enjoy a particularly high reputation for learning, and the priest in charge of their instruction may himself have been only marginally literate. Even so, the ability to sing did provide tangible rewards and perhaps sufficient knowledge to qualify for the priesthood. The significant overlap between reading and song education often makes it difficult to distinguish between them. The schools generally employed the same texts and in some cases studied under the same master. As with song, the students learned to read (recite) the Psalter and the most important prayers. In the mid-eleventh century, Otloh of St. Emmeram recalled his elementary education at the monastery of Tegernsee, where he learned to read from the continuous recitation of the Psalms.51 Some four hundred years later, the use of the Psalter remained a staple of the elementary curriculum. The statutes of the famous school of St. Stephan’s in Vienna stipulated that the youngest students were to learn their letters, spelling and vocabulary focusing on the tabula, which included the seven Psalms of repentance and the first parts of Donatus.52

49 Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 42: Item jidem chorales asumendi debent in assmptione eorundem probari et examinari et recipi per Dominum Decanum . . . ubi fieri debet examen et inquisitio de moribus, vita, scientia, sicuti hactenus levite probati et examinati fuerunt, et semper assumentur habiliores et meliores, qui sunt Clerici, non tamen uxorati, non attendendo preces seu favores quorumcunque.” 50 Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 45: “Quapropter statuimus et ordinamus, quod omnes chorales pro tempore existentes, qui universitates generales nondum visitarunt, teneantur scolas ingredi . . .” 51 Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 68. See also Otloh von St. Emmeram, Otloh von St. Emmeram: ‘Liber de Temptatione cuiusdam monachi,’ ed., & trans. Sabine Gäbe, Lateinische Sprache und Literatur des Mittelalters, ed. Peter Stotz, vol. 29 (Bern: Peter Lang, 1999), 352. 52 Johannes Müller, ed., Vor- und frühreformatorische Schulordnungen in deutscher und niederländischer Sprache, 2 vols, Sammlung selten gewordener pädagogischer Schriften früherer Zeiten, vol. 12–13 (Zschopau: F. U. Raschke, 1885–86), vol. 1, 59. “der erst tail der jungisten sol besliessen kinder, die allererst gen schul werdent gelassen, und die deu tafel and den Donat puchstaben lernent und zu latein sullen haben vocabel, das sind


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At the end of the fifteenth century and into the sixteenth century, as humanist works became increasingly common in the libraries and schools of Germany, the place of the Psalter remained unshaken. Es tu scolaris? a popular grammar compiled in the mid-fifteenth century, which circulated widely well into the sixteenth century, continued to reference the Psalter as the foundation of elementary education.53 The master asks his students, “What do you read;” they respond, “I do not read, I listen.” “To what do you listen?” “I listen to the tabula.”54 Such a response is telling and should temper rash assertions about the impact of printed books in the classroom. Indeed, even as books became increasingly affordable through the advent of the printing press, it appears that many students at the elementary and secondary levels, still did not have texts of their own. Thus, important aspects of elementary education, and even higher levels of instruction, remained essentially aural/oral experiences.55 Yet the fifteenth century was also one of transition. By the end of the Middle Ages, references to schoolbooks were increasingly common. The so-called Statuta vel precepta scolarium, which circulated during the last quarter of the fifteenth century, refers frequently to schoolbooks. It

zwai wort mit ir auslegung.” The tabula included the letters of the alphabet alongside the seven Pslams of repentance (Psalm: 6, 32, 38, 51, 102, 130, 143), and some of the most important prayers the Credo, Paternoster, Ave Maria. For a description of the content of the Tabula see Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 44–49. 53 The work was published in twenty-eight editions between 1493–94 and 1500 in many of the most important printing centers in the south and southwestern portions of the empire, including Nuremberg, Freising, Augsburg, Memmingen, Ulm, Basel, and Freiburg. Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 242. The work incorporated everyday school experiences and conversation as a way to build vocabulary and reinforce grammatical lessons. It also employed German in an effort to speed the acquisition of vocabulary. A similar text circulated in England. Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 34. Some humanist grammars did begin to circulate in Regensburg by the end of the fifteenth century. The Zandt family owned an early printed edition of the humanist grammar by Nicolaus Perottus, Rudimenta grammatices (Milan: Leonard Pachel and Ulrich Scinzenzeler, 1478), 112 pages, 4o, P-224, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007. 54 Compendiosa Materia pro iuvenum informatione satis magistraliter compilata. Cuius Titulus. Es Tu Scolaris (Nürnberg: Hieronymus Hölczel, 1505), aiii. The text reads, “Es tu scolaris? Sum. Quid legis? Non lego sed audio. Quid audis? Tabula[m].” Later, the master asks the student, “Scis tu tabulam? Scio. Quo[modo] incipit tabula? Pater noster qui est in celis. Quid est tabula? Est liber prosaicus tractans de oratione d[omi]nicali et aliis sibi adiunctis a deo et sanctis compilatus. Quid est subiectum in tabula? Oratio domincalis. Quid est eius propria passio? Devota vel indevota or[ati]o.” 55 Es Tu Scolaris, aiiii. The older students respond to the question, “To what do you listen?” depending on their level of instruction “vel donatum; vel alexandrum; vel logicam; vel musicam.”


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admonishes the students, for example, to maintain their books carefully and without blemish being sure not to fold or bend the pages.56 Es tu scolaris? also brings into focus the increasing use of the vernacular in teaching Latin grammar. Although some school statutes continued to demand that students speak only Latin,57 the growing importance of the vernacular in the schools and in the texts is clear from the thirteenth century forward.58 When used in the grammar school, the schoolmasters used German primarily as an aid for the acquisition of Latin rather than as an object of study in its own right. Large sections of Es tu Scolaris? concern the translation of Latin into German as a means to reinforce Latin vocabulary. In a series of questions playing on the word scolaris, the master asks the student if he is a scutellaris, a scurlaris, or a scalaris. The student answers that he is not and translates the meaning of the question into German. “Ob ich ein schusselspueler sey . . . ob ich ein umblauffer sey . . . ob ich ein laiter steiger sey.”59 The libraries of Regensburg provide further evidence of the growing importance of the vernacular in grammar education. Often compiled by individuals closely associated with the schools, Latin/German dictionaries and translations of important hymns become common by the fifteenth century. The Regensburg Franciscan Michael Pföllinger, who taught for a time in the convent school in Augsburg, wrote out word-for-word translations of numerous Latin hymns.60 Johannes von Münnerstadt, prior of the Dominican convent in Regensburg in the second quarter of the fifteenth century, compiled a Latin/German diction-

56 Paul Bahlmann, “Schüler Regeln aus dem Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts,” Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für deutsche Erziehungs- und Schulgeschichte, vol. 3, 3 (1893), 134: “Textum tuum virgula ipsum et emenda, Lecta sic proficiunt ipsa repetenda . . . Tui sine macula libri teneantur, Et cantuales penitus in cura habeantur. . . . Insuper et curvitas nulla sit in ipsis, sic non habes tedium legere in istis.” 57 See, for example, the mid fifteenth-century statutes for the city school in Bayreuth: Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 148: “Darzu sollen dise knaben in der schul, auf dem kirchoff, zu chor, kirchen unnd procession nichts dann latein reden . . .” 58 Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 94–102. See also Günther Hampel, Die deutsche Sprache als Gegenstand und Aufgabe des Schulwesens vom Spätmittelalter bis ins 17. Jahrhundert, Beiträge zur deutschen Philologie, vol. 79 (Giessen: Wilhelm Schmitz, 1980), 46–52. This was certainly not limited to German-speaking regions. See Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 41. 59 Es tu scolaris, aiii. See also Klaus Grubmüller, “Der Lehrgang des Triviums und die Rolle der Volkssprache im späten Mittelalter,” in Städt. Bildung. 371–97; and Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 183–93. 60 BayStB clm 14698 fol. 28r–45r. For a discussion of this manuscript and the role of this type of translation, see Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 112–15.


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ary possibly for use in the schools,61 as did Leonard Panholz who taught both in Prüll and in the Franciscan school of St. Salvatore.62 Other dictionaries of this type appear in the libraries of St. Emmeram.63 Such works clearly presumed some level of vernacular literacy before the study of Latin. However, specific evidence regarding vernacular schools in Regensburg is scarce. It is likely that many learned to read German at home. By the late fourteenth century, an increasing number of families owned devotional works, hymnals, and Psalters in the vernacular that could have served as texts for elementary reading instruction.64 Outside of Regensburg, evidence indicates a significant number of teachers providing basic reading instruction alongside writing and arithmetic.65 When the children had mastered their letters and learned to put them together into syllables and words, they could begin to learn the specialized and highly useful skill of writing. Although not every school provided instruction in writing—those who could read appear to have out numbered those who could write by a significant margin66—many accounts of elementary education include writing as an aspect of the curriculum. In his autobiographical work, Liber de Temptationibus, Otloh BayStB clm 13571 fol. 65r–75r. BayStB clm 26611. See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 442. Clm 26611 also includes a copy of Hugh of St. Victor, de Vitae et Morum honestate and a German/Latin vocabulary Esse essentia wesn. For more on the career of Leonard Panholz see Appendix I. 63 BayStB clm 14068 fol. 1–9 and BayStB clm 14189; This use of the vernacular reflects much broader changes in the written culture of late medieval Germany in which German had already begun to dominate bureaucratic and administrative language. See, for example, Hugo Kuhn, Liebe und Gesellschaft, edited by Wolfgang Walliczek (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1980), 135–155. 64 This is reflected in several wills from Regensburg. In the will of Dietrich Zollner mentioned earlier, Zollner left a Psalter, “der latein und ta%tsch ist,” to three of his female relatives, all nuns in the convent of the Poor Clares in Regensburg. Josef Widemann and Franz Bastian, eds. Regensburger Urkundenbuch. Urkunden der Stadt. Monumenta Boica (hereinafter, MB) (München: Verlag der k. Akademie, 1912/1956), 54, 328 #788. Dietrich Zollner’s library was clearly exceptional; he further stipulated that his remaining books should be sold and the money distributed among the poor. Those that were not sold were to be given to poor scholars and other poor learned people. Finally, the city scribe was to receive a “p%ch, daz sagt de valsis propfetis, und ain puch, daz haizzt Cyntyll de sanctis auctoritet.” MB 54, 328#788. 65 By the mid-sixteenth century, significant numbers of such masters taught in the diocese of Regensburg. In Straubing, for example, a deutsche Schulmeister taught his students “buchstaben, Brief und Evangelia lesen, rechnen und schreiben.” Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 298. 66 For Germany, see Alfred Wendehorst, “Wer konnte im Mittelalter lesen und schreiben?” in Schule und Studium, 19–25; Moran discusses this problem for England, Growth of English Schooling, 49–51. 61 62


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of St. Emmeram describes with much pride how he secretly taught himself to write while a student in the external school of Tegernsee: When I had quickly mastered the letters, and the songs, which are learned with the letters, I also began to learn the art of writing without the direction of a master, and long before the accustomed time for learning it.67

Otloh’s training was clearly extraordinary, as was the school of Tegernsee itself, which was justly famous for its learned men and libraries. However, there is a significant body of evidence, especially from the middle of the fourteenth century forward, suggesting that writing was a frequent, if not necessary aspect of elementary curriculum.68 Conrad of Megenberg places the beginning of writing instruction within the first year of school, around the time students learned their letters and syllables and received their first instruction in grammar: Now descending to particulars let us say that when the seven-year olds have first begun to study grammar and have learned the letters of the alphabet and how to write them correctly together in syllables and to put the syllables together into words, it is opportune that they note the meaning etymologically, that is both the significations of the words and the properties of the parts, which the perspicacity of the moderns calls modes of signifying . . .69

67 Otloh von St. Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 352: “Cum igitur parvus scolari discipline traditus fuissem, literasque et cantica, que cum literis discuntur, cleriter didicissem, cepi etiam longe ante solitum tempus discendi sine iussu magistri artem discere scribendi.” 68 Wendehorst shows that before the fourteenth century writing remained a highly specialized skill even among clerics. After the middle of the fourteenth century, the number of canons and bishops who could not write diminished significantly. By the time of the councils of Constance and Basel a bishop who could not write was considered worthy of reproach. Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 24. A distinction also must be made between the more practical cursive common in the schools and commerce, and the bookhands of the most skilled scribes, which remained a fairly rare and specialized art. 69 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 38: “Specialius autem descendendo dicamus, quod cum septennes pueri gramata proferre didicerint et figuras noverint elementorum atque eadem ortographice componere sciverint in sillabas, et sillabas in dictiones congregare, oportunum est, ut ethymologice insistant interpretacioni, tam scilicet dictionum significacionibus quam parcium proprietatibus, quas modernorum perspicacitas modos significandi nominat . . .” Translated in Thorndike, University Records and Life, 225.


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Although there continued to be schools that did not include writing, Conrad’s statements reflect his own close association with schools in Erfurt, Vienna, and Regensburg, suggesting that instruction in writing was a common aspect of the curriculum over a wide geographic area by at least the middle of the fourteenth century. Further reinforcing this impression, the fifteenth-century author of the Statuta vel precepta scolarium simply assumed that the students he addressed would be able to write, advising them always to have “pens and ink nearby” to write down the lectures.70 The ability to take such notes was even more important for those students who advanced to study at the universities.71 The necessity of writing for a successful university career no doubt spurred an increase in the number of schools that provided such instruction. Not coincidentally, we see a significant increase in the number of educated individuals capable of both reading and writing in the mid-fourteenth century, precisely at the beginning of a spate of new university foundations within German-speaking territories. At the same time, cities and towns were demanding educated scribes for their chancery, and merchants and tradesmen found writing to be an increasingly advantageous skill.72 The actual teaching of writing probably changed very little over time. Students usually made their first efforts at writing on a wax tablet, which was relatively inexpensive and easily erased. The teacher provided exemplars of each of the letters, perhaps written on the tablet itself, which the students attempted to copy.73 The teachers carefully observed their students, correcting the manner in which they held their pens and

70 Kehrbach, “Schüler-Regeln,” 134: “Lectio dum legitur, attende diligenter, incaustum pene folia sint circa te frequenter.” Students are also admonished to “Textum tuum virgula ipsum et emenda, lecta sic proficiunt ipsa repetenda.” 71 Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 24. 72 The close connection between schüler and schreiber is illustrated by a certain Peter Schueler the schreiber, who was accepted as a citizen of Regensburg in 1465. StAR Politica III, 1 63v: 25 June 1465. 73 Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 70, 71. Otloh of St. Emmeram’s description of medieval methods of teaching writing reflects the use of such wax tablets. See, Otloh von St. Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 352: “Nam cum in puericia ipsoque tempore, quo tabula mihi data est cum aliis pueris ad discendam scripturam . . .” Late fourteenth-century remains of a wax tablet retrieved from the cloaca of the St. Jacobi school in Lübeck, demonstrates a high degree of pedagogical continuity stretching over nearly 250 years. Albrecht Cordes, “Who Shall Educated the Merchants’ Children,” in Law and Learning in the Middle Ages: Proceedings of the Second Carlsberg Academy Conference on Medieavl Legal History 2005, edited by Helle Vogt and Mia Münster-Swendsen (Copenhagen: DJØF, 2006), 186.


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formed their letters.74 After sufficient practice in the transitory medium of wax, students graduated to the relative permanence of ink and parchment. Young students in the monasteries and collegiate schools were frequently put to work as copyists, although concern about their abilities are reflected in Charlemagne’s Admonitio generalis, which required that only mature men copy Bibles, Psalters, and prayer books in order to avoid textual corruptions.75 Not surprisingly, monasteries provided the earliest centers of writing. Regensburg was home to important scriptoria in St. Jakob (the Schottenkloster) Prüfening, Prüll, and above all, St. Emmeram.76 As is clear from their libraries these monastic scriptoria continued to train new scribes and produce an impressive number of manuscripts throughout the Middle Ages.77 By the fifteenth century, the number of people employed as scribes, at least part time, was growing rapidly. The demand for their services was such that ecclesiastical institutions could not supply sufficient numbers.78

74 Otloh von St. Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 353: “Furtivo enim et insolito modo necnon sine docente nisus sum eandem artem scribendi apprehendere. Qua de re contigit, ut pennam ad scribendum inrecto usu retinere consuescerem, nec postea ab ullo docente super hoc corrigi valerem. Nimius namque usus prohibuit me emendare.” 75 Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 143. See earlier in this chapter. 76 See the still seminal work of Bernard Bischoff on the scriptoria of southern Germany. Bischoff, “Schreibschulen.” 77 Andreas of Regensburg tells an intriguing, if ultimately tragic, story concerning the monastery of Prüfening that attests to the ongoing scribal activities of the monastery, and the continued training of new scribes. In 1420, a certain monk, a skilled scribe who had copied many holy books, driven by the “passionibus animi sui” called his young scholar to him, climbed to the top of the choir and threw himself down, killing himself and injuring his scholar. Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, ed. Georg Leidinger, Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte (hereinafter, QuE ) Neue Folge, vol. 1 (München: Rieger, 1903), 299: “Nam dum dominus episcopus predictus in quodam monasterio [Prüfening] satis noto causa visitacionis esset, monachus quidam presbiter motus passionibus animi sui, dum in melius proficere recusaret, enumeratis suis virtutibus cunctis aliis sedentibus et ignorantibus, quid facturus esset, vocato ad se iuvene scolare suo solus exiit tabulatumque monasterii ascendit et se ipsum secum trahens iuvenem, quem vocaverat, in medium chori deorsum precipitavit sicque tali casu in eodem loco mox exspiravit, iuvenis vero vivus evasit. Hunc monachum ego novi laboresque suos laudabiles et religiosos precipue in scribendo sanctos libros, in quibus aliis religiosis preferendus erat, oculis meis vidi.” 78 However, many of Regensburg’s scribes continued to hold ecclesiastical benefices throughout the fourteenth century; see, for example, Matthias Thiel, Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg, QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 28, pt.1 (München: Beck, 1975), 316 #228, 5 April 1350: “Hans der Hertinger, chorherr von sand Johans und


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As a result, scribes no longer came exclusively from among the clergy, as the frequent references to schreiberin (most likely wives of scribes, though possibly scribes in their own right) and married scribes attest.79 For example, in 1394–95, the city paid sixteen pounds to the city scribe in honor of his daughter’s marriage.80 The city accounts from the late fourteenth- and fifteenth-century record countless payments to steuerschreibern, wachtsschreibern, umgeltschreibern,81 and Stuhlschreiber.82 Providing

statschr(eiber) zur Regensburg.” The earliest city scribes (stadtschrieber) date from the thirteenth century, see Alois Schmid, “Notarius civium Ratisponensium. Beobachtungen zu den Stadtschreibern der Reichsstadt Regensburg,” in Staatkultur—Kultur—Politik: Beiträge zur Geschichte Bayerns und des Katholizismus Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Dieter Albrect, Winfried Becker, and Werner Chrobak, eds. (Kallmünz: Michael Lassleben, 1992), 50. 79 See, for example, the entry from 1405 StAR Cam. 06 fol. 115r: “Item man hat geschankt dem Götfride dem schreiber zu seiner hawsfräwn II lb. d. und VIII d. vertrinchken pey denn münspriefen . . .” (digital images and some transcriptions of StAR Cameralia can be accessed online at http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm). Agnes Schmidl, wife of the Steuerschreiber Georg Schmidl was buried in St. Emmeram (d. 27 November 1497). Freytag, Grabmälerverzeichnis, 33. 80 StAR Cam. 03 fol. 72v: “Item wir haben geben dem statschreybär XVI lb. d. Dy schankchten ym mein hern, da er sein tochter verheyrat.” 81 There are too many to record here, but see, for example, StAR Cam. 10 fol. 101r (1426/27): “item wir haben geben den Andre Schreiber 1/2 lb den. für sein müe.” StAR Cam. 17 fol. 172r (1476): “Item wir gaben den acht wachtschreibern ir vuren von meiner herrenherren poten zum statschrieber ab zu schreiben ir ieden xxxvi den . . .” StAR Cam. 19a 127: “Wir gaben den Stewrschreiber umb zwo hewt pergamens xx den. R. und umb sigelwachs xx iiii d.” 82 Leonardus Heff Stuehlschreiber was accepted as a citizen in 1466. StAR Politica III, 1, fol. 71r (See also Susanne Kropac, Das Älteste Bürgeraufnahmebuch der Reichsstadt Regensburg, http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm, last revised 2006 03 16). A certain maister Steffan stuehlschreyber and citizen of Regensburg appears as a witness in a charter of the Alte Kapelle in 1494. J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, #1398, 25 August 1494, 282. The Stuhlschreiber set up specific hours (stuhlstunden) when he was available for hire. In Nuremberg, the term appears to have been synonymous with Teutschmeister or Lehrmeister. Rudolf Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation. Gesamtdarstellung,” in Handbuch der Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesen, vol. I, Geschichte der Schule in Bayern von den Anfängen bis 1800, 332–348, (Bad Heilbrunn: Julius Kinkhardt, 1991), 170. Whether this was true generally, however, is the subject of some controversy. Reinhard Jakob argues that the evidence is too thin to make such broad generalizations. Jakob, Schulen in Franken und in der Kuroberpfalz 1250–1520: Verbreitung—Organization—Gesellschaftliche Bedeutung. Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter, eds. Horst Brunner, Harald Dickerhof and Dietrich Huschenbett, et al., vol. 16. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert, 1994), 238: “Ob auch die teuschen Schreiber, die Stuhl- und Guldenschrieber und Modisten tatsächlich einer Lehrtätigkeit nachgingen, bedarf im Einzelfall der Klärung, die bei der schmalen Quellenbasis schwer genug zu erriechen ist.” Although Jakob is correct to call for caution, not every scribe necessarily ran a school on the side; it seems likely that they did so whenever the situation allowed. This would have been especially true for those scribes who held no official positions or otherwise lacked sufficient income.


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further evidence of the growing importance of the scribal profession, the Regensburg Bürgeraufnahmebuch records the admission of sixteen scribes as citizens of Regensburg between 1427 and 1473.83 Unfortunately, despite the expansion in the number of scribes, specific evidence regarding their education is often difficult to find. Most probably received an elementary education and perhaps more advanced Latin training before serving an apprenticeship under an older established scribe in the city. In at least one case, a Regensburg city scribe had studied at the University of Vienna.84 Some scribes may also have set up schools to augment the income they earned copying documents and writing letters.85 At least one example from the city account books points in that direction. In the year 1488, the city paid twelve Regensburg pfennige to a certain scribe for helping the Steuerschreiber Jörg write some letters. This payment is similar to those found by Martin Kintzinger in the account books of Braunschweig, in which a dener, geselle, or scolre of the stadtschreiber received payments for assisting him.86 The language in these cases suggests the existence of

Such men no doubt would have been willing, even eager to take on students. There is also evidence that the boundaries between the scribal and teaching professions were extremely fluid. For example, a scribe from Regensburg established himself as a teacher in Amberg ca. 1470. Franz Krebs, Das deutsche Schulwesen Ambergs von den Anfängen im 15. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ausgang des 17. Jahrhunderts (Kallmünz: Michael Lassleben, 1931), 5. A certain Marquardus Treberger, “qui per plures annos litteras studuit et in civ. Ratisponen. scolas rexit,” was appointed as a papal notary. Urbain V, 1362–1370: lettres communes, analysées d’après les registres dits d’Avignon et du Vatican, edited by M.-H. Laurent, 12 vols. (Paris: E. de Boccard, 1954), vol. 1, 378 #3401. 83 Susanne Kropac, Das Älteste Bürgeraufnahmebuch der Reichsstadt Regensburg, http:// bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm, last revised 2006 03 16 (StAR Pol. III/1). 84 Johannes Rehaver matriculated at Vienna in 1461 and appears as stadtschreiber in 1477 and 1490. In 1480 he was sent as a representative of Regensburg to the imperial court. He also served the Emperor Frederick III for a time in 1471. See Appendix II. 85 Contracts between master scribes and students do survive for other cities. In 1492, the city scribe from Ulm, Lienhart Weber called Jung agreed to teach an unnamed Baccalaureus who “die schreiberey lernen will.” Karin Schneider, Die deutschen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: die mittelalterlichen handschriften aus Cgm 888–4000, Editio altera(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1991), 356 (Cgm 2518, 345r). 86 StAR Cam. 19 fol. 258v: “Wir gaben ainem schreiber der dem Jorg Steurschreiber etlich brief hat helfen abschreiben 12 d R.” He is perhaps the same as Georg Schmidl whose wife Agnes died in 1497 and is buried in St. Emmeram, Freytag, “Grabmälerverzeichnis,” 33. Compare Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 425–27.


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at least a small number of students assisting an established scribe in a kind of apprentice relationship.87 Like writing, the ability to perform basic computations became an increasingly valuable skill in the late Middle Ages.88 In the earliest monastic schools, students studied arithmetic to ensure the proper calculation of the ecclesiastical calendar.89 The eighth century Admonitio generalis, which included mathematics as an essential aspect of elementary and secondary curriculum, was clearly concerned primarily

Above these scribes, there were a small number of highly trained public notaries. The education level of the notaries was generally quite high and included individuals with significant university training, including some with advanced degrees. The Reformatio Sigismundi recommended that all Reichsstädte have a learned scribe who was also an official notary. See Heinrich Koller, ed., Reformation Kaiser Siegmunds, MGH Staatsschriften des späteren Mittelalters, vol. 6. (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1964), 305. To become an official notary required elementary training in writing followed by a longer period of apprenticeship under a recognized public notary. Increasingly, notaries were also university graduates, as were some of the official city scribes. University-trained men such as Heinrich der Igeltaler, who also appears as schulmaister in the Alte Kapelle in 1402, Casparus Kantner, doctor of canon law, and Michael Apfelpeck, who held the licenciate of both canon and civil law, all appear as notaries in Regensburg. Apfelpeck also served as city legal advocate. See Appendix II. There is a particularly interesting manuscript from the library of St. Emmeram that demonstrates both the manner in which the specific skill of letter writing was learned, as well the important role played by familial connections. The manuscript BayStB clm 14660 contains a standard formulary for letter writing and legal instruments. In addition, it includes a significant number of German language marginalia, mostly definitions of words (e.g., above the words nec contentus, the scribe has written nicht genugit and above ex sequente, noch volgende. BayStB clm 14660 fol. 11r and fol. 16r). The manuscript, which was produced in the late fourteenth century, was owned for a time by Nicholas Zehentner before being donated to the monastery of St. Emmeram. In 1415, a Christian Zehentner was a monk in St. Emmeram. In that same year, a Johannes Zehentner appears as a notary. 88 The following discussion is not intended as a comprehesive consideration of mathematics or even arithmetic in the late Middle Ages, a subject beyond the scope of this study. For a general overview of the history of mathematical instruction in German speaking areas see Siegmund Günther, Geschichte des mathematischen Unterrichts im deutschen Mittelalter bis zum Jahre 1525, Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, vol. 3 (Berlin: A. Hoffman, 1887). My intent here is primarily to discuss the increasing demand for mathematical skills within the context of an increasingly complex commercial society and the extent to which this was reflected in the curriculum of the schools. 89 The mathematical texts of St. Emmeram, which survive in significant numbers, were often bound together with texts on the calendar. See, for example, BayStB clm 14908, in which Calendarium ecclesiasticum is followed immediately by Regulae et exempla arithmetica. For a discussion of the mathematical texts of St. Emmeram and an edition of portions of BayStB clm 14783 and 14908, see Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis. A number of the scientific and mathematical texts in St. Emmeram’s library have been described recently in Elisabeth Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: clm 1400–14130 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995). 87


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with such calculations.90 It is also evident in the mathematical texts themselves. The libraries of the Regensburg convents, especially St. Emmeram, were replete with the mathematical works of Boethius, Martianus Capella, and Bede.91 By the fourteenth century, the library of St. Emmeram also collected numerous texts showing the increasing influence of Arabic mathematics. The library held, for example, mathematical texts of Johannes de Sacrobosco, Alexander de Villa Dei, and Peter of Dacia.92 About this same time, the number of laymen capable of at least basic arithmetical calculations grew substantially. Spurred by the need for individuals capable of keeping accounts, calculating interest, and converting the chaos of competing currency, weights, and measures, lay interest in arithmetic and basic mathematics continued to grow throughout the later Middle Ages.93 In the mid-fifteenth century, a monk of St. Emmeram, Friedrich Amman, produced the Algorismus Ratisponensis that included numerous practical mathematical problems

MGH Leges Sect. II capitularia Regum Francorum, vol. 1, 60. See, for example, BayStB clm 14401 (Martianus Capella, de Nuptiis philogiae et Mercurii ) 14601 (Boethius, de Arithmetica), and clm 14689 (Bede, Liber de Arithmeticis propositionibus). This latter codex dating from the twelfth century also includes texts related to astronomy (William of Hirsau, Dialogus de astronomia) and a work by Gerbert de Aurrilac (Sylvester II) on the abacus; compare Vogel, Die Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 4–5. 92 See, for example, BayStB clm 14401 fol. 169–179v, which includes Peter of Dacia’s commentary on the Algorismus of Joannes de Sacrobosco; see also BayStB clm 14684, which includes a number of works by Johannes de Sacrobosco and Mashallah, a twelfth-century Jewish astrologer, on the Astrolabe. Arabic methods and notations first appeared in the West through the translations of Adelard of Bath (1075–1160). However, through the works of Leonard of Pisa their usefulness became apparent (1170–1240). By the late thirteenth century, the methods brought to the West by these translations began to appear in the account books and manuals of the Mediterranean, especially Italian merchant families. Slowly, the methods and symbols began to appear north of the Alps as well, although as in so many things, the Italians had nearly a century head start. See the discussion in Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 2–3. 93 The example of a certain Ava (discussed in Chapter II) who engaged Albertus, the chaplain of St. Blasius, to provide her family with mathematical knowledge is instructive. As this example also demonstrates, mathematics, especially within the context of the private schools, was frequently taught independently from other aspects of the elementary curriculum. It cannot be assumed, as some historians have, that all private schools (often misleadingly called “deutsche Schulen” in the literature) provided instruction in all aspects of the normal elementary curriculum. The level and content of instruction would have been extremely variable, depending almost solely on the educational background of the individual teacher. For an excellent discussion of these issues see Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 12. 90

91


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drawn from the daily lives of merchants.94 In one passage, the author asks, “If six ulnas (measurement of length commonly used for textiles) have been purchased for ten florins, at what price will I obtain twentyfour Ulnas?”95 The language employed by Friedrich also suggests that his audience was an educated lay audience. He presents examples in Latin, German, and, as the modern editor of the Algorismus, Kurt Vogel, puts it, “ein eigenartig Sprachgemisch.” These characteristics leave little doubt that Friedrich intended the work as a textbook useful to a lay, merchant audience. Although the usual curriculum introduced aspects of grammar in the first years of schooling, it did not become the real focus of the curriculum until after the students had mastered their letters and the Psalter and acquired some significant portion of Latin vocabulary. The grammatical program at St. Stephan’s school in Vienna relied heavily on the Ars Minor of Donatus, which the students continued to use throughout their education. Alongside the Donatus, the students heard and recited the Distichs, a series of paired verses imparting both grammatical and ethical guidance for young scholars. Along the way, the students attained an active knowledge of Latin that would allow them to produce grammatically correct Latin verse.96 When they had

94 There is some disagreement on the identity of this Friedrich. Kurt Vogel, editor of the Practica Algorismus Ratisbonensis, and Bernard Bischoff identify him with Friedrich Gerhart a monk of St. Emmeram and influential monastic reformer. Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 7–8 and Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter (1324–1525),” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige 65 (1953/54), 152–98, reprinted in Mittelalterliche Studien, vol. 2 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1967), 128–29. More recently, Elisabeth Wunderle has argued convincingly that this must be Friedrich Amman. See, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften, XIV. 95 “Sint igitur gracia exempli 6 vlne pro 10 florenis empte, quo igitur precio 24 comparabo?” Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 28. 96 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 59–60: “Darnach der erst tail der mittern sol besliesen schüler die jungisten lernen die regel und die Katho und andreu solhe puhel, die ain schulmaister schafft ze lesen, und sulllen zu latein haben zwen vers.” die Katho, a third century work falsely ascribed to Cato the Elder (also called the Disctichs of Cato), was an immensely popular school text throughout the middle ages. It included moral and ethical instruction and was heavily influenced by Stoic thought. The Regel is no doubt the regulae pueriles which is listed along with Cato and Donatus as a text for more advanced boys in the 1267 foundation charter for the city school in Bratislava. See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 44, 228.


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progressed sufficiently, the older students began to study the works of Peter Helyas, Priscian, and Boethius, among others.97 The program as outlined in these statutes is at once detailed and specific without being rigid. Even within a school as carefully administered as St. Stephan’s, an individual teacher could select from a wide variety of complementary texts. Above the elementary level, the statutes explicity allowed instructors to read “from time to time other small books according to the determination of the schoolmaster.”98 At the same time, a handful of works dominated the basic curriculum to the extent that they gave their names to the students who studied them. The oft-mentioned late medieval schoolbook Es tu scolaris? lays out lessons for tabulistes, Cathonistes, Donatistes, and Alexandristes, names that mirrored the chronological progression of students through the most popular elementary and grammar texts.99 Also influential were the grammars of Priscian, John of Garland (ca. 1195–ca. 1272) and Eberhard of Béthune (early thirteenth century), all works included in the influential Registrum of Hugo of Trimberg and amply attested to in the libraries of Regensburg.100 These texts continued to dominate

97 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 60: “darnach der erst tail under den grossisten sol besliessen sölich schüler, die uber die mittern lernen den secundum pars mit dem prima pars und zwen vers zu latein und dieselben paid decliniren. Der ander tail der grössisten sol belsiessen solh schuler, die uber die andern mit dem secunda pars lernen den tertia pars und darzu zwen vers decliniren, regiren und construiren. Der dritt und der lest tail, die do uber die vodern lernen Petrum Helie, Priscianum, Floristam, Boetium oder rhetoricam oder andre püchel nach geschëfft ains schulmaister.” Peter Helyas (d. 1166) authored a commentary on Priscian, Summa super Priscianum; Florista was the nickname of Ludolf de Luco (d. 1378) author of an extremely popular rhymed Latin grammar see, Ulrike Bodemann and Hartmut Bleumer, Die ‘Flores grammaticae’ Ludolfs de Luco. Materialien zur Überlieferung und Handschriftengebrauch in der mittelalterlichen Schule, eine Untersuchung am Beispiel des ‘Speculum Grammaticae’ und seines Kommentars,” in Klaus Grubmüller, Schulliteratur im Späten Mittelalter, 281–85; the text has also been edited see Hans Jürgen Scheuer, “Ludolf de Luco, ‘Flores Grammaticae,’ ” in Schulliteratur im späten Mittelalter, ed. Klaus Grubmüller, Münsterische MittelalterSchriften, vol. 69 (München: Wilhelm Fink, 2000), 303–50. 98 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 59–60: “denselben (intermediate grammar students) mag man auch lesen undeweiln andreu klaineu püchl nach schickhung ains schulmaister.” Similarly the advanced students were to read a specific list of texts: “oder andre püchl nach geschëfft ains schulmaister.” 99 Es tu scolaris?, av–vi. The works were respectively: the tabula, the Distichs ascribed to Cato, the Ars Minor of Donatus, generally employed by beginning grammar students, and the more advanced grammar of Alexander de Villa Dei (ca. 1170–ca. 1250), Doctrinale. Both of these latter texts also came to be employed in the universities, contributing to a significant degree of continuity between pre-university and university education. 100 Hugo of Trimberg compiled a list of authors and works appropriate for use in the schools in the late thirteenth century. For more see Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen,


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the curriculum into the early sixteenth century despite inroads made by humanist texts.101 The final years of pre-university schooling also saw the introduction of more complex studies, in some cases including aspects of the quadrivium. Conrad of Megenberg placed the quadrivial subjects of arithmetic and astronomy alongside more advanced aspects of the trivium such as logic and rhetoric.102 In this respect, Conrad’s program was already something of an anachronism, reflecting an older tradition in which monastic and cathedral schools offered a full arts curriculum. By the time Conrad was writing, however, the quadrivium was increasingly the domain of the universities. Beyond the subject matter discussed thus far, medieval education also aimed at higher things. Even as the students themselves included a growing number of children with no interest in a clerical career, religious and moral instruction remained central aspects of the curriculum. In addition to choir service, and the religious texts (especially the Psalter) used in elementary education, students also learned basic

17–19, passim. John of Garland left behind a significant body of work including Synonyma, which was held by at least two Regensburg libraries (see BayStB clm 14251, 14598, 26874). St. Emmeram held several copies of Eberhard of Béthune’s Graecismus (BayStB clm 14133, 14592, 14958). 101 By the second half of the fifteenth century, a handful of humanist authors began to appear in the libraries of Regensburg, especially St. Emmeram. The manuscript BayStB clm 14125, copied in part by the future abbot of St. Emmeram, Johannes Tegernpeck, during his university studies at Leipzig in 1467, contains a collection of humanist texts including letters of Petrarch and works by Aeneas Sylvius, Pindar, Vergil, and Cicero. The manuscript also contains a version of the humanist inspired speech of Ulricus Part honoring the visit of Cardinal Piccolomino to Regensburg in 1471. The speech has been edited in Helmut Wolff, ed., Detusche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, vol 22., pt. 2 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1999), 478–79. See BayStB clm 14125 described in Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der bayerischen Staats-bibliothek München, 329–36. Other humanist authors copied by Tegernpeck included Boccaccio and Leonardo Bruni. However, Tergernpeck’s interest in humanist authors did not prevent him from copying numerous older grammars, illustrating the extent to which these works continued to circulate alongside the newer humanist influenced texts. See the codex BayStB clm 14133 copied by Tegernpeck, which includes the grammars of Eberhard of Béthune and Alexander de Villa Dei. 102 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 39: “Tunc enim elucescere incipit lumen racionis in eo atque hinc convenit dyalectice proponere involuciones acutis et hiis melioribus cum incidenciis rhetorice pulchritudinis, nichilominus quandoque de facilioribus aliarum scienciarum ysagogis aliquos congerendo libellos. Consuevit etenim practica musice pariter cum lactifera concurrere gramatica in scolarium educacione necnon ars algoristica practice derserviens arismetice. Similiter et tractatus de speris celestibus introductorii in astronomiam cum dyalectis atque rethoricis dissercionibus concurrunt.”


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aspects of theology. Many of the questions posed in Es tu Scolaris? are specifically religious in nature. In one section, the master asks, “Why were you baptized?” The student responds, “So that the original sin in which I was conceived and born might be removed. And I might have entrance into the kingdom of heaven.”103 Conrad of Megenberg recommended poetry and “books of moral character” for both the rhetorical polish they provided and the morals and virtues they contained.104 About a century later, the popular Statuta vel precepta scolarium begins by admonishing the students to serve God night and day to remain virtuous and to flee sin.105 The great histories inherited from the ancient world could also teach moral lessons. It was precisely for this reason that commentaries on Sallust were bound together with grammars and other schoolbooks.106 Higher Education in Regensburg Even after the universities came to dominate higher learning, many of the older cathedral and monastic schools continued to provide some training in theology, canon law, the arts, and even medicine. At the very least, their libraries and traditions of learning provided opportunities for Es tu Scolaris, aiiii: “Quare es tu baptisatus? Ideo ut mihi peccatum originale in quo conceptus et natus sum deleat. Et habeam introitum et ingressum regni celorum.” Elsewhere the master asks “Es tu hereticus? Non sum. Quare? Quia credo in articulos sancte matris ecclesiae Christiane.” 104 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 38. “Interea vero commisceri oportet rerum moralium atque poetice deductionis codicillos, in quibus tam fructus virtutum quam bonorum morum fertilitas carpitur et rethorice venustatis vestigia in eisdem reperiuntur.” The texts recommended by Conrad likely included the fables of Aesop and Avian, which were used extensively as school texts througout the Middle Ages, and the Christian poet Prudentius (d. ca. 413), whose poem Psychomachia famously portrays the battle between the seven virtues and the seven deadly sins. For a discussion of the importance of the Avian fables in university and pre-university curriculum see Baldzuhn, “‘Fabulae Aviani’ im Schulunterricht,” 327–83. 105 Bahlmann, “Schüler-Regeln,” 130–31: “Primo deum diligas, cui seroque mane/ Diligenter servas, et non sis mentis vane . . . Si studere cupias, tunc sis virtuosus/Et peccata fugias, sic vives gloriosus.” 106 The fables were particularly popular in the later Middle Ages, appearing in many of Regensburg’s libraries, along with other school texts. See, for example, BayStB clm 14301, owned by St. Emmeram, which includes Aesop’s fables alongside putative works of Cato and Boethius. See also BayStB clm 26781, belonging to the Regensburg Augustinian Hermits, which contains the fables of Aesop and of Avian, and a work on the Ten Commandments, the Speculum Historiale by Vincent of Beauvais (ca. 1190–ca. 1264), and a chess manual. 103


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individuals to gain a level of proficiency that could rival that obtained within the universities. However, the vitality of these schools could vary considerable depending on the intellectual interests of the individual bishop or abbot. That these schools lacked the authority to grant official degrees and the ius ubique docendi—both university monopolies—further restricted their influence and prestige. However, the resources and educational networks of the mendicant orders allowed them to establish a number of thriving schools whose significance often extended beyond the specific orders they served. Before universities were established, the cathedrals were the primary providers of higher education. Some episcopal centers—such Hildesheim, Erfurt, Mainz, Cologne and Freising—became renowned for their schools, attracting students from great distances.107 However, primarily because of the growth of the universities, the prestige of many of the cathedral schools declined rapidly during thirteenth century. Most continued to provide some level of theological training—the Third Lateran Council (1179) required that each archdiocese maintain a master of theology—but their importance was geographically limited.108 The Regensburg cathedral school was among those with only regional influence. Even before the foundation of the universities, its school never enjoyed the esteem accorded to the schools of the Rhine. As a center for theological study, Regensburg remained of only marginal importance, providing basic training for future priests, but little else. The limited reach of Regensburg’s cathedral schools was partly the result of the complex relationship between the cathedral and the monastery of St. Emmeram, whose abbot also served as bishop until the end of the tenth century and whose school overshadowed that of the cathedral. Evidence of literary production is also scant. However, the cathedral and its chapter were not intellectually barren. Before the separation of the offices of bishop and abbot in 975, a number of learned men occupied Regensburg’s cathedra.109 Later, Albertus Magnus, one of the most

107 On these schools, see Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 329–37, 343. For Erfurt, see also Sönke Lorenz, Studium Generale Erfordense: zum Erfurter Schulleben im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, vol. 34 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1989). 108 Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonici, vol. 2, 768 and Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 153–54. 109 Most important of these were Baturich (817–847), who corresponded with the great Carolingian educator and theologian Hrabanus Maurus, and St. Wolfgang (972–994), who brought the learned Ramould from Trier to serve as abbot of St.


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important intellectual figures of his day, served briefly as bishop. The literary career of the fourteenth-century canon Conrad of Megenberg is also well documented.110 Less well known, the cathedral also served as the locus of important humanist networks in the last half of the fifteenth century. The Italian-educated Fridericus Parsberger (d. 1449) served as both scolasticus and bishop in Regensburg. The cathedral canon Ulricus Part (d. 1487) left behind a humanist inspired speech celebrating the Piccolomino family and the arrival of Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini (the future Pope Pius III) in Regensburg for the Reichstag of 1471. The author and bibliophile Johannes Tröster (d. 1484) belonged to Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini’s (Pius II) humanist circle.111 From time to time, university-trained men also lectured in the cathedral. In 1420, Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim, who held a licentiate in law and a theology degree, lectured on canon law in the bishop’s court. Conrad also left a generous gift of books to the city upon his death in 1430.112 In 1511, a certain theological student at Leipzig—Wolfgangus Winckler—received permission to complete his lectures on the Sentences in the cathedral church of Regensburg “ubi ad prelaturam assumptus

Emmeram. See Bischoff, “Literarisches und Künstlerisches Leben in St. Emmeram,” 77–78; and Franz Fuchs, “Literarisches und Geistiges Leben im frühen Mittelalter (8.–11. Jahrhundert),” in Peter Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 866–69. 110 For discussions of his career and works see Margit Weber, “Konrad von Megenberg Leben und Werk,” BzGBR 20 (1986), 213–323. His corpus includes German translations of works of natural philosophy, and treatises on theology and ecclesiology. His translations of works of natural philosophy into German provide compelling evidence of a literate lay audience. For more on Conrad of Megenberg, see Appendix I. 111 Franz Fuchs and Claudia Märtl, “Literarisches und Geistiges Leben im 15. Jahrhundert,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 2000), vol. 2, 909–11. Tröster also served as tutor to Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini before becoming a canon in the Regensburg cathedral. F. J. Worstbrock, “Johannes Tröster,” VL 9, 10878–1083. See Appendix II for Parsberger, Part, and Tröster. The late fifteenth century also saw the famous German humanist Conrad Celtis briefly lead the cathedral school. Others associated with the cathedral during this period included the canonist Thomas Pirckheimer who studied at Leipzig, Erfurt, Bologna, Padua, and Pavia before serving as rector in Perugia, as well Johannes Tolhopf, a frequent correspondent of Celtis. 112 Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum et imperatorum Romanorum, in Sämtliche Werke, 133: “Item perpendens, quod magister Conradus de Hyldeshaym licenciatus decretorum, presbiter et cappellanus S. Georgii secus pontem Ratispone, iurista civium, pecuniam, quam a domino acceperat, in sudario ligare, hoc est percepta dona sub ocio lenti corporis abscondere, nollet, ordinavit, ut legeret in iure canonico in aula sua episcopali.” Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim also left eight law books books to the city library. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 476, 477. See Appendix II for more on Conrad.


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fuit.”113 Although these men, with the exception of Fridericus Parsberger, were not connected directly with the cathedral school, they do point to an active intellectual life within the cathedral chapter.114 The libraries of the four Benedictine houses located in and adjacent to Regensburg also reflect a long tradition of higher learning, including advanced study in logic, the quadrivium, theology, canon law, and medicine.115 By the tenth century, the convent of St. Emmeram enjoyed a wide reputation for its arts and theological studies, and its fame continued to grow through the eleventh and into the twelfth century. Two eleventh-century figures contributed enormously to the growing prestige of the convent. The monk Hartwig, who studied under Fulbert of Chartres, returned to St. Emmeram with several liberal arts texts from that famous school.116 About a generation later, the scribe and schoolmaster, Otloh of St. Emmeram, wrote and copied numerous works for the library of St. Emmeram, and the monasteries of Tegernsee, Fulda, Hersfeld, and Amorbach.117 After a period of relative silence in the thirteenth century, higher studies again appear prominently within the monastery in the early fourteenth century. Under the abbot Albert von Schmidmüln, the monastery sent several monks to study in Bologna. These men returned to the convent bringing with them numerous books of northern Italian origins. Although the late fourteenth century brought a series of financial and spiritual crises, by the middle of the fifteenth century, the monastery saw another spike in university attendance. The Melker 113 Georg Erler, ed. Die Matrikel der Universität Leipzig, 1409–1559. Codex diplomaticus Saxoniae Regiae. Leipzig: Giesecke u. Devrient, 1895–1902; reprint Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1976 (hereinafter MUL), vol. 2, 20: “mgr. Wolffgangus Winckler Egrensis, qui legit duos libros Magistri usque ad formam inclusive tercium inchoando, a dominis doctoribus tunc facultatem theologicam representantibus obtinuit dispensacionem, quod reliquos duos libros Magistri, quos in universitate legere non poterat, extra universitatem in kathedrali ecclesia Ratispanensi, ubi ad prelaturam assumptus fuit, perinde acsi in universitate legisset et iuxta statuta facultatis theologice complevisset, legat.” 114 For example, Johannes Tolhopf helped recruit Conrad Celtis to teach in the cathedral school in Regensburg and the previously-mentioned Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim donated a number of his books to the city’s library. See Appendix II. 115 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 142–385, 393–439. 116 Bernhard Bischoff, “Hartwic von St. Emmeram,” in VL 3, 529–532; Fuchs, “Das Reichsstift St. Emmeram,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 734. 117 Otloh of St. Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 354–60. For a discussion of the life of Otloh, see Helga Schauwecker, Otloh von St. Emmeram: ein Beitrag zur Bildungs- und Frömmigkeitsgeschichte des 11. Jahrhunderts, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige, vol. 74 (München: Bayerische Benediktiner Akademie, 1965), 33–42.


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reform movement, which came to Regensburg in the early 1450s, forced a reorganization of the school and ushered in a new period of intellectual activity.118 In the years immediately following the implementation of the reforms, the monastery established important connections with the university of Leipzig. The future abbot Johannes Tegernpeck studied there, as did Heinrich Prew and Friedrich Amman, both of whom entered St. Emmeram after their university studies. A schoolmaster of St. Emmeram, Hermann Pötzlinger, also studied for a time at Leipzig.119 The level of intellectual activity during this period is again evident from the library. Between 1347 and 1452, the library shows only modest expansion.120 In the subsequent fifty years, however, it grew substantially. Particularly evident is the increasing interest in scientific texts, especially astronomy and mathematics, and humanist works.121 Although the mere existence of certain texts does not necessarily indicate widespread use, it does attest to the interests of at least some of the monks, and an atmosphere supportive of intellectual pursuits. In addition, at least some outsiders had access to many of the library’s books, making the library of St. Emmeram, and the other Benedictine houses, important reservoirs of higher learning whose significance reached well beyond the city’s walls.122 Although the Benedictine convents in Regensburg did not develop systematic programs for the exploitation of these assets, the books reflected the individual interests and teaching of particular abbots and monks, and provided the basis for an ongoing tradition of higher learning. Nor were these convents isolated from the outside world; through the influence of individual learned monks, and their prodigious libraries, they contributed significantly to Regensburg’s intellectual climate. Bernard Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram, 115–32. See Appendix II and Bischoff, “Literarisches und künstlerisches Leben in St. Emmeram,” 129–32. 120 The newer works collected between 1347 and 1452 included those of Nicholas of Dinkelsbühl, Thomas Ebendorfer de Haselbach, and Henry von Langestein. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 171. 121 See, in particular, the 1501 catalogue of Dionysius Menger. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 185–385. 122 The library of St. Emmeram attracted a number of humanist scholars seeking early examples of classical texts. The most famous of these was Conrad Celtis, who discovered the manuscript containing the tenth century plays of Hrostvitha of Gandersheim. The early sixteenth historian and humanist Aventinus was also a frequent user of the library. 118

119


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The mendicant orders also maintained more advanced schools for the study of the arts, natural philosophy, and theology. At the lowest level, almost every convent would have had daily theological lectures directed by the convent lector. These lectures were geared toward preparing the friars for preaching—the raison d’être of all mendicant education. Lectures focused on the Bible (often read in conjunction with the Historia Scholastica of Peter Comestor)123 and Peter Lombards’ Sentences, both of which figured prominently in the university theology curriculum.124 For most friars these lectures constituted the highest level of theological training. Above the level of theological education available at nearly all convents, some of the schools offered a curriculum that rivaled the university, both in content and rigor. For much of their history, the Regensburg convents of the Dominicans and the Augustinian Hermits appear to have risen to this level. The Regensburg Dominican convent was frequently home to a provincial theological studium and the Augustinian studium was the primary school in the Augustinian province of Bavaria. These studia held advanced lectures on the Sentences, cursory lectures on the Bible, and disputations.125 123 Peter Comestor (died ca. 1178) compiled the Historia Scholastica as a sacred history. In it, he drew on biblical and secular texts. The Historia Scholastica contains discussions of most of the books of the bible, and includes dates, etymologies, and geography, making it a valuable, if often fanciful, pedagogical text. In the fourteenth century, the Dominicans held at least one copy, see Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 457. 124 For the Dominican convent lectures, see Michèle M. Mulchahey, “First the Bow is Bent in Study,” Dominican Education Before 1350, Studies and Texts, vol. 132 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1998), 138. For the Franciscans, see Bert Roest, A History of Franciscan Education, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, eds. Jürgen Miethke, William J. Courtenay, Catto Jeremy, and Jacques Verger, vol. 11 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 81–87. For the Augustinian Hermits, see Adalbero Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 1 (Würzburg: Augustinus, 1969), 247–54. In 1290, the Augustinian Hermits held their general chapter in Regensburg. Among other issues, this chapter laid out an ambitious educational program to address the shortage of qualified lectors in the order. 125 See the discussion of the school in Chapter Two. Some evidence from other Dominican studia indicates that these disputations and lectures were open to outsiders. Participation by those from outside the convent appears to have been especially prominent where mendicant studia were established in university towns. On Vienna see Isnard Wilhelm Frank O.P., Hausstudium und Universitätsstudium der Wiener Dominikaner bis 1500, Archiv für Österreichische Geschichte, vol. 127 (Vienna: Hermann Böhlaus, 1968), 53; On Oxford, see William J. Courtenay, Schools & Scholars in the Fourteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 57. As mentioned earlier, caution is necessary here. Much of the most recent scholarship has tended to downplay the role of the mendicant schools in the education of the laity, and one cannot assume that Vienna and Oxford were typical.


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The evidence suggests that the theology and arts curriculum in the Dominican convent was generally conservative. Alongside numerous patristic and early scholastic authors, the library contained works primarily associated with the via antiqua. Not surprisingly, the works of Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus were particularly well represented. These were supplemented by Hugh Ripelin of Strasbourg (d. 1268) and the mystic theologian Johannes von Sterngassen (d. 1327). In addition to these Dominican authors, the library also held the Summa of Alexander Hales (d. 1245) O.F.M., the Quodlibeta of Henry of Ghent (d. 1293), and the Tractatus de vite et moribus of Walter Burleigh, O.F.M. (d. 1337).126 The studium of the Regensburg Augustinian Hermits, however, more closely resembled the range of ideas emanating from the universities during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, and the conflicts within the thought of the Augustinian order itself, especially that between the via moderna and the via antiqua. The richness of the convent’s library reflects the prominence of the school, and its close association with the universities.127 By 1347, the library held Giles of Rome’s commentary on the Sentences, the de Regimine Principum, de Divina Influencia and his commentary on Aristotle’s physics.128 By the fifteenth century, most of the other prominent Augustinian authors were also represented, including

126 In 1347, the library held a copy of the Sentences, and the Sentences commentaries of Thomas Aquinas (and several of his other works including his Summa) and John of Sterngassen, Henry of Ghent’s Quodlibetic, biblical commentaries of Albertus Magnus, and the Summa of Alexander Hales O.F.M. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 458, 459. By the early fifteenth century, the library had added the Summa of Hugh of Strasbourg O.P. (BayStB clm 13439), works on natural philosophy by John of Paris O.P. (BayStB clm 26885) the Tractatus de vite et moribus of Walter Burleigh, O.F.M. (BayStB clm 13439), and Johannes de Sacrobosco, de Sphaera (BayStB clm 26812). The only certain representative from the via moderna is Robert Holcot (BayStB clm 26948), but this is a collection of sermons rather than a work of logic or theology. 127 For the Augustinians and university study, see Chapter Four. The connections between the convent and the universities were particularly frequent in the period between 1370 and 1430. During this period, both Nicholas of Laun, a founding member of the theological faculty at Prague and Berthold Puchhauser, who studied at Oxford, Bologna, and Vienna before joining the theological faculty in Vienna in 1405, spent time in the convent. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 285–87. See also Appendix II for Berthold Puchhauser. 128 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 469. For the works of the Augustinian Hermits generally, see Adolar Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens in mitteleuropäischen Bibliotheken, Cassiciacum, vol. 20 (Würzburg: Augustinus, 1966).


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James of Viterbo (d. 1308), Augustinus de Ancona (d. 1328), Gregory of Rimini (d. 1358),129 Alfonsus Vargas (d. 1366),130 Bonsemblantis de Padua (d. 1368), Hugolino of Orvieto (d. 1372), and John Hiltalingen (d. 1392).131 There were also numerous Dominican, Franciscan, and secular masters represented. These included the Dominicans Thomas Aquinas, Albertus Magnus, Hugh of Strasbourg, and Robert Holcott (d. 1349) and the Franciscans: David of Augsburg,132 Walter Burleigh,133 Peter Thomae (d. 1340),134 and Bonaventure, and the secular masters Albert of Saxony (d. 1390)135 and Nicole Oresme (d. 1382).136 The most important additions to the library after 1347 appear to have been made in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries—a time when Regensburg Augustinians could be found at Oxford, Bologna, Erfurt, and Vienna.137 The works these men brought back with them reflected contemporary university debates, and no doubt served as works of reference for the school’s own disputations. Whether these debates reached beyond the convent’s walls and influenced the other mendicant studia in the city is not clear. However, if the spirit that helped to create the library catalogue of 1347 remained, such cross-fertilization was possibile, even likely. Evidence from the city library also shows the extent to which the higher studies associated with the city’s religious foundations had an BayStB clm 26838. This volume reflects the range of theological and philosophical approaches of the fourteenth century. It was copied between 1407–12 and contains the Formalitates of the Scotist, Petrus Thomae O.F.M. (d. 1340); the Augustinian, Hugulino de Orvieto O.E.S.A. (d. 1376), Tractatus de perfectione speciarum; the Thomist-leaning, Jacobus de Viterbo O.E.S.A. (d. 1308); the pro-papal writer, Augustinus de Ancona O.E.S.A. (d. 1328); the terminist logician Albertus de Saxonia (d 1390); and the Scotist and opponent of Ockham, Walter Burleigh O.F.M. (d. 1337). The codex was owned by the Regensburg Augustinian and university of Vienna theology professor Berthold Puchhauser and clearly reflects the theological interests in Vienna at the turn of the fifteenth century. Compare Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 464. Around the same time, the library also came into posession of Berthold Puchhauser’s own lectures on the book of Revelation. BayStB clm 26676. 130 BayStB clm 26650. Copied in 1475 at the request of the lector Conrad of Regensburg. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 464. Alfonsus Vargas was an ardent defender of Thomas Aquinas. 131 BayStB clm 26711. 132 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 470. 133 BayStB clm 26838. 134 BayStB clm 26711. 135 BayStB clm 26612. 136 BayStB clm 26711. 137 See Chapter Four for a more detailed discussion of university attendance by Regensburg Augustinian Hermits. 129


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impact well beyond their particular institutions. A canon of the Alte Kapelle, a guardian of the Franciscan order, and the monastery of Prüfening all gave books to the city library.138 Many of these works were of practical interest to the city and were used by the city doctor, pharmacists, treasurer, and legal advisors.139 The level of study available in Regensburg ranged from basic song to the most recent theological arguments emanating from the universities. Although institutions provided the structure, framework, and support for study, the quality of the schools themselves often depended on the education and competence of the individual instructors. Teachers and School Personnel Qui autem docti fuerint, fulgebunt quasi splendor firmamenti140

Teachers at the pre-university level varied considerably in their educational background, experience, and authority. Indeed, they varied as widely as the schools in which they worked. As we have already seen, some schools had a clearly delineated hierarchical organization housed within a permanent physical structure. Others, however, appear to have consisted of little more than a single, itinerant teacher, with only a few pupils. Moreover, even within the same schools, the quality and quantity of the teachers could differ substantially over time. In Regensburg, the names and titles of individuals associated with the schools appear frequently in the sources. However, with the exception of the mendicant lectors, no official records of their tenure survive. Most appear only as witnesses to wills, property transactions, or other legal

138 Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV 1, 471–72. As mentioned previously, Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim, a frequent legal advisor to the city, donated several legal commentaries. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1 476–77. Numerous works originating in the monastery of Prüfening also ended up in the city library, perhaps associated with the late fifteenth century exodus of monks from the monastery. BayStB clm 13001–13002, 13021, 13024, 13029, 13031–13032, 13037–13039, 13041–13042, 13045, 13047, 13050, 13055, 13058–13059, 13061–13062, 13069, 13070, 13072, 13075, 13077, 13079–13081, 13083, 13085, 13087–13088, 13090–13095, 13097–13103, 13105–13109, 13125. See Sigrid Krämer, ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, Ergänzungsband, vol. 1, 2, Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters (München: C. H. Beck, 1990), 676, 683. 139 See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 477–78. 140 Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 144: Theodolph of Orleans (797), “capitulare ad parochiae suae sacerdotes.”


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documents. More rarely, their names survive on burial inscriptions, as recipients of annuities from the city, or, in one case, as a supplicant of papal largesse. Nevertheless, the evidence is chronologically and quantitatively sufficient to draw at least tentative conclusions about the educational background, career ambitions, and social standings of these men, and to address questions relating to geographic and social mobility. Before looking more closely at these questions, it is necessary to examine the variety of terms by which contemporaries identified teachers and other school personnel. Teachers appear in the sources under a wide range of names. Conrad of Megenberg listed three types of teaching personnel, which were essential for a well-run school. In addition to students, it was necessary to have a schoolmaster, a pedagogue, and an accusator to monitor the students and assist in maintaining discipline.141 Although Conrad’s terms do not correspond precisely with the most common titles used in other sources, the basic organizational structure he describes is quite familiar. The most common term associated with ecclesiastical schools was scolasticus. As mentioned ealier, although initially an active participant in the classroom, by the thirteenth century, scolastici in many cathedral and collegiate schools had ceased to perform this function directly.142 In some schools, however, it retained its original meaning contributing to significant ambiguity. In the schools of the Alte Kapelle and the

141 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 25. “In domo scolastica levinoma artistarum quatuor sunt persone ad minus necessarie, videlicet magister, discipulus, pedagogus, et accusator. Magister est paterfamilias ac dominus scolastice domus, cui singule persone in eadem communicantes domo reverenter obedire tenentur. Sed discipulus est filius atque heres magistri, cui pater sue mentis thezaurum venerabiliter dispensat vel saltem desiderat dispensare. Pedagogus vero est ductor pueri scolastici et in scola ipsius vicemagister. Illum autem accusatorem dicimus, qui scolarium excessus pernotat et ipsorum exorbitaciones magistro accusat.” 142 This development was part of larger changes within diocesan and collegiate chapters discussed earlier in Chapter Two, in which vicars increasingly performed the day-to-day responsibilities attached to particular prebends. Chorales performed in the choir in the place of frequently absent canons, the succentor took over the direction of the choir, and the rector scolarum (to be discussed later) taught in the schools. The frequent absence of canons engaged in university study was clearly an important factor in creating these changes. As early as 1323, the cathedral in Regensburg provided for the establishment of three vicars “propter Canonicorum absenciam, quorum aliqui in aliis prebandati ecclesiis, alii in studio commorantes . . .” Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 2, 63.


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cathedral, where the position of scolasticus was largely divorced from its original function, its direct role in the schools was limited.143 In both schools, the office-holder himself was frequently little more than a distant, even disinterested administrator. Statutes of the Alte Kapelle from the late fifteenth century clearly lay out the duties of the scolasticus. In addition to the usual responsibilities shared by all the canons, he was to “arrange all the letters excepting those concerning matters which require the council of lawyers,” and hire and supervise the rector scolarium.144 Despite these duties, it was common for the scolasticus to be absent for lengthy periods.

143 In Regensburg, the scolasticus in the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle was also a canon. The statutes from the Alte Kapelle (c. 1486) include the scolasticus among the highest positions in the chapter. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 93: “si Praepositus, Decanus, Scholasticus et Plebanus noster, aut alter eorum in studio extiterint, nec non de fructibus et obventionibus eorum gaudere voluerint, de eisdem dignitatibus seu officiis expediendis et pro omnibus superportandis per Capitulares nostros cum consensu et voluntate nostra provideant ac satisfacere procurent.” The evidence for the cathedral is less direct, however, the scolasticus is always included among the first two or three witnesses preceded generally only by the provost and the dean. This was not the case everywhere; compare Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 99–101. In the neighboring diocese of Freising Gregory XI ordered that the position of scolasticus should no longer be a dignity but a simple office. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 168: “Nobis nuper exposuit, quod Scholastria ecclesiae Frisingensis dignitas, ad quam consuevit quis per electionem assumi existat, et magis expediens ac utile sit eidem ecclesiae, quod Scholastria ipsa in officium commutetur . . .” In 1303, a Heinrich appears as scolasticus in St. Mang; unfortunately there are no surviving statutes from the house to shed light on the specific role of the scolasticus there. Ried II, 739 #760, 19 August 1303. See also Kintzinger, “Schulen im spätmittelalterlichen Augsburg,” 350; and Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus und Institutio Scolarum im späten Mittelalter. Überlegungen zur Institutionengeschichte des Schulwesens,” in Dieter Engelhus: Beiträge zu Leben und Werk, ed. Volker Honemann, Mittelhochdeutsche Forschungen, vol. 105 (Köln: Böhlau, 1991), 35. 144 Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 192–93. The full text reads, “Dominus praepositus veteris Capellae vacante Scholasteria ad petitionem et praesentationem Decani et Capituli aut maioris partis uni de Canonicis nostris capitularibus ipsam Scholasteriam conferre habet et debet; hic sic admissus recipit eam nomine summi Scholastici et est Canonicus huius Collegii, et debet omnes literas expedire praeter literas ad iudicia, ad quas requiruntur consilia iurisperitorum. Hic Scholasticus summus ad voluntatem Capituli aut maioris partis habet Rectorem scholarium ad scholas introducere et ipsum ad eundem Capituli aut maioris partis et non aliter licentiare, quod si non fecerit, fiat per Capitulum, aut per unum de Canonicis nomine Capituli. Item habet providere et superintendere, ut Rector in scholis diligentiam faciat, et ut scholares in choro disciplinaliter cantent, et legant et tenetur singulis annis dare Rectori duas schaffas siliginis de proventibus Scholasteriae, et in die caenae de collatione quatuor grossos, si per se collationem non fecerit, et eodem die Rectorem et submissarium in mensa habeat propter scholares communicantes, quibus deserviant.” In the customary oath taken by the scolasticus, he swore to oversee the rector and his assistants, ensuring that they perform their duties well and provide good examples for the students:


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Johannes Marschalk, scolasticus in the Alte Kapelle in the mid-fifteenth century, provides a particularly striking example of this development. Marschalk was a well-connected young man of knightly descent who obtained a canonry in the Alte Kapelle in 1459 at the age of only fifteen. Clearly impressed by his credentials, the canons elected him scolasticus immediately. For most of the next ten years, he studied at the universities of Erfurt and Leipzig, rarely, if ever, appearing in Regensburg.145 Given the age at which he took on the office and his immediate matriculation at Leipzig, it is clear that no one expected him to fulfill personally even the very limited responsibilities of his new office.146 Despite the growing disconnect in many cathedral and collegiate schools between the office of the scolasticus and its function, its original meaning was not entirely lost. The secular teacher Leonard Panholz, who taught at Benedictine convent of Prüll and the Regensburg Franciscan convent, appears as both scolasticus and informator iuvenum, a term frequently synonymous with rector scolarum/scolarium.147 The scolasticus in the Benedictine monastery of Prüfening also appears to have been directly involved in teaching.148 In the Schottenkloster too,

“quod Rector et succentores, Locati et Scholares in choro et scholis laudabiliter vivant, ordinante legant et decantent, strepitus et insultus tempore divinorum incompositos non faciant, sed moribus, scientia et virtutibus undique proficiant . . .” References to the customary oath of of the scolasticus survive from at least 1459. J. Schmid, Urk. Ak., vol. 1, 181 #927, 29 February 1459. 145 Johannes Marschalk appears in Leipzig in 1459 to 1462, and 1468 and in Erfurt in 1462 and 1464 to 65. He was still scolasticus in 1463 when, at the age of nineteen, he received a dispensation for holding an additional incompatible benefice. Repertorium germanicum: Verzeichnis der in den päpstlichen Registern und Kameralakten vorkommenden Personen, Kirchen und Orte des Deutschen Reiches, seiner Diözesen und Territorien vom Beginn des Schismas bis zur Reformation, (hereinafter Rep. Germ.) vols. 1–9 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1916–) vol. 8, 1, 470 #3228. He finally resigned his position in 1469 under pressure from the chapter. J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, #1042, 30 May 1469, 203. See Appendices I and II. 146 On at least one occasion, a vice-scolasticus was appointed in the absence of the scolasticus. In the year 1466, a Christian Heimlich appears as vice-scolasticus of the Alte Kapelle in a letter protesting the introduction of “insolitam ordinationem,” which appear to have restricted the ability of absentee canons to enjoy the income from their positions. BZAR, StiAK U 1006, 17 May 1466; J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1 #1006, 195, 17 May 1466; see also Ried III #713, StBR (Sign. Rat. ep. 164). Christian Heimlich also served as the aforementioned Johannes Marschalk’s proctor. See J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 203 #1042, 30 May 1469. 147 BayStB clm 2611 fol. 140v: “Scriptum Ratispone in conventu fratrum minorum per me leonard panholz scolasticum ibid anno 1459 . . .” In the Franciscan Necrology he is called informator iuvenum fidelis. See Appendix I. 148 Albertus Elsendorfär, who served as scolasticus in Prüfening in the late fourteenth century, left his name in two manuscripts containing primarily educational texts, BayStB clm 13021 and clm 13102. The first is a collection of quadrivial texts including works


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the scolasticus continued to have teaching responsibilities.149 As in the Alte Kapelle, he hired and recruited subordinate teaching personnel and assisted the convent in the preparation of letters and other legal instruments. However, unlike in the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle, his role in the classroom remained central. St. Johann may provide another example of the more general application of the term. In a charter, which Josef Schmid dates from 1397 (actually 1396), an Albertus scolasticus “praedictae Johannae” appears as a witness to the incorporation of the parish of Roting to the Alte Kapelle.150 Matthias Thiel argues that because St. Johann had no scolasticus, Albertus must have been the scolasticus of the Alte Kapelle, a certain Albertus Preiser.151 If the scribe used the term scolasticus it in its more

on music, astronomy, geometry, and Chalcidius’ commentary on Plato’s Timaeus. See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 409; and Bernhard Bischoff, “Das Griechische Element in der abendländischen Bildung des Mittelalters,” in Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, vol. 2, 256 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1967), 256. 149 These statutes appear to use the terms scolasticus and rector scolarium interchangeably. In the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle, the rector scolarium was appointed by the scolasticus and was responsible for the daily functioning of the school. In the case of St. Jakob, however, the writer of the statutes appears to make no distinction between these two positions. The first two sections read, “Primo et antea omnia constituimus et ordinamus quod rector scolarium apud monasterium nostrum et in scola omni tempore cum suis scolaribus illos diligenter instruendo et informando summam faciet diligentiam tam in moribus quam disciplinis necnon scolam nostram semper optimis collaborationibus provideat. Item ordinamus quod idem scolasticus (emphasis mine) semper et continue scolam et chorum bono et experto Cantore provideat sciens artificaliter musicam . . . necnon litteras missivas et alia instrumenta pro utilitate nostri monasterii conficiant et scribant sine contradictione.” Here “idem scolasticus” refers back to the previously mentioned “rector scolarium,” the latter perhaps reflecting his function as “director of the schools,” the former, his title. The specific responsibilities spelled out in the statutes further support the argument that these two terms refer to the same person. In particular, they specify in the beginning that the scolasticus was responsible for providing the school with a capable cantor. Later, the statutes require that “nullus rector scolarium aliquem Cantorem sine scitu et consensu et voluntate dicti nostri prelati assummat . . .” BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235r. Kintzinger has commented on the conflation of these terms, noting that “zwischen “magister scolarum” und “scolaster” wurde im Einzelfall ohne erkennbare Regel variiert,” and that magister scolarum and rector scolarum/scolarium were also frequently synonymous. Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 110, 115. Compare the reforms of the Alte Kapelle, which required newly-accepted canons to give sixteen pounds for the support of the school, four pounds of which was to be given to the “magistro seu rectore scolae.” BZAR, StiAK U 244, 31 October 1359. 150 BZAR, StiAK U 490, 30 December 1397. Published register J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 94 #490, 30 December 1397. 151 Matthias Thiel, ed. Die Urbare des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg mit den Registern zu Urkunden und Urbaren. QuE,. Neue Folge, vol. 28, pt. 2 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1996), 520: “er [Schmid] verzeichnet auch als Zeugen einen “Albert, Schlolastikus bei


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general sense, as a synonym for magister/rector scolarum, Albertus might have been associated with St. Johann rather than the Alte Kapelle.152 This set of related terms, including combinations of rector or magister and scole, scolarium, and scolarum can be as problematic as scolasticus.153 The earliest occurrences appear to have used the term magister scole in its most general sense (schoolmaster). In the cathedral and collegiate churches, the term rector scolarum first appears in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries as the scolasticus’ role as a teacher diminished. In these cases, the scolasticus hired the rector scolarum/scolarium to provide the actual classroom instruction, similar to the way in which vicars came to perform many other canonical duties.154 The term rector scolarum/magister scole also appears in connection with a number of monastic schools including those of St. Emmeram and the Schottenkloster of St. Jakob.155 In 1363, a magister scole received six solidi for winter clothing from St. Emmeram.156 In 1450, the university-trained Hermann Pötzlinger served in the monastery in the same capacity.157 Other common terms with similar meanings are rector puerorum,158 doctor

St. Johann” St. Johann hatte aber keinen Scholaster, in der Urk. von 1396 heißt es denn auch, daß Albertus Preiser bei der Alten Kapelle summus scolasticus war!” See also J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 382 #1837, 17 March 1402. 152 The account books of St. Johann from the early fifteenth century also include payments made “pro sallario scolastici” with payments made to the magister scolarum. See, for example, Thiel, Die Urbare des Kollegiatstifts, 24. Because this use of the term appears to be dropped in later formulations and replaced by “magister de summo” that is master from the cathedral, the references to a scolasticus in the account books might refer to the schoolmaster from the cathedral, rather than to one associated with St. Johann. See, for example, Thiel, Urbare St. Johann, 28 and BZAR. St. Johann 1, 11 r. (1426). 153 These were also the preferred terms for the schoolmasters in the city-controlled schools, which began to appear in many German cities in the fourteenth and early fifteenth century. See, for example, Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 235. 154 See Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 92–110; and Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus,” 31–48. For more on these terms in the context of both communal and ecclesiastical schools, see Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 234–39. 155 As noted earlier in the case of St. Jakob, it appears to have been used as a synonym for scolasticus. 156 StBR Rat. Ep. 263, St. Emmeram Rechnungbuch, fol. 86v: “Item magistro scole pro vestitu hyemali vi sol. dn.” 157 J. Schmid, Urk. Ak., vol.1, 164 #846, 15 November 1450. 158 Conrad of Megenberg uses the term rector puerorum in its most general sense. “Et primo circa scolares, ubi plerumque non magister in artibus regit, sed rector puerorum sine titulo nominatur . . .” Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 34. The title rector puerorum appears in the sources for the Alte Kapelle: Reinboto (1238), and Johannes (1287), an unnamed rector puerorum in the Cathedral (1295) and St. Emmeram: Johannes (1325). For the Alte Kapelle, see Josef Schmid, Die Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle (Regensburg: J. Habbel, 1922), 106, and Ried III, 4 March 1287.


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puerorum,159 and magister ludi. Although these generally referred to teachers of younger students, one should not necessarily assume that this is the case. Likewise, one cannot assume that rector scolarum connotes a teacher of older students.160 Below the rector scolarum, teaching assistants (locati or ushers) assisted in maintaining classroom discipline, in a manner similar to the accusatores described by Conrad. In larger schools such as that of St. Stephan’s in Vienna, ancillary teaching personnel could take on a more important role.161 The Paedagogi (in some statutes called schreiber) accompanied individual students from home and assisted them in the classroom.162 The term also encompassed some private instructors, especially at the elementary level. The secular cleric Ulrich Grünsleder burned as a Hussite in 1421 may have been a private instructor of this sort.163

For the cathedral see Martinez-Göllner, The Manuscript Cod. Lat. 5539, 7–8. See also Dominicus Mettenleiter, Aus der musikalischen Vergangenheit bayerischer Städte Musikgeschichte der Stadt Regensburg, aus archivalien und sonstigen Quellen bearbeitet, (Regensburg: J. G. Bössenecker, 1865), 61. For St. Emmeram see BayHstA Kloster Urkunden Regensburg St. Emmeram #325, 27 March 1325. 159 A Heinricus doctor Puerorum of St. Mang appears as witness to exchange of incomes with St. Katherinenspital. StAR, Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg (now held in StAR) VH Urk. 3: 3 November 1241. 160 Hugo of Trimberg, for example, was called rector scolarum, rector scolarium, and rector puerorum and called himself ludi magister: Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 237. 161 See Müller, Schulordnungen, vol.1, 58. “Item man sol auch in Sand Stephan schul setzen drei obrist locaten, die stetlich in der schul beleibn und gewalt haben nach ainem schulmaister uber all schüler . . . Item dieselben drei obristen locaten sullen aufheben alle nutz von allen schulern . . .” Although it dates from the late sixteenth century, the oath of the scolasticus in the Alte Kapelle mentions locati and succentors in the school. Fifteenth-century bequests to the school mention locati and Jungmeistern (chorales). See Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 193; and J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 275. 162 Pedagogues appear throughout the late medieval statutes. At St. Stephan’s, it is assumed that some of the students would bring their own pedagogues with them to school. The locati were to take all the income from all the students excepts those who had their own pedagogue. Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 59: “ausgenomen die aigen schulmaister oder pedigogen haben,” The statutes for the Latin school in Landshut speak of schreiber, but their function is clearly the same as that of the Pedagogue. Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 115. “Item desgleichen, so sollen die schreiber, die den Bürgern ihre kinder gen schul führen, auch chorröck haben . . .” 163 Andreas von Regensburg, the historian and canon of St. Mang, describes Ulrich Grünsleder as a former pedagogue of the secular judge (Erhardus auf Donau) by whom he was ultimately condemned to death. Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, Georg Leidinger, ed., QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 1 (München: Rieger, 1903), 133: “Qui [Ulrich] mox a iudice, cuius quondam pedagogus fuerat, ducitur ad comburendum.”


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Finally, Baccalaurei, generally more advanced students, often contributed significantly as instructors.164 Because of the importance of the choir, the cantor or succentor also played a significant role in the schools.165 The connections between choir and school is particularly evident in the statutes of St. Jakob, which explicitly required the cantor to preside over the school and the choir (scole et chori). He was responsible for the discipline of the children in the choir and their performance.166 The cantor’s direction was primarily of a practical nature emphasizing performance and memorization. Any music theory would have been included as part of the arts instruction and was often cursory. However, it is possible that in smaller schools, which lacked additional teaching personnel, that the cantor provided rudimentary education in reading. In addition to these terms, the more specialized educational system of the mendicants employed its own, largely unique, vocabulary. By the fourteenth century, the three largest mendicant orders—the Franciscans, Dominicans and Augustinian Hermits—had all developed similarly complex, hierarchical educational systems. Although initially the mendicant orders accepted only those above the age of fourteen, the increasing number of younger novices who entered the orders beginning in the early fourteenth century necessitated the development of grammar and elementary educational programs. It is likely that the magister noviciorum would have provided this basic instruction at the convent level. Above the convent level, there were also schools of logic and natural 164 The school of St. Sebald in Nuremberg had three baccalaurei as did St. Lorenz. Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 103. At St. Stephan’s in Vienna, the statutes required the “drei obrist locaten” to select baccalaurei “aus dem studentenhaus in der Kernerstras das weilent maister Albrecht pharrer zu Gors, lerer in der erznei gestift hat . . .” Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 58. The title baccalaureus alone should not be taken as evidence of university study. It, like the more common term magister, could be applied to individuals with teaching responsibilities who did not hold degrees. See Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 137–38. 165 The cantor figures prominently in many of the school statutes. The statutes for St. Jakob required that both the scolasticus and the cantor swear to uphold the customs and protect the interests of the monastery and the school. BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235r: “Ego N iuro et promitto quod . . . omnia et singula statuta cum omnibus et singulis clausulis superius descriptis fideliter observabo . . . nullasque novitates seu conspiraciones verbo vel facto attemptabo necnon eorum secreta nulli pandam neque manifestabo dampnaque et iacturas rerum et prebendarium dicti monasterii iuxta meam possibilitatem precavebo . . .” 166 The cantor of St. Jakob was to oversee the proper performance of his choir and was subject to fines if they made mistakes. BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235r. See earlier.


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philosophy. In the case of the Dominican Order, these schools rotated between convents, sharing the burdens of housing the school between several nearby houses.167 The primary focus of the mendicant schools, however, was theology. Most mendicant convents had at least one lector who provided daily lectures. The level of instruction and the qualifications of specific lectors varied significantly depending on the prestige and size of the particular school. This was especially true in the case of the Dominicans who rotated their studia between several convents. Arrangements could vary significantly from year to year as well. In studia particularia theologiae, which drew students from throughout the province, the schools could include additional lectors and a biblicus, sentenciarius, and magister studentium.168 Between 1396 and 1401, for example, the Dominican convent in Regensburg boasted a magister studentium, a sentenciarius, and a lector principalis who was required to hold theological lectures and disputations.169 In 1440, Peter of Rosenheim served the convent as biblicus cursor.170 The translation of Latin terms into German, and less frequently German terms into Latin, adds an additional layer of complexity. German sources generally rendered scolasticus as obrister Schulmeister, or simply Schulmeister.171 However, Schulmeister could also denote the subWilliam J. Courtenay, Schools & Scholars in the Fourteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 64–65. 168 For a discussion of these positions within the Franciscan Order see Roest, A History of Franciscan Education, 65–81. For the Dominicans see Mulchahey, First the Bow is Bent in Study, 132–36. For the Augustinians, see Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 1, 47–53. Although the systems varied slightly between the orders, the terminology and hierarchical nature were the quite similar. 169 They were as follows in 1396: Ulricus Wasserburger (disputet et legat), Conradus Hauweck (magister studentium) and Conradus Meczinger (Sentenciarius), in 1398: Conradus Raider (disputet et legat), Petrus de Cliendorf (magister studentium), Conrad Hauweck (Sentenciarius), in 1400: Conradus Raider again, Michael Altheiden (magister studentium) and Andreas de Ratispona (Sentenciarius); in 1401 Henricus Troglin (legat et disputet), Fr. Hertt (magister studentium), and Andreas de Ratispona (sentenciarius). In 1402, there appears to have been no sentenciarius, however, Henricus Troglin was reassigned to hold theological disputations and lectures and Johannes Theobaldi served as magister studentium. See Appendix I (Dominicans). 170 BayStB clm 26833 fol. 13. “Scripsit Petrus Rosenheim cursor Ratisbon. existens 1440.” 171 Fridericus Wirsing (8 March 1393), Albertus Preiser (7 Sept. 1425) and Henricus Parsberger, all appear as “obrister schulmeister,” see J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 87, 129, 228 #460, #690, #1165; elsewhere as scolasticus, see J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 77 #410, 31 July 1386 and 382 #1837, 17 March 1402. Whereas, Albertus Chunigswert is called alternately scolasticus and “schulmeister uf dem chor ze dem tum.” See Franz Martin, ed., Die Regesten der Erzbischöfe und des Domkapitels von Salzburg 1247–1315, 167


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ordinates of a scolasticus, directors of city schools, and private instructors.172 The misleading simplicity of a term like Schulmeister with its extremely broad application makes it impossible to determine the level of instruction, educational background, or competency of individual Schulmeister without significant additional context. Nevertheless, some historians have falsely assumed that a Schulmeister necessarily signified an individual teaching in a German language school (Deutscheschule), which was manifestly not the case.173 The educational background of the individual instructors can provide clues regarding the level of instruction at a specific school.174 Given the extent to which the trivium dominated the curriculum of so many of the schools, the ability and educational level of the individual teachers, rather than the content, varied most significantly.175 Unfortunately, before the fourteenth century, the educational background of individual teachers and scolastici in Regensburg is at best dimly illuminated.176

3 vols. (Salzburg: Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde, 1934), vol. 2, 129 #1115, 20 March 1313; and Johann Geier, ed., Die Traditionen, Urkunden und Urbare des Klosters St. Paul in Regensburg , QuE, vol. Neue Folge, vol. 34 (München: C. H. Beck, 1986), 78 #27, 10 February 1315. 172 The previously mentioned “Agnes die Schulmeisterin” was buried in the Franciscan cemetery in 1318. MGH Necrologiae III, 249. 173 Schulmeister, like Schüler, is used to connote a wide array of meanings. Schulmeister appears in the sources as a translation of a number of words with more specialized meanings such as scolasticus, rector scolarum and even pedagogus. At the most basic level a Schulmeister could be almost anyone with authority within a school. Although some authors did attempt to use their terms with greater precision, Jakob—for example, has noted that the term rector scolarium is best translated by the German Schülermeister and rector scolarum by Schulmeister, there does not appear to be any broadly consistent distinction made between these terms in the sources. Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 235. Many earlier historians assumed that Schulmeister applied only to German language instructors. This contributed to frequent false assertions regarding the first appearance of Deutscheschulen in particular cities. Compare Xaver Buchner, Schulgeschichte des Bistums Eichstaett vom Mittelalter bis 1803 (Kallmünz: Lassleben, 1956), 22. See also Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 237. 174 Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 81. 175 Compare Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 130: “Unterschiede zwischen einzelnen Lehranstalten bestanden danach nicht in der Annahme oder Abstoßung dieser Tradition, [i.e. the liberal arts] sondern im Grad der Vollständigkeit und des wissenschaftlichen Niveaus, der den Unterricht nach Maßgabe des Bildungsstandes seiner Lehrkräfte prägte.” 176 There are some exceptions. From the eleventh century, we learn that Otloh of St. Emmeram, who taught in the school of St. Emmeram, studied first in the external schools of Tegernsee and Hersfeld, two of the most important German Benedictine schools and centers of the eleventh-century Gorze reform movement. He did not become a monk until 1032 when he entered St. Emmeram. He also traveled widely, spending time at Fulda, Passau, and Amorbach. See Schauwecker, Otloh von St. Emmeram,


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At the most basic level, rudimentary literacy or the ability to sing seems to have sufficed. Even for the larger more advanced schools typical in cathedral and collegiate churches, university training would not have been necessary. In Germany, cathedral schools like those at Hildesheim provided a level of arts instruction rivaling that of universities well into the thirteenth century.177 As a result, university study appears to have been the exception rather than the rule, despite the statutes of the Fourth Lateran Council that required that every diocese employ a master to teach grammar in the diocese free of charge.178 However, beginning in the late fourteenth century, many of those associated with the schools in Regensburg had studied, at least briefly, at one or more universities.179 Evidence of this change is particularly

11. Albertus Magnus, who served briefly as a lector in the Regensburg Dominican convent, studied the arts in Padua in the 1220s, where he became a Dominican. Around 1224, he began his theological studies in Cologne, and in 1228, he began his career as a lector, first in Hildesheim, then Freiburg, and finally Regensburg. After approximately two years in Regensburg he began his studies at Paris. The magister Eberhardus, who served as scolasticus of the Alte Kapelle and episcopal notary during the second quarter of the thirteenth century, may have been university educated. Although evidence beyond the fact that he is called magister and held a position as notary is lacking. Indeed, nearly all the scolastici in both the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle are called magister. However, in most of these cases the title magister did not connote a university degree, but marked their status as schoolmaster. The terminology parallels the language used with reference to masters within guilds, reflecting authority and expertise rather than university credentials. In his famous treatise on education Conrad of Megenberg refers the master who is truly a master although he lacks the title “magister est re, quamvis careat titulo.” See Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 35. For a discussion of the general growth in university study see below Chapter Four. 177 The qualifications of indvidual teachers could vary signifcantly between schools. In England, the appointment of grammarmasters with university degrees appears to have been more frequent before the Black Death than it was in Germany, partly reflecting the lack of universities within the empire and the greater expense that university study entailed. For a discussion of the employment of university graduates as grammarmasters in England see Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 72–73; and Nicholas Orme, Education in the West of England 1066–1548: Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Gloucestershire, Somerset, Wiltshire (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1976), 19. 178 Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 154: “adiicimus, ut non solum in qualibet cathedrali ecclesia, sed etiam in aliis, quarum sufficere poterunt facultates, constituatur magister idoneus, a praelato cum capitulo, seu maiori et saniori parte capituli eligendus, qui clericos ecclesiarum ipsarum [et aliarum] gratis in grammatica facultate ac aliis instruat iuxta posse. Sane metropolis ecclesia theologum nihilominus habeat, qui sacerdotes et alios in sacra pagina doceat . . .” 179 However, this trend was by no means absolute. Private instructors, especially those who operated “Deutscheschulen” often did not have university training. Even those teaching Latin grammar need not have pursued their education beyond what would have been readily available in most cathedral and city schools. The career of Andreas von Regensburg, canon of St. Mang and historian of Regensburg, illustrates the


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strong in the case of the scolastici of the Alte Kapelle and the cathedral. Although they had ceased to be directly involved in classroom instruction, the frequency with which scolastici appear among university matriculants, does reflect the growing emphasis placed on university training within these institutions. By 1313, Albert Chunigswert, who held a doctorate in canon law, held the position of Regensburg cathedral scolasticus.180 The next identifiable university educated scolasticus does not appear until 1350, when the Parisian scholar Conrad of Megenberg contested for the position with the Bologna-educated Johannes Rederer.181 Although Conrad failed in his efforts to secure the position, that two highly educated candidates sought the dignity is indicative of things to come. Indeed, from 1350 forward, almost every cathedral scolasticus matriculated at one or more universities. In fact, of the eleven identifiable scolastici between 1350 and 1500, nine had engaged in some level of university study.182 Similarly, the scolastici of the Alte Kapelle appear increasingly among the ranks of the university educated. Although the percentage

degree of proficiency that a student could attain in a city school. Although his formal education appears to have been limited to his studies at the city school in neighboring Straubing, his historical writings reveal broad literary interests and a high level of Latin proficiency. Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, vol. 2. 180 Unfortunately, I have not been able to identify where he studied. 181 In his work on the Plague written in 1350, Conrad refers to himself as “magister Conradus de Monte puellarum scolasticus Ratisponensis . . .” Sabine Krüger, “Krise der Zeit Als Ursache der Pest? Der Traktat de Mortalitate in Alamannia des Konrad von Megenberg,” in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag am 19. September 1972, Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte, vol. 36/II (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), 863. This may have been wishful thinking or legal posturing, but he eventually abandoned his claim to Johannes Rederer (Hans von Augsburg). See Franz Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von Megenberg,” in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg und sein Werk (1309–1374), Akten zur Tagung vom 8. bis 10. Oktober 2003 München, eds. Gisela Drossbach, Martin Kintzinger, and Claudia Märtl, Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, Beihefte B, 27 (München: C. H. Beck, 2007). By 1350, Johannes Rederer was scolasticus in the cathedral. Ried II, 874 # 921. 182 It is also possible that “Erhart Puerchofer Schulmaister zum tum” was scolasticus rather than rector scolarum, in which case the numbers would be ten of twelve. StAR Cam. 4 1395 fol. 1r. The latter seems the most likely as he does not appear to have held a canonry in the cathedral. When he obtained the rectory of Rorbach in 1403, he is not listed as holding any additional benefices. Rep. Germ. vol. 2, 68. The university-matriculated scolastici between 1350 and 1500 were Conrad of Megenberg, Johannes Rederer, Ulricus Straubinger, Conradus Satelpoger, Albertus Stauffer, Fridericus Parsperg, Johannes Parsberger, Henricus Parsberger, and Georgius Paulstorffer, all of whom were also of noble or knightly descent. For references and more detailed information see Appendix I.


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of university-trained scolastici was lower in the Alte Kapelle, they still constituted one-quarter (three of twelve) of those who held the office between 1350 and 1500. Counting from 1386, the year when the first university-trained scolasticus appears, three of eight scolastici were university matriculants.183 Although one should be careful of assigning too much significance to the growth of university study among the canons—higher education primarily served the interests and ambitions of the canons, rather than their chapter—the pursuit of higher learning does reflect a growing preoccupation with university study that informed the intellectual culture of the chapter, the selection of individual teachers, the collection of books, and the curriculum of the schools. Nor did these men remain isolated from the broader community. They made donations to schools and indvidual scholars, advised the civic administration, served as learned preachers, and exchanged and copied texts, which became part of the libraries of both religious and civic institutions. Whether as a direct result of the increasing number of universitytrained scolastici, or simply a reflection of general rise in university attendance, a significant number of those directly responsible for instruction in Regensburg’s schools also began to have some university training. Of the known rectores scolarum in the Alte Kapelle, at least four likely studied at a university. A Heinrich der Igeltaler, who served as a notary in Regensburg and rector scolarum in the Alte Kapelle, may be the Heinrich Igeltaler who studied in Vienna in 1383.184 In 1429, a magister Hermann de Gotta, rector scolarum in the Alte Kapelle, witnessed an agreement between the chapter and one of the canons concerning the income of his benefice.185 A Johannes Stöckel, who held the degree of bachelor in arts, appears in 1463 as rector scolarum.186 Johannes Gross,

183 These were Fridericus Wirsing (Heidelberg), Johannes Marschalk (Leipzig and Erfurt), and Johannes Velber (Ingolstadt). A fourth scolasticus, Johann Geginger, could possibly be the same as the Johannes Geginger de Patavia who matriculated at Vienna in 1436. Geginger also served as magister fabricae in the cathedral. Anneliese Hilz, Die Minderbrüder von St. Salvator in Regensburg 1226–1810, BzGBR, ed. Georg Schwaiger, vol. 25 (Regensburg: Verein für Regensburger Geschichte, 1991), 60. See also Appendix I. 184 J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 382 #1836, 30 December 1401; and 383 #1840, 16 May 1402. 185 J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 137 #719, 15 December 1429. The use of the title magister in addition to the title rector scolarum is unique in this context. No other rector scolarum is similarly named in the charters, suggesting that magister may refer to his educational standing rather than simply his status as teacher. 186 J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 263; and J. Schmid,


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rector scolarum in 1495, could be the same as the Johannes Gross de Ratisponensis who matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1480.187 Fewer names of rectores scolares survive for the cathedral. Nevertheless, a similar pattern is evident. In 1395, Erhardus Purchofer, who studied in Vienna in 1384, appears in the account books of the city as “Schulmaister zum tum.”188 In 1456, Ulrich Kaegerl who earned his master in arts at Vienna four years earlier, served as rector scolarum in the cathedral.189 Finally, in the winter of 1491–92, the famous humanist and university professor, Conrad Celtis directed the cathedral school.190 Universitytrained teachers also emerged in other schools in Regensburg. Hermann Pötzlinger studied at both Vienna and Leipzig before becoming rector scolarum at St. Emmeram. Leonard Panholz, who directed schools attached to the Benedictine monastery of Prüll and the Regensburg Franciscans, matriculated at Vienna in 1454.191 Urk. AK, vol. 1, 182 #930, 16 June 1459. He may be the same as Johannes Stöckel who matriculated at Vienna in 1451. 187 MLMU I, 94, 30. Gross was rector of St. Cassian in 1508 and died in 1519. See J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 331 #1613, 5 August 1508; and Karl Schottenloher, ed., Tagebuchaufzeichnungnen des Regensburger Weihbischofs Dr. Peter Krafft von 1500–1530, Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte, vol. 37 (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorff, 1920), 36. 188 MUW, vol. 2, 1384 R 162; and StAR Cam. 4 1395 fol. 1r. Erhart Purchofer may actually have been a cathedral scolasticus; see Appendix I. 189 Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 41. See also BayStB clm 18736 fol. 190r. Kaegerl donated a collection of hymns for classroom use to the monastery of Tegernsee. BayStB clm 19614 fol. 242v: “Explicit exposicio bona super ympnos data per reuerendum magistrum udalricum tunc temporis rector scolarium in lanndaw. Anno domini 1452.” Cited in Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 41. 190 Lewis W. Spitz, Conrad Celtis: The German Arch-Humanist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957), 33–34; Hans Rupprich, ed., Der Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtis, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission zur Erforschung der Geschichte der Reformation und Gegenreformation: Humanistenbriefe, vol. 3 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1934), 95–98. See also Laetitia Boehm, eds., Biographisches Lexikon der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Universität Ingolstadt-Landshut-München Forschungen und Quellen: Forschungen, vol. 18 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1998), 65–68. In 1506, a magister Silvester Krafft appears in the sources as “rector scolaris” in the cathedral and as scolasticus in 1508. See BZAR, StiA U 844, 26 August 1506; and J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 330 #1606, 24 April 1508. It is likely that he was related to the suffragan bishop of Regensburg, Peter Krafft, whose admission as a canon of the Alte Kapelle he witnessed in 1508. Peter Krafft himself was one of many sons of Dr. Peter Krafft who served the Bavarian duke Georg the Rich. When Peter and his brother Hieronymus matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1491, the usual fees were waived “intuitu patris apud principem . . .” MLMU I, 21 October 1491. Peter kept a diary between 1500 and 1530 and briefly mentions the death of Silvester Krafft on 25 March 1519, noting, “ad illam noctem magister Silvester Craft mortuus est circa mediam noctem.” Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungnen, 35. 191 See Appendix I.


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In addition to these, many of the mendicant lectors also had significant university experience.192 Dominican lectors with identifiable university careers include Albertus Magnus, who had studied at Padua and at the Dominican studium generale in Cologne before teaching in Regensburg.193 After completing his studies at Paris, he returned to Regensburg as bishop. The general chapter assigned Andreas de Ratispona to Cologne in 1398. Two years later he lectured on the Sentences in Regensburg. In addition, Petrus von Rosenheim, who served in Regensburg as master of students in 1434 and cursor in 1440, studied at three of the most important Dominican studia, appearing at Cologne in 1437, Bologna in 1441, and Vienna ca. 1444.194 Franciscan lectors in Regensburg with university training included Johannes Sack, who studied at both Erfurt (1423) and Vienna (1431) before becoming lector in Regensburg in 1433, and Marcus Schönprunner who also studied at Vienna (1447–53).195 The lectors of the Augustinian Hermits were a particularly distinguished group. In the fifteenth century alone, five identifiable lectors appear in the sources with advanced degrees earned at many of the most prestigious universities in Europe. At the end of the fourteenth century and the first years of the fifteenth, Berthold Puchhauser studied at Oxford, Bologna, and Vienna. His near contemporary, Fridericus de Ratisbona, studied at Siena, Rome, and Bologna (the chapter also assigned him to either Erfurt or Magdeburg). In 1463, the lector Nicholas de Ratispona studied at Vienna, as did Casparus de Ratispona approximately twenty years later. In 1473 Hermannus Meyer de Ratisponensis served as cursor in Rome. In addition to these, a Leonard Mühlhauser who died in 1500 was a doctor of theology.196

192 Hermann Pötzlinger studied at Vienna in 1436 and accompanied several sons of the Regensburg patriciate to Leipzig in 1456. See Apendix II. At his death in 1469, he left his impressive library to St. Emmeram. Leonard Panholz matriculated at Vienna in 1454. See Appendix I. For a discussion of university attendance by the Regensburg mendicants see Chapter Four. The lectorate program for the Franciscans is discussed extensively in Roest, Franciscan Education, 87–97. 193 For a fourteenth century account of his career, see Henricus de Hervordia, Liber de rebus memorabilioribus sive Chronicon Henrici de Hervordia, ed. August Potthast (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1859), 201 194 See Appendix I. 195 See Appendix I. When Schönprunner served as lector is unknown; at his death 1462 he was described as doctor, lector, and preacher of the convent. 196 See Appendix I.


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Although it is significant that an increasing number of school personnel matriculated at a university, this does not provide the full picture. Not all who matriculated took degrees, nor were all degrees equal. By analyzing the course of study and the degrees taken, it is possible to obtain a better sense of the relationship between university study and pre-university education, and the relative prestige of particular positions within the schools. Most of the scolastici from the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle studied canon law—with canonists outnumbering simple artists seven to four. None studied the far rarer disciplines of theology or medicine. This fact, however, is more indicative of the course of study for canons generally, than of anything pertaining to the scolastici specifically.197 Given the expenses associated with pursuing a degree in law it also is a reflection of the resources available to this privileged group.198 University selection also reflected their privileged position. Three of the eleven scolastici studied law in Italy, at the prestigious universities of Padua and Bologna.199 Conrad of Megenberg, although a mere artist, studied at Paris. The afore-mentioned Johannes Marschalk, studied at both Erfurt and Leipzig. Closer to Regensburg, Conradus Sattelpoger and Albertus Stauffer studied at Prague, Georgius Paulstorffer and Johannes Velber at Ingolstadt and Johannes Parsberger at Vienna.200 Two of these men, Fridericus Parsberg and Albertus Stauffer, went on to serve as bishop of Regensburg, further evidence of the prestige of those who attained the office of scolasticus.201 197 For a discussion of the attendance patterns of the canons generally, see Chapter Four. From the cathedral, Ulrich Straubinger, Conradus Satelpoger (also studied the arts), Albertus Stauffer, Fridericus Parsberger, Johannes Parsberg, and Henricus Parsberger all studied law. Of the three university-trained scolastici of the the Alte Kapelle, only Friedrich Wirsing studied law, attaining the licentiate in canon law at Heidelberg in 1390. 198 For a discussion of the relationship between university study and canonical benefices, see Peter Moraw, “Stiftspfründen als Elemente des Bildungswesen im spätmittelalterlichen Reich,” in Studien zum weltlichen Kollegiatsift in Deutschland, ed. Irene Crusius, Studien zur Germania Sacra, vol. 114 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1995), 270–97. 199 Ulricus Straubinger studied at Bologna as did Fridericus Parsberger. A speech Fridericus Parsberger gave before the council of Basel also suggests a familiarity with the teaching faculty at Padua and has been taken as evidence that he studied there. His nephew Henricus also studied at Padua between 1441 and 1445. See Appendix II, and Christina Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg (Köln: Böhlau 2005), 391, 396. 200 See Appendix I. 201 Albertus Stauffer was bishop of Regensburg (1409–21) and Fridericus Parsberger (1437–49). See Appendix I.


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The schoolmasters themselves, however, were much more likely to have studied the arts at one of the more accessible universities. Of the eight identifiable as likely university students, all appear to have studied the arts. In addition, the universities they chose were much more limited geographically. Of the six for whom the specific university attended can be ascertained, four studied at Vienna, one at both Vienna and Leipzig, and one at Ingolstadt. Vienna and Leipzig tended to attract numerous poorer scholars, in part because of their relatively low fees,202 while Ingolstadt’s proximity to Regensburg likely overcame the higher costs associated with it. Although the sample is admittedly small, these limitations further highlight the relatively lowly position of the classroom teacher—even one who had studied at a university—vis-à-vis the more privileged scolastici. Not surprisingly then, the scolastici were generally drawn from a much higher level of medieval society. As the work of R. C. Schwinges has shown, university study in no way eliminated distinctions of social and economic rank. Even those who were skilled and privileged enough to have earned advanced degrees, but who lacked the familial and social connections of their more privileged fellow graduates, often found it difficult to obtain the most coveted positions. The advantages of birth are particularly evident in the case of the cathedral scolastici where the nobility continued to dominate the most important positions. With few exceptions—most notably, Ulrich Straubinger, a member of a Regensburg merchant family—those elected as scolasticus were drawn from noble and knightly families with power centers within the diocese of Regensburg, or those with extraordinary connections. Indeed, between 1398 and 1500, local noble and knightly families accounted for six of the seven identifiable scolastici.203 In the Alte Kapelle, where children of the Regensburg citizenry became increasingly evident among the canons during the fourteenth century, noble and knightly families were less dominant. Nevertheless,

202 Rainer C. Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte des alten Reiches, Beiträge zur Sozial- und Verfassungsgeschichte des Alten Reiches; Nr. 6, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische Geschichte Mainz. vol. 123. (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1986), 452–457. 203 These were Conradus Satelpoger, Albertus Stauffer of Stauffenberg, Fridericus Parsberger, Johannes Parsberger, Henricus Parsberger, and Georgius Paulstorffer. The only exception appears to be Jacobus Klinkebeyl, who was provided to the scholasterie by Martin V in 1428. See Appendix I.


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those who became scolastici generally had important connections in Regensburg or were in some way affiliated with the bishop of Bamberg, who maintained influence in the Alte Kapelle through his control of the office of the dean. Between 1350 and 1500, twelve scolastici can be identified. Of these, the geographic origins and social background of four are clear. Two were from knightly families—one of Bavarian origins (Henricus von Rordorf ) and the other from the diocese of Bamberg ( Johannes Marschalk). Two others were members of Regensburg patrician families (Ulricus der Loebel and Erhardus Sittauer).204 A fifth, Bertholdus de Askania (resigned as scolasticus in 1361) was from the region of Anhalt, perhaps with connections to the bishop of Bamberg.205 Unfortunately, our knowledge of those lower down the school hierarchy is often even more limited. At least one of the schoolmasters in the Alte Kapelle came from the region around Bamberg (Hermann de Gotta) and another (Heinrich der Igeltaler) was likely from Niederbayern. For the rest of the rectors there is little additional biographical information, although a significant contingent bears names suggestive of backgrounds within the class of artisans, small merchants, and farmers, such as Gyrstner, Holzman, and Gerber.206 Interestingly, although few names of the rectors who served the cathedral school survive, the three who can be identified between 1450 and 1506 were an impressive lot. They included two men who studied at Vienna, Erhardus Pünchhofer (Purchofer) and Ulricus Kaegerl, and the arch-humanist Conrad Celtis, who was a man of considerable importance by the time he assumed the post. Indeed, his acceptance of the position surprised many and inspired significant humor at his expense.207 204 See Appendix I. These two men held the position between 1361 and 1386, a period immediately following the murder of the cathedral canon Conrad von Braunau and subsequent boycott of the schools of the Alte Kapelle and the cathedral in 1357. Was the appointment of these two patrician sons to head the school Alte Kapelle related to a settlement between the college and the city that helped lift the city’s boycott of the school? For the details of the boycott, see Chapter Two. 205 See Appendix I. A sixth, Philip Leo who first appears in connection with the Alte Kapelle in 1459 was originally from Leutschau in Hungary. 206 See Appendix I. 207 By this time, he had already been crowned as poet laureate. See, for example, the response of Bartholomäus Stäber who wrote to Conrad in February of 1493. Hans Rupprich, Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtis, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission zur Erforschung der Geschichte der Reformation und Gegenreformation: Humanistenbriefe, vol. 3 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1934) 96 #58: “Quas ad me nuper dedisti litteras,


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As the reaction to Conrad’s acceptance of a teaching position at Regensburg suggests, ambitious young men rarely, if ever, saw teaching as an end in itself. Those who did find themselves in the classroom were generally looking for other opportunities. As a result, most teachers appear to have spent only a short time in a particular school before moving on to higher, or at least more remunerative, things. Then, as now, teachers were not particularly well paid. The rector scolarium in St. Emmeram in 1452, presumably the university educated Hermann Pötzlinger, received a salary of thirty-four florins. This amount was significantly more than the approximately twenty florins received by many country vicars, but about twenty percent less than the monastery paid to their smith and to the rector of the parish church of St. Rupert.208 It also compares favorably to known teacher’s salaries from the city of Nuremberg. In 1485, the teachers of the four Latin schools in Nuremberg earned between 5.5 and 28.5 florins.209 On the other hand, the city physician in Regensburg earned as much as 75

recte intellexi, quibus ab antiquo conditae Ratisbonae praeceptorio munere te fungi accipio et, si ex te futurum, id plures non putabamus . . . Si Ratisbonam tua, qua praefulges instar radiosissimi sideris, doctrina tuis moribus, tua virtute ac singulari modestia, humanitate et beneficentia dignam cogitaveris, sapienter actum te ad nos crudos homines non rediisse.” 208 Walter Ziegler, Das Bendediktinerkloster St. Emmeram zu Regensburg in der Reformationszeit, Thurn und Taxis-Studien 6, vol. 6 (Kallmünz: Lassleben, 1970), 134. The smith received 14 Regensburg pounds 6 schilling and 22 denarii from St. Emmeram in 1451, an amount that Ziegler estimates at approximately 12 denarii a day. The rector of St. Rupert received 14 Regensburg pounds. The Regensburg account books from 1465 converted 50 Rheinische Gulden to 17 pounds 5 schillings 20 denarii, which corresponds to roughly 3 Rheinische Gulden per Regensburg pound. See StAR Cam. 16 fol. 25v: “wir gaben den Stewrherren heten sy maister caspar Katntner gelihen als er auf die Studium zechen wold 50 reinisch guldein machent xvii lb v schil. xx den.” 209 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 103. These four schools were well attended and supported and probably represent a fairly high benchmark. Subordinate teachers of course earned much less. The total paid to the cantor and three baccalaurei, for example, was only 13 florins at St. Sebald. At St. Egidius the cantor and the locatus shared 6 florins, while at St. Laurentius, the cantor three baccalaurei and a locatus divided 17 florins; Compare also the southern Bavarian monastery of Benediktbeuern. In 1487 the monastery provided the schoolmaster 4 gulden [florins] plus an alottment for a choir robe and hose. Minus the clothing allotment, the salary was 2 gulden less than that paid to the chief cook and equal to that paid to his assistant. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 194.


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florins per year.210 It also fell far short of the earnings of many of the beneficed clergy.211 Not surprisingly then, most teachers sought out opportunities to supplement their teaching incomes. Most commonly, teachers accomplished this through participation in processions, vigils, anniversary masses, funerals and other religious ceremonies which could be quite lucrative. The rector of the church of St. Sebaldus in Nuremberg earned nearly one-third of his annual income in this manner.212 In Regensburg, Lieb Baumbergerin left “den Schulmaistern 30 d., daz si die Sch%laer mit der leich lazzen gen.”213 Wernher der Rüdnär, a canon in the Alte Kapelle, provided a total of 170 schillings for the celebration of the Octave of Corpus Christi and of the birth of Mary, to be divided among the canons, chorales, Schulmeister and schüler.214 In addition to such sacramental side-jobs, teachers could also supplement their income through scribal work. Indeed, the line between scribes and teachers was frequently a fluid one.215 It was common to see individuals functioning in both capacities at the same time, and moving freely between the two professions. The university educated Leonardus Heff, who completed his bachelor in arts at Vienna in 1461, appears

210 For the earnings of manual laborers and the salaries of the city physician in Regensburg, see C. T. Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, 4 Vols. Edited by Hans Angermeier, (Regensburg: Montag und Weiss, 1800–1824. reprint, Munich: C. H. Beck, 1971) vol. 3, 270. The city doctor earned from 35 to 75 florins. At the same time a skilled craftsman earned approximately 7 d. per day. Senior city officials could earn as much as 100 pounds a year. 211 Compare Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 277. 212 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 103. Of the total of 28.5 fl. he earned in 1485 just over 9 fl. “von vigilien, jartägen etc.” 213 Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 688 #1272, 27 March 1350. The use of the plural schoolmasters could suggest that the students were being drawn from more than one school or she may have been using the term generally to refer to both the schoolmaster and his subordinates. Unfortunately, the will does not specify the names of any specific schools from which the schoolmasters and scholars were to be drawn. 214 J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 66 #344, 1372; J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle, 111; compare the statutes from Landshut that clearly spell out the specific income the teacher in the city school could expect to collect, including tuition, burials, vigils, and processions. It is also clear from this passage that teachers had a tendency to freelance in their efforts to expand their income. In two places, the writers of the statutes felt compelled to emphasize that the schoolmaster should collect only the income specifically mentioned “sonst anders nichts.” Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 33–34. 215 In many cities, in fact, the city scribe also served as a teacher. For the close connection between stadtschreiber and schulmeister, see, for example, the statutes from Brugges. Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 136–37.


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to have earned his living in both these capacities. He copied numerous works relating to the history of Regensburg, translated portions of the works of Andreas von Regensburg into German, served the city as a scribe and also worked as a Stuhlschreiber. In addition to performing scribal services for the public, such Stuhlschreiber often provided basic reading and writing instruction in the vernacular.216 As we have already seen, service in the chancery was frequently included among the responsibilities of the both the scolasticus and the rector scolarium. Leonard Panholz, for example, copied a large section of BayStB Munich clm 26611, including a section on excommunication, while a teacher at the Franciscan school in Regensburg.217 Similarly, Hermann Pötzlinger also served as a scribe for St. Emmeram where he copied BayStB clm 14810. In 1228, a certain magister Eberhard served as scolasticus veteris capelle and notarius episcopi Ratisp.”218 In 1363, Marquardus Treberger, “who reigned in the schools of Regensburg for three years,” sought employment as papal notary.219 A century later in 1476, a “schreiber von Regensburg” opened a school in Amberg.220 Frequently, the city scribes also had students ( gesellen/schreiber), who assisted them in much the same manner as apprentices.221 Ultimately,

216 Rudolf Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation. Gesamtdarstellung.” in Max Liedtke, ed., Handbuch der Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesen, vol. I, Geschichte der Schule in Bayern von den Anfängen bis 1800, (Bad Heilbrunn: Julius Kinkhardt, 1991), 170. Jakob, however, sounds a note of caution. Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 238. 217 BayStB clm 26611 fol. 140v. 218 Widemann and Bastian, MB 53 vol. 1, 22 #54: 14 December 1228. Similarly, in 1300, a Heinrich schulmeister in the Alte Kapelle appears as schreiber to the Archbishop of Salzburg. Martin, Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Salzburg, vol. 2, 59. 219 Josef Lenzenweger, ed., Acta Pataviensia Austriaca: Vatikanische Akten zur Geschichte des Bistums Passau u. d. Herzöge v. Österreich (1342–1378), Publikationen des Österreichischen Kulturinstituts in Rom: 2. Abteilung; Reihe 4 (Vienna: Verlag der Österr. Akad. d. Wiss., 1996), vol. 3, 195–96: “Supplicat sanctitati vestre humilis creatura vestra Marquardus dictus Treberger clericus Ratisponenis diocesis nullum beneficium ecclesiasticum assecutus, qui plures annos studuit necnon tres annos scolas in solemni civitate Ratisponensis rexit ac continuavit quatinus sibi tabellionatus officium vestre sanctitatis dignemini concedere . . .” 220 Krebs, Das Deutsche Schulwesen Ambergs, 5. The city council of Amberg approved a “Schreiber von Regensburg” to come to Amberg and “die Kind loern und schul halt . . .” 221 See, for example, Franz Bastian, ed., Das Runtingerbuch (1393–1407) und verwandtes Material zum Regensburger-südostdeutschen Handel und Münzwesen, 3 vols., Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, vols. 6–8 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1935–1944), vol. 1, 184. “Item mir gab der statschreiber [Linhart] 5 lb R. dez montags in der andern vastwochen. Di zalt Chunradus, sein Schreiber . . .” Compare Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 428–29.


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however, most appear to have sought ecclesiastical benefices that were generally more lucrative and secure. In addition to the notarial position mentioned, Marquardus Treberger also received an expectation in the diocese of Passau valued at twentyfive pounds with cure of souls and eighteen without.222 In 1395, Erhardus Pünchover “schulmaister zum tum” received two pounds as a payment for the lifetime annuity he had purchased from the city.223 Seven years later, he made an unsuccessful bid for the rectorship of Rorbach (by which time he was no longer designated schoolmaster). At his death in 1424, he had succeeded in securing only the income from an altar in the cathedral.224 Three-quarters of a century later, little had changed, as evidenced by the mixture of glee and shock that greeted Conrad Celtis’ acceptance of teaching position in the cathedral school in Regensburg.225 Not surprisingly, Celtis left Regensburg less than two years later. From the preceding discussion, several important patterns emerge. First, by the thirteenth century, at least in the cathedral and collegiate schools, there developed a disconnect between the office of scolasticus and its function. This in turn led to the development of a second tier of school personnel within the educational hierarchy. Ultimately, the men at this level were those responsible for teaching and the day-to-day functioning of the school. Second, those connected with the schools were increasingly university educated, with the study of the arts predominating among the schoolmasters. Third, teachers’ salaries, and the prestige accorded to them, rarely satisfied ambitious men. Thus, to the extent that they were able, medieval schoolmasters sought to augment their income through the performance of both religious and scribal functions and ideally through promotion out of the profession.

See Appendix I. StAR Cam. 4, 1r, “Item Erhart Puenchofer Schulmaister zum tum hat ii lb leipting.” 224 See Appendix I for references. Ulrich Kaegerl described himself as rector scolarum in 1456 but left Regensburg to enter the monastery of Tegernsee one year later. See Appendix I. 225 Hans Rupprich, Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtis, 97–98. 222

223


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chapter three Students and Student Life Quot sunt opera scolarium? Mane surgere, statim induere, crines ornare, manus lavare, deum adorare, et scolas frequenter visitare.226

It is one of the peculiarities of medieval education that schoolchildren are at once ubiquitious and invisible. As a group, they appear in numerous testaments, charters, and regulations, but as individuals, they are only rarely identified. As a result, our understanding of the individual experience of education often depends on indirect evidence and rare biographical details from extraordinary lives. Nevertheless, such details are essential for full understanding of the importance of education in Regensburg, particularly, and late medieval society generally.227 Although the evidence is not always explicit, by combining evidence from Regensburg and other German cities, it is possible to provide a reasonable sketch of the school experience, the approximate number of schoolchildren within the city, and the motivations of the families who sent their children to the schools. Such details as the organization of the school day and classroom discipline provide important insights into late medieval perceptions of childhood and changing notions of time. In addition, a careful examination of the experience of education reveals the essential public roles played by the schoolchildren in the performance of the Mass, the celebration of public feasts, funeral processions, and as objects of civic charity. In these roles, the schoolchildren provided a vital link between the city and the ecclesiastical institutions within it. Finally, and perhaps most important, education represented one of the few means by which social and economic advancement was possible. Although economic factors limited educational opportunities for many, clerical and lay support of poor (generally financially less privileged, although medieval understanding of pauperes was extremely fluid) scholars lowered the barriers to education to the extent that even children of modest means could pursue some level of education. To address these issues clearly, it is first necessary to understand the terms by which contemporary writers identified the city’s schoolchildren.

Es tu Scolaris, aiii. The following discussion relates to elementary and secondary education. Mendicant theological education, which assumed a strong background in Latin and the trivium, was directed toward much older students. 226 227


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The most common term was scolaris and its German equivalent schüler. Contemporary sources used these terms very generally, applying them to schoolchildren of any age, although there is some evidence of the modern German distinction between student and schüler. In 1455, for example, the city provided funds for the “studenten und schuelern zu Sand haymeran von des spils wegen . . .”228 However, such distinctions were not followed with any degree of consistency. Other common terms such as the Latin pueri and the German jungen could apply to young children of either gender.229 Scolaris or schüler could also have meanings that do not necessarily suggest the existence of a school. Those whose primary function was to assist priests in the performance of the Mass and other tasks frequently bore the name scolaris or schüler.230 Indeed, every parish rector was required, at least in theory, to have a cleric or scolaris “who could read the Epistles, respond to the Mass, and read the Psalms.”231 By the fourteenth century, schüler also came to be used as a family name. In one case, a brother and sister are described as Caspar Schueler and Elspet Schuelerin. Twelve years later, these siblings appear again still

StAR Cam.14, 56v. Compare Martin Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus und Institutio Scolarum im späten Mittelalter: Überlegungen zur Institutionengeschichte des Schulwesens.” In Dieter Engelhus: Beiträge zu Leben und Werk, ed. Volker Honemann, Mittelhochdeutsche Forschungen, vol. 105 (Cologne: Böhlau, 1991) 428. 230 For example, Nicholas der Swaiger an der Hayd provided 16 d. to the priest of the hospital of St. Lazarus and 2 d. for the “schuler der im darzu hilft . . .” for the performance of an annual Mass in his name. Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 318 #767, 20 February 1386. In the visitation records of 1508 the rector of St. Paul’s in Regensburg was required to have a scolaris. Because St. Paul’s was a house for women, the scholar in question must certainly have been a young clerical assistant to the rector rather than a student in the traditional sense. Paul Mai and Marianne Popp, Das Regensburger Visitationsprotokoll von 1508, BzBGR, vol. 18 (Regensburg: Verlag des Vereins für Regensburger Bistumsgeschichte, 1984), 33. Compare Kintzinger, “Schulen im spätmittelalterlichen Augsburg,” 71: “Aus den Nennung von Pfarrschülern, die zumeist im Zussamenhang . . . die mitwirkung bei Seelmessen . . . darf keines falls auf das Vorhandensein einer regelrechten Pfarrschule geschlossen werden.” See also Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 183–84. The connection between individual clerics and such “scolares” is further illustrated by statutes relating to the reform of St. Emmeram in 1452, which prohibited the priests and monks of the monastery from having their own “scolares” except for special assistants. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 182: “prohibemus insuper ne singuli prespiteri et alij fratres huius monasterii singulos scolares habeant nisi famulos speciales, ut cellas fratrum et commune dormitorium intrare scolares permittantur.” 231 Ried II, 982. Also appears in Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 174–75: “Omnis Presbyter clericum habeat vel scholarum, qui Epistolam legat et ad missam respondeat, et cum quo Psalmos legat . . .” 228 229


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bearing the name Schueler, suggesting that this was indeed a name rather than their vocation.232 These caveats aside, the frequent references to schüler in wills, statutes, court records and account books clearly demonstrates their social importance, not only as future clerics and scribes but as essential contributors to daily civic life. Assessing this role, however, requires a closer examination of the daily lives and activities of the students themselves. Although easily taken for granted, medieval notions of time and the seasonal variation of daylight and darkness shaped the daily experience of education in significant ways. Particularly important in this regard were monastic conceptions of time based on the ecclesiastical hours. Of these, the most important were Prime, Tierce, Sext, Nones, Vespers, and Compline. In this schema, day and night were divided into twelve hours each, with the length of the hours varying by season.233 The ringing of the bells to signal the monks to prayer thus marked the most important divisions of the day. Although the mechanical clock, and its more regular division of the hours, appeared in Western Europe during the fourteenth century, it did not immediately or universally supplant earlier conceptions of time within the schools.234 A mid-fifteenth century statute from St. Stephan’s in Vienna, for example, continued to order the school day with reference to traditional monastic offices.235 By the end of the fifteenth century, 232 J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 258 #1300, 1 September 1487, and Urk. AK., vol. 1, 296 #1460, 22 November 1499. 233 Even after the advent of the mechanical clock, time continued to be reckoned from dawn to dusk and from dusk to dawn. During the longest days of the year, the clock in Regensburg counted sixteen hours of the day and eight hours of the night (this was reversed for the shortest days), the last hour of daylight being referred to as “eins gen nacht” and the first hour “eins auf den tag.” Following this pattern, “fünf in der nacht” meant the fifth hour after the bell that marked sundown. The beginning and end of the day were fixed between 4:00 and 8:00 with a half an hour added or subtracted every three and a half weeks. Grotefend, Taschenbuch der Zeitrechnung (Hannover: Hahn Buchhandlung, 1991), 24. 234 Evidence in other parts of Europe indicates a gradual change from solar to modern conceptions of time in the universities by the fourteenth century. See Courtenay, Schools & Scholars in Fourteenth-Century England, 6. 235 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 61. “item all locaten und schüler, die über ein jahr zu schul gegangen sein, sullent des morgens under unserfrauenambt und nach essens in der zwelften stund zu schul sein, und des Morgens heim geen zu hant nach der non und des nachts nach der Complet.” By the fifteenth century the Nones were nearly three hours earlier in the day than they had been in previous centuries, that is roughly equivalent to the modern English term noon. For a discussion of these changes see Gustav Bilfinger, Die mittelalterlichen Horen und die modernen Stunden: ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1892; reprint, Vaduz, Liechtenstein: Sändi Reprint, 1992).


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however, the influence of the clock became increasingly evident. Rather than beginning with the rising sun, school statutes began to fix specific hours of the day. A statute from Ulm in 1500 makes explicit reference to the clock: “(z)um ersten nach alter gewohnheit so bald die glock vj geschlecht, so gat der schulmeister in die schul.” At nine, the students went home to eat, returned “zum ersten so die glock xij schlecht . . .,” and remained in the school until 4:00 in the afternoon.236 The inclusion of the phrase, “nach alter gewohnheit,” suggests that, in Ulm at least, the mechanical clock had ruled the school day for some time. One of the symptoms of the change from monastic to mechanical time was an increase in the number statutes requiring students to supply candles for use during the dark winter mornings.237 Nevertheless, school statutes issued in Regensburg one hundred years later continued to reflect scheduling distinctions between the winter and summer months.238 Organizing the school day in such a manner also had practical ramifications; when daylight was scarcer, and the expense of keeping the classroom lit and heated was prohibitive, the school day was significantly shorter.239 In addition, some writers expressed concern that the

236 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 125–26. Compare Karlheinz König, “Rahmenbedingungen und Praxis des Unterrichts an ‘Teustschen’ Schulen im ausgehenden Spätmittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit,” in Max Liedtke, ed., Handbuch der Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesen, vol. I, Geschichte der Schule in Bayern von den Anfängen bis 1800, (Bad Heilbrunn: Julius Kinkhardt, 1991), 258–60. 237 See among many others the statutes of 1432 from Landau. Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 48: “Zwischen Martini [November 11] und Weinachten soll er je 6 schüler zusammenordnen, welche wöchentlich die Beleuchtung versorgen sollen. Die Lichte sollen des Morgens um 6 Uhr angezündet werden und bis zum hellen Tage, des Abends aber nur von 4–5 Uhr, da die Schule beendiget wird, brennen.”; See also the Schliezer statutes of 1492. Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 113: “Item ein statkinth muss zcwey unslitlicht geben, wenn mann von Martini biss zu weynachten fruh vor tag zur lernung auffsteht . . .”. 238 During the summer, the school day began at 6:00, let out for lunch at 9:00, resumed again at 12:00 and ended at 4:00. In the winter the morning session lasted from 7:00 until 10:00 while the afternoon was an hour shorter, running from 12:00 until 3:00. König, “ ‘Teutschen’ Schulen im ausgehenden Spätmittelalter,” 259–60. Based on this schedule, the actual impact of the mechanical clock in terms of real time spent in the classroom was probably negligible. During the year, students in the sixteenth century appear to have attended school approximately 6.5 hours a day; roughly the same number of hours attended before the widespread use of the mechanical clock. 239 The expense of heating, even a small room, should not be underestimated. Numerous school regulations for other German cities make specific mention of the provision of fuel. One school regulation from 1418 required that each student who could afford it provide either fuel or money for its purchase. Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 39: “Item ein jeglich wohlhabend kind soll mit ihm tragen den winter ein scheit holz, oder soll kauffen ein fuder holz, oder dem meister geben 2 gr. zu holz . . .” The city account books for Regensburg also make frequent reference to the purchase of


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cold would cause health problems, especially for the youngest students. Conrad of Megenberg suggested that beginning students (presumably the youngest and therefore most vulnerable to the cold) begin school in spring lest their tender limbs suffer the deleterious effects of ice and cold.240 The school year itself was divided into four quarters (quatemper), which, corresponded roughly to the four seasons.241 Payment of tuition, teachers pay, and the beginning of instructional periods were all tied to these divisions, as were payments to individual students for their participation in the choir.242 The poor scholars who assisted the rector of St. Cassian in providing masses for the critically ill received 4 groschen each quatemper.243 A Munich school statute circa 1300 required that the students pay the schoolmaster “ze iglicher chotemper,” as does a similar one from Landshut just over a quarter century later.244 The division of the school year in this manner seems to preclude a long summer break like that

wood for heating; each year the council gave 1 lb to the Augustinian Hermits “umb holz.” StAR Cam. 07, 19v, passim. 240 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 34: “Dico autem aeris intuendam esse qualitatem, quia membrorum teneritas de facili frigore percutitur aut calore penetratur. Unde conveniens est citra veris medium infantulos disciplinabiles litteris alligare . . .” As Sabine Krüger has pointed out, this passage, and others within the text rely heavily on the De disciplina scolarium of the pseudo-Boethius, which served as an important, if often obtuse, pedagogical guide. See Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scolarium, Olga Weijers ed., in Studien und Texte zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters, vol. 12, Albert Zimmeram ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1976), 94. The library catalogue from 1347 lists a copy in the library of St. Emmeram. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 160. (Perhaps the same as BayStB clm 14476, which dates from the fourteenth century and includes a commentary on Priscian Maior). 241 The quarters began as follows: spring (quatemper in der ersten Vastwochen) between Wednesday and Saturday in the week following Invocavit, summer (Pfingstenquatember) after Pentecost, autumn (most frequently vor Emerami or Michaelis) after Kreuzerhöhung (14 September), and winter after St. Lucie (13 December). Grotefend, Zeitrechnung, 16. 242 See, for example, the statute of 1499 from Nördlingen: “Ich soll unnd will auch zu ainer jeden quatemper von ainem schuler xv d[enarii]. . . .” Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 116. The Straubing schoolmaster was to receive a quarter’s notice before his dismissal. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 190: “wann sy mich sunst nit lennger zu irem schuelmaister haben wollten So mügen sy mir zu yeder quottember ausagen Alsdann sol ich zu der nachsten quottember darnach von der schuel abtretten und sy ir schuel versehen mit wem sy wellnt.” 243 J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 262 #1316, 12 February 1486. The bequest provides funds for two students, with “fändlein, latern, prinnenden kertzen darinn, in chorrocken und praunkappen an hals gezogen” to accompany the sacrament whenever it was taken to the sick during the day or on winter mornings “umb das Hornplasen so die schüler zu schul sein.” 244 Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 165–67.


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found in the universities, at least one that included all of July, August, and September because this would have consumed the entire summer quarter. If the labor of the schoolchildren was required at home or in the fields, the existing holidays and quarter breaks, augmented by local traditions and customs, appear to have sufficed.245 When school was in session, the schoolchildren spent the long classroom hours under the watchful eye and correcting hand of the schoolmaster “Cum fueris verbis correptus, fer patienter, Et verbis plus quam verbere nosse velis.”246 Although disciplinary tactics and severity differed considerably from one schoolmaster to another, the important pedagogical role of the switch was largely unquestioned. Augustine’s recollection of the tortures he and his fellow classmates suffered, Abelard’s beatings of Heloise—not, as he noted, out of anger or frustration, but because of the suspicion it would have engendered had he refrained from beating his pupil—and the brutal treatment Erasmus endured in the schools of the Brethren of the Common Life are but a few examples. In his autobiographical Liber de Temptatione, Otloh of St. Emmeram remembered when, having been handed over to the school for the learning of letters, he had prayed that he might be defended “from the plague of the switch.”247 Not surprisingly, the rod came to be the most recognizable symbol of the teaching profession.248

245 W. J. Courtenay has suggested that the appearance of the longer summer break in northern European universities may have been an extension of practices already in place at the level of city and town schools. However, if the practices in Bavaria are any indication this was probably not the case. As Karlheinz König has noted for the Deutscheschulen in Bavaria no explicit reference to the summer break appears in surviving statutes. König, “‘Teutschen’ Schulen im ausgehenden Spätmittelalter,” 260. 246 Conrad Celtis, Fünf Bücher Epigramme von Konrad Celtes, ed. Karl Hartfelder (Berlin: S. Calvary, 1881; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1963), 4. 247 Otloh von St. Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 276: “Quis igitur ille erat, quem tu quondam, cum nuper ad scolam pro litteris discendis traditus esses, et sepe inter coaevulos ac scholasticos residens, ne verberibus diris castigareris, timuisses, unice pro discendi facilitate invocasti et exaudivit te? Quem, quaeso, tunc credideras tam pium, ut te parvulum a virgularum plagis defendaret . . .?” 248 See Wolfgang Scheibe, Die Strafe als Problem der Erziehung: eine historische und systematische pädagogische Untersuchung (Weinheim: Julius Beltz, 1967), 22; See also Robert Alt, Bilderatlas zur Schul- und Erziehungs Geschichte, vol. 1, Von der Urgesellschaft bis zum Vorabend der bürgerlichen Revolutionen (Berlin: Volk und Wissen, 1960), 110 passim. Numerous songs and poems also attest to the frequency of such instructional beatings. See, for example, Hans Walther, ed., Initia Carminum ac versuum Medii Aevi posterioris Latinorum: Alphabetisches Verzeichnis der Versanfänge Mittellateinischer Dichtungen, Carmina Medii Aevi Posterioris Latina, vol. 1 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1959), 676 #13180. “Olim sustulerunt scholares magistrorum libenter verbera”.


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In a late fifteen-century woodcut illustrating the Pseudo-Albertus Magnus’ secreta mulierum, Albertus, who along with Aristotle became one the most important figures in the educational iconography of the Middle Ages, is depicted hovering above his young students. With his left hand, he gestures didactically, and with his right hand he holds the switch, if not menacingly, at least at the ready, prepared to deliver a teaching blow.249 The beatings suffered by students even became a favorite subject for school texts, their personal experience no doubt serving as a powerful mnemonic device.250 Other penalties included monetary fines and humiliation. In Crailsheim, for example, the statutes imposed fines of one to twenty schillings depending on the severity of the offense. In Stuttgart, those who were unable to write or did not complete their written work were to be penalized “nach zimlicher gepür.”251 The statutes also attest to the application of systematic humiliation. When students transgressed the rules, or failed to complete their lessons properly, they were forced to don ass’s ears, or in some cases an entire head, as symbols of their laziness and stupidity. Statutes from Nuremberg in the early sixteenth century stipulated that any student who had received the ass (or the wolf) three times in a single day, and the one who held it last, would receive a beating.252 At the same time, there were efforts to mitigate the worst abuses. Many of the statutes include the phrase “ziemlich strafen” or “usz vernunfft wie sich gepürt strafen.”253 A statute from the city of Bayreuth in the midfifteenth century cautions the schoolmaster that he should do nothing

249 Emil Reicke, Magister und Scholaren Illustrierte Geschichte des Unterrichtswesen (Leipzig: Dierderichs, 1901; reprint, Bayreuth: Gondron, 1976), 36. 250 See, for example, Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 30: “Habuisti ne hodie anum verbertatum bene?” See also Nicholas Orme, “An Early-Tudor Oxford Schoolbook,” in Renaissance Quarterly 34 (1981), 11–39. The popular fifteenth-century school text, Es tu scolaris asks the question “quotiens correctus es hodie?” Es tu scolaris, bv. 251 Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 347; and Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 130. 252 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 148. “Darzu sollen dise knaben in der schul, auf dem kirchoff, zu chor, kirchen unnd procession nichts dann latein reden unnd desshalb einen lupum oder asinum haben, unnd darumb verhort, unnd der, der den asinum oder lupum eins tags dreymal gehabt und von im gegeben, und auch der, der ine auf das letst behalten unnd noch hat, darumb zu straff der rüten genomen werden.” See also Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 348. The school regulations for the grammar school of Bayreuth in 1464 also make explicit reference to this practice. See Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 82. 253 See, for example, Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 115, 130.


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cruel to the students.254 Conrad of Megenberg also cautioned against the tyrannical treatment of students. Teachers were to take care that their charges were healthy, adapting their approach to the needs of individual students, rather than resorting to blows at the least cause. Teachers, he writes, should “correct the timid by words, master the frivolous with the switch, and dispense to each according to his abilities the gift of letters.”255 The emphasis on discipline was due in no small measure to the important role that the students played in the choir; their participation was vital to the performance of the daily offices, feast days, and processions.256 Childish antics and rambunctious misbehavior did not mix well with the often-somber role they were asked to play. Even as cities asserted greater control over the schools, the quasi-clerical status of students remained unchallenged, as did the expectation that they participate actively in religious services.257 It is telling that much of the income earned by the three city schoolmasters in Nuremberg was tied to service in the choir.258

254 Müller, Schulordnung I, 82: “Sich sol auch der schulmeister seinen schulern gar nichts gemeyn machen, sondern sie in forcht mit der lere halten . . .” 255 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 38. “Sic ergo rector puerorum eos dirigat, ut timidos verbis corrigat, frivolos virgis magistret atque unicuique secundum suas exigencias dona dispenset litterarum.” 256 One of the most frequent concerns raised in the statutes related to the behavior of the students in the choir. The statutes of the Alte Kapelle required that the scolasticus ensure that the scholars performed in the choir in a disciplined manner. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 192: “scholares in choro disciplinaliter cantent . . .” The oath taken by the Scolasticus reinforces this emphasis. See Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 193: “Ego N. summus Scholasticus Ecclesiase veteris Capellae . . . providebo, quod Rector et succentores, Locati et Scholares in choro vivant . . . strepitus et insultus tempore diuinorum incompositos non faciant.” For a discussion of the liturgical function of children, see Boynton, “Liturgical Role of Children,” 194–209. 257 The city school of St. Stephan’s in Vienna, expected the children to learn song. See Müller, Schulordnungen, 61: The students were required “zu schul geen an dem veirabent. daran sol man etlich lernen singen, die andern das Benedicite, das Ostende, die jarzal und andere ding, damit man seu nicht bekumern sol ander teg.” It is also reiterates the general concern over the behavior of the students, “doch also das sie sorg haben und nicht geschrai machen auf den freithof.” 258 Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 103. The author of the Algorismus Ratisbonensis, used the near universality of choir service among schoolchildren as the basis for a mathematical exercise. “Item sein 5 korschuler, derer 1 get all nacht en meten, dy ander vber dij ander nacht, dy dritt vber dij driten <etcetera>. Queritur, wenn sy all zesam komen in einer metn.” Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 54.


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Although almost all students were expected to serve in the choir, they did not bear the burden uniformly.259 Poor students spent more of their time performing these duties than did their wealthier colleagues whose parents could afford to provide the full cost of study. Students who were unable to fund their study from their own resources were often required to perform additional service to secure support. In addition to such required service, many schoolboys earned additional money by participating in processions, anniversary masses, and special feast days. The demands of the choir on the individual cathedral scholars could be substantial. By the early sixteenth century, the chapter saw fit to employ eight chorales (semi-professional singers assigned to the choir) to limit the hours students spent serving the choir.260 That such statutes were necessary shows that the time spent on song was beginning to impinge on the time available for study. Although it is not clear where the impetus for these changes originated, it seems unlikely that the chapter itself would have been moved to implement them without significant outside pressure, perhaps from the families of the scholars themselves or even the city. The implementation of this system of chorales also changed the demographics of the school and choir, leading to an older and more professional choir. Despite the demands of the choir, and the frequent, and apparently enthusiastic administration of the switch, the lives of students were not without amusements. Pedagogues, educational theorists and school administrators all recognized the importance of occasional diversions to “uplift the spirit” and “stir the blood” of the young pupils. “Nec semper scolares libris imminere tenentur et tabulis pugillaribus, sed dandum est intervallum studiis quandoque atque ludis congruis inhyandum, ut spiritus exaltentur et sanguis sublimetur ludi delectacione. Sic etenim puerorum ingenia subtiliantur et recreantur tediis scolasticis prius fatigati.”261 Such diversions included the kind of horseplay and games

See, for example, Martin Kintzinger, “ ‘Varietas Puerorum’: Unterricht und Gesang in Stifts- und Stadtschulen des späten Mittelalters,” in Schule und Schüler im Mittelalter: Beiträge zur Europäischen Bildungsgeschichte des 9. bis 15. Jahrhunderts, ed. Martin Kintzinger, Sönke Lorenz and Michael Walter, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. 42 (Köln: Böhlau, 1996), 299–326. 260 The cathedral chapter in Freising introduced similar statutes about twenty years earlier stating explicitly that the purpose was to reduce the burden on the scholars. See Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 191: “ne pueri sew scolares (propter) nimium cantum negligantur, sed magis studio literarum inistere et vacare possint . . .” 261 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 38. 259


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that one would expect of children and young adolescents, and more formalized affairs such as the, Bischofsspiel, Virgatumgehen, and Lenten celebrations. These latter events also involved members of the community and became an important part of the civic calendar.262 Controversial from its first appearance in the documents, the Bischofsspiel remained the most popular and subversive school festival throughout much of the Middle Ages. In its most general form, the festival began before the feast of St. Nicholas (December 6) with the election of a boy bishop from among the schoolchildren. Clad in episcopal vestments, the newly elected Schülerbischof and his entourage entered the cathedral and began a reign that would last until Vespers on the day of the Feast of Innocents (December 28).263 During this time, prominent members of the community would seek out the adolescent bishop for an audience, receiving dispensations and other privileges. On the last day of his reign, he led a frequently raucous procession of schoolchildren, townspeople, and clerics through the streets of the city.264 The evidence from Regensburg suggests that the celebration also included something akin to the modern Halloween tradition of “trick or treat” in which the students clad in “hideous masks” traveled about the city collecting donations under threat of mischief.265 Not surprisingly, the festival generated numerous complaints, especially from ecclesiastical institutions. In 1249, the boy bishop and his entourage descended on the monastery of Prüfening and, according to the abbot’s complaint to

For a recent discussion of play as it relates to education see Nicholas Orme, “Education and Recreation,” in Gentry Culture in late Medieval England, ed. Raluca Radulescu and Alison Truelove (Manchester/New York: 2005), esp. 75–79. 263 For a general description of this festival see Franz Falk, “Die Schul- und Kinderfeste im Mittelalter,” in Frankfurter zeitgemäße Broschüren, vol. 1 (Frankfurt am Main, 1880), 230–37. See also Shulasmith Shahar, “The boy bishop’s feast: a case study in church attitudes towards children in the High and Late Middle Ages,” Studies in Church History 31 (1994), 243–260. 264 This inversion of the traditional social order no doubt contributed to its popularity among the townspeople, and the general mistrust in which the higher clergy held it. 265 In 1325 the convent accounts of the monastery of St. Emmeram in Regensburg record a donation to the “Episcopo scolarium de Summo” in the amount of 60 pfen. Roman Zirgnible, “St. Emmeramische Kloster-Rechnung von 26. Julius 1325 bis wieder den 26 Julius 1326,” in Beyträge zur vaterländischen Historie, Geographie, Staatistik etc., 1812 (9 = Neue Beyträge), 231. In his complaint to the pope, the abbot of Prüfening writes that the iuvenes scholares came to the monastery each year clad in monstra lavarum. It is probable that they demanded the kind of donation which St. Emmeram was accustomed to provide, and when the crowd found the monastery’s generosity unsatisfactory, the students carried out their implicit threat of violence by driving off their animals and carrying away whatever goods they could get their hands on. The letter is edited in Widemann and Bastian, MB, vol. 13, 214 #XL. 262


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the Holy See, they committed “numerous shameful acts . . . and having dishonorably handled the monks and familia . . . violently carried off horses, cattle and other goods.”266 The celebrations held in 1357 resulted in even worse violence. At the height of the festivities, as the procession of schoolchildren and clerics wound its way through the streets of Regensburg, the prominent Regensburger Mathias Reich,267 “presumed to murder cruelly” the newly admitted canon Conrad of Braunau “in the presence of the canons of the church and before many of the citizens of Regensburg . . .”268 Given such a proclivity for violence and the intentional mocking of the sacred order that it represented, it is hardly surprising that some ecclesiastical authorities attempted to ban, or at least control these festivities. They remained, however, immensely popular throughout much of Europe and proved remarkably resistant to efforts aimed at suppressing them.269 Following the complaints of 1249, the pope himself demanded that the bishop restrain the students from future acts of violence.270 In 1274, the Provincial Synod of Salzburg forbade the celebration of the games in the church and banned all church personnel

266 Widemann and Bastian, MB 13, 214 #XL. “Abbas et conventus Monasterii de Pruuingen Ordinis Sancti Benedicti tue Diocesis nobis exponere curaverunt, Clerici et Scolares iuvenes Civitatis Ratisponensis, in festo nativitatis Dominice annuatim sibi ludendo constituentes Episcopum, monstra lavarum et alios ludos exercent plurimum inhonestos, et ad monasterium ipsum cum huiusmodi ludi armata manu annis singulis accedentes, confractis ostiis ac Monachis et familia dicti Monasterii inhoneste tractatis, equos, boves et res alias ipsis auferunt violenter, insolentias quoque ac ludibria plurima, que interdum sine sanguinis effusione non fiunt.” 267 Mathias Reich was a member of a Regensburg patrician family. For a recent discussion of the murder of Conard of Braunau see Franz Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von Megenberg,” in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg und sein Werk (1309–1374). Akten zur Tagung vom 8. bis 10. Oktober 2003 München, Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, Beihefte B,27, edited by Gisela Drossbach, Martin Kintzinger, Claudia Märtl (München: 2006), nn. 42–47. Both he and his father appear frequently among the witness lists to property transactions and city business. In the decade after the incident his influence seems, if anything, to have increased. At his death in 1367 he left a sizable estate including 500 fl. to his nephew Gotfried, “da er gein Paris fur.” Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 308–09 #733. 268 Lang #604, 474, 29 March 1359. “. . . inhumaniter interficere presumpsit . . . presente canonicorum ecclesie et civium Ratisponen. mulitudine copiosa . . .” See als Franz Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von Megenberg,” nn. 42–46. 269 See Franz Falk, 230. 270 MB, vol. 13, 214 #XL. “Nolentes igitur hec si vera sunt sub dissimulatione transire, fraternitate tue per apostolice scripta mandamus, quatinus predictis Abbati et conventui non permittas ab eisdem clericis seu scolaribus aliquam violentiam fieri, eos quod ab iusmodi violentia omnino desistant monitione premissa per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione post posita compescendo.”


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and those over the age of sixteen from participating.271 Later, in 1379, citing the murder of Conrad of Braunau, the bishop of Regensburg cut off financial support for the festival.272 With this, the Regensburg Bischofsspiel finally ended. But other school festivals developed to take its place. Among these was the so-called Virgatumgehen.273 Celebrated in early summer, the festivities centered on the task of gathering switches for the school. Such an activity, of course, called for song, and onlookers from the city came to watch the incongruous levity of the event. It was at once a welcome escape from the classroom and a cruel reminder of the days and years ahead. The children, however, seem to have enjoyed it all the same. The merriment of the day is evident in the city ordinance from 1559 that banned the playing of trumpets, flutes, violins, or other stringed instruments and dancing.274 The open fields and waterways also provided opportunities for amusement and recreation, and at times, danger. In 1426, the deaths of two students from the Alte Kapelle who drowned while swimming in the Regen marred the event.275 These events, along with the Fasching celebrations, which received direct financial support from the city council, were clearly important to the schoolchildren and the citizens of Regensburg more generally. They provided welcome release from the stresses of the classroom and

271 Even this strongly worded pronouncement, which referred to the games as “ludi noxii” did not ban them outright. Children under the age of sixteen would still be allowed to participate provided that older students and churchmen did not mix with the children. Josephus Hartzheim, Concilia Germaniae, III, 639 ff. 272 Ried, II, 920–21 #DCCCCLXXII: 7 February 1389. “. . . in predicta nostra Ratispon. Eccl[es]ia a longis retroactis temporibus illa fuit observata consuetudo, quod quilibet Canonicus tunc receptus ordine ipsum tangente quoddam festum seu quendam ludum puerorum in quibusdam Eccl[es]iis, ludum Ep[iscop]atus, in nonnullis vero festum stultorum nuncupatum vulgariter sub certis poenis inibi appositis tenebatur peragere, pro quo centum florenos auri ad minus expendidit et consumpsit . . . Nos diuturna et matura deliberatione prehabita volentes futuris obviare periculis, ne malitia hominum similia et hiis pejora committantur, dictum ludum, festum et statutum unanimi voto et consensu tollimus, revocamus et reprobamus poenitus, et de aliis nostris statutis delevimus et delemus, ipsumque in alia pietatis opera commutavimus . . .” 273 The festival was celebrated throughout Swabia, the Upper Palatinate and Switzerland. See Falk, 240–42. 274 Gemeiner II, 461–62. 275 Andreas von Regensburg, Diarium sexenale, in Sämtliche Werke, 333: “Item feria 3. infra octavas corporis Christi scolares veteris cappelle ibant virgatum et, dum redirent, balneabantur in Regino fluvio inter pistores, et duo iuvenes ex eis, dum ex improviso venirent ibidem ad gurgitem, subito a vi aquarum suffocantur.”


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further highlighted the extent to which the young scholars were an integral part of the larger community. The importance of the students and their games likely also reflects the extent to which the students themselves were increasingly drawn from among the children of Regensburg’s citizenry. However, it is much less clear from what level of Regensburg’s society they came and in what numbers. Occasionally a schüler or scholar appears as a witness to a charter or property transaction. However, even in these rare instances, they are almost never associated explicitly with a particular school, nor is it always certain that they were students in any modern sense of the word.276 Further complicating matters, these references are frequently unique, providing little more than a name, and no opportunity to trace their careers over time. Nevertheless, it is possible to draw a few tentative conclusions regarding these students from the surviving evidence. First, by at least the middle of the fifteenth century the children of the citizens of Regensburg were attending the schools of the cathedral, the Alte Kapelle, and St. Emmeram in significant numbers.277 The boycott of the schools of the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle by the city council in the fourteenth century, and the economic hardship that it caused shows the importance of the laity within these two ecclesiastical schools.278 Similarly, efforts to reform the convent of St. Emmeram and its school in the mid-fifteenth century make it clear that it educated both its own novices and outsiders.279 Their numbers could also be

276 The only exception I have found is a certain Henricus Erlbach (d. 1530) who was identified as a scholar at the Alte Kapelle at the time he copied Peter Hispanus’s Summulae logicales. BayStB clm 14518; CCL, II, II, 186. See Appendix II. For his father’s protracted dispute with Augsburg and its tragic conclusion see Franz Fuchs, “Ehemalige Amtsträger als Feind ihrer Heimatstadt,” in Regensburg, Bayern und Europa: Festschrift für Kurt Reindel zum 70. Geburtstag, Lother Kolmer and Peter Segl eds. (Regensburg: Universitätsverlag, 1995), 335–364. 277 This is evident from the city’s boycott of the schools following the events of 1357 See discussion in Chapter Two above. 278 The effect on the Alte Kapelle was particularly significant, forcing the chapter to change the way it funded the schools. See above page 31. 279 Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 182; See Chapter Two note 113 for text. Convent account books also show frequent payments to wandering scholars (that is students from outside the city) throughout the fourteenth century. Account entries from 1358/59 show payments to the scholars of St. Emmeram for their service to the choir “Em(m)eram(m)i scolaribus cantantibus alle(lujam) IIIIor d. in vigilia Symonis et Jude in capelle nostra scolaribus cantantibus alle(lujam) VI d.” and to the rector scolarum “pro vestitu hymali,” StBR Rat. Ep. 263, St. Emmeram Rechnungbuch 1363, 86v. Such payments would only have been necessary if both the rector and the scolares were not members of the convent.


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substantial. The Alte Kapelle, for example, had at least sixty students by the mid-fifteenth century.280 In addition, the number of university matriculants who identified Regensburg as their place of origin suggests that there were numerous grammar and elementary students within the city. Although it is impossible to tie specific university students to particular pre-university schools in the city, it is reasonable to assume that a significant number of Regensburg’s university matriculants who are otherwise lacking any definite affiliation studied at one of Regensburg’s grammar schools. Between 1401 and 1500, approximately 500 students fit this description, or approximately five per year. Comparing this figure with the number of university matriculants from Augsburg during the same period provides an estimate of the overall size of Regensburg’s grammar schools. According to Rolf Kießling, who has studied Augsburg university matriculations, 650 Augsburgers matriculated at one or more universities during this period. At the same time, the grammar schools of Augsburg were attended by approximately 300 students per year.281 Assuming that the ratio of university matriculants to grammar students was similar in these two episcopal cities, the grammar schools in Regensburg would have had approximately 230 students during any given school year. Although this number must remain an estimate, it is certainly plausible, and, given the lack of other evidence, provides one of the only means for assessing the size of these schools. Foreign, so-called wandering scholars were also common in Regensburg as they were in many other larger cities and towns. The account books of St. Emmeram record frequent payments to these vagi scholares.282 These were generally older students from less privileged backgrounds

280 BZAR, StiAK U 851, 23 March 1451. For the published register of this charter see J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, #851, 166. 281 Rolf Kießling, “Das Gebildete Bürgertum und die Kulturelle Zentralität Augsburgs im Spätmittelalter,” in Städt. Bildung, 583. 282 See, for example, the fragmentary account records from 1305/6, which include payment of ½ talent to “vagis scolaris.” BayHStA.St.Emmeram.Lit.35 ¼. See also Zirngibl, “St. Emmeramische Kloster-Rechnung von 26. Julius 1325 bis wieder den 26 Julius 1326,” Beyträge zur vaterländischen Historie, Geographie, Staatistik Etc. 9 (1812), 234. Provincial synods in 1274, 1284, 1291, and 1294 specifically condemned wandering scholars, although legitimate poor scholars should still be supported. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 162–65; and Hartzheim, Conciliae Germaniae, III, 639 and IV, 4. The frequency with which these condemnations were repeated suggests that efforts to curtail the activities of these scholars was largely ineffective.


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who were able to pay for their living expenses through service in the choir, tutoring of younger, wealthier students, or begging.283 The begging and intinerancy of these students particularly troubled local authorities and contributed to the poor reputation of wandering scholars generally. Depictions of the wandering scholar drinking, quarrelling, or playing at dice in the tavern became a common trope in the iconography of medieval education.284 A Salzburg synodal decree from 1291 described them as “scurrilous, foul mouthed, and blasphemous” men, who “parade nude in public, lie before the fire, and frequent taverns, games, and whores.”285 Although medieval writers no doubt exaggerated the moral turpitude of the wandering scholars, their itinerancy made them particularly difficult for local authorities to control. Some cities attempted to limit the number of wandering scholars admitted each year in an effort to control this potentially destabilizing element.286 The Church, too, repeatedly prohibited their support, threatening the individuals and institutions who did with significant penalties.287 That such prohibitions were largely ineffective shows the power of the social and economic forces that drove them and demon-

Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation,” 162–63. See, for example, Alt, Bilderatlas, 182–83. 285 Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 163: “Licet contra quosdam sub vagorum Scholarium nomine discurrentes scurriles, maledicos, blaphemos, adulationibus importune vacantes, qui se clericos in vituperium clericalis ordinis profitentur . . . Publice nudi incedunt, in furnis jacent, tabernas, ludos et meretrices frequentant . . .” 286 In 1478 the city of Nuremberg sought to limit the number of wandering students accepted each year. Twenty two years later the Nuremberg city council sought to further restrict their activities by distinguishing between native and foreign students and forcing the latter to register themselves with civic authorities before they were allowed to beg. Josef Baader, Nürnberger Polizeiordnungen aus dem XIII bis XV Jahrhundert, Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, vol. 63 (Stuttgart: Litterarischer Verein, 1861), 316 ff. cited in Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation,” 163. 287 The province of Salzburg issued at least two such prohibitions in 1274 and 1291. See, for example, Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 165. According to the statute of 1274, those who provided aid to such men were required to pay a penalty of of up to one pound “in subsidium terrae sanctae.” The church justified the prohibitions not only on the grounds of the scandalous behavior of the students but also because of the demands which they placed on the charity of the church. According to the decrees of 1274 “se exhibent adeo onerosus, quod per eorum importunitatis audaciam nonnumquam Clerici illud eis erogare coguntur, de quo sit necessitatibus pauperum providendum: denegantibus sibi suffragia, per quae occasionem nutriunt malae vitae, calumnias inferunt: conferentibus sibi, quod postulant, vituperium existunt: reverentiae Clericali utique multum detrahitur, dum blasphemi hujusmodi se personas Ecclesiasticas profitentur.” Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 162. 283 284


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strates that these scholars were ultimately valued, despite ecclesiastical and civic protests to the contrary.288 Unfortunately, the sources rarely reveal much about the specific origins or careers of those who studied in Regensburg. However, individual examples when used with caution can be revealing. The case of Ulrich Grünsleder is particularly compelling and provides a glimpse into the life and education of a Regensburg student.289 Grünsleder first came to Regensburg as a youth from the small market town of Vohenstrauss near Bohemia.290 Educated in Regensburg from adolescence, he later served as a pedagogue for Erhard auf Donau, the son of a Regensburg patrician family, and the future Regensburg propstrichter.291 Such an arrangement was a common means of support for poorer, more advanced students, and reflects one of the ways in which less advantaged students might continue their education.292 Grünsleder’s early career appears to have been a success. Despite coming to Regensburg from the outside, he was eventually able to secure 288 The anonymous author of the Reformation Sigismundi, claimed that where once wandering scholars had been protected and celebrated they were now persecuted by clerics who feared that these scholars might expose their corruption (perhaps a clue to the author’s own background). Heinrich Koller, ed., Reformation Kaiser Siegmunds, 236–37. “Vor ziten was "ch ein ordenung in dem geystlichem stadt, das man wys gelert in den hohen künsten varn sch%ler hat, denen wart ein orden gegeben in einem concily by bobstes Galasy ziten, das si netz um sich tragen solten, und die sch%ler soltent n% den geistlichen stat bl$men mit herlichen gedihten und priesterliche ordenunge verkünden mit sch∂nen gedihten, der priester unordenunge stroffen und offenen in der mosß, das ein yegelicher bekante sin unreht und darumb worent sy gefryet, das inen kein bischof nützig z% gebieten hat . . . dis hant n% aber byschoff vast vertriben und zerst∂rt; sy wend die stroffung in irem gewalt han, als durch den git; sy nement gelt und verhengent das unreht, sicht man von tag z% tag.” An alternate version is even more to the point “diß schuler waren nun geordnet weißlich und nutzlich dem gaistlichen stadt zu erwecken ir unrecht; das hant nun die bischof benidnet und vertreibents. Warumb? das sy ir unrecht in allen rechten gewaltiglich übent wern . . .” 289 Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum imperatorum Romanorum, in Sämtliche Werke, 133. “quia concilium Constanciense impugnabat defendens et dicens Johannem Huss heresiarcham in eodem concilio legitime non fuisse condempnatum tradiditque ipsum pertinacem curie seculari. Qui mox a iudice, cuius quondam pedagogus fuerat, ducitur ad comburendum.” 290 Erich Keyser and Heinz Stoob, eds. Bayersiches Städtebuch, pt. 2, in Deutsches Städtebuch: Handbuch städtischer Geschichte, vol. 5, pt. 2 Bayern (Suttgart: Kohlhammer, 1974), 703–07. 291 The latin word educatus is potentially problematic. Like its German counterpart erzogen it can also mean “was reared.” However, given that he later served as a pedagogue in the city and as chaplain of the Ahakirche it seems safe to assume that it can be accurately translated as educated. 292 Gemeiner II, 440. Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum imperatorum Romanorum, in Sämtliche Werke, 133.


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a living as the chaplain of the Ahakirche in Regensburg. His connection to the influential Super Danubio (auf Donau) family might have helped him obtain the benefice that was in the gift of the city council. Although not the most lucrative position, it did provide a steady income and is clear evidence of Grünsleder’s success at securing local patronage. The Ahakirche itself was closely tied to the city council located immediately adjacent to the Rathaus complex.293 In 1421, however, the authorities increasingly suspected Grünsleder of Hussite sympathies.294 One wonders if the fact that he came from an area near Bohemia exposed him to greater scrutiny. At any rate, after an initial examination was inconclusive because of his “evasive and cautious answers,” further investigation exposed him as a heretic. Grünsleder admitted to possessing two Hussite tracts he was said to have written with his own hand and translated from Latin into German.295 Armed with this damning admission, Regensburg ecclesiastical officials handed Grünsleder over to the secular authories for summary execution.296 Ulrich Grünsleder’s service as pedagogue to a more fortunate student illustrates one of the possible avenues by which a poor scholar could finance his own education. Less advantaged scholars made similar arrangements to fund university study.297 In 1328, the Regensburg cathedral canon Heino paid eight pounds for himself and his master Heinrich for their fees at the university of Bologna.298 In his Yconomica, Conrad of Megenberg addresses this prospect directly. Those of great intelligence but lacking sufficient wealth might be raised up to the uni293 The chaplain frequently received payments directly from the city council. StAR Cam. 19. fol. 53v 1481: “Item wir gaben dem messrer in der Ekirchen sein sold 1 lb den.” 294 According to Andreas von Regensburg suspect statements and “praedicaciones angulares” concerning the Hussite heresy brought him to the attention of the bishop. Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica Husitarum, in Sämtliche Werke, 350. 295 Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica Husitarum, in Sämtliche Werke, 350–51: “Sed tandem post medium annum in adventu domini, prout domino placuit, venerunt in medium duo sexterni continentes duos tractatus Huss in propria forma sedicionibus ac scandalis ac heresibus refertos, quos sibi presentatos fassus fuit ipsos propria manu conscripsisse et de latino in teutonicum diligenter transtulisse atque diversis laycis secrete dedisse et communicasse.” 296 Andreas von Regensburg reports that this sentence was carried out after a sermon given by the Augustinian Hermit, and Regensburg native Berthold Puchhauser. For more on Puchhauser see Appendix II. 297 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 199. 298 G. C. Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna (1289–1562). Biographischer Index den Acta nationis Germanicae universitatis Bononiensis (Berlin: R. V. Decker, 1899). 435.


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versity as the pedagogue of another.299 With his characteristic humility, Conrad relates his personal experiences in Erfurt and Paris, as a man of excelling abilities but insufficient inheritance, detailing how he earned his education by helping younger, more fortunate students.300 For those whose genius burned less brightly than his own, Conrad offers other paths to study. Some, he says, teach in local schools, filling their purses with money so that they might proceed to higher study. Others, “qui non tantis lucent ingenii candelabris,” write with the pen, exchanging the labor of their hands that they might study. Finally, those who despaired of attaining the highest learning should study grammar, song, and computation and become priests.301 Other options included grants and charitable contributions. Poor scholars appear frequently as recipients of both private and public charity. In 1364, Alhayt die Pybugerin left two pounds to be distributed to the “Schulern und andern armen laüten.”302 Four year later Dietrich Zollner, left money and books to Regensburg’s poor scholars.303 At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Anna Stirsdortferin endowed a celebration of Maundy Thursday, in which she provided twelve poor scholars with a good meal, including “gueter pairisch wein und weyß prot” along with two pence.304 Such donations placed students, despite negative stereotypes, alongside orphans, widows, and other deserving poor as object of proper Christian charity.

299 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 200. Those of “ingenium excellens” but who “sub rerum fortuitarum non est natus affluencia . . .” might “in pedagogio alicuius vehitur procerum ad studium generale.” 300 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 200, 201: “Non enim michi patrimonii suppetabat facultas, et desiderium ingenii mei ad alta quasi transvolans in minimis philosophie dotibus noluit saciari. Cumque minoris etatis extra limina paterna me exulare fecerat teneritas, in Erfordiam me transtuleram et subito me ad se sociaverat pietas sociorum. Quibus prope septennis cellariis prefui repeticionibus, quousque fama clarescente ad cathedram publice lecture me sustulit eiusdem studii magistratus . . .” 301 Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 201: “Sed quia non est omnibus eadem gradiendi via, quidam panibus philosophicis in adolescencia enutriti scolas regunt particulares et marsupia sua farciunt nummismate, quo ad studia proficiscuntur alciora . . .” 302 Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 263 #594, 13 October 1364. 303 Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 325 # 788, 21 June 1368. 304 J. Schmid, Urk. Ak., vol. 1, 359 #1742, 27 March 1515.


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Although significant financial barriers to study remained, the provisions made for poor scholars, especially through their service in the choir, provided increasing opportunities for those from less fortunate backgrounds. As a result, by the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, education was open to a much broader spectrum of society; a fact reflected in increasing references to books, expanding rates of vernacular literacy, and a dramatic expansion in the number of university students.


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CHAPTER FOUR

REGENSBURG AND THE UNIVERSITIES In scientiis proficere et virtutibus decorari1

When boys completed their grammar training, usually between the ages of fourteen and sixteen, those who had shown sufficient skill and possessed the requisite means could continue their education at the university level. Advanced education offered a variety of advantages, not least of which was the prestige that it brought to the individual and his family. However, the absence of German universities that persisted well into the fourteenth century forced German students to travel great distances at significant personal expense. The extent of this financial burden generally precluded all but the economically and politically privileged from university study. Beginning with Prague in the 1340s and especially Vienna in the 1370s, the economic threshold of university study fell. As a result, the number of German university students expanded nearly unabated for a century.2 The rate of expansion was particularly impressive between 1385 and 1470 when university matriculants at German universities increased nearly nine-fold.3 Even though Regensburg entered into economic stagnation and decline in the late fourteenth century, its students participated in this general expansion in a manner roughly equal to that of other large cities in southern Germany. The long-established grammar schools within

1 Alois Weißthanner, “Die Gesandtschaft Herzog Albrechts IV. von Bayern an die römische Kurie 1487—Stiftungsprivileg für eine Universität in Regensburg,” in Archivalische Zeitschrift 47 (1951), 196. 2 As Rainer Schwinges has noted this expansion runs counter to the overall demographics of the period which saw a precipitous decline in general population following the Black Death. German population does not begin to recover until the late fifteenth century and does not return to pre-plague levels until after the end of Middle Ages. Schwinges, “On Recruitment in German Universities from the Fourteenth to Sixteenth Centuries,” in Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society, eds. William J. Courtenay and Jürgen Miethke (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 34. 3 Rainer C. Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte des alten Reiches, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische Geschichte Mainz Abteilung Universalgeschichte, vol. 123, Beiträge zur Social- und Verfassungsgeschichte des alten Reiches, no. 6 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1986), 55.


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the city provided a steady and even growing supply of students to the newly founded universities. In addition, the wealthy collegiate churches of the city and the cathedral chapter attracted significant numbers of highly educated men and provided benefices that supported well-connected individuals during their years of study. The mendicant orders in Regensburg too, especially the Dominicans and Augustinian Hermits, sent many of their members to universities throughout Europe. As the number of students from the schools of Regensburg to the universities increased, so did the stream of university-trained men into the city and its institutions. Beginning in the early fifteenth century, the city itself began to recruit university-trained men to serve its bureaucratic and legal needs. In some cases, the council provided direct financial aid to specific students. At the same time, the sons of Regensburg’s political elites began to attend universities in significant numbers, especially Leipzig, Vienna, and Ingolstadt. By examining the flow of students from the city of Regensburg into the universities, and from the universities back into the city, it is possible to gain a clearer understanding of the interface between city and university during the late Middle Ages. In this, historians of late medieval German education are better situated than those of other regions. The large number of matriculation records that survive from the period, when combined with other biographical information, provides extraordinary opportunities for exploring the growing importance of, and increasing access to, education during the fourteenth and fifteenth century.4 In 4 The literature on the universities is vast and growing. For a good recent bibliography and discussion of the reorientation of university history over the last several decades, see William J. Courtenay, and Jürgen Miethke eds, Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society (Leiden: 2000), 1–4. For Germany, see particularly, Peter Moraw, “Zur Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Universität im späten Mittelalter,” Giessner Universitätsblätter 8 no. 2 (1975), 44–60; Peter Classen, Studium und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter, MGH Schriften, vol. 29, ed. Johannes Fried (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1983), 1–26; Rainer C. Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher; Gelehrte im Reich, zur Sozial- und Wirkungsgeschichte akademischer Eliten des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts, ed. R. C. Schwinges (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1996); Klaus Wriedt, “University Scholars in German Cities During the Late Middle Ages: Employment, Recruitment, and Support,” in Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society, eds. William J. Courtenay and Jürgen Miethke (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 49–64. Two local case studies are also worthy of note: Urs Martin Zahnd, Die Bildungsverhältnisse in den bernischen Ratsgeschlechtern im ausgehenden Mittelalter. Verbreitung, Charakter und Funktion der Bildung in der Politischen Führungsschicht einer spätmittelalterlichen Stadt, Schriften der Berner Burgerbibliothek (Bern: Berner Burgerbibliothek 1979); Martin Kintzinger, Das Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig im hohen und späten Mittelalter: Verfassungs- und institutionengeschichtliche Studien zu Schulpolitik und Bildungsförderung, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. 32 (Köln: Böhlau, 1990).


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addition, it is possible to address the role of education as a means for social and economic advancement.5 Although the universities reflected and even reinforced existing inequalities of rank and station,6 they provided one of the few accessible means for advancement in late medieval society. In fact, many medieval authors complained that the pursuit of education had become entirely mercenary. Conrad of Megenberg opined, “In our times the liberal arts are not loved except to the extent that they lead to the possession of other sciences.”7 The usefulness of a university education, however, went far beyond prestige and the acquisition of marketable skills. Perhaps most important, it expanded the individual patronage networks that were essential for the acquisition of desirable positions within both the ecclesiastical and temporal hierarchies. For many of 5 The purpose of higher education and its potential as a mechanism for social and economic mobility has been one of the most vexed issues in the historiography of medieval universities. The idealistic picture presented by Herbert Grundmann in which the universities represented a unique institution “in der es keine Vorrechte der Geburt gab . . .” has been largely overturned by the works of Peter Classen, Peter Moraw, R. C. Schwinges, and most recently, Jürg Schmutz. See Herbert Grundmann, “Vom Ursprung der Universität im Mittelalter,” in Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig Phil.-hist. Klasse, 103, 2 (Berlin: 1957). Reprinted Herbert Grundmann, Ausgewählte Aufsätze. Part 3 Bildung und Sprache, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica (hereinafter MGH ) Schriften vol. 25, 3 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1978), 292–342. But compare, Classen, Studium und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter, in MGH Schriften, vol. 29 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1983), 1–26; Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher. and Jürg Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich: die deutschen Rechtsstudenten an der Universität Bologna 1265–1425, part 2, Personenkatalog, Veröffentlichungen der Gesellschaft für Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, vol. 2 (Basel: Schwabe, 2000). However, in some respects, it seems that the pendulum has swung too far, making the evident growth in university study almost incomprehensible. For a good summary of the debates see Rolf Köhn, “Schulbildung und Trivium im lateinischen Hochmittelalter und ihr möglicher praktischer Nutzen,” in Johannes Fried ed., Schulen und Studium im Sozialen Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1986), 207–211 and Michael Borgolte, Sozialgeschichte des Mittelalter: eine Forschungsbilanz nach der deutschen Einheit, Historische Zeitschrift, Beihefte Neue Folge, 22 (München: 1996): 373–84. It is a testament to the power of Grundmann’s thesis (and perhaps wishful thinking on the part of many academics) that despite decades of devastating attacks, it continues to receive attention. 6 Rainer C. Schwinges has argued this point particularly forcefully. See most Schwinges, “On Recruitment in German Universities,” 41: “No university, whether in Germany or elsewhere, hovered above medieval society or formed an island in the sea of social inequality.” 7 Konrad von Megenberg, Die Werke des Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik (Yconomica), Buch III, ed. Sabine Krüger, MGH Staatschriften des späteren Mittelalters, vol. 3, part 3 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1984), 45. He was especially concerned about the more mercenary arts of law and medicine: “Esurit ars, decreta tument, lex ipsa superbit Pontificat Moyses, thalamus medicina subintrat.”


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course, especially those of limited means, university study failed to provide the expected rewards. However, these expectations, buoyed by not infrequent successes, continued to draw thousands of students into the universities each year. Attendance Patterns The number of matriculants from Regensburg reflected, to a significant degree, broader attendance patterns within the German Empire, especially the southern and southeastern portions. Between 1300 and 1375, the records show approximately one university student with ties to Regensburg every 2.5 years.8 Of these, only three appear to have originated from within the citizenry of Regensburg.9 In the period between 1375 and 1399, the numbers increase to one and half per year, with just fewer than one per year coming from among the residents of city.10 The next forty years saw the number of matriculants per year

8 In Appendices II and III, I have included all individuals who were from Regensburg or were attached to one of its churches at the time of their matriculation. In some cases, this requires the inclusion of individuals with only nominal ties to the city. This is especially true for absentee canons and many of those who held multiple benefices. However, to eliminate all canons and sons of the nobility would be to exclude many who made significant contributions to the intellectual life of the city. The chart of Regensburg university students in Appendix IV has two sets of numbers, one of which excludes members of noble and knightly families as well as those members of the mendicant houses who did not originate from within the city. 9 Two were Straubingers, a family briefly exiled from the city in 1312. Franz Bastian, Das Runtingerbuch (1393–1407) und verwandtes Material zum Regensburger-südostdeutschen Handel und Münzwesen, 3 Vols. Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, vols. 6–8 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1935–1944), vol. 3, 434. The Straubinger family interests had been severely damaged in 1312 when the patriarch, Wernher Straubinger, was banned from the city as the result of a falling out with the mayor Heinrich v. Ernvels. Did the appearance one year later of Ulricus Straubinger in Paris reflect the family’s strategy in response to its exile? Having been cut off from some of their usual sources of income, perhaps they sought advancement within the Church through education. In the 1350s, another Ulricus Straubinger appears as a cathedral canon in Regensburg after the family was restored to the city. In the following century, at least three other Straubingers appear in the university matriculation records. The appearance of a Straubinger at Paris may also reflect the family’s trading networks, which extended into France. In 1340, for example, a Heinrich Straubing received finished cloth from France. The third possiblity was a certain Petrus de Bavaria de civitate Ratisponensis who was accused of assaulting a Henricus Anglicus while a student in Bologna in 1321. See Jürg Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich, 667 #2785. 10 There were thirty-seven students with ties to Regensburg during this period of which twenty-two likely originated from within the city of Regensburg.


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roughly double. Regensburg university matriculations peaked in the 1470s at approximately ten per year.11 However, beginning in the 1480s, the number of Regensburg matriculants declined. This trend continued until the second decade of the sixteenth century when the numbers returned to the levels of the 1470s. The most important reason for the decline in university attendance was the general economic and demographic decline of the city. By the end of the fifteenth century, Regensburg had fallen from the first tier of southern German cities to the second or perhaps even third tier behind Augsburg, Nuremberg, and Ulm. There were simply fewer people with the resources and inclination to pursue higher study. This decline also mirrors a general drop-off in the growth of university study throughout the Empire during this period. However, changing demographics alone cannot account for changes in university attendance. Regensburg’s population declined throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but evidence of a sustained downturn in numbers of matriculations does not appear until the last two decades of the century. As a result, other explanations must be sought. Beyond this long-term trend, short-term factors also influenced university attendance. At the end of the fifteenth century, political turmoil wracked the city. As its economic fortunes declined, it became increasingly difficult for Regensburg to maintain its status as a free city and protect its hard-won privileges. By the 1470s, the emperor, Frederick III, was exerting increasing pressure on the city. In 1486, pressed by both the emperor and the Duke of Bavaria-Munich, the city council recognized the authority of the latter, ending, at least temporarily, its centuries-old independence. The influence of the Duke lasted until 1492 and included the aborted effort to found a university in the city.12 When the emperor reasserted his power in Regensburg, the patrician families who had supported the ducal party largely disappeared from the city.13 In the five years from 1494 to 1498, university attendance fell by more than fifty percent, from fifty-three the previous five years to twenty-five. It would appear that as the new elites consolidated their

See the chart in Appendix IV. For a recent discussion of these events see Alois Schmid, “Vom Höhepunkt zur Krise: die politische Entwicklung, 1245–1500,” in Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1. ed. Peter Schmid (Regensburg: Pustet, 2000), 204–208. 13 For the turnover in the Regensburg patriciate during this period see A. Schmid, “Vom Höhepunkt zur Krise,” 209. 11 12


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positions and the old elites sought to establish themselves elsewhere, there was little time, inclination, or resources to pursue university study. Ten years later, however, after a new group of families had established itself within the city, university attendance rebounded, with fifty-five Regensburg students matriculating in the five-year period 1508 to 1513.14 When compared with other significant southern German cities, the decline in Regensburg matriculations in the late fifteenth century, is especially evident. Reasonably good numbers are available for both Ulm and Augsburg, two nearby cities with similar populations.15 During the course of the fifteenth century the approximate number of matriculants from Regensburg, Ulm, and Augsburg were 510, 580, and 650 respectively.16 For the first half of the century, Augsburg had slightly more university students than did Regensburg and Ulm had considerably fewer.17 However, by the 1470s, the cities had nearly identical

See Appendix III. Although the populations were similar, the demographic trends were moving in opposite directions. From its peak in the mid-fourteenth century to the end of the fifteenth century, the population of Regensburg declined from around 15,000 to fewer than 12,000. During the same period, Ulm’s population nearly doubled from 9,000 to 17,000. In 1500, the population of Augsburg was approximately 18,000. For Augsburg, see Wolfgang Zorn, “Augsburg: Stadt und Bistum im Spätmittelalters,” in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 1 (München: Artemis, 1980), 1215. For Ulm see Sönke Lorenz, “Ulm: Wirtschaft und Kultur,” in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 8 (München: Artemis, 1997), 1193. For Regensburg see Alois Schmid, “Regensburg,” in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 7 (München: Artemis, 1995), 565. 16 For these numbers, I have excluded noble canons and others with origins from outside the city. I have also adjusted for multiple matriculations by the same individual. Gotfried Geiger places the number of university students from Ulm during the fifteenth century at 579. Gottfried Geiger, Die Reichsstadt Ulm vor der Reformation: Städtisches und kirchliches Leben am ausgang des Mittelalters, Forschung zur Geschichte der Stadt Ulm, vol. 11 (Ulm: Kommissionsverlag W. Kohlhammer, 1971), 49; Using Ernst Gebele, “Augsburger auf hohen Schulen,” in Zeitschrift der historischen Vereins für Schwaben und Neuburg, 53 (1938), 41–121. Rolf Kießling estimates the number from Augsburg at between 600 and 650. He adjusts Gebele’s numbers downward significantly in an effort to include only the sons of Augsburg’s citizenry and to eliminate names included more than once. It is unclear whether Geiger has adjusted for multiple matriculations. For the chart in Appendix IV, which breaks down matriculations by decade for Regensburg, Ulm and Augsburg, I have had to rely on Gebele’s numbers and compare them with the unadjusted numbers from Regensburg, which included canons, nobles, and multiple matriculations. 17 According to Gebele, from 1400 to 1459 a total of 320 students with ties to Augsburg appear in the matriculation records (this figure includes canons and other ecclesiastical officials from outside Augsburg). During the same period, Regensburg saw 288 matriculants (214 when non-Regensburgers are excluded), and Ulm totaled 139. See Appendix IV. 14 15


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numbers.18 In the following decade, Regensburg’s decline relative to Augsburg and Ulm becomes increasingly pronounced so that by the end of the fifteenth century, Regensburg had approximately half as many university students as both Augsburg and Ulm each did.19 Ulm, however, experienced a significant demographic boom precisely during a period of lagging fortunes in Regensburg. Augsburg too expanded rapidly during the fifteenth century. In fact, by the early fifteenth century, Augsburg, along with Nuremberg, had supplanted Regensburg as the economic and cultural centers of the region. These factors tend to exaggerate the decline in the number of Regensburg university matriculants. Relative to the empire as a whole, the decline in Regensburg matriculations during the third quarter of the fifteenth century is still evident, though less pronounced. From 1425 to 1449, Regensburg university attendance increased by approximately thirty percent, compared with the previous twenty-five-year period. Across the same period, the empire saw an overall increase of about forty percent. In the subsequent twentyfive years, the expansion in Regensburg matriculations ran well ahead of the Empire as a whole, when the number of Regensburg students increased approximately 225%, compared with an empire-wide increase of approximately sixty percent. The last decades of the fifteenth century saw Regensburg matricuation rates stagnate compared with a six percent overall increase throughout the empire.20 From these numbers, it is clear that the overall attendance patterns, especially if one adjusts from the downward trend in Regensburg’s population, were generally in line with the broader trends in other large southern German cities while running broadly ahead of overall patterns within the German Empire. However, a closer examination of the attendance patterns of Regensburg matriculants by university demonstates ways in which

18 Gebele’s unadjusted figure for Augsburg during the 1470s is 124 total matriculants. For Regensburg the figure is 125 (when noble canons and other from outside the city are excluded the number is 92). During the same period Ulm had 113 matriculants. See chart Appendix IV. 19 See chart Appendix IV: Fifteenth-century Matriculations: Augsburg, Regensburg and Ulm. 20 The numbers for Germany are based on Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 542–543. The total numbers are as follows: Regensburg, 1400–24 (86), 1425–49 (105), 1450–74 (243), 1475–99 (243); German Empire, 1402–24 (22,200), 1425–49 (37,347), 1450–74 (60,554), 1475–99 (64,240). When nobles, those attached to canonical houses, and non-Regensburg mendicants are eliminated the numbers for Regensburg are 1400–1424 (49), 1425–49 (68), 1450–1474 (176), 1475–1499 (192).


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factors unique to Regensburg and its citizenry influenced university choice. Until 1375, most university students with identifiable ties to Regensburg attended Bologna.21 During this period, thirty-four Regensburg students appear in European universities; of these, twenty-seven attended Bologna, five Prague, one Paris and one Montpellier.22 Geography was a significant factor in the preference of Bologna over Paris, and more distant universities—a fact borne out by a quick comparison of attendance patterns for other German towns. Students from the upper- and middle-Rhine region (Basel, Mainz, Koblenz, and Cologne) frequented

21 The importance of Prague before 1375 is difficult to address because the earliest matriculations lists of the university no longer exist. It is possible that the university played a more significant role for Regensburg scholars in the period between 1353 and 1365, the year of the foundation of Vienna. 22 The numbers for Bologna are based on G. C. Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna (1289–1562), Biographischer Index zu den Acta Nationis Germanicae Universitatis Bononiensis (Berlin: R. V. Decker, 1899) (hereinafter Knod), with a few additions from Jürg Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich: die deutschen Rechtsstudenten an der Universität Bologna 1265–1425, Veröffentlichungen der Gesellschaft für Universitäts und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, vol. 2, ed. R. C. Schwinges (Basel: Schwabe, 2000). Schmutz employs additional sources especially city records from Bologna to identify German scholars not appearing in Knod. The numbers for Paris are based on the registers of the German-English nation published in Auctarium Chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis (hereinafter AUP ) eds. Heinrich Denifle and Emile Châtelain (Paris: Didier, 1894, 1897), vol. 3, ed. C. Samaran and E. A. v. Moé (Paris: Didier, 1935), vol. VI, ed. A. L. Gabriel and G. C. Boyce (Paris: Didier, 1964). For Prague, Liber decanorum facultatis philosophicae Universitatis Pragensis: ab anno Christi 1367 usque ad annum 1585, e codice membranaceo illius aetatis nunc primum luce donatus. Monumenta historica Universitatis Carolo-Ferdinandeae Pragensis, vol. 1, parts 1, 2 (Prague: Joan. Nep., 1830–32) (hereinafter MUP I) and Album, seu Matricula Facultatis juridicae, 1372–1418, e codice membranceo illius aetatis nunc primum luce donatum. Codex diplomaticus universitatis ejusdem. Pars 1, Monumenta historica Universitatis CaroloFerdinandeae Pragensis, vol. 2 (Prague: Joan. Gerzabek, 1834) (hereinafter MUP II). Compare, William J. Courtenay, “Study Abroad: German Students at Bologna, Paris, and Oxford in the Fourteenth Century: The Crisis of 1313.” In Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society, eds. William J. Courtenay and Jürgen Miethke, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, vol. 10 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 7–31. Some caution is necessary here, the records for a number of universities, Padua being perhaps the most important, are lacking for this earlier period. As evidenced by the career of Albertus Magnus, Padua drew students from southern Germany as early as the first quarter of the thirteenth century and continued to do so into the fifteenth century. Nevertheless, the general direction is toward Italy rather than France and points west. A further note of caution is necessary given the nature of the most important sources for Paris and Bologna. The proctor’s records for Bologna are a fairly accurate representation of enrollment at Bologna, recording payments made by students as they entered the university. However, the records for Paris only record the names of individuals as they advance in academic rank.


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the University of Bologna in significant numbers. However, farther down the Rhine, students tended instead to fall into the orbit of Paris, which was geographically more accessible from this region than was Bologna.23 In addition to its geographic proximity, traditional political and economic ties also appear to have influenced the decision to attend Bologna rather than French or English universities. The long-standing, if often uneasy relationship between the Empire and Northern Italy likely made Bologna a more attractive destination. Perhaps more significantly, merchants from Regensburg were deeply involved in trade with the northern Italian cities, especially Venice. However, Bologna and Lucca also figured prominently in the itineraries of Regensburg’s merchants.24 This steady stream of merchants and the local connections they helped to create contributed to the preference of Bologna over other universities. Finally, and perhaps most important, the prestige of Bologna’s law faculty drew many ambitious men, especially collegiate and cathedral canons to the university.25 Paris, the second major destination for German scholars in the fourteenth century, had almost no students from Regensburg. Before the fifteenth century, the only Regensburg student evident in the records of the English-German nation was Ulricus Straubinger.26 That so few Courtenay, “Study Abroad,” 12. The importance of Regensburg in Venetian trade is evident from its leading position within the Fondaco dei Tedeschi, which represented German merchants in Venice. See Margareta Wagner-Braun, “Wirtschaftliches Leben im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,” in Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, ed. Peter Schmid (Regensburg: Pustet, 2000), 472. In the late fourteenth and early fifteenth century the records of the Runtinger family also attest to the continuing importance of trade between Regensburg and northern Italy. Franz Bastian, Das Runtingerbuch, vol. II, 44–51. 25 With the exception of the mendicants, theological study in Bologna was rare. In fact, of the 447 theological students between 1364 and 1500, only 24 were seculars. Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden, 3 vols (London: Oxford University Press, 1936), 250–53. See also Francesco Ehrle, I più antichi statuti della Facoltà teologica dell’universita di Bologna (Bologna: Presso d’Instituto per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, 1932), 102–27. The importance of the law faculty is also evident from the libraries of the city, especially that of St. Emmeram. See Bernard Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter: 1324–1525,” in Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens und seiner Zweige 65 (1953–54), 116. See also Elisabeth Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staaatsbibliothek München: clm 14000–14130, in Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis Secundum Andreae Schmelleri (hereinafter CCL), vol. 4, series nova part 2, 1 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995). 26 Henri Denifle and Emile Châtelain, eds. Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis (Paris: 23 24


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appear in Paris, which before the foundation of the universities of Prague and Vienna provided the closest and most prestigious theological faculty, might seem surprising. However, a comparison with other towns from the same region suggests that Regensburg was not entirely anomalous in this regard. There are no students identified from the neighboring dioceses of Eichstätt and Freising, one from Augsburg, and three from Nuremberg.27 Nevertheless, there were important connections between Regensburg and Paris. The Parisian theologian Albertus Magnus was lector of the Dominican convent in Regensburg around 1237 and served as bishop of the city from 1260 to 1262.28 During this time in Regensburg, Albertus completed his commentary on the book of Luke, which according to tradition, he personally gave to the convent.29 In the 1320s, the Abbot of St. Emmeram—Albert Schmidmüln—spent six months in Paris bringing back several codices for the convent library.30

Didier, 1891) vol. 2 (hereinafter CUP II), 165, #701. Ulricus de Straburga de Ratisponensis appears among some 336 other, mostly foreign scholars, who requested additional time for the payment of an unanticipated collection amounting to a full burse (an amount defined as the average of a week’s expenditures). For a discussion of this document and a new edition, see William J. Courtenay, “Foreign Scholars at Paris in the Early Fourteenth Century: The Crisis of 1313,” in History of Universities, 15 (1997–1999), 47–74. 27 AUP II. Although it was significantly smaller than Nuremberg and somewhat smaller than Augsburg, Ulm had three students at Paris during this period. 28 Heribert Christian Scheeben, Albert der Große: zur Chronologie seines Lebens, in Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Dominikanerordens in Deutschland (hereinafter QF ), 27 (Leipzig: Albertus Magnus, 1931), 57. See also Paul Mai, “Urkunden Bischof Alberts II. von Regensburg (1260–1262)” Verhandlungen des Historischen Verein für Oberpfalz und Regensburg (hereinafter VHVOR) 107 (1967), 7–9; and Henricus de Hervordia, Liber de Rebus Memorabilioribus sive Chronicon Henrici de Hervordia, ed., August Potthast (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1859), 201. 29 Christine Elisabeth Ineichen-Eder, ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 4, pt. 1, Bistümer Passau und Regensburg (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1977) (hereinafter MBK IV: 1), 447. In addition to his commentary on Luke, the Dominican convent also held five of his other works before 1347. These included commentaries on Isaiah and Job, a collection of sermons, a treatise on the mass, and super Mulierem fortem and Super Simbolum. 30 An entry in the convent account books reads “Pro vectura librorum ac aliarum rerum nostrarum de Parisiis Ratisbonam . . .” See also Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 116.


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The Parisian arts master, Conrad of Megenberg, provided perhaps the most important connection between Paris and Regensburg.31 Conrad received an expectation in the Cathedral church of Regensburg in 1341 and settled there permanently seven years later. In addition to his canonry, Conrad reports that he was cathedral scolasticus in 1350.32 During his long career, he produced a number of works related to education including, die Sphaera a German language translation of de Sphaera by Johannes de Sacrobosco, and Das Buch der Natur, which relied heavily on the Liber de natura rerum of Thomas of Cantimpré. In a lengthy section of his Yconomica discussed in Chapter Three, Conrad discusses a series of questions related to university and pre-university education. Despite these important connections, Paris was never a prominent destination for study. Indeed, before the foundation of a theology faculty at Bologna, Regensburg students seeking theology training must have relied on the older studia particulares of the cathedrals. Evidence from other European universities before 1375 is equally scarce. Four students from Regensburg appear in Prague before 1375. Emden lists one at Oxford in the 1350s, however, later examination has shown his inclusion to be in error.33 No students from Regensburg appear in the published records of Toulouse, Orléans, or Montpellier,34

31 Conrad appears in the records of the German English nation on several occasions. He was elected proctor in 1337 and immediately ran into difficulties with the university. With the blessing of his nation, he traveled to Avignon to appeal his case. In 1340, he again appears as proctor and in 1341 as nuntius. In the same year, he helped draft a condemnation of the writings of Ockham. Conrad’s anti-mendicant position is well known and remained a constant throughout his career despite the influence of Albertus Magnus and Thomas of Cantimpré on his works of natural philosophy. For the Paris years see, Margit Weber, “Konrad von Megenburg: Leben und Werk,” in Beiträge zur Geschichte des Bistums Regensburg (hereinafter BzGBR) 20 (1986), 223–229; and William J. Courtenay, “Conrad of Megenberg. The Paris Years,” Vivarium 35 (1997), 102–124. 32 For his failed attempt to secure this dignity see Appendix I. For a good overview of Conrad’s career in Regensburg see Margit Weber, “Konrad von Megenberg Leben und Werk,” 230–38; William J. Courtenay, “Conrad of Megenberg as Nuntius and his Quest for Benefices,” in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg (1309–1374) und sein Werk, Beihefte der Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, B, 27 (München: C. H. Beck, 2006), and Franz Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von Megenberg,” forthcoming in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg (1309–1374) und sein Werk, Beihefte der Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, B, 27 (München: C. H. Beck, 2006). See also Appendix I. 33 William J. Courtenay, “Friedrich von Regensburg and Fribourg Cordeliers 26,” in Die Philosophie im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: In memoriam Konstanty Michalski (1879–1947), Bochumer Studien zum Philosophie, 10, ed. Olaf Pluta (Amsterdam: B. R. Grüner, 1988), 603–13. 34 Marcel Fournier, Les statuts et privilèges des universités françaises depuis leur fondation


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although in 1176, the plebe of the Regensburg cathedral church recalled the time when he studied in Montpellier.35 The universities of Padua and Pavia are more problematic. The biography of Albert Magnus makes it clear that some Germans were studying at Padua as early as the thirteenth century, however, records are largely lacking. The first clear indication of students from Regensburg attending Italian universities other Bologna dates from the fifteenth century. Unlike other regions whose proximity to the earliest universities allowed for even men of modest means to pursue university study in significant numbers, the costs associated with study abroad limited university attendance to the wealthy and well-connected.36 The requisite financial resources could come in the form of personal wealth, a church benefice, or the support of a religious order. Although the papal constitution Cum ex eo (1298) allowed even the lower clergy to use their church incomes to support university study, more lucrative benefices appear to have been the norm for this select group of students.37 Regensburg matriculants at Bologna before 1375 bear this out. Seventeen held ecclesiastical positions or were members of a religious order. Two were monks of St. Emmeram supported by their convent. A third also had ties to the venerable Benedictine house, serving as plebe of the church of St. Emmeram.38 Eleven were canons, future canons, or jusqu’en 1789; ouvrage publié sous les auspices du Ministère de l’instruction publique et du Conseil général des facultés de Caen, 4 vols (Paris: L. Larose et Forcel, 1890–94). 35 Thomas Ried, ed., Codex chronologico-diplomaticus episcopatus Ratisbonensis, vol. 1 (hereinafter Ried I) (Regensburg: L. S. Schaup, 1816), 246 #268, ca. 1176: “cum in montem Pesulanum ad scolas ivi.” 36 The fact that German cathedral and even collegiate chapters, which frequently provided income to university students, were almost exclusively reserved for the nobility, also made it difficult for non-nobles to pursue higher studies before the foundation of German universities. 37 On university study and benefices see, among others, Peter Moraw, “Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Universität im späten Mittelalter,” 44–60. Compare the recent work of Jürg Schmutz whose findings largely agree with those of Moraw. Jürg Schmutz, vol. 2, 268. “Wie die Karrieren der Bologneser Studenten zeigen, blieben die klassischtraditionalen (Moraw) Qualifikationen für die Besetzung der herschaftsnahen Stellen in der bretrachteten Zeit im Wesentlich unangetastet.” 38 Those from St. Emmeram were Christianus de Ratispone, plebanus ecclesiae St. Emmerami (1337), Hugo de Ratispone (1337), and Gotfridus Scheffel de Ratispone the future abbot of St. Emmeram (1349). For references, see Appendix II. The appearance of three men associated with St. Emmeram in such a short time span (1337–1349), coincided with the reform efforts of the Abbot Albert von Schmidmüln (1324–1358), who oversaw a revival of intellectual activity at the once renowned monastery. The abbot expanded the already rich monastic library, purchasing a number of works from both Paris and Avignon. He was also instrumental in the creation of a portable catalog


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otherwise attached to the cathedral in Regensburg.39 One was a canon of St. Johann, and another was canon in the Alte Kapelle.40 Two held churches in the diocese of Regensburg.41 An additional three made payments of ten solidi or more suggesting significant private wealth, and a fourth purchased a glossed Accursius for the large sum of 70 bolognese pounds.42 The six remaining students had no benefices or obvious wealth, although two bore the title dominus.43 Three paid six solidi or less upon their matriculation (suggesting they were not particularly wealthy). Interestingly, all three of these men entered the university in the same year (1322).44 It is possible that one of these, a certain Henricus de Ratispona, is the same as the magister Henricus de Ratispona who appears in Bologna six years later as the master of the Regensburg cathedral canon Heino.45 That all three of these came to Bologna in of the major libraries of the city and environs. These included the collections of the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinian Hermits, and the three Benedictine foundations of St. Emmeram, Prüfening and Prüll (later converted to the Carthusians). The period of Schmidmüln’s leadership also saw an influx of legal texts from northern Italy. For the importance of Abbot Albert Schmidmüln see Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittlalter,” 152–94. 39 Those with connections to the cathedral included Hermannus de Ratispona (1268), canon in the cathedral when he matriculated at Bologna. He paid the enormous sum of 70 bolognese pounds for a glossed accursius, Henricus de Sinzenhofer (1316), who was a canon in the Regensburg cathedral by at least 1342; Henricus de Lapide (1317), Johannes Rederer (1320), cathedral canon and scolasticus by 1350, Conradus Comperti (1325), Heino de Ratispona (1328), Andreas de Ratispona (1337), “thesaurius eccl. Ratisponensis,” Ulricus Straubinger (1353), canon and later Scolasticus also proctor of the German nation, Otto de Offensteten (1353), Henricus de Amberga de Bavaria (1359), and Carolus Leonrod 1369. See Appendix II for references. 40 Johannes de Ratisbona (1337), canon of St. Johann, Bertholdus de Burghausen (1338) canon in the Alte Kapelle. For references see Appendix II. 41 Wernherus de Ratispona (1329), and Stephanus de Ratispona (1333). The former was the plebe of Gebenbach, and the latter rector of Lenoltingen. For references, see Appendix II. 42 Johannes de Ratispona (1317) paid 14 sol., Ludovicus de Ratispona (1320) paid 20 sol., Heinricus Hurlbach paid 12 sol. (1335). He also served as proctor in 1336. For references, see Appendix II. 43 For a discussion of possible meanings of Dominus see Schwinges, Deutsche Univesitätsbesucher, 403–408. 44 Henricus de Ratispone, Otto de Ratispone, Rudgerus de Ratispone. For references, see Appendix II. 45 Henricus was placed in charge of the younger Heino who paid “pro se et Hainrico de Ratispona magistro suo VIII libros Bononienses.” Although the age of Heino is not directly stated, the fact that he was sent with a master would suggest that he was fairly young, certainly much younger than students at Bologna are generally assumed to be. The canon Conrad Comperti also appears in 1325 “cum magistro suo,” Knod, 264. Compare Courtenay, “Study Abroad,” 13. Courtenay writes, “many already held


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the same year illustrates the common practice of traveling together and sharing expenses with other individuals from the same town or region. In addition to the three who arrived together in 1322, two or more students from Regensburg matriculated together in 1317, 1337, and 1353.46 An examination of the social backgrounds of these students further underscores the privileged nature of this group. The majority came from noble and knightly lines, including de Lapide, Burghausen, and Sinzenhofer. One of the few exceptions was Ulricus Straubinger, the lone student at Paris during this period. He was a member of a prominent cloth trading family in Regensburg that held a number of important positions in the city including the office of mayor and the mint.47 Despite the lack of matriculation records from the universities that pre-dated the German foundations, several patterns are evident: first before 1375, most university students with ties to Regensburg were attached to wealthy religious institutions; many of them came from knightly families and the lower nobility; finally, the center of gravity of Regensburg students tended toward the south, especially the law faculty of Bologna. After the foundation of the German universities, some students continued to study abroad (that is in universities outside of the Empire).48 ecclesiastical positions as canons, rectors, priors, deans, or archdeacons. This means not only that most were probably in their twenties or early thirties, but that they had already received a basic education in arts sufficient to permit them to undertake legal studies.” Heino, however appears to have attained his canonry at an extraordinarily young age. 46 Johannes de Ratispona and Henricus de Lapide (1317); Henricus Hurelbeck and Conradus de Ratispona (1336); and Christianus, Andreas, and Hugo de Ratispona (1337). For references see Appendix II. For a discussion of the sharing of expenses see Courtenay, “Study Abroad,” 12. 47 Bastian, Runtingerbuch, vol. 3, 434. Despite a series of setbacks for the family during the mid-fourteenth century, another Ulricus Straubinger appears in Bologna in 1353, perhaps the nephew of the Ulricus who studied at Paris. The younger Ulricus was proctor of the German nation in Bologna and held a cathedral canonry as well as several dignities, including the position of scolasticus, Knod, 563. Matthias Thiel, Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstfits St. Johann in Regensburg, in Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte (hereinafter QuE ) Neue Folge, 28, pt. 1 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1975), 469 #402. 48 Despite increasing regionalization as more universities were founded, the impact of the small number who continued to study abroad remained strong. See, for example, Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, “Mobilität,” in Geschichte der Universität in Europa, vol. 1, Mittelalter, ed., Walter Rüegg (München: C. H. Beck, 1993), 274. Although they constituted a smaller percentage of university students, the total number of Regensburg university students studying abroad changed very little.


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As in the earlier period, these were most often wealthy individuals holding ecclesiastical benefices. They also tended to be older students seeking advanced degrees in law, theology, and more rarely, medicine. Between 1375 and 1399, university matriculants at universities outside the Empire still constituted just over fifteen percent of the total number of university students from the city.49 During the fifteenth century, while those studying abroad actually grew in number, they composed only about eight percent of all matriculations.50 The fifteenth-century peak came between 1460 and 1480 when 19 of the 192 university students with ties to the city studied abroad.51 In the subsequent twenty-year period, the number of foreign matriculations fell by more than fifty percent, likely reflecting the increasing number of students, especially from among the highest levels of society, drawn to the newly founded university at Ingolstadt. As in the earlier period, most of those who matriculated at foreign universities were of high social status, held a lucrative benefice, or were members of religious orders (or some combination of all these). Just over eighty Regensburg students can be identified in foreign universities between 1375 and 1500. Thirty-two held benefices in one of Regensburg’s three secular canonical houses, thirteen were mendicants (four Dominicans and nine Augustinian Hermits), and one was the plebe of Pilzing.52 With the exception of the mendicants, most of these were of noble or knightly descent. Only six came from among the unbeneficed citizens of Regensburg.53 For most of those who studied abroad, the faculty of choice was law and the preferred university was increasingly Padua rather than

49 The total numbers were still relatively small. During this period, only thirty-nine students with ties to Regensburg can be identified at a university, six of whom studied at foreign universities. Of these, two Augustinian Hermits studied at Bologna, one Dominican at Verona, and another Augustinian Hermit at Oxford (this was Berthold Puchhauser who also studied in Bologna). 50 The total number of foreign matriculations during fifteenth century was 52 of 677. 51 See the charts in Appendix IV. 52 There were twenty-four cathedral canons, four canons of the Alte Kapelle, and four canons of St. Johann. The provost of St. Johann Stephanus Schrotel, matriculated at Padua and Ferrara where he earned a doctorate of canon law in 1471. 53 These were Erasmus Amman (Padua, 1464), Casparus Kantner (Padua, 1467), Georgius Bromberger (Padua, 1471), Johannes Mainberger (Bologna, 1470), Johannes Schmidner (Padua, 1484), and Wolfgangus Portner (Padua, 1487). A seventh native of Regensburg, Leonardus Zollner, was a canon of St. Johann at the time of his matriculation (Bologna, 1471).


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Bologna.54 The number of Regensburg students at Bologna declined significantly during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. The decline is particularly striking given that Regensburg had been one of the most important sources of German students at Bologna during the early fourteenth century.55 In fact, secular students from Regensburg appear to have abandoned Bologna entirely for nearly half a century. From 1370 to 1411, the only students connected with Regensburg at Bologna were those of the mendicant orders. The proximity of Vienna likely drew away numerous students who might otherwise have studied at Bologna, and the turmoil created by the Schism (1377–1415) interfered with the usual distribution of benefices and patronage that made foreign study possible. Yet the nearly complete abandonment of this prestigious university by Regensburg’s canons remains puzzling. When Regensburg students returned to Italy in significant number in the 1430s, Padua replaced Bologna as the school of choice.56 Between 1430 and 1499, nineteen students with ties to Regensburg appear in Padua. Twelve of these studied canon law. All of the canonists were beneficed clerics of noble or knightly families, whereas those who studied civil law and medicine do not appear to have held benefices and were frequently drawn from among the citizenry of Regensburg.57

54 There were also students with ties to Regensburg in Bologna, Ferrara, Florence, Pavia, Rome, Siena, and Verona. Of these, only Bologna had any significant number. However, after about 1440 Padua was the most important destination, drawing twenty students between 1430 and 1490. Between 1375 and 1500, sixteen students with ties to Regensburg, appear in Bologna, two in Ferrara, two in Florence, two in Pavia, two in Rome, and one in Verona. Students with Regensburg connections outside of Germany and Italy continued to be rare: Ulricus Wagener (1475) and Augustinus Molitoris OESA (before 1500), studied in Paris, and the much-traveled, Regensburg cathedral canon, Carolus de Absperg studied at Dôle before 1480. Finally, Ulrich Deichsler, a canon of the Alte Kapelle, appeared at the council of Basel in 1443 and was identified as “magister artibus parisiensis.” There were also two at Oxford: Berthold Puchauser (1389) and Petrus de Ratispona (1434) both Augustinian Hermits, and one at Toulouse, Leonardus Modler O.P. For references, see Appendix II. 55 Compare the finding of Jürg Schmutz. Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich. 56 From 1430 to 1499, twenty students with ties to Regensburg studied at Padua compared with only eight at Bologna. See Appendix III. 57 Two of those who studied civil law were members of Regensburg families: Wolfgangus Portner and Johannes Schmidner. They appear together in 1484 when Schmidner witnessed Portner’s promotion to the licentiate in civil law, Università di Padova, Acta Graduum Academicorum Gymnasii Patavini (hereinafter Acta Grad. Pat.) ed. E. Martellozzo Forin, Fonti per la storia dell’Università di Padova (Rome: Editrice Antenore, 2001), vol. 2, 4: 1303. Both later received benefices in the Regensburg cathedral. For more biographical details, and references see Appendix II. The students in the medical faculty were Erasmus Amman and Georgius Bromberger. Erasmus Amman completed his


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The evident preference among non-nobles for fields such as civil law and medicine illustrates the extent to which social status continued to influence both university choice and paths of study. Even for students with the means to study abroad, the most prestigious subjects were often inaccessible to those of lower social standing. Even for those of who were able to study at the most prestigious universities, connections and birth remained essential for advancement. As we have already seen, university students from noble and knightly lineages almost invariably began their studies with one or more benefices. Those lower on the social ladder often had to wait to attain the lucrative benefices they sought. Nevertheless, their years of study often did open doors to advancement.58 Two sons of Regensburg, Johannes Schmidner and Wolfgangus Portner, completed law degrees at Padua in the 1480s, the former in civil law and the latter in canon and civil law. Although neither appear to have had benefices during their years of study, both were eventually able to secure canonries in the cathedral chapter, positions restricted by statute to nobles and university graduates.59 In other cases, students brought together in a foreign environment appear to have forged important relationships. Johannes Trabolt, who studied with Casparus Kantner in Padua, joined him in Regensburg as a trusted servant of the city and frequent advisor to the council.60 Those who studied abroad, degree in medicine in 1464 and was received into the faculty of medicine at Vienna in 1467. See Appendix II. Georgius Bromberger is likely related to Conrad Pramberger identified by Gemeiner as a city physician in 1459. See Appendix II. 58 Cathedral statutes admitted only nobles and university graduates (degrees in theology or canon law) as canons. See Andreas Mayer, ed., Thesaurus novus iuris ecclesiastici potissimum Germaniae, seu codex statutorum ineditorum ecclesiarum cathedralium et collegiatarum in Germania: notis illustratus atque dissertationibus selectis iuris publici ecclesiastici adiectisque animadversionibus, 4 vols (Regensburg: Anton Lange, 1791–94), vol. 3, 2. The Alte Kapelle required that the canons be in major orders and have studied two years at a studium generale to be admitted to vote in chapter. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 80–82: “De admissione vero ad vocem capitularem, eum qui sequitur modum decrevimus observari, quod ad eandem non nisi in sacerdotio aut saltem in maioribus ordinibus et per biennium in studio generali causa studii . . . tali Canonico vox et locus in Capitulo assignetur.” 59 Schmidner first appears in the sources as a canon in the cathedral in 1492. See Appendix II. 60 See Appendix II for references. The impact of the study abroad can also be seen in the intellectual realm. Many of the individuals who studied at Padua in the 1470s later formed the core of an early humanist network within the Cathedral and the Alte Kapelle. For the importance of the cathedral chapter and the spread of humanist ideas, see Franz Fuchs and Claudia Märtl, “Literarisches und geistiges Leben im 15. Jahrhundert, in Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg (Regensburg: Pustet, 2000), 909–911. On the humanist circles in Regensburg at the end of the fifteenth century, see also


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however, constituted only a small and relatively privileged portion of university students, most set their sights closer to home. The foundation of German universities in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries significantly altered the geography and demography of university study, especially in the arts.61 As political, cultural, and geographic barriers diminished, university attendance became possible for a broader spectrum of late medieval society. Although the pool of potential students remained restricted to those of some means, it is clear from the overall increase in students, and the social background from which they were drawn, that university study in the fifteenth century was possible for individuals who would have lacked the resources necessary to attend the older universities of Italy, France, or England.62 The first evidence of this important shift comes from Prague.63 Between 1375 and 1409, seventeen Regensburg students matriculated

Ingrid D. Rowland, “Revenge of the Humanists, 1493,” in The Sixteenth Century Journal 25 (1994), 307–322. 61 As is clear from the students at Prague, study in the higher faculties, something that required significantly more time and resources, continued to be a privilege of the wealthy and connected, although study in the arts was increasingly open to indivduals from lower levels of medieval society. In his excellent study of German collegiate churches and university study, Peter Moraw has noted a similar growth in the number of university students, especially at the arts level, who had not secured benefices. Moraw, “Stiftspfründen als Elemente des Bildungswesen im spätmittelalterlichen Reich,” in Studien zum weltlichen Kollegiatsift in Deutschland, ed. Irene Crusius, Studien zur Germania Sacra, vol. 114 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1995), 286: “Es kam ein neues Verhalten auf oder verstärkte sich, insofern als mann immer häufiger studiert, ohne bereits über ein Kanonikat zu verfügen. Der Wettstreit um die Positionen begann dann nach dem Studium.” 62 A significant number of matriculants appear in the university records as “pauperes.” Although this did not mean destitute, it did denote an individual who was deemed incapable of supporting study entirely from his own, or his family’s, means. The is the definition given by Jean Paquet, “Recherches sur l’universitaire ‘pauvre’ au moyen âge,” in Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, 56 (1978), 307:“celui qui, faute de moyens suffisants, ne étudier à ses frais, ou aux frais de parents ou de tiers ans leur causer quelque préjudice.” See also Christoph Fuchs, Dives, Pauper, Nobilis, Magister, Frater, Clericus. Sozialgeschichtliche Untersuchungen über Heidelberger Universitätsbesucher des Spätmittelalters (1386–1450), Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, vol. 5 (Leiden: Brill, 1995). This is not to suggest that university study eliminated social and economic boundaries. R. C. Schwinges and others have shown the ways in which the universities themselves reinforced these distinctions. One need only consider the organization of university processions, the recording of names in matriculations records, or the manner in which names were presented in university rotuli, to recognize the emphasis placed on social order and class distinction. However, university study did provide opportunities for economic and social advancement that would otherwise have been lacking. 63 The importance of Prague as a center of study for German scholars was extremely


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at the newly founded institution. The six men who studied the arts were all unbeneficed.64 One was a member of a Regensburg patrician family, but the remaining five had no obvious means of support. That two of the six sought a delay in the payment of their academic fees illustrates the precarious nature of their financial situation.65 Changes in the higher faculties were more subtle. Even here, however, the dominance of the beneficed clergy was no longer absolute. Seven of the nine matriculants in law were beneficed clergy, six were cathedral canons, and one was a canon of the Alte Kapelle.66 However, two—Fridericus Prenner and Georgius Meller—were unbeneficed members of Regensburg patrician families.67 Although an admittedly small sample, it is indicative of the changing demography of German university study, which an examination of later German foundations more clearly illustrates. Founded after Prague, Vienna emerged in the late fourteenth century as the most important German university. After a difficult beginning, which saw the fledging university nearly fail entirely, Vienna began to flourish after the beginning of the Schism in 1378.68 The divisions created in Paris by the Schism provided the opportunity to recruit German short-lived, lasting from the mid 1360s or 1370s until the exodus of nearly all the German scholars after 1409. 64 These were Andreas de Ratispona, Bertholdus de Ratispona, Conradus de Ratispona, Otto de Ratispona, Wernherus de Ratispona, and Casparus Meller. See Appendix II for references. 65 Casparus Meller was a member of a prominent Regensburg family. He later matriculated in law at Prague. Bertholdus de Ratispona (not Puchauser who appears to have been at Oxford at this time) had already earned a bachelor in arts at Vienna when he entered Prague in 1389 MUP, vol. 1, 267. He was granted a delay in paying his fees “ad fortunam pinguiorem.” Otto of Regensburg who received his baccalaureate in 1406, requested a similar delay. MUP, I, 390. 66 The cathedral canons were Eberhardus Hofer (1373), Johannes de Peyne (1375), Conradus Satelpoger (1384), Stephanus Satelpoger (1382), Albertus Stauffer (1374), and Johannes Zenger (1377). The canon of the Alte Kapelle was Johannes de Reynbach (1378). All of these men represented important noble and knightly families with prominent connections in and around Regensburg. See Appendix II for full references and additional biographical information. 67 The Prenner family made their fortune as grocers before becoming involved in long-distance trade, especially with Venice. Rosa Kohlheim, Regensburger beinamen des 12. bis 14 Jahrhunderts, Beinamen aus Berufs-, Amts-, und Standes bezeichnungen. in Bayreuther Beiträge zur Dialektologie Hamburg, vol. 6 (Hamburg: 1990), 217. See also Fritz Morré, “Ratsverfasung und Patriziat in Regensburg bis 1400.” in VHVOR, 85 (1935), 1–147. The Mäller family were involved in the wine trade and owned several vineyards. See Morré, Ratsverfassung, 89. 68 See Paolo Nardi, “Die Hochschulträger,” in Geschichte der Universität in Europa. vol. 1, Mittelalter, ed., Walter Rüegg (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1993), 103.


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scholars to Vienna. In the 1380s, Heinrich von Langenstein, Heinrich Totting von Oyta, along with lesser-known masters arrived in Vienna from Paris. The influx of distinguished talent, and the adherence of the University of Paris to Avignon, made Vienna an increasingly attractive option for German students coming from regions under the Roman obedience.69 The success of Vienna inspired other studia to seek papal privileges and recognition as universities. Princes, and in a few cases municipalities and bishops, seized the opportunity to add to their own prestige by founding additional universities—a trend that continued unabated until the end of the Middle Ages. Universities rose up quickly in Heidelberg (1385), Cologne (1388), Erfurt (1392), Leipzig (1409), Rostock (1419), Greifswald (1456), Freiburg (1455–56), Basel (1459), Ingolstadt (1472), Trier (1473), Mainz (1476), and Tübingen (1476–77). Regensburg itself received papal approval for the foundation of a university in 1487. However, the political tumult that plagued Regensburg during the late fifteenth century prevented the plan from coming to fruition.70 Until the foundation of Ingolstadt, Regensburg students visited Vienna at a rate that surpassed all other universities. In fact, the number of students associated with Vienna was roughly equal to that of all the other universities combined.71 Geographical proximity played an important role in the popularity of Vienna. However, other factors were also at play. By the end of the Middle Ages, numerous universities were closer to Regensburg than Vienna, and many others were no 69 The Emperor and much of the Empire supported Urban VI, the Roman claimant, but France, and consequently the University of Paris, supported Clement VII. Given the significance of papal patronage for the future careers of university students this question was of paramount importance. 70 The foundation document has been edited by Alois Weißthanner and includes a brief discussion of this failed endeavor. Weißthanner, “Die Gesandtschaft Herzog Albrechts IV. von Bayern,” 189–200. In many ways, Regensburg was uniquely suited to host a university. Its long tradition of learning and well-endowed monasteries had left Regensburg with extraordinarily rich libraries. Regensburg was also home to three mendicant studia, see Chapter Three. Indeed, its profile in many ways compares favorably to Erfurt, one of the earliest and most successful German university towns. Compare, Sönke Lorenz, Studium Generale Erfordense: zum Erfurter Schulleben im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, vol. 34 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1989), 1–58. 71 See the chart in Appendix IV. Tübingen remained a relatively small university and never achieved the extra-regional significance of Vienna and other large universities such as Louvain or Cologne. Ulm, however, was geographically much closer to Tübingen and fell within its narrower recruitment base. For the importance of Tübingen as a destination for scholars from Ulm, see charts in Appendix IV.


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more distant. Yet, Vienna continued to draw more Regensburg students than all but Ingolstadt. From 1385 to 1450, just under twenty-seven percent of all students who matriculated at German universities did so at Vienna.72 By the last two decades of the fifteenth century, however, Vienna no longer commanded such a high percentage of German matriculations. In fact, Vienna ranked only fourth, behind Louvain, Cologne, and Leipzig.73 It is likely that the historically close economic ties between Regensburg and Vienna helped maintain the flow of students to the university, even as students from other cities began to look elsewhere. Regensburg merchants had long plied their trade along the Danube through Vienna where they maintained business representatives and received important privileges.74 Such familiarity made Vienna a natural choice for the education of Regensburg’s more talented sons. The university’s relatively low fees, and the greater economic opportunities available in a city the size of Vienna also helped to attract many of Regensburg’s less affluent students. In the 1470s, the upstart university of Ingolstadt supplanted Vienna as the most popular destination for Regensburg’s university students, although the long-term effect on the number of Regensburg students who visited Vienna was relatively minor. In the decade immediately following the establishment of a university at Ingolstadt, Regensburg students at Vienna fell from thirty-six to twenty-five.75 However, by the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth century, the numbers enrolled at Vienna returned to around thirty per decade. The greatest impact appears to have been on matriculations at Leipzig, which fell from twenty-six in the 1460s to only seven in the 1470s. The number studying at Leipzig rebounded slightly in the next two decades but never recovered completely.

72 During the same period, eighty percent of Regensburg university students matriculated at Vienna. 73 These numbers are based on the work of Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 544. Although it does not appear that the newer universities were drawing significant numbers of students away from Vienna—its absolute numbers remained fairly stable— Vienna no longer kept pace with the rapidly expanding universities to the north. 74 The prominent Runtinger family, for example, traded frequently in Vienna. See Bastian, Runtingerbuch, 73–75, passim. 75 This period also coincided with a serious outbreak of the plague in Vienna, which likely had a greater impact on matriculation rates than did the foundation of Ingolstadt. For dates of the plague in university cities, see Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 546–48.


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In the last two decades of the fifteenth century, Ingolstadt commanded just over forty percent of the Regensburg matriculants, with Vienna drawing twenty-seven percent, and Leipzig a distant third at fifteen percent (in the 1460s, Leipzig claimed slightly more than thirtyseven percent).76 Likewise, students from Augsburg visited these three universities more frequently than all others. However, Ingolstadt was much less dominant, claiming approximately twenty-five percent of the total matriculants, while Vienna and Leipzig drew seventeen and fourteen percent respectively. For students from Ulm, Tübingen was the most visited university with twenty-seven percent of the matriculants, followed by Erfurt with twenty-two percent and Vienna with eighteen percent.77 Comparing the numbers for Regensburg with those of the Empire as a whole, the exaggerated importance of Vienna as a destination for Regensburg students is more evident. Although Vienna was the most commonly attended German university between 1385 and 1505, its position vis-à-vis the other German universities was less dominant. Approximately twenty percent of all those who attended German universities matriculated at Vienna. In the last quarter of the fifteenth century, Vienna’s percent of the total fell significantly, drawing only fourteen percent of the total matriculants, behind Louvain, Cologne, and Leipzig.78 During this same period, however, Vienna continued to receive one quarter of Regensburg matriculations. Beyond simple geograhic convenience, short-term and personal factors also influenced university choice. During the outbreak of plague in the early 1480s, only two students from Regensburg matriculated at Vienna.79 It took several years for the students to return even after the threat of plague had subsided; students did not return in their preplague numbers until 1486.80 Yet the plague did not have much impact on matriculations rates overall.81 Those who wisely chose not to attend See the chart in Appendix IV. See Appendix IV. 78 Louvain and Erfurt never seem to have attracted students from Regensburg in significant numbers. Erfurt matriculations never constituted more than five percent of the total. I have been unable to identify any Regensburg students at Louvain until after 1520. 79 Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 546–48. 80 From 1480 to 1485, only two students from Regensburg, Johannes Turnbeger, and Johannes Schwartzhofer, matriculated at Vienna. In the previous and subsequent six-year periods, twenty and nineteen students, respectively, matriculated at Vienna. 81 One possible exception to this was 1483, a year in which the plague struck 76 77


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Vienna during and immediately after the outbreak of plague appear to have attended Ingolstadt instead. Enrollment figures for Ingolstadt nearly doubled during these years. The increase of nineteen is exactly equivalent to the decrease in attendance at Vienna during the same period. In the six year period after the plague from 1486 to 1491, the number of students at Vienna increased to nineteen, fairly close to its pre-plague level, while the number who attended Ingolstadt fell to twenty-three. Similar patterns emerge for the plague years in Leipzig from 1437 to 1439, and Ingolstadt in 1483.82 Family connections also played a role in university selection. The patrician Amman family, for example, sent nine students to Vienna between 1454 and 1511. The only exception came in the plague year of 1481 when Casparus and Emeramus Amman matriculated at Ingolstadt. The knightly Parsberger family sent two and perhaps three generations of students to study in Padua.83 Between 1480 and 1519, four members of the Schwäbel family studied at Ingolstadt.84 Other examples of this pattern include the Portners and Ellenbachs who sent four students each to Ingolstadt and Vienna respectively.85 Also striking is the frequent appearance of multiple children from the same family who attended a university together. In 1465, Martin and Warmund Bebenhauser matriculated together at Leipzig. In 1476, both the Portners and Zellers sent two of their sons to Ingolstadt. Five years later Casparus and Emeramus Amman matriculated at Ingolstadt.86 Such arrangements helped to defray costs, while providing built-in networks of support and companionship in an otherwise foreign environment. The resources available to individual students also influenced university choice. The fringe groups, the poor, and the nobles, were unevenly Ingolstadt and had only recently subsided in Vienna. In that year only two students from Regensburg can be identified in any university (both at Leipzig). Whereas in 1482, nine students appear in Ingolstadt alone (1484 saw eleven Regensburg students matriculate at Ingolstadt). 82 No students attended Leipzig from Regensburg in the plague years of 1437 to 1439. Only two attended Ingolstadt in 1483 when the plague hit that city. 83 Henricus Parsberger and Johannes Parsberger studied in Padua in 1441 and 1472 respectively. Some historians have asserted that Fridericus Parsberger studied at Padua at the beginning of the fifteenth century as well, although he does not appear in the published records of the university. See Appendix II. 84 See Appendix II. Before the foundation of Ingolstadt, one member of the Schwäbel family studied at Leipzig (1467). See Appendix II. 85 See Appendix II. Numerous other examples occur of families who sent at least two individuals to the same institution. 86 See Appendix II.


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distributed among the universities of the Empire.87 As R. C. Schwinges has shown, approximately eighty percent of the “poor” students attending German universities entered the large, urban universities of Leipzig, Vienna, or Louvain. These cities, all among the largest in the Empire, offered better opportunities to students of limited means.88 They were also significantly cheaper than the elite universities of Erfurt, Rostock, and Ingolstadt. The usual fees for students at Vienna before 1414 were two groschen, rising to 4 groschen in 1415.89 At Leipzig the amount was set at six groschen, while a student with the same resources paid eight groschen at Erfurt. Although the distinction might seem trivial, these fees were the basis for calculating all other debts owed to the university, including those assessed for advancement in academic rank. When coupled with the higher costs and more limited opportunities associated with living in smaller university towns like Heidelberg, Tübingen, Erfurt and Ingolstadt, it is hardly surprising that these universities attracted fewer “poor” students than did the larger cities of Vienna, Louvain, and Leipzig. Of the four universities (Vienna, Ingolstadt, Leipzig, and Erfurt) that Regensburg students frequented in significant numbers, the poor constituted the highest percentage in Vienna and Leipzig. At Vienna, nearly twenty percent of the students from Regensburg paid no burse. An additional eight percent paid only a partial burse. For Leipzig, the number of pauperes was lower, around nine percent, but an additional eleven percent paid reduced fees.90 At Ingolstadt, only two students, less 87 See Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 454. The matriculation records generally recorded whether an individual student had paid the requisite fees and the amount received. University fees varied according to ability to pay so the records of payments received from individual students can provide important clues regarding the relative standing of individuals within the university communities. The normal fees collected were set by statute; however, these could be lowered (or raised) depending on the financial situation of the student. Or they could be waived all together. For this latter group, the matriculation records often include an additional comment “on account of poverty” or simply “pauper.” As mentioned earlier, the ambiguous use of the term pauper can make these designations misleading. Given the financial benefit that accompanied classification as poor some individuals likely abused the system. Given the frequency of statutes seeking to restrict and control the numbers of designated poor, university officials clearly were concerned about such abuse. 88 Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 455–56. 89 For the value of the Groschen see Chapter Two note 29. 90 At Leipzig, six paid nothing, eleven paid a partial burse, fifty-four paid full, seventeen paid more, and five were unspecified; at Vienna, 75 pauperes, 35 partial, 175 full, 73 paid more, and 28 were unspecified.


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than two percent, had their fees waived or reduced. The popularity of Leipzig and Vienna was, at least in part, attributable to overall affordability, whereas the proximity of Ingolstadt provided some compensation for the higher fees. Funding University Study Recipiantur viri qualificati, qui possint salubriter Ecclesie consiliis suis assistere 91

The funds necessary to meet the costs associated with university study came from a variety of sources. Before 1375, the cathedral chapter, and to a lesser extent St. Emmeram, provided the majority of institutional support for Regensburg’s university students. By the late fourteenth century, numerous mendicants from Regensburg also begin to appear in the universities.92 Around the same time, the city itself made a series of payments to individual students to assist them during their years of study. Such support for university scholars reflects the extent to which these institutions viewed university study as essential to their function; it was not simply a matter of prestige or the love of learning, but the acquisition of useful skills that motivated many university students and those who supported them. The late thirteenth-century constitution of Boniface VIII, Cum ex eo, which allowed beneficed clergy engaged in study at a studium generale to continue to collect the revenues from their churches, provided one of the most important sources of financial support for universities and university scholars. Although the constitution applied at all levels of the church, the most obvious beneficiaries came from the ranks of the canons. By the fourteenth century, the number of Regensburg canons engaged in university study forced the chapter to change the way it

Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 24. Although the Franciscans and Dominicans had been established in Regensburg since the middle of the thirteenth century, and the Augustinian Hermits since the late thirteenth century, evidence of university students from these convents is minimal before 1375. This is somewhat puzzling given the dominant positions that these Orders held within many universities. It is possible that the lack of university students is more apparent than real. The mendicants did not generally pay fees, and did not take lower degrees, so the names of many mendicants who did study simply were not recorded. 91 92


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functioned.93 The cathedral statutes from 1321 cite the number of absentee canons “in studio commorantes . . .” as one of the reasons for the establishment of a system of vicars to fulfill the duties usually performed by these men.94 The nobility had long dominated the cathedral chapter. Statutes from the mid-thirteenth century required that all canons be of noble birth and “viri literati.”95 However, by the fifteenth century, cathedral chapter began to accept non-nobles who held advanced degrees as canons. Cathedral statutes issued in 1414 required that canons be either noble, or doctors or formed bachelors in theology, or doctors or licentiates in canon or civil law.96 93 For the relationship between collegiate and cathedral churches and university study see, Moraw, “Stiftspfründen.” 94 Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 2, 63. The full text reads: “Cum nostra Ratisponensis Ecclesia propter Canonicorum absenciam, quorum aliqui in aliis prebendatis ecclesiis, alii in studio commorantes, et non nulli servicio domini Episcopi deputati, suam nobiscum non valent presenciam exhibere, quam eciam propter factam puerorum receptionem in Canonicos et in fratres, importunitate precum Principum et aliorum potencium, ac provisione Romanorum Pontificum, non modicum defectum pateretur, et propter hoc contingeret divini cultum nominis negligi, minui, non augeri, prout etiam imposterum verosimiliter timeri poterat . . .” The statutes also blame the number of noble boys, not yet of canonical age, whom they were required to accept. 95 Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 2, 2. 96 This statute dates from 1414. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 2: “Volumus etiam, ut de caetero nullus assumatur vel admittatur in Canonicum et Confratrem, qui non sit nobilis ad minus ex utroque parente de militari genere procreatus, quod ante assumptionem et admissionem probare tenetur per duos idoneos eiusdem generis, aut plures Sacramento hoc firmantibus et personas huiusmodi specifice nominantibus et demonstrantibus aut nisi fuerit scientia litterarum expertus, et in divino officio exercitatus, declarantes appellatione literatorum et expertorum comprehendi tundaxat Doctores aut Magistros in sacra pagina, aut Baccalaureos formatus eiusdem, Doctores aut Licentiatos in iure Canonico aut Civili, qui cum rigore examinis in studio generali, extra tamen Romanam curiam, sunt promoti, de quo ante sui receptionem legitimam Capitulo nostro fidem facere teneantur.” The total of non-noble canons was not to exceed one-third. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 2. “ita tamen, quod huiusmodi graduatorum receptio tertiam partem numeri personarum seu Canonicorum Ecclesiae nostrae non excedat, sed ultra huisumodi tertiam partem etiam qualitercunque graduati non recipiantur nec admittantur. Volumus tamen, quod Nobiles, qui sic graduati fuerint in huiusmodi tertia parte graduatorum non computentur.” Later statutes make it clear that individuals frequently misrepresented the extent of their university training to take advantages of the opportunities which it offered. See, for example, the cathedral statute from 1493. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 24: “Nos cupientes ut ammodo usque ad supplecionem numeri prefati recipiantur viri qualificati, qui possint salubriter Ecclesie consiliis suis assistere: Statuimus per p[rese]ntes quod de cetero Assumendus per nos in Canonicum et Confratrem Ecclesie nostre teneatur in Principio sue assumpcionis, unacum legittimitate et promocione gradus sui probare, quod in aliquo studio universali privilegiato, extra Romanam Curiam steterit animo, studendi in facultate, in qua se allegat promotum, ad minus per quatuor annos et quidem fuerit in eodem loco reputatus habitus et tentus pro Scolari illius facultatis.”


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These same statutes also set the conditions under which existing canons might attend a studium generale and continue to collect the income from their benefices.97 First, the statutes required that the canons obtain permission from the chapter before they could embark on their studies. If the chapter refused permission, the canon was denied access to the income from his prebend during his absence. Second, the canons were required to provide “progress reports” from the university or its representative. If the behavior of the student or his academic progress was deemed unsatisfactory, the chapter reserved the right to recall the student from his studies. Third, the statutes required that canons only study in recognized universities. Finally, the statutes defined the portion of the income the student could enjoy during his absence.98 The number of cathedral canons who took advantage of these opportunities was significant.99 From 1300 to 1375, twelve canons pursued

97 Non-noble canons were required to have already obtained an advanced degree, so the noble canons would be those most likely to take advantage of this privilege. 98 Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 11–12: “Fratres autem, qui Universitates generales studii causa visitare voluerint, tenentur et debent licentiam a nobis et Capitulo nostro petere et obtinere, quae si denegata fuerit, licet petita, vel si non petita, scolas huiusmodi visitaverint, absentes et non residentes censebuntur, neque aliquid de fructibus praebendarum suarum percipient. Obtinentes vero licentias, et in scolis existentes tenebuntur infra tempus per nos statuendum fidem facere per litteras universitates vel Rectoris eiusdem de inceptione studii ac vita et conversatione eorundem; non debent etiam sic stantes in studiis, nisi per paucos dies causa recreationis illuc exire, et ab eo abesse. Quod si querrarum, pestis, famis vel alia ex causa diutius se absentare voluerint, ad nos declinent, nisi una cum Magistris seu Rectoribus ad certum locum irent, ubi nihilominus licentiam alibi per nos transeundi saltem litteris suis obtinebunt, si secus facerent, fructus sibi deputatos perderent. Huiusmodi etiam Scolares in aliqua approbata universitate, extra tamen Romanam curiam, ut praefertur, stantes et scolas frequentantes ex antiqua et longissima observata consuetudine, percipiunt, ac percipere habent et debent corpus praebendae in vino et blado tantum, in quibus essent contenti; de vinali distributione in pecuniis, et aliis quibuscunque proventibus et obvenientibus nihil habebunt omnino; etiam si a studio ante tredecim septimanas, quibus quilibet absens esse potest, reverterent, et apud nos residentiam facerent praesentialem et personalem. Si autem talis reversus fuerit Capitularis, et ante tredecim septimanas, ut praefertur, revertatur, tunc integram praebendam habebit, concurrentibus saltem aliis prout statuta disponunt. Volumus tamen, ac facultatem nobis reservamus praefatos scolares a scolis huiusmodi revocandi, quandocunque et quoties nobis placuerit, et visum fuerit expedire, quod si revocati revertere non curaverint, fructibus praebendarum suarum sint privati ipso facto.” 99 Most of the cathedral canons in university study were members of noble or knightly families (especially before the fifteenth century). The nobility mantained control of the cathedral chapters in Bavaria, and Germany in general, to a much greater degree than was typical in France. Non-nobles did not begin to appear at all until very late. The Alte Kapelle, too, though to a lesser degree after the fourteenth century, drew much of its membership from among the nobility, especially the lower nobility and knightly families in the vicinities of Regensburg and Bamberg. However,


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university studies, nine at Bologna and three at Prague. During the next 125 years, another eighty-nine appear in thirteen different universities. The peak of study appears to have been during the 1440s when thirteen cathedral canons matriculated in three different universities. Eight of these men studied law in Italy and many more studied before their entry into the chapter.100 Although the education obtained by the canons was primarily for the benefit of the individual canon, their impact on the chapter and even the city should not be entirely dismissed. Indeed, by the end of the fifteenth century, several important intellectual figures were associated with the chapter, making Regensburg an important regional center for the transmission of humanist ideas from Italy into the German-speaking portions of the empire.101 In addition to the cathedral chapter, the collegiate churches in the city also supported university scholars. Foremost among these was the Alte Kapelle.102 Although initially dominated by the nobility, by non-nobles made significant inroads into the chapter of the Alte Kapelle beginning in the fifteenth century. 100 In a complaint directed to the Papal Curia from the Regensburg cathedral canons dated 28 April 1482, nearly all of the eighteen named canons had studied at a university and many held advanced degrees. J. Schmid, Die Urkundenregesten des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle in Regensburg (Regensburg: J. Habbel, 1911–12). vol. 1, 273 #1360, 28 April 1482. A prosopographical study of the cathedral chapter is as yet lacking and would likely significantly increase our knowledge of geographical and social mobility, patronage networks, and intellectual influences, as well as the role of university study in the procurement of benefices. 101 Contact between the Regensburg cathedral and Italian centers of humanist activity is evident from second quarter of the fifteenth century. Twelve cathedral canons studied at Padua between 1430 and 1520: Henricus Tanhein (1436), Henricus Absperger (1441), bishop of Regensburg (1465–1493), Henricus Parsperger (1441), Casparus Schenck (1441), Ulricus Part (1444), Georgius Nothafft (1466), Ulricus Baumgartner (1468), Georgius Kynsberger (1470), Stephanus Schrotel (1471), Johannes Trötster (1471), Johannes Schmidner (1484) and Wolfgangus Portner (1484). Two additional canons studied at Bologna during the same period: Franciscus Schlick (1447), Geogius Kolb (1515). This period of study brought many of the canons into contact with humanist ideas, of which Padua was one of the foremost centers. See for example, Agostino Sottili, Studenti tedeschi e umanesimo italiano nell’Università di Padova durante il Quattrocento, Contributi alla storia dell’Università di Padova, vol. 7 (Padua: Antenore, 1971), 1–14. They also brought with them numerous texts that eventually found their way into the city’s libraries. 102 Smaller and much poorer, the collegiate church of St. Johann saw a handful of its canons pursue university study. These included two men who studied in Bologna, a certain Lubertus de Ratispona (1443) and the son of a Regensburg patrician family Leonardus Zollner (1471). That same year, the provost of St. Johann, Stephanus Schrotel, appeared at Padua and Ferrara where he took his doctorate in canon law. As was frequently the case with canons of St. Johann, Schrotel soon resigned his posi-


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the fifteenth century its members came increasingly from among the educated citizenry of Regensburg.103 As with the cathedral, a number of statutes survive from the Alte Kapelle relating to university study and the admission of university graduates to the college. According to a statute from 1486, the college should only receive those who had studied for some years in a studium generale or in a reputable studium particulare, and only those who had studied in a studium generale for at least two years could vote in chapter.104 Like the cathedral canons, those who wished to continue to receive the income from their benefices were required to provide proof of academic progress and good behavior.105 Although the Alte Kapelle was smaller than the better-endowed cathedral chapter, the college still boasted a significant number of university students and graduates.106 Between 1400 and 1500, twentythree canons of the Alte Kapelle attended one or more universities. tion to take a more lucrative one in the Alte Kapelle and then later in the diocese of Passau. See Appendix II. Finally, a brief mention of St. Mang is in order. Although this house of Augustinian canons just outside the city proper enjoyed a significant intellectual flowering in the fifteenth century, it left little mark in the universities. Its most famous intellectual figure, the chronicler Andreas von Regensburg seems to have been educated within a very short distance of Regensburg, first in the nearby town of Straubing and then St. Mang, rarely, if ever, venturing outside his adopted city. See Kurt Ruh, Gundolf Keil, et al., eds., Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon / Begründet von Wolfgang Stammler, Fortgeführt von Karl Langosch (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1978–2006) (hereinafter VL), vol. 1, 341–348. 103 Heinrich Wanderwitz, “Die Kanoniker- und Chorherrenstifte im mittelalterlichen Regensburg,” in Regensburg im Mittelalter, eds. Martin Angerer and Heinrich Wanderwitz (Regensburg: Universitäts Verlag, 1995), 198. 104 See Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 80. “certos annos in studio generali sive alio loco honesto studii.” and Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 81–82 (quoted earlier, see Chaper Four, note 59). 105 Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 93. “ Studentes vero iuxta consuetudinem Ecclesiae nostrae licentia obtenta causa studii in studiis generalibus et privilegiatis existentes, si in sacerdotii sint dignitate constituti percipiunt, atque eis debetur ex officio cellaris integrae corpus praebendae vini et bladi una cum denariis officii cellaris ac finalis distributionis: si autem in minoribus constituantur, vini duntaxat et bladi de officio cellaris, denariis et finali distributione exceptis, percipere et de eisdem Levitis eorumdem vices in legendo Evang. et Epistolas supplentibus de statuto salario duodecim sch. denar. Ratisb. satisfacere habebunt, et tenentur dare singulis annis iuxta servatam consuetudinem, proviso tamen, quod iidem, si studium suum continuare et portionibus supra dictis gaudere voluerint, Capitulum nostrum singulis annis circa festum S. Viti. quatuordecim dies ante vel post, sine phara de studii continuitate per literas Rectoris earundem Universitatum diligentias eorum continentes certificent.” 106 The Alte Kapelle had approximately fifteen canons at any given time, wheras the number for the cathedral was set at thirty-five. For the Alte Kapelle, see Paul Mai, “Die Kanoniaktstifte in der Stadt Regensburg,” in Peter Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, 2 vols (Regensburg: Pustet Verlag, 2000), vol. 2, 813. For the cathedral see Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 24.


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Many of these used their income to support their law studies in Italy. Nearly twenty percent of the total matriculants from the Alte Kapelle studied for a time in Italy and Padua appears to have been the favored destination. In 1475 alone, three canons held degrees from Padua, and a fourth was studying in Padua at the time.107 Like most Benedictine houses, St. Emmeram was relatively slow to embrace the advantages of university study.108 Even after the first students from the monastery appear in the universities, connections between St. Emmeram and the universities remained sporadic. Between 1337 and 1349, three monks from the monastery studied in Bologna. The interest in university study was primarily the result of the activities of the abbot, Albert von Schmidmüln, and does not seem to have survived his death.109 Several generations later, from 1427 to 1464, St. Emmeram again appears to have had frequent contacts with the universities, especially Leipzig where three monks associated with the monastery studied.110 In 1456, St. Emmeram’s first university-trained school master—Hermann Pötzlinger—resigned his position as schoolmaster and accompanied several sons of the Regensburg patriciate to study at Leipzig.111 It seems likely that the four Regensburg university matriculants who appear that year at Leipzig had been students of Pötzlinger at St. Emmeram.112 However, just as a century earlier, the 107 They were Stephanus Schrotel, Johannes Prukhay, and Casparus Kantner—all doctors in law. Schrotel attended Padua but completed his degree in Ferrara. Schrotel’s circle at Padua included a number of important humanists, including Johannes Mendel and Johannes Tröster. Georgius Snoeder appears in Padua in 1475 to 76, where he too completed his degree in canon law. See Appendix II for references and details. 108 See, for example, the discussion of Benedictine students at Paris by Thomas Sullivan, Benedictine Monks at the University of Paris, A.D. 1229–1500, A Biographical Register, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, eds., William J. Courtenay, Jürgen Miethke, et al. (Leiden: Brill, 1995) and for England, William J. Courtenay, Schools and Scholars: in the Fourteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987, 77–80. 109 These were Christianus de Ratispona (1337) Hugo de Ratispona (1337–39) and Gotfridus Scheffel de Ratispona (1349). See Knod, 435: 2693, 2959, 2955, and Appendix II. 110 These were Friedrich Amman de Wysenfelt (1427), Heinrich Prew de Wysenfelt (1449), and Johannes Tegernpeck (1464). Only the latter was associated with St. Emmeram at the time of his matriculation at Leipzig, Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 124–35. 111 He appears at Leipzig in 1456, Georg Erler, ed., Die Matrikel der Universität Leipzig, 1409–1559, 3 vols. Codex diplomaticus Saxoniae Regiae, vols. 16–18 (Leipzig: Giesecke u. Devrient, 1895–1902; reprint Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1976) (hereinafter MUL I–III), vol. 1, 203. For more on Pötzlinger see Appendix I. 112 These were Paulus Caspender, Jeronimus Leskircher, Sigismundus Lohener, and Ulricus Magenst. See Appendix II.


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sudden and intense interest in university study appears to have been associated with one particular abbot rather than an ongoing institutional connection. Indeed, after the death of the abbot Tegernpeck, evidence of university study by the monks of St. Emmeram nearly disappears.113 There is even less evidence of university study from the other Benedictine houses in and near Regensburg. Only two students from Prüfening appear in the matriculation records, both of them in 1474, and none from Prüll.114 The relationship between the Schottenkloster of St. Jakob and the universities is more complex. Although the Schottenkloster also had only two identifiable university matriculants,115 two of the daughter houses of the Regensburg convent—the Schottenkloster in Vienna and in Erfurt—played important roles in the universities of their respective cities. The abbot of the Schottenkloster in Erfurt even served as “conservator privilegiorum” for the university.116 When the abbot of the Schottenkloster in Regensburg matriculated at Erfurt in 1453, he held the title “subconservator privilegiorum membrorum universitatis,” and the university waived his fees.117 More than any of the regulars, the Regensburg mendicant orders actively supported university study. As has already been noted, identifying mendicant students by means of the matriculation records is problematic. As a result, one must rely on the records of the orders themselves, particularly those of the province. Unfortunately, for the Dominicans and the Franciscans the evidence is extremely fragmentary.118 113 Nicholas Bernawer, who entered St. Emmeram after his studies, matriculated in Ingolstadt in 1479. Götz Freiherrn von Pölnitz, Die Matrikel der Ludwig-MaximiliansUniversität Ingolstadt-Landshut-München, vol. 1, 1472–1600 (München: Lindauer, 1937) (hereinafter MLMU I), 88. See Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 129–34. 114 The two Prüfening monks were Wolfgangus Molitoris and Johannes Grasser who matriculated together at Ingolstadt. MLMU I, 53. 115 The Abbot Mauricius at Erfurt in 1453 and Otto Hoege at Ingolstadt in 1478 MLMU I, 85. 116 Gustav A. Renz, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob und des Priorates Weih St. Peter (O.S.B.)” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des BenediktinerOrdens und seiner Zweige, 18 (1897), 630 #262, 11 February 1427. 117 J. C. Hermann Weissenborg, Acten der Erfurter Universitaet, vol. 1, Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen und angrenzender Gebiete, vol. 8 (Halle: O. Hendel, 1881) (hereinafter Act. Erf. I), 235: “dominus Mauricius abbas monasterii sancti Iacobi Scotorum Ratisponensis, subconservator privilegiorum membrorum universitatis etc. gratis.” 118 For a good list of the published provincial acts for the Dominicans, see Isnard Wilhelm Frank, Hausstudium und Unversitätsstudium der Wiener Dominikaner bis 1500, Archiv für Österreichische Geschichte, vol. 127 (Vienna: Hermann Böhlaus, 1968); for the Franciscans, see Brigitte Degler-Spengler, “Oberdeutsche (Strassburger) Minoritenprovinz 1246/


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In the case of the Augustinians, we are better informed, at least after the middle of the fourteenth century.119 Among the Regensburg mendicant orders, the Franciscans appear to have been the least active (although the lack of surviving provincial records is reason to be cautious). Five university students from the convent appear in the matriculation records before 1500.120 Three others who entered the order in Regensburg—Conrad von Sulzbach (later lector in Regensburg), Liephard von Regensburg, and Friedrich von Amberg (both later provincials of the Avignon obedience in Freiburg)— studied at the provincial studium generale of the order in Strasbourg during the last quarter of the fourteenth century. Additionally, Friedrich von Amberg studied at both Paris and Avignon, completing his education some time before 1392. However, beyond the fact that he entered the order in Regensburg, he left virtually no evidence of his presence. 1264–1939,” in ed. Brigitte Degler-Spengler, Der Franziskusorden: die Franziskaner, die Klarissen und die regulierten Franziskanerterziarinnen in der Schweiz, Helvetia Sacra, abteilung 5, vol. 1 (Bern: Francke, 1978), 53–56. 119 The provincial acts for the Augustinian Hermits after the middle of the fourteenth century are preserved in the archives of the order in Rome in the series Dd. A handwritten copy relating to convents in Germany is in Munich at the Hauptstaatsarchiv as clm 8423. I have used the latter for my references and also relied heavily on Adalbero Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner- Eremiten, Cassiacum XXVI (Würzburg, Augustinus, 1969–76), 7 vols., especially vol. 1 and 3. 120 The identifiable university students are Marcus Schönprunner de Ratispona (Vienna, 1447–53), Laurencius Erhardi de Eschenbach (Erfurt, 1479–81), Johannes Winckler de Ratisbona (Ingolstadt, 1479), Ulricus Brannburger (Ingolstadt, 1482), and Michael Schieser (Freiburg, 1486). At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Regensburg Franciscan, Erasmus Swaiger, studied at Ingolstadt. In addition, the Regensburg lector Johannes Sack studied in Erfurt (1423) and Vienna (1431) before teaching at Regensburg (for references and more details on these men, see Appendix I). Given the lack of records from the Strasbourg Franciscan province, this number is certainly too low. However, other evidence, including the profile of its lectors and its library suggests that intellectually the convent never rose to the level of the other mendicant houses in the city. After a particularly brilliant beginning—such towering figures as Berthold of Regensburg and David of Augsburg as well as the lesser known authors Werner and Lamprecht von Regensburg, were all members of the convent—we hear little of the convent’s intellectual activities. See Hubert Glaser, “Wissenschaft und Bildung im Spätmittelalter: die Regensburger Minoriten,” in Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, ed. Max Spindler, vol. 2, Das alte Bayern der Territorialstaat vom Ausgang des 12. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ausgang des 18. Jahrhunderts (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1987), 811–19. See also Anneliese Hilz, Die Minderbrüder von St. Salvatore in Regensburg, 1226–1810, in BzGBR, 25 (Regensburg: Verein für Regensburger Bistumsgeschichte, 1991). The library catalogue of 1347 betrays little influence from the universities, only the Sentences commentaries of Bonventure, Alexander (persumable Hales) and William (Brito?), MBK 4: 1, 446. The possession of Alexander of Hales and Bonaventure is hardly remarkable given that they represented two most important Franciscan theologians.


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By the mid fifteenth century, evidence of university study by Regensburg Franciscans increases significantly. During this period, three of the four identifiable Regensburg Franciscan university students appeared. In addition, between 1462 and 1499, the convent had five guardians who held doctorates in theology, one of whom also served as lector in the convent. A sixth, Ulricus Awmayer a native of Regensburg and doctor of theology, served the convent as lector and preacher.121 Concomittant with the increase in the number of Regensburg Franciscans in university study, the convent also expanded its school—moving it outside the convent to the Sinzenhof—and hired a secular priest to oversee instruction.122 By the end of the century, the convent again fell on hard times. In 1499, the school in the Sinzenhof closed and the property itself was lost to the financially troubled convent.123 Unlike the Franciscans, the Regensburg Dominicans left much clearer evidence evidence of their pursuit of higher studies. Regensburg Dominicans appear in Verona, Bologna, Cologne, and Toulouse. Between 1389 and 1480, twelve Regensburg Dominicans can be found at seven different universities.124 Six of the eleven studied between 1461

121 In the list of lectors and guardians compiled by Anneliese Hilz only Hildebrandus, who died in 1316, is identified as a doctor of theology prior the middle of the fifteenth century. A second lector, Conrad von Sulzbach, studied in Strasbourg in 1346 and “dedit calicem et bonos libros” to the convent. Anneliese Hilz, “Die Bibliothek der Minoriten von St. Salvator in Regensburg,” VHVOR, 122 (1982), 274. However, from the fifteenth century, a series of guardians, lectors, and preachers with advanced degrees appeared: Marcus Schönprunner (died 1462), Ulricus Awmayer (died 1468), Johannes Winckler (died after 1498), Ulricus Brannburger (died 1497), Laurencius Erhardi de Eschenbach (died fter 1498), and Laurentius Wagner (Guardian in Regensburg in 1499)—all doctors in theology. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 183–85, 13, 294–97. 122 The school was moved to the Sinzenhof outside of the convent in 1457. Two years later the secular schoolmaster Leonard Panholz began teaching there. See Hilz, Minderbrüder, 152. Panholz studied at Vienna in 1454 MUW 1454 II R 25 and died in 1494, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Antiquitates Necrologia, vol. 3, Diocesis Brixinensis, Frisingensis, Ratisbonensis, ed. Ludovicus Franciscus Bauman (Berlin: Weidmann, 1905) (herinafter MGH Antiquitates Necrologia), 253, 20 November. For more on Panholz see Appendix I (Franciscan secular masters). 123 Hilz, Minderbrüder, 152. 124 They were Conradus de Ratisbona (Verona, 1389), Conradus Hauweck (Bologna, 1400), Andreas de Ratispona (Cologne, 1402), Johannes Eglof de Ratispona (Vienna, 1423), Johannes de Munnerstadt (Cologne, 1425), Petrus de Rosenheim, who served as cursor and master of students in Regensburg (Vienna, 1434; Cologne, 1437; Bologna, 1441), Casparus Brandstetter (Cologne, 1461), Casparus de Ratispona (Padua, 1468), Jacobus Siger (Bologna, 1476), Georgius Nigri (Ingolstadt, 1478), Wolfgangus Loebel (Ingolstadt, 1480), and Leonardus Modler (Toulouse, 1478–80). Modler’s peregrinations, though perhaps extreme, illustrate the high degree of mobility that characterized the


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and 1480, a period characterized by reform and increasing intellectual activity. In 1468, under pressure from the city, the convent began to implement reforms.125 The process appears to have progressed too slowly for some, and in 1475, the General of the Order, Nicholas Mansuetis, brought in the learned Johannes Nigri as prior.126 It was also during this period that the manuscript BayStB Cgm 597—a German and Latin Sammelband of scientific texts, especially Astronomy, Astrology, and medicine—came into the possession of the convent.127

intellectual elite within the mendicant orders. In 1476, he served as lector in Schlettstadt (B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum Raymundi de Capua, (1386–1399) [et] Leonardi di Mansuetis, (1474–1480), QF vol. VI (Leipzig: Harassowitz, 1911) (hereinafter Reichert, Reg. litt., QF, VI), 99. From 1478 to 1480, he studied in Toulouse where he completed his theology studies. In 1481 he was assigned as confessor to the Dominican sisters in Nuremberg (B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum Salvi Cassettae (1481–1483) [et] Barnabae Saxoni (1486), QF vol. VII (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1912) (hereinafter Reichert, Reg. litt., QF, VII), 13. By the end of 1481, he was on the move again, sent to reform the convent of Bozanensis (Posen?) “propter ruinam conventus.” (Reichert, Reg. litt., QF, VII, 6). He was removed from that position three months later “qui ex falsis informacionibus fuit factus vicarius Bozanensis . . . revocatus et absolutus ab officio vicariatus. . . .” and ordered to leave within two days, “sub pena carceris.” (Reichert, Reg. litt., QF, VII, 17, 12 March 1482). On 4 December 1483, he was granted permission to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem (Reichert, Reg. litt., QF, VII, 48). By 1490, he returned to Regensburg, BayHstA KU Dominikaner Regensburg, 189, 10 May 1490. Another well-travelled friar, the Bohemian-born Petrus Nigri, brother of the Regensburg Prior Johannes Nigri, spent some time in Regensburg. According to his own account he secretly studied with the Jews of Salamanca before moving to Montpellier where he began reading the Sentences. Two years later he completed his reading of the Sentences at the University of Freiburg. In 1473, he transferred to Ingolstadt, completing his formal studies at the level of licenciate in theology. Until 1474 he taught a course at Ingolstadt, most likely Hebrew. Laetitia Boehm, Winfried Müller, Wolfgang J. Smolka, and Helmut Zedelmaier, eds., Biographisches Lexikon der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Universität IngolstadtLandshut-München Forschungen und Quellen: Forschungen, vol. 18 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1998) (hereinafter Bio-Lex Ingol.), 292–93. 125 Anneliese Hilz, “Mendikanten-Niederlassungen,” in Regensburg im Mittelalter: Beiträge zur Stadtgeschichte vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit, ed. Martin Angerer and Heinrich Wanderwitz (Regensburg: Universitätsverlag, 1995), 212–213. 126 Johannes was the brother of Nicolas, Georgius, and Petrus Nigri, the latter two also playing important roles in the Regensburg convent. See Appendix II. 127 The text dates from 1485 and includes works in both Latin and German, among them a Latin version of astrological treatises by John of Bruges and Bartholomew of Parma, Latin translations of Arabic astronomy texts by Albumasar and Alkindi, as well as vernacular medical works, including an anatomy of a pregnant woman. The compiler was particularly interested in the relationship between astronomy and medicine. Karin Schneider, Die deutschen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Cgm 501–690.—Editio altera, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Bibliothecae Monacensis; T. 5, Ps. 4 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1978), 215–216. This catalogue is also available online on http://www.manuscripta-mediaevalia.de.


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The Augustinian Hermits, whose school served as the provincial studium for the Bavarian province, had approximately the same number of university students as the Dominicans—sending thirteen of its members to the universities between 1388 and 1500. The school of the Regensburg Augustinian Hermits and the general level of intellectual activity, however, surpassed the Dominicans.128 However, like the Dominicans, the convent experienced two distinct periods of intense study. Between 1388 and 1405, three Augustinian Hermits studied at five universities.129 For the next fifty-eight years, we hear only of a certain Petrus de Ratispona, who studied at Oxford in 1434. Beginning in 1472, again associated with a period of reform, there was a flurry of students from the convent.130 Although religious institutions provided the most consistent and often the most lucrative sources of university funding, by the fifteenth century, cities also began to provide direct financial assistance to select students. Civic support came in a number of forms. Perhaps most important was the city’s increasing demand for university-trained men to serve as legal advisors, scribes, preachers, and medical doctors. Such individuals brought valuable expertise and their presence contributed a measure of prestige to the city in its dealing with ecclesiastical and imperial courts as well as with other cities. The convent was home to a number of important intellectual figures during the late fourteenth and early fifteen centuries, including Nicholas of Laun, one of the first professors of theology at the university of Prague. For a discussion of the importance of the convent and its intellectual figures see, Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 280–292. 129 Berthold Puchauser studied at Oxford (1388–95), perhaps Vienna (1389), Bologna (1398–1403), and then served as professor of theology at Vienna (1404–1415), Fridericus de Ratispona was in Siena in 1389 when he was assigned to “Erfurt vel Magdeburg.” Three years later in 1392, he was assinged to Bologna. In 1389 Johannes Metempoli of Regensburg studied in Prague. For references see Appendix II. 130 Hilz, “Mendikanten-Niederlassungen,” 212–213. The first of these was the provincial himself, Johannes Ludovici whom the city helped recruit to reform the convent. In 1466 Johanes Ludovici received four gulden from the city “zu stewr seiner Doctorei.” StAR Cam. 16 81v (digital images, and in some cases transcriptions, available online, Fontes Civitates Ratisponensis, Gechichtsquellen der Reichsstadt Regensburg *ONLINE*; Ingo H. Kropač, “Stadtarchiv Regensburg, Bestand Cameralia, 01–24,” http://bhgw20. kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm; Last revision: 2006–03–09). See also Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 236–41. In 1473, a Hermannus Meyer was assigned to study in Rome. Four years later, Casparus Kursner received money from the city to support his studies in Poloni (Poland perhaps Krakow?). He was also assigned to “Ingolstadt vel Vienna,” in 1486. Some time before 1487, an Augustinus de Ratisbone studied in Florence and then Vienna in 1487. In 1489, Johannes de Ratispona was also assigned to Vienna. See Appendix II. 128


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Initially, the city drew these men primarily from among the learned canons of the collegiate churches and of the cathedral. However, from the early fifteenth century on, cities also began to recruit, fund, and employ these men directly. The increasing complexity and professionalization of imperial, ducal, and ecclesiastical courts made it imperative that the cities have access to men with sufficient training to hold their own in this environment. To ensure the necessary supply of university-trained men in its service, the Regensburg city council began to provide direct funding for promising students who were willing to serve their patron city for a given amount of time. Although no contracts exist for Regensburg, the council recorded a number of payments to individual students. In 1401, the city council granted “dem lesemaister Perchtolt in der chappel XII ungarische guldein zu steur daz er maister solt werden.” In 1404, when he had completed his studies, he received an additional pound “damit man in geert hat da er von rom cham und da er maister ward.” 131 This beneficiary of the council’s largesse was almost certainly Berthold Puchhauser—a native son of Regensburg, lector, theology professor in Vienna, and provincial of the Bavarian province of the Augustinian Hermits.132 In StAR Cam. 6, 85r. Neither of the account entries refer specifically to the Augustinian Hermits calling him only “lesemaister in der chappel.” However, elsewhere in the city account books, the phrase “die herrn in der Cappel” is used to refer to the Augustinian Hermits. See StAR Cam. 12, 18v where in 1436 the city granted to “den Herrn in der Cappel . . . fur Holz 1 lb.” In nearly every other year the same amount was granted to the “Augustinern umb Holz.” In 1412, the city paid “ainem knaben der dy stuben gehaizt hat in der Kappeln,” and in 1413–14 a payment was made to the Baumeister “zu der stuben in der Capelln” Elsewhere, the Augustinian Hermits received money “für Holz zu der Ratstuben.” See StAR Cam. 14, 16r. It is also clear from numerous charters that chappel served as short-hand for the convent of the Augustinian Hermits. Josef Widemann and Franz Bastian, eds., Regensburger Urkundenbuch. Urkunden der Stadt, Monumenta Boica, vols. 53, 54 (Munich: Verlag der k. Akademie, 1912, 56), (hereinafter MB 53 and 54), vol. 53, 1287: “hintz den parf%ssen 3 £ under si ze taylen; hintz der Kappel 3 £ under si ze tailen, und 2 £ zu dem werche; hintz den predigern 1 £.” The use of the term lesemaister would also suggest one of the Mendicant houses. Additionally, the years he received financial support from the city fit nicely with the known career of Berthold Puchhauser. After studying in Vienna and Oxford in the 1380s and 1390s, he entered Bologna, where he remained from 1398 to 1403 when he completed his theological studies. A year later, he entered the theological faculty of Vienna. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der Deutschen Augustinern, vol. 3, 123–24. Finally, the council’s later support of the Augustinians Johannes Ludovici (1466) and Casparus Kursner (1477) demonstrates the city’s investment in the education of members of the order. See StAR Cam. 16 fol. 76v and StAR Cam. 17 fol. 206r. Such an investment is hardly surprising given that the city was the convent’s most important patron and the number of Regensburg’s native sons who joined it. See, for example, StAR Cam. 04, 131

132


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addition to the role he played within the Augustinian Order, Berthold was also an influential preacher in the city. He was particularly active in anti-Hussite preaching and was a key figure in the trial and execution of the accused Hussite, and erstwhile Regensburg pedagogus, Ulrich Grünsleder.133 Records survive from four other university students who received financial assistance from the city. Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim whom the city supported during his legal studies at Vienna beginning in 1407, had a long and distinguished career in the city.134 By 1414, he was chaplain and priest of St. Georg in Regensburg and served as a legal advisor to the council. From 1415 to 1418, he represented the city at the council of Constance.135 Shortly after Conradus returned

1r which numbers among the members of the Augustianian Hermits a Straubinger and a Portner. The city also helped to pay for windows in the convent’s library during the 1460s and 1470s. See StAR Cam. 16 fol. 168r and Cam. 19 fol. 207r, and celebrated Easter at the convent from 1467 to 1475. See StAR Cam. 16 fol. 121v, StAR Cam 17 fol. 93v. For more about Berthold Puchauser’s career, see Appendix II. 133 Andreas von Regensburg reports that in the last year of the episcopate of Albert Stauffer (1421), Berthold Puchauser delivered a sermon condemning the secular priest, and chaplain in the Ahakirche, Ulrich Grünsleder as a Hussite. Berthold Puchhauser was likely among the “diversos doctores atque peritos viros tam in sacra pagina quam in iure canonice” who examined the accused Hussite. Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, ed. Georg Leidinger, QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 1 (München: M. Riegerische Universitäts-Buchhandlung, 1903), 350. 134 In 1399 Conrad studied at Prague, Liber Decanorum Facultatis Philosophicae Universitatis Pragensis, Monumenta Historica Universitatis Carolo-Ferdinandeae Pragensis, vol. 1, part 1–2 (hereinafter MUP I), pt. 1, 361, 364 and in 1405 at Heidelberg, Gustav Toepke, Die Matrikel der Universität Heidelberg von 1386 bis 1870. vol. 1 (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1884. reprinted Nendeln: Kraus Reprints, 1976) (hereinafter MUH I), 197. At Heidelberg, Conrad came into contact with Leonardus Propst (they are listed next to each other in the matriculation record). Propst was a canon in the Regensburg cathedral and son of a prominent Regensburg family. It was likely through this university connection that Conrad came to the attention of the Regensburg city council. Two years later, both Conrad and Leonardus Propst appeared in Vienna. During his period of study at Vienna, Conrad wrote the city council concerning money he had received “Mir hat her Hans Woller ewr mitburger ausgericht fuemf phunt Regenspurger phenigen.” BayHStA RS. Regb. Urk. Nr 3196, as transcribed in Hermann Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil: der reichstädtische Jurist Konrad Duvel von Hildesheim, † 1430,” in Festschrift für Karl Gottfried Hugelmann: Zum 80. Geburtstag am 26. September 1959, Dargebracht von Freunde, Kollegen und Schülern, 2 vols (Aalen: Scientia, 1959), vol. 1, 214. Heimpel points out that the note has been incorrectly dated to 1391, a date by which it is still identified in the Bayerische Haupstaatsarchiv. During his years at Vienna, Conrad and Berthold Puchauser appear as witnesses at the trial of the accused Hussite Jerome of Prague in Vienna. See Ladislav Klicman, “Processus iudicarius contra Jeronimum de Praga habitus Viennae a. 1410–1412,” in Historický Archiv, 12 (1898), 10, 14, 21. 135 Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 2, 409. Conrad’s correspondence from Constance is edited in Hermann Heimpel, 237–272.


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to the city, the bishop of Regensburg and former scolasticus, Albertus Stauffer, instructed him to lecture on canon law in the Bischofshof.136 While associated with the cathedral, Conradus acquired a number of law texts, which he willed to the city library after his death. These included a glossed Codex Justiniani, a volume of the Authenticae, the Speculum of William Durandus, and several others.137 In 1424, this time well endowed with benefices, Conradus returned to Vienna to study theology. At his death in 1430, he was both a licentiate in law, and a bachelor of theology.138 In the mid-fifteenth century, the city also supported the legal studies of Casparus Kantner. A native son of Regensburg, Kantner began his studies at Vienna in 1451 where he matriculated in the arts as a pauper.139 By 1463, he was employed as a public notary “oeffentlicher Notar” in Regensburg.140 A year later, he traveled to Padua to study canon law with the support of the city council. In all, Kantner received payments amounting to 150 gulden, a truly extraordinay sum.141 When he completed his doctorate in 1467, he received an additional thirty gulden “in sein doctorei”142 He returned to Regensburg almost imme-

136 Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 133: “Item perpendens, quod magister Conradus de Hyldeshaym licentiatus decretorum, presbiter et cappellanus S. Georgii secus pontem Ratispone, iurista civium, pecuniam, quam a domino acceperat, in sudario ligare, hoc est percepta dona sub ocio lenti corporis absondere, nollet, ordinavit, ut legeret in iure canonico in aula sua episcopali.” See also Christian Heinrich Kleinstäuber, Ausführliche Geschichte der Studien-Anstalten in Regensburg: 1538–1880, vol. 1, Geschichte des evangelischen reichstädtischen Gymnasii Poetici (von 1538–1811) (Stadtamhof: Joseph Mayr, 1881), 4; and Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 214–16. 137 These are now found in BayStB clm 13013; BayStB clm 13018; BayStB clm 13087. In addition to these works, he also left books to both the universities of Heidelberg and Vienna, Sigrid Krämer, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, Ergänzungsband, I, 2, Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters (München: C. H. Beck, 1990) (hereinafter, MBK I, 2), 97. See MUH I, 695 and Paul Uiblein, Ein Kopialbuch der Wiener Universität als Quelle zur österreichischen Kirchengeschichte unter Herzog Albrecht V. Codex 57G des Archivs des Stiftes Seitenstetten. Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. 2. Abt.: Diplomataria et Acta, vol. 80 (Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften 1973). 138 He established a memorial at St. Johann, where he is described as “licentiatus decretorum et baccalarius in theologia.” BZAR St. Johann Urkunden #435a, 24 June 1431. 139 MUW 1451 I R 237. 140 Josef Hemmerle, ed., Archiv des ehemaligen Augustinerklosters München, Bayerische Archivinventare, vol. 4 (München: 1956), 31, U59: 20 December 1463. See also BayHstA KU Regensburg. Augustiner. Nr. 75, 16 June 1463. 141 This was an extremely generous amount, equivalent to about three years salary for the city physician. 142 StAR Cam. 16 fol. 25v (1464/65): “Item wir gaben den Stewrherren heten sy maister caspar Kantter gelihen als er auf die studium zechen wold 50 rheinisch


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diately following completion of his degree and began to repay the city’s investment in his education, serving as legal advisor and representative of the city.143 By 1475, Kantner held several church livings including a canonry in the Alte Kapelle and the parish church of Donaustauf.144 In the 1460s, two additional Augustinian Hermits were the beneficiaries of the city’s largesse. The first, Johannes Ludovici, became provincial of Bavaria in 1461, at which time he was a bachelor in theology.145 In November 1464, he received permission to complete his theology studies in Florence or Bologna. He appears to have completed his doctorate by the following year.146 A year later, he oversaw the reform of the Regensburg convent at the behest of the council.147 By 1466, despite some early difficulties, Ludovici had succeeded in getting the convent

guldein.” StAR Cam. 16, fol 76v (1465/66), fol. 122v (1466/67), fol. 128v (1466/67): “wir gaben doctor Casparen Kanttner Schanckten im mein herren in sein doctorei xxx Reinisch gulden . . .” For the record of his promotion, see Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2: 279 #687, 25 August 1467. Among the witnesses to his promotion were Balthasar Hundertpfund, and Johannes Trabolt, both of whom were intricately involved in the affairs of the city. For Trabolt see StAR Cam. 17 fol. 194r as well as Bio-Lex Ingol, 440–41. For Hundertpfund, who was an advisor to Duke Albert of Bavaria Munich during his hegemony in the city. StAR Cam. 19 fol. 358v and passim. See also Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 744, 779. 143 StAR Cam. 16 fol. 346v 1472: “Item es lief ein pot gein Straubing zu Doctor Caspareren . . .”; Cam. 19 fol. 49r 1481: “Es raitten . . . im 81 jar doctor Caspar Cantner und her Linhart Portner schulthais . . . gen Nuremperg auf den kaisterlichen tag . . .” 144 Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 561 and J. Schmid, Urk. AK, vol. 1, 219 #1115. Among the other canons named in the latter reference were two others who had studied in Padua—Stephan Schrotel and Johannes Prugkhay, as well as a third who studied in Freiburg—Johann Wisent. See Appendix II for full references. The cases of Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim and Casparus Kantner also illustrate how the city used ecclesiastical benefices to reward their servants. This could be done either directly through impropriated benefices or indirectly by recommending their candidates to the appropriate people. As a result, a significant percentage of the legal advisors and advocates of the city continued to be drawn from among those in at least minor orders. 145 He received his bachelor’s degree in theology in 1452 in Florence. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 237. Johannes Ludovici delivered two sermons at the university of Vienna in 1460 on the occasions of the Feast of St. John the Evangelist and Pentecost by which time, he is described as “arcium magister et in sacra theologia baccalariandus.” Paul Uiblein, ed., Die Akten der Theologischen Fakultät der Universität Wien (1396–1508), 2 Vols. (Vienna: Verband d. Wissenschaftl. Gesellschaften Österreichs, 1978) (hereinafter AFT ) vol. 1, 261, 264. 146 Johannes Ludovici is called magister by June of 1465. See Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 238. 147 This appears to have been done with some difficulty, at one point Ludovici despaired that he should become a mockery because of his failures. See Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 398–99. See also Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 288–89.


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to accept strict observance.148 Within the context of these reforms, the city helped to support the theological studies at the convent. Ludovici himself received four gulden “zu stewr in seiner Doctorei,” from the city in 1465.149 Eleven years later in 1476, Caspar Kursner received eleven schillings and six denarii “auff die Studium gen Poloni.”150 Office-holding Families and University Study The general increase in the effort to recruit the university trained accompanied a similar increase in the number of office-holding families who sought a university education for their children. Although the number of university-trained members of the council was negligible, members of the leading families attended universities in significant numbers by the middle of fifteenth century.151 Of the eighty-six families who dominated civic offices in Regensburg between 1385 and 1485, some forty percent had at least one member who had studied at a university.152 Approximately ten percent had

Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 288. StAR Cam. 16 fol. 81v. In addition to these four gulden, the council also sent twelve gulden “zu stewr irer Regl.” 150 StAR Cam. 17 fol. 207r. The specific university intended is unclear. “Poloni” could be some corruption of Bologna, which was a frequent destination for theology study within the order. However, it could also be Poland, with the scribe assuming that Krakow was the only studium generale there. The first option has much to recommend it given the frequency with which Augustinian Hermits studied in Bologna, and it at least has the merit of being a specific university. However, the scribe very clearly wrote “Poloni,” and a corruption from “Pononi” to “Poloni” would not be one of the most common scribal errors. It would also seem that given the fame of Bologna, the error would tend to be in the other direction, that is, assuming Bologna when Poland was actually intended. It should also be remembered that convents in Poland (including Krakow) were included in the Augustinian province of Bavaria. A Caspar Henrici de Ratispone matriculated at Krakow in 1476, Album Studiosorum Universitatis Cracoviensis, Vol. 1 (1400–1489), Vol. 2 (1490–1551) (Krakow: Univ. Jagellonicae, 1887–1892) (hereinafter Crac. Album. Stud.), vol. 1, 228. However, there is no indication that this Caspar was a member of the Augustinian Hermits so it seems unlikely that they are the same person. It is more likely that he is the same Caspar for whom Ludovici requested the city provide financial assistance. See Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 398 who says that Ludovici “wünschte einem Caspar ein Stipendium zu verschaffen . . .” He may also be the same as Casparus de Ratispona who served as a lector in the convent in 1475 and as provincial from 1483–89. See Appendix I. 151 See the chart in Appendix IV. 152 University matriculants who are identified as coming from Regensburg and who share the same second name as one of these families will be assumed to be connected. 148 149


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three or more family members represented. If we restrict the families under consideration to the thirty-one that had at least one member in the inner council between 1400 and 1485, the percentages are much higher—nearly sixty-eight percent.153 An examination of the families who served in the council in 1485 provides a further sense of the extent to which Regensburg’s elite families engaged in university study. Of these eleven families, nine had members who attended one or more universities; three—the Portners, Müldorfers, and Trainers—had at least three university matriculants during the fifteenth century. In all, these nine families had eighteen university matriculants in the thirty years between 1470 and 1499.154 Yet they do not seem to have pursued higher education with an eye toward service in the city’s burgeoning bureaucracy. With the possible exceptions of Simon Weltinburger,155 Casparus Amman,156 Johannes Portner,157 and Johannes Rehaver,158 most of these university students

However, the number with three or more matriculants remains nearly the same, or about twelve percent. 154 See the chart in Appendix IV. 155 A Simon Weltinburger studied at both Vienna and Padua in the 1430s and may be the Simon Weltinburger who served in the council in the late 1450s and 1460s. See Appendix II. 156 A Casparus Amman matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1481 and may have been the same Casparus Amman who served as Regensburg treasurer in 1518. See Appendixes II and IV. 157 Johannes Portner could be the same as the Ratsherr Hans Portner who represented the city, along with the city jurist Dr. von Hirnkofen, at the Reichstag in Worms following the destruction of the Jewish community in 1519. See Appendix II. Lacking additional evidence, it is unwise to state these connections too emphatically. Families tended to reuse the same names each generation, and it is often impossible to determine the identity of the individuals with certainty. The need for caution is clear from the example of Leonardus Portner. A Leonardus Portner matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1476, however, it is unlikely that he was the same as the Leonardus Portner who served as mayor in 1485. The latter is likely father of both Leonardus Portner and Wolfgangus Portner, who matriculated together at Ingolstadt. Wolfgangus Portner went on to study in Padua and is identified there as Wolfgangus Portner Leonardi. See Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 566f., 692, and MLMU I, 64, and Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 4, 894, 1256, 1303. The potential uncertainty is also illustrated by the case of Wolfgangus Leskircher who studied in Vienna in 1492, MUW 1492 I R 29. This Wolfgangus Leskircher should probably be identified with Wolfgang Leßkircher who was a canon of the Alte Kapelle in 1505, J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 318, 1558, 28 August 1505. However, a second Wolfgangus Leskircher was a member of the inner council in 1502, J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 303, 1495, 15 March 1500. 158 Johannes Rehaver matriculated at Vienna in 1461, one year before Sebaldus Rehaver (his brother?). He served Emperor Frederick III, he was taken into imperial service in 1471, and later was employed by the city of Regensburg as a scribe (1477 and 1490) and emissary to the imperial court 1480. See Appendix II. 153


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were destined for careers in the church. The Regensburg patrician sons, Georg Friesheimer (canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1482), Jacobus Friesheimer (cathedral canon 1429), Peterus Hofmeister (canon in the Alte Kapelle before 1511), Henricus Kurtz (canon of the Alte Kapelle 1517), and Wolfgangus Leskircher (canon of the Alte Kapelle 1505), all pursued ecclesiastical careers.159 Two others, Georgius Meller (law faculty in Prague) and Erasmus Amman (medicine at Vienna), pursued university careers.160 In addition, it does not appear that most of these students completed a degree; those who did were exceptional. A Wolfgangus Sittauer, son of the council member Christoph Sittauer, studied in Ingolstadt in the 1470s and appears as a master in arts by 1485.161 The aforementioned Erasmus Amman studied arts at Vienna and medicine at Padua, eventually returning to the faculty of medicine in Vienna.162 Jacobus Friesheimer (before 1439), Henricus Kurtz (before 1501), Georg Meller (1409), and Wolfgangus Portner (1484) earned degrees in canon law.163 For the most part, it appears that university study among the city’s office-holding elite was limited to younger sons and those not expected to assume positions of leadership within the council. At no time did university study come to be seen as a necessary component in the education of the council members themselves. To the extent that the leading families pursued university study, they did as so preparation for a career in the church, not for a role in city government.164 Nevertheless by the fifteenth century, university trained-men, frequently from outside Regensburg, took on increasingly important roles in the city. For their careers, see Appendix II. Georgius Meller was active in the law faculty at Prague from 1408. Erasmus Amman studied at Vienna and Padua before returning to Vienna in the faculty of medicine in 1467; that same year, likely through the university patronage networks, he received a benefice in the diocese of Passau. See Appendix II for more details. 161 BayHstA KU Regegensburg Dominkaner, 186, 1485 XII 26 (I am grateful to Olivier Richard for this reference). See Appendix II. 162 Vienna (1454–57, 1467), Karl Schrauf, Acta facultatis medicae Universitatis Vindobonensis. 3 vols. (Vienna, 1894–1904) (hereinafter AFM), vol. 2, 88, 132. Padua (1464), Università di Padova. Acta Graduum Academicorum Gymnasii Patavini, vol. 1 (1–3) ed. G. Zonta and G. Brotto (1970), vol. 2 (1), ed. M. P. Grezzo, vol. 2 (2), ed. G. Pengo (1992), vol. 2 (3–6), ed. by E. Martellozzo Forin (2001), Fonti per la storia dell’Università di Padova (Rome: Editrice Antenore, 1970–2001) (hereinafter Acta Grad. Pat.), vol. 2, 2, 342–344. See Appendix II. 163 See Appendix II. 164 This is very similar to what Urs Martin Zahnd found in his study of university education in Bern. See Zahnd, Bildungsverhältnisse in den bernischen Ratsgeschlechtern im ausgehenden Mittelalter, 134–41, 222–23. 159

160


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Employment of University-Trained Men The importance of such men is further illustrated by the city’s funding of the legal education of both Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim and Casparus Kantner. In addition to funding their education directly, the city also used its influence to ensure that men with useful legal training received benefices within the city. Both Kantner and Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim received canonries in the city. Johannes Trabolt, who studied at Padua with Kantner and served the city faithfully for at least two decades as a scribe, envoy, and legal advisor, secured a benefice in the diocese of Regensburg.165 Wolfgangus Portner, licentiate in both canon and civil law, held a canonry in the cathedral.166 The city also had need for university-trained physicians. By he end of the thirteenth century, these gradually took their place alongside a

165 Johannes Trabolt (1424/25–1505) studied first at Heidelberg in 1455, earning a bachelor in arts by 1457. He completed his legal training at Padua in 1467, studying alongside the noted humanists Johannes Mendel and Johannes Tröster. In 1467 he secured a benefice in Plattling. Likely through his friendship with Casparus Kanter, he entered the service of the city of Regensburg in 1476, where he served as a notary, legal advisor, and frequent envoy for the city. In 1482, Trabolt appears in the law faculty at Ingolstadt (MLMU I, 113, 42). In 1482 he represented Regensburg as an envoy to the imperial court of Frederick III. Bio-Lex Ingol, 440–41. During the period of Bavarian hegemony in Regensburg, he was on the anti-Bavarian side. After the return of Regensburg to its status as an imperial city Trabolt reentered the service of the city. He appears for the last time in Ingolstadt in 1502, spending the remaining three years of his life in Regensburg. Heidrun Stein-Kecks, and Franz Fuchs, “Neues zu Atldorfer: Die Bildtafel ‘Die beiden Johannes’ und ihr Stifter Johannes Trabolt,” Blick in die Wissenschafte, 12 (2000), 26–27. Trabolt left several texts to the the library of the Augustinian Hermits for remedium et salutem anime sue . . . Oldradus de Ponte, Consilia et questiones (Rome: Apud Sanctum Marcum, 1478), 232 pages, 2o, O-40, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007; Ludovicus Pontanus, Concilia et allegationes (Pavia: Franciscus Giradengus, 1485.03.05), 230 pages, 2o, P-695, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007; Johannes Franciscus de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia contra Judaeos Tridentinos (Rome: Apud Sanctum Marcum, 1478), 14 pages, 2o, P-116, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007. The latter relates to the supposed murder of the young boy Simon of Trent at the hands of the Jews in 1475. Popular outrage over the “murder” contributed to growing anti-Jewish sentiment in the Empire and is reflected in the convent’s own increasingly anti-Jewish preaching. See, for example, Raphael Straus, Urkunden und Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Juden in Regensburg, 1453–1738, QuE, vol. 18 (München: C. H. Beck, 1960), 335, 337–38, #946 and #952. Trabolt died 28 October 1505 (the same year as Kantner) and has an epitaph in St. Emmeram. Rudolf Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg aus dem Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts,” Blätter des Bayerischen Landesvereins für Familienkunde, 2 (1924), 35. Trabolt also funded the panel painting of the two St. Johns executed by the renowned Regensburg painter Albrecht Altdorfer (1480–1538) in the monastery of St. Emmeram. 166 See Appendix II.


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much larger number of less-formally trained wuntärtzte, apoteger, and augenärtze. These so-called Puechartzte enjoyed direct support from the council and several left lasting intellectual legacies to the city. Rudolf Volkard von Heringen established an endowment for the scholars of the Alte Kapelle, and Ulricus Mückel left the city library a number of his own professional texts.167 Many of these men were also able to parlay their positions into the lucrative ecclesiastical benefices. Indeed, it is striking how many city physicians and former city physicians held benefices from the Alte Kapelle.168 Lower down the pay-scale were the ubiquitous scribes that carved out a living serving the city’s commercial needs and those of the growing record keeping bureaucracies. The level of expertise and education varied considerably. At the lowest level, the vernacular scribes who recorded business and property transactions rarely had university training. Few even of the official city scribes held university degrees.169 It is possible that Erasmus Pänger, city scribe from 1484 to 1489, and Erhart Schönstetter, city scribe in 1498, were university graduates; they both are called “master” in the city accounts books. Johannes Rehaver, city scribe in 1477 and 1490, matriculated at Vienna in 1461.170 However, 167 For Rudolf Volkard von of Heringen’s endowment see J. Schmid, Urk. AK vol. 1, 166, 851, 23 March 1451. Two codices, which “maister Mu˝gkel mit seiner aign hannt geschrieben . . .” are now in München: BayStB clm 26665 a codex containing an Almonsor (perhaps Rhazes?) and a treatise on the making of medicinal wine and clm 26674. MBK IV: 1, 478. For a list of city physicians see Rudolf Freytag, Verzeichnis der Regensburg Aerzte bis 1850 (Regensburg: Gebrüder Habbel, 1929). 168 Rudolf Volkard von Heringen was a canon in the Alte Kapelle and dean in St. Johann, see Appendix II. Ulrich Teytinger served as city physician in 1435, Freytag, Regensburg Aerzte, 5. Teytinger petitioned for a benefice in the Alte Kapelle at the Council of Basel in 1438 ( Johannes Haller, Gustav Beckman, Hermann Herre, and Heinrich Dannenbauer, eds., Concilium Basiliense: Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des Concils von Basel, 8 vols. (Basel: Helbing u. Lichtenhahn, 1896–1936, Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1971) (hereinafter Conc.Basil.), vol. 6, 1, 155). He appears as a canon in the Alte Kapelle before 1446, BZAR, StiAK U, #534, 22 April 1446. In 1448, the city physician Ulricus Mückel was a chaplain in the Alte Kapelle. J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 162, 834, 18 April 1448. 169 Alois Schmid, “Notarius civium Ratisponensium. Beobachtungen zu den Stadtschreibern der Reichsstadt Regensburg,” in Staat, Kultur, Politik: Beiträge zur Geschichte Bayerns und des Katholizismus: Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Dieter Albrecht, eds., Winfried Becker & Werner Chrobak (Kallmünz: Michael Lassleben, 1992), 49–51. 170 Erasmus Pänger was sent, along with Erhardus Grafenreuter, Johannes Fuchstainer and Johannes Aunkofer, to the court of Duke Albert in Munich. StAR Cam. 19 fol. 175r: “Es ritten wider zu unserem herrn herzog Albrecht gen Mu(e)nchen Fuchstainer hanns awnkover und her Erhart Grafenreuter michl pflanzhans Elmpeck und maister Erasmus stattschreiber am freytag vor dionisii im 84 iar.” and StAR CAm19a, 179: “Etwa Schueffen unser herren zw geben meyster Erasmus pan(e)nger etwan statschrieber


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a university degree was never, at least in Regensburg, a prerequisite for the position. The city did employ the Vienna-educated scribe Leonard Heff, although it is not clear whether he was ever officially stadtschreiber. He first appears in Regensburg five years after completing a bachelor of arts degree. He became a citizen of Regensburg in 1466, at which time, he was described as a stuelschreiber.171 In 1471, he translated Andreas von Regensburg’s Chronica Pontificum et imperatorum at the behest of the Regensburg Ratsherr Erasmus Trainer. He worked in Regensburg throughout the 1470s and described himself as a “poor and willing servant,” of the council.172 Other university-educated men performed occasional scribal duties for the city including the notary and future cathedral scolasticus Johannes Velber, to whom the city paid four schillings in 1481 for copying two letters.173 As discussed in Chapter Three, university-trained men were also beginning to occupy many of the teaching positions within Regensburg’s schools. Between 1450 and 1463, the grammar schools of the Cathedral, the Alte Kapelle, St. Emmeram, Prüll, and the Franciscans all employed men who had spent at least some time at a university.174 During the same period, the lector of the Franciscans, Marcus Schönprunner, was

hie x guld. . . .” For Schönstetter see StAR Cam. 22 11r “Meister Erhart Scho(e)nsteter statschreiber xxxii gult xi lb, schl xvii den. fuer sein grosse muee.” Johannes Rehaver, StAR Cam19a 34; Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 455, and Appendix II. 171 StAR Politica III, 1, fol 71r. Digital images and transcriptions are also available online. Fontes Civitates Ratisponensis, Geschichtsquellen der Reichsstadt Regensburg *Online*, Ingo H. Kropac, “Stadtsarchiv Regensburg, Bestand Politica / Einwohnerwesen,” 1996–2004.07/26/2004 http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm. See also J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 198, 1016, 27 February 1467. 172 VL, vol. 3, 570–71. Leonardus Heff copied a number of other works, including the Imago Mundi of Vincent of Beauvais. It is possible that he is the same as the stadtschreiber Linhart, who appears in 1475 and 1476. StAR Cam17. fol. 138v: “Item wir gaben dem Linhart unserm Schreiber das jar fur pergamen i lb den.” The following year, there is an identical entry. StAR cam17 fol. 176v. 173 See Appendix I. 174 Johannes Stöckel (Stoeckel), rector scolarum in the Alte Kapelle in 1463, matriculated at Vienna in 1451. Ulricus Kaegerl studied at Vienna as well and was a master in arts when he began teaching at the cathedral school in 1456. Hermann Pötzlinger earned a bachelor in arts at Vienna in 1439 and taught in St. Emmeram beginning in 1450. In 1456, he accompanied several Regensburg patrician sons to Leipzig, but maintained a lifelong connection with St. Emmeram and its school. See Appendix II. Leonard Panholz matriculated at Heidelberg in 1453 and Vienna in 1454. He began teaching at Prüll two years later. By 1459, he moved to the newly established school of the Franciscans. For references and biographical details see Appendix I.


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a doctor in theology and a lector of the Augustinian Hermits matriculated at Vienna.175 Finally, university-educated men appear increasingly among the ranks of the canonical vicars and even chorales, positions which carried much less prestige and were significantly less lucrative than canonical benefices.176 Fridericus Zirckendorffer, who studied at Leipzig in 1461, served as a vicar in the Alte Kapelle from 1468 until at least 1491.177 Other university-educated vicars associated with the Alte Kapelle included Martinus Fridman, Georgius Wirtenberger, and Johannes Velber.178 The presence of such highly educated men in relatively unremunerative postitions becomes particularly evident by the middle of the fifteenth century—a reflection of the increased competition for benefices that resulted from the unprecedented expansion of university study in the previous half century. As Peter Moraw has pointed out, the competition for benefices was now beginning for many university students only after they had completed their studies.179 Thus, many university students, especially those who lacked the most powerful connections, found themselves scrambling for benefices after they had already completed their studies. Although it took some time, Zirkendorffer, Fridman, and Velber eventually obtained additional benefices in the churches they served as vicars, illustrating what became an increasingly common career path for less advantaged university graduates.180

175 Marcus Schönprunner studied at Vienna, becoming a doctor in theology in 1453. He returned to his native convent shortly thereafter where he served as lector. In 1463, the lector of the Augustinian Hermits Nicholas de Ratispona, matriculated at Vienna. See Appendix I. 176 The statutes of the cathedral required those who had not yet studied at a studium generale to attend the cathedral school. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 2, 45: “Quapropter statuimus et ordinamus, quod omnes chorales pro tempore existentes, qui universitates generales nondum visitarunt, teneantur scolas ingredi . . .” This presumes that some at least had already studied at a university or studium generale. 177 He eventually obtained an additional benefice in the altar of Saints Barbara and Blasien (endowed, not coincidentally by (his uncle?) Georgius Zirckendorffer, a canon in the Alte Kapelle and himself a university graduate). See Appendix II Fridericus Zirkendorfer. 178 For Velber see Appendix I. For Fridman and Wirtenberger see Appendix II. 179 Moraw, “Stiftspfründen,” 270–97. 180 Martinus Fridman obtained the altar of St. Erasmus in the Alte Kapelle, see Appendix II. Johannes Velber, after nearly a decade as cathedral vicar and notary, became a vicar in the Alte Kapelle in 1497 canon in 1499 and scolasticus by 1506. See Appendix I.


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Networks of Friendship and Patronage At least as important as the specific skills acquired through university study, the experience also provided important opportunities for the cultivation of patronage and friendship networks, which were essential for the advancement of individual careers. One of the most important relationships was with the university itself. The university submitted rotuli, lists of students associated with the university seeking preferment, to the papacy. Although the lists mirrored the existing social hierarchy—noblemen and other men of privilege invariably head the list—the rotuli still provided an important avenue for advancement for all those who could afford to have their names included. The famous Regensburg cathedral canon Conrad of Megenberg received an expectation through his connections with the University of Paris in 1341 and took up the position seven years later in 1348. Less direct means of advancement were also critical. The friendships cultivated during the years of study often lasted a lifetime, and the recommendation of former classmates could provide important opportunities. Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim matriculated in Heidelberg in 1405 alongside Leonardus Propst, a cathedral canon and son of one of the leading families in Regensburg. Two years later, when both entered the university of Vienna, Conrad had begun to receive funding from the city of Regensburg. For the remainder of his career Conrad remained connected to Regensburg.181 A similar example comes from Padua in the 1460s, where native Regensburger Casparus Kantner was studying canon law. The document testifying to Kantner’s promotion includes the name of Johannes Trabolt, who later advised the council on legal matters and served as envoy in council business.182 The schoolmaster Leonard Panholz, also may have come to Regensburg as the result of connections formed during his university years. Originally from Operkoven near Straubing, he matriculated at Vienna in 1454, the same year as Michael Ellenpach de Ratispona. By 1456 Panholz served as schoolmaster at Prüll just outside of Regensburg. Twenty-one years later he witnessed the promotion of Michael Ellenpach

181 182

44.

See Conradus Duvel de Hildesheim Appendix II. For Johannes Trabolt, see Bio-Lex Ingol, 440–41. For Kantner, see notes 143–


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as a canon in the Alte Kapelle, attesting to the ongoing connection between the two men.183 The continued importance of the relationships forged during the university years is further illustrated by a case in 1451, in which four men—Andreas Freudemberger, Leonardus Platner, Johannes Parsberger and Ulricus Part—all of whom had studied at Vienna, were implicated in the death of a certain Paulus Haider. According to testimony, the four had been returning from a particularly lively celebration of the Feast of the Annunciation when they came across Haider, a servant of the Paulstorffer family. An argument ensued and one of the four men, probably Ulricus Part, drew a knife and killed the unfortunate servant.184 Apart from the violent end of Paulus Haider, what is most striking is that all four of the accused shared a common alma mater. In fact, two of the men, Part and Parsberger, also studied together in Padua in the mid-1440s. The association of these latter two men does predate their years of university study—both were cathedral canons by the time of their matriculation in Vienna—but the presence of Platner and Freudemberger as well, suggests that the connection with Vienna was more than simple coincidence. Social and Economic Mobility Multi, quos inglorii parentes genuere, Quia tamen fervide in scholis studuere, Cernuntur in sedibus altis residere Et honoris titulis splendide fulgere.185

The problem of social mobility remains central to understanding the apparent explosion in university study that occured during the late Middle Ages. It is clear that many, especially those of less than glorious parentage, hoped that study could overcome their defects of birth. But See Appendix I. Leonard Pahnholz Franciscan secular master. The four men were Ulricus Part (d. 1487), the scion of a Munich patrician family and canon of the cathedral in Regensburg, the nobleman Henricus Parsberger and fellow cathedral canon; and two sons of Regensburg, Andreas Freudemberger, and Leonardus Platner. See Appendix II, Henricus Parsberger, and Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 190–95. 185 Clemens Blume, Pia Dictamina: Reimgebete und Leselieder des Mittelalters, in Analecta Hymnica, vol. 33 (Leipzig: O. R. Reisland, 1899), 328. 183 184


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how often did education provide these hoped for rewards? There were certainly many instances where it did not. As Jacques Verger and others have pointed out, social mobility through education was frequently a multi generational proposition. Although some famously rose from the lower echelons of the free peasantry, or even from servile status, this was certainly not the norm. In most cases, university students, and especially graduates, came from a family already occupied to some degree in the profession of letters.186 The careers of a number of Regensburg scribes illustrates the importance of such connections. Conradus Platernberger served the city as a scribe in 1472. Seven years later, a Georgius Platernberger matriculated at Vienna.187 Hainrich the scribe “genannt der Regeldorffär” was active in the city at the end of the fourteenth century. About a generation later, in 1426, a certain Erhardus Regeldorffer matriculated at Vienna.188 Finally at the end of the fifteenth century, a Johannes Hofer, son of Hanns Hofer “der Maut zur Regensburg gegenschreyber,” became a canon of the Alte Kapelle, attending the university of Ingolstadt from 1493 to 1496.189 Although these families did not make the leap from illiteracy to higher learning in a single generation, their access to university study did allow for advancement. The statutes of both the Alte Kapelle and the cathedral further demonstrate the growing importance of the universities as avenues for social advancement. As was mentioned above, the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle offered the possibility of admission as canons to nonnoble university graduates. In the early fifteenth century, the cathedral already felt the need to limit non-noble canons to one-third of the total

186 The names of the Regensburg university matriculants also reveal the large number of students whose families originated among the artisans, and to a lesser extent, farmers and laborers. A quick survey of the names finds Pfister (baker), Pauer (farmer), Pogener (bow maker), Calciatoris (shoemaker), Schinnagel (nail maker), Molitoris (miller), Plechsmid (metal worker), Modler (moulder), Seld (day-laborer), Walcher (fuller), to name just a few. See Hans Bahlow, Deutsches Namenlexikon: Familien- und Vornamen nach Ursprung und Sinn erklärt (München: Keyser, 1967), and Rosa Kohlheim, Regensburger Beinamen. To what extent these followed the pattern suggested above is unclear. Did they have extended family members in the church? Did the family still engage in the activity that earned them their name? Unfortunately, in most of these cases, we have little additional information beyond their dates of matriculation. Although many of these appear among the university “pauperes,” others paid the full burse, suggesting at least some financial resources. 187 See Appendix II. 188 See Appendix II, Erhardus Regeldorffer. 189 See Appendix II.


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number. A statute from 1493 clarified this point even further: “Note that the number twelve is one third of thirty-six and this is more than thirty five [the total number of canons in the cathedral].” The statute’s reiteration of the arithmetically obvious points to the growing number of non-noble university-trained men seeking (often successfully) these lucrative benefices. That this was true in the cathedral chapter, which had traditionally been so dominated by the nobility, further demonstrates the profound importance of university study in the procurement of ecclesiastical benefices, and the opportunities for advancement which it offered.190 Beyond these, some university students came from noble, knightly, or once powerful patrician families seeking to bolster their flagging fortunes. Conrad of Megenberg and the Regensburg Straubingers appear to have been of this ilk. Conrad was from an impoverished noble family, and spent most of his life pursuing often-elusive benefices. Although he was frustrated in his ability to obtain the most lucrative benefices his strategy was moderately successful.191 The Straubingers experienced a series of setbacks in the early fourteenth century precisely as several members of the family began to appear in the universities and ecclesiastical institutions.192 Although they never regained their onceprominent position within the city, university study offered opportunities for attaining lucrative benefices within the church that would otherwise have been denied them. Generally then, university study did not create men of substance ex nihilo. In many cases, university study was an effect rather than a cause of social advancement. Those individuals who rose from the lower ranks of society, often had some connection with literate culture either directly or through their extended family. However, this does not diminish the fact that education played a significant role in social and economic advancement during the late Middle Ages. It became increasingly advantageous, even for those from established families, to have at least some of the family members engaged in university study. It provided marketable skills and widened the patronage networks to which Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 24. “Tercia vero pars numeri Canonicorum possit recipi ex non nobilibus gradu tamen sciencie qualificatis hoc est in Theologia in utroque vel altero iurium doctoribus vel licentiatis, aut saltem in Theologia Baccalaurys formatis . . . Attento quod numerus duodecim est tercia pars de triginta sex, et transcendit terciam partem de triginita quinque.” 191 On Conrad of Megenberg see Appendix I. 192 On the Straubingers see Appendix II. 190


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individuals had access. By the fifteenth century, these advantages were increasingly accessible despite enduring social and economic hurdles. Indeed, there is no clearer evidence of the advantages of university study than the growing flood of students entering the universities each year.


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CHAPTER FIVE

CONCLUSION From the evidence presented in this study, it is possible to draw a number of conclusions about education in Regensburg, and late medieval Germany more generally. When considering Regensburg specifically, the fifteenth century appears to have been a particularly active period in the schools. The Benedictine monasteries of Prüll and St. Emmeram, as well as the Franciscan convent of St. Salvatore, all employed secular, university-trained schoolmasters. The schools of the Alte Kapelle and Cathedral were also frequently headed by university-trained scholars. Although the fact that more documentation survives from this period likely exaggerates the apparent increase in school activity, that it also coincides with a clear increase in the number of university students from the city suggests that it is not entirely illusory. The large number of university students with ties to the city also highlights the extent to which Regensburg was integrated into the larger German and European intellectual circles. University students and graduates with close ties to Regensburg attended studia from Krakow to Salamanca and most of the universities in between. Although most students stayed closer to home, the city’s extraordinary libraries clearly reflect the influence and interests of those who studied abroad. Evidence from Regensburg also suggests that the recent scholarly trend minimizing the role played by the mendicant orders in civic education, overlooks the essential connections between city and convent; connections which included convent personnel, funding, and the transmission of texts and ideas. Even if in most cases the mendicant schools themselves were closed to outsiders, their presence, the scholars they attracted, and the libraries built to support them, cannot be overlooked. Caution is of course necessary. The contentions of earlier scholars who credited the mendicants with running the first “deutsche Volkschulen,” certainly cannot be maintained. However, it is also misleading to exclude them entirely. In Regensburg, the relationship between the city and the mendicant orders was always very close; the city funded preachers from both the Franciscans and the Dominicans, and provided direct support for a number of Augustinian Hermits during their years of study. In addition, many of the books produced


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under mendicant auspices found their way into other libraries in the city. The mendicants also played a role in the education of women. The female houses attached to the mendicant orders in the city were dominated by the daughters of the citizens of Regensburg. Most of these women learned at least the rudiments of Latin, and many appear to have been literate in the vernacular. We return now to the historiographical questions with which we began. First, evidence of a peculiarly “bürgerliche Bildung” is scant. Even when cities controlled their own schools directly, the primary change was one of jurisdiction; the curriculum and organization of the schools was left largely in tact. It is likely that the increasing emphasis on mathematics apparent in the curriculum of St. Emmeram was in some way a response to the education needs of a commercial society; however, such changes could be easily accommodated within the existing curriculum and organizational structures. The purpose of education and the motives of the students of course varied widely, ranging from the amor sciendi famously described by Herbert Grundmann, to the avarice of the turgid lawyers loathed by Conrad of Megenberg. For most of those who studied, however, education promised social and economic advantages they could obtain in no other way. Of course, not all benefited equally; as the number of university matriculants and graduates seeking benefices exploded in the fifteenth century, some likely wondered if they had benefited at all.1 Yet, it would be unwise to dismiss too easily the medieval commonplace of the upwardly mobile scholar. The growth in university study also signaled a wider expansion of literacy more generally—both Latin and vernacular. Although the church remained one of the most important employers of the literate and educated, lay scribes increasingly appear in the city’s service, as do learned laymen. Unfortunately, literacy is extremely difficult to quantify. If we start with the estimate of 230 students in Regensburg’s schools at any given time, and assuming that they all attained some level of literacy, then about every seven years, the schools would produce 230 literate boys. At any given time then, there would be about six or seven cohorts, or approximately 1,400 students and former students in the city. This would give a conservative estimate of approximately fourteen

1 It is possible that the slower rate of growth in university matriculation in the late fifteenth century reflects a market flooded with university students.


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percent literacy. This number is likely too low. It does not include the large number of literate Jews, those educated outside of the schools, the female literate, both lay and cloistered, or the male religious. Nevertheless, it is very much in line with estimates for other German cities, and similar to that suggested by Moran for lay literacy in the diocese of York.2 However, because Moran’s estimate includes the entire diocese, it is likely that lay literacy in the urban areas of York exceeded that of Regensburg. In Italy, recent estimates are much higher. Grendler estimates that about twenty-eight percent of all Florentine boys and a third of Venetian boys were literate by age fifteen, with female literacy at about twelve percent.3 At the very least, the expansion in access to education meant that the sole users and producers of literate culture were no longer clerics. The Regensburg city library, already in existence by the late fourteenth century, stands as a powerful testament to the increasing demand for books among the lay civic elite. At the same time, the fact that clerics donated so many of the works and were some of the most frequent users of the city library should temper any overenthusiastic declarations concerning the laicization of learning. The trend was certainly in that direction, but the clergy continued to command, at least in sheer numbers, a dominant position within the literate class long after the end of the Middle Ages. Nevertheless, the distinctions between clergy and laity are often overdrawn. In Regensburg, the friars, the canons of the Alte Kapelle, and, to lesser extent, the cathedral canons, increasingly included native sons of Regensburg. As such, it is likely that their outlook and allegiances were more in line with that of their families and the city, than some abstract clerical culture. Many of the legal advisors to the city, although they held ecclesiastical positions, were primarily representatives of the city.

2 Wendehorst provides an estimate of between 10 and 30% suggesting the higher end for Nuremberg based on a fifteenth century account of a procession that was said to have included 4000 students. Although 30% percent may indeed be close to the number of literate in the city, a number of 4000 schoolchildren seems too high. Alfred Wendehorst, “Wer konnte im Mittelalter lesen und schreiben?” in Schule und Studium im sozialen Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters, ed. Johannes Fried. Vorträge und Forschungen, vol. 30 (Sigmaringen: 1986), 32; and Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran, The Growth of English Schooling 1340 –1548, Learning, Literacy and Laicization in Pre-Reformation York Diocese (Princeton: 1985), 223. 3 Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300 –1600, Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, vol. 107, no. 1 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 46, 77.


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Finally, we come to question of the relationship between the city and the church in relation to the schools. In Regensburg and the similarly situated diocesan city of Augsburg, evidence of the so-called Schulstreit is minimal. The ecclesiastical schools in Regensburg appear to have been satisfactory, in both access and curriculum. As a result, the city never seriously challenged the ecclesiastical educational monopoly. Although the bishop would surely have resisted any such efforts, as he did in the sixteenth century when the council moved decisively to found its own schools, there is no evidence that the city ever mounted such an effort. *

*

*

In 1505, when the Regensburg city council promised Joseph Grünpeck 40 florins, “allhie ein Poetenschul zu halten,” it marked the first time the city shouldered the primary burden for the financial support of a schoolmaster.4 Although the foundation itself was short lived—we hear nothing of a city school again until 1521—it was in many ways the beginning of a new era of schooling in Regensburg. The complaints of the episcopal ordinary in 1542 concerning the council’s establishment of new schools did little to alter this trend. That the council, after years of leaning toward the Lutheran faith embraced it openly that same year likely made his protestations even less effectual. However, the break with the past was in no way complete. Aspects of the medieval curriculum and organization continued to influence pre-university education well into the early modern period. This is particularly evident in the statutes of the Regensburg city school from the second quarter of the sixteenth century. These statutes describe an organization and curriculum that was, especially at the lowest levels, decidedly medieval. The two lowest grade levels were still tabulistae and Donatists. At the higher levels, the fables of Aesop, the Distichs of the pseudo-Cato, the comedies of Terrence, and Eclogues of Vergil, all remained ensconced in the curriculum. Although they likely employed humanists editions, and at the higher level, newer grammars, there was little (short of printed texts) that the fourteenth-century student would have found entirely foreign. The medieval legacy lived on, even in the schools whose founders railed against that barbarous age. 4 Gemeiner vol. 4, 98. Alois Schmid, “Das Gymnasium Poeticum zum Regensburg im Zeitalter des Humanismus,” in Albertus Magnus Gymnasium (Regensburg: 1988), 27–28; and Walter Fürnrohr, “Das Regensburg Gymnasium Poeticum,” in Geschichte des Bayerischen Bildungswesen 456.


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APPENDICES


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APPENDIX I

STUDENTS AND SCHOOL PERSONNEL1 Alte kapelle2 Scolastici: Liuthardus: (c. 1180) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 103]. Eberhardus: (c. 1210–1237) In 1210 an “Eberhardus scolasticus” appears along with members of the cathedral chapter as a witness to Bishop Conrad’s claim to rights over the church of Neuhausen [Ried I, 301 #329, ca. 1210]. Although the document itself does not specify where Eberhardus was scolasticus, and Eberhardus was an extremely common German name, the evidence points to the Alte Kapelle rather than the cathedral. First, an Eberhard was active as scolasticus in the Alte Kapelle around this time (1225 is the earliest I have been able to find him otherwise) [ H. Meier, “Das Ehemalige Schottenkloster,” 87 #9]. Second, in 1213 an Eberhard served as the bishop’s notary [ Ried I, 306 #323: 19 April 1213], and again in 1228 a “magister Eberhard scolasticus veteris capelle,” also served as notary for the bishop of Regensburg [MB 53, 54: 14 December 1228]. Finally, a certain Rupprecht appears as the cathedral scolasticus in 1207 and again in 1213, making it unlikely that Eberhardus could have held this position ca. 1210. Still scolasticus in 1237 [ MB 53, 30 #62: 25 May 1237]. By 1238 Eberhardus was rector of St. Cassian in Regensburg, a church controlled by the Alte Kapelle [ Ried I, 383]. Hildebrandus: (–1235–) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 105; MB vol. 13, 21, 27, 54].

1 I have left the names as the appear in the cited sources, unless they are well known under a variant spelling as appear in multiple sources. 2 J. Schmid identifies most of the scolastici and rectores scolarum. However, I have included additional information not in Schmid, especially in relation to university study. See J. Schmid, Die Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur Alten, (Regensburg: G. J. Manz, 1922), 103–130.


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Henricus de Judenprukhe: (–1238–) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 106]. Riboto: (1238) doctor puerorum [MB vol. 27, 53: 13 August 1238] 1253– 1264 scolasticus [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 106; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 10 #33: 6 June 1253; W. Schratz, Urkunden und Regesten zur Geschichte des Nonnenklosters zum hl. Kreuz in Regensburg, 150] . Berchtoldus: (1279) [ Ried III, #136]. Burchardus: (1285) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 106]. Henricus: (1296–1300) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 108]; In 1300 appears as scribe to the Archbishop of Salzburg [Franz Martin, Regesten der Erzbischöfe, vol II, 59: 8 March 1300]. Leopoldus: (1320) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 109]. Henricus von Rordorf: (1359) “Oberster schulmayster,” [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 110; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 47 #240: 23 April 1359]. Knightly family (miles). Bertholdus de Askania: Resigned as scolasticus (1361) [StAR Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg, (now held in Regensburg Stadtarchiv), Urk. 56: 30 July 1361]. Also rector in St. Cassian [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 56 #290: 9 April 1366]. Established a missa matutinalis and a Jahrtag. From Anhalt [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 63 #331: 30 January 1370; J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 111]. Ulricus der Loebel: (1361) Appointed to the office of scolasticus which was vacant “ex libera resignatione discreti Viri domini Bertholdi de Askania . . .” [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 110; StAR Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg, (now held in Regensburg Stadtarchiv), Urk. 56: 30 July 1361]. Still scolasticus in 1363 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 51 #264: 14 July 1363]. By 1386 called “custos”. A Fridericus Löbel also appears as a canon of the Alte Kapelle in this year [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 77 #410: 31 July 1386]. In 1387 magister Ulrich Löbel was made honorary papal chaplain [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 1, 28]. Dead by 1391 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 1, 540]. Member of a Regensburg patrician family which rose to particular prominence after the fall of the Auer [ F. Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg bis 1400.” VHVOR 85 (1935), 78–79].


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Erhardus Sittauer: (–1363–1394), scolasticus, and dean of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 77 #410: 31 July 1386], rector St. Cassian [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 90 #420: 22 February 1394], also rector St. Emmeram [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 110]. Member of a Regensburg patrician family primarily engaged in the Tyrol-Prague wine trade [F. Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 91]. Dead by 1394. Fridericus Wirsing (Wirsink): (1386–1393) “scolasticus et oblagiarius” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 77 #410: 31 July 1386; 87 #460: 8 March 1393]. Studied at Heidelberg held doctorate in law. For more see Appendix II. Albertus Preiser: (1396?) 1401–1425 [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 112]. M. Thiel argues that he was scolasticus already in 1396, the evidence on this, however, is uncertain [ M. Thiel, ed. Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 520]. Funded memorials in each of the three mendicant houses in 1417 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 121, 122 #652–654: 15 August 1417; 20 August 1471; 24 August 1417]. Dead by 3 March 1425 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 482 f.]. Heinrich Hargenlör: (1425–1447) received a papal provision as scolasticus of the Alte Kapelle which was vacant following the death of Albrecht Preiser “non obstante can. et preb. eccl. S. Tuburtii Monasterii clericorum Ratispon.” [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 114; Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 1138] Also held the parish church in Memmingen dioc. Regensburg [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 435]. Before attaining a benefice in the Alte Kapelle in 1421 he was rector of the parish church in the town of Rottendorf a position he held until he became rector in Memmingen [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 435, 1138]. Custos in the Alte Kapelle by 1441 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 154 #799: 6 December 1441]. Dean by 1446 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 159 #823: 15 March 1446]. Dead by 1447. Conrad Plessing: (1447) After the death of Heinrich Hargenlör, Wernher von Aufsess, canon in Bamberg and dean in the Alte Kapelle, transferred the scolasterie to Conrad Plessing [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 116]. Johannes Geginger: (1459) resigned as scolasticus. Originally from Hainbach [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 121 #927: 20 February 1459]. Perhaps the same as a Johann Geginger de Patavia who studied at Vienna in 1436. Provided to a benefice in the cathedral in Regensburg, vacant through the resignation of J. Marschalk “n[on] o[bstante] par. eccl. b. marie Perchaim al. Talkirchen Ratisbpon.dioc.” with an income ten silver


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marks per year [Rep. Germ., vol. 8, 425 #2904]. Oversaw the cathedral building fund (magister fabricate) in the 1480’s. Died in 1500 leaving a collection of law texts to establish an anniversary at St. Mang [ F. Fuchs, “Die Bibliothek des Augustiner-Chorherrenstifts St. Mang,” 75; A. Hilz, Die Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 60]. Johannes Marschalk: (1459–1474) Studied at Leipzig and Erfurt. Knightly family “ex utr. de mil. gen.,” [Rep. Germ., vol. 8, 470, #3228]. From the diocese of Bamberg. See also Appendix II. Christian Heimlich: (1466) vice-scolasticus [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 195 #1006: 17 May 1466; see also Ried III, 713: 17 May 1466]. In 1469 appears as proctor of Johannes Marschalk [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 203 #1042: 30 May 1469]. Dean in the Alte Kapelle by 1491 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 271 #1349: 2 September 1491]. Philip Leo: According to Schmid appears as praeceptor in the Alte Kapelle “d. i. wohl scolastikus”. Born in Leutschau in Hungary. First appears in connection with the Alte Kapelle in 1459 when he served as chorvikar [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 403 #1925: 15 June 1459]. Chaplain in the Alte Kapelle and the altar of S. Sigismund in Niedermünster. Canon in the Alte Kapelle (1465–1492) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 120]. Died 1492, buried in the Alte Kapelle [ J. Hecht, “Die Grabdenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 14]. Georg Schaffmansberger: (1505, resigned as scolasticus). Called magister [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 128; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 322 #1572: 25 May 1506]. Dead by 1524. Johannes Velber: (1506) became scolasticus at the resignation of Georg Schafmansberger [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 322 #1572: 25 May 1506]. Originally from Dorfen in the diocese of Freising. Matriculated at Ingolstadt 1486 [MLMU I, 162, 8]. Son of Erhart and Margaret Velber [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 291 #1438: 27 December 1497]. 1485–1526 appears as scriba iuratus in the consistory. 1489 appears as notarius vicariatus and Domvikar [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 265 #1324: 14 October 1489]. In 1488 the city paid Johannes Velber, episcopal notary, four schillings for copying a letter to Rome regarding “der vassten speys,” and one relating to the Nuremberg toll [StAR Cam 19 fol. 260r]. 1491 exchanged a benefice in the diocese of Eichstätt with Adam Deyer for the altar of St. Wenceslaus in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 269 #1343: 12 June 1491]. Canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1499 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 294, 1453: 27 February 1499]. Same as J. Belber, Notar [BayHStA, KU Minoriten Regensburg, 111: 1496


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November 10]. 1519 provost of St. Johann, 1523 dean in the Alte Kapelle [C. Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 416]. “Johannes Velber notarius vicariatus Ratisponensis.” [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 39: 22 December 1520]. Dean in the Alte Kapelle, died 7 June 1529 epitaph in the Alte Kapelle [ J. Hecht, “Die Grabdenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 18]. Sigismund Pender: (1517) Magister. Born in Venice of German parents. Studied at Pavia. Served as notary at the Council of Pisa in 1513. 1517 elected canon of the Alte Kapelle and scolasticus. 1527 dean. Journeyed to the papal curia in 1535. 1542 appears as rector of St. Peter and Paul in Niedermünster. Sent by the bishop of Regensburg to the Reichstag at Worms in 1545 regarding a complaint against the city of Regensburg. Also dean of Pondorf and chaplain of St. Simon and Juda in Niedermünster. Died 1560 [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 130]. Owned a copy of Cicero’s Tusculun Disputations printed in Venice in 1480 [Marcus Tullius Cicero, Tusculanae disputationes, (Venice: Nicolaus Giradengus, 1480, 2o, C-404, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007]. Died 6 January 1560. Buried in the Alte Kapelle [ J. Hecht, “Die Grabdenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 16]. Rectores seu magistri scolarum: Riboto: (1238) doctor puerorum also see under scolasticus. Johannes (1287) rector puerorum [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 263]. Heinrich der Igeltaler: (1402) Schulmeister [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 383 #1840: 16 May 1402]. Also appears as notary 1401–1403 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 104, 382, 383]. On 16 May 1402 he leased a house from the Alte Kapelle for an annual payment of 10 schil. R. d. “gelegen nahet pey detn(!) schwarzen purgtor bey sand Chlaren gegen Babenberger hof . . .” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 383 #1840: 16 May 1402]. Possibly the same as Heinrich der Igeltaler who matriculated at Vienna in 1383 [MUW 1383 II 85]. See Appendix II. Leonhard: (1424) rector scolarum [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 128 #688: 15 July 1424]. Hermann de Gotta: (1429) rector scolarum also magister. Appears as last witness to a judgment regarding incomes claimed by the scolasticus Heinrich Hargenlör [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 137 #719: 15 December 1429]. A Hermannus de Gotta, brother of “decani quondam in Northusin” (Nordhausen, Saxony) studied at Erfurt 1402–8 [Akt. Erf. I, 66, 69,


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83] Bac. in arts 1406 [Bak. Reg.Erf., 12]. Gotta is in Saxon Koburg near Bamberg, perhaps a reflection of the continued influence of the bishop and chapter of Bamberg in the affairs of the Alte Kapelle. See Appendix II. Johannes Stoekchl: (1463) rector scolarum [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 263]. Likely the same as Johannes Stöckl de Rat who matriculated in Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 128]. Paid burse of 4 gr. A Johannes Stöckel bachelor in arts and cleric of the diocese of Regensburg witnessed Michael Lengfelder’s resignation of a benefice in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 182 #930: 16 June 1459] Held the altar of St. Martha and St. Dorothy in the Alte Kapelle until 1465 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 191 #982: 28 February 1465]. By this time he was also vicar of the altar of St. Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins in the cathedral and was ordered to resign his benefice in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 405–6 #1936: 28 February 1465]. See Appendix II. Heinrich Holzman: (1467) rector scolarum [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 339 #1645: 24 March 1467]. Georg Schilher: (1487) rector scolarum Also made primissarius in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 421 #1999: 1 June 1487]. Vicar of St. Ulrich’s in Regensburg 1504 resigned as primissarius [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 316 #1546: 1 July 1504]. Johann Gross: (1495) rector scolarum. Rector St. Cassian (1508–09). Possibly the same as Johannes Gross de Ratispona who matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1480 [MLMU I, 94]. Died 1519. See Appendix II. Christoff Schels: (1498) rector scolarum [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 429 #2031: 19 February 1498]. Sebastian Gyrstner (1510) rector scolarum. Also summisarius of St. Johann in Regensburg. From the diocese of Passau [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 344 #1670: 27 June 1510]. Scolaris Heinricus Erlbach: Before 1486 “Henricus de Erlbach tunc temporis scholaris veteris capellae” copied the Summulae logicales of Peter Hispanus (BayStB clm 14518). Later studied at Ingolstadt. See Appendix II.


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Augustinian hermits Johannes: (1322) Lector [StBR Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern (1785), 522 #94]. “Obiit Domina Petrisia Soror Johannis lectoris.” Härtwig: (1357) Lector [RegBoic. VIII, 364: 7 January 1357]. Listed with Albrecht, Wirnher, Ott. Wirnher: (1357) Lector [RegBoic. VIII, 364: 7 January 1357]. Listed with Albrecht, Ott and Härtwig. Possibly the same as Wernher lesemeister O.E.S.A. who received ½ pfd Ewiggeld [H. Meier, Das ehemalige Schottenkloster St. Jakob, 72 #104: 1393 October 14]. Albertus: (1357–1389) Lector [RegBoic. VIII 364: 7 January 1357]. Listed with Wirnher, Ott and Härtwig. Possibly the same as Albrecht Lesemaister, prior Unseres Herren Chappell Regensburg [BayHStA, KU Augustiner Regensburg 50: 24 November 1375] and Albrecht Lesemaister [F. Solleder, Urkundenbuch der Stadt Straubing, vol. I, 207–10 #220: 1382 April 22] and Albertus de Ratispone lector, prior, and procurator of the province of Bavaria [BayStB clm. 8423, 286: 16 July 1389]. Otto: (1357–1375) Lector [MB 54, 325 #788: 21 June 1368; RegBoic. VIII 364: 7 January 1357]. Ulrich Woller left “pruder Otten dem lesmaister ze unsers herren chappel ½ lb . . . Ich han auch meinen sun, pruder Ulreich ze den Augustinern enpolhen minim prider hern Otten dem Woller und hern Dietreich dem Zollner.” [MB 54, 422 #1073: 16 February 1375]. Berthold Puchhauser von Regensburg: (1394) Lector. See Appendix II. Fridericus de Ratispona: (1403, 20?, 21?) Lector. “pruder Friedrich lesemaister prior zu unsers Herrn Chappell zu Regensburg” makes known the foundation of an anniversary mass [BayHstA, Reichsstadt Regensburg Urk. 4406: 5 May 1403] For more see Appendix II. A lector Fridericus appears as prior/lector again in 1407, 1418, 1420 and 1421 [BZAR BDK Urk. 1418 VII 28; BayHstA, KU Augustiner Regensburg 61: 28 August 1420; BayHstA, KU Augustiner Regensburg 62: 30 June 1421]. It is not entirely certain that these are all the same Fridericus. In 1418 he is identified as F. Hofmaister [ BZAR BDK Urk. 1418 VII 28]. According to Zirngibl this is the same as Fridericus Dio who died in 1430 [StBR Signatur Rat. ep.


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409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in NiederOber-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern, 509 #38]. Kunzelmann identifies the lector/prior in 1403, 1407 and 1420 as Fridericus Weltner [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 291, 331–332]. Fridericus (Dio=Hofmaister)?: (1418) Lector. See Fridericus above. Nicolaus de Ratispona: (1463) Lector [MUW 1463 I R1 78]. “Frater Nicholaus de Ratisbona lector et professus ordinis Mendicantium beati Augustini.” See Appendix II. Leonhardus de Ratispona (Mühlhauser): (1466) Lector [BayStB clm 8423, 322: 23 November 1466]. Named visitor of Windesheim [BayStB clm 8423, 323: 22 July 1471]. Wrote BayStB clm 26759 in 1457 [Adolar Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens, 320–21]. At death in 1500 called Leonardus Mülhauser Lector, doctor of theology [StBR Signatur Rat. ep. 409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-OberMünster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern, 509 #37]. Conrad de Ratispona: (1479) Lector [BayStB clm 8423, 383]. According to Hemmerle he served from 1469–1481. Known for his love of books [Hemmerle, “Das Regensburger Augustinerkloster St. Salvator: 1267–1810,” 21; A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen AugustinerEremiten, vol. 3, 281]. In 1475 requested that Thomas de Lunnis copy the codex now held as BayStB clm 26650 containing Alfonsus Vargas, Super primum Sententiarum. Casparus de Ratispona: (1479) Lector [ BayStB clm 8423, 333]. 1483 named vicar of the general chapter in Prague [ BayStB clm 8423, 334: 2 March 1483]. Confirmed as provincial 29 September 1484 [BayStB clm 8423, 334]. In 1486 a Gasparus de Rat. promoted to baccalaureate in theology and incorporated into the university of Ingolstadt or Vienna “Gasparus de Rat. fit Bacc. et incorporatur univer. Ingolstadtiensis vel Viennensi.” [ BayStB clm 8423, 334: 20 June 1486]. Reelected as provincial in 1487 [ BayStB clm 8423, 334: 24 August 1487]. Perhaps the same as the Augustinian Hermit Caspar Kürsner de Rat. who received money for his studies in Poland (Krakow?) in 1477. StAR Cam17. fol. 207r “item wir gaben ainem münch zu den Augustiner genant Caspar Kürsner auff die Studium gen Poloni xi schil. vi den.” Johannes Swartz: 1500 (Lector) [BZAR.StiA U 812: 3 July 1500]. Involved in a legal dispute along with the Dominicans, the Franciscans and the Carmelites of Straubing against Johannes Elsendorffer


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concerning a debt owed by the latter to the convents. (not to be confused with the Dominican of the same name). Johannes de Ratispona: Lector in 1504 [BayStB clm 8423, 339: 24 December 1504]. Stephanus de Ratispona: (1513) Lector [BayStB clm 8423, 341: 4 January 1513]. Cathedral Geraldus: (ca. 1061). According to tradition he was Scolasticus in the Regensburg cathedral in the Middle of the eleventh century. He entered the monastery of Cluny following a pilgrimage to Rome in 1061 serving for a time as prior. In 1067 he was appointed as Cardinal Bishop of Ostia as a supporter of the reforms of Gegory VII. He was a friend of fellow Regensburger and Cluniac monk Ulrich Zell [ F. Fuchs, “Ulrich von Zell,” in VL, vol. 11 and R. Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus und Kirchen Roms, 1049–1130, 1977), 132.]. Died in Rome in 1077. Idung: (1133–42) magister scole (scolarum) [Ried I, 193, 196, 203]. Likely the same as Idung of Prüfening who entered the Benedictine monastery of Prüfening around 1144 while suffering a near-fatal illness. During his stay at Prüfening he wrote the Argumentum in which he discusses the merits of the monastic life. Shortly after the death of Bernard of Clairvaux, Idung left the monastery of Prüfening to join the Cistercians (the specific monastery remains unknown). Here he wrote his Dialogue between two Monks, where he defended the Cistercians reforms as superior to the traditions of Cluny [ Huygens, 6–10; VL. 4, 362–64]. For Idung see also J. Petersohn, “Zur Biographie Herbords von Michelsberg,” 400–405. Herbord von Michelsberg?: (after 1142–before 1146) Herbord was a member of the cathedral chapter in the 1130’s and 1140’s. Although he does not appear in any of the surviving sources as schoolmaster in the cathedral, J. Petersohn infers from surviving charters and Idung of Prüfening’s dedication of the Argumentum to a magister Herbord (a title which at the time often signified a schoolmaster) that Herbord served as Idung’s successor in the cathedral school. Around 1146 Herbord entered the monastery of Michelsberg where he later took up the position of schoolmaster and became well-known as a proponent of monastic reform. In 1159 he composed his Vita of Bishop Otto I of Bamberg. Died 1168 [ J. Petersohn, “Zur Biographie Herbords von Michelsberg,” 413–416].


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Ulricus: (1155–1161) magister scole [ Ried I, 234, 236; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 1 #2: 1161]. Eberhardus: (1161 ca.) magister scole [ Ried I, 231; Ried dates this charter to 1155 but see J. Petersohn, “Zur Biographie Herbords von Michelsberg,” 408]. Pelletus also Belethus (1171–1193) magister scole, (1194) scolasticus [ Ried I, 244, 273, 276, 278]. H(. . .): (12??) scolasticus [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 21 #78]. Rupprecht: (1205–16) scolasticus [ Ried I, 291, 294, 306, 308, 317, (dean, 345)]. Likely the same as “di pfaffen maister Rupprecht” who was witness to the consecration of an altar in the Schottenkloster (St. Jakob) established by Werner von Laber in 1225. The donation was confirmed and translated into German, 5 January 1380 [H. Meier, “Das Ehemalige Schottenkloster St. Jakob,” 87] see also [G. A. Renz “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei,” 421, 38: 1225]. Hermann: (1224–1229) Scolasticus, oberister schulmaister [Ried I, 339, 347, 352, 357, 360]. Witness in 1225 to the consecration of an altar in St. Jakob (Schottenkloster) established by Werner von Laber. A register of the charter appears in [G. A. Renz 16(1895), 421, 38], a German translation from 1380 is published in [ Hans Meier, 87]. See also above Rupprecht. Siboto: (1229–1259) scolasticus [ Ried I, 363, 453]. Plebe in Niedermünster 1228 [ Ried I, 355], still 1240 [ BayHstA, KU Niedermünster Regensburg 28]. Served as one of several arbitrators in the dispute between the dean of the Alte Kapelle, Heinrich von Waldowe, and the chapter of the Alte Kapelle regarding income from property in the suburbs of Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 8 #24: 9 December 1245]. Appears repeatedly as witness to business relating to both the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle where he held canonries. Canon in both the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle by 1253 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 10 #34: 6 June 1253]. See also [ Ried I, 357, 378, 383, 392, 399, 405, 412, 453.] Leased property on the Steinernebrücke along with the future bishop and native son of Regensburg, Leo Thundorfer [ Paul Hardo-Mai, Die Traditionen, Die Urkunden und das älteste Urbarfragment des Stiftes Rohr, 1133–1332. QuE, Neue Folge vol. 21(Munich: Beck, 1966), 193 #38: 24 July 1255]. Dead by 23 September 1259 [ Ried I, 453], left 10 gold marks to the chapter. Also provided funds for the celebration of the feast of St. Luke [Ried I, 601]. Eberhard: (1260) scolasticus [MB 53, 50 #98: 27 October 1260]. Witness to an agreement between Hugo unter de Walchen and the cathedral chapter over the payment of an annuity.


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Otto: (1263) scolasticus [Ried I, 472]. Magister Otto, scolasticus witness to litigation between the Bishop of Regensburg and the Count of Moosburg. Ulricus: (1271) scolasticus [Ried I, 521]. Magister Ulricus scolasticus witnessed the settlement of a property dispute between the church of Regensburg and Hermann de Manstorf. See also [Schratz, Urkunden Dominikanerin, 1 March 1271]. Perhaps the same master Ulrich canon of Regensburg who witnessed the confirmation of possessions held from the church by the Landgraf of Nuremburg [Ried I, 566: 28 March 1280]. Gundakarus: (1276–1285) Scolasticus [Ried I, 537, 553, 538] Held a number of benefices concurrently including a cathedral canonry and rectorships in the churches of Frankenhausen and Niedermünster. In 1285 he was deprived of these benefices along with the position of scolasticus and was denied a vote in the chapter for five years “propter enormes excessus . . .” [RegBoic. IV 264: 10 January 1285]. Possibly the same as Magister Gundakerus notary to the Duke of Bavaria [MB, vol. 13, 239–40 #57, 1290]. Henricus Paganus: (before 1296) scolasticus [Ried I, 697: 17 May 1296]. 1296 Henricus scolasticus dictus Paganus established an anniversary in the cathedral. Cathedral canon by 1274 [Ried I, 530: 6 January 1274] still canon 1284 [Ried I, 598: 5 March 1284]. 1287 (archidyaconus) [G. A. Renz, 16 (1895), 578–579: 1287 Juni 19]. Philippus: (1294, 1302–1304) scolasticus [BayHStA, KU Niedermünster Regensburg 105: 17 October 1294]. In 1295, two monks of Heilsbronn who had once instructed the clerics and scholars of the cathedral in Regensburg in chant, dedicated their musical treatise to “Phyl[ippo] scolastico . . . omnibus clericis et scolaribus maioris ecclesie Rat [Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen, MS 66, 102: Hans Fischer, Katalog der Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen, vol. 1, Die Lateinischen Pergamenthandschriften, (Erlangen: Universitätbibliothek, 1928), 71]. In 1304 still scolasticus established an anniversary at the monastery of Rohr for six lbs. Also purchased a perpetual annuity for fifteen lbs [Hardo-Mai, 255–56]. See also [Ried I, 739 #760: 19 August 1303]. Anniversary in cathedral 14 December [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia III, 246]. Endowed a window in the Regensburg cathedral [Gabriela Fritzsche, Die Mittelalterliche Glasmalereien im Regensburger Dom, in Corpus vitrearum medii aevi 13, 1, (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag fur Kunstwissenschaft 1987), 88]. Albertus de Chunigswert: (1313–15) Schulmaister [Franz Martin, vol. II, 129 #115: 20 March 1313]. Noble from Frontenhausen. In 1314


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appears as one of three representatives of the bishop and chapter of Regensburg in a dispute with the bishop and chapter of Eichstätt over patronage rights in the church of Altenkirchen in the diocese of Eichstätt, called here only canon [Ried II, 765: 3 June 1314]. In 1315 Albrecht von Chveniswart “schuelmaister uf dem chor ze dem tum,” appears as the “pflegær” of Eberhart der Kapeller, also a canon in the cathedral, in the sale of property by Eberhard to the Abbess of St. Paul [ Johann Geier, ed., Die Traditionen, Urkunden und Urbare des Klosters St. Paul in Regensburg. QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 34 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1986), 78 #27: 10 February 1315]. In 1292 magister Albertus de Chunigswert mentioned in the will of Marquard canon of St. Johann, as being in possession of a book of sermons called “Balistarius”3 owned by Marquard. Called simply master here, no mention of his possession of a canonry [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 113–14 #73: 4 March 1292]. 1306 Dr. in Decr. [Franz Martin, vol. II, 94]. Laeutwin Gamurati: (Gamried von Sarching) (1320–27) scolasticus [RegBoic 6, 11: 8 June 1320]. Excommunicated 29 January 1327 by Nicholas Bishop of Regensburg for presuming to arrest a cleric under the protection of the bishop [Marianne Popp, Das Handbuch der Kanzlei des Bischofs Nikolaus von Regensburg (1313–1340), (Munich, 1972), 78 #45: 29 January 1327]. See also Ried II, 805: 8 July 1325. Appears as archdean in the cathedral in 1313 [ Franz Martin, vol. II, 129: 20 March 1313]. See also [G. A. Renz 17 (1896), 33: 12 August 1322]. In 1321 Franz Martin lists a “L(eo) Scholastikus” among the Regensburg canons who make known “daß sie . . . 40 pfd. 66 pfg. dem S(igfrid) . . . abgeliefert haben.” [ Franz Martin vol. II, 26: 4 March 1321]. This should surely read Laeutwin rather than Leo. Funded the Aurelia Grabmals in St. Emmeram. In the sixteenth century the famous humanist historian Aventinus mocked the inscription and its sponsor, “Ein gueter läppischer ungelerter tumbherr hat ain andern stain oben auf den alten lassen setzen, maint es ligt alda ain alte heilige junkfrau, sant Aurelia g’nant.” [Susanne Wolf, Johannes Aventinus (1477–1534): Der Vater

3 Jéan Baletrier of Limogoes O.P. (d. 1260) Balistarius sermon collection. See Matthias Thiel, Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, QuE Neue Folge, vol. 28, part 1, (Munich: 1975), 113.


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der bayerischen Geschichtsschreibung, http://www.uni-regensburg. de/ Fakultaeten/ phil_Fak_III/Geschichte/Alte_G/roemer/texte/ auf_aven.htm: accessed 11 June 2007]. Hiltpold von Haimburg: (1345–46) scolasticus [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 36 #172: 29 March 1345]. In 1346 Hiltpold von Haimburg, “scolasticus et canonicus eccclesie Ratisponensis ac prepositus sancti Iohannis,” relinquished his claims to the proceeds from vacant benefices in St. Johann [M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 290 #212: 9 March 1346]. Canon in Regensburg since 1313 [Franz Martin, II, 129 #1115: 29 March 1313]. Elected bishop in 1340 by a minority of the canons. Resigned almost immediately [ Janner vol. III, 209]. Cathedral dean 1347 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 37 #180–181: 5 December 1347]. See also [Oefele Tom I, 212 (1347) dean; Mayer Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 84]. Kept a house in Regensburg. “domus quedam sita inter domum domini Rugeri de Rayn, et domum Hiltpoldi de Haimberch” [Ried III #526 1322]. Sold property in Burgweintling along with his sister “Ofmi gennant die Weiglin Bürgerin in Nürnberch . . .” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 37 #180– 181: 5 December 1347] Uncle of Conrad von Haimberg bishop of Regensburg (1368–1381) and patron of Conrad of Megenberg [cf. Janner vol. III, 257; and Weber, 230–232]. Died 18 October 1349 [MB 53, 682 #1267: 18 October 1349; MGH Antiquitates Necro. III, 245]. Conrad of Megenberg (de Monte Puellarum): (1350) Scolasticus [Sabine Krüger, “Krise der Zeit als Ursache der Pest?” in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1972), 862–883]. Received his elementary education in Erfurt before studying in Paris. Master in arts 1334. Reigned in arts at Paris for the next eight years. He was a vocal opponent of Ockham and the mendicants in general. In 1341, Conrad received an expectation in the cathedral of Regensburg [Franz Martin, vol. III 123 #1244: 16 May 1341]. In 1342 he left Paris to serve as rector of the school of St. Stephan in Vienna. Six years later he settled in Regensburg having finally been able to turn his expectation into a benefice. In his work on the plague written in 1350 he calls himself scolasticus Ratisponensis although it was disputed at this time with Johannes Rederer (Hans von Augsburg) who appears in the chapter records as scolasticus 18 April 1350 [Ried II, 874 #921: 18 April 1350]; See also F. Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von


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Megenberg,” in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg und sein Werk (1309 –1374). Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, Beihefte B, 27, (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2006), note 19; F. Fuchs argues convincingly that Conrad of Megenberg (de Monte Puellarum) abandoned his claim to the position of scolasticus as part of a deal with Johannes Rederer to secure a benefice for his brother Johannes de Monte Puellarum in the Diaconate of Geisenfeld. By 1369 he was also rector of the cathedral parish of St. Ulrich’s [Urk. UK., vol. 1, #326: 2 July 1369]. During his lifetime he made several journeys to Avignon on behalf of the university of Paris and the city of Regensburg. He died in Regensburg 14 April 1374 and was buried in Niedermünster. In addition to his work on the plague, in which he rejects accusations that the Jews were responsible for the spread of the disease, Conrad left behind large number of works including a critique of Walter Burleigh “utrum forme contrarie sint eiusdem speciei specialissime” [T. Kaeppeli, Revue d’Hist. Eccl. 45 (1950), S. 594 f.] the Yconomica [Konrad von Megenberg Werke: Ökonomik. ed. Sabine Krüger] famous for its lengthy discussion of education, and two works of natural philosophy written in German, Die Deutsche Sphaera, [Die deutsche Sphaera / Konrad von Megenberg. ed. Francis B. Brévart; Das Buch der Natur: die Erste Naturgeschichte in deutscher Sprache / Konrad von Megenberg. ed. Franz Pfeiffer] He also helped rewrite the statutes of the cathedral [Conrad de Megenberg, Statuta Capituli Ecclesie Ratiponensis, ed. Andreas Mayer, Thesaurus novus juris ecclesiastici potissimum Germaniae, sive, Codex statutorum ineditorum ecclesiarum cathedralium et collegiatarum in Germania, vol. 2, 1–37]. He also wrote a treatise supporting the claims of the rector of the cathedral parish of St. Ulrich’s to supremacy over the other parishes within the city [De limitibus parochiarum civitatis Ratisbonenis, ed. Philipp Schneider]. For more biographical information see Margit Weber, “Konrad von Megenberg Leben und Werk,”; W. J. Courtenay, “Conrad of Megenberg. The Paris Years,”; W. J. Courtenay, “Conard of Megenberg as Nuntius and his Quest for Benefices.” Johannes Rederer (Riederer / Hans von Augsburg): (1350) schulmaister [Ried II, 874 #921: 18 April 1350]. Matriculated at Bologna in 1320 also a canon in Augsburg. Resigned as rector of Engelbrechtsmünster in the deanery of Geisenfeld as part of a deal to settle his dispute with Conrad of Megenburg over the cathedral school [F. Fuchs, “Neue Quellen,” note 19; G. Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 43 #5292]. Associated with the cathedral since at least 1347 when a


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“maister Hans von Auspurch” appears as a witness to a property transaction by Hiltpolt of Haimburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 37 #180–181: 5 December 1347]. See Appendix II. Conrad von Papenhaim: (1359) schulmeister vom tum [MB 54, 159 #337: 10 August 1359]. Purchased a Leipding 6 lbs from the city, “Darnach hat man versigelt hern ch. dem schulmeister vom tum 6 lb leip[ting] umb 42 lb.” See also MB 54, 475 Leibgedingsregister 1350–64 “Maister Chunr. von Pappenhaim schulmaister datz dem tum. 14 lb.” Appears 1350–53 in the charters of St. Johann as “Ch|nrat der Anschreiber, chorherre ze sand Johanns ze Regenp|rch und oblayer do selben ze den zeiten . . .” [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 320 #230: 23 August 1350]. Public notary by 1362 [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 376 #293: 9 July 1362]. By 1364 called magister [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 383–84 #301: 16 October 1364]. Died before 31 December 1371 [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 404: #329]. Uricus Strawbinger: (–1382–1385–) scolasticus [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 469 #402: 23 September 1385]. See also Appendix II. Arnolt Yban: (1386–88) schulmaister/rector scolarum “chirchherr zu Westenchirchen Schulmaister am dom zu Regensburg . . .” Appears at least three times between 1385 and 1388. The first time simply as “Magister Arnoldus Yban, rector parrochialis ecclesie in Westenchirichen . . .” [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 469 #402: 23 September 1385]. The second time he is called schulmaister and rector in Westenchirchen. In both of these cases he served as a witness along with the public notary Conradus Puenharter. Since he does not seem to have been a canon it is likely that he was simply the rector scolarum [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 76 #406: February 6 1386]. In 1388 an Arnolt rector scolarum served as proctor for mag. Peter de Straubinga in the dispute between the latter and Johannes Pachmair concerning the parish church of Falkenberg dioc. Regensburg. “et sic ipse partes videlict dominus Johnnes [ Pachmair] actor per se et magister Petrus per magistrum Arnoldum rectorem scolarum in summo Ratisponensi procuratorum suum . . .” [Cornelius Will “Nachlese zu Th. Ried’s


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Codex Chronologico-Diplomaticus Episcopatus Ratisbonensis,” 136 #21: 26 August 1388]. Erhart Pünchofer: (1395) schulmaister zum Tum [StAR.Cam4. fol. 1r]. For more see Appendix II (Purchofer). Since he did not hold a canonry in the cathedral church it is likely that he was the rector scolarum rather than scolasticus. Conradus Satelpoger: (–1398) scolasticus. Exchanged his position as cathedral scolasticus with Albertus Stauffer for the deanery of St. Johann in Regensburg [M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 567 #508: 14 May 1398]. See also Appendix II. Albertus Stauffer: (1398–1414) scolasticus [M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 567 #508: 14 May 1398]. See also Appendix II. Fridericus Parsberger: (1414) scolasticus [RegBoic., XII 165]. See also Appendix II. Jacobus Klinkebeyl: (1428) scolasticus. Received papal provision as scolasticus in Regensburg. However, it does not appear that he ever secured the position [RegBoic. XIII, 119, 13 April 1428]. “Martinus Papa Jacobo Klinkebeyl scholastico ecclesiae Ratisponensis scholastriam predictae ecclesia confert. D. Rome apud sanctus apostolos Id. Aprilis, pontificatus anno undecimo.” Still litigating the position fifteen years after Albertus Stauffer became bishop in 1414. Johannes Parsberger: (before 1440) scolasticus. He appears as cathedral canon and scolasticus in Roman Zirngibl’s survey of memorial inscriptions in the Regensburg cathedral church. Studied in Vienna 1420 [MUW 1420 I R 1]. Canon of Freising at time of matriculation paid burse of 1/2 lib. Received papal preferment to a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral in 1418 “vac. p.o. Casparis de Frawnberg . . .” [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 2221]. Still in litigation in 1421 “contra Degehardum Stolchinger . . .” [ibid.]. Scolasticus in Freising by 1427 [ibid.]. Died 1440 [Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern (1785), 35]. Served as legal surrogate for Fridericus Parsberger on several occasions [Rep. Germ., 4, 2, 2221]. Henricus Parsberger: (1456–1499) scolasticus. For more see Appendix II. Ulricus Kaegerl: (1456) Rector scolarum Regensburg. Studied in Vienna in 1452 [Nikolaus Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen lateinischer Schultexte, 41]. Left Vienna in 1452 as master in arts [N. Henkel, Deutsche


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Übersetzungen lateinischer Schultexte, 41; Virgil Redlich, Tegernsee und die deutsche Geistesgeschichte im 15. Jahrhundert, 45–55; MBK vol. 4, 2, 739]; Wrote BayStB clm 17522; 18856; 18861 (magister Vienna). BayStB clm 18736 “enthält eine von Ulrich geschriebene Ansprache vor dem Domkapitel, 1456 (Udalrico de Landau rectore scholarum a. 1456 habitus fol. 190–201). Rector scolarum in Landau 1452 [BayStB clm 19614]. Enters Tegernsee 1457. Prior of Tegernsee 1465. Brother Stephanus (succentor in Landau who copied BaySt clm 19614, also entered Tegernsee) [N. Henkel, 41]. Conrad Celtis (1492–93) praeceptor. Early German humanist, briefly taught in the cathedral school [Rupprich, 96–97 #58: 7 February 1493]. Numerous biographies [L. W. Spitz, The German ArchHumanist; Laetitia Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex Ingol., 65–68.] Studied in Cologne 1478 (in arts). Master in arts Heidelberg 1485. Taught in Erfurt, Rostock and Leipzig. 1487 poet laureate. Georgius Paulstorffer: (1500) scolasticus. See Appendix II. Silvester Krafft: Studied in Ingolstadt in 1494 where he matriculated with his brother Peter (both were minors at the time), the future suffragen bishop of Regensburg [MLMU I, 237]. Son of Peter Craft from Blaubeuren, doctor in laws and advisor to Duke Georg the Rich of Bavaria-Landshut in 1490. (1506) rector scolaris and chaplain of the altar of St. Stephen in St. Johann [BZAR StiA U 844: 26 August 1506]. Called scolasticus in 1508. Witness to his brother’s (Peter Krafft) reception of a canonry in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 330 #1606: 24 April 1508]. Died 1519 “ad illam noctem magister Silvester Craft mortuus est circa mediam noctem.” [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 35. Georg Sinzenhofer: (1503–1517) scolasticus [BZAR Archiv St. Klara Regensburg, Siegelurkunden 663: 1503 VIII 29] See also [Ried II, 1103 #1160: 12 May 1507]. “decretorum doctor, Canonicus, scolasticus ac sede episcopali eccliae ratispon. vacante pe capitulum ejusdem eccliae commissarius et officialis specialiter deputatus dilecto nobis in Christo dno decano salutem in domino.” Dean 1513, [Mayer 1793: 99]. “Sintzenhofer plebanus suffectus est.” [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 27: 21 December 1514] “circiter horam sextam in mane obiit venerabilis et egregius dominus doctor Georius Sintznhofer decanus, scolasticus et iudex ordinarius Ratisponensis, cuius anima deo vivat. Dominus doctor Ridler suffectus est in decanatu, dominus Melchior Sparnecker in scolastica, dominus Sixtus de Preysing iudex ordinarius, Joh. Parsperger canonicus, Gerorgius


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Prenner doctor sacrista.” [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 33: 10 October 1517] See also [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 343 #1688: 28 August 1511]. Melchior Sparnecker: Scolasticus 1517 [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 33: 10 October 1517]. Dominicans Albertus Magnus: Lector (ca. 1237) [Henricus de Hervordia, Liber de rebus memorabilioribus sive Chronicon Henrici de Hervordia, August Potthast ed., (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1859), 201]. Bishop of Regensburg (1260–62). Studied first in Padua, then Cologne before studying in Paris. For chronology of his life see Heribert Christian Scheeben, Albert der Große: zur Chronologie seines Lebens, in QF, 27 (Vechta, 1931), 57. For a recent bibliography of the vast literature on the life and influence of Albertus Magnus see Irven Michael Resnick, Albert the Great: a selectively annotated bibliography (1900–2000), (Tempe Arizona: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2004). Johannes: Lector (1260) [BayHstA, Heinz Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius: Regesten Nr. 1–280 (1226–1806)”, 1932–33, #81: 1260 March 21; G. A. Renz 16 (1895), 575: 21 March 1260]. Berthold: Lector (1263–1281) [BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #85: 2 May 1263; #99: 21 November 1271; #110: 4 August 1279 called former lector; #112: 3 October 1279 (called Lector again)]. Received a commission with reference to a mandate from Nicholas III [Bull of 31 July 1278] to preach in the dioceses of Freising, Regensburg and Passau to the Jews. He should not limit his preaching to the learned as some have done. The Jews should not be gathered openly but in their Synagogue and cemeteries or in the convent of the Dominicans or other secure place [ Janner, Bischöfe Reg, III 12–16.]. Served as arbitrator in a legal dispute along with Wernherus lector of the Franciscans in 1278 [RegBoic. IV, 83] Still lector in 1281[RegBoic. IV, 144]. Nycolaus: Lector (1279) [BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #110: 4 August 1279]. Henricus de Groningen (de Frisia): Lector in arts (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur Geschichte der Deutschen Dominikaner Im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” RQ VIII (1894), 376]. Studied in Bologna 1292


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[ J. Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich: die deutschen Rechtsstudenten an der Universität Bologna 1265–1425, 486 #1296]. Wernherus: Lector (1318) [RegBoica, vol. 5, 388: 29 July 1318]. Berthold von Mospurch: Lector (1327) [BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #137 (Now BayHStA, Reichsstadt Regensburg Urk. 349): 15 April 1327]. Hermannus Nordelingen: Sentenciarius (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. G. Calmicz: Lector “legat et disputet” (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Johannes Merlin: Lector “legat et disputet” (1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316]. Ulricus Ukufer: Sentenciarius (1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316]. Ulricus Wasserburger: lector “legat et disputet” (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. In 1400 served as visitor to the Nation of Bavaria [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 306]. Cunradus Meczinger: Sentenciarius (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. Confessor to the sisters of Rothenburg o.d.T [B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum Raymundi de Capua, (1386– 1399) [et] Leonardi di Mansuetis, (1474–1480), QF vol. VI, (Leipzig: Harassowitz, 1911) [hereinafter, B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI], 29: 4 July 1398]. 1400 Lector in Würzburg and 1401 Lector in Bamberg [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 309, 318]. Cunradus Hauweck: Master of Students (1396), Sentenciarius (1398), Lector Bamberg (1400). Sent to study at Bologna 1400 recalled 1401 [B. Altaner, “Aus den Akten des Rottweiler Provinzialkapitels der Dominikaner vom Jahre 1396,” 13; B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298, 309, 311, 329]. Cunradus Raider: Lector “legat et disputet” (1398, 1400) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298, 308].


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Petrus de Cliendorf: Master of students (1398) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298]. Henricus Troglin: Prior in Regensburg (1400). Lector 1401–02 [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 310, 317, 327]. Michel Altheiden: Master of Students (1400) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308]. Hertt: Master of Students (1401) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 317]. Johannes Theobaldi: Master of Students (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327]. Conrad Prunsser: Lector Regensburg (1425) [Ineichen-Edar, MBK IV, 1, 449] Petrus de Rosenheim: Student in Vienna (before 1434) [BayStB clm 26848: “Iste liber est fratris Petri de Rosenhaim, conventus Ratisponensis, emptus per ipsum in Wienna a fratre Alberto de Elzlingen, magistro studencium illo tempore ibidem existens.] Master of Students Regensburg (1434) [BayStB clm 26805, fol. 188]. Cologne (1437) [BayStB clm 26855, fol. 54] Cursor in Regensburg 1440 [BayStB clm 26833, fol. 13], Bologna (1441) [BayStB clm 26855, fol. 198]. BayStB clm 26848 contains the Fons Vitae, clm 26805 contains primarily sermons and penitential works, clm 26855 contains the sermons of the Dominican lector Conrad Pruennser, and clm 26833 includes sermons and a German/Latin dictionary. Carolus Halm, Handschriftenkatalog der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, (reprinted, Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1968), vol. 4, 4, 221]. Georgius (Nigri): Lector in theology at the university of Ingolstadt 22 May 1478 [MLMU I, 84]. See Appendix II. Johannes Streitperger: Lector (1480) [clm 26787, front cover: MBK vol. 4, 1, 444]. Georgius Koler: Lector (1490). Lector Iglau (1490); [ Kraus, 166]. 23 May 1494 Georg Coler baccalaureus assigned to read the sentences in Olmütz [B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum Joachimi Turriani (1487–1500) [et] Vincentii Bandelli (1501–1506) [et] Thomae de Vio Caieitani (1507–1513). QF vol. X. (Leipzig: Harrasowitz, 1914), 73; Lector Freisach (1503) at which time licentiatus theologiae [G. Löhr,


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“Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” in AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Reassigned to Regensburg in 1508. See Appendix II. Franciscus Schenck: Lector in theology and Prior in Regensburg (1497–1500) [BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #192a: 1498 September 13; BZAR StiA U 812: 1500 July 3]. Preacher and prior in 1503 [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” in AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Sigismundus: Lector (1503) Perhaps the same as Sigsmundus of Landshut who was sent to study at Heidelberg in 1496 [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Erhardus: Sentenciarius (1503) [G. Löhr, AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Johannes Henselman: Master of Students (1503). A Johannes Henselman ex Lutterberg O.P. “de conv. Heidelbergensi,” matriculated in Heidelberg in 1509 [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Fridericus Zerner: Lector and Preacher (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,”AFP 17 (1947), 278]. Student in Cologne (1507) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1920,” AFP 17 (1947), 278]. Henricus: Master of Students (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 278]. Dominicans: Students Henricus de Gamun(dia)?: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur Geschichte der deutschen Dominikaner im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” RQ VIII (1894), 376]. Albertus de Rotwil: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur Geschichte der deutschen Dominikaner im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” RQ VIII (1894), 376]. Frederichus: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur Geschichte der deutschen Dominikaner im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” RQ VIII (1894), 376]. Frederichus Rechilmanni: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur Geschichte der deutschen Dominikaner im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” RQ VIII (1894), 376].


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Gerhardus de Augusta: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur Geschichte der deutschen Dominikaner im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” RQ VIII (1894), 376]. Euerhardus de Augusta: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur Geschichte der deutschen Dominikaner im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” RQ VIII (1894), 376]. . . . de Mildendorf: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Conradus de Flegindorff: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Conradus Hotpozer: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Conradus Trone: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Henricus Kutshem: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Marquardus Luternus: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Sifridus Officialis: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Ulricus Honth . . .: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Ulricus Ussinger: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332]. Martinus Ysenkaster: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316]. Albertus Leonach: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316]. Chunradus de Wizzenburch: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316]. Hermannus Ysenkaster: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316]. Sigbertus de Bruma: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316]. Wilhelmus de Busco: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316]. Petrus Stayher: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. Andreas de Awrach: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13].


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Petrus Langdorf: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. Fridericus Pheffenueser: Student in Regensburg (1396 and 1398) master of students in Würzburg (1401) lector in the arts studium Petau (1402) master of students in Augsburg [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13; B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298, 319, 326]. Thomas de vico rosarum: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. Johannes Meyninger: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. Wolfhardus Stappelstein: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. Johannes Roetelse: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. Cunradus Schyter: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. Heinrich Gotzberger: Student (1396), master of students Landshut (1400), theology student in Strasbourg (1401), master of students Basel (1402), lector in the studium of natural philosophy in Wimpfen (1429) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13; B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298, 306, 316, 329]. 1429 in Esslingen copied portions of BayStB clm 26885 containing material related to the art of preaching. Earlier portions included excerpts from John of Paris’ works on Aristotle and natural philosophy [Carolus Halm, Handschriftenkatalog der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, (reprinted, Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1968), vol. 4, 4, 225]. Henricus Brackenheim: Student (1398) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298]. In January of 1399 placed in the convent prison in Freising for two months “cum poena gravioris culpae.” [B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 35]. Ioh. Böclin: Student (1398) [ B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298]. Albertus Braxatoris: Student (1400) [ B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308].


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Heinricus Altheimer: Student (1400) [ B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308]. Iohannes Celler: Student (1400) [ B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308]. Marckwardus Semeler: Student in Regensburg (1400), student in Strasbourg (1407) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308; T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1349, 1407),” AFP 22 (1952), 195]. Ulricus de Novo Foro: Student in Regensburg (1400) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308]. Johannes Samblin: Student in Regensburg (1401) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 317]. Bertholdus Knörr: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327]. Conradus Molitor: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327]. Iodocus Smalvelt: Student in Worms (1396), theology student in Regensburg (1398), Student in Rotweil (1400), Student in Frankfurt a. M. (1401), Student in Regensburg (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298, 309, 317, 327; B. Altaner, Rottweiler Provinzialkapitels, 1396, 13]. Iohannes Berner: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327]. Iohannes Wismann: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327]. Nycolaus Hyff: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327]. Petrus Lauffenburg: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].


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Johannes Doliatoris: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Augustinus: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Ambrosius: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520.” AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Gregorius: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520.” AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Augustinus: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520.” AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Marcialis: Student (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520.” AFP 17 (1947), 278]. Ambrosius: Student (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520.” AFP 17 (1947), 278]. Georius: Student (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520.” AFP 17 (1947), 278]. Leo de Ratisponensis.: Student Strasbourg (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346).” AFP 23 (1953), 330]. Dominicans: Students from Regensburg Ulrich Umtuer: Lector in the arts studium in Bamberg 1346 [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 333]. served as prior on numerous occasions between 1357 and 1388. See BayHstA, Heinz Lieberich, Regesten des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg (1226–1806), 33 #61, 71, 88; Compare StAR Cam. 4 fol. 1v.: “Item Ulricis der Umbtuär zu den predigen hat xxxii gulden leipting.” Conradus de Ratispona: Assigned for two years to Verona [B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 7: 20 April 1390]. Andreas de Ratispona: Student in Cologne 1398. Sententiarius Cologne (1400–01). Sententiarius Constance (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 296, 308, 317, 326]. Michael Eker: Master of Students Worms (1398), Student in Strasbourg, (1399). Sententiarius Frankfurt (1402/03) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].


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Ebhardus de Ratispona: student in Landshut (1401), student in Betonia (Petau) 1402, [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 328]. Henricus de Ratispona: Master of Students in Speyer (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327]. Bartholomeus Prener (Brenner) de Ratispona: Lector in Strasbourg (1475–76), Lector in Hagenau (1476) [B. M. Reichert, “Registrum litterarum,” QF vol. IV, 66, 99]. Leonardus Medler (Modler) de Amberga: Lector Schlettstadt 1476 [B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 99]. See Appendix II. Jacobus Siger: Theology student Bologna 1476 [B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 95]. Blasius Cropolt: Student Bologna (1501) [ B. M. Reichart, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. 10, 134]. Possibly the same as Blasius Rapold lector in Preßburg 1520 and Blasius Rappolt Heidelberg 1512 [ Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 un 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 280]. Fridericus Zerner: Student in Cologne (1507) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 278]. Franciscans4 Joannes Hetzel: Lector (1250–60), also guardian and custos [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294]. Wernherus: Lector (1278–1290) Author of the Liber Solioquorum. In 1278 the Franciscan lector Werner and the Dominican lector Berthold served as mediators in a dispute between the bishop of Regensburg and the monastery of St. Emmeram [RegBoic. IV, 82, 1278; see also BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #110: 1279 August 4; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder: 294].

4 For a list of the lectors who served in Regensburg see Anneliese Hilz, Die Minderbrüder von St. Salvator in Regensburg 1226–1810, BzGBR, ed. Georg Schwaiger, vol. 25. (Regensburg: 1991), 294–97. The only one not included in Hilz is Johannes Schimer lector ca. 1300, which may be the same as Johannes Ferner. In some cases I have been able to track down additional details especially related to university study.


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Johannes Schimer: Lector (ca. 1300) [Reinhard Frauenfelder, “Eine Tabula Electorum der Oberdeutschen Franziskanerprovinz von ca. 1300,” ZKG, 59 (1965), 332]. Johannes Femer: Lector (died 1303) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294] same as above? Hildebrandus: Lector and doctor in theology (died 1316) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294]. Sigismundus Behm: Lector (died 1318) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294]. Bernardinus Lantzhudt: Lector (died 1331) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294]. Henricus Luor: Lector (died 1357) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294]. Wencelaus Meller: Lector (1358). From Regensburg patrician family. Died 1371. Likely the same as the guardian Wencelaus in 1349 [BZAR, Archiv St. Klara Regensburg, Siegelurkunden 111 (1349 IV 30)]. MGH Antiquitates Necr. III, 251. Died 1371 [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295]. Conrad (de Sulczbach): Lector (1379) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295]. Seyfridus Eychstetter: Lector 1394 [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295]. Came to Regensburg from the convent in Ingolstadt. Fridericus de Monachio: Lector (1404) Custodian in Bavaria (1396). Compiled a collection of logic texts including a Flores logicae Alberti [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295]. Johannes Sintram de Criblingen: Student in Regensburg 1404 [Ludger Meier, “Aufzeichnungen aus vernichteten Handschriften des Würzburger Minoritenklosters,” AFH 44, (1951), 191–209]. Copied the Flores logicae Alberti of Fridericus de Monachio in 1404. In 1408 also copied WÜ FranziskanerB/HSA I 86, Würzburg, Bibliothek des Franziskaner-Minoritenklosters [Manuscripta Mediaevalia]. Osvaldus de Patavia: Lector (died 1412). Also served as Guardian [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295]. Chunrad Adam: Lector (1415) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295] also preacher “Iter wir haben geben dem prediger von dem parfüssen dem Adam ii lb am erichtag nach userem herrn leichnams tag.” [StAR Cam 8 block II, fol. 122v.] Chonradus Prew: Lector (1419) [BZAR BDK Urkunden 1419 III 29]. Also served as guardian. Perhaps the son of Conrad Prew who appears frequently as a richter in Stadtamhof. Died 1424 (A. Hilz only identifies the date of his death.) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295]. Cunradt Schreyber: Lector 1432 [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295]. Guardian in 1438 [BAyHstA B. M. Reichert, “Regensburg, Dominikaner,


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Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius: Regesten Nr. 1–280 (1226–1806)”, 1932–33 #168: 1438 June 5]. Appears as party to the dispute between Franciscan convent and Thomas Maulhart von Platting. Judgment rendered by Fridericus von Plankenfels doct. decr [StAR, Regensburg Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg, Urkunden, VH #224: 1438 July 11]. Johannes Sack: Lector (1433) entered the order in Munich as did his older brother Hermann Sack. Studied in Erfurt in 1423 [Benedict Kraft, “Der Bücherrücklass der Minderbrüder Hermann und Johann Sack (1438–1440).” AFH 28 (1935), 43] and Vienna 1431 [Kraft, “Der Bücherrücklass der Minderbrüder Hermann und Johann Sack,” 43]. 1428 Lector in Speyer. Died 1438 in Ulm as custodian of Bavaria. Left behind a large collection of books. See Appendix II. Conradus Strober: Lector (d. 1444) guardian in Regensburg and custodian of Bavarian. Died as suffragan bishop of Jerapolitanus [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296]. Hieronymous Aurbeck: Lector (1446) had a copy of the Sentences made for the convent [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296]. Paulus Soldner (Goldner): Lector (died 1457 in Munich) “lector et predicator et confessor ducis alberti et filiorum et uxoris eius, domine Anne de Braunschweigk.” [MGH Antiquitates Necr. III, 252; Karl Primbs, “Das Jahr- und Todtenbuch Des Minoritenklosters in Regensburg.” VHVOR 25 (1868), 233; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 214, 296]. Johannes Heczel: Lector (died 1458) also guardian and custodian [MGH Antiquitates Necr. III 254, 1458; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296]. Uricus Teckendorfer: Lector (died 1458) also guardian and confessor of duke Henry of Landshut and his son Ludwig “a quo conventus et laici sui multa bona recepit.” [MGH Antiquitates Necr. III, 254; Karl Primbs, “Jahr- und Todtenbuch,” 252; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296]. Marcus Schönprunner: Lector (died 1462) also custodian of Bavaria and preacher [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia III, 253; Karl Primbs, “Jahr- und Todtenbuch,” 274; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296]. Studied in Vienna 1447–53. See Appendix II. Chonradus de Kircham: Lector (died before 1462) [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia III, 253; Karl Primbs, “Jahr- und Todtenbuch,” 241; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296]. Stephanus Helmeyr: Lector (1464) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. Ulricus Awmayer: Lector (died 1468) Suffragan bishop in Regensburg ( Jerapolitanus). Custodian in Bavaria, and preacher [Karl Primbs, “Jahr- und Todtenbuch,” 260]. “Sacre theologie professor quondam custos Bawarie et procurator ordinis in curia roman praedicator


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egregius filius huius conventus Rat. qui dedit conventui ornatum preciosum valoris ultro lx florenum et ultra xlv libros bonos sepultus in ecclesia cathedrali [StBR Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern (1785), 12, #10, epitaph in cathedral]. Cristof Stöckhel: Lector (1471) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. Perhaps related to Johannes Stöckel who studied at Vienna in the 1450’s. Joannes Vasser: Lector (died 1478) also preacher [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. Johannes Mayrhofer: Lector (1483) Native of Regensburg. Sent to Rome on behalf of the city in 1482–83 [StAR Cam. fol. 125r; Koller and Heinig, Regesten Friedrichs III, Heft 15, 254 #379; see also C. T. Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, 4 Vols., (Regensburg: Montag und Weiss, 1800–1824; reprint, edited by Hans Angermeier Munich: C. H. Beck, 1971) vol. III, 542f., 663]. Also preacher and Guardian. In the city account records of his journey in 1483 he is called “Hanns Mairhouer lesmaister zu den parfussen.” I suspect that he is the same as the Johannes Marchover who died in 1520 especially given similarities in name and time period and negligible distinction between “ir” and “rc”. Compare A. Hilz who lists them separately ˝ [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. Johannes Hichel: Lector (died 1480) preacher and guardian [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. Clemens Wisinger: Lector (died 1505) guardian [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. Cunrath Herman: Lector (1507 and 1518) and preacher [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. In 1507 wrote to the emperor complaining about the usuriousness of the Jews, at which time he describes himself as “bruder Conrad Hermann der heyligen gschrift lesmaister parfußerordens, prediger zu Regensburg.” [Raphael Straus, Urkunden und Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Juden in Regensburg, 266]. Johannes Wachler: Lector (died 1520) and guardian [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. Johannes Erber: Lector (1515) studied in Erfurt in 1513/14 and was sent back to his native convent [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. Franciscan Secular Schoolmasters Leonard Panholz (Bannholz) de Opeckofen (Opperkofen LK StraubingBogen). Taught at the Franciscan school in the Sinzenhof in 1459. 29 August 1453 matriculated at Heidleberg (Bonholz). Studied in Vienna


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1454 [MUW 1454 II1 R 25]. Paid burse of 4 gr. Although he was not from Regensburg he held at least two teaching positions in and near Regensburg during his career. He taught first in Prüll (1456) just outside Regensburg until it was reformed by the Carthusians. He then moved to the recently built Franciscan school in the Sinzenhof (1457) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 152; see also MBK vol. 4, 1, 397; He copied portions of BayStB clm 26111 while at Prüll where he was “rector iuvenum” fol. 68r; Later portions of BayStB clm 26111 he copied at the Franciscan monastery in Regensburg “Scriptus Ratispone in conventu fratrum minorum per me leonhard panholcz scolasticum ibid anno Mo CCCC quinquagesimo nono . . .” 140v]. He appears as a witness to the promotion of Michael Ellenbach as canon in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 225 #1146: 24 October 1477]. That same year a Lorenntz Panholcz, most likely a relative of Leonardus, was accepted as a citizen of Regensburg [Kropac, “Stadtarchiv Regensburg—Bestand Politica / Einwohnerwesen.” 1996–2004.07/26/2004 http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/ index.htm StAR Politica I, 101v] In 1494 a Lorrentz Pannholz de Opperkofen received 8 gulden from the city “aus lewtt leibgeding” [StAR Cam. 21 block 1 18v] (perhaps a nephew?). A Johannes Panholz also appears in 1494 as the recipient of an annuity payment from the city again under the rubric “aus lewtt leibgeding” [StAR Cam. 21 block 1 15v]. The city accounts record the payment of a tax-free annuity in 1495 “item her Linhart Panholz priester hie hatt an unser frawen liechmess (February 2) tag xxv gulden.” [StAR Cam 21 block 1 29v]. Died 20 June 1494. The Franciscan necrology described Panholz as “informator iuvenis fidelis,” and noted that he left “plura bona volumina pro libraria con.” [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia III, 253]. Of the works given to the library BayStB clm 26611 is still identifiable [MBK, vol. 4, 442]. This work includes Hugh of St. Victor, de vitae et morum honestate and a German / Latin vocabulary ‘Esse essentia wesn’ See also F. Fuchs, “Panholz, Leonard,” in VL, vol. 11, 1158–1161. Klingenpergius: Ludimagister (died 1526) “Klingenpergius Cenobii huius iamdiu Ludimagister ac Prebendarius . . . .” Ried, Epitaphia, 159 (1526).


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Prüfening Albertus Elsendorfär: Scholaster (1384). Notes the date of his entry into the convent in Greek capitals in two manuscripts [BayStB clm 13021 fol. 110r, 13102 fol. 229v; MBK vol. 4, 1, 409; Bernard Bischoff, “Das Griechische Element.” In Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte. vol. II, (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1967), 256.] BayStB clm 13021 contains many of the standard texts of the quadrivium including Boethius on Arithmetic, Geometry, and music, Gerbert of Aurillac on astronomical instruments, and geometry, Euclid on Geometry (book 15), Guido of Arezzo (d. mid 11th century) on music and antiphony, and commentary on the Timaeus by Chalcidius [Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis, II, II, 94]. Prüll Leonard Panholz: (ca. 1456) See above Franciscan secular schoolmasters. St. Emmeram Johannes: Rector puerorum (1325) [BayHStA, KU St. Emmeram Regensburg 325: 27 March 1325]. Hermann Pötzlinger: Rector scolarum ad St. Emmeram, chorrherr zu Essing and Pfarrer zu Newnhausen [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 164 #846: 15 November 1450]. See also Ferdinand Janner, Geschichte der Bischöfe von Regensburg, (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1886) vol. III, 602]. Studied at Vienna (1439) and Leipzig (1456). For more see Appendix II. Mauritius Pferffelder: scolaris. Died 6 May 1456 buried in St. Emmeram [R. Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg aus dem Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts.” Blätter des Bayerischen Landesvereins für Familienkunde, 2 (1924), 32]. Conradus Mecher: Rector scolarum in St. Emmeram by February 1459 [F. Fuchs, “Erkenntnisfortschritte durch Handschriftenkatalogisierung,” 12]. Fabianus Wachter de Kulsen: Rector scolarum (1498) Bernhard Bischoff, “St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 125.


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appendix i St. Mang

Heinricus: Doctor Puerorum (1241) [BaystB, Regensburg, Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg. Urkunden VH #3: 3 November 1241]. Witness to an exchange of incomes with the Katarinenspital. Hainricus: Scolasticus (1303) [Ried II, 739: 19 August 1303]. Johannes Gebhart: Schulmeister zu St. Mang [BZAR StiA U 845: 30 October 1506]. Berthold: Scolaris (1262) [BayHStA, KU St.Mang Stadtamhof 12: 1262 July 5]. Schottenkloster Georgius: Rector Scolarium apud S. Jacobum (1360) called magister [G. A. Renz, 16 (1896), 231: 21 January 1360]. Abbot Eugen protests the ruling of the Regensburg cathedral dean in a case between the abbess and the convent of Obermünster Witnessed by among others “Johannes Scotus Baccalaureus in iure canonico . . . mag. Georgius rector scolarium apud st. Jacobum . . .” Nicolaus Gerber: Schulrector bei St. Jacob (1446) [G. A. Renz, 17(1897), 637: March 1446]. Witness to the election of the Abbot Mauritius of Würzburg as abbot of Regensburg after the dismissal of the previous abbot.

Stuhlschreiber and other Schoolmasters5 Agnes die Schulmeisterin: (d. 1318) [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia III, 249]. Marquardus dictus Treberger: (1360–1363) Cathedral rector scolarum? Sought papal assistance in securing a benefice in 1363 saying that he had not yet obtained one and that he had “plures annos studuit litteras necnon tres annos scolas in solemni civitate Ratisponensis rexit.” Also requested a position as a papal notary [ J. Lenzenweger,

5 It is not entirely certain that all so-called Stuhlschreiber also ran schools. Some of the literature seems to assume so, however, the evidence connected with them is often too thin to speak with certainty.


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ed., Acta Pataviensia Austriaca, vol. 3, 195–196; and Urban V, Lettres Communes, vol. 1, 378 #3401: 2 July 1363]. Ulrich Grünsleder: Pedagogus, later chaplain in the Ahakirche. Executed 31 March 1421 as a Hussite heretic. After his trial he was turned over to the secular authorities and burned at the stake. According to Andreas von Regensburg the secular judge who condemned him (Erhardus auf Donau) had once been his student. At the time of his execution, Berthold Puchhauser delivered a sermon condemning Hussite teaching [Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum imperatorum Romanorum, in Sämtliche Werke, 133]. R. E. Lerner assumes that Grünsleder had been rector of the cathedral school, although this seems to be based solely on the fact that he had taught somewhere in Regensburg [R. E. Lerner, “Gruensleder.” In R. Aubert. Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1988), 430–432]. Leonardus Heff von Eichstätt: Stuehlschreiber (1466). Studied arts in Vienna 1459 [MUW I R 90]. Bachelor in arts 1461. “Stuelschreiber” and citizen of Regensburg 9 December 1466 [StAR Politica IIII, 1, fol 71r.] Describes himself as “armer und williger Diener” of the Regensburg city council. Translated Andreas von Regensburg’s Chronica Pontificum et imperatorum into German at the behest of Erasmus Trainer [VL, vol. 3, 570–71]. In 1476 Copied BayStB clm 14004 for the Regensburg Dominicans [Elisabeth Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in Regensburg, vol. 1. BayStB clm 14000 – 14130, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995), 13]. See also [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 198 #1016: 27 February 1467]. For other works copied by Heff and his career see Joachim Schneider, “Vermittlungsprobleme einer deutschen Weltchronik Übersetzung: Leonard Heffs Übersetzung der ‘Chronica pontificum et imperatorum Romanorum’ des Andreas von Regensburg,” in Zweisprachige Geschichtsschreibung im spätmittelalterlichen Deutschland, edited by Rolf Sprandel, (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1993), 172–177. Michael Schinbeis de Hirschau: (1454–1467) In 1467 describes himself as “Michel de Schinbeis die zeit Bürger und diener der stat Regens.” Possibly bachelor in arts. Commissioned by Sigis mund Graner to copy the life of St. Gall [München, Universitätsbibliothek, 2o MS 314 fol. 1 ra. See also fol. 315 rb, “M. Arc. Bacc.” which Gisela Kornrumpf and Paul-Gerhard Völker suggest may mean Michaeal Arcium Baccalaureus]. Had a hand in copying all or parts of BayStB clm 12236, 14123, 18408,


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21075, 26633 [Gisela Kornrumpf and Paul-Gerhard Völker, Die deutschen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, (Wiesbaden: 1968), 22–23. In 1457 also copied portions of Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek M. ch. q. 43 [Hans Thurn, Handschriften aus benediktinischen Provenienzen: Hälfte 2. Die Handschriften aus St. Stephan zu Würzburg, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1986), 105]. Steffan: Stuehlschreyber maister and citizen of Regensburg appears as a witness in a charter of the Alte Kapelle in 1494 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 282 #1398: 25 August 1494]. Yeshiva A list of Rabbis/schoolmasters in Regensburg’s Jewish school can be found in [Angerstorffer, 1995, 52–54]. For a discussion of the problem of terminology see Chapter Two.


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APPENDIX II

BIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER “REGENSBURG” UNIVERSITY STUDENTS1 Gerung. Montepellier, before 1176 [Ried I, 246: ca. 1176]. Gerung appears as plebe of the cathedral church in 1176. In his testimony regarding a property dispute, he refers to the time “cum in montem Pesulanum ad scolas ivi.” Kilianus. Heidelberg, 1391 [MUH I, 49]. Dominus Kilianus was rector in Niedermünster when he matriculated at Heidelberg. Mauricius. Erfurt, 1453 [Act. Erf. I, 235]. Abbot St. Jakob (Schottenkloster) in Regensburg at time of matriculation at Erfurt. He is called “Subconservator privilegiorum membrorum univ. etc. gratis.” Robertus Count Palatinate of the Rhine and Duke of Bavaria (comes Palatinus Reni et dux Bavarie). Heidelberg 1454 [MUH I, 277] Cologne 1454 [MUK I, 263]. Pavia 1459 [A. Sottili, Lauree Pavesi nella seconda metà del ’400 I (1450 –1475), 42, 46]. Robertus was the son of Duke Otto von Pflaz-Mosbach-Neumarkt. At the time of his matriculation in Heidelberg he held the position of Regensburg cathedral provost. He entered Heidelberg along with his brothers Albertus and Johannes. When he matriculated at Cologne in 1454, he held canonries in both Regensburg and Bamberg. In 1454, he again appears with his brothers. At Pavia in August 1459, Robertus witnessed the promotion of Ulrich Ellenbogen as doctor in medicine. Two months later, in October of 1459, Robertus and his brother Albertus witnessed the promotion of Sigfried Ziegler of Erfurt to doctorate in canon law. Robertus ended his study in Pavia in 1461.

1 These include all those who were identified in the matriculation records as being from Regensburg, or holding a benefice in the city at the time of their matriculation. Thus, the list includes many individuals who were not from the city itself, and some with only very minimal ties to the city. I have attempted to distinguish these to the best of my ability; however, in some cases, I was unable to do so. Finally, in most cases I have used the spellings as they appeared in the source; however, when multiple spellings of the same family name appear, I have attempted to regularize these. In addition, those who appear only as de Ratispona with no second name I have alphabetized under R for Ratispona.


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He held a position as administrator of the diocese of Regensburg from 1457 to 1464. He was Bishop-elect in 1465 and died the same year [Kist, Die Matrikel der Geistlichkeit des Bistums Bamberg 1400–1556, 14]. See also, Fuchs, “Das ‘Haus Bayern’ im 15. Jahrhundert,” 312. Robertus dux Bavariae. Cologne 1477 [MUK II 357, 11, 33]. Robertus matriculated in canon law at Cologne in 1477. He served as administrator of the diocese of Regensburg from 1487–1492. Bishop of Regensburg 1492–1507 [Gatz and Brodkorb, eds., Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1448 bis 1648 and Fuchs “Das ‘Haus Bayern’ im 15. Jahrhundert,” 312]. Noble. Ulricus comes de Artemberg. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 II R 14]. Ulricus was a canon in Passau and Regensburg and rector in Linz at time of matriculation and paid fees of 2 flor. Johannes de Absperg. Vienna 1476 [MUW 1476 I R 90]. Johannes was a cathedral canon in Regensburg at the time of matriculation and a member of a noble family with origins in Franken. Carolus de Absperg. Erfurt 1469 [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 57A]; Leipzig 1469 [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 58A]; Dôle [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 59A] (I am grateful to Fuchs for these references); Heidelberg 1472 [MUH I, 336]; Freiburg 1480 [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 690] Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 115, 32]. Carolus was a cathedral canon in Regensburg and paid paid fees of 1 fl. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt at which time he also held a canonry in Eichstätt. Carolus was a member of a noble family with origins in Franken and close ties to the Parsbergers. Henricus Absperger. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 II R I]; Padua 1440–42 [Acta. Grad. Pat. I, 2: 1485, 1496, 1651]. Henricus paid fees of 4 solidi when he matriculated at Vienna in 1436, at which time he was also a cathedral canon in Regensburg. He earned his bachelor in arts by 1440. That same year, his uncle Fridericus Parsperger (see later) appointed Henricus as episcopal chaplain [BayHStA, Regensburg Hochstift Urk. 922]. In 1440 Henricus began his canon law studies in Padua, by which time he was also a canon in Passau. During his two years of study at Padua he appears as witness to the promotion of Georgius Hohenloch as licentiate in canon law along with two others with ties to Regensburg—his cousin, Henricus Parsberger (see later), and Baltasare Fürstenecker (see later). From 1465–93 Henricus held the bishopric of Regensburg. [Gatz and Brodkorb, eds., Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1448 bis 1648, 1–2;


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 255 H. Lieberich, “Die Gelehrten Räte: Staat und Juristen in Baiern in der Frühzeit der Rezeption,” in ZBLG 27 (1964), 153]. Epitaph in Regensburg cathedral, died 26 July 1492 [Freytag and Hecht, eds., “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” 12–13]. Leonardus Aichenfelser de Rat. Ingolstadt 1496 [MLMU I, 249, 26]. He paid fees of 1 gr. at the time of his matriculation. Johannes Alberger. Ingolstadt 1478–1487 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 228 #1161: 10 June 1478; #1235: 27 June 1483; #1272: 1 June 1485; #1298: 18 July 1487]. Johannes Alberger appears for the first time as magister in 1483 and held a canonry in Alte Kapelle from at least 1478–1500. [ J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 121–22]. He died 30 July 1500 [H. Hilg, Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Eichstätt, vol. 1, 16, Cod. St 73 (Wiesbaden: Harrosowitz, 1994): Manuscripta Mediaevalia, http://www.manuscripta-mediaevalia.de]. Johannes Alchofer de Rat. Vienna 1499 [MUW 1499 I R 100]. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. A Georg Alkofer made a number of journeys on behalf of the city, including one in 1484 to the imperial court at Linz [StAR Cam. 19 fol 174r]. In 1475 Georg Alkofer “Bürger zu Regensburg” was involved in a dispute with the Alte Kapelle over rents owed the chapter [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 219 #1116: 6 March 1475]. Andreas Allexandri de Ratispana. Cologne 1485 [MUK II, 387, 7] Leipzig 1493 [MUL I, 397, B 33]. Andreas appears as a pauper at the time of his matriculation at Cologne. Andreas matriculated at Leipzig in 1493, at which time he paid fees of 6 gr. In 1493 he appears as bachelor in arts. Nicolaus Altenburger de Rat. Vienna 1390 [MUW 1390 II R 18]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Albertus Altheimer de Rat. Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 I R 18]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Sebastianus Altkofer de Rat. (same as Alchofer?) Ingolstadt 1510 [MLMU I, 337, 39]. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. Johannes Altman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 41, 14]. Johannes Altman was a member of a prominent Regensburg family—one of the wealthiest in Regensburg at end of the fourteenth century [Bastian, Das Runtingerbuch, vol. 3, 309]. The family was represented within the inner council from the late fourteenth century forward [Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 105; I. H.


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Kropac, “Die Ämterlisten der Reichsstadt Regensburg,” 1996–2002. 22/9/2003 ]. A Hainrich Altman served as Regensburg Hansgraf in 1400 and his son Martein Altman served as Hansgraf (1432) and treasurer (1451/52) [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen im Mittelalter (bis 1486), 57]. Sebastianus Altman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 184, 10]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Sebastianus Altman was a member of the prominent Altman family (see Johannes Altman). Henricus de Amberga de Bavaria. Bologna 1359 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 13 #78]. The noble born Henricus held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated in Bologna and paid fees of 30 solildi. Johannes Amberger de Geisenfeld. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 405, 34]. Johannes Amberger appears as clericus in Regensburg at the time of his matriculation and paid fees of 48 den. Amman (Aman, Ammanus). The Ammans were a Regensburg patrician family that served in the city council throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, holding many of the most prestigious offices [Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 53, 83, 105; Rosa Kohlheim, Regensburger beinamen des 12. bis 14 Jahrhunderts, Beinamen aus Berufs-, Amts-, und Standes bezeichnungen, Bayreuther Beiträge zur Dialektologie Hamburg, vol. 6 (Hamburg: Buske Helmut Verlag, 1990), 35; I. H. Kropac, “Die Ämterlisten der Reichsstadt Regensburg.” 1996–2002. 22/9/2003 ; Gemeiner, Regensburger Chronik, vol. 2, 349; vol. 3, 694.] As with many of the most important Regensburg families the source of their wealth was long-distnce trade. The Ammans were especially prominent in the wine trade with southern Tirol [F. Bastian, Das Runtingerbuch, vol. 3, 309–310]. Bartholomeus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1493 [MUW 1493 I R 95]. Paid fees of 29 den. Casparus Amman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 1002, 31]. Perhaps the same as the Regensburg citizen and council member Casparus Amman who served as city Treasurer in 1518 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 372 #1802: 29 September 1518]. Died 152?. Buried in St. Emmeram [Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 26]. Emeramus Amman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 102, 32].


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 257 Erasmus Amman (Ammanus) de Rat. Vienna 1454–57; 1467 [Schrauf, Acta facultatis medicae Universitatis Vindobonensis. 3 vols. (Wien: Verlag des Medicinischen Doctoren Collegiums, 1894–1904)—(hereinafter K. Schrauf, K. Schrauf, AFM, vol. 2, 88, 132]. Padua 1464 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 342–344]. Erasmus Amman reigned in arts at Vienna in 1454 [Aschbach, Geschichte der Wiener Universität, vol. 1, 601]. In 1454 he matriculated in medicine at Vienna earning his bachelor in medicine in 1457. In 1464 Erasmus Amman was promoted to doctor in medicine at Padua. He returned to Vienna in 1467 and was received into the faculty of medicine. That same year he received a benefice in the diocese of Passau “Erasmus Amman de Rat. cler. Rat. dioc. in art. et med. mag.: de par. eccl in Ravelspach patav. Dioc. (10 m. arg.)” [Rep. Germ., vol. 9, 1157]. Erhardus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 112]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Amman de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II R 12]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Amman de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 II R 42]. Paid fees of 4 gr. In 1466, a Johannes Amman vicar in Abbach commissioned Freidrich Reisecker (Reisacher) to copy the Summa Rudium of Bartholomeus de Santo Concordio (an instructional manual for the parish clergy) and a collection of sermons by Thomas Ebendorfer. Given the large number of Regensburg names associated with the manuscript (the front endsheet is made from a Regensburg charter dated to 1464, and the scribe is likely also from Regensburg) it seems probable that this Johannes Amman stems from the Regensburg Ammans [H. Hilg, vol. 1, 166, 238: Cod. St 228, 269: Manuscripta Mediaevalia, http://www.manuscripta-mediaevalia.de]. In 1483, a Hans Amman traveled to Rome on behalf of the city [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 664]. Johannes Amman de Rat. Vienna 1491 [MUW 1491 I R 24]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Leonardus Amman (Aman) de Rat. Vienna 1479 [MUW 1479 II R 7]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Leonardus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 II R 73]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Petrus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 II2 R 6]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Wolfgangus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1495 [MUW 1495 II R 24]. Paid fees of 4 gr.


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Johannes Ammon de Rat. Vienna 1498 [MUW 1498 II R 83]. Appears as pauper at time of matriculation. Johannes Angermair ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1486 [MLMU I, 157, 13]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Angermair was a member of a Regensburg family. [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 382 (1463)]. A Conrad Angermair (am Fischmarkt) received as a citizen of was Regensburg in 1438 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 60]. In 1449, a Conrad Angermeier “Bürger zu Regensburg” sold Conrad Plessing, canon in the Alte Kapelle, his property in Czedeloren [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 163 #838: 21 March 1449]. This Conrad died in 1454. Buried in the cathedral church [Freytag and Hecht, eds. “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” Blätter des Bayerischen Landesvereins für Familienkunde, 11 (1933), 13; P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 60]. Michael Apfelbeck (Öpfelbeck) de Pfaedling. Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I, 231, 13]; Heidelberg 1495 [MUH I, 416]; Vienna 1503, 1510–1511 [MUW II 1503, 315; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 340 #1648: 16 August 1510; # 1664: 24 May 1511]. At the time of his matriculation in Ingolstadt, Michael Apfelbeck held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedal church and paid fees of 6 gr. He was also canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1507. In 1510 and 1511, the University of Vienna provided the Alte Kapelle with a Zeugnis for Michael Apfelbeck canon in the Alte Kapelle and “artium magister, iuris utriusque licentiatus.” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 306, 1505: 13 May 1503]. Michael Apfelbeck served as Regensburg syndic in 1515 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 271]. By 1516 he obtained a canonry in the cathedral. In 1522 he succeeded Georg Kolb as judge ordinary in the Regensburg consistory, a position he resigned in 1526. He died the same year. Epitaph in cathedral “Anno domini 1526 die 18. Augusti obit venerabilis et egregius vir dominus Michael Apfelpeckh, utriusque iuris doctor, Ratisponensis ecclesie canonicus, cuius anima [in] deo vivat.” [K. Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 46; Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 393]. Michael Apfelbeck was the brother of Sigismundus Apfelbeck (see later) [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 306, 1505: 13 May 1503]. Sigismundus Apfelbeck. Ferrara 1503 [Tit.Dot.Ferrara. 110]. Sigismundus Apfelbeck appears as notary in the Regensburg consistory as early as 1482 and again in 1500 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 299 #1473: 22 April 1500]. In 1491 he was chaplain in St. Oswald in Regensburg. In 1497 he acquired two plots from the fraternity of St. Wolfgang in Regensburg.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 259 In 1501 he appears as rector of St. Martin in Menning [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 408]. In 1502 he obtained a canonry in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 304 #1507: 14 April 1502]. He appears as licenciate in law in 1503 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 313 #1534: 27 July 1503]. He was the brother of Michael Apfelbeck (see earlier) [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 306, 1505: 13 May 1503]. By 1507 he was a licenciate in both canon and civil law 1507 (in utriusque iuris) [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 328 #1597: 3 December 1507]. He died in 1511 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 344, 1669: 28 August 1511] and was buried in the Alte Kapelle, 27 August 1511 [Hecht, “Die Grabdenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” Blätter des Bayerischen Landesvereins für Familienkunde 3 (1925), 11]. Ulricus Armacher de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 I R 35]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Aschlatzhawser de Rat. Vienna 1510 [MUW 1510 I R 81]. Paid fees of 5 gr. Johannes Aschltzhawser was a citizen of Regensburg. Sebastianus Aufhawser de Rat. Vienna 1518 [MUW 1518 I R 47]. Paid fees of 43 den. Johannes Awer. Vienna 1416 [MUW 1416 I R 34]. Johannes Awer held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Vienna and paid fees of 1/2 libr. He died by 14 January 1427 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 318]. Held the rectorship of the parish church of Trawbling until his death [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 354–55]. Ulricus Aychennagel de Rat. Vienna 1435 [MUW 1435 II R 24]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Aygelkoffer ex Rat. Vienna 1507 [MUW 1507 I R 146]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Wilhelmus Aygner de Ratispona. Vienna 1432 [MUW 1432 II R 21]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Cristofferus Backsteyger (Bouchstiger) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1485 [MUL I, 347, B 87]. Erasmus Backsteyger (Pocksteyger) de Ratispana. Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 389, B 63]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Augustinus Baldlosz O.P. Heidelberg 1513 [MUH I, 489]. Frater conventus Ratisponensis. Johannes Balistarii de Rat. Erfurt 1476 [Act. Erf. I, 363, 13]. Paulus Bauman (Pawman) de Ratisbona. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 32, 38]. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 II R 7]. At time of matriculation at Vienna Paulus Bauman paid fees of 4 gr.


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Balthasar Bauman de Ratispana. Leipzig 1504 [MUL I, 459, B43]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Cunradus Baumgartner (Pawmgartner) ex Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 27; K. Schrauf, AFM, vol. 3, 118]. Cunradus Baumgartner matriculated in medicine at Vienna, 4 November 1516, paid 36 den. He was a member of a prominent Regensburg faimly that appears frequently in civic offices from the mid-fourteenth century to the late fifteenth century. In 1414, an Ulrich Baumgartner “Bürger zu Regensburg” was engaged in a dispute over the income from a butcher shop “Fleischbank” [Urk AK I, 119 #636: 24 November 1414]. In 1485, another Ulrich Baumgartner appears as a member of the inner council. However, the appearance of a noble Georgius Baumgartner in 1503 is reason to be cautious. See Georgius Baumgartner (later). Georgius Baumgartner ex Ratisbona. Ingolstadt 1503 [MLMU I, 300,26]. Designated as a nobleman at his matriculation and paid fees of 1 fl. Nicolaus Baumgartner (Pawmgartner) de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 II R 23]. Pauper. He was likely a member of the Regensburg family of the same name. See Cunradus Baumgartner (earlier). Ulricus Baumgartner. Padua 1468–1470 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 793, 808, 887, 905, 926, 944, 984]. Ulricus Baumgartner, Regensburg cathedral canon, appears in Padua as early as 1468 when he witnessed the promotion of Johannes Trabolt as doctor in canon law. Other witnesses with connections to Regensburg included Johannes Tröster (see later) and Erhardus Czenger (from the diocese of Regensburg). In 1469 Ulricus Baumgartner served as rector of the law faculty, approved the promotion of Balthasar Hundertpfund as doctor in canon law. [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 887]. In 1470 Ulricus Baumgartner decretum doctor and Regensburg cathedral canon witnessed the promotion of Georgius Pfintzing as doctor in canon law. The witnesses also included Johannes (Stephanus?) Schrotel Provost of St. Johann in Regensburg (this is likely in error see Stephanus Schrotel) and Georgius Kynsberger (see later), canon in the Regensburg cathedral. Dionysius Bayr de Ratispana. Leipzig 1490 [MUL I, 375, B19]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Procopius Be(a)m de Rat. Vienna 1434 [MUW 1434 I R 31]. Pauper. Martin Bebenhauser (Pewenhauser) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1465 [MUL I, 251, B 34]; Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 33, 33]. Martin Bebenhauser


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 261 is listed together with Warmund Bebenhauser (Pevenhauss, see later) in Leipzig matriculation (his brother?). He paid fees of 6 gr. Warmund Bebenhauser (Pevenhauss) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1465 [MUL I, 251, B 34]. Warmund Bebenhauser paid fees of 6 gr. (brother of Martin Bebenhauser? see earlier) Gregorius Bechler ex Rat. Vienna 1500 [MUW 1500 II R 89]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Albertus Bedeke. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 I S 9]. Albertus Bedeke hed a canonry in the cathedral at the time of his matriculation and paid fees of 9 gr. Johannes Behaim ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1491 [MLMU I, 212, 25]. He paid fees of 6 gr when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. Family found frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Paulus Beheim Ratispanensis. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 526, B52]. He paid fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated at Leipzig. Family found frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Cristofferus Beringer de Rat. Vienna 1459 [MUW 1459 I R 91]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Bernawer de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II 5]; Ingolstadt 1485 [MLMU I, 147, 6]. Paid fees of 8 gr. A Johannes Bernawer first appears as notarius in 1474 in a document related to Erhard Pissel’s reception of the altar of St. Katherine in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 218 # 1111 4 December 1474]. Johannes Bernawer appears as master and “procurator des Chorgerichts” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 228 #1165: 4 November 1478]. Notarius and Master of the liberal arts [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 324 #1577: 26 September 1506]. From 1466 to 1507 active as proctor in the Regensburg consistory “Gemeiner procurator geistlicher Gericht” [Urk. AK., vol. 1 324 #1581: October 26 1506; Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 407]. A Johannes Bernauer de Ratispona also glossed Leonardo Bruni’s (Aretino) commentary on the Nichmachean Ethics [BayStB clm 14993: “Aristotelis ethicorum ad Nicomachum libri VI interprete Leonardo Aretino, cum glossis Joh. Bernauer Ratisbonensis.” This manuscript also contains a speech given by Johannes Bernauer at Ingolstadt in 1485]. Nicholas Bernawer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I, 88, 32]. In 1480 he was promoted to bachelor in arts. Three years later, in 1483, he was awarded a master’s in arts. He may have studied law. Some time before 1489 he entered St. Emmeram, where he died in 1531. He also copied commentaries on the works of Dionysius the Areopagite whose relics St. Emmeram claimed to hold, and his hand


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appears in numerous other documents as well [Bernhard Bischoff, “St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 134–37, 261; Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, vol. 1, Clm 14000 –14130, 14, 186, 203, 209, 261]. Sold a copy of a canon law text of Boniface VIII glossed by by Johannes Andreae to Johannes Tegernpeck in 1480 [Bonifatius VIII, Liber Sextus (Venice: Andreas de Bonetis, 1486.05.22, 2o, B-722 BSB-Ink: Online Version, 24 May 2007]. Johannes Bernhardini de Ratispona. Krakow 1513 [Crac. Album Stud. 2,1, 144]. Johannes Boblinger de Rat. Heidelberg 1498 [MUH I, 431]. Georgius Bones de Rat. Erfurt 1470 [Act. Erf. I, 340, 12]. Paid full fees. Dominicus Bramer de Rat. Erfurt 1475 [Act. Erf. I, 362, 22]. Paid full fees. Casparus Brandstetter O.P. de Rat. Cologne 1461 [MUK III, 1461/2 Ntr. 720]. He copied parts of BayStB clm 26878, which includes a number treatises by Peter Hispanus (de Suppositionibus, de Relativis, de Appellationibus). Ulricus Brandstetter (Branstetter). Basel 1475 [MUB I, 138, 36]. Paid fees of 6 schil. Ulricus Brannburger O.F.M. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 133, 4]. Served as guardian of the Regensburg Franciscan convent in 1482. After 1484 held office of suffragan bishop of Freising. Hed died in 1497 [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia III, 260: 22 July 1497; see also Hilz, Minderbrüder, 184]. According to Hilz, Ulricus Brannburger held a doctorate in theology. Johannes Braun de Rat. Heidelberg 1519 [MUH I, 518]. Johannes de Brawneysen. Leipzig 1478 [MUL I, 313, B37]. Paid fees of 10 gr. Member of a Regensburg family. Fridericus Braxatoris de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 II R 101]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Brepach de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 257, B96]. Paid fees of 6 gr. This Johannes Brepach is possibly the same as Hanns Prepeckh, who served as the permanent vicar of St. Cassian and held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle by 1490 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 266 #1331: 10 September 1490]. Wilhelmus Bredler de Ratispana. Leipzig 1511 [MUL I, 510, B48]. Paid fees of 6 gr.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 263 Dominicus Bromberg ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1487 [MLMU I, 177, 33]. Paid fees of 64 den. Georgius Bromberger de Ratispona. Padua 1471–72 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 4: 61, 139]. Georgius Bromberger matriculated in both the arts and medicine and witnessed promotions in both faculties between 1471 and 1472. He was likely related to the Regensburg city physician Conrad Pramberger whom the city employed in 1459 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 2, 443]. Dominicus Brunbeger de Rat. Erfurt 1479 [R. C. Schwinges, Bak. Reg. Erf., 191, #29]. Bachelor in arts Spring 1479. Same as Dominicus Bromberg? Andreas Buchener de Rat. Erfurt 1485 [Act. Erf. I, 410, 31]. Fees waived. Georgius Burckhardt de Wolnzach. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 415, 37]. Listed in the matriculation records as a priest in Regensburg and paid fees of 8 den. at the time of his matriculation. Bertholdus de Burghausen. Bologna 1338–43 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 80 #538]. The noble-born Berthold de Burghausen held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle at time of his matriculation and paid fees of 27 sol. He appears frequently between 1338 and 1343 in the records of the German nation in Bologna. In 1340 he paid fees of 6 solidi. In 1343 he served as proctor for the German nation at Bologna. Sebastianus Burnickel Rat. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 410, 8]. Paid fees of 48 d. Ludovicus Bursatoris de Ratispona. Leipzig 1485 [MUL I, 347, B 88]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Adam Calciatoris de Rat. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I, 12 March 1479]. Paulus Caspender de Ratispona. Leipzig 1456 [MUL I, 200, B 81]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Cassis. ex Rat. Vienna 1490 [MUW 1490 II R 16]. Paid fees of 60 den. Georgius Castenmair de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 124]. Paid fees of 4 gr. By 8 November 1456 he appears as artium liberalium baccalareus. Georgius Castenmair was the illegitimate son of Hans Kastenmair, a member of the Regensburg inner council with strong ties to Straubing (at his death Hans Kastenmair had been a citizen of Regensburg for only six years having spent much of his career as a scribe in the service of the Duchy Straubing-Holland.)


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Hans Kastenmair established several anniversaries in Regensburg and left his son Görglein “den Awhof hie zu Regensburg mit aller seiner zugehorung und dy new padstuben die ich von dem Lechen kaufft hab . . .” Georgius Castenmair died, 21 April 1457. [Fuchs, “Ulrich und Hans Kastenmayr Straubinger Bürger im Dienst des Herzogtums Straubing-Holland,” 130, 153]. Liephardus Chomlinger (Gemlinger) de Rat. Vienna 1384 [MUW 1384 II 163]. Liephardus Chomlinger is listed as a pauper at the time of his matriculation. He also appears with two others from Regensburg, Erhardus Purchofer de Rat. and Seger de Rat. Liephardus Chomlinger was likely a member of the Gemlinger family that had been prominent in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries but disappears from the list of office holders after 1315. Henricus Chronberger. Vienna 1403 [MUW 1403 I R 1]. Henricus Chronberger miles held a cathedral canonry at the time of his matriculation and paid fees of 4 gr. He was involved in a dispute over the chapel of St. Margaret’s in Passau and a prebend in the Regensburg cathedral. 23 January 1401 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 667–68]. He was still a canon in the Regensburg cathedral in 1417 [Urk. AK, vol. 1, 121, #649: 17 March 1417]; He died by 6 January 1420 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 3501]. Johannes Chumer de Rat. Vienna 1496 [MUW 1496 I R 27]. Johannes Cluegspeckh de Rat. Vienna 1505 [MUW 1505 II R 28]. Paid fees of 56 den. Conradus Comperti Bologna 1325 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 254 #1819]. Conradus Comperti held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral at the time of his matriculation “cum magistro suo” paid 36 sol. Bonon. Conradus Cöppl de Rat. Vienna 1466 [MUW 1466 II R 24]. Pauper. Petrus Conradi de Rat. Vienna 1411 [MUW 1411 I R 72]. Pauper. Erasmus Cremitzer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 43, 4]. Wolfhardus Cuncz. Vienna 1402 [MUW 1402 II R 33]. Regensburg cathedral canon at time of matriculation, paid fees of 6 gr. Rudolfus Dachauer ex Rat. Vienna 1517 [MUW 1517 II R 87]. Paid fees of 29 den. Michael Dale de Rat. Erfurt 1493 [Acta.Erf. II, 180,32]. Assessed at half rate. Ulricus Dappfelberg de Ratispona. Leipzig 1441[MUL I, 135, B82]. Paid fees of 10 gr.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 265 Ulricus Deckenpek de Rat. Vienna 1409 [MUW 1409 I R 72]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Cristofferus de Degenburg. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 156]. Cristofferus de Degenburg held a canonry in the cathedral at the time of his matriculation and paid a fees of 1 flor. Ren. Ulricus Deichsler. Heidelberg 1409 [MUH I, 112] Bologna 1426 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 89 #612] Paris (before 1426) [Herre, Concilium Basiliense: Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des Concils von Basel (hereinafter H. Herre, Conc. Basil.) vol. 7, 490]. Originally from Nuremberg, Ulrich Deichsler was promoted to master in arts at Paris between 1409 and 1426. He paid fees of 22 bol. at time of matriculation at Bologna. In 1426, he held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle. In 1442, he became provost of the Alte Kapelle [Paricius, Allerneueste und bewärhte historische Nachricht, 356]. Deichsler attended the Council of Basel in 1443, called “dominus Ulricus Deysler in artibus magister Parisiensis et licenciatus in decretis prepositus ecclesie beate Marie veteris capelle Ratisponensis.” [Herre, Conc. Basil, vol. 7, 490]. See also [Kist, Die Matrikel der Geistlichkeit des Bistums Bamberg, 67]. Michael Delckhofer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 135, 27]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Wolfgangus Deler. Ingolstadt 1489 [MLMU I, 192, 38]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Michael Doleatoris de Ratispona. Leipzig 1485 [MUL I, 351, B 57]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Doleatoris de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 219]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Georgius Dorner de Rat. Vienna 1492 [MUW 1492 I R 37]. Paid fees of 28 den. Johannes Dur de Rat. Heidelberg 1507 [MUH I, 465]. Martinus Dyrlin de Rat. Erfurt 1492 [Act. Erf. II, 171, 10]. At the time of his matriculation, Martin Dyrlin is listed as a familiar of the university provost, Johannes Kyll de Hersfeldia, for which the university waived the usual fees. Erhardus Ebendorffer de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 I R 179]. Listed as pauper at time of matriculation. Conradus Echter de Ratispona. Leipzig 1512 [MUL I, 518, B 134]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Sebastianus Eckell de Ratispona. Leipzig 1503 [MUL I, 453, B105]. Paid fees of 6 gr.


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Wolfgangus Egker. Basel 1461 [MUB I, 19]. Cathedral Canon Regensburg at time of matriculation and paid fees of 12 schil. Johannes Eglof de Rat O.P. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R 76]. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. He was designated as a pauper when he matriculated, but there is no mention of affiliation with the Dominicans. By 1439, he appears as Prior O.P. Vienna, at which time he was accused of “incauta predicatione.” [Uiblein, ed. Die Akten der Theologischen Fakultät der Universität Wien, vol. 2, 81]. “Item frater Iohannes prior Predicatorum Wyennensium fuit pro tunc delatus super incauta predicatione quorundam articulorum, de quibus posterius videndum erit propter instantem ipsorum dedicationem.” See also Isnard Frank, O.P., Hausstudium und Unversitätsstudium der Wiener Dominikaner bis 1500, 205. Georgius Egrer de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 64]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Georgius Ellenbach (Elnpach) de Rat. Vienna 1421 [MUW 1421 II R 41]. Paid fees of 4 gr. He obtained the altar of St. Vitus. 2 August 1419 after the promotion of Johannes Elnpach to a canonry and prebend in the Alte Kapelle. He also received an expectation for a canonry in Regensburg, Passau or Brixen not withstanding the fact that he held St. Vitus, 5 September 1421 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 779]. He died on 8 September 1435 (on the Vigils of the nativity of Mary) as dean and rector in Niedermünster and was buried in the Alte Kapelle [Hecht, “Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 12]. Henricus Ellenbach de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 II R 47]. Matriculated with Georgius Straubing of Regensburg. Paid fees of 2 gr. Michael Elmpach de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II R 13]. Paid fees of 4 gr. He is likely the same as Michael Ellenbach, rector in Posching, diocese of Regensburg who received a canonry in the Alte Kapelle in 1477 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 225 #1146: 24 October 1477]. His reception as a canon was witnessed by Leonard Panholz (see later) with whom he matriculated at Vienna twenty-three years earlier. He died 24 August 1495 and was buried in the Alte Kapelle [Hecht, “Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 12]. Andreas Elmpeck (Almbeck) de Rat. Vienna 1461 [MUW 1461 II R 9]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. The furrier Hans Almbeck from Passua was received as a


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 267 citizen of Regensburg in 1457 and died in 1495 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 57]. Georgius Engelperger de Rat. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1453 II R 34]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Engilhart de Ratispona. Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 268, B78]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Johannes Engleprecht de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 160]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Engelprecht was a citizen of Regensburg. In 1438, a Stephan Englprecht served as city treasurer [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 84]. During the Reichstag held in Regensburg in 1471, a Hanns Engelprecht housed eight horses and eight men associated with Duke Louis the Rich of Bavaria-Landshut [Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 559]. Laurencius Erhardi de Eschenbach. O.F.M. Erfurt 1479–1481 [Act. Erf. I, 377, 41; 384, 14; R. C. Schwinges, Bak. Reg. Erf., 199, 55]. Assessed at half rate. In a Regensburg Franciscan charter from 1497, Laurencius de Eschenbach appears as a professor in theology “Laurencius Eschenbegk de Rat. prof. of theology,” [BayHStA, KU Minoriten Regensburg 112: 16 September 1497]. He was promoted as bachelor in theology at Erfurt in spring of 1481. Likely related to Henricus Essenpeck de Rat. Guardian in Regensburg in 1492 and 1498 [Hilz, Minderbrüder, 185]. Henricus Erlbach de Rat. Ingolstadt 1486 [MLMU I, 162, 23]. Henricus Erlbach paid fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. He is almost certainly the same as “Henricus de Erlbach tunc temporis scholaris veteris capellae” who copied the Summulae logicales of Peter Hispanus (BayStB clm 14518) later held in the library of St. Emmeram, where Henricus entered as a monk. He was the son of Henricus Erlbach, a former city scribe in Augsburg who was embroiled in a protracted legal dispute with his former employer [Fuchs, “Ehemalige Amtsträger als Feinde ihrer Heimatstadt,” 337; Cgm 2517, 158r–171r, K. Schneider, Die deutschen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften aus Cgm 888–4000, 350, 351]. The elder Henricus served the city of Regensburg as a city scribe in 1450 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 133]. The younger Henricus’ sister, was Margaret Limpeck, wife of the Regensburg citizen Erhard Limpeck, epitaph in St. Emmeram [Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 31; Fuchs, Ehemalige Amtsträger, 337]. The younger Henricus’ brother Georgius Erlbach from Augsburg


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matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1472 [MLMU I, 28, 23]. At his death in 1520 Georgius Erlbach left his brother Henricus a large collection of books (primarily works of canon law) [MBK vol. 4, 1, 386], many of these are still extant and were donated after the death of Henricus (d. 1535) to St. Emmeram [A-304, A-794, B-884, F-215, I-216, M-528, M-535, S-603, T-116, BSB-Ink Online-Version: 24 May 2007]. Johannes Ernst de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 I R 45]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Thomas Ernst de Ratispana. Tübingen 1477 [MUT 5]. He appears as magister in artibus in 1477. Henricus Essenpeck de Rat. Vienna 1499 [MUW 1499 I R 117]. Johannes Eyber de Ratispona. Leipzig 1462 [MUL I, 235, B4]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Leonardus Eysenbringer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 256, B73]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Leonardus Eytinger de Ratisbona. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 13, 32]. Served as Kooperator in Regensburg 1489. He also appears as the owner of a work of Lenten penitential sermons [Robertus Caracciolus, Sermones quadragesimales de poenitentia (Strasbourg: Martin Schott, 1485.09.03, 2o: C-141, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007]. Erhardus Eyttenbeck (Aydempek) de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II R 71]. Georgius Eyttenbeck de Ratispona. Freiburg i. Br. 1461 [MUF 15 #22]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Ulricus Faber ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 111,7]. Pauper. Andreas Fabri de Rat. Heidelberg 1466 [MUH I 320]. In 1469 he was awarded a bachelor in arts, via moderna, (13 January 1469). Cristofferus Fabri de Rat. Vienna 1459 [MUW 1459 I R 57]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Fabri de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 63]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Johannes Fabri de Rat. Erfurt 1435 [Act. Erf. I 163, 45]. Pauper. Stephanus Fabri de Ratispona. Cologne 1504 [MUK II 462, 58 559]. Matriculated in arts. Ulricus Falkener de Ratispona. Leipzig 1476 [MUL I,302, B 18]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Farster de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 I R 82]. Paid fees of 4 gr.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 269 Johannes Feltzer Rat. Ingolstadt 1498 [MLMU I, 268, 16]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculaton. Johannes Feurer de Rat. Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 I R 127]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Thomas Feyerabend (Feyerobend) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1461 [MUL I, 228, B49]. Pauper at time of matriculation. Paulus Flenderlein de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1452 II2 R 42]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Paulus Flenderlein was a member of a Regensburg family. He is likely the same as Paulus Flenderl, chaplain in Gelnhausen who established an anniversary in the Franciscan church of St. Salvator for which he “dedit calicem valoris 24 florenorum et texta volumina ad librariam.” He died 19 March (shortly after 1478) [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia, vol. 3, 250]. Mathaeus Flubeck Leipzig 1442–45 [MUL I, 138, B33; II, 135]. He paid fees of 6 gr in 1442 and earned his bachelor in arts 1445. Ulricus Foerhel de Rat. Ingolstadt 1486 [MLMU I, 163, 33]. Paid fees of 22 (den.?). Sigismundus Foertsch. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 410, 14]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral at the time of his matriculation and paid fees of 1 fl. Georgius Forster de Ratispona. Leipzig 1507 [MUL I, 479, B100]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. He was likely a member of the Regensburg family of the same name. A Mathaeus Vorster was received as a citizen of Regensburg in 1477 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 140]. Erhardus Franck ex Rat. Vienna 1499 [MUW 1499 I A 63]. Erhardus Franck paid fees of 4 gr. He was a member of a Regensburg patrician family. A Wilhelm Franck was received as a citizen in Regensburg in 1461 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 140], and served as a member of the council in 1485 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 694, 716]. Johannes Franckengruener. Heidelberg 1418 [MUH I, 140]. Johannes Franckengruener held a Regensburg cathedral canonry in 1417 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 1904]. He was expected to resign position as rector of Ergoltsbach because of non-promotion (i.e. had not entered higher orders) 1424 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 98, 99]. However, appears to have still held it at his death in 1429 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 2885]. He also held a canonry in Eichstätt before 1429 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 3740].


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Andreas Freudemberger de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 7]. Paid fees of 4 gr. An Andreas Freudenberger appears as a citizen of Regensburg in 1450 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 190]. A Heinrich Freudenberger appears in 1455 as a member of the ropemakers’ confraternity attached to the Franciscan church of St. Salvatore [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 237]. The confraternity members were drawn from a number of related professions including fisherman, ropemaker, and boatman. For his role in the murder of Paul Haider, see Henricus Parsberger. Cristiannus de Freyberg. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 II R 75]. At the time of matriculation at Vienna Cristiannus de Freyberg held canonries in Regensburg and Brixen. He paid matriculation fees of 1 Ung. flor. He is likely the same as the Kristianus de Freyberg who owned the fourteenth-century canon law collection BayStB clm 3872, which included Johannes Andrea’s commentary on the canon law collection, Constitutiones of Clement V [B. Hernad, Die gotischen Handschriften deutscher Herkunft in der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, 160]. Johannes Freydenstich de Rat. Vienna 1489 [MUW 1489 I R 12]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Fridman de Rat. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 40]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Martinus Fridman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 42, 27]. Possibly the same as Martinus Fridman chorvikar in the Alte Kapelle who appears as witness to the promotion of Johann Sigart as canon in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 259 #1303: 16 October 1487]. Martinus Fridman served as chaplain of the altar of St. Erasmus [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 422 #2001: 3 August 1487] a position he resigned after 1494 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 279 #1386: 12 February 1494]. Frieshaimer. A number of Frieshaimers were active in the mid-fifteenth century in Regensburg, and at least two represented the city on official business. Fridericus Frieshamer was sent to Vienna (1454) “zu kunig Lassla Stathalter von der rechten wegen die mawer an treffent.” [StAR Cam.14.7r] A Frieshamer (possibly the same Fridericus) was sent by the council to Passau in 1454. StAR Cam.14. 6v. A Fridericus Friesheimer was a member of the city council in Regensburg and head of the ropemakers’ confraternity in 1478 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 235 ff., 285, 598, 607, 609]. A Hans Frieshammer was sent in 1477–78 to Vienna with Maister Hans Drabolt ( Johannes Trabolt) “von der judischait wegen . . .” [StAR Cam.17.194r.]


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 271 Georgius Frieshaimer. A Jörg Frieshaimer nephew of Conrad Trunkel (Bürger des Rattes zu Regensburg), and brother of Fridericus Frieshaimer appears as the perpetual vicar of Rotting in 1482 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 240 #1214: 12 April 1482]. He appears as magister on April 20 1482, when he exchanged his benefice in Rotting for the canonry in the Alte Kapelle previously held by Johannes Wisent [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 240 #1215: 20 April 1482]. He was party to a complaint to the papal curia against the dean of the Alte Kapelle—Georg Gneucker—in 1495 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 283 #1404: 31 January 1495]. I have not been able to identify his university. He was still canon in 1499 when he witnessed the acceptance of Johannes Velber as a canon in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 294 #1453: 27 February 1499]. In 1496, he is listed as a recipient of “auslewten leibgedin” “Item mayster Georg Frieshaimer chorher zu alten Kapelle hatt . . . X guld.” [StAR Cam. 22. 57v]. Jacobus Frieshaimer de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 II R 50]. Jacobus Frieshaimer appears as pauper at time of matriculation. He appears as licenciate in arts in 1422 and magister for the first time 1423. He was involved in litigation over the parish church in Talkarchum al. Perkhaim 21 February 1429 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 1977] and received a canonry and prebend in Regensburg vacant through the death of Wernher Aufleger 19 September 1430 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 1513]. By 1439 he appears as licenciate in law. He also appears numerous times at the Council of Basel as a canon in Regensburg. The Council selected him to serve on a diplomatic mission to the pope in November 1439 [Haller, Beckmann, Herre, and Dannenbauer, eds., Conc. Basil., vol. 6, 729]. He purchased a legal miscellany in Basel in 1441 which had been copied in Rome in 1431 [Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen Mc 16]: “Ego Jacobus Frieshaimer emi hunc librum pro florenis vi anno m0 cccc0 xli in civitate Basiliensi durante Sacre generali consilio ibidem et die xiii mentis Aprilis ubi pecunaim seu florenos predictos.” [H. Röcklein, Die lateinischen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen: Teil 1: Signaturen Mc 1 bis Mc 150 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1991), 96]. Johannes Frieshaimer ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 99, 18]. He was a minor at the time of his matriculation. Casparus Froschauer de Rat. Heidelberg 1506 [MUH I, 461]. He was a member of a Regensburg family. In 1503, a Conrad Froschauer “Bürger zu Regensburg” witnessed the sale of property to the Alte


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Kapelle, which included the donation of funds to benefit the poor [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 313: 19 August 1503]. Conradus Frueauf de Rat. Vienna 1460 [MUW 1460 I R 11]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Jacobus Frunt de Ratispona. Leipzig 1479 [MUL I, 316, B9]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Balthasar Fürstenecker de Rat. Vienna 1420 [MUW 1420 I R 2] Padua 1440–44 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 1485, 1496, 1751, 1778]. Paid fees of 4 gr. at time of matriculation at Vienna. Bathasar Fürstenecker appears among the familia of the bishop of Padua along with Henricus Parsberger (see later). He appears as rector in Pilzing by 1440 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 1496]. His promotion as doctor in canon law in 1444 was witnessed by Casparus Schenck (see later) and Ulricus Part (see later), both Regensburg cathedral canons [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 1, 2: 1778]. He engaged in litigation against Georg Mansser over the parish church of Soleen in the diocese of Regensburg, 25 April 1429 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 351]. Johannes Fuchstainer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 184, 8]. Paid fees of 1 fl. His father Hans Fuchstainer was sent on a number of diplomatic missions for the city, including one in 1478 to Wien “antreffend die judischait und das mandat von der Juden.” [StAR Cam.17 166 v and 194v.] His father was an influential member of ducal party in the late 1470s and 1480s [A. Schmid, “Vom Höhepunkt zur Krise die politische Entwicklung 1245–1500,” 205–206.] Their influence declines after Regensburg returned to imperial control. Paulus Fünsinger de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 II R 69]; Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 20, 22]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Balthasar (Walthazar) Fuerer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 135, 26]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Fuerer was a member of a Regensburg family. In 1483, a Conz Fuerer made payments to the royal notary and others during Regensburg’s negotiations with Frederick III regarding the city’s debts [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 663] Ulricus Funificis de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 II R 51]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Stephanus Furtter de Rat. Ingolstadt 1506 [MLMU I, 310, 40]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Stephanus Furtter was a citizen of Regensburg. Georgius Furtter ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1493 [MLMU I, 227, 31]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Georgius Furtter was a citizen of Regensburg and possibly the same as Jörg Furtter whose wife Agnes and son Johannes leased


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 273 property “auf dem Genßperg in purckfrid Regensburg.” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 330 #1608: 8 June 1508]. Johannes Gartner de Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 55]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Gartner was a citizen of Regensburg. Johannes Gassner de Ratispona. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 526, B 53]. Johannes Gassner was listed as a pauper at the time of his matriculation and is listed right after Paulus Beheim also of Regensburg. Georgius Gegninger de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 II R 38]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Genendorffer. Vienna 1422 [MUW 1422 I R 47]. Johannes Genendorffer paid fees of 4 solidi. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral at the time of his matriculation. Sigismundus Gensperger de Eckenfelden. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 395, 7]. Leonardus Gerhart de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 II R 51]. Leonardus Gerhart matriculated with Johannes Hofner (see later) of Regensburg and paid fees of 4 gr. Bartholomeus Gerlfinger de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 125]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Gerssdorffer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1509 [MUL I, 501, B63]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Hertwicus Gewolf de Degemberg. Vienna 1445 [MUW 1445 I R 3]. Hertwicus Gewolf held a Regensburg cathedral canonry and paid fees of 4 solidi at the time of his matriculation. Oswaldus (Osvaldus) Geylprecht de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 139]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Wolfgangus (Volffgangus) Giessinger de Rat. Vienna 1508 [MUW 1508 I R 101]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Gluckh ex Rat. Vienna 1514 [MUW 1514 I R 6]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Gneugker. Bologna 1486 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 161 #1156; Urk. AK., vol. 1 #1278: 14 April 1486]. Georgius Gneugker is designated as noble in Knod. He appears in Bologna on two separate occasions, first in 1474 and later in 1486 when he received his licenciate in law. In 1486, he was canon in the Alte Kapelle and his progress was reported back to the college [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 224 #1140: 9 September 1477]. He was dean in the Alte Kapelle by 1495 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 283 #1404: 31 January 1495] and held a canonry in Brixen and a prebend in Würzburg. In 1503, Gneugker donated a manuscript to the cathedral library in Würzburg


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containing works on canon law by Peter de Quesvel and Lanfrancus de Oriano [M. ch. fol. 12: Hans Thurn, Die Papierhandschriften der ehemaligen Dombibliothek, in Die Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Würzburg, vol. 3, pt. 2 (Wiesdbaden: 1981), 10–11]. Stephanus Gölls de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 121]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Johannes Golss de Rat. Vienna 1430 [MUW 1430 I R 99]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Wolfgangus (Bolfgangus) Goltzstain de Rat. Vienna 1495 [MUW 1495 I R 32]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Gossinger Ratisponensis. Vienna 1509 [MUW 1509 I R 79]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Grad (Gkrad, Grad). Siena 1486 [G. Minnucci, ed., Le lauree dello Studio Senese alla fine del secolo XV, 28]. Johannes Grad was born in Hungary (cleric in diocese of Gran). In 1465, Grad appears as a notary in Regensburg. In 1471, he served as proctor general in the cathedral court. In 1486, he received a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral as advisor to Duke Albert IV of Bavaria. The same year he appeared in Siena where “fuit presentatus coram—d. Ieronimo Picholomineo—d. cardinalis et archiepiscopi Senensis vic. in temporalibus et spiritualibus generali, per famossissimos doctores d. Burgensium de Burgensibus, d. Antonium abbatem Rosanum et d. Franciscum de Vergellis promotores suos in i. can.” Grad represented Duke Albert IV (the Wise) of Bavaria in Rome who was seeking papal approval for the establishment of a university in Regensburg (1487). He appears as Licentiatus in decretis by 1488. From 1488 to his death in 1506, he compiled the Kalendarium Ratisponense covering important events related to the cathedral chapter and the city. He also held a benefice in St. Johann and in 1500 served as judex surrogatus in the Regensburg consistory. He died 28 July 1506. Epitaph in the Regensburg cathedral: “Anno domini MoCCCCCoVI die XXVIII Iulii obiit egregius licentiatus dominus Iohannes Gkrad, canonicus Ratisponensis, cuius anima in pace requiescat.” [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 395–96]. He was a familiar of the Piccolomini family and spent much time in Rome [Fuchs and Märtl, “Literarisches und Geistiges Leben im 15. Jahrhundert,” in P. Schmid, ed., Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 911]. Leonardus Gramayr de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 II R 16]. Paid fees of 4 gr.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 275 Georgius Gran de Rat. Vienna 1518 [MUW 1518 I R 86]. Georgius Gran was orignally listed as a pauper, later paid fees of 4 gr. Perhaps related to the prominent Regensburg Graner family. Michael Grassel (Grasel) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1455 [MUL I, 198, B50]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Michael Grasser de Ratis. Erfurt 1458 [Bak.Reg.Erf. 110, 15; Act. Erf. I 267, 11]. At the time of his matriculation Michael Grasser was assessed at full rate. Bachelor in arts by Fall 1458. He was likely a member of the Regensburg family of the same name. See Johannes Grasser. Johannes Grasser. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 53, 37]. He was a member of the Regensburg Grasser family. He became a monk in Prüfening and served as abbot from 1483–1490. As abbot, Grasser was responsible for the purchase of a significant number of books for the library including: graduals, missals, an illuminated bible, the Quadragesimal of Leonardus de Utino, a casuistic manual (Bartholomew of Pisa, Summa Pisanella), Jordanus de Quedlinburg, Sermones de sanctis, William Durandus, Rationale divinorum, “und ander vil shoner puecher . . .” [MBK Vol. 4, 1, 440]. In 1474, a Leonardus Grasser, Leonardus Heff, and Nicolaus Koln, all citizens of Regensburg witnessed the confirmation of the privileges of the Regensburg Franciscans. Erhard Hirsch prior O.E.S.A. in Regensburg and Johannes Bernauer (notary) also appear in the document [I. Neske, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften: Juristische Handschriften in Die Handschriften der Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, vol. 3 (Wiesbaden: 1991), 118]. Stephanus Gratel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 264 B44]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Anthanasius Gravenreutter (Grefenreutter) Rat. Ingolstadt 1493 [MLMU I, 226, 4]. He was a minor at the time of his matriculation and paid fees of 6 gr. He was a member of a Regensburg patrician family with close ties to St. Emmeram. Between 1333 and 1520, sixteen members of the Gravenreutter family had epitaphs erected in St. Emmeram [“Freytag, Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 28, 29.] Michael Gravenwalter de Ratispona. Leipzig 1518 [MUL I, 561, B 71]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Martinus Greff de Ratispana. Leipzig 1488 [MUL I, 361, B 56]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Leonardus Grellenperger de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 37, 3].


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Jacobus Grepner (Chrepnär/Gropner) de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 I R 32]; Leipzig 1452 [MUL I,172, B 13]. Jacobus Grepner matriculated at Vienna as a pauper in 1436, at Leipzig he paid fees of 6 gr. Likely a member of the Regensburg family of the same name. Johannes Grepner de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 II R 10]. Paid fees of 4 gr. In 1429 Johannes Grepner was provided to the parish church of Ottring in 1429 with an income of 24 florins per year on 10 March 1429 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 1945]. Likely a member of the Regensburg family of the same name. Johannes Gressel de Ratispona. Freiburg i. Br. 1461 [MUF 15, 21]. Paulus Greyninger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1464 [MUL I, 247, B 26]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Griendorffir. Heidelberg 1408 [MUH I, 109]. Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral at the time of his matriculation. Laurencius Grienigel. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 395, 20]. Paid fees of 48 den. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. In 1499, a Jacob Grünygel “Bürger zu Regensburg” and his wife Ursula sold property to a certain Thomas Ritzler [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 296 #1460: 22 November 1499]. Johannes Gross de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 30]. He is possibly the same as Johannes Gross who appears as rector scholarum in the Alte Kapelle in 1495 [ J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. F. zur alten Kapelle, 125; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 286 #1413: 27 August 1495]. Rector of St. Cassian [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 331 #1613: 5 August 1508]. Died 1519 [K. Schottenloher, Tagebuch-aufzeichnungnen, 36]. Nicolaus Gross de Ratispona. Leipzig 1484 [MUL I, 341, B 44]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Jacobus Grossner de Ratispona. Leipzig 1452 [MUL I, 177, B 13]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Conradus Grüniger de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 II R 44 ]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Laurencius Gruber de Rat. Vienna 1417 [MUW 1417 II R 20]. Pauper. Johannes Gruber (Grueber) de Rat. Vienna 1476 [MUW 1476 I R 47]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Grun de Rat. Erfurt 1512 [Act. Erf. vol. 2, 278, 7]. Frater. Assesssed at half rate (4 schenb.) Ulricus Gschray de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 22, 38]. Johannes Gswind de Rat. Vienna 1471 [MUW 1471 II R 91]. Paid fees of 4 gr. In 1468, Hans Gswchind aus Markgrafnpadn became a citizen


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 277 of Regensburg. In 1469, a Hans Gswind “Bürger zu Regensburg” witnessed a property transaction [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 202–203 #1040: 11 April 1469]. During the Reichstag held in Regensburg in 1471, a Hanns Geschwind housed 46 men and horses associated with the entourage of Sigmund, Duke of Austria [Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 562]. Paulus Guenther de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 II R 107]. Paid fees of 4 gr. In 1492, a Paulus Günther served as “unterrichter” in Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 273 #1359: 28 April 1492]. Erhardus Gumpenberg. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 401, 40]. The nobleborn Erhardus Gumpenberg paid 1 florin when he matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1516 at which time he held canonries in the cathedrals of Regensburg and Freising. Wolfgangus Güntzeller ex Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 67]. Paid fees of 29 den. Johannes Gussubell de Ratis. Rostock 1514 [A. Hofmeister, ed., Matrikel der Universität Rostock, vol. 2, 59b.] Johannes Gussubell was the first recorded matriculant at Rostock from Regensburg. Johannes Habaus de Rat. Vienna 1456 [MUW 1456 I R 187]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Andreas Habeger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1461 [MUL I, 228, B74]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Vitus Häbicher. Ingolstadt 1518 [Urk. AK., vol. 1 #1794: 23 March 1518]. Vitus Häbicher was a canon in the Alte Kapelle at the time of his matriculation at Ingolstadt. Ludovicus Hagen ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 117,4]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Henricus Haibeck de Rat. Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 I R 8]. Paid fees of 4 gr. He matriculated right after L. Hawg de Rat. Johannes Haider de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 19]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Johannes Haider de Rat. Vienna 1491 [MUW 1491 II R 28]. Paid fees of 40 den. Paulus Hainler. Leipzig 1499 [MUL I, 430, B40]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Georgius Haller de Rat. Vienna 1462 [MUW 1462 II R 12]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Haller was a member of the Regensburg patrician family of the same name. Johannes Hanner de Rat. Ingolstadt 1508 [MLMU I, 327, 30]. Paid fees of 8 den. Wilhelmus Hanthaimer de Rat. Vienna 1447 [MUW 1447 I R 115]. Paid fees of 4 gr.


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Johannes Hartmann de Ratispona. Leipzig 1503 [MUL I, 452, B 71]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Georgius Hartner ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1492 [MLMU I, 220, 38]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Erhardus Hauber de Rat. Vienna 1476 [MUW 1476 I R 5]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Petrus Haum de Rat. Vienna 1430 [MUW 1430 I R 16]. Pauper at time of matriculation. Petrus Hausman de Rat. Vienna 1409 [MUW 1409 I R 90]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Johannes Hausner ex Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 94]. Paid fees of 40 den. He was elected rector of the University of Vienna on 14 April 1491. His name is later crossed out with the following note: “Sua sponte abrenunciavit privilegiis ne ob malam vitam puniretur rectoratu Mag. Georgii Päterstarffer.” Conradus Hauweck O.P. Bologna 1400 [Reichert, “DominikanerProvinzkapitel,” 310]. Conradus Hauweck served as master of students in the Regensburg Dominican convent in 1396 [Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13] as Regensburg sentenciarius in 1398 [Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298]; In 1400 he was lector in Bamberg [Reichert, “Dominikaner-Provinzkapitel,” 309]. Assigned as a student in Bologna in 1400 [Reichert, “Dominikaner-Provinzkapitel,” 311], before being recalled from Bologna in 1401[Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 320]. Laurencius Hawg de Rat. Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 I R 14]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Hechtl de Rat. Vienna 1471 [MUW 1471 I R 5]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Heczner de Ratispona. Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 389, B 76]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Cassianus Heiden (appears as Heden in Ingolstadt) de Rat. Freiburg in Br. 1470 [MUF 47, 27]. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 39, 30]. Vincentius Heiden (Heyden) O.P. Heidelberg 1510 [MUH I 1510, 477]. “Frat. professus conventus Rat. O.P. gratis.” Johannes Heisinger de Rat. Vienna 1500 [MUW 1500 I R 146]. Paid fees of 29 den. Ulricus Heisinger de Rat. Vienna 1500 [MUW 1500 I R 145]. Paid fees of 29 den.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 279 Johannes Heldorffer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 526, B40]. Identified as a pauper at the time of his matriculation. Casparus Henrici. Krakow 1476 [Crac. Album Stud., 228]. Paid full fees. Martinus Herberger. Leipzig 1482 [MUL I 330, B124]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Magister Martin Herberger prokurator appears as a witness to a decision in the Regensburg consistory [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 302 #1487: 24 May 1501]. Sigismundus Heringer de Rat. Erfurt 1512 [Act. Erf. vol. II, 278, 15]. Paid full fees (8 novos.). Sebaldus Hertegen Ratisponensis. Vienna 1504 [MUW 1504 I R 97]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Hewzz de Rat. Vienna 1439 [MUW 1439 II R 41]. Pauper. Conradus Heydersperg de Rat. Erfurt 1482 [Act. Erf. I 396, 34]. Conradus Heydersperg appears in the matriculation records as frater, assessed at half the full amount. Georgius Heylingsteter de Rat. Erfurt 1481 [Act. Erf. I 388, 43]. Assessed at full rate. Leonardus Heylingsteter de Hohenfels. Vienna 1411 [MUW 1411 II R 53]. Leonardus Heylingsteter held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle at time of matriculation and paid fees of 2 gr. Lucas Heytaler de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 I R 74]. Paid fees of 29 den. Paulus Hildebrandi de Rat. Erfurt 1456 [Act Erf. I 257, 12]. Paid fees of 9 gr. Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim. Prague 1401 [MUP I, 1, 361, 364]; Heidelberg 1405 [MUH I, 97], Vienna 1407 [MUW 1407 II S 2]; Leipzig? 1409 [MUL II, 89; There is no mention of Leipzig in Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil: der reichstädtische Jurist Konrad Duvel von Hildesheim, † 1430,” 213–216]; Vienna 1424 [Uiblein, ed. Die Akten der Theologischen Fakultät der Universität Wien (1396–1508), vol. 1, 56 (hereinafter Uiblein, AFT ); Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 215]. Conrad studied first at Prague beginning in 1401 where he earned a bachelor in arts. He determined under magister Henning de Hildesheim in May of the same year. He was admitted to the arts faculty in Heidelberg in 1405, along with the Regensburg cathedral canon Leonardus super Danubio (auf Tunaw) dictus propst, a member of a prominent Regensburg family [MUH I, 97]. This fact may


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help to explain his eventual migration to Regensburg. In 1406–07, Conrad Duvel earned his master in arts degree at Heidelberg [MUH II, 368]. He studied law at Vienna with funding from the city of Regensburg in 1407 [BayHStA, Reichsstadt Regensburg Urk. 3196; Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 214]. In 1407, Chunradus Henrici de Heidelshein was assessed fees of 4 gr. double the full rate at Vienna [MUW 1407 II S 2]. A magister Conrad de Hildensheim also appears in the arts faculty at Leipzig in 1409, although it is unlikely that this is the same Conrad. In 1410, he was in Vienna where he testified at the heresy trial of Jerome of Prague [Klicman, Processus, 10, 14, 31]. By 1414, he was installed as chaplain and priest of St. Georg in Regensburg and served as a legal advisor to the Regensburg city council [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 2, 409]. Andreas von Regensburg described him as “iurista civium.” [Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 133]. From 1415 to 1418, he served the city council of Regensburg at the council of Constance [Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 213–73]. In 1420, he was instructed by Bishop Albertus of Regensburg to lecture in canon law in the Bischofshof [Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 133; Kleinstäuber, Ausführliche Geschichte der Studien-Anstalten in Regensburg: 1538–1880. Vol. 1, Geschichte des evangelischen reichstädtischen Gymnasii Poetici (von 1538–1811), 4; Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 214]. In 1422, he also became a canon of St. Johann [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 442]. During this time, he acquired a number of law texts that were deposited in the city library. These included a glossed Codex Justiniani [BayStB clm 13013], a volume of the canon law text the Authenticae [BayStB clm 13018], the Speculum of William Durandus [BayStB clm 3087] and others [MBK, vol. 2, 97; H. Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 216]. In 1424, he returned to Vienna to study theology [Uiblein, AFT, vol. 1, 56; Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 215]. He died in 1430 [Signatur Rat. ep.409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in NiederOber-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern (1785), 56: “lic. decr. Bacc. theol. canon. St. Johann” epitaph in cathedral]. At death in 1430, left a copy of Thomas Aquinas, Summa Contra Gentiles to Heidelberg and Distinctiones Mauritii (O.F.M.) [MUH I, 695] and Omelias Crisostomi super Matheum to Vienna “studentium.” [Uiblein, Ein Kopialbuch der Wiener Universität, 149–50]. He also left eight books of canon law to the city


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 281 library in Regensburg [MBK vol. 4, 1, 476–77; BayStB clm 26663 “Librum cum septem aliis Conradus preb. de Hildesheim canonicus S. Johannis Rat. a. 1430 ciuibus Ratisbonensis donauit”]. In addition to these he also established a memorial in his name at St. Johann, where he is described as “licentiatus decretorum et baccalarius in theologia.” [BZAR StiA U 435a: 1431 June 24]. Claudia Märtl dicusses his personal relationship with the reknowned Regensburg historian Andreas von Regensburg [Märtl, “Zur Biographie des Bayerischen Geschichtsschreibers Andreas von Regensburg,” Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte Regensburgs, 4 (Regensburg: 1987), 42]. Cristiannus Hinderschirchen de Rat. Vienna 1424 [MUW 1424 II R 31]. Paid fees of 2 gr. From 1427–28 he engaged in litigation concerning a canonry and benefice in St. Johann. He was forced to withdraw his claim by 1428 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 2164; Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 2165]. Georgius Hirschfurter de Rat. Vienna 1411 [MUW 1411 I R 58]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Cristofferus Hirssberg de Rat. Erfurt 1503 [Acta Erf. II, 234, 6]. Assessed at half rate. Otto Hoege. Ingolstadt 1478 [MLMU I, 85, 27]. Monk of St. Jackob (Schottenkloster). Johannes Hofdorffer. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 130, 9]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Hofer (Hoser). Ingolstadt 1493–96 [MLMU I, 223, 18; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 288 #1426: 10 June1496]. Johannes Hofer held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle at the time of his matriculation and paid fees of 1 fl. In 1496 the Alte Kapelle received a “Zeugnis” from Ingolstadt confirming his continued good progress. Johannes Hofer appears frequently in the records of the Alte Kapelle until his death in 1516, at which time he was canon and dean (senior). In 1516, his father Hanns Hofer der Maut zur Regensburg gegenschreyber,” gave 50 R. d. to the Alte Kapelle to establish a memorial for his son. He died 21 June 1516 where his is called magister in artibus, he is buried in the Alte Kapelle. [Hecht, “Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 13]. Conrad Hofmeister (Hoffmeyster) de Rat. Cologne 1487 [MUK II 395, 44 219]. He matriculated in arts and was likely a member of the Hoffmeister lineage of Regensburg, which was frequently represented in the city council during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth


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centuries, but seems to disappear thereafter [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 2, 65; I. H. Kropac, “Die Ämterlisten der Reichsstadt Regensburg,” 1996–2002. 22/9/2003] Leonardus Hofmeister (Hofmaister) de Rat. Vienna 1468 [MUW 1468 II R 46]; Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 31, 6]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Petrus Hofmeister de Ratispona. Leipzig 1493 [MUL I 402, B 31]. Paid fees of 6 gr. He is possibly the same as Peter Hofmaister licenciate in laws and provost in Vorcheim [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 323 #1573: 6 July 1506]. In 1511 he resigned his canonry in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1 345 #1675: 5 December 1511]. Johannes Hofner de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 II R 50]. Pauper. Johannes Hohenfelser. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 16 March 1473]. Johannes Holtzlyn de Ratispona. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 526, B 23]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Casparus Honhaimer Ratisponensis. Heidelberg, 1503 [MUH I, 450]. Johannes Honhaimer ex Ratis. Erfurt 1495 [Act. Erf., II, 190,1]. Assessed at full rate. See also [Bak.Reg.Erf. 255, 9]. A Hanns Honhaimer appears as “fronambter des Thumstiffts,” in 1495 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 286 #1416: 14 September 1495]. He may be the same as the Johannes Honhaimer “domkaplan” in Regensburg who served along with Erasmus Strutter and Martin Kärl as proctors of Pernhard Kölner when the latter resigned his benefice in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 330 #1610: 10 June 1508]. In 1511, Johannes Honhaimer resigned his benefice in the Alte Kapelle, which he had received through Ludwig Count Palatine of the Rhine and Duke of Bavaria [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 345 #1677: 5 December 1511]. Andreas Hott de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 10]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Eberhardus Houar (Hofer?). Prague 1373 [MUP II, 1, 59]. The nobleborn Regensburg cathedral canon matriculated in law and paid fees of 7 gr. Conradus Hüber de Rat. Vienna 1395 [MUW 1395 I R 18]. Paid fees of 2 gr. He was a member of the Regensburg office-holding family of the same name. In 1447 a Hanns Hueber appears as a member of the Regensburg city council [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 81, 123, 170]. Leonardus Hüber (Hueber) Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1519 [MLMU I, 435, 12]. Paid fees of 48 den. Member of Regensburg office-holding family. See Conrad Hüber. Mathaeus Hüber de Rat. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 II R 29]. Pauper.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 283 Member of Regensburg office-holding family. See Conradus Hüber. Stephanus Hüber ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1508 [MLMU I, 328, 23]. Paid fees of 48 den. Member of Regensburg office-holding family. See Conradus Hüber. Wolfgangus Hüber (Hueber) ex Rat. Vienna 1478 [MUW 1478 I R 3]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Member of a Regensburg office-holding family. See Conradus Hüber. Wolfgangus Hüber de Rat. Erfurt 1507 [Act. Erf. II, 250, 28]. Assessed at full rate. Member of Regensburg office-holding family. See Conradus Hüber. Wolfgangus Hubner (Hubiner) de Rat. Erfurt 1478 [Act. Erf. I 373, 6]. Paid fees of 4 nov. (1/2 full). He was perhaps related to Peter Hubner who received 24 gulden for his service to the city of Regensburg in 1468–69 [StAR Cam.16 210r]. Nicolaus Hudalrici de Ratispona. Krakow 1494 [Crac. Album Stud., 2, 1, 29]. Henricus Hurelbeck Ratisponensis. Bologna 1336 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 224 #1574]. In 1335 he appears in Bologna as dominus where he paid fees of 12 sol. In 1336, he was elected proctor of the German nation in Bologna. He died in 1339. Erhardus Hymelman de Rat. Vienna 1447 [MUW 1447 I R 161]. Paid fees of 3 gr. He is listed in the matriculation records right after Dominus Johannes Planckenfels (see later) Regensburg cathedral canon. Michael Hymmelstös de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 200, B9]. He is described as pauper at the time of his matriculation. Casparus Hyrssinger Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt, 1481 [MLMU I, 1041, 12]. He was a member of a Regensburg family. A Christoff Hirssinger (layman) witnessed the resignation of Martinus Fridman (see earlier) vicar of the altar of St. Erasmus [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 279 #1386: 12 February 1494]. Ulricus Indermayr de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 62]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Urbanus Inginger de Rat. Vienna 1429 [MUW 1429 II R 50]. He is described as a pauper at the time of his matriculation. Sebastianus Irer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1500 [MUL I, 434, B20]. Paid fees of 6 gr. In 1504 he received the altar of St. Barbara in the Alte Kapelle. He was called at that time “scholar.” Reception of the position witnessed by Erhard Schambeck, and Conrad Hanawer Chorvikare in the Alte Kapelle and Friedrich Pfister, citizen of Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 317 #1551: 10 October 1504].


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Ludovicus Iungprecht ex Rat. Vienna 1514 [MUW 1514 II R 80]. Paid fees of 29 den. Johannes Jager Ratisbonensis. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 II R 101]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Michael Jann ex Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 I R 61]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Stephanus Johannis de Ratispona. Krakow 1491 [Crac. Album Stud. vol. 2, 1, 13]. Bartholomeus Kalmunczer (Chalmunczer) de Rat. Vienna 1430 [MUW 1430 I R 61]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Emeramus Kalmunczer ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1499 [MLMU I, 274, 37]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Antonius Kamerawer. Vienna 1416 [MUW 1416 I R 40]. He is described as Miles (knightly family). He held canonries in Regensburg and Bamberg at the time of his matriculation and paid fees of 4 solidi. He received a dispensation for defect of birth on 13 July 1413 at which time he was already a canon in Regensburg. Engaged in lengthy litigation with Nicolaus de Redewitz, over control of the parish church of St. Maurice in Mundraching diocese of Regensburg. [Rep. Germ., vol. 3, 53; Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1933; Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2902]. He died before 30 October 1426 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 680]. Georgius Kammerer de Ratispana. Leipzig 1491 [MUL I, 387, B25]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Petrus Kann Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1493 [MLMU I, 226, 32]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Casparus Kantner (Kanthner) de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 237]; Padua 1467 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2: 635, 661, 687, 688]. He is described as a pauper at the time of his matriculation at Vienna in 1451. In 1467, he appears as a student of canon law in Padua. In 1467 at Padua he witnessed the promotion of Jacobus Kongelman from Augsburg as doctor in canon law. Balthasar Hundertpfund who later served as advisor the duke Albert during the period of Bavarian hegemony in Regensburg was also among the witnesses [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2: 635]. He was promoted to doctor in canon law in 1467. Witnesses to his promotion included Balthasar Hundertpfund and Johannes Trabolt (see later) both of whom later appear in Regensburg in various functions [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2: 687; Boehm, Biog. Lex. L.-M.-U. München, 440–441; StAR Cam. 19 fol. 223v (1486, Hundertpfund traveled to the emperor’s court on behalf of the city)


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 285 and StAR Cam. 17 fol. 194r. (1477 Trabolt traveled to Vienna on behalf of the city). In a charter from 1463, he appears as a public notary “oeffentlicher Notar.” [ J. Hemmerle, Archiv des ehemaligen Augustinerklosters München, 31: 1463 Dez 20 Reg U59]. Between 1465 and 1467, the city of Regensburg gave Kantner a total of 180 guld. to help pay for law his study in Padua [StAR, Cam. 16. 25v, 76v, 122v, 128v]. His Padua lecture notes from the 1466 academic year (later owned by Johannes Velber, canon in the Alte Kapelle) survive in Klagenfurt [Klagenfurt, Bischöfliche Bibliothek, Cod. XXX e 11; Hermann Menhart, Handschriften-verzeichnisse österreichischer Bibliotheken: Kaernten, vol. 1 (Klagenfurt, Maria Saal, Friesach, Wien: 1927). I am grateful to Prof. Fuchs for this reference]. In 1470, he represented the city at the Nuremberg Reichstag [H. Koller and P.-J. Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrich III., Heft 15, 182 # 249: 4 July 1470. Kantner obtained a canonry in the Alte Kapelle by 1475 and was rector in Donaustauf [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 561]. In 1487, received a papal provision for a canonry in the cathedral church “admssis est ad canonicatum et prebendam Rat. ex dimissione dni Johannis Mayr per dm Summum pontificem provisionem . . .” [ J. Schuegraf, “Drei Rechnungen über den Regensburger Dombau aus den Jahren 1487, 1488 und 1489,” in VHVOR 10 (1858), 168]. 1500–01 Casparus Kantner served as vicar general in Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 299 #1476: 28 August 1500; 301 #1485: 19 April 1501]. Died 1505, epitaph in Regensburg cathedral [Freytag and Hecht, eds., “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” 51]. Leonardus Kantzler (Cantzler). Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I, 231, 5]. Paid fees of 8 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. A Peter Kanntzler “bürger zu Regensburg” served as “geschäfftherr” to Steffan Widenman [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 298 #1472: 6 April 1500]. Johannes Karoli de Rat. Vienna 1479 [MUW 1479 I R 35]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Kastenbauer (Kastenpawr). Ingolstadt 1497 [MLMU I, 257, 12]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Stephanus Kastenbauer de Ratisbona O.E.S.A. Vienna 1513 [MUW 1513 II R 45] Italy ? Born in Abensberg and entered the Augustinian convent in Regensburg before 1513. He paid fees of 53 den. at the time of his matriculation in Vienna nearly double the usual 29 den. He also published a work on Simon von Cassia, he was arrested


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for heresy in 1522 [ J. Hemmerle, Die Klöster der Augustiner-Eremiten in Bayern, 159]. Jacobus Keck de Rat. Ingolstadt 1508 [MLMU I, 328, 18]. Paid fees of 8 den. Petrus Keck de Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 116, 34]. Fees waived. Michael Kellerman de Rat. Erfurt 1456 [Act. Erf. I 257, 22]; Basel 1461 [MUB I, 19]. Paid fees of 4 nov. at Erfurt and 6 schil. at Basel. Thomas Kellerman. de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 159]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Kerbler de Rat. Vienna 1505 [MUW 1505 I R 27]. He was identified as a pauper at the time of his matriculation. Casparus Kerner de Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 I R 109]. Wilhelmus Khell. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 395, 26]. Clericus Ratisponensis paid fees of 64 den. Jacobus Kirchberger (Kirchbarger) de Rat. Leipzig 1463 [MUL I, 242, B 60] Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 II R 93]. Paid fees of 10 gr. when he matriculated at Vienna. Georgius Kirichmair Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 II R 9]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Stephanus Kirichoffer de Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 I R 79]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Klospeck Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1500 [MLMU I, 282, 38]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Köferl de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I R 151]. Identified as a pauper at the time of his matriculation. Georgius Kolb de Rat. Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU I, 328, 41]; Bologna 1515 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 261 #1797]. He was originally from Hailsberg. He paid fees of 64 den. when he matriculated in Ingolstadt. In 1500, a Kolb, son of the bishop’s chancellor served as city scribe [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 40, 89, 111]. In 1512, Georg Kolb was installed as perpetual vicar of Honheim. His installation was witnessed by Hans Kolb, chancellor to the Bishop (his brother? father?) [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 348 #1689, 6 September 1512] Deutsch suggests that Hans Kolb was the brother of Georgius, although if Gemeiner is correct it is possible that he was his father [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 388]. 1518 cathedral canon. By 1538, Georgius held a dignity in the cathedral (curator). From 1522 to 1524, he also served as judge ordinary in the Regensburg consistory. When he died in 1545


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 287 he was dean in Pondorf [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 388]. Georgius Koler O.P. In 1490 Georgius Licentiatus Theologiae Lector in the Regensburg Dominican convent was assigned to the convent in Iglau [Reichert, RQ 10, 35; Kraus, 166]. In 1491, Georgius Koler was allowed to remain in perpetuity in the convent of Bettendorf [Reichert, RQ 10, 43]. 23 May 1494 Georg Koler baccalaureus was assigned to read the sentences in Olmütz [Reichert, RQ 10, 73]. In 1503, he was assigned to the Dominican convent in Friesach [Löhr, AFP 17 (1947), 261]. He was reassigned to the Regensburg convent in 1508 [Reichert, RQ 10, 154]. Koler donated a copy of Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae acquired in Bohemia in 1492, to the Regensburg convent [Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae. P. 2, 1 (Venice: Andreas Torresanus, Batholomaeus de Blavis and Maphaeus de Paterbonis, 1483) T-283: BSB-Ink, Online-Version: 24 May 2007]. Sigismundus Krell de Rat. Ingolstadt 1518 [MLMU I, 421, 12]. Paid fees of 6 gr. In 1518, a Krell served on the city council [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 349]. Wilhelmus Krieger (Kryger). Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 264, B43]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Wolfgangus (Bolfgangus) Krieger ex Ratisbona. Vienna 1512 [MUW 1512 II R 44]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Casparus Kursner O.E.S.A. Krakow? 1477 [StAR Cam. 17 fol. 207r: “Item wir gaben einen muench zu den Augustiner genant Casparus Kuersner auff die Studium gen Poloni xi schil. vi den. Egidii.”]. Assigned to either Vienna or Ingolstadt in 1486. He was a citizen of Regensburg. He is possibly the same as Casparus von Regensburg who served as provincial of Bavaria and was promoted as bachelor in theology in 1486 at the general council of the order in Siena [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 290]. Georgius Kugler de Rat. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 I R 72]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Henricus Kunig de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 264]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Henricus Kurtz (Chuercz) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1501 [MLMU I, 290, 19]. Vienna 1505 [MUW 1505 II R 18]. Paid fees of 56 den. Henricus Kurtz was a citizen of Regensburg. In 1497, a Thomas Kurtz served as city treasurer [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 796, 821, et passim]. He is probably the same as Heinrich Kurtz “der geistlichen rechten licentiat” installed as a canon of the


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Alte Kapelle after the death of Wolfgang Menndl and the resignation of Casparus Kaltentaler [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 357 # 1733 and #1734: 17 August 1517]. Resigned his benefice in the Alte Kapelle, which was subsequently bestowed on a doctor Sigismund Pender, cleric of Venice, 22 August 1517 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 367 #1780 see also #1773]. In 1526 Henricus Kurtz served as Episcopus Crisopolitanus et suffraganeus Pataviensis. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 108–109]. Wolfgangus Kurtz ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1507 [MLMU I, 321, 1]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Minor in 1507. He was a member of a prominent Regensburg office holding family of the late fifteenth century. See Henricus Kurtz. Georgius Kutenauwer (Kuttenauer): Heidelberg 1434 [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 51A (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference)]. The noble-born Georgius Kutenauwer held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. Martinus Kutenauwer de Rat. Heidelberg 1467 [MUH I 321]. Noble. Casparus Kutzer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1488 [MUL I, 363, B 25]. Paid fees of 6 gr. He appears as a witness to an exchange of benefices between Johann Sighart canon in the Alte Kapelle and Georg Volz canon St. Gangolf in Bamberg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 297 #1468: 13 February 1500]. In 1500, Casparus Kutzer appears as one of several proctors “causarum in Romana curia” of Johannes Mayr (the others were Andreas Zirenberger, Rupert Spiegel, Johannes Fabri, Johann de Capell, and Casparus Wirt) [Urk. AK., vol. 1 299 #1473: 22 April 1500]. Georgius Kynsberger. Padua 1470 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2, 984]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. He witnessed the promotion of Georg Pfintzing as doctor in canon law along with Johannes Schrotel (see later) prepositus St. Johann in Regensburg and the Regensburg cathedral canon, Ulricus Baumgartner (see earlier). He held a house in Regensburg “in acie sita platee vulgariter Schefftenstrass (sic),” for which he paid the chapter an annual rent of two pounds. Mayer dates this reference incorrectly to before 1431 (the year of the death of a Johannes Marschalk, but this is clearly not the same Johannes Marschalk referenced in the document), given the inclusion of Georgius Kynsberger, Georgius Trächsel, Ulricus Payerstorffer, Ulricus Part and Johannes Marschalk, it is most likely from the 1470s [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 30].


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 289 Wolfgangus Laberer Ratisbonensis. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 128]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Paulus Lacher ex Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 21]. Paid fees of 4 gr. In 1489, a Paul Lacher witnessed a summons issued to Georg Talhofer in the name of the papal legate to Germany, Bartholomew de Maraschis [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 423 #2007: 24 April 1489]. Stephanus Landolf de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 II R 117]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Henricus de Lapide (Stein). Bologna 1317 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 549 #2646; E. Friedlander and C. Malagola, eds., Acta Nat. Germ, 72, 43]. Paid fees of 4 lib. The noble-born Henricus de Lapide held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Bologna in 1317. In 1340, he was elected Bishop of Regensburg by the minority and confirmed by Ludwig von Bayern. In 1345, Henricus de Lapide seems to have withdrawn from the diocese and died in 1346 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 549 #2646; Janner, Geschichte der Bischöfe von Regensburg, vol. 3, 209–21]. Paulus Lawbinger de Rat. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 II R 57]. He was designated a pauper at the time of his matriculation. Henricus Lebner (Lechner) de Rat. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 II R 4]. Erfurt 1424 [R. C. Schwinges, Bak. Reg. Erf., 32, #12; Act. Erf. I, 127, 33]. Henricus Lebner was a citizen of Regensburg and designated as a pauper. He earned his bachelor in arts degree at Vienna before 1424 [Act. Erf. I 127, 33]. Ulricus Lechner Ratisponensis. Vienna 1517 [MUW 1517 I R 15]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. Johannes Leittenpekh de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 203]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Paulus Lengfelder. Heidelberg 1493 [MUH I, 497]. Cleric of Regensburg. Casparus Leonardi de Ratispona. Krakow 1515 [Crac. Album Stud., vol. 2, 2, 164]. Carolus Leonrod. Bologna 1369 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 299, #2070]. He was a from a Franconian noble family and Regensburg cathedral canon when he matriculated at Bologna. He paid fees of 20 sol. Balthasar (Walthasar) Lerch de Regenspurg. Ingolstadt 1519 [MLMU I, 437, 6]. Paid fees of 64 den.


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Jeronimus Leskircher (Liskirchir, Lyskyrchner) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1456 [MUL I, 203]. Paid fees of 10 gr. He was a member of a Regensburg partrician family. A Hanns Liskircher (father of Jeronimus?) donated an annuity of ½ a pound to the parish church of St. Cassian to establish an annual mass for himself, his wife and child in the chapel of St. Mark’s in the Alte Kapelle in 1472 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 411 #1956–57: 4 May 1472 and 6 May 1472]. Several Leskirchers were buried in the Alte Kapelle [Hecht, “Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 14]. He was one of several sons of Regensburg who accompanied Hermann Pötzlinger to Leipzig. See Fuchs, “Erkenntnisfortschritte durch Handschriften-katalogisierung,” 11–12. Wolfgangus Leskircher ex Rat. Vienna 1492 [MUW 1492 I R 29]; Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 393]. Paid fees of 28 den at Vienna and 6 gr. at Leipzig. He was a member of Regensburg patrician family. A Wolfgang Liskircher served in Regensburg as city treasurer, as a judge and member of the inner council and died in 1513 (perhaps this Wolfgangus’ father?) [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 694, 819, 846; vol. 4, 4, 9, 44, 62 et passim]. In 1505, a Wolfgang Leßkircher became a canon in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 318 #1557: 34 August 1505]. May be the same as the Wolfgang Leskircher who held a benefice at St. Alban’s in Regensburg until his death in 1536 [Theobald, Reformationsgeschichte der Reichsstadt Regensburg, 221]. Petrus Leuetel de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 133, 15]. Paid fees of 30 den. Conradus Leutenpeck de Rat. Vienna 1466 [MUW 1466 I R 11]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. During the Reichstag held in Regensburg in 1471, an Erhard Leutenpeck housed eight men and horses belonging to the entourage of the Duke of Saxony [Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 558]. In 1475, a Dominus Conradus Lewtternpeck donated a collection of cathecistic texts to St. Emmeram. BayStB clm 14104 [Elisabeth Wunderele, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeran in Regensburg, vol. 1. BayStB clm 14000–14130, 250–56]. Henricus Lichtinger de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I R 35]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Eugenius Liechteysen de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 I R 65]. Pauper.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 291 Marcus Liechteysen de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 I R 89]. Pauper. Loebel: Regensburg patrician family active in the city council until the last quarter of the fourteenth century. Variations of the name include Leb, Lebel, Loeb. An Ulrich Loebel also served as cathedral scolasticus in the mid-fourteenth century. Leonardus Loebel (Lebel) de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 106]. Paid fees of 4 gr. See Loebel (earlier). Leonardus Loebel (Lebel) Ratibonensis. Ingolstadt 1518 [MLMU I, 425, 26]. Paid fees of 48 den. See Loebel (earlier). Ulricus Loebel (Leb) de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 46]. Paid fees of 4 gr. See Loebel (earlier). Wolfgangus Loebel (Leb) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 O.P. [MLMU I, 95, 31]. See Loebel (earlier). Sigismundus Lohener de Ratispona. Leipzig 1456 [MUL I, 200, B 45]. Pauper. Ulricus Lohmär de Rat. Vienna 1425 [MUW 1425 II R 36]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Nicolaus Loy ex Rat. Erfurt 1478 [Act. Erf. I 373, 7]; Vienna 1478 [MUW 1478 I R 4]. He was assessed at half the full rate at Erfurt and paid fees of 4 gr. at Vienna. Johannes Ludovici O.E.S.A. Florence 1452 [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 237]; Vienna 1461 [Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 175; Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex Ingol, 255]; Florence or Bologna 1465 [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen AugustinerEremiten, vol. 3, 238]; Ingolstadt 1472 [H. Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 175]. Johannes Ludovici was originally from Würzburg where he served as lector and prior from 1454–56. In 1465, the Regensburg city council gave Johannes Ludovici 4 gulden “zu stewr in seiner Doctorei” [StAR Cam. 16 fol. 81v]. In the 1460s, he served as provincial of Bavaria and reformed the Regensburg Augustinians. In 1468, he became suffragen bishop of Regensburg. In 1472, he appears as professor of theology in Ingolstadt. On 8 August 1473, appears as advisor to Duke Louis the Rich. Died after 10 November 1480 [Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 175; Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex Ingol, 255]. Ulricus Magenst de Rat. Leipzig 1456 [MUL I 203, B 11] Vienna 1459 [MUW 1459 I R 132]. He was assessed as Pauper at both Leipzig and Vienna. Henricus Mager. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 256, B 37]. Paid fees of 6 gr.


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Johannes Mainberger de Ratispona. Vienna 1454–58 [MUW 1454 I R 35; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 326 #2238]; Bologna 1470–72 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 326 #2238]; Ingolstadt 1473–74 [MLMU I, 40, 14]. Johannes Mainberger was born in Regensburg. He matriculated in arts at Vienna in 1454 and paid fees of 4 gr. In 1458, he matriculated in law at Vienna “mag. Joh. Maynperger de Rat,” and in 1470 he appears in Bologna: “Magister J. Maynbeger de Rat pleb. in Kirchdorff.” Paid fees of 24 sol. at that time. He served as proctor of the German nation in Bologna in 1471. In 1472 he appears for the first time as a doctor in law [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 326 #2238]. In 1473, Ingolstadt “Joh. Mainberger Juris can. Doctor et Professor.” 24 April 1474 Joh. M. art. et iur. pontif. Doctor et in novis iuribus pontificiis ordinarius: Rector univ. studii Ingolstadi [MLMU I, 40, 14; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 324 #2238]. He died in 1475. Johannes Mair. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 7, 14]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Ingolstadt, but also designated as pauper. He was the son Martin Mair, advisor and servant of Duke Louis the Rich (1459–1479). He later served Albert IV [Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 176]. Georgius Mair de Rat. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1452 II2 R 43]. Pauper. Georgius Mandel de Rat. Heidelberg 1466 [MUH I, 320]. Bachelor in arts via moderna 13 January 1469. Petrus Margsteller. (oppidi) Ratispanensis. Erfurt 1499 [Act. Erf. vol. 1, 209, 30]. Assessed at full rate. Houpto Marschalck de Bappenhaim. Basel 1463 and 1469 [MUB I, 40, 1; BZAR BDK 30 64v. 56A (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference)]. He held canonries in Regensburg and Eichstätt when he matriculated at Basel in 1463. Paid fees of 1 fl. (12 schil). Johannes Marschalk. Leipzig 1459–62, 1468 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 182 #932: 8 July 1459; #954 20 July 1461; #957: 15 May 1462; #1029: 1 January 1468]; Erfurt 1462, 1464–65 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 188 #966: (no date) 1462; Akt. Erf. I, 291, 24; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 189 #975: 15 March 1464; #988, 27 August 1465]. Johannes Marschalk was designated as noble, Scolasticus and canon in the Alte Kapelle when he first appears at Leipzig in 1459: 20 February 1459 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 181 #927: February 20 1459]. In 1463, at the age of nineteen, he received a dispensation for incompatible benefices and the license to hold one benefice while studying at a studium generale [Rep. Germ., vol. 8,


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 293 470, #3328]. He reappears in Regensburg in 1492 as a Regensburg cathedral canon [Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 120; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 273 #360: 28 April 1494]. Johannes Martl Ratisponensis. Vienna 1509 [MUW 1509 I R 85]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Casparus Meller de Rat. Vienna 1421 [MUW 1421 II R 31]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Casparus Meller was a member of prominent Regensburg wine-trading family. The Meller family held positions in the city council from the middle of the fourteenth until the early fifteenth century [Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 89]. Georgius Meller de Rat. Prague 1400–1408 [MUP, I/1, 350, 353, 388, 401; MUP II, 1 83]. Georgius Meller earned a bachelor in arts at Prague in 1400 and was received into the law faculty there in 1408. Member of a prominent Regensburg family (see Casparus Meller earlier). During the trial of Jerome of Prague, Nicholaus Czungl refers to him as his master at Prague. He reports “quod audiverit a magistro suo Georgio Meller, quod veniente magistro Jeronimo de studio Parisiensi ad Pragense, nolebatur admitti, nisi prius faceret iuramentum solitum, in quo cavetur, quod non debet quis facere et seminare discordiam inter naciones.” [Klicman, “Processus Iudicarius contra Jeronimum de Praga Habitus Viennae A. 1410–1412,” in Historický Archiv vol. 12(1898), 23]. Ulricus Mersinger de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 66]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Leonardus Mertel de Rat. Vienna 1510 [MUW 1510 I R 83]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Messer de Rat. Vienna 1492 [MUW 1492 II R 5]. He was designated as a pauper when he matriculated at Vienna. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Johannes Metempoli de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Prague 1389 [BayStB clm 8423, 285]. Hermannus Meyer de Rat. O.E.S.A. Rome 1473 [BayStB clm 8423, 332: 18 July 1473; Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen AugustinerEremiten, vol. 3, 289]. “Fecimus cursorem fratrem Hermandum Mayar de Ratispona cum gratiis consuetis, dantes ei locum in conventu studio nostro Romano post alios cursores ibidem existentes.” Petrus Mild de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 II R 51]. Pauper. Eberhardus Mistelbeck. Heidelberg 1434 [MUH I 199] Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 R 97; BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 52A (I am grateful to Franz Fuchs for this reference)]. Held a canonry in the Regensburg


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cathedral at the time of his matriculation at Heidelberg. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. A Mistelbeck appears as a citizen of Regensburg in 1460 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 333–34]. Leonardus Model de Rat. Erfurt 1503 [Act. Erf. II 233, 42]. Assessed at half the full rate. Stephanus Model de Ratispona. Leipzig 1483 [MUL I 336, 12]. Paid fees of 6 gr. He is possibly the same as Stephan Mödel, chorvikar in the Alte Kapelle, who witnessed the promotion of Johannes Gross rector scolarum (see earlier) in the alte Kapelle to a canonry in the same [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 286 #1414: 27 August 1495]. Leonardus Modler de Rat. O.P Toulouse 1478 [Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 132]. In 1476, he was assigned as lector in Dominican convent of Schlettstadt [Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. 6, 99]. In 1478 he was assigned to the University of Toulouse, “Fr Leonardus Modler conv. Ratisponensis fuit assign. in sentenciarum ordinarium schole s. Stephani universitatis Tholosane.” In 1480, he attained the licenciate in theology “Fr. Leonardus Modler conv. Ratisponensis qui fecti cursum suum et legit sentencias Tholose, habuit licenciam sumendi insignia magistralia in dicta universitate Tholosana.” [Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 150]. 17 June 1481 he was assigned as confessor to the sisters of Nuremberg [Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. 7, 6]. 28 December 1481 he was assigned as vicar to reform the convent of Bozanensis (Posen?) “propter ruinam conventus.” [Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. 7, 13]. 12 March 1482 Modler “qui ex falsis informacionibus fuit factus vicarius Bozanensis . . . revocatus et absolutus ab officio vicariatus . . . .” He was ordered to leave within two days, “sub pena carceris.” [Reichert, QF vol. 7, 17]. On 14 December 1483, he was granted permission to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. By 1490 Modler had returned to Regensburg [BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #189 10 May 1490]. Augustinus Molitoris O.E.S.A. England, Paris, Vienna. Augustinus Molitoris was born in Ingolstadt 1462/63 and entered the Augustinian Order in his home city. He first appears in Vienna in 1500 as a doctor of theology. Paid fees of ½ fl [MUW 1500 II R 1]. In 1501, he was received into the faculty of theology in Vienna, “afferet litteras testimoniales ex studio Parisiensi, ubi se adeptum fuisse magisterium asseruit.” [Uiblein, AFT, 376–77]. According to Hemmerle he aslo served as a confessor in the Imperial court and died in 1517 [ J. Hemmerle,


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 295 Die Klöster der Augustinereremiten, 159]. He may be the same Augustinus de Rat. who served as cursor and lector in Regensburg 1486 and 1487 [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 290]. He served as Provinzial of Bavaria 1501– 04, 1505– 09, and Prior in Vienna, 1505–14(?) [Uiblein, AFT, 676; Rennhofer, Die Augustiner-Eremiten in Wien: ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte Wiens, 110 f.; Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 6, 9–14, 16, 100, 366]. Compare also [AA. vol. VII (1917–18), 363]. For the year 1487 “Acceptavimus pro lectore fratrem Augustinum de Ratispona, et locavimus ipsum in studio Viennensi concendentes eiquod posset stare Florente pro ista heyme pro cursore et per montem ante quam recederet posset sub regente recipere gradum lectoratus.” Johannes Molitoris de Rat. Vienna 1401 [MUW 1401 I R 65]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Nicolaus Molitoris de Rat. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 19]. Paid fees of 4 gr. at time of matriculation at Vienna. He is possibly same as Nicolaus de Ratispona and Nicolaus Molitoris (see later). Nicolaus Molitoris de Ratispona. Vienna 1451–52? [MUW 1443 I R 19] Vienna 1454–72 [K. Schrauf, AFM, vol. 2, 119, 212; MUW II,1, 94, 119] Ingolstadt 1473–78 [MLMU I, 44, 17]. Possibly the same as Nicolaus Molitoris (earlier) who received his B.A. in 1451 and M.A. in 1452. He studied medicine at Vienna from 1454 to 1463 [K. Schrauf, AFM, vol. 2, 119, 212]. In 1464, he lectured in the medical faculty in Vienna; served as dean in 1466, 1468, and 1472, and as rector in 1466, and 1470 [MUW II, 1, 94, 119]. In 1470, he was installed as rector of the parish church of Ybbs [Uiblein, AFT, vol. 2, 687]. Three years later Duke Louis the Rich brought him to Ingolstadt. In 1475, he served as rector in Ingolstadt, and in 1478, he appears as dean of the medical faculty there [Boehm, ed., BioLex Ingol., 329–330; Uiblein, AFT, 687]. Also served as proctor for the nation of the Rhein at Vienna in 1460 and 1464 [ J. Aschbach, Geschichte der Wiener Universität, 594, 95]. Nicolaus Molitoris von Weissenbirg dioc. Speyer. Heidelberg 1504 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 318 #1554: 28 December 1504; MUH I 448. 9 June 1503]. Nicolaus Molitoris Diocese of Speyer. Canon in the Alte Kapelle. Provided a letter to the chapter testifying to his good progress at Heidelberg. Nicolaus Molitoris de Sultzbach. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 410, 20]. Clericus Ratisponensis.


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Wolfgangus Molitoris. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 53, 38]. Monk from the Benedictine monastery of Prüfening. Conradus Moser de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 36]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Sebastianus Moshaimer ex Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 61]. Paid fees of 29 den. Nicolaus Mosser (Moeser) de Ratispana. Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 388, B5]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Johannes Mostel de Rat. Vienna 1505 [MUW 1505 I R 48]. Paid fees of 29 den. Stephanus Möstel de Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 II R 58]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Casparus Muldorffer de Ratispana. Basel 1492 [MUB I, 223]. Regensburg patrician family. Paid fees of 6 schillings. He was perhaps related to Georg Muhldorffer Regensburg Rattsherr, 1492 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 225; Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 694, 802; StAR Cam.19a fol. 182r]. Gregorius Muldorffer. Leipzig 1457 [MUL I,209, B 17]. Regensburg patrician family. Paid fees of 10 gr. See Casparus Muldorffer. Johannes Muldorffer (Muelldorffer). Ingolstadt 1492 [MLMU I, 218, 12]. Regensburg patrician family. Paid fees of 6 gr. See Casparus Muldorffer. Michael Muldorffer de Rat. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 II R 34]. Regensburg patrician family. Paid fees of 4 gr. See Casparus Muldorffer. Ulricus Muldorffer de Rat. Vienna 1413 [MUW 1413 II R 43]. Regensburg patrician family. Paid fees of 4 gr. Canon in the Alte Kapelle by 18 December 1417. Dean of the Alte Kapelle by 1421 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 124 #671: 7 May 1421]. Died before 10 December 1422 at which time he still held a prebend in the Alte Kapelle [Rep. Germ. vol. 4, 2, 1976]. See Casparus Muldorffer. Johannes Mulhofer Ratisponensis. Vienna 1504 [MUW 1504 I R 57]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Multaler de Ratispona. Leipzig 1440 [MUL I 129, B 27]. Paid fees of 10 gr. Leonardus Munchmeyer. Leipzig 1510 [MUL I 503, B 108]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes de Munnerstat O.P. Cologne 1425 [MUK III, 6, ntr.264]. In 1425 Johannes de Munnerstat appears in Cologne as a bachelor in theology. From 1426 to 1427, he served as Sententias in Köln. From 1427 to 1430 he is called prof. theologiae and cathedral preacher in


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 297 Würzburg. In 1438, served as prior of the Regensburg Dominicans. In 1440, transferred to Nuremberg. Wrote a Latin/German reference work [BayStB clm 13571 fol. 65–75 inc. “Abstractam gefronet”; VL, 6: 779–80]. In 1440, a Hanns de Mynnerstadt delivered two sermons in Nuremberg [K. Schneider, Die deutschen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, 165. Johannes Murman (Morman) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1483 [MUL II, 71]. Doctor Johannes Morman admitted into the faculty of medicine. Johannes Murman de Ratipona. Leipzig 1425–1474 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 186 #950, 9 April 1461]. He was not from Regensburg only becoming associated with the Alte Kapelle late in his career. Perhaps he is the same as the Johannes Murman active in Leipzig from 1425 to 1474 [MUL I, 87, B 33; MUL II, 10]. Matriculated 1425. Paid fees of 6 gr. Bacc. S 1427 [MUL II, 106] Magister 1440 [MUL II, 135] cursor 1443 [MUL II, 5] dean in the arts faculty 1444 [MUL I, 134]. Read sentences 1445 [MUL II, 6], rector 1450 [MUL I, 169]. Licentiate in theology 1450 [MUL II, 6. See also MUL II, 7–10, 133–34, 136, 138–39, 141, 141–45, 147–52]. Before 1443, known only as J. Murman de Bayreute; by 1443, he was called Johannes Murman de Berreut alias de Ratispona, and by the end of career he was known only as Ratispona. Perhaps it was during this time (between 1440 and 1443) that he became associated with the Alte Kapelle in Regensburg. In 1460, the canons of the Alte Kapelle received a “zeugnis’ from Leipzig regarding a magister Johannes Murman. Johannes Murman also authored a reply to a sermon by Johannes Preen O.E.S.A., which found its way into the library of St. Emmeram [BayStB clm 14127, fol. 105–114]. Emmeramus Mynxmair de Rat. Ingolstadt 1506 [MLMU I, 310, 41]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Nesseltal de Ratispona. Leipzig 1512 [MUL I 517]. Pauper. Leonardus Neysinger de Rat. Vienna 1518 [MUW 1518 I R 61]. Paid fees of 43 den. Johannes Niderwirt de Eckenfelden. Ingolstadt 1518 [MLMU I, 420,13]. Clericus Ratisponensis. Paid fees of 6 gr. Georgius Nigri O.P. Ingolstadt 1478 [MLMU I, 84, 23]. He was lector in the Regensburg Franciscan convent when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. He was the Brother of Johannes and Petrus Nigri. Johannes Nigri (Schwarz) O.P. Ingolstadt 1475 [Kraus, Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius, 1966: 165]. He was prior of Regensburg and sacre pagine humilis professor, by 1476. That same year the Regensburg Dominicans


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received forty-three Hebrew manuscripts [MBK, IV, 1 459–60]. He was the Brother of Petrus and Georgius Nigri [For Petrus Nigri; see VL 6, 1008–1013]. He wrote both sermons and theolgoical treatises [BayStB clm 26801; BayStB clm 26834; BayStB clm 26835]. Johannes Nigri enjoyed particularly close ties to the city of Regensburg and was instrumental in reforming the convent with the city’s support. When he journeyed to Rome in 1483, he relayed a request from the city “das man milch und smalz in der vasten ausser halb des einlegen essen mo(e)cht” [StAR Cam19 150r]. Georgius Nothafft. Padua 1466–67 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 530, 555, 688]. Geogiius Nothafft was a member of a noble family with longstanding ties to Regensburg. Witness to the promotion of Achacius Mornawer de Landshut 3 July 1466 along with Ulricus de Alben can. Passau, Andreas Liechtemberger, and Leonardus Rantsorffer [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 530]. Georgius Nothafft “can. in Pfaffum minister, i can. schol.” was witness to the promotion of Benedictus Fueger as doctor in canon Law [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 688]. He is possibly the same as Georg Nothafft active in Regensburg during the 1480s [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 641]. He is also likely the same as the Regensburg cathedral canon Georg Nothafft, who was party, along with the rest of the chapter, to a complaint to the papal curia against the abbot of St. Emmeram and the dean of the Alte Kapelle “wegen verletzung der Geistlichen Gerichtbarkeit.” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 273 #1360: 28 April 1492]. Georgius Nothafft. Ingolstadt 1480 [R. C. Schwinges, Universitätsbesucher, 358]. Bachelor in arts Winter semester 1480. Possibly same as Georgius Nothaft (earlier). Wolfgangus Nothafft (Noithafft) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1485 [MUL I,350, 30]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Noble. Achatius Notscherff Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1487 [MLMU I, 174, 33]. Paid fees of 1 fl. Achatius Notscherff 197r. was a member of a Regensburg patrician family that held a number of offices in the fifteenth century. A Hanns Notscherf served as city treasurer in 1478 [StAR.Cam.17 197r ]. Augustinus Notscherff de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 41]. Leonardus Nyderhöfer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1482 [MUL I 329, 29]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Nydermayer de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 142]. Family appears frequently amoung the citizenry of Regensburg.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 299 He was designated as a pauper when he matriculated at Vienna in 1451. Johannes Nydermayer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1514 [MUL I 531, B15]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. Thomas Nydermayer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1465 [MUL I 251, B88]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. Gregorius Obermair Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1512 [MLMU I, 349, 30]. Paid fees of 64 den. Johannes Oberndorffer de Ratisbona. O.E.S.A. Vienna 1494. Johannes Oberndorffer served as prior of Regensburg and provincial of Bavaria (1498–1501) [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 239]. He is often credited with writing a Breviloquium de virtutibus principum et philosophorum antiquorum as well as Loci communes de virtutibus et vitiis. The latter according to Zumkeller is spurious and the former dubious [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens, 254–255]. Andreas Öchsl de Rat. Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 II1 R 3]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Öchsl (Ächsl). Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 II2 R 3]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Otto Offensteten. Bologna 1353 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 385 #2627]. Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. In 1353 he served as proctor of the German nation. He matriculated at Bologna with his brother Ortolfus, canon and dean in the cathedral church of Salzburg. By 1363 he was also rector of Iring. Petrus Olm de Rat. Heidelberg 1515 [MUH I 498; Urk. AK., I, #1765: 3 September 1516]. Bachelor in arts via antiqua 20 May 1516. Michael Oresl de Rat. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 39]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Österreicher de Rat. Vienna 1445 [MUW 1445 I R 21]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Thomas Österreicher de Ratispana. Vienna 1502 [MUW 1502 II R 41]. Paid fees of 29 den. Johannes Pachmair de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 62]; Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 398, 27]. Paid fees of 29 den. at Vienna and 48 den. at Ingolstadt. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. Johannes Pair ex Ratispana. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 31]. Paid fees of 29 den. A Hans Pair “Doctor in Ertzney,” aus Eger was


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received as a citizen of Regensburg in 1477 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 73]. Conradus Pairreuter ex Ratisbona. Vienna 1478 [MUW 1478 I R 50]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 73]. Possibly the same as the priest Conradus Parreweter who witnessed Ulrich Flennderl’s reception of a benefice resigned by Casparus Tucher [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 266 #1328: 25 February 1490]. Stephanus Palgler de Rat. Vienna 1493 [MUW 1493 I R 92]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Pamer de Hembaw. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 409, 11]. At the time of his matriculation he is called clericus in Regensburg. Paid fees of 48 den. Georgius Panas de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 132]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. In 1428, a vineyard once owned by Ulrich der Panas citizen of Regensburg became the object of a dispute [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 133 #707: 10 August 1428]. Michael Pancz de Rat. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1453 I R 83]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Ulricus Pancz (Pantz) de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 II R 13]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Johannes Pansewol de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I 260, B25]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. During the Reichstag held in Regensburg in 1471, a Hanns Pauswol housed sixteen horses and sixteen men associated with the entourage of Duke Louis the Rich of Bavaria-Landshut [Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 558, 81]. Wolfgangus Papst (Bapst) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1511 [MUL I 510, B 52]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Fridericus Parsberger. Vienna 1400 [MUW 1400 II R 29]; Heidelberg 1405 [MUH I, 98]; Bologna 1411 [Acta Nat. Germ. Bon., 163; Knod 397, #2716]. He may also have studied at Padua. Fridericus Parsberger was a member of a Upper Palatinate noble family with close ties to the city of Regensburg. Paid Fees of 12 gr. at Vienna. Fridericus Parsberger held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Vienna with his brother Georgius Parsberger canon of Freising. He was again accompanied by Georgius at Heidelberg and Bologna. At Bologna in 1411, he paid fees of 20


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 301 sol. the highest paid that year. By 1414, he was scolasticus and held numerous other benefices including a prebend in Freising, expectations in the dioceses of Bamberg and Augsburg, and the parish church of Ornastorff in the diocese of Passau [RegBoic XII, 165]. Engaged in lengthy litigation over the office of scolasticus. By 1420, he held a canonry in Eichstätt, and by 1423, he was dean of the cathedral in Regensburg. In that same year, he became rector of Pilzing in the diocese of Regensburg, for which he later received a dispensation to retain for life [Rep. Germ., vol. 3, 121; RegBoic XII, 350]. In 1429, he was instrumental in writing new regulations governing the election of the bishop. In 1429 and 1431, he served as papal collector. [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 397]. By 1434, he was cathedral povost and served as bishop of Regensburg from 1437 until his death in 1449. Fridericus also participated in the councils of Constance and Basel. According to the historian and canon of St. Mang, Andreas von Regensburg, Fridericus presented a treatise to the Council of Constance arguing that the power of the Council was superior to that of the Pope [Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 278–83]. In this treatise Fridericus Parsberger mentions the opinion of Francesco Zabarella professor of canon law at Padua (later Cardinal Florentinus). This reference has been taken by some to suggest that he also attended that university (both Georg Leidinger and more recently Karl Hausberger have made that assertion) [Gatz and Brodkorb, Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 517 f.] Fridericus, however, does not appear in the published records of the university. According to Andreas von Regensburg he had attained the academic rank of licenciate in canon law by this time. He appears at Basel on several occasions [Haller et al., eds., Conc. Basil. vol. 2, 47.] See also [Gatz and Brodkorb, Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 517–518]. Henricus Parsberger. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 II R 2]; Leipzig 1442 [Deutsch, 390]; Padua 1441, 45 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 1, 2: 1496, 1924]. Henricus was the nephew of Fridericus Parsberger (earlier) Bishop of Regensburg (1437–1449) and cousin of Henricus Absperger, bishop of Regensburg 1465–92. Henricus Parsberger studied with his cousin at Padua in 1441. He paid fees of 4 sol. at Vienna. He was already a cathedral canon in Regensburg before 1436 and Scolasticus by 1441. He witnessed the promotion of Georgius Hohenloch to the licentiate in canon law along with Baltasar Fürstenecker, and Henricus Absperger [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 1, 2: 1496]. In 1451, he was involved,


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along with the cathdral canon Ulricus Part, Andreas Freudemberger, and Leonardus Platner, in the killing of Paul Haider, a servant of Paulstorffer family. All four of the accused had studied in Vienna. Platner and Freudemberger matriculated there together in 1448 (see Platner, Freudemberger), and Part and Parsberger matriculated at Vienna in 1436 and 1439 respectively. Although it is not clear that Part and Parsberger overlapped at Vienna, they certainly did at Padua where they both appear in the 1445–46 school year. The case was taken to the papal legate, Nicholas of Cusa, who ordered the four banned for life from the city of Regensburg. Ulricus Part, who seems to have been the one who actually killed Haider, was required to undertake a pilgimage to Rome, donate 30 rhein. guld. in the name of the victim, and live out his exile in the monastery of Tegernsee. In the end, the sentence was softened to five years banishment for Platner, Freudemberger, and Parsberger, and Part also eventually returned to the city [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 190–95]. As part of his penance, Henricus Parsberger established a benefice in the altar of the Mother of God in Ganacker. By 1456, he returned to the city, and three years later, he appears for the first time as judge ordinary in the cathedral court [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit in Bistum Regensburg, 390–91]. Henricus Parsberger remained active in the cathedral chapter and died 12 May 1499 as canon, scolasticus, and dean [StBR Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern (1785), 46]. Leonardus Part (Barth) de Rat. Vienna 1518 [MUW 1518 I R 79]. Paid fees of 43 den. Ulricus Part (Barth, Baerd) de Monaco. Vienna 1439 [MUW 1439 I R 8] Padua 1444–47 [Acta Grad.Pat. I, 2: 1778, 1816, 2086, 2093, 2133]. Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Vienna and paid fees of 4 sol. He was a member of a Munich patrician family. At Padua in 1446 he was promoted to licenciate in canon law [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 1, 2: 2133]. In addition to his canonry in Regensburg he was also provost in Spalt [Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen Mc 63, fol. 238r: Hedwig Röckelein, Die lateinischen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, pt. 1, 175]. In 1451 he was banished for his part in the murder of a certain Paul Haider. For details of banishment, see Henricus Parsberger (earlier). The banishment was ultimately reduced, and he returned to Regensburg. He was the author of several works including a humanist influenced speech


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 303 praising the Piccolomini family [C. Märtl, Fuchs, “Literarisches und geistiges Leben im 15. Jahrhundert,” in Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, 914. The speech is edited in Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Fridericus III., 692–700. See also V. Redlich, Tegernsee in der deutsche Geistesgeschichte des 15. Jahrhunderts, 43]. A version of the speech survives in the Staatsbibliothek in Munich [BayStB clm 14125 fol. 216; Wunderle, 329]. He held a house in Regensburg on Scheftnerstrasse for which he paid an annual rent of four pounds to the chapter. The house was located “in acie ubi de dicta platea Schefftnerstrass est transitus ad prostibulum . . .” (Mayer adds the follwoing note “ad montem nimirum puellarum” as an explanation for ad prostibulum). For the dating of this reference see Georgius Kynsberger (earlier) [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 30]. Died 9 July 1487, epitaph in the Regensburg cathedral [Freytag and Hecht, eds., “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” 83]. Johannes Pauli de Adorff Ratisponensis. Krakow 1499 [Crac. Album Stud. 2, 1, 136]. Georgius Paulstorffer. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 1474, 46, 11]. Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. He was a member of knightly family (miles) with close ties to Regensburg. At his death in 1500, he is called scolasticus of the cathedral and plebanus of Obermünster. He was also a great friend and patron of the Regensburg Franciscans [MGH Anitquitates Necr. vol. 3, 251–52: April 19]. He left a bequest to fund a monument in the cathedral in remembrance of the abandonment of Christ [Freytag and Hecht, eds., “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” 83]. For the relationship between the Paulstorffers and the Franciscans, see A. Hilz, Minderbrüder von S. Salvator in Regensburg, 216–221. In 1502, the Franciscans remembered another Paulstorffer “Anno domini milesimo quingentesimo et secundo dominica post Egidi obiit nobilis et generosus dominus Erasmus [Paulstorf ] de castro Kürn magnus et singularis amicus fratrum quia cum illis educatus . . .” [Primbs, 283]. Lupoldus Paulstorffer. Heidelberg 1407 [MUH I, 105]. Lupoldus Paulstorffer held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Heidelberg. He was a member of a knightly family (miles) with close ties to Regensburg. He exchanged the church of Ötzingen for Taufkirchen in 1422 also held the rectorship of St. Rupert in Regensburg at his death in 1427 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 3655]. Michael Paur de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 11, 43]. A Michael Paur appears as chaplain to the altar of St. Luke in the Alte Kapelle


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304

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in 1468 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 201 #1034: 28 May 1468] and again in 1471 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 207 #1062: 27 April 1471]. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. Andreas Pawe de Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 77]. Pauper. Johannes Pawndler ex Rat. Vienna 1478 [MUW 1478 I R 101]. Pauper. Ulricus Payrstorffer. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 I R 92]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Vienna and paid fees of 1/2 tal. den. He held a house on Scheftnerstrass for which he paid an annual rent of six pounds. Mayer suggests that Payrstorffer should be Paulstorffer, this seems doubtful. [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 30]. For the dating of this reference see Georgius Kynsberger (earlier). Johannes Peckel ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU I, 329, 12]. Paid fees of 48 den. Johannes Pendelmair Rat. Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I, 221, 15]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Johannes Perchielschmidt de Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 I R 54]. Pauper. Michael Perger de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 113]. Pauper. Johannes Pergkhofer ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 124, 34]. Described as Dominus and paid fees of 1 gr. at time of matriculation. Achatius Pernel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 267, B 56]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Michael Pernel (Bernel) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1513 [MLMU I, 359, 34]. Paid fees of 48 den. Johannes Pertel de Rat. Vienna 1508 [MUW 1508 I R 62]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Perthold ex Ratispana. Vienna 1502 [MUW 1502 II R 38]. Paid fees of 29 den. Johannes Pesrer de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 I R 20]. Sebastianus Petsoldt ex Rat. Vienna 1513 [MUW 1513 II R 44]. Paid fees of 29 den. Johannes Pettendorf de Rat. Cologne 1489 [MUK II, 402, 212]; Ingolstadt 1490 –1509 [MLMU I, 203, 27, Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex. Ingol., 307]; Ferrara 1509/10 [MLMU I, 329]; Heidelberg 1510 [MUH I 474]. Johannes was the son of Michael Pettendorf citizen of Regensburg. He was listed as a pauper when he matriculated in arts at Cologne in 1489. In 1490, he first appeared in Ingolstadt where he paid fees of 1 gr. He earned his bachelor in arts in 1491, and master in arts


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 305 in 1494. He seems to have reigned in arts at Ingolstadt for some years thereafter, however, the record is not entirely clear. 1506 he matriculated in theology at Ingolstadt. In 1508, he began his lectures on the Sentences and served as rector. The following year, 1509–10, he traveled to Ferrara to complete his doctortate in theology. 1 April 1510 he appears in Heidelberg “Johannes Bettendorffer ex Ratispona, sacre pagine doctor Ingolstat.” In 1511, he was back in Ingolstadt as rector and was elected suffragan bishop of Würzburg a year later. During this period, he continued to be associated with Ingolstadt receiving an annual pension of 70 fl. In 1525, he embraced the teachings of Luther (a marginal comment next to his name in the Ingolstadt matriculation record notes “hereticus factus.”) In 1533, after eight years in Nuremberg, he disappeared from the record [Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex Ingol., 307; Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 472]. Johannes Peyne. Prague 1375 [MUP II, 1 61]. Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Prague in the law faculty. Paid fees of 7 gr. Ulricus Peytel de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 I R 73]. Paid fees of 29 den. Stephanus Pfensel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1442 [MUL I, 138, B 34]. Paid fees of 10 g. Georgius Pflänzl de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 107]. Paid fees of 4 gr. A Michael Pflänzl, citizen of Regensburg witnessed the sale of a third part of a tenth to Hans Weingarttner, chaplain in Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 252 #1269: 28 March 1485]. Jacobus Pheffinger. Freiburg i. Br. 1512 [MUF I 202, 15]. Described as brother of the Order of St. Benedict in Regensburg (St. Emmeram?). Wolfgangus Phister de Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 I R 63]. Paid fees of 4 gr. In 1480, a Lukas Pfister served as city treasurer [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 274, passim]. In 1485, a Linhart Phister, citizen of Regensburg was a member of the Regensburg inner council [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 694]. In 1508, a Hans Pfister worked as a printer in the city [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 135]. Georgius Piburger. Ingolstadt 1490 [MLMU I, 208, 35]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Family fortunes appear to have peaked in the mid-fourteenth century, after which the Piburgers begin to disappear from the records. Between


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306

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1330 and 1369, seals of five different Piburgers appear in the records, none after 1369 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 80]. Petrus Piburger (Pyberger) de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 II R 44]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Martinus Pirker. Bologna 1419–24 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 408 #2791]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral and paid fees of 1 fl. In 1424 he appears as doctor in canon law [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 408]. Georgius Pistoris de Ratispona. Leipzig 1442 [MUL I, 138, B 35]. Paid fees of 10 gr. Johannes Pistoris Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1519 [MLMU I, 433, 43]. Paid fees of 48 den. Johannes de Plankenfels. Vienna 1447 [MUW 1447 I R 160]; Leipzig 1451 [MUL I, 173, B 26]. The noble-born Johannes de Plankenfels held a canonry in the Regensburg Cathedral when he matriculated at Vienna. He paid fees of 10 gr. at Leipzig and 1 fl. at Vienna. Georgius Platernberger de Rat. Vienna 1479 [MUW 1479 I R 10]. Paid fees of 4 gr. By the 1470’s the Planternbergs were well-established in Regensburg. In 1472, a Conrad Platerberger appears as Stadtschreiber in Regensburg [Engelke, Eyn Grosz alts Statpuech, 384–85 #691] and a Johannes Platernberger was a member of the Regensburg Dominicans in 1490 [BayHstA KU Dominikaner Regensburg, 189: 10 May 1490]. The family was orginally from Nuremberg, where two Johannes Platterbergers served as city scribes in the mid-fifteenth century. The younger Johannes compiled a two volume Deutsche Weltchronik [VL 7, 725–728]. Leonardus Platner de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 8]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. For his part in the murder of Paul Haider, see Henricus Parsberger. Wolfgangus Pleben de Ratispona. Leipzig 1510 [MUL I, 503, B 107]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Erasmus Plechsmid Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1501 [MLMU I, 290, 13]. Paid fees of 64 den. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. A magister Gregor Plechsmid served as proctor in the Regensburg consistory in 1487 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 259 #1303: 16 October 1487] still 1491 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 425 # 2013: 10 January 1491]. Johannes Pöllinger de Sultzpach. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 404, 28]. Regensburg cleric paid fees of 48 den.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 307 Henricus Pogner de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 24, 15]. Johannes Pogner de Rat. Vienna 1458 [MUW 1458 I R 33]. Paid fees of 2 gr. In 1469, a Hanns Pogner citizen of Regensburg witnessed a property transaction [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 203 #1040: 11 April 1469]. Portner. The Portners, who built their fortune as wine and cloth merchants, were extremely active in the governing of Regensburg throughout the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. They included members of the inner council, ambassadors, and, by the end of the fifteenth century, a mayor. One of the few patrician families to survive the political turmoil of the late fifteenth century, they remained prominent well into the early modern period [A. Schmid, “Vom Höhepunkt zur Krise die politische Entwicklung 1245–1500,” in Peter Schmid ed., Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, 209]. Henricus Portner Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 182, 34]. Minor. Paid fees of 12 gr. Georgius ( Jeorius) Portnerr ex Rat. Heidelberg 1495 [MUH I, 416]. He is possibly the same as Georg Portner, canon of the Alte Kapelle, who was admitted to the chapter on 26 September 1506 [Urk. AK., I #1577]. In 1512 he took possession of a house formerly held by Paul Menndl [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 347 #1684: 2 June 1512]. He was still alive in 1517 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 366 #1776]. Georgius Portner (Partner) ex Rat. Vienna 1501 [MUW 1501 II R 48]. Paid fees of 29 den. Same as Georgius (earlier)? Johannes Portner Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 182, 23]. Paid fees of 12 gr. He is possibly the same as Hans Portner Regensburg Ratsherr who represented the city at the Reichstag in Worms following the destruction of the Jewish community in 1519 [L. Theobald, Reformationsgeschichte der Reichsstadt Regensburg, 48]. A Hans Portner was buried in St. Emmeram, died 153? [Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 33]. Leonardus Portner de Rat. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 64, 31]. He was the son of the Leonardus Portner who served as mayor in 1478 and city treasurer in 1489. He had four brothers Wolfgangus (later), Petrus, Johannes and Henricus [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit des Bistum Regensburg, 413; Ried II, 1056, #1079 and #1129; Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 566 f., 692, passim]. The elder Leonardus Portner traveled frequently on behalf of the city of Regensburg [Koller and Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft. 15: 282, 397, 459]. Wolfgangus Portner de Rat. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 64, 30] Padua 1484–1488 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 4: 894; 5, 1256, 1303]. He was


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308

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the brother of Leonardus, Henricus, Petrus and Johannes Portner and the son of Leonardus Portner. (see earlier). He matriculated in 1476 at Ingolstadt along with his brother Leonardus Portner. Wolfgangus first appears as a student of civil law in Padua in 1484, when he witnessed the promotion of fellow Regensburger Johannes Schmidner as licenciate in civil law. In 1488, Wolfgangus Portner was awarded the licentiate in both canon and civil law. In 1496, he served as proctor for Johannes Menndl von Stainfels along with Heinrich Schönsleben and Johannes Velber. By this time he was also a canon in the Regensburg cathedral [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 289 #1428: 16 August 1496]. From 1496 to 1517, he served as Tabellio and Scriba Iuratus in the Regensburg consistory [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 303 #1492, 18 October 1501; Deutsch, 413] a position he still held in 1517 [Urk. AK. #I, 366 #1776: 24 June 1517]. Wolfgangus died 15 August 1518. He was buried in the family crypt in the Regensburg cathedral and placed in same tomb as Leonardus Portner and his wife Anna [Freytag and Hecht, eds., “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes.” Blätter des Bayerischen Landesvereins für Familienkunde, 11 (1933), 37; Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg (1480 –1538), (Köln/Weimar/ Wien: Böhlau, 2005), 412–413]. Johannes Potensteter de Rat. Vienna 1493 [MUW 1493 I R 75]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Ulricus Pott de Ratispona. Vienna, 1478 [MUW 1478 II R 33]. Pauper. Hermann Pötzlinger (Poczlinger) de Bereud. Vienna 1436, 1439 [MUW 1436 I R 73] Leipzig 1456 [MUL I, 203, B 4]. Probably the same as Hermannus de Päczinlinger de Perewtt who matriculated in the arts at Vienna in 1436. He held a bachelor in arts by 1439 [I. F. Rumbold, “The library of Hermann Pötzlinger,” 331. See also I. F. Rumbold, “The Compilation and Ownership of the ‘St. Emmeram’ Codexes,” 207–208]. He paid fees of 10 gr. when he matriculated in 1436. His connection with the monastery of St. Emmeram is evident as early as 1448 when he copied a matyrology for the monastery [MBK vol., 4, 1, 119; BayStB clm 14810, fol. 106v]. In 1450, he witnessed the will of Ulricus Werder canon of the Alte Kapelle as rector scolarum [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 164 #846: 15 November 1450]. In 1455, called “chorherr zu Essing und Pfarrer zu Newnhausen.” [Urk. AK. I, 173 #886: 10 November 1455]. According to the nineteenth-century historian Dominicus Mettenleiter, Hermann Pötzlinger signed a contract for a loan (as rector scolarum) in 1453; unfortu-


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 309 nately, he provides no reference [Mettenleiter, Aus der Musikalischen Vergangenheit bayerischer Städte Musikgeschichte der Stadt Regensburg, 137]. In 1456, Hermann Pötzlinger resigned his position as schoolmaster and accompanied several sons of the Regensburg patriciate to Leipzig (Paul Caspender, Jeronimus Leskircher, Sigismundus Lohener, and Ulricus Magenst all matriculated at Leipzig in 1456) [Fuchs, “Erkenntnisfortschritte durch Handschriftenkatalogisierung,” 12]; He returned to Regensburg, and in 1460, he entered the confraternity of St. Wolfgang [Rumbold, Library of Hermann Pötzlinger, 331]. He does not appear to have returned to his position as schoolmaster [Fuchs, “Erkenntnisfortschritte durch Handschriftenkatalogisierung,” 12]. Pötzlinger copied or glossed a number of works for the library including the Ethics of Artistotle, the Sentences of Peter Lombard, and portions of Juvenal. At the time of his death in 1469, he was rector of Gebenbach and owned a house next to the school of St. Emmeram. In 1459, he made a sizable bequest of books and cash to the monastery “pro quibus et aliis bonis nobis ascriptis sibi dedimus precaria” [BayHstA, KU St. Emmeram Regensburg: 23 February 1459. Quoted in Fuchs, “Erkenntnisfortschritte durch Handschriftenkatalogisierung,” 11. See also MBK vol. 4, 1, 119]. Simpertus Prawn. Ingolstadt 1493 [MLMU I, 221, 13]. Canon in the Alte Kapelle paid fees of 1 fl. From Augsburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 272 #1353: 18 December 1491]. Sixtus de Preising. Ingolstadt 1497 [MLMU I, 263, 24]. The noble-born Sixtus Presing held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral from at least 1490. When he matriculated at Ingolstadt he paid fees of 1 fl. In 1517, he paid 12 fl. to the chapter for his house [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 26]. Served as Iudex Ordinarius in 1517 [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 33]. In 1517, he was also rector of the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Sall. From 1515 to 1528, he appears as iudex surrogatus. In 1520 to 1523, he was vicar general of the Bishop of Regensburg, at which time he received a benefice in the diocese of Fresing. He was also plebanus in Oberndietfurt by 1523. He died in 1533 as imperial chaplain and dean in the Regensburg Cathedral. Epitaph in cathedral “Anno domini 1533 die 21 mensis Novembris obiit venerabilis et nobilis dominus Sixtus de Preysing, senior et imperialis cappellanus in ecclsia Ratisponensis, cuius anima requiescat in pace [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 397–98]. Gangolfus Prennberger Rat. Ingolstadt 1496 [MLMU I, 54, 10]. Paid fees of 48 den.


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310

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Anselmus Prenner Ratisbonensis. Vienna 1517 [MUW 1517 II R 66]. Paid fees of 29 den. Fridericus Prenner de Rat. Vienna 1391–93 [MUW 1391 I R 12]; Prague 1405 [MUP II 82]. When he matriculated at Vienna he paid fees of 2 gr. He was awarded a bachelor in arts degree at Vienna on 12 January 1393 [Uiblein, AFA, 83]. In 1405 he began his law studies at Prague [MUP II 82]. He returned to Vienna in the faculty of law in 1414 [Uiblein, AFA, 435]. In 1405, he was plebe in Niederhausen, and later rector of St. Paul in Passau. He was possibly a member of the Regensburg patrician family of the same name. In 1381, a Siegfried Prenner served on the inner council [Kohlheim, Regensburger beinamen des 12. bis 14 Jahrhunderts, 217; Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 95, 105; Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 2, 164]. Georgius Prew ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 118, 42]; Vienna 1491 [MUW 1491 I R 8]. He paid fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt and 60 den. at Vienna. He was already called magister when he entered Vienna. Erasmus Primbs de Rat. Ingolstadt 1507 [MLMU I, 314, 22]. He paid fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. In 1522 he appears as chaplain in Niedermünster [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 472]. He is described by Gemeiner as a friend of the humanist Aventinus and “crypto-Lutheran”. Hartwicus Propst de Rat. Vienna 1395 [MUW 1395 II R 5]. He successfully petitioned to delay the payment of his fees when he entered Vienna. He was possibly a member of the Regensburg patrician family Super Danubio (auf Tunaw) who held the office of Regensburg city provost for much of the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Johannes Propst de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 204]. Paid fees of 4 gr. He was possibly member of the Regensburg patrician family Super Danubio (see Hartwicus Probst). Leonardus Propst Heidelberg 1405 [MUH I 97] Vienna 1407 [MUW 1407 II R 19]. Leonardus super Danubio dictus Probst Heidelberg 1405 paid fees of 4 gr.at Vienna. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral at the time of his matriculation. [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 815]. He was deprived of a benefice in Spalt before, 27 August 1448 [Rep. Germ., vol. 6, 216]. For his relationship with Conradus Duvel von Hildesheim see Hildesheim, Conrad Duvel von. Ulricus Prossinger Rat. Ingolstadt 1496 [MLMU I, 252, 11]; Ulricus Brossinger ex Ratispona. Freiburg i. Br. 1516 [MUF, 230,25]. Ulricus


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 311 Prossinger appears as a minor in Ingolstadt where he paid fees of 84 den. He was the nephew of Ulrich Prossinger licenicate in canon law and cathedral notary [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 417 #1984: 25 February 1482]. The elder Ulrich studied at Padua with Johannes Parsberg and Johannes Pruckenham [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 4: 41, 82, 88, 92, 97], and was promoted as licenciate in canon law in 1472, at which time he was associated with the diocese of Salzburg. The elder Ulrich frequently served the city [see, for example, StAR Cam. 19. 252r.] and appears as a notary in a fragmentary charter of Pope Pius II dated 25 September 1460 [fol. Cod. Ms. 255, München, Universitätsbibliothek: Natalia Daniel, Gerhard Schott, Peter Zahn, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus der Folioreihe, pt. 2 (Wiesbaden: 1979), 10]. In 1482, the elder Ulrich Prossinger served as legal advisor to the cathedral chapter in Regensburg appearing as “des korgerichts gesworem tabellio” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 417 #1984: 25 February 1482]. See also [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg 412]. Johannes Pruckenham (Prugkhay, Pernickhein, Pruckhan, Pruckhein, Prudehay, Prughey). Vienna 1470? [MUW 1470 I A63], Padua 1472–73 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 4: 87, 181; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 209 #1070: 1 May 1472]. Canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1463 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 188 #969: 9 March 1463]. In 1466, rector of Arrach [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 195 #1006: 17 May 1466]. The University of Padua provided a ‘Zeugnis’ in 1472 attesting to his progress. He appears repeatedly in the records of Padua from 1472 until 1473, when he was promoted as a doctor of canon law [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 4: 351, 181]. His name appears frequently along with others from southern Germany including Johannes Parsberger, rector of the law school in Padua in 1474 to 1475, whose family had a long tradition of study in Italy (see Parsberger earlier). In 1486, he appears as canon in the Alte Kapelle and plebe in Arrach [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 4, 77]. Perhaps the same as Johannes Prugker de Klaubenfurt who matriculated at Vienna in 1470 [MUW 1470 I A63]. The notes of a Io. Prugker who studied law in Padua in 1471 survive in München, Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod. Ms. 255 [Natalia Daniel, Gerhard Schott, Peter Zahn, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus der Folioreihe, pt. 2 (Wiesbaden: 1979), 4]. Erhardus Prueler de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 166]. Paid fees of 4 gr.


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312

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Sebastianus Prueler de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 37, 20]. Conradus Prui de Rat. Vienna 1411 [MUW 1411 II R 60]. Pauper. Jeronimus Prundel de Rat. Vienna 1496 [MUW 1496 I R 118]. Conradus Pucher de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 I R 57]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Berthold Puchhauser de Rat. O.E.S.A. Vienna 1385(?), 1389(?), 91(?) [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 123], Oxford 1388–1395 [BayStB clm 8423, 143, 281–82, 289; Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 3, 1563] Bologna 1398–1403 [Ehrle, I più antichi statuti della Facoltà teologica dell’università di Bologna, vol. 1, 108, 128] Vienna 1404–1415 [MUW II 1404 R 1; Uiblein, AFT, vol. 1, 10–17, 22, 24, 29–34, 93–4, 96, 98]. Rennhofer, Kunzelmann, and Zumkeller all give slightly different accounts of his university career. He appears to have been born in Regensburg in 1365 and entered the Augustinian order in 1388. According to Kunzelmann he was already a bachelor in arts at this time, having received the degree in Vienna in 1385 [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 123, Kunzelmann cites J. Aschbach, Geschichte der Wiener Universität, vol. 1, 114; see also Uiblein, ed., AFA, 7, 8]. In May 1388, he was sent to Oxford [BayStB clm 8423, 281–2; Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 123]. According to Kunzelmann, Berthold returned to Vienna the next year. He points to the matriculation in 1389 of a certain Berthold of Regensburg, as well as the arguments of Damasus Trapp that Berthold Puchhauser completed work on BayStB clm 27034 in Vienna in 1391 [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 123; Compare Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens, 92 and Damasus Trapp, “BayStB clm 27034, Unchristened Nominalism and Wycliffite Realism at Prague in 1381,” 324, 327; MUW 1389 I R22]. However, it is not entirely clear that the Berthold, who received his bachelor in arts in 1385, or the one who matriculated at Vienna in the spring of 1389 is the same as Berthold Puchhauser. The latter seems especially unlikely given that he was still at Oxford in 1389 [BayStB clm 8423, 198; Klicman, Processus iudiciarius contra Jeronimum de Praga habitus Viennae a. 1410–1412, in Historicky Archiv, vol. 12 (Prague, 1898); Uiblein, AFA, 501]. That the Berthold who received his bacherlor in arts in 1385 is Berthold Puchhauser is also questionable. In February 1390, a Berthold of Regensburg “baccalarius artium universitatis Viennensis” was received into the faculty of arts


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 313 at Prague and may in fact be the Berthold of Regensburg found in Vienna in 1385 and/or 1389 [MUP I, 267]. Further complicating matters is that Berthold Puchhauser was assigned to Oxford again in 1392 and appears to have remained there for an additional three years. Did he leave Oxford in 1389 only to return three years later? Although it is possible that Berthold was in Vienna at some point between 1389 and 1392—Damasus Trapp’s argument for his presence in 1391 is clearly plausible—the appearance of a second Berthold of Regensburg at Prague in 1390 is reason enough to be cautious [compare Uiblein, AFA, 501]. Rennhofer has Berthold attending Vienna in 1389, Oxford for the first time in 1392, becoming a master shortly before 1404 “vermutlich wieder in Oxford,” with no mention of Bologna or Berthold’s first Oxford assignment [Friedrich Rennhofer, Die Augustiner-Eremiten in Wien, 105]. Berthold Puchhauser’s later studies at Bologna, as well as his teaching career at Vienna are more clearly documented. He began his reading of the Sentences at Bologna in 1398 and was promoted as a master of theology in 1403 [Ehrle, I più antichi statuti della Facoltà teologica dell’università di Bologna, vol. 1, 108, 128]. According to Zumkeller, Puchhaauser’s Sentences commentary was little more than a recapitulation of fellow Augustinian John of Hiltalingen’s earlier work [Zumkeller, “Die Augustinerschule des Mittelalters,” AA 27 (1964), 241]. It is nearly certain that the Berthold Puchhauser is the same as “lesmaister perchtolt in der chappel” who received twelve hungarian gulden “daz er maister solt werden” in 1401 and an additional 1 lb in 1403–04 “damit man in geert hat da er von Rom cham und da er maister ward” [StAR Cam. 6 fol. 20r, 85v]; A lesemaister von der Chapel also received ½ from the city in 1394 [StAR Cam. 03. fol. 72r]. The term chappel was frequently employed as shorthand for the Augustinian convent that was located in “unseres herrn chappell.” See, for example, [MB 53, 394 #703, 13 July 1333 and 394 #804, 10 May 1338, passim]. He was active in the theology faculty at Vienna from 1404 to 1415 and served as dean on several occasions during those years [Uiblein, AFT, vol. 1, 11, 94]. In addition to his teaching career, he was also active as a theologian, preacher, and administrator of his order. In 1418, Berthold was elected as provincial of Bavaria and served in that capacity several times thereafter [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 124–25; BayStB clm 8423, 290, 149, 163]. His surviving works include autograph copies of his lectures on the book of Revelation [Zumkeller, Manuskripte


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von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens, 93–94; BayStB clm 26676, 26910, 1404–11], two Quaestiones “Utrum efficacia sacramenti baptismi noxam deleat cuiuslibet peccati?” [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 66, 94; BayStB clm 26910 fol. 220ra–223vb, 1409–11]; “Quaestio de Christi sanguine.” [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 94; BayStB clm 26676 fol. 2ra–b, 1404–09] and a treatise he copied but may not have authored “De tribus feminis Mariae nomine in novo testamento appellatis,” [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des AugustinerEremitenorden, 94; BayStB clm 26676 fol. 2va-b]. Several sermons also survive, one delivered before the Council of Constance [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 95, BayStB clm 13421 fol. 198 sqq.] one on the assumption of Mary [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 95] and two relating to the condemnation of the Hussites [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 95; BayStB clm. 14175 fol. 254va–258rb; 258rb–261rb]. Andreas from Regensburg reports that Berthold delivered the first of these in Regensburg at the time of the burning of the Hussite heretic Ulrich Grünsleder (see Appendix I) in 1421, an event he personally witnessed [Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 351]. Finally, he compiled material on Wycliff, and the Wycliffite heresy [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 95–6; BayStB clm 26676 fol. 3r–4rb ]. The exact date of his death is uncertain. The last reference to him appears in 1437 [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen AugustinerEremiten, vol. 3, 123–33; Friedrich Rennhofer, Die Augustiner-Eremiten in Wien, 105–108]. Andreas Pudenstorffer de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 187]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Leonardus Puecher de Pledling. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 412, 22]. Cleric of Regensburg paid fees of 48 den. Simon Puehel ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 105, 10]. Georgius Puenhier de Ratisbona. Vienna 1456 [MUW 1456 I R 133]. Paid fees of 18 den. Georgius Puhler de Rat. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R 42]. Pauper. Fridericus Pullecz de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 119]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Erhardus Purchofer de Rat. Vienna 1384 [MUW 1384 II R 162]. Pauper. He is possibly the same as Erhardus Pruckhove who resigned a claim to the church of Rorbach 1403 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 68] and


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 315 also held the altar of St. Katherine in the cathedral church. He died before 4 July 1424 [Rep. Germ. vol. 4, 804]. Likely the same as “Erhart Puerchofer Schulmaister zum tum hat ii lb leipt(ing).” [StAR Cam. 4 1395 fol. 1r]. The fact that he did not seem to hold a canonry in the cathedral would suggest that he was not the scolasticus but rather the rector scolarum (see Appendix I). Petrus Pynter de Ratispona. Leipzig 1477 [MUL I, 307, B2]. Paid fees of 6 gr. He was perhaps related to a certain Johann Pynter permanent vicar of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 226 #1149: 11 December 1477]. Johannes Racz de Rat. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 50]. Johannes Radauer de Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 61]; Ingolstadt 1513 [MLMU I, 363, 38]. A Hanns Radawer appears as Summisarius in the Alte Kapelle in 1501 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 338 #1641: 24 May 1501] and canon in the Alte Kapelle in 1511 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 343 #1667: 28 August 1511]. His family was originally from Augsburg [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 419]. Sebastianus Raid de Ratispona. Basel 1487 [MUB I, 201, 36]. Paid fees of 6 schil. Theodoricus Ramsperger. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 I R 56]. Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral and paid fees of ½ tal when he matriculated at Vienna. Cristoferus Rasner de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 172]. Pauper. Andreas de Ratispona. Bologna 1337 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2954]. He is called treasurer in the Regensburg cathedral and paid fees of three lbs. when he matriculated at Bologna. Andreas de Ratispona. Prague 1379 [MUP I, 187]. Bachelor in arts at Prague 1379. Andreas de Ratispona O.P. Cologne 1398 [Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 296; MUK III, Nachträge #52]. In 1398, Andreas was assigned to the Dominican studium generale in Cologne. He lectured on the Sentences in 1400 and 1401 in Regensburg and in 1402 in Constance [Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308, 317, 326]. Andreas de Ratispona. Vienna 1424 [MUW 1424 R 68]. Pauper. Andreas de Ratispona. Heidelberg 1428 [MUH II, 378]. Pauper. licentiate in arts 1428. He is possibly the same as Andreas de Rat. (earlier) who matriculated at Vienna in 1424.


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Andreas de Ratispona. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1453 I R 30]. Pauper. Bartholomeus de Ratispona. Erfurt 1474 [Bak. Reg. Erf., 177 #28; Act. Erf. I 357, 32. Paid fees of 6 nov. Bertholdus de Ratispona. Vienna 1385 [AFA 6, 6; 7, 8]. Bachelor in arts 1385. Perhaps same as Berthold Puchhauser from Regensburg. He may also be the same as the Berthold from Regensburg who matriculated at Prague in 1389 with a bachelor in arts from Vienna [MUP I, 1, 267]. See Berthold Puchhauser (earlier) and Berthold de Ratispona (later). Bertholdus de Ratispona. Vienna 1389 [MUW 1389 I R 22]. Pauper. Perhaps the same as Berthold Puchhauser de Ratispona (see Berthold Puchhauser earlier). Uiblein argues that it unlikely and Emden places Berthold Puchhauser in Oxford at this time [Uiblein, AFA, 501; Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford, vol. 3, 1563], as does BayStB clm 8423 (see Berthold Puchhauser earlier). Bertholdus de Ratispona. Prague 1390 [MUP I, 1, 267]. Admitted to the arts faculty at Prague in February 1390 with a bachelor in arts from Vienna. He may be the same Berthold who received his bachelor in arts at Vienna in 1385 or the Berthold who matriculated at Vienna in 1389 or both (see Berthold de Ratispona earlier): “item receptus fuit ad facultatem artibus Berholdus de Ratispona baccalarius artium Universitatis Viennensis . . . et dimissa fuit sibi bursa ad fortuna pinguiorum.” Bertholdus de Ratispona. Erfurt 1402 [Schwinges, Bak. Reg. Erf., 357, 32]. Casparus de Ratispona O.P. Padua 1468 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 3: 768]. Dominus Gaspar de Ratispona ord. pred. theologie professor was witness to the promotion of mag. Mainardus de Teutonicus in the faculty of medicine and Aptus de Liniaco in arts. Casparus de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Vienna vel Ingolstadt 1486 [BayStB clm 8423, 334: 24 August 1487]. De Capitulo Generali O.E.S.A. April 1486 Senis. 20 June 1486: “Fecimus Bachalarium fratrem Gasparem de Ratispona, dummodo assit ascensus patrum provincie sue et eo casu veniente dedicimus licentiam eidem incorporandi in universitate Ingolstaviensi vel Viennensi cum gratiis consuetis.” [BayStB clm 8423, 334: 24 August 1487]. Perhaps the same as Gaspar Kursner who received money to study in “Poloni” in 1477 [StBR Cam. 17 207r]. By 1487, provincial of Bavaria [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 253n. 963]. Christianus de Ratispona. Bologna 1337 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2693]. He was plebe of St. Emmeram and paid fees of 38 sol. when he matriculated at Bologna.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 317 Conradus de Ratispona. Prague 1375 [MUP I, 1, 166, 167, 180, 181]. He was admitted into the arts faculty on 13 June 1375; He was promoted to licenciate in arts on 24 January 1377. He incepted in arts on 21 April 1377. Conradus de Ratispona O.P. Verona 1389 [Reichert, Registrum litterarum,” QF vol. 6, 7 He was sent to Verona to study for 2 years on 20 April 1389]. Conradus de Ratispona. Prague 1401 [MUP I, 1, 361–2]. Bachelor in arts 19 February 1401. He incepted in arts on 9 March 1401. Conradus ex Ratispona O.E.S.A. Vienna 1476 [MUW 1476 II R 27]. He is called frater and pauper when he matriculated at Vienna. Engelmarus de Ratispona. Vienna 1412–1415 [Uiblein, AFA, 382, 459]. He received his bachelor in arts in 1413. He was a member of the Cistercian Order. Erasmus de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 36, 21]. Frater. Erhardus de Ratispona. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 94]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Fridericus de Ratispona. Vienna before 1377 [MUW before 1377, 3, 206]. Pauper. Fridericus de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Siena before 22 May 1389 [BayStB clm 8423, 282]; Rome 1389 [BayStB clm 8423, 282]; Magdeburg or Erfurt 16 July 1389 [BayStB clm 8423, 285]; Bologna 1392 [BayStB clm 8423, 144, 289]. In 1389, he received permission to go to “Romam facultatem et post mensem reeundi in provinciam,” He also provided evidence that “eum laudabiliter vixisse in studio Senis.” In July 1389, he was assigned to “Erfurt vel Magdeburg” along with Henricus de Traunstar de Monaco. On 8 December 1392 he was promoted to the academic rank of lector [BayStB clm 8423, 144, 289]. In 1403, Fredrick, lector and prior of the Regensburg convent, confirmed a donation to the convent by Conrad Enikl (Conrad served on the city council from 1377 to 1400 and served as treasurer in 1390, 1395–97) [RegBoic XI, 301; BayHstA, Reichsstadt Regensburg Urk. 4406: 5 May 1403; for Conrad Enikl, see Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 2, 249, 255, 270, 320, 352]. Fridericus de Ratispona served again as prior and lector in 1407 [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 291]; In 1420, Fridericus confirmed a donation of 150 fl. to the convent by Michael Suchenschatz professor of arts and theology at Vienna and canon of St. Stephan [BayHStA, KU Augustiner Regensburg 61: 28 August 1420]. In 1425, Fridericus served as the Prior General’s vicar to the Bavarian provincial chapter [BayStB clm 8423, 298, 303]. Perhaps the same as


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318

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Fridericus Hoffmaister who died in 1430 and served as lector in the Regensburg Augustinian convent in 1418. [StBR Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern (1785). Epitaphien im Dom, 509, #38: 30 October 1430, Fridericus Dio=Hoffmaister]. Georgius de Ratispona. Cologne 1486–87 [MUK I, 385, 33]. Pauper, matriculated in arts. Bachelor in arts 2 November 1487. Gewolfus Ratisponensis. Vienna 1383 [MUW 1383 II 79]. Fees deferred. Heino de Ratispona. Bologna 1328–29 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2956]. Canon in the cathedral and “verus pastor in Haymburga,” Paid VIII libros Bononienses for himself and his master Henricus de Ratispona. Likely same as Henricus (later). Henricus de Ratispona. Bologna 1322 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2957]. Paid fees of 6 sol. Henricus de Ratispona. Bologna 1328 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2958]. Master of Heino (earlier). Same as first Henricus? Hermannus de Ratispona. Bologna 1268 [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich, 529 #1655]. As “canonicus natisponensis” purchased a codex with a gloss of accursius (a thirteenth-century gloss on the corpus iuris civilis) for 70 lb. bon. 14 September 1268. Hugo de Ratispona. Bologna 1337–39 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2959]. Monk of St. Emmeram. Paid fees of 14 sol. in 1337. Johannes de Ratispona. Bologna 1277 [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich, 591 #2162]. Johannes de Ratispona. Bologna 1317 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2690]. Paid fees of 16 sol. Johannes de Ratispona. Bologna 1337 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2691]. Canon St. Johann. See also [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich, 591 #2164]. Johannes de Ratispona. Vienna 1395 [MUW 1395 I R 6]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes de Ratispona. Erfurt 1401 [Act. Erf. I 62, 19]. Pauper. Johannes de Ratispona. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 114]. Johannes de Ratispona. Bologna 1471 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2962]. He is called Familiaris of the Bishop of Großwardein (Bihar) in Hungary.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 319 Liephardus de Ratispona. Vienna 1394 [MUW 1394 II R 4]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Leonardus de Ratispona. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 86]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Leonardus de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1512 [Kausch, Geschichte der Theologischen Fakultät Ingolstadt, 228]. Doctor in theology. Lubertus de Ratispona. Bologna 1444 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2964]. Canon of St. Johann and magister. Ludovicus de Ratispona. Bologna 1320 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2965]. He is called dominus and paid fees of 20 sol. Ludovicus (Ludwicus) de Ratispona. Vienna before 1377 [MUW before 1377, 158]. Marcus de Ratispona (Ratenspane). Cologne 1503 [MUK II 1503a 458, 104]. He matriculated in arts and his fees were waived. Martinus de Ratispona. Vienna 1416 [MUW 1416 II R 33]. Paid fees of 8 gr. Mathaeus de Ratispona. Cologne 1486 [MUK II 1486a 390, 117]. Matriculated in arts along with Sebastianus de Ratispona (later). Mathaeus de Ratispona. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R 10]. Paid fees of 8 gr. Michael de Ratispona. Cologne 1484 [MUK II 1484. Ntr. 960. (b.art.,dis; III 188a.)]. Bachelor in arts 1486. Fees waived. Nicolaus de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Vienna 1463 [MUW 1463 I R 1]. He appears as Pauper, frater, and lector. Oswaldus de Ratispona. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 14]. Paid fees of 3 gr. Otto de Ratispona. Bologna 1322 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2966]. Paid fees of 6 sol. Otto de Ratispona Prague 1406 [MUP I 1, 390]. He was awarded a bachelor in arts in 1406 (8 of 20). He sought extension for payment of fees. Petrus de Ratispona. Bologna 1321 [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich, 667 #2785]. Petrus de Bavaria de civitate Ratisponensis was accused along with Albertus Toringus de Hefordia of attacking Henricus Anglicus with rocks and sticks. Petrus de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Oxford 1434 [BayStB clm 8423, 180]. 10 September 1434 assigned to Oxford [Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500. vol. 3, 1564]. He donated BayStB clm 26653 and 26690 to the Regensburg convent. The former contains sermons of the Dominican Jordan of Saxony, the latter a wide


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range of texts including David of Augsburg’s Formula de exteriore et interiore homine, Heinrich Totting von Oyta’s de Contractibus, and de Simonia, as well as sermons from Matthew of Krakow among others [MBK vol. 4, 1, 464]. Rudgerus de Ratispona. Bologna 1322 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2967]. He is called dominus and paid fees of 3 sol. Sebastianus de Ratispona. Cologne 1486 [MUK II, 1486a, 390]. Matriculated in arts along with Mathaeus de Ratispona (earlier). Sifridus de Ratispona. Bologna 1304 [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich, 697 #3014]. Simon de Ratispona. Leipzig 1478 [MUL I, 314, B20]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Stephanus de Ratispona. Bologna 1333 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 436 #2968]. Paid fees of 24 sol. Dominus Stephanus de Ratispona was rector of Lenoltingen when he matriculated at Bologna. Ulricus de Ratispona. Vienna 1401 [MUW 1401 I R 46]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Ulricus de Ratispona. Leipzig 1436 [MUL I, 119, B 34]. Pauper. Wernherus de Ratispona. Bologna 1329 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 149 #1081]. He was plebe in Gebenbach and paid fees of 7 sol. Wernherus de Ratispona. Prague 1377 [MUP I, 1, 175]. Determined in arts 17 April 1377. Cristofferus Ravenreuter de Ratispona. Leipzig 1457 [MUL I, 206, B45]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Raweter. Vienna 1387 [MUW 1387 II R 12]. Regensburg cathedral canon. Licenciate in law. Paid fees of 4 gr. He is possibly the same as Johannes Rawter canon in Passau who died before 21 November 1404 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 1311]. Fridericus Rechel de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 I R 72]. Pauper. A Fridericus Rewchel was chorvikar in the Alte Kapelle and witnessed the promotion of Sebastian Roßtaler as a canon in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 209 #1073: 13 June 1472]. Johannes Rederer ( Johannes Riederer/ Hans von Augburg). Bologna 1320 [Fuchs, Neue Quellen, note 19; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 43 #5292]. Scolasticus (1350) [Ried II, 874, #921: 18 April 1350]. He resigned his rectorship of the church of Engelbrechtsmünster in the diaconate of Geisenfeld. He also held a canonry in Augsburg [Fuchs, “Neue Quellen,” note 19; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 43 #5292]. He was associated with the Regensburg cathedral since


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 321 at least 1347 when a “maister Hans von Auspurch” appears as a witness to a property transaction by Hiltpolt of Haimburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 37 #180–181: 5 December 1347]. See also [Urban V. Lettres Communes, vol. 2, 43 #5292: 2 March 1363]: “Johanni Rederer, can. et scholastico eccl. Ratisponen. collatio scolastrie eccl. Ratisponen. vac. per obitum ext. Roman. cur. Hilpoldi de Haimberg, a frederico, episc. Ratisponen. ei facta, confirmatur. 2 March 1363.” Nicolaus Redewicz. Vienna 1432 [MUW 1432 I R 81]. Regensburg cathedral canon paid fees of 1 fl. when he matriculated at Vienna. He died 9 October 1463 [Kist, Matrikel der Geistlichkeit des Bistums Bamberg, 320]. Erhardus Regeldorffer de Ratispona. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 II R 23]. Pauper. He may have been related to Hainrich der Schreiber “genannt der Regeldorffär” citizen of Regensburg who owned a corner house adjacent to Conrad Gravenreuter [Urk. AK., Vol. 1, 92 #493: 9 October 1395]. Likely also related to Erasmus Regeldorffer who was buried in the Franciscan church of St. Salvator in 1446 [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia, vol. 3, 248: 13 January 1446]. Johannes Rehaver de Ratisbona. Vienna 1461 [MUW 1461 II R 20]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. In 1471, he was taken into the service of Emperor Frederick III [ Koller and Heinig, Regesten Friedrichs III, 187 #259: 5 January 1471]. In 1480, a Hanns Rehaver served on a diplomatic mission to the Emperor on behalf of the city [StAR Cam. 19, 10v]. He served as Stadtschreiber, in 1477 and 1490 [StAR Cam19a 34; Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 455]. Sebaldus Rehaver (Rechauer) de Ratispona. Vienna 1462 [MUW 1462 I R 2]. Pauper. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Perhaps the brother of Johannes Rehaver (earlier). Wolfgangus Reichel de Rat. Erfurt 1506 [Act. Erf. II, 246, 1]. Paid 4 schneb. (reduced fees). Georgius Reisacher (Reysaher) de Ratispona. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 II R 92]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Paulus Reisacher de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 II R 36]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Johannes Rekingstroczel de Ratispona. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R 34]. Pauper. Johannes Rem de Ratispona. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 223]. Paid fees of 4 gr. In 1453, a Nicolaus Rem was employed as the city pharmacist in Regensburg [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 217].


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Petrus de Remago. Vienna 1394 [MUW 1394 I R 3]. He held canonries in both the Regensburg cathedral and St. Johann [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 589]. Regensburg Generalvikar [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 81 #430: 12 January 1391]. Conradus Rendler de Ratispona. Leipzig 1452 [MUL I, 177 B 53]. Pauper. Martinus Reychker de Rat. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R 70]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Conradus Reykershouer. (Beykershofer) Vienna 1431 [MUW 1431 I R 51]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Vienna and paid fees of ½ tal. He became provost of the Alte Kapelle in 1438 at the resignation of Conrad Chonhofer doctor in canon and civil law and “palatiique apostolici causarum auditor.” By 1438, he held an additional canonry in Passau, and was rector of the church of “Olswiff ” (Olstorff?) in the diocese of Passau. He was allowed to keep the canonries but required to surrender “Olswiff,” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 148 #772: 25 September 1438]. In 1439 he exchanged the rectory in Gmünd with Conrad Chonhover for the position of provost of the Alte Kapelle. Here Reykeshouver is called doctor of laws [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 149 #776: 6 April 1439]. Johannes de Reynbach. Prague 1378 [MUP II, 1, 65]. Matriculated in law and paid fees of 14 gr. He was canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1363 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 51 #264: 14 July 1363], and dean from 1380. He authored a poem on the Alte Kapelle [Fuchs, “Zur Geschichte der Alten Kapelle in Regensburg im hohen und späten Mittelalter,” 80; the poem is edited in Fuchs, Neue Forschungen und Texte aus St. Mang in Stadtamhof, Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters, 128]. He was dead by 28 March 1401 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 99 #521: 28 March 1401]. Wolfgangus Reytter ex Rat. Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 I R 4]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Rudpertus Rigler ex Rat. Vienna 1512 [MUW 1512 II R 51]. Paid fees of 4 gr. “renunciavit anno 14.” Sigismundus Rischeimer (Rießhamer de Monaco). Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 36, 10]; Ferrara 1490 [Tit. Dot. Ferrara, 86]. He was originally from Munich. By 1490 was canon in the Regensburg cathedral. At Ferrara he earned the title doctor in canon law, 4 January 1490. He was awarded the degree along with Pangratius Halsperger canon of St. Viti in Freising and Johannes Engollender who also studied at Ingolstadt. As a sidenote, Johannes Engollender was in the law faculty in Ingolstadt after 1500 when he was sued by Barabara (the


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 323 widow of the former propstrichter in Regensburg, Jacob Schmidner) for breaking their engagement to be married. [Natalia Daniel, Gerhard Schott, and Peter Zahn, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus der Folioreihe, Hälfte 2. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1979), 17, retrieved 20 December 2007 from http://www.manuscripta-mediaevalia.de. Her former husband, Jacob Schmidner, was still alive in 1500 [Urk. Ak., vol. 1, 298, 1472: 6 April 1500]. Stephanus Ritheymer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1510 [MUL I, 503, B109]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Erhardus Robl de Rat. Vienna 1468 [MUW 1468 II R 35]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Petrus de Rosenheim O.P. Vienna (before 1434) [BayStB clm 26848]; Cologne 1437 [BayStB clm 26855 fol. 54r] Bologna 1441 [BayStB clm 26833, 26855, fol. 198r]. He served as master of students and cursor in Regensburg Dominican convent in 1434 and 1440, respectively [BayStB clm 26805 fol. 188]; He created a basic Latin/German dictionary and was a prolific scribe [BayStB clm 26805 fol. 188, BayStB clm 26833]. See Appendix I. Christopherus Rosnawer Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1511 [MLMU I, 347, 42]. Paid fees of 48 den. Sebastianus Rosstaler. Ingolstadt 1486 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 253 # 1279: 7 June 1486]. He held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle by 1472 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 209 #1073: 13 June 1472]. In 1487 he also held a canonry in Illmünster, in the diocese of Freising [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 259 #1302: 8 October 1487]. Bertholdus Rottaler de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 II R 32]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Georgius Rottaler Ratisbonensis. Vienna 1509 [MUW 1509 I R 66]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Paulus Rüdiger de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II1 R 55]. Henricus Ruestarffer de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1491 [MLMU I, 212, 27]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Georgius de Rufenbach (Georrius Rusenbach/Rufenbacher). Erfurt 1456 [Acta. Erf. I, 255, 20]. Basel 1463 [MUB I, 40]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Erfurt. He was still canon in 1463. He paid fees of 30 gros. at Erfurt and 1 fl. (12 schil) at Basel. See also [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 53A, 55A (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference)].


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Erasmus Ruland de Rat. Erfurt 1520 [Act. Erf. II 319. 36]. Paid fees at full rate 8 nov. Brother of Oswald Ruland (later). Oswaldus Ruland de Rat. Erfurt 1520 [Act. Erf., II 319, 35]. Paid fees at full rate 8 nov. Brother of Erasmus Ruland (earlier). Henricus Salchinger (Zalchinger) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1452 [MUL I, 177, B59]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Salczburger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1442 [MUL I, 138, B 74]. Paid fees of 5 gr. Erhardus Saller Rat. Ingolstadt 1514 [MLMU I, 367, 10]. Paid fees of 48 den. In 1517, he appears as a witness to the establishment of new statutes for the cathedral chapter [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 27]. Michael Saller ex Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 107, 31]. In 1501, a Michael Saller appears as “domvikar zu Regensburg” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 302 #1488: 27 May 1501]. Georgius Saller de Rat. Vienna 1420 [MUW 1420 I R 12]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Perhaps the same as Georgius Saller “laicus Rat. de soluto et soluta genitus: de conf. legitimationis fact auct. imperiali,” 14 march 1426 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 801]. Henricus Saller de Rat. Vienna 1392 [MUW 1392 I R 15]. Dominus Henricus Saller paid fees of 2 gr. Ulricus Saller de Rat. Vienna 1401 [MUW 1401 I R 16]. When he matriculated at Vienna he paid fees of 2 gr. On 19 May 1460 he received a canonry and prebend in the Alte Kapelle which was vacant after the death of Wernher Moshaimer [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 1320–21]. Litigated over the parish church of Pffafenhofen diocese of Regensburg. He died before 9 July 1419 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 341, 2490]. Dyonisius Sartoris de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 112]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Conradus de Satelpogen (Satelpoger) Prague 1381 [MUP II, 1, 67–68]. Member of an Upper Palatinate knightly family. He matriculated in law at Prague in 1381 where he paid fees of 14 gr. He was canon and scolasticus in the Regensburg cathedral by 1398 [Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 537, #508]. Disputed with Albertus Stauffer over the position of scolasticus in 1398 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 61]. He held a prebend in the church of St. Peter’s in Spalt, 1397 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 199]; He died in 1400 [StBR Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern, 46].


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 325 Erhardus Satelpogen (Satelpoger) Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 I R 37]. Member of an Upper Palatinate knightly family. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral and paid fees of 10 gr. when he matriculated at Vienna. He was granted an expectation in the parish church of Aufhausen diocese of Passau, not withstanding the parish church of Niederfurt, which he also held, 19 January 1418 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 660]. Pursued claims to prebend in Bamberg [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1840] and prebend in Augsburg [Rep. Germ. vol. 4, 660] resigned claim 13 July 1430 [Rep Germ., vol. 4, 1963]. Stephanus de Satelpogen (Satelpoger) Prague 1382 [MUP II, 1 70]. He was a member of an Upper Palatinate Knightly family. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Prague in the law faculty. Paid fees of 14 gr. Petrus Sattler ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1504 [MLMU I, 301, 35]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Georgius Schacz de Ratispana. Leipzig 1479 [MUL I, 319, B29]. Paid fees of 5 gr. Adam Schacz de Rat. Vienna 1496 [MUW 1496 I R 120]. Andreas Schambeck de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 45]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Later “confrater et prebendarius” in Prüfening [BayStB clm 12004: “Iste liber pertinet ad monasterium S. Georgii in Prüfening quem pro studio fratrum honorabilis sacerdos dominus Andreas Schambeck felicis memoriae confrater quondam ac praebendarius ibidem defunctus legavit eidem monsterio etc. libros quoque proxime sequentes idem Schambeckin donavit.”] cf. [MBK vol. 4, 1, 412]. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Fridericus Schambeck (Schambekch) de Rat. Vienna 1408 [MUW 1408 I R 14]. Pauper. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Andreas Schaub de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 II R 102]. He matriculated in the theology faculty as a pauper. Gotfridus Scheffel de Ratispona. Bologna 1349–51 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2955]. Dominus Gotfridus O.S.B. de Ratispona paid fees of 12 sol. in 1349 and 6 sol. in 1351. Briefly abbot St. Emmeram. Played a central role in the expansion of the convent library in the fourteenth century [Bischoff, “St. Emmeram im Spatmittelalter,” 581]. He brought a large number of legal texts to Regensburg from Italy where several monks from the convent were studying. [Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, XI–XII].


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Leonardus Schefman de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 159]. Pauper. Petrus Schenck de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 25, 14]. Casparus Schenck de Schenkenstein. Padua 1441 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 1, 2: 1557, 1572, 1778, 1816. Lic. can. law. 2034]. The noble-born Casparus Schenck held canonries in both Eichstätt and Regensburg and served as vicar general in the Regensburg cathedral [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 178 #913: 16 November 1467] and provost [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 199 #1022: 17 May 1467]. Georgius Scheyrer ex Rat. Vienna 1506 [MUW 1506 I R 42]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Rudpertus Schickch de Rat. Vienna 1473 [MUW 1473 I R 32]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Cristofferus Schierlinger de Rat. Vienna 1479 [MUW 1479 I R 32]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. In 1474, a Hans Schierlinger presented a complaint against Christoph Grafenreuter in the imperial court [Koller and Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft 15, 205 #290: Before 30 June 1474]. Michael Schieser de Rat O.F.M. Freiburg i. Br. 1486 [MUF I 84 #15]. Promoted as formed bachelor in 1486. Johannes Schilher de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 95]. Pauper. Johannes Schillinger de Ratispona. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 II R 57]. Pauper. Vitus Schiltel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 393 B21]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. A Sebastain Schiltel was sent to Venice to represent the interests of the city “im Tewtschen haws” [StAR Cam. 19a, 197] and appears as a member of the inner council in 1495 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 846]. Another Schiltel appears as a legal advisor to the city in 1505 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 94]. Johannes Schiltknecht de Ratispona. Leipzig 1469 [MUL I, 275, B9]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Andreas Schinberger ex Rat. Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 II2 R 4]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Schinnagel (Schynnagel) de Rat. Vienna 1460 [MUW 1460 II R 7]; Vienna 1470 [Schrauf, AFM, vol. 2, 154, 214]. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Paid fees of 4 gr. in 1460. In 1470, promoted to master in arts. He matriculated in faculty of medicine in 1470 where he paid fees of 3 gr.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 327 Georgius Schirmpeck Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 389, 5]. When he matriculated at Ingolstadt he paid fees of 48 den.: 27 May 1516. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. A Jörg Schirmpeck zehntner in the Alte Kapelle witnessed the renewal of a lease of a hof zu Weynting for nine years to Hans Turmayer [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 130 #472, 130]. A Frater Leonardus Schirmpeck of the Regensburg Augustinian Hermits once owned an incunabulum of Giles of Rome, which eventually found its way in the library of Prüfening [Aegidius of Rome, Tres tractatus. De partibus philosophiae essentialibus; De differentia rhetoricae, ethicae et politicae; De gradibus formarum accidentalium (Leipzig: Konrad Kachelofen, c. 1493–95) 4o A-61, BSB-Ink Online-Version: 24 May 2007]. Franciscus Schlick. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 46] Bologna 1447 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 496 #3324]. The noble-born Franciscus Schlick paid fees of 6 sol. at Vienna and 1 fl. at Bologna. He held canonries in the cathedrals of both Regensburg and Passau. He was also plebe in Brück an der Mur (Steiermark). By 1440 he was also a canon in Olomuc . . . (Olmütz?). He was the provost in the Regensburg Cathedral by 1478 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 228 #1160: 25 May 1478]. He died in 1498, He was the brother of the early German humanist and corespondent of Piccolomini, Caspar Schlick. Franciscus Schlick died 1498. Stephanus Schlick (Slick) Baro in Weyssenkirichen. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 128, 31]. Noble-born Stephanus Schlick held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle and paid fees of 2 fl. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1484. He still held a canonry in the cathedral in 1503. [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 321, 1567: 23 April 1506]. Johannes Schmidner (Smidner) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 24, 38] Padua 1484–88 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 4: 894, 947; vol. 2, 5: 1303]. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. In 1470, a Hanns Smidner was witness to a decision by the Regensburg judge and city council member Erhard Sneck [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 204 #1048: 11 April 1470]. During the 1471 Reichstag in Regensburg a Hanns Schmidner housed twelve horses and sixteen men associated with the entourage of the Duke of Saxony [Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 557, 57]. He may be the same as a certain Hanns Schmidner who was sent along with Fuchstainer and Jeronimus Reich to Kelheim on behalf of the city of Regensburg in 1479 [StAR Cam. 19 fol. 7r] also in 1481 [StAR Cam. 19 fol. 49r]. In 1484, Johannes Schmidner was promoted to licenciate in civil law at Padua. Among the witnesses was Wolfgangus Portner de Rat.


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(see earlier). Johannes Schmidner held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral by 1486 and was promoted to doctor in canon law by 1488. In 1490, he appears as judex surrogatus. From 9 January to 20 March 1514, he served as judge ordinary in the consistory of Regensburg [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 391]. 1517 he was dean of the cathedral chapter. He paid an annual rent of 2 pounds for the house he held from the chapter. [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 25, 26]. Died 15 May 1521 [K. Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 33]. His epitaph appears in the cathedral “Anno domini MCCCCCXXI die XV mensis May obiit venerabilis ac egregius vir dominus Johannes Schmidner, legum doctor, ecclesie Ratisponensis canonicus, cuius anima in pace requiescat.” [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 391]. Johannes Schnegk de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I R 97]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Georgius Schockhel de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 I R 134]. Paid fees of 29 den. Ortolfus Schogkler (Scheckler) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I, 234, 28]; Heidelberg 1495 [MUH I, 416]. He paid fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. In 1507 he is identifed as a public notary and learned layman [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 325–26 #1586: 16 April 1507]. Johannes Schonaicher de Rat. Vienna 1487 [MUW 1487 II R 6]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Johannes Schönhofer de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 II R 68]. Paid fees of 4 gr. In 1430, a Schönhofer appears as a citizen of Stadtamhof singled out for his involvement in riots against the interests of the city of Regensburg (in particular attacks on St. Katherinenspital and St. Mang) [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 33]. An Erhard Schönhofer citizen of Regensburg witnessed a property transaction [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 176 #900: 23 August 1456]. Some members of the family appear to have settled in Venice. A Hanns Schönhofer from Venice was accepted as a citizen of Regensburg 28 September 1477 [StAR Politca III, 1, 102v]. Stephanus Schönhofer. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 140]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. Marcus Schönprunner (Schöngruber) de Rat O.F.M. Vienna 1447–53 [MUW 1447 I R 125]. Paid fees of 8 gr. In 1449 he was assigned ad legendum cursus byblie in Vienna [Uiblein, AFT, 128]. The next year he lectured on the book of Revelation [Uiblein, AFT, 129]. In


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 329 1451, he began to lecture on the Sentences [Uiblein, AFT, 131]. By 1453, Marcus Schönprunner achieved the academic rank of formed bachelor of theology. In 1453, he delivered the Christmas sermon at the Church of St. Stephan in Vienna [Uiblein, AFT, 245]. He died 1462, at which time he is called doctor, lector, and preacher of the convent [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia, vol. 3, 254: 21 August 1462; See also Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator in Regensburg, 183]. Likely the author of a book of Lenten sermons now in the Staatsbibliothek in Munich [BayStB clm 26718]. Johannes Schönstainer. Ingolstadt 1506 [MLMU I, 313, 3]. Held canonries in Passau and Regensburg at time of matriculation, paid fees of 1 fl. Still alive in 1516 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 302]. Jacobus Schöpfperger de Rat. Vienna 1473 [MUW 1473 I R 37]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Stephanus Schrotel de Alemanea. Padua 1469–1471 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2: 887, 905, 926, 955, 957, 984? and II, 4: 6, 37, 41] Ferrara 1471 [A. Sottili, Tit. dot. Ferrara, 56: 31 July 1471]. He was provost in Padua by 1469. On 29 August 1470 a Johannes Schrotel Provost of St. Johann appears in the published records of Padua [Acta Grad. Pat, vol. 2, 2: 984. See also Georgius Kynsberger (earlier) and Ulricus Baumgartner (earlier)]. This is in error, since Stephanus Schrotel was still provost of St. Johann in 1471. He appears as doctor in canon law by 1471. Stephanus appears in Padua in 1469 along with Johannes Tröster the later Regensburg cathedral canon, preacher, early humanist, and tutor to the nephew of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini [Fuchs and Märtl, “Literarisches and geistiges leben im 15. Jahrhundert,” 910]. In 1475, he appears as both cathedral canon and canon of the Alte Kapelle a position that he resigned in February of that year [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 219 #1115: 13 February 1474]. Simon Schuebel ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 112, 14]. Minor. Paid fees of 6 gr. Jacobus Schulteti de Ratispona. Leipzig 1426 [UrkAk, #1877 c. 21 May 1426], Leipzig 1429 [MUL I, 99, B 11]. He held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle in 1426. Although he does not appear in the matriculation records of Leipzig until 1429, in 1426, the university sent the vicedean and the canons of the Alte Kapelle a report on the progress of his studies. Cristofferus Schwäbel Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1519 [MLMU I, 436, 10]. He paid fees of 48 schil. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. He died


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9 February 1530, and was buried in St. Emmeram [Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 34]. Johannes Schwäbel (Swäbel) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 40]. A Hanns Schwäbel served as city treasurer in 1516 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 116]. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Lucas Schwäbel (Swebel) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1491 [MLMU I, 210, 16]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Sebastianus Schwäbel (Swäbel) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 39]. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Thomas Schwäbel (Swebel) de Rat. Erfurt 1467 [Act. Erf., I 325, 31] Vienna 1470 [MUW II R 83]. Paid fees of 9 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Petrus Schweikker de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 39]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Schweytzer ex Rat. Vienna 1502 [MUW 1502 I R 49]. Paid fees of 29 den. Johannes Schwindubel de Rat. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 I R 36]. Pauper. Georg Sebart de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1520 [MLMU I, 444, 22]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Ulricus Seger de Rat. Vienna 1384 [MUW 1384 II 161]. Paid fees of 2 gr. He matriculated with Erhardus Purchofer and Lio Chemlinger de Rat. Conradus Seld de Rat. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 II R 37]. Pauper. Georgius Seldner de Rat. Vienna 1512 [MUW 1512 II R 95]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Gregorius Sennfft de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 I R 84]. Paid fees of 29 den. Johannes Sentinger de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 I R 48]. Paid fees of 2 gr. In 1434, a Hans Säntinger, along with three others, issued a spruchbrief in a dispute between Rudolf Volkard von Heringen and Hans Kamerawer zu Viehawsen [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 395 #1889: 2 December 1434]. Albertus Seratoris de Rat. Vienna 1496 [MUW 1496 I R 122]. Erhardus Serherl de Rat. Vienna 1424 [MUW 1424 I R 50]. Pauper. Wolfgangus Sewbrer de Ratispona. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 II R 8]. Bernhardus Seybelstarffer de Seyboltstarff. Ingolstadt 1507 [MLMU I, 322, 13]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral and paid fees of 1 fl. at time of matriculation at Ingolstadt.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 331 Wolfgangus Seybelstarffer. Ingolstadt 1515 [MLMU I, 386, 5]. Paid fees of 1 fl. Johannes Seydel (Zeydel) de Ratispana. Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 394 B 53]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Shetel de Rat. Vienna 1500 [MUW 1500 II R 77]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Sibenburger (Sibnburger) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU I, 331] Vienna 1510 [MUW 1510 I R 120]. He matriculated as a pauper at Vienna and paid fees of 8 den at Ingolstadt. Andreas Sibenhar de Rat. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 I R 27]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Likely related to the Conrad Sibenhar, scribe of St. Emmeram, who was received as a citizen of Regensburg on 15 May 1442 [StAR Politica III, I, 13 June 1468; “Stadtarchiv Regensburg— Bestand Politica/Einwohnerwesen.” 1996–2004.07/26/2004 http:// bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm]. A Conradus Sibenhar dr. decretorum received in an expectation for a benefice in Freising in 1434 [Herrad Spilling, Die Handschriften der Staats-und Stadtbibliothek Augsburg fol. Cod. 1–100 in Handscrhiftenkataloge der Staats- und Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, vol. 2 (Wiesbaden: 1978), 111]. Jacobus Siger de Ratispona O.P. Bologna 1476 [Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. 6, 95]. Fr. Jacobus Siger was assigned as a student of theology at Bologna pro rata provincie sue. He is possibly the same as Jacobus Sigel prior of the Regensburg convent in 1490 [BayHstA KU Dominikaner Regensburg, #189: 10 May 1490]. Jacobus Sigel, Prior O.P. in Regensburg glossed a copy of Aristotles’ Physics [Aristotoles, Physica, trans. William of Moerbeck, A–304, BSB-Ink Online-Version: 24 May 2007]. Georgius de Sinzenhofer (Sintzenhover; Satzenhofer): Ingolstadt 1488–1491 [MLMU I, 182, 38; BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 61A, 62A (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference)]. He paid fees of 1 fl. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1488. He was a member of an Upper Palatinate noble family with close ties to Regensburg. In 1488 he held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. He received the canonry resigned by Balthasar Hundertpfund the spiritual advisor to Duke Albrecht IV of Bayern-München [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 389]. He appears as Scolasticus in 1502, and was elected dean in 1513. By 1510, he also held a canonry in Passau. Doctor in canon law by 1514. Donated several texts to St. Mang [Bartolus de Saxoferrato, Lectura super prima et secunda parte Codicis (Venice: Wendelin von Speyer, P. 2 1471 2o), B-129, BSBInk: 24 May 2007 and Bartolus de Saxoferrato, Lectura super prima


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parte infortiati (Venice: Wendelin von Speyer, 1471.02.09, 2o), B-183, BSB-Ink: 24 May 2007]. From 1502 to 1509, he served as vicarius in spirtualibus generalis to Bishop Rupert II of Regensburg. From 1510 to 1517, served as judge ordinary in the Regensburg consistory. In 1517 paid an annual rent of 2 pounds 3 sch. to the chapter. [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 25]. Georgius Sinzenhofer died in 1517. Henricus de Sinzenhofer (Sintzenhofer). Bologna 1316 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 533 #3537]. Henricus Sinzenhofer was a member of an Upper Palatinate noble family. He paid fees of 14 solidi when he entered Bologna in 1316. Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral by 21 September 1342 [Reid, II, 886]. Wolfgangus Sittauer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 42, 26]. He was a member of a Regensburg Patrician family particularly prominent in the fourteenth century. Wolfgangus Sittauer was the son of a Ratsmember, “Wolfgang Sitauer, Meister der 7 freien Künste, Sohn des verst. Sitauer, Christoph, Bürger des Rats zu Regensburg, erteilt seine Zustimmung zu dem Verkauf eines Ewiggeldes von 4 lb Regensburger dn aus dem Weingarten Kruckenberg an das Regensburger Predigerkloster durch seine Mutter Sitauer, Barbara für 80 lb Regensburger dn.” [BayHStA KU Regensburg Dominikaner, 186: 26 December 1485 (I am grateful to Olivier Richard for this reference)]. Sittauers sat on the council beginning in 1348. Konrad Sittauer imported wares from Venice in the mid-fourteenth century, but the main focus of the family business was the Tyrol-Prague wine trade [Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 91]. Mathaeus Smidlein Ratisponensis. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 129]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Leonardus Smoll. Freiburg i. Br. 1479 [MUF 68, 9]. Clericus. Georgius Snoeder (Schnöder). Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 29, 44] Padua 1475–76, 1488 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 220, 222 #1120, 1132; Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 4: 401, 415, 417; vol 2, 5: 1303]. He was canon in the Alte Kapelle in Regensburg by 1488. He served in the chancery of the Duke of Bavaria and received several benefices through his patronage [Rep. Germ., vol. 9, 234–35]. He is described in 1486 as licenciate in canon law [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 254 #1281: 14 July 1486]. Johannes Schmidner and Wolfgangus Portner (see earlier), both of Regensburg, appear as witnesses to his promotion as doctor in canon law in 1488 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 5: 1303]. By February 1495, Snoeder was dean of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 283 #1404:


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 333 31 January 1495], and in 1499, he is described as debilitated by illness [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 294 #1453: 27 February 1499]. He died by May 1502 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 305 #1503: 10 May 1502]. Wilhelmus Sontheym. Heidelberg 1416 [MUH I, 132] Bologna 1425–26 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 536 #3559]. The noble-born Wilhelmus Sontheym, held a canonry in Eichstätt in 1416 and in the Regensburg cathedral by 1425. He paid fees of 1 fl. when he matriculated at Heidelberg. He also served as syndic for the university in 1426. By 1441 he also held a canonry in the Augsburg cathedral. He died in 1448 and left 52 ½ lib. to the cathedral chapter in Eichstätt [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 536]. Johannes Sorgenfrey de Ratispana. Leipzig 1503 [MUL I, 457, B40]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. An earlier Hanns Sorgenfrey attached his seal as a witness to the establishment of a perpetual mass in the Alte Kapelle by fellow citizens of Regensburg Hans Sturm and his wife Margaret. [Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 420: 24 June 1486]. Conradus Spindler de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 II R 38]. Pauper. Balthasar Stadl de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I R 59]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Stadler de Bruck Ingolstadt. 1517 [MLMU I, 410, 10]. Appears as a cleric in Regensburg and paid fees of 8 den. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. Erasmus Stadler de Rat. Vienna 1489 [MUW 1489 I R 29]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Ulricus Staedler de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 130, 8]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Johannes Stain de Rat. Vienna 1512 [MUW 1512 I R 159]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Staindl de Rat. Vienna 1468 [MUW 1468 I R 12]. Pauper. Petrus Starch de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 97, 9]. Albertus Stauffer de Rat. Prague 1374 [MUP II, 1, 60] Vienna 1377 [MUW I, 5, 36]. The noble-born Albertus Stauffer matriculated in the law faculty at Prague in 1374. He paid fees of 4 gr. He matriculated with the Regensburg cathedral canon Johannes Zenger (later). Matriculated in law at Vienna in 1377 where he paid fees of 4 gr. Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral by at least 1380. In 1388 was also provost of St. Johann 1388 [Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden


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des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 495 #423: 26 August 1388]. He apears as Scolasticus in 1398. He was allowed to retain the income from the school for five years after his elevation as bishop of Regensburg in 1409. He died in 1421 [Gatz and Brodkorb, Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1198–1448]. Stephanus Stauffer de Rat. Vienna 1400 [MUW 1400 II R 31]. Noble. Paid fees of 12 gr. Andreas Steigerwald de Rat. Vienna 1438 [1438 II R 115]. Pauper. Sixtus Steinhuser de Ulma. Pavia 1461 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, #952: 13 June 1461] Basel 1463 [MUB I, 39, 80; Urk. AK., vol. 1, #970: 3 June 1463] Heidelberg 1464–65 [MUH I 309, 22 January 1464; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 185 #974: 22 January 1464 and 192 #987: 25 July 1465]. Held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle. He paid fees of 6 schil. at Basel. In 1465, he was promoted to bachelor in arts via moderna at Heidelberg. Johannes Steltzer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 44, 16]. Paulus Sterner de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 I R 146]. Pauper. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Fridericus Steynbeck (Staynbeck) Ratisponensis. Heidelberg 1413 [MUH I, 233]. Pauper. In 1448, Fridericus Steinbeck de Ratispona appears as Baccalaureus as well as dean and “iudex conservator iurium et privilegiorum,” of the Marienkirche in Neustadt. He informs members of the University of Heidelberg that the Bull of Boniface IX is to be observed and condemns Brandus Knobelauch and “suos adherentes . . . et alios quoscumque rebelles cuiscumque status.” [G. Brink-haus and A. Mentzel-Reuters, Die lateinischen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen: Teil 2, Signaturen Mc 151 bis Mc 379 sowie die lateinischen Handschriften bis 1600 aus den Signaturengruppen Mh, Mk und aus dem Druckschriftenbestand (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 2001), 236]. Johannes Steyner de Ratispona. Leipzig 1422 [MUL I, 72, B 19]. Pauper. Georgius Steyrer de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 4]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Wernherus Stirsdorffer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 100,6]. He was possibly the son of Wernher Styerstorffer layman and citizen of Regensburg who vouched for the agreement between Andreas Baldner (Waldner) and the chapter of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 231 #1136: 13 July 1479]. The same Wernher Stierstorfer, citizen of Regensburg was named as one of two executors in the will of


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 335 Anna Stirsdorfferin. The other was Hanns Furenschildt (Schiltl) [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 359 #1742: 27 March 1515]. Anna donated 7 schillings Regensburg. denarii to provide a meal “dazw gueter pairisch wein und weyß prot” and 2 R. d. for twelve poor scholars from the Alte Kapelle each year on Maundy Thursday (Anntlastag). Marquardus Sto(a)r de Ratispona. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 77]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Erhardus Stoeckel de Rat. Vienna 1427 [MUW 1427 I R 33]. Pauper. Johannes Stöckel (Stoekchl) de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 128]. Paid fees of 4 gr. He is possibly the same as Johannes Stöckel bachelor in arts and cleric in the diocese of Regensburg, who first appears as a witness to Michael Lengfelder’s resignation of a benefice in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 182 #390:16 June 1459] According to Schmid, he was also rector scolarum in the Alte Kapelle 16 May 1463 [Schmid, Geschichte, 263]. He held the altar of Sts. Martha and Dorothy in the Alte Kapelle until 1465 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 191 #982: 28 February 1465]. By this time he was also vicar of of the altar of St. Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins in the cathedral and was ordered to resign his benefice in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 405–406, #1936: 28 February 1465]. In 1453, an Ulrich Stogkel “der Varber, bürger zu Regensburg” witnessed the sale of a house in Regensburg by Albertus Puechel de Sultzbach [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 169 #867: 28 May 1453]. Leonardus Storck de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 256, B61]. Paid fees of 10 gr. at time of matriculation. Johannes Storichel (Stirchel) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 128, 34] Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 I R 14]. He paid fees of 6 gr. at Ingolstadt. Earned his bachelor in arts before 1486. When he matriculated at Vienna in 1486, he appears as baccalarius Ingolstatensis and paid fees of 4 gr. Paulus Strasser (Strosser) de Ratißpona. Leipzig 1512 [MUL I, 518, B 135]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Henricus Strasser de Rat. Heidelberg 1441–1444 [MUH I, 233, 513]. Straubinger: The Straubingers were a Regensburg patrician family prominent in late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. The were engaged in Flemish cloth trade. The family declined significantly in the 1320s and 1330s especially after the expulsion of Ludwig Straubinger from the city [Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 80; Bastian, Das Runtingerbuch, vol. 2, 434].


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Emeramus Straubinger (Strubinger). Ingolstadt 1478 [MLMU I, 84, 25]. Georgius Straubinger (Strawbinger) de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 II R 46]. Paid fees of 2 gr. He held a benefice in the church of Obermünster (Superiorimon.), 14 February 1424 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 804]. He was also granted the altar of St. Katherine in Regensburg not withstanding the prebend he held in Obermünster “de conf. vicar ad alt. s. Katherine in eccl. Ratispon. vac p.o. Erhardi Punchaver, n.o. can. et preb. in Superiorimon. Ratispon., lite sup par. eccl. in Ergoltspach Ratispon. dioc.” 5 July 1424 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 804]. Ulricus Straubinger (Struburga) de Rat. Paris 1313 [CUP II, 165 #701; Courtenay, “Foreign Scholars at Paris,” 63]. Ulricus Straubinger. Bologna 1353 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 562 #3742]. He served as proctor of the German nation at the University of Bologna in 1353. He was a member of a Regensburg patrician family (see Straubinger earlier). He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. In 1357, he was implicated in the murder of Conrad of Braunau, a fellow canon [RegBoic IX, 1360, June 30]. Nevertheless, he continued to hold positions in the cathedral. In 1385 he was Scolasticus and senior in Regensburg [Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 469]. He was dead by 1391. Petrus Straus de Ratißbona. Leipzig 1512 [MUL I, 517, B 73]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Oswaldus Straus (Strawss) de Rat. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 II1 R 8]. Paid fees of 4gr. He is called priest in Regensburg. Oswaldus Straus sought to exchange the parish church of Pfarrkirchen with Ruldolf Volkard von Heringen for the deanery in St. Johann, 14 April 1427 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 3055–56]. The chapter of St. Johann contested the exchange resulting in a lengthy legal battle. Oswald Strauss served as secretary to Johannes Schallerman in the Roman Rota (appellate tribunal in the Roman Curia) and as rector of St. Cassian [Fuchs, “Ein Westfale in Kärnten. Eine unbekannte Vita des Bischofs Johann Schallermann von Gurk (gest. 1465),” in Carinthia I, 191 (2002), 143–163]. He was dead by 23 August 1436 and was buried in St. Emmeram [Günther, “Die Dekane und Kanoniker des Kollegiatstiftes St. Johann in Regensburg,” 80; Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 34. Freytag was unable to make out the year. He has 1423 (1420?); ]. An Andreas (Andre/Endres) Strauss was Stadtschreiber in Regensburg [München HStA, RR Urk. 1428 IV 9 (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference).]


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 337 Albertus Streitberger. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 157]. The nobleborn Albertus Streitberger held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Vienna. He paid fees of 1 fl. Henricus Streitberger. Leipzig 1417 [MUL I, 55, B4]. The noble-born Henricus Streitberger held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. He paid fees of 6 gr. He was nephew of Johannes Streitberger (later) who served as bishop of Regensburg from 1421–28. In 1418, Henricus Streitberger was made rector of Haldenstat in the diocese of Bamberg despite the fact that he was not of canonical age and already held a prebend in Bamberg. In 1420, he was made rector of Otring in the diocese of Regensburg, again he was not of canonical age. In 1428, he was made rector in Sinzing in the diocese of Regensburg. In the same year, he also received a dispensation to remain in lower orders (subdeacon) for five years [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1303–04]. Johannes Streitberger (Streyperger) Vienna 1403 [MUW 1403 I R 37]. The noble-born Johannes Streitberger held a canonry in the diocese of Regensburg from at least 1392. He became custos in Regensburg on 8 September 1392 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 766]. He paid fees of 8 gr. when he matriculated at Vienna in 1403. He received the parish church of Niedermünster on 22 March 1406 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 1276]; He resigned the parish church n Tegernheim before 15 September 1414 [Rep. Germ., vol. 3, 323]; He held a canonries in Bamberg and Regensburg by 4 December 1420 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2410]; In 1421 he was promoted as bishop of Regensburg a position he held until his death in 1428. He resigned his prebend in Bamberg shortly after his promotion as bishop [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 397]. When he died in 1428 he still held the parish church of Niedermünster in Regensburg [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1845]. Johannes Streycher ex Rat. Vienna 1507 [MUW 1507 I R 144]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Emmeramus Stuchs de Rat. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 55]. Pauper. Entered later in another hand “Decanus S[ancti] Joh[annis] ibidem.” Cristofferus Suchainagel ex Regensburg. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II A 104]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Sumpekch de Rat. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 I R 40]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Erhardus Surstermayr de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 105]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Swab de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 3]. He Paid fees of 4 gr. when he matriculated at Vienna in 1451. Family appears


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frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. Perhaps the same as the Johannes Swab who appears as witness to several property disputes in Regensburg between 1456 and 1459. In 1459, he was included among three “gesworen frawnpotten” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 176 #901, and 182 #931]. A Friedrich Swab citizen of Regensburg and “richter in der vorstadt” was sent to the imperial chancellor in 1458 to plead the city’s case in a dispute against Erasmus Lerchenfelder [Koller and Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft 15, 120 #130: ca. 19 March 1458]. Erasmus Swaiger O.F.M. de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1501 [MLMU I, 291, 18]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Simon Swartzenhover. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 402,17]. Paid fees of 48 den. Clericus Ratisponensis. Johannes Swartzenhover (Swartzhouer) de Rat. Vienna 1481 [MUW 1481 I R 77]. Albertus Swenter (Swentter) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I, 92, 20]. Stephanus Swenter de Rat. Ingolstadt 1485 [MLMU I, 152, 1]. Paid fees of 28 den. Wolfgangus Swenter (Swentter) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 49, 14]. Fridericus Syn de Rat. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 66]. Pauper. Henricus Tanhein de Friburgo. Padua 1436 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 1, 2: 1316, 1352, 1452, rect., 1456, Dr. in both canon and civil law, 1524]. Regensburg cathedral canon. Wolfhardus Tegerndorfer de Rat. Vienna 1401 [MUW 1401 I R 6]. Assessed fess of 2 gr. Johannes Tegernpeck de Ratispana. Leipzig 1464 [MUL I, 248, B83]. Johannes Tegernpeck was a monk of St. Emmeram when he matriculatied at Leipzig in 1464. He paid fees of 10 gr. He copied at least a portion of a collection of humanist influenced texts, which include Petrarch’s epistola ad Thomam Messanensem, a number of works of Cicero, as well as Virgil, Sallust and Pindar. The codex includes a version of Ulricus Part’s (for Ulricus Part, see earlier) humanist influenced speech extolling the virtues of Piccolomino family on the occassion of the Cardinal’s visit [BayStB clm 14125 fol. 216]. He also copied a work of the emminent Italian humanist, Leonardo Bruni (Aretini) Comedia Poliscenae [BayStB clm 14529 fol. 402]. Interestingly, he also copied works of a traditional scholastic style a well. These included the following: Quaestiones of Johannes Versoris on the Prior


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 339 Analytics, Posterior Analytics, and Topics of Aristotle and the Elenchos in 1467 [BayStB clm 14133 fol. 244]. His recall from Leipzig is recorded in BayStB clm 14111 which includes a large number of mathematical and astronomical texts perhaps reflecting some of Johannes Tegernpeck’s own studies. Johannes Tegernpeck also owned BayStB clm 14041.This codex contained Peter Comestor, Historia Scholastica, copied by a Friedrich von Lichtenfels who was active as a student and teacher in Leipzig from 1458 to 1474 [Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in Regensburg, vol. 1. Clm 14000–14130, 93], Other texts associated with Tegernpeck include clm 14112 which contained the Moralia on Job of Gregory the Great, a text copied in 1466 for Johannes Spieß, one of Tegernpeck’s masters at Leipzig [Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in Regensburg, vol. 1. Clm 14000–14130 273, 295]. In 1480, purchased [Bonifatius VIII, Liber Sextus (Venice: Andreas de Bonetis, 1486.05.22), 2o: B-722 BSB-Ink: Online Version, 24 May 2007]. Tegernpeck died 1 October 1493 [Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 34]. Georgius Teschel de Rat. Vienna 1471 [MUW 1471 I R 90]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Henricus Tettinger de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 98]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Sixtus Teyspeck de Ratispona. Leipzig 1490 [MUL I, 380, B57]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Bernhardus Tinzinger de Rat. Vienna 1474 [MUW 1474 II R 17]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Michael Tolman de Rat. Vienna 1508 [MUW 1508 II R 29]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Georgius Tonhawser ex Rat. Vienna 1501 [MUW 1501 I R 167]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Tornsteyner. Vienna 1423 [MUW I 423 I R 4]. Regensburg cathedral canon paid fees of 4 sol. Johannes Trabolt (Trawolt) Heidelberg 1455 [Boehm, Biog. Lex. Ingol., 440]; Padua 1467 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2: 687]; Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 113, 42]; Ingolstadt 1502 [MLMU I, 293, 5]. He was rector of Platting when he matriculated at Padua. He left Padua as licentiate in canon law. During his studies at Padua he was associated


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with several important early humanists including Johannes Mendel and Johannes Tröster from Amberg. He was also associated with Casparus Kantner, through whom he came into the service of the city of Regensburg. He served as notary in Regensburg in 1474 [Koller, Heinig, eds., Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft, 15, 149 #182]. Taught law in Ingolstadt from 1502. Died in Ingolstadt at the age of 80 on 28 October 1505. He was Buried in St. Emmeram [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 411]. Johannes Trainer (Trayner) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1491 [MLMU I, 218, 18]; Vienna 1495 [MUW 1495 II R 70]. He paid fees of 6 gr. at Ingolstadt and 4 gr. at Vienna. Johannes Trainer was a member of a Regensburg patriciate family. He is possibly the same as the Johannes Trayner cleric of Regensburg who received a benefice in the Alte Kapelle in 1512 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 347 #1685: 4 June 1512]. His promotion was witnessed by Wolfgangus Trayner citizen of Regensburg. See also [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 23]. An Ulrich Trainer appears as a citizen of Regensburg in 1398 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 95 #495: 19 May 1398]. An Erasmus Trayner served as city treasurer in 1469 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 409 #1950: 13 December 1469]. A Veit Trainer (uncle?) served as probstrichter zu Regensburg in 1483 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 240 #1218: 19 June 1483]. Vitus Trainer ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1492 [MLMU I, 218, 43]. Paid fees of 6 gr. See Johannes Trainer (earlier) for more on the Trainer family. Conradus Trebser de Rat. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 I R 51]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Tröster. Vienna 1442 [MUW II 1442] Padua 1468–1471 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 3: 793, and Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 4: 6, 14]. Orginally from Amberg. Johannes Tröster, Regensburg cathedral canon and provost of Mattic (Maticensis) was promoted as doctor of canon law on 2 September 1468. Among the witnesses to his promotion were the humanist Johannes Mendel canon of Eichstätt as well as three with ties to Regensburg. These were: Johannes Trabolt (earlier), Ulricus Baumgartner (earlier), and Erhardus Zenger from the dioc. of Regensburg. Tröster also appears in the records of Padua frequently with Stephanus Schrotel (earlier). Johannes Tröster began his career in the service of emperor Frederick III. Tröster was also a noted Humanist and was placed in charge of the education of the nephew of pope Pius II, Enea Silvio Piccolomini [Fuchs and Märtl, “Literarisches und geistiges Leben im 15. Jahrhundert,” 910.] At his death he left behind a large


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 341 number of manuscripts reflecting humanist influence including: the comedies of Plutarch [München Universitätsbibliothek, fol. Cod. Ms 545: N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus der Folioreihe, part 1, 64] the Histories of Quintus Curtius Rufus [München Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod. Ms 547: N. Daniel, G. Korn-rumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, 547], Plutarch’s Vitae Parallelae [München Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod. Ms 549 549: N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, 69] Diodorus Siculus (Greek historian fl. ca. 49 B.C.) [München Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod. Ms 553: N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, 76], a work by the Italian Humanist Flavius Bondus [München Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod. Ms 681: N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, 177], Boccaccio, De Monitbus et Sylvis [München Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod. Ms 336: N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, 157], Solinus Pomponiius Melus (perhaps copied by Tröster himself ) [München Universitätsbibliothek quart. Cod. Ms 533a: M. Reuter, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus der Quartreihe (Wiesbaden: 2000), 162], Cicero, De finibus bonorum et malorum [München Universitätsbibliothek quart. Ms. 535: M. Reuter, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, 162] and two collections of humanist texts including Tröster’s own Dialogus de Remedio Amoris [Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod. Poet. et phil. fol. 25 and quart. 37: W. Irtenkauf and I. Krekler, Codices poetici et philologici. Mit vorabrbeit von Isold Dumke (Wiesbaden: 1981), 26, 105]. Tröster purchased many of these texts in Italy during his studies in the late 1460s later donating them to the University of Ingolstadt at his death in 1481 [VL 9, 1078–1083]. Sigismundus Tröster Basel 1462 [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 54A (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference)]. Cathedral canon. Ambrosius Truenkel de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 25]. He was a member of a Regensburg patriciate family. A Trunkel appears as a member of the city council in 1475 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 433, 449, 498, 531, 562].


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Conradus Tulkhofer de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 II R 20]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Johannes Tummer (Dumer) de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 I R 84]. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Pauper. Johannes Turnberger de Rat. Vienna 1481 [MUW 1481 I R 86]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Stephanus Turnmayr de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 I R 66]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Georgius Urfarer ex Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 134]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. During the 1471 Reichstag held in Regensburg, a Hanns Urfarer housed four horses and four men associated with the entourage of Duke Louis Rich of Bavaria-Landshut. [Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III]. Johannes Urfarer. Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I, 230, 19]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Conradus Vellslos de Ratispona. Bologna 1316 [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich, 405 #595; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 593 #3966]. Paid fees of 12 sol. Johannes Velspurger de Rat. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 II R 14]. Pauper. Michael Vetter de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 130, 7]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Leonardus Vilser de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 II R 110]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Viltzhofer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 31]. Anselmus Virawer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1506 [MUL I, 476, B46]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Andreas Vogel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1515 [MUL I, 541, B53] Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 402, 29]. Paid fees of 6 gr. whe he matriculated at Leipzig. He is designated as cleric in Regensburg. Georgius Vogler de Rat. Vienna 1431 [MUW 1431 I R 41]. Pauper. Gebhardus Vogler ex Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 II R 81]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Nicolaus Vohenstainer de Rat. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1453 I R 50]. Paid fees pf 4 gr. Rudolfus Volkard de Herringen. Erfurt 1411–19 [Act. Erf., I, 93, 36] Bologna before 1423 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 3303 dr. in med. Bonon.] Vienna 1433–38 [MUW 1433 S 1; Uiblein, AFT, vol. 1, 74, 76, 79 111, 115, 117]. He was awarded a master in arts degree at Erfurt


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 343 in 1419 [Kleineidam, Universitas Studii Erffordensis, vol. 1, 362]. He was awarded a doctorate in medicine at Bologna before 1423. He was a cursor in theology at Vienna in 1433 [Uiblein, AFT vol. 1, 110]. During his medical career he served as a city physician in Regensburg from 1423–25. In 1423 “am mitwochen in der quatemper vor Emerami,” he received his quarterly payment of thirteen Gulden [StAR Cam.09. 156v]. J. Schmid gives his annual salary as 200 Gulden, but this seems too high. Those who held the position in 1422 and 1425 received only sixty and eighty gulden respectively. Compare [R. Freytag, Verzeichnis der Regensburger Aerzte (bis 1850), 5]. Freytag reports his salary at 100 gulden. He was dean in St. Johann in 1424 [ J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 115] and canon in the Alte Kapelle 1426 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 130 #696: 28 May 1426]. He served as vicar general in Regensburg (1429–1443) [Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 168]. In 1430, he donated a Predigtbuch to St. Cassian worth 20 hungarian gulden. At this time, he was “der freyen kunst und erzney ein lerer” [BZAR StiAK U 721: 21 February 1430]. On 28 August 1430 a Henricus Susze cleric in Mainz received a papal provision for a canonry in the Alte Kapelle vacant through the death of Rudolph von Heringen [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1407]. However, he did not die and continued to hold a canonry in the Alte Kapelle until 1465. In 1433, he matriculated in theology at Vienna where he remained until 1438. He was promoted as doctor in theology on 23 September 1436. He appears as advisor and servant of Duke Ernst of Bayern-München [Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 168]. By 1440, he was dean of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 151 #789: 25 February 1440]. In 1445 he became plebe of the church of St. Peter in Munich. In 1451, he endowed a Feast of Our Lady of the Snows, in which he provided Semmeln for the sixty scholars of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 166 #851: 23 March 1451]. In 1452, he witnessed the will of Ulrich Rot, dean of St. Johann in Regensburg. At this time, he was described as “Maister Rudolph von Heringen Lerer der heiligen geschrifft. Doctor in den Freyen Kunsten und der Erznney Techant und korherr der Kaiserlichen stift Alten Capellen zu Regensburg und pfarrer zu Sand Peter zu Munchen.” [StBR, Regensburg, Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg, Urkunden #265]. He died in Munich in 1465 [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U.L.F. zur alten Kapelle, 116]. Georgius Vomhauss de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 196]. Pauper.


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Conradus Vorchsaymer de Rat. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 II R 29]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Petrus Vörstl de Rat Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 II R 17]. Pauper. Conradus Vultur de Ratispona. Leipzig 1442 [MUL I, 141, B 27]. Paid fees of 6. He is likely the same as the Conrad Vulture who resigned his benefice in the altar of St. Wenceslaus, in 1451 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 398 #1904: 7 August 1451]. Georgius Vultur de Ratispona. Leipzig 1458 [MUL I, 215, B70]. Paid fees of 5 gr. Arnoldus Wadel de Ratispana. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 530, B51]. Pauper. Ulrich Wagener dioc. Rat. Paris 1475–76 [AUP VI 527]. Uldericus Waghener, “dioc. Rat. Cujus bursa valet 4or sol. bac. in art. ii lib x sol.” An Ulrich Wagner appears as summissarius at Niedermünster in 1508; perhaps the same? [P. Mai and M. Popp, eds., Regensburger Visitationsprotokoll von 1508, 34]. Andreas Walcher. Ingolstadt 1506 [Urk. AK, I, 324 #1580: 8 October 1506]. Vicar in Hönhaim by 1484 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 250 #1257: 14 October 1484]. He was canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1506 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 324 #1580: 8 October 1506], a position he resigned in 1519 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 376 #1816: 17 September 1519]. Sebastianus Walcher (Welcher) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1491 [MUL I, 384, B59]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Georgius Waldman Rat. Ingolstadt 1512 [MLMU I, 256, 9]. Paid fees of 48 den. Andreas Waldner de Rat. Heidelberg 1485 [MUH I, 379]. Georgius ( Jorius) Waldner ex Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 27]. Paid fees of 29 den. Petrus Waltinger de Rat. Ingolstadt 1507 [MLMU I, 321, 13]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Henricus Wegner de Rat. Vienna 1442 [MUW 1442 R 74]. Paid fees of 1 gr. Johannes Weihkel de Rat. Vienna 1499 [MUW 1499 I R 118]. Laurentius Weinzuerl de Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 116, 32]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. A Laurencius and Conrad Weinzierl aus Mosham (ca. 1451) were summoned to appear before the Abbot of the Schottenkloster concerning a complaint against them by the Abbot of St. Emmeram [BayStB clm 14037; Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 345 Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in Regensburg, vol. 1, 87]. Conradus Weissbeck (Weispekh) de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I R 154]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Jacobus Weissbeck (Weisspech) de Rat. Vienna 1400. Paid fees of 2 gr. Later canon in the Alte Kapelle. Dead by 10 January 1420 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 3634]. Simon Weissbeck (Weyspech) de Rat. Vienna 1407 [MUW 1407 II R 7]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Georgius Weittinger de Rat. Vienna 1512 [MUW 1512 I R 144]. Pauper. Simon Weltinburger (Woltembrrger) de Rat. Vienna 1431 [MUW 1431 I R 94]; Padua 1436 [Acta. Grad. Pat. vol. I, 2: 27, #1117]. Paid fees of 4 gr. At Padua he witnessed the examination of Johannes Rüderbom de Ulma in canon law. A Simon Weltenburg was a member of the city council and traveled frequently on behalf of the city. In 1459, for example, “Es rait herrr Simon Weltenburger zu dem Frawnberger gen Prunn als er von Frankreich kommen was und gen München reiten und an pringen tun solt von des Zins und der Arbait der Weingarten wegen.” [StAR Cam. 14. 217v; see also StaR Cam. 14 216r and Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 288]. During the Reichstag held in Regensburg in 1471, a Simon Weltenpergerin housed 6 men and horses associated with the delegation from Kempton [Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 565, 20]. Jacobus Weltzer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 100, 36]. Leonardus Wepeis de Rat. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 47, 10]. In 1479, a Wepeis appears as a member of the inner council [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 617]. Ulricus Werder von Pappenheim. Leipzig 1441 [MUL I, 134, B3]. He was rector of St. Rupert’s, the parish church of St. Emmeram when he matriculated at Leipzig. He paid fees of 10 gr. Ulricus Werder set up a benefice attached to the altar of St. John the Baptist and St. John the Evangelist in the Alte Kapelle. Stipulated that the benefice was to go to Johannes Hayden a priest in the diocese of Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 168 #864: 7 February 1452]. He was closely connected to Hermann Pötzlinger [see StAR, Historica I, 1, fol. 140r (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference]. Conradus Wermer (Wermar) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1465 [MUL I 254, B10]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation.


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346

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Ulricus Wertha(?p)t de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 I R 95]. Paid fees of 3 gr. 1 gr. deferred. Nicolaus Weynander de Rat. Vienna 1431 [1431 I R 89]. Pauper. Fridericus Weyss de Rat. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I, 90, 22]. He was award a bachelor in arts in December 1480. In 1491, he was the first lector of mathematics in Ingolstadt. He was paid directly by the university and therefore outside the arts faculty. He left behind three manuscripts primarily concerned with such engineering feats as clocks, gears, and astonomical instruments [see Boehm, ed., BioLex. Ingol., 471]. Sigismundus Weyss de Rat. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 45, 10]. Martinus Weyss ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 186, 39]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Sebaldus Weyssenburger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1516 [MUL I, 551, B11]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes Weyssenfelder de Rat. Vienna 1468 [MUW 1468 I R 76]. Paid fees of 4gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Paulus Weytold de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II2 R 45]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Conradus Widman de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 I R 13]. Pauper. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Johannes Widman alias Hirskofer de Ratispona. Freiburg i. Br. 1461 [MUF I, 15, 17]. Paid fees of 48 den. Likely the same as Johannes Widman chaplain of the altar of St. Jakob in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 201 #1034: 28 May 1468]. Leonardus Widman de Hemmaw. Ingolstadt 1512 [MLMU I, 353, 36]. Cleric in Regensburg. He originated from Tegernheim. He paid fees of 48 den. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. He was likely the same as Leonardus Widmanm, summisar und benefiziat of the altar of St. Wenceslas in the Alte Kapelle who composed a chronicle of Regensburg. He died 20 March 1557 and was buried in the Alte Kapelle. [Hecht, “Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 19]. Mathaeus Widman de Rat. Vienna 1477 [MUW 1477 II R 13]. Pauper. Theodoricus Widman ex Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 II R 82]. Paid fees of 2 gr.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 347 Cristoferus Wielandt de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 60]. Paid fees of 2 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Casparus Wild de Ratispona. Leipzig 1511 [MUL I, 516, B63] Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 6]. He paid fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated at Leipzig and 4 gr. at Vienna. He belonged to a Regensburg patrician family. Georgius Wild de Rat. Vienna 1462 [MUW 1462 II R 4]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Regensburg patrician family. Wolfgangus Wild de Ratispona. Leipzig 1490 [MUL I, 375, B75]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Regensburg patrician family. Johannes Winckler de Ratispona O.F.M. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I, 91, 18]. Served as guardian of the Regensburg Franciscans in 1487 [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder St. Salvator, 184]. Leonardus Windenwerger ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1508 [MLMU I, 328, 36]. Paid fees of 48 den. Wolfgangus (Bolfgangus) Windeschrawr ex Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 I R 53]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Fridericus Wiersperger. Leipzig 1462 [WS 1462] Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 II R 1]. Noble. Paid fees of 1 fl. at Vienna. 1481 rector of Ilckhoven and cathedral canon [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 238 #1205: 17 July 1481]. Rector of St. Georg in Amberg [Kist, Die Matrikel der Geistlichkeit des Bistums Bamberg, 439]. Also chaplain of St. Otto in Regensburg. Dead by 6 July 1506 [Urk. AK., 323 #1573: 6 July 1506]. Johannes Wiersperger (Wirsperger/Wursperg). Heidelberg 1507; Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU I, 332, 26]. Regensburg cathedral canon paid fees of 1 fl. Leonardus Windisch de Rat. Freiburg i. Br. 1477–1490 [MUF 63, 12]. Bachelor in arts 1478. Master in arts 1480/81. Arts faculty 1486. In 1490 he was still teaching in the arts faculty, lecturing on the Topics and Prior Analytics of Aristotle “Magistro Leonardo Windisch ex Ratisbona lectioniem librorum Priorum Atistotelis . . . Magistro Leonhardo Windisch de Ratisbona exercititum librorum Thopicorum . . .” [U. Bodemann, Cedulae actuum, 451 see also 447, 449.] Fridericus Wirsing (Wirsink). Heidelberg 1390 [MUH I, 44; II, 500, 524]. Fridericus Wirsing matriculated at Heidelberg first in 1390. He was promoted as a bachelor in law before 1392 at which time he paid 2


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348

appendix ii

florins [MUH II, 500]. He first appears as licenciate in law (1390–92) [MUH II, 524]. He was received into the law faculty at Heidelberg between 1390 and 1392. Scolasticus and canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1386 [Ried III, #628: 31 July 1386]. He was engaged in a dispute over the parish church of Hartkirchen in the diocese of Passau with magister in artibus Nicolaus de Wasserburg, 12 May 1393 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 305]. See also [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 77, 83, 87, 88, 101]. He received the income form the parish of Moshaim as a supplement to the insufficient income provided by the school endowment. Confirmed again for Albertus Preiser in 1402 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 101 #534: 15 April 1402]. Georgius Wirtenberger de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 132, 24]; Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU I, 333, 28]; Leipzig 1510 [MUL II, 470]. Paid fees of 6 gr. First appears in Regensburg in 1489 dominus Georgius Wirttenberger submissus superioris monasterii. Georgius Wirtenberger held a benefice (St. Crucis) in the Alte Kapelle and was appointed by Johan Schuz de Cubito priest in the dioc. of Prague as proctor to secure a benefice in the Alte Kapelle. From 1523 to 1536, appears regularly as proctor of the consistory and the office of the vicar general. 1536–1540 appears as vicar general. Likely died in 1541 [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 400; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 290 #1435: 17 August 1497]. Martinus Wirtenberger (Wirttenberger) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1476 [MUL I, 302, B 46]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Martin Wirttenberger subcustos maioris ecclesie Ratisbonensis donated a copy of Alexander of Hales, Summa universae theologiae to the library of St. Mang at his death in 1513 [Alexander de Hales, Summa universae theologiae, pp. 1–4 (Nürnberg: Anton Koberger, p. 1: 1482.01.24; p. 2: 1481.11.29; p. 3: 1482.05.06; P. 4: 1482.08.23), A-240; BSB-Ink, Online-Version: 24 May 2007]. Also left a Bible and Glossa ordinaria [Strasbourg, Adolf Rusch für Anton Koberger, not after 1480, 2o : B-442, BSB-Ink, Online-Version, 24 May 2007]. Johannes Wisent de Novo Foro. Freiburg i. Br. 1470–72 [MUF, 47 #26; Urk. AK., vol. 1 #1063: 25 May 1471; #1071: 4 May 1472] Ingolstadt 1473 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 213 #1088: 11 June 1473]. Canon, Alte Kapelle and plebe in Roting [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 240 #1220: 17 July 1472]. Provided several letters attesting to his progress at the universities of Freiburg, and Ingolstadt. Albertus Wishay de Rat. Vienna 1389 [MUW 1389 I R 15]. Paid fees of 2 gr.


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 349 Henricus Wolf de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 36]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Wolffel de Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 I R 80]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. cf [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 583]. Johannes Wolfgangi (Volfgangi) de Ratispona. Krakow 1512 [Crac. Album Stud. 2, 1, 136]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Sigismundus Wueest ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1492 [MLMU I, 216, 27]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Ulricus (Odalricus) Wurgenfuchs. Leipzig 1461[MUL I, 228, B94]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Johannes de Wursperg de Lentendorf. Heidelberg 1507 [MUH I, 462]. Cathedral canon Regensburg at time of matriculation. Matriculated with Johannes Zenger de Schnaeberg who also held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. Same as Johannes Wiersperger? Wilhelmus Wynberger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1459 [MUL I 218, B9]. Paid fees of 3 gr. at time of matriculation. Wolfgangus Zandtner de Zandt. Ingolstadt 1511 [MLMU I, 245, 19]. Regensburg cathedral canon paid fees of 1 fl. Leonardus Zeller (Czeller) de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II R 70]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Regensburg office-holding family. A Herman Zeller Schultheiss represented Regensburg at the 1460 Nuremberg Reichstag [H. Koller and P.-J. Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft 15, 135 #151: 3 April 1460. Leonardus Zeller de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 64, 22]. “non iurarunt quia minores annis.” Regensburg office holding family. Wolfgangus Zeller de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 64, 24] “non iurarunt quia minores annis.” Regensburg office-holding family. Johannes Zenger. Prague 1374 [MUP II, 1, 60]. Upper Palatine Noble family. Cathedral canon at time of matriculation paid fees of 4 gr. Matriculated in law along with Albertus Stauffer the future canon, scolasticus and bishop in Regensburg. Johannes Zenger. Heidelberg 1507 [MUH I, 462]; Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU I, 331, 11]. Upper Palatinate noble and Cathedral canon at the time of his matriculation at Heidelberg. He matriculated with Johannes de Wursperg de Lantendorf (earlier) also canon in the Regensburg cathedral [MUH I, 462]. He paid fees of 1 fl. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. In 1514, he was arrested in Regensburg for his involvement in a disturbance in the city [Gemeiner, Regensburgische


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350

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Chronik, vol. 4, 257]. In 1517, paid annual rent of 12 schillings to the chapter for a house, “in ambitu Ecclesie cathedralis,” [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 26]. Sebastianus Zenger (Czenger) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1448 [MUL I, 165, B 15]. Member of an Upper Palatinate noble family. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Tristramus Zenger (Zenger). Ingolstadt 1502 [MLMU I, 296, 19]. Member of an Upper Palatinate noble family. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Ingolstadt and paid fees of 1 fl. See also Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 115. Conradus Zinck (Czing) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 268, B77]. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 28, 7]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation at Leipzig. Wolfgangus Zinsmaister ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 112, 23]. Pauper. Fridericus Zirckendorfer (Circkendorfer). Leipzig 1461[MUL I, 227, B20]. Paid fees of 6 gr. He is likely the same as Fridericus Zirckendorffer chorvikar in the Alte Kapelle who was involved in a legal dispute with a certain widow Ärtkoferin in 1468 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 201 #1033: 11 May 1468]. He was still chorvikar in 1491. At which time he also chaplain of the altars of St. Barabara and St. Blasien [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 230 #1172: 26 June 1479; 425 #2016: 4 July 1491]. A magister (in arts) Georgius Zirckendorfer (an uncle?) was canon in the Alte Kapelle and endowed the altar in honor of Sts. Barbara and Blasien in [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 178 #912: 7 November 1457]. Leonardus Zollner ex Rat. Vienna 1502 [MUW 1502 II R 17]. Paid fees of 29 den. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Leonardus Zollner (Zolner) de Ratis. Bologna 1471–74 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 656 #4363; Piana, ed., Liber secretus iuris caesari, vol. 3, 190, 91]. Canon of St. Johann. Proctor 1473. Doctor in laws 1474. [Piana, ed., Il “Liber secretus iuris pontificii” dell’Università di Bologna, 74]. In 1476 he was dean in Cham [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 696]. Leonardus Zuelff de Rat. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 66, 14]. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. He is possibly the same as the Leonhart Zölff who, along with his father Simon, purchased an annuity (Leibding) in the amount of 5 Regensburger


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biographical register “regensburg” university students 351 pounds [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 242 # 1224: 15 October 1482]. A Leonard Zolf, citizen of Regensburg, Hansgraf, member of the city council and money changer, was involved in a legal dispute with Bishop Fridericus Parsberger [Koller and Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft 15, 91 #74, 75: 30 July 1446; See also Urk. AK., vol. 1, 2710 #1346: 14 August 1491]. In 1504, the widow of a Leonhart Zölff set up a perpetual anniversary mass for herself and relations [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 314 #1540: 30 January 1504]. Johannes Zwinger ex Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 2]. Paid fees of 4 gr.


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APPENDIX III

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF “REGENSBURG” UNIVERSITY STUDENTS Basel 1461, 1461, 1462, 1463, 1463,

Wolfgangus Egker Michael Kellerman Sigismundus Tröster Houpto Marschalk Georgius Russenback (Rufenbach) 1463, Sixtus Steinhuser de Ulma 1475, Ulricus Brandstetter 1487, Sebastianus Raid 1492, Casparus Muldorffer Bologna 1268, Hermannus de Ratispona 1277, Johannes de Ratispona 1304, Sifridus de Ratispona 1316, Henricus de Sintzenhofer 1316, Conradus Vellslos de Ratispone 1317, Henricus de Lapide (Stein) 1317, Johannes de Ratispona 1320, Ludovicus de Ratispona 1320, Johannes Rederer (Hans von Augsburg) 1321, Petrus de Ratispona 1322, Henricus de Ratispona 1322, Otto de Ratispona 1322, Rudgerus de Ratispona 1325, Conradus Comperti 1328, Heino de Ratispona 1328, Henricus de Ratispona


1329, 1333, 1336, 1337, 1337, 1337, 1337, 1338, 1349, 1353, 1353, 1359,

Wernherus de Ratispona Stephanus de Ratispona Henricus Hurelbeck Andreas de Ratispona Christianus de Ratispona Hugo de Ratispona Johannes de Ratispona Berthold de Burghausen Gotfridus Scheffel Otto Offensteten Ulricus Straubinger Henricus de Amberga de Bavaria 1369, Carolus Leonrod 1392, Fridericus de Ratispona, O.E.S.A. 1398, Berthold Puchhauser, O.E.S.A. 1400, Conradus Hauweck 1411, Fridericus Parsberger 1419, Martinus Pirker 1423 (before), Rudolf Volkard de Heringen 1425, Guilhelmus Sontheym 1426, Ulricus Deichsler 1441, Petrus de Rosenheim, O.P. 1444, Lubertus de Ratispona 1447, Franciscus Schlick 1470, Johannes Mainberger 1471, Johannes de Ratispona 1471, Leonhardus Zollner

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354

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1476, Jacobus Siger. O.P. 1486, Georg Gneugker 1515, Georgius Kolb Cologne 1398, Andreas de Ratispona, O.P. 1425, Johannes de Munnerstadt, O.P. 1437, Petrus de Rosenheim, O.P. 1454, Robertus, Count Palatinate of the Rhine and Duke of Bavaria 1461, Casparus Brandstetter, O.P. 1477, Robertus Dux Bavarie 1484, Michael de Ratispona 1485, Andreas Allexandri 1486, Georgius de Ratispona 1486, Mathaeus de Ratispona 1486, Sebastianus de Ratispona 1487, Conradus Hofmeister 1489, Johannes Pettendorf 1503, Marcus de Ratispona 1504, Stephanus Fabri Dôle After 1469 before 1480, Carolus de Absperg Erfurt 1389, Fridericus de Ratispona (or Magdeburg?), O.E.S.A. 1401, Johannes de Ratispona 1402, Bertholdus de Ratispona 1411, Rudolf Volkard von Heringen 1424, Erhart Lebner (Lechner) 1435, Johannes Fabri 1453, Mauricius 1456, Paulus Hildebrandi 1456, Michael Kellerman


1456, Georgius Rufenback (Russenback) 1458, Michael Grasser 1462, Johannes Marschalk 1467, Thomas Schwäbel 1469, Carolus de Absperg 1470, Georgius Bones 1474, Bartholomeus de Ratispona 1475, Dominicus Bramer 1476, Johannes Balistarii 1478, Wolfgangus Huber 1478, Nicholas Loy 1479, Dominicus Brunbeger 1481, Laurencius Erhardi O.F.M. 1481, Georgius Heylingsteter 1482, Conradus Heydersperg 1485, Andreas Buchener 1492, Martinus Dyrlin 1493, Michael Dale 1495, Johannes Honhamer 1499, Petrus Margstaller 1503, Cristofferus Hirssberg 1503, Leonardus Model 1506, Wolfgangus Reichel 1507, Wolfgangus Hüber 1512, Johannes Grun 1512, Sigismundus Heringer 1520, Erasmus Ruland 1520, Oswaldus Ruland Ferrara 1471, Stephanus Schrotel 1490, Sigismundus Rischeimer 1503, Sigfridus Apfelbeck 1509, Johannes Pettendorf Florence 1452, Johannes Ludovici, O.E.S.A.

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chronological list of “regensburg” university students 355 1465, Johannes Ludovici, O.E.S.A. (or Bologna?) Freiburg 1461, Georgius Eyttenbeck 1461, Johannes Gressel 1461, Johannes Widman 1470, Cassianus Heiden (same as Heden?) 1470, Johannes Wisent de Novo Foro 1477, Leonardus Windisch 1479, Leonardus Smoll 1480, Carolus de Absperg 1486, Michael Schieser, O.F.M. 1512, Jacobus Pheffinger 1516, Ulricus Prossinger (Brossinger) Heidelberg 1390, Fridericus Wirsick 1391, Kilianus 1405, Conradus Duvel de Hildesheim 1405, Fridericus Parsberger 1405, Leonardus Propst 1407, Lupoldus Paulstorffer 1408, Johannes Griendorffir 1409, Ulricus Deichsler 1413, Fridericus Steynbeck 1416, Guilhelmus Sontheym 1418, Johannes Franckengruener 1428, Andreas de Ratispona 1434, Georgius Kuttenauwer (Kuttenauer) 1434, Eberhardus Mistelbeck 1441, Henricus Strasser 1454, Robertus Count Palatinate of the Rhine and Duke of Bavaria


1455, 1464, 1466, 1466, 1467, 1472, 1485, 1493, 1495, 1495, 1495, 1498, 1503,

Johannes Trabolt Sixtus Steinhuser de Ulma Andreas Fabri Georgius Mandel Martinus Kutenauwer Carolus de Absperg Andreas Waldner Paulus Lengfelder Michael Apfelbeck Georgius ( Jeorius) Portner Ortolfus Schogkler Johannes Boblinger Casparus Honhaimer (Honhamer) 1504, Nicolaus Molitoris 1506, Casparus Froschauer 1507, Johannes Dur 1507, Johannes de Wursperg 1507, Johannes Zenger 1510, Vincentius Heiden (Heyden) 1510, Johannes Pettendorf 1513, Augustinus Baldosz, O.P. 1515, Petrus Olm 1519, Johannes Braun Ingolstadt 1472, Leonardus Eytinger 1472, Paulus Fünsinger 1472, Ulricus Gschray 1472, Leonard Hofmaister 1472, Johannes Ludovici 1472, Johannes Mair 1472, Michael Paur 1472, Henricus Pogner 1472, Petrus Schenck 1472, Johannes Schmidner 1472, Georgius Snoeder 1472, Conradus Zinck 1473, Johannes Altman

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356 1473, 1473, 1473, 1473, 1473, 1473,

appendix iii

Paulus Bauman Martin Bebenhauser Erasmus Cremitzer Martinus Fridman Leonhardus Grellenperger Cassianus Heden (same as Cassianus Heiden) 1473, Johannes Hohenfelser 1473, Johannes Mainberger 1473, Sebastianus Prueler 1473, Erasmus de Ratispona 1473, Nicolaus de Ratispona (Molitoris?) 1473, Sigismundus Rischeimer 1473, Wolfgangus Sittauer 1473, Johannes Steltzer 1474, Johannes Grasser 1474, Wolfgangus Molitoris 1474, Georgius Paulstorffer 1474, Wolfganus Swentter 1474, Leonardus Wepeis 1474, Sigismundus Weyss 1474, Johannes Wisent 1475, Johannes Nigri, O.P. 1476, Leonardus Portner 1476, Wofgangus Portner 1476, Leonardus Zeller 1476, Wolfgangus Zeller 1476, Leonardus Zuelff 1478, Johannes Alberger 1478, Otto Hoege 1478, Georgius Nigri, O.P. 1478, Emeramus Straubinger 1479, Nicolaus Bernawer 1479, Adam Calciatoris 1479, Albertus Swentter 1479, Fridericus Weyss 1479, Johannes Winckler, O.F.M. 1480, Johannes Frieshaimer


1480, 1480, 1480, 1480, 1480, 1480, 1480, 1480, 1480, 1480, 1481, 1481, 1481, 1481, 1481, 1481, 1482, 1482, 1482, 1482, 1482, 1482, 1482, 1482, 1482, 1484, 1484, 1484, 1484, 1484, 1484, 1484, 1484, 1484, 1484, 1484, 1485, 1485, 1486,

Johannes Gross Wolfgangus Loebel, O.P. Augustinus Notscherff Georgius Nothafft Johannes Schwäbel Sebastianus Schwäbel Petrus Starch Wernherus Stirsdorffer Ambrosius Truenkel Johannes Viltzhofer Casparus Amman Emmeramus Amman Casparus Hyrssinger Simon Puehel Michael Saller Jacobus Weltzer Carolus de Absperg Ulricus Brannburger Ulricus Faber Ludovicus Hagen Petrus Keck Georgius Prew Simon Schuebel Laurentius Weinzurl Wolfgangus Zinsmaister Michael Delckhofer Balthasar Fuerer Johannes Hofdorffer Petrus Leuetel Johannes Pergkhofer Stephanus Schlick Ulricus Staedler Johannes Storichel Johannes Trabolt Michael Vetter Georgius Wirtenberger Johannes Bernawer Stephanus Swentter Johannes Angermair

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chronological list of “regensburg” university students 357 1486, Henricus Erlbach 1486, Ulricus Foerhel 1486, Casparus Kursner (or Vienna) O.E.S.A. 1486, Sebastianus Rosstaler 1487, Dominicus Bromberg 1487, Achatius Notscherff 1488, Sebastianus Altman 1488, Johannes Fuchstainer 1488, Henricus Portner 1488, Johannes Portner 1488, Georgius Sinzenhofer (Satzenhofer) 1488, Martinus Weyss 1489, Wofgangus Deler 1490, Johannes Pettendorf 1490, Georgius Piburger 1491, Johannes Behaim 1491, Henricus Ruestarffer 1491, Lucas Schwäbel 1491, Johannes Trainer 1492, Georgius Hartner 1492, Johannes Muldorffer 1492, Vitus Trainer 1492, Sigismundus Wueest 1493, Georgius Furtter 1493, Anthanasius Gravenreutter 1493, Johannes Hofer (Hoser) 1493, Petrus Kann 1493, Simpertus Prawn 1494, Michael Apfelbeck (Öpfelbeck) 1494, Leonardus Kantzler 1494, Johannes Pendelmair 1494, Ortolfus Schogkler 1494, Johannes Urfarer 1496, Leonardus Aichenfelser 1496, Gangolfus Prennberger 1496, Ulricus Prossinger


1497, Johannes Kastenbauer (Kastenpawr) 1497, Sixtus Preising (Preisinger) 1498, Johannes Feltzer 1499, Emeramus Kalmunczer 1500, Johannes Klospeck 1501, Henricus Kurtz 1501, Erasmus Plechsmid 1501, Erasmus Swaiger, O.F.M. 1502, Johannes Trabolt 1502, Tristramus Zenger 1503, Georgius Baumgartner 1504, Petrus Sattler 1506, Stephanus Furtter 1506, Emmeramus Mynxmair 1506, Johannes Schönstainer 1506, Andreas Walcher 1507, Wolfgangus Kurtz 1507, Erasmus Primbs 1507, Bernhardus Seybelstarffer 1507, Petrus Waltinger 1508, Johannes Hanner 1508, Stephanus Huber 1508, Jacobus Keck 1508, Leonardus Windenwerger 1509, Georgius Kolb 1509, Johannes Peckel 1509, Johannes Sibenburger 1509, Johannes Wirsperger 1509, Georgius Wirtemberger 1509, Johannes Zenger 1510, Sebastainaus Altkofer 1511, Chrisopherus Rosnawer 1511, Wolfgangus Zandtner 1512, Gregorius Obermair 1512, Leonhard de Ratispona 1512, Georgius Waldman 1512, Leonhardus Widman 1513, Michael Pernel

4/10/2008 2:41:24 PM

358

appendix iii

1513, Johannes Radauer (Radawer) 1514, Erhardus Saller 1515, Wofgangus Seybelstarffer 1516, Sigismundus Gensperger 1516, Lorenz Grienigel 1516, Erhardus Gumpenberg 1516, Wilhelmus Khell 1516, Johannes Pachmair 1516, Georgius Schirmpeck 1516, Simon Swartzenhover 1516, Andreas Vogl 1517, Johannes Amberger 1517, Georgius Burckhardt 1517, Sebastianus Burnickel 1517, Sigismundus Foertsch 1517, Nicolaus Molitoris 1517, Johanes Pamer 1517, Johannes Pöllinger 1517, Leonardus Puecher 1517, Johannes Stadler 1518, Vitus Häbicher 1518, Sigismundus Krell 1518, Leonardus Loebel 1518, Johannes Niderwirt 1519, Leonardus Hüber 1519, Johannes Pistoris 1519, Balthasar de Ratispona 1519, Cristofferus Schwäbel de Ratispona 1520, Georg Sebart Krakow 1476, Casparus Henrici 1477, Casparus Kursner(?), O.E.S.A. 1491, Stephanus Johannis 1494, Nicolaus Hudalrici 1499, Johanne Pauli


1512, Johannes Volfgangi 1513, Johannes Bernhardini 1515, Casparus Leonardi Leipzig 1409, Conradus de Hildensheim? 1417, Henricus Streitberger 1422, Johannes Steyner 1425, Johannes Murman 1426, Jacobus Schulteti 1436, Ulricus de Ratispona 1440, Johannes Multaler 1441, Ulricus Dappfelberg 1441, Henricus Parsberger 1441, Ulricus Werder 1442, Matheus Flubeck 1442, Stephanus Pfensel 1442, Georgius Pistoris 1442, Johnnes Salczburger 1442, Conradus Vultur 1448, Sebastianus Zenger 1451, Johannes de Plankenfels 1452, Jacobus Grepner 1452, Jacobus Grossner 1452, Conradus Rendler 1452, Henricus Salchinger 1455, Michael Grassel 1456, Paulus Caspender 1456, Jeronimus Leskircher 1456, Sigismundus Lohener 1456, Ulricus Magenst 1456, Hermann Pötzlinger 1457, Gregorius Muldorffer 1457, Cristoferus Ravenreuter 1458, Georgius Vultur 1459, Johannes Marschalk 1459, Wilhelmus Wynberger 1461, Thomas Feyerabend 1461, Andreas Habeger

4/10/2008 2:41:25 PM

chronological list of “regensburg” university students 359 1461, 1461, 1462, 1462, 1463, 1464, 1464, 1465, 1465, 1465, 1465, 1466, 1466, 1466, 1466, 1466, 1466, 1467, 1467, 1467, 1467, 1467, 1469, 1469, 1476, 1476, 1477, 1478, 1478, 1479, 1479, 1482, 1482, 1483, 1483, 1484, 1485, 1485, 1485,

Ulricus Wurgenfuchs Fridericus Zirckendorfer Johannes Eyber Fridericus Wiersperger Jacobus Kirchberger Paulus Greyninger Johannes Tegernpeck Martin Bebenhauser Warmund Bebenhauser Thomas Nydermayer Conradus Wermer Johannes Brepach Leonardus Eysenbringer Michael Hymmelstös Henricus Mager Johannes Pansewol Leonardus Storck Johannes Engilhart Stephanus Gratel Wilhelmus Krieger Achatius Pernel Conradus Zinck Carolus de Absperg Johannes Schiltknecht Ulricus Falkener Martinus Wirttenberger Petrus Pyntner Johannes de Brawneysen Simon de Ratispona Jacobus Frunt Georgius Schacz Martinus Herberger Leonardus Nyderhöfer Stephanus Model Johannes Murman Nicolaus Gross Cristof Backsteyger Ludovicus Bursatoris Michael Doleatoris


1485, 1488, 1488, 1490, 1490, 1490, 1491, 1491, 1492, 1492, 1492, 1492, 1492, 1492, 1493, 1493, 1499, 1500, 1503, 1503, 1503, 1504, 1506, 1507, 1509, 1510, 1510, 1510, 1511, 1511, 1511, 1512, 1512, 1512, 1512, 1513, 1513, 1513, 1513,

Wolfgangus Nothafft Martinus Greff Casparus Kutzer Dionysius Bayr Sixtus Teyspeck Wolfgangus Wild Georgius Kammerer Sebastianus Walcher Erasmus Backsteyger Georgius Heczner Wolfgangus Leskircher Nicolaus Mosser Vitus Schiltel Johannes Seydel Andreas Alexandri Petrus Hofmaister Paulus Hainler Sebastianus Irer Sebastianus Eckell Johannes Hartmann Johannes Sorgenfrey Balthasar Bauman Anselmus Virawer Georgius Forster Johannes Gersdorffer Leonhard Munchmeyer Wolfgangus Pleben Stephanus Ritheymer Wilhelmus Bredler Wolffgangus Papst (Bapst) Casparus Wild Conradus Echter Johannes Nesseltal Paulus Strasser Petrus Strauss Paulus Beheim Johannes Gassner Johannes Heldorfer Johannes Holtzlyn

4/10/2008 2:41:25 PM

360 1513, 1514, 1515, 1516, 1518,

appendix iii Arnoldus Wadel Johannes Nydermayer Andreas Vogel Sebaldus Weyssenburger Michael Gravenwalter

Montpellier 1176, Gerung Oxford 1388, Berthold Puchhauser, O.E.S.A. 1434, Petrus de Ratispona, O.E.S.A. Padua 1436, Henricus Tanhein 1436, Simon Weltemberger (Woltemberger) 1441, Henricus Absperger 1441, Balthasare Furstenecker 1441, Henricus Parsberger 1441, Casparus Schenck 1444, Ulricus Part 1464, Erasmus Amman 1466, Georgius Nothafft 1467, Casparus Kantner 1467, Johannes Trabolt 1468, Casparus de Ratispona, O.P. 1468, Ulricus Baumgartner 1470, Georgius Kynsberger 1471, Georgius Bromberger 1471, Stephanus Schrotel 1471, Johannes Tröster 1472, Johannes Pruckenham 1475, Georgius Snoeder 1484, Johannes Schmidner 1484, Wolfgangus Portner


Paris 1313, Ulricus Straubinger 1426 (before), Ulricus Deichsler 1475, Ulrich Wagener 1500 (before), Augustinus Molitoris, O.E.S.A. Pavia 1459, Robertus, Count Palatinate of the Rhine and Duke of Bavaria 1461, Sixtus Steinhuser de Ulma Prague 1373, Eberhardus Houar (Hofer?) 1374, Albertus Stauffer 1374, Johannes Zenger 1375, Johannes Peyne 1375, Conradus de Ratispona 1377, Wernherus de Ratispona 1378, Johannes de Reynbach 1379, Andreas de Ratispona 1381, Conradus Satelpoger 1382, Stephanus Satelpoger 1389, Johannes Metempoli, O.E.S.A. 1390, Bertholdus de Ratispona 1400, Georg Meller 1401, Conradus de Ratispona 1401, Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim 1405, Fridericus Prenner 1406, Otto de Ratispona Rome 1389, Fridericus de Ratispona, O.E.S.A. 1473, Hermannus Meyer, O.E.S.A.

4/10/2008 2:41:25 PM

chronological list of “regensburg” university students 361 Rostock 1514, Johannes Gussubell Siena 1389 (before), Fridericus de Ratispona, O.E.S.A. 1486, Johannes Grad (Gkrad) Toulouse 1478, Leonardus Modler, O.P. Tübingen 1477, Thomas Ernst Verona 1389, Conradus de Ratispona Vienna 1377 (before), Fridericus de Ratispona 1377 (before), Ludovicus de Ratispona 1377, Albertus Stauffer 1383, Gewolfus de Ratispona 1384, Liephardus Chomlinger (Gemlinger) 1384, Erhardus Purchofer 1384, Ulricus Seger 1385, Bertholdus de Ratispona 1387, Johannes Raweter 1389, Bertholdus de Ratispona 1389, Albertus Wishay 1390, Nicolaus Altenburger 1391, Fridericus Prenner 1392, Henricus Saller 1394, Liephardus de Ratispona 1394, Petrus de Remago 1395, Conradus Hüber 1395, Hartwicus Probst


1395, 1400, 1400, 1400, 1401, 1401, 1401, 1401, 1402, 1403, 1403, 1404,

Johannes de Ratispona Fridericus Parsberger Stephanus Stauffer Jacobus Weissbeck Johannes Molitoris Ulricus de Ratispona Ulricus Saller Wolfhardus Tegerndorfer Wolfhardus Cuncz Henricus Chronberger Johannes Streitberger Berthold Puchhauser, O.E.S.A. 1407, Conradus Duvel von Hildesheim 1407, Leonardus Propst 1407, Simon Weissbeck 1408, Fridericus Schambeck 1409, Ulricus Deckenpeck 1409, Petrus Hausman 1411, Petrus Conradi 1411, Leonhardus Heylingsteter 1411, Georgius Hirschfurter 1411, Conradus Prui 1412, Henricus Ellenbach 1412, Ulricus Funificis 1412, Conradus Grüniger 1412, Engelmarus de Ratispona 1412, Erhardus de Satelpogen 1412, Johannes Sentinger 1412, Georgius Straubinger 1412, Conradus Tulkhofer 1413, Ulricus Muldorffer 1414, Jacobus Frieshaimer 1414, Johannes Grepner 1414, Fridericus Prenner 1414, Johannes Tummer 1414, Ulricus Werth(p?)t 1414, Conradus Widman

4/10/2008 2:41:25 PM

362 1416, 1416, 1416, 1417, 1418,

appendix iii

Johannes Awer Antonius Kamerawer Martinus de Ratispona Laurencius Gruber Ulricus Comes de Artemberg 1418, Henricus Lebner 1418, Johannes Schwindubel 1418, Oswaldus Strauss 1418, Johannes Sumpekch 1420, Balthasar Fürstenecker 1420, Georgius Saller 1421, Georgius Elenpach 1421, Casparus Meller 1422, Johannes Genendorffer 1423, Johannes Eglof 1423, Georgius Puhler 1423, Mathaeus de Ratispona 1423, Johannes Rekingstroczel 1423, Martinus Reychker 1423, Conradus Seld 1423, Johannes Tornsteyner 1423, Conradus Vorchsaymer 1424, Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim 1424, Cristiannus Hinderschirchen 1424, Andreas de Ratispona 1424, Erhardus Serherl 1425, Ulricus Lohmär 1426, Albertus Bedeke 1426, Mathaeus Hüber 1426, Erhardus Regeldorffer 1426, Johannes Schillinger 1426, Johannes Velspurger 1427, Erhardus Stoeckel 1429, Urbanus Inginger 1430, Johannes Golss 1430, Petrus Haum 1430, Bartholomeus Kalmunczer


1431, 1431, 1431, 1431, 1432, 1432, 1433,

Conradus Reykershouer Georgius Vogler Simon Weltinburger Nicolaus Weynander Wilhelmus Aygner Nicolaus Redewicz Rudolf Volkard von Heringen 1434, Procopius Be(a)m 1434 (before), Petrus de Rosenheim, O.P. 1435, Ulricus Aychennagel 1436, Henricus Absperger 1436, Leonardus Gerhart 1436, Jacobus Grepner (Chrepnär) 1436, Johannes Hofner 1436, Henricus Parsberger 1436, Ulricus Payrstorffer 1436, Johannes Pesrer 1436, Hermann Pötzlinger 1436, Theodoricus Ramsperger 1436, Fridericus Rechel 1438, Andreas Steigerwald 1439, Johannes Hewzz 1439, Ulricus Part 1440, Ulricus Armacher 1440, Johannes Ernst 1440, Cristiannus de Freyberg 1440, Conradus Pucher 1440, Paulus Reisacher 1440, Stephanus Turnmayr 1442, Johannes Tröster 1442, Henricus Wegner 1443, Paulus Lawbinger 1443, Eberhardus Mistelbeck 1443, Nicolaus Molitoris 1443, Michael Muldorffer 1443, Johannes Racz 1443, Erhardus de Ratispona

4/10/2008 2:41:25 PM

chronological list of “regensburg” university students 363 1443, 1443, 1445, 1445, 1446, 1446, 1446, 1446, 1446, 1447, 1447, 1447, 1447,

Leonardus de Ratispona Franciscus Schlick Hertwicus Gewolf Johannes Österreicher Albertus Altheimer Johannes Feurer Henricus Haibeck Laurencius Hawg Petrus Vörstl Wilhelmus Hanthaimer Erhardus Hymelman Johannes de Plankenfels Marcus Schönprunner, O.F.M. 1448, Andreas Freudemberger 1448, Ulricus Loebel 1448, Leonardus Platner 1448, Johannes Schilher 1448, Henricus Wolf 1449, Erhardus Ebendorffer 1449, Stephanus Landolf 1449, Petrus Mild 1449, Andreas Schaub 1449, Johannes Schönhofer 1450, Johannes Doleatoris 1450, Stephanus Gölls 1450, Johannes Leittenpekh 1450, Leonardus Loebel 1450, Ulricus Pancz (Pantz) 1450, Georgius Phlae(a)ntzl 1450, Petrus Piberger 1450, Johannes Propst 1450, Johannes Rem 1450, Bertholdus Rottaler 1450, Petrus Schweikker 1450, Marquardus Sto(a)r 1450, Erhardus Surstermayr 1451, Johannes Bernawer 1451, Georgius Castenmair 1451, Johannes Engelprecht


1451, 1451, 1451, 1451, 1451,

Bartholomeus Gerlfinger Andreas Hott Casparus Kantner Henricus Kunig Nicolaus de Ratispona (Molitoris?) 1451, Conradus Moser 1451, Johannes Nydermair 1451, Michael Perger 1451, Fridericus Pullecz 1451, Johannes Stoeckel 1451, Johannes Swab 1451, Georgius Vomhauss 1451, Cristoforus Wielandt 1453, Georgius Engelperger 1453, Georgius Mair 1453, Michael Pancz 1453, Andreas de Ratispona 1453, Nicolaus Vohenstainer 1454, Erasmus Amman 1454, Georgius Amman 1454, Cristoferus de Degenberg 1454, Michael Elmpach 1454, Erhardus Eyttenbeck 1454, Paulus Flenderlein 1454, Thomas Kellerman 1454, Johannes Mainberger 1454, Ulricus Mersinger 1454, Erhardus Prueler 1454, Paulus Rüdiger 1454, Andreas Schambeck 1454, Stephanus Schönhofer 1454, Albertus Streitberger 1454, Paulus Weytold 1454, Leonardus Zeller 1455, Fridericus Braxatoris 1455, Leonardus Gramayr 1455, Johannes Köferl 1455, Henricus Lichtinger 1455, Johannes Schnegk

4/10/2008 2:41:25 PM

364 1455, 1455, 1456, 1456, 1457, 1457, 1457, 1457, 1457, 1457, 1457, 1457, 1458, 1459, 1459, 1460, 1460, 1461, 1461,

appendix iii

Balthasar Stadl Conradus Weissbeck Johannes Habaus Georgius Puenhier Georgius Egrer Georgius Fabri Johannes Haider Ulricus Indermayr Andreas Pudenstorffer Cristoferus Rasner Conradus Spindler Henricus Tettinger Johannes Pogner Cristoferus Beringer Cristoferus Fabri Conradus Frueauf Johannes Schinnagel Andreas Elmpeck Johannes Ludovici, O.E.S.A. 1461, Johannes Rehaver (Rehafer) 1462, Georgius Haller 1462, Sebaldus Rehaver (Rechawer) 1462, Georgius Wild 1463, Nicolaus de Ratispona, O.E.S.A. 1465, Johannes Fridman 1465, Michael Oresl 1465, Oswaldus de Ratispona 1465, Emmeramus Stuchs 1465, Fridericus Syn 1466, Conradus Cöppl 1466, Conradus Leutenpeck 1468, Leonardus Hofmaister 1468, Erhardus Robl 1468, Georgius Staindl 1468, Johannes Weyssenfelder


1469, 1469, 1469, 1469, 1469, 1469, 1469, 1469, 1469, 1470, 1470, 1470, 1470,

Paulus Fünsinger Oswaldus Geylprecht Paulus Guenther Georgius Panas Johannes de Ratispona Dyonisius Sartoris Leonardus Schefman Georgius Steyrer Leonardus Vilser Johannes Amman Nicolaus Baumgartner Johannes Farster Georgius Gegninger (Geginger) 1470, Jacobus Kirchberger 1470, Eugenius Liechteysen 1470, Marcus Liechteysen 1470, Johannes Pruckenham(?) 1470, Georgius Reisacher 1470, Johannes Schinnagel 1470, Thomas Schwäbel 1470, Paulus Sterner 1471, Johannes Gswind 1471, Georgius Hechtl 1471, Georgius Teschel 1473, Rupertus Schickch 1473, Jacobus Schöpfperger 1474, Bernarus Tinzinger 1475, Paulus Bauman 1475, Georgius Kugler 1475, Wofgangus Sewbrer 1475, Andreas Sibenhar 1475, Conradus Trebser 1475, Fridericus Wiersperger 1476, Johannes de Absperg 1476, Johannes Grueber 1476, Erhardus Hauber 1476, Conradus de Ratispona, O.E.S.A.

4/10/2008 2:41:25 PM

chronological list of “regensburg” university students 365 1477, Mathaeus Widman 1478, Wolfgangus Hüber (Hueber) 1478, Nicholas Loy 1478, Conradus Pairreuter 1478, Johannes Pawndler 1478, Ulricus Pott 1479, Leonardus Amman 1479, Johannes Karoli 1479, Georgius Platernberger 1479, Cristoferus Schierlinger 1481, Johannes Swartzenhover 1481, Johannes Turnberger 1486, Petrus Amman 1486, Casparus Kursner(?), O.E.S.A. 1486, Andreas Öchsl 1486, Johannes Öchsl 1486, Wolfgangus Reytter 1486, Andreas Schinberger 1486, Johannes Storichel 1487, Johannes Schonaicher 1488, Johannes Hausner 1488, Paulus Lacher 1488, Stephanus Möstel 1488, Andreas Pawe 1488, Johannes Radauer 1488, Georgius Urfarer 1489, Johannes Freydenstich 1489, Erasmus Stadler 1490, Johannes Cassis 1491, Johannes Amman 1491, Johannes Haider 1491, Georgius Prew 1492, Georgius Dorner 1492, Wolfgangus Leskircher 1492, Johannes Messer 1493, Bartholomeus Amman 1493, Stephanus Palgler


1493, Johannes Potensteter 1494, Johannes Oberndorffer, O.E.S.A. 1495, Wolgangus Amman 1495, Wolfgangus Goltzstain 1495, Johannes Trainer 1496, Johannes Chumer 1496, Jeronimus Prundel 1496, Adam Schacz 1496, Albertus Seratoris 1497, Steffanus Kirichoffer 1497, Wolfgangus Phister 1497, Gebhardus Vogler 1497, Theodoricus Widman 1497, Johannes Wolffel 1498, Johannes Ammon 1499, Johannes Alchofer 1499, Henricus Essenpeck 1499, Erhardus Franck 1499, Johannes Weihkel 1500, Georgius Bechler 1500, Johannes Heisinger 1500, Ulricus Heisinger 1500, Augustinus Molitoris, O.E.S.A. 1500, Johannes Shetel 1501, Georgius Portner 1501, Georgius Tonhawser 1502, Thomas Österreicher 1502, Georgius Perthold 1502, Johannes Schweytzer 1502, Leonhardus Zollner 1503, Michael Apfelbeck 1504, Sebaldus Hertegen 1504, Johannes Mulhofer 1505, Johanes Cluegspeckh 1505, Johannes Kerbler 1505, Henricus Kurtz (Chuercz) 1505, Johannes Mostel

4/10/2008 2:41:26 PM

366 1506, 1507, 1507, 1508, 1508, 1508, 1509, 1509, 1509, 1510, 1510, 1510,

appendix iii

Georgius Scheyrer Johannes Aygelkoffer Johannes Streycher Wolfgangus Giessinger Johannes Pertel Micheal Tolman Georgius Gossinger Johannes Martl Georgius Rottaler Johannes Aschlatzhawser Leonardus Mertel Johannes Sibenburger ex Ratispone 1511, Leonardus Amman 1511, Johannes Jager 1511, Michael Jann 1511, Casparus Kerner 1511, Georgius Kirichmair 1511, Johannes Perchielschmidt 1512, Wolfgangnus Krieger 1512, Rudpertus Rigler 1512, Georgius Seldner 1512, Johannes Stain 1512, Georgius Weittinger 1513, Stephanus Kastenbauer, O.E.S.A. 1513, Sebastianus Petsoldt


1514, 1514, 1515, 1515, 1515, 1515, 1515, 1515, 1515, 1515, 1515, 1516, 1516, 1516, 1516, 1516, 1516, 1516, 1516, 1516, 1517, 1517, 1517, 1518, 1518, 1518, 1518,

Johannes Gluckh Ludovicus Iungprecht Wolfgangus Güntzeller Lucas Heytaler Sebastianus Moshamer Johannes Pachmair Johannes Pair Ulricus Peytel Georgius Schockhel Gregorius Sennfft Georgius Waldner Erhardus Amman Conradus Baumgartner Johannes Gartner Wolfgangus Laberer Mathaeus Smidlein Cristoferus Suchainagel Casparus Wild Wolfgangus Windeschrawr Johannes Zwinger Rudolfus Dachauer Ulricus Lechner Anshelmus Prenner Sebastianus Aufhawser Georgius Gran Leonardus Neysinger Leonardus Part

4/10/2008 2:41:26 PM


–1374 1375– 1400 – 1410 – 1420 – 1430 – 1440 – 1450 – 1460 – 1470 – 1480 – 1490 – 1500 – 1510 – 99 09 19 29 39 49 59 69 79 89 99 09 19

Totals

9 3 46 4 15 10 1 37 27 4 1 2 11 7 39 18 191 144 8 7 118 101 1 2 1 20 7 4 2 2 17 8 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 404 356

Totals

34 3 37 22 32 18 36 24 33 23 34 20 56 41 96 84 81 59 125 92 101 82 83 76 76 61 112 94 939 698

Basel 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 Bologna 28 1 2 1 1 2 3 3 4 2 1 2 2 Cologne 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 7 2 Dôle 1 Erfurt 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 5 3 3 1 8 7 3 1 4 4 3 3 2 Ferrara 1 1 2 Florence 1 1 Freiburg 3 3 4 3 2 3 1 Heidelberg 2 6 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 4 2 1 1 1 5 4 6 3 5 3 Ingolstadt 48 34 54 44 27 24 27 19 35 27 Krakow 2 2 3 2 3 3 Leipzig 1 1 2 1 1 1 10 8 16 13 27 22 6 6 11 9 14 15 8 8 20 16 Montpellier 1 Oxford 1 1 1 Padua 2 1 5 1 6 2 5 1 2 2 Paris 1 1 1 1 1 1 Pavia 1 Prague 4 1 8 4 5 4 Rome 1 1 Rostock 1 1 Siena 1 1 Toulouse 1 Tübingen 1 1 Verona 1 Vienna 19 16 16 10 28 23 25 20 26 16 37 31 70 68 29 27 38 34 18 17 28 27 27 25 42 41

University

APPENDIX IV

“REGENSBURG” UNIVERSITY STUDENTS TABLES AND MAPS1

1 The numbers in bold represent those who likely originated from within the city or immediate environs, the second set of numbers represents the total number of university matriculants identified as coming from Regensburg (many of the latter were nobles who held canonries in the cathedral, but came from outside the city). I have tried not to include those who were from the diocese of Regensburg, although this may not always have been possible.

4/11/2008 6:52:24 PM


29 32 18 5

35 36 24 19

50 33 23 25

53 34 20 19

67 56 41 32

86 96 84 39

116 81 59 53

124 125

128 193 911 92 101 82 83 76 677 519 113 113 161 579

Totals

2 The numbers for Augsburg are based on Rolf Kießling, “Das gebildete Bürgertum und die Kulturelle Zentralität Augsburgs,” in Studien zum Städtischen Bildungswesen, 585. Kießling uses numbers originally found in Ernst Gebele, “Augsburger auf hohen Schulen,” in Zeitschrift der Historischen Vereins für Schwaben und Neuburg, 53 (1938), 41–121. Gebele’s numbers include a significant number of individuals whose origins are clearly from outside Augsburg, especially noble cathedral canons and other ecclesiastical officials. His numbers are also one year off from those of Regensburg and Ulm (i.e. 1401–1410 etc. rather than 1400–1409). 3 As with the chart Regensburg University Students to 1519, the first figure represents the total number of individuals either from Regensburg or those holding a benefice within the city at the time of their matriculation. The second figure excludes noble canons and others with only nominal ties to the city. 4 Gottfried Geiger, Die Reichsstadt Ulm vor der Reformation, in Forschungen zur Geschichte der Stadt Ulm, vol. 11 (Ulm: 1971), 49.

Augsburg2 Regensburg3 Ulm4

1400 –09 1410 –19 1420 –29 1430 –39 1440 –49 1450 –59 1460 –69 1470 –79 1480 –89 1490 –99

Fifteenth-century University Matriculants: Augsburg, Regensburg, and Ulm

368 appendix iv

4/11/2008 6:52:26 PM


56 44 37

Leipzig

Freiburg

12

14

17

Erfurt

Leipzig

Vienna

Ingolstadt

Vienna

25

7/5

25/21

46/40

81/64

Total by Univ.

80

28/19

Ingolstadt

Erfurt

90/71

University

% of total Mat.

12

Leipzig

129/91

Total by Univ.

105

Heidelberg

14

Ingolstadt

316/264

University

131

Ingolstadt

15

Vienna

Regensburg 1480–1499

138

Leipzig

30

Total by Univ.

Augsburg 1481–1500

270

Vienna

University

% of total Mat.

University

Total by Univ.

Regensburg

Augsburg

4/3

14/14

25/27

44/44

% of total Mat.

4/4

13/15

19/18

46/55

% of total Mat.

Ingolstadt

Vienna

Erfurt

Tübingen

University

41

48

60

74

Total by Univ.

58

100

110

131

Total by Univ.

Ulm 1480–1499

Ingolstadt

Erfurt

Tübingen

Vienna

University

Ulm

Fifteenth-century matriculations by University: Augsburg, Regensburg, and Ulm

15

18

22

27

% of total Mat.

10

17

19

23

% of total Mat.

“regensburg”

university students tables and maps 369

4/11/2008 6:52:27 PM

370

appendix iv

Regensburg Office-holding Families and University Study

Family Name

Years Active in City Gov’t.

Student

University(ies)

Years

Altmann

1378–1485

Amman

1307–1485

Johann Sebastian Georg Erasmus Johann Caspar Emmeram Peter Johann Bartholomew Wolfgang Leonhard Erhard Hartwic Leonard Johann Nicholas Conrad Erhard Jacobus Johannes Georg5 Athanasius Georg Gran? Georg Leonard Peter Conrad Mathias Wolfgang Wolfgang Stephan Leonard Heinrich Wolfgang

Ingolstadt Ingolstadt Vienna Vienna; Padua Vienna Ingolstadt Ingolstadt Vienna Vienna Vienna Vienna Vienna Vienna Vienna Heidelberg/Vienna Vienna Vienna Vienna Vienna Vienna Ingolstadt ??? Ingolstadt Vienna Vienna Vienna; Ingolstadt Leipzig Vienna Vienna Vienna Erfurt Ingolstadt Ingolstadt Ingolstadt, Vienna Ingolstadt

1473 1488 1454 1457; 1470 1481 1481 1486 1491 1493 1495 1511 1516 1395 1405; 1450 1470 1516 1499 1414 1480 ??? 1493 1518 1462 1468; 1493 1395 1426 1478 1507 1508 1519 1501, 1507

auf Donau (Propst) 1324–1429 Baumgartner

1423–1485

Frank Friesheimer

1485 1478

Grafenreuter Graner Haller Hofmeister

1315–1518 1354–1429 1295–1429 1349–1417

Huber

1391–1427

Kurtz

1427–28

1464

1407

1472

1505

5 A Magister Georg Frieshaimer was party to a complaint directed to the papal curia against the dean of the Alte Kapelle, Georg Gneucker, in 1495. See Urk. AK. I #1303: 31 Jan 1495. From the context magister clearly refers to an academic rank and is not simply honorific. He was the brother of Friedrich Frieshaimer who held a position in the city council in 1478 and the nephew of Conrad Trunkel who was described as “Bürger des stadt Rattes zu Regensburg.” He is probably the same as the Trunkel without first name who appears as a member of the city council in Gemeiner III, 433.


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“regensburg”

university students tables and maps

371

(cont.) Family Name


Lech

1312–1414

Leskircher

1485

Loebel (Leb)

1287–1387

Meller

1334–1419

Müldorfer

1485

Notscherf

1400–1485

Partner Pfister Portner

1443–44 1480– 1367–1518

Prenner

1359–1381

Rehaver (Rechauer) Saller

1424–88

Sittauer Sterner Straubinger

1338–1485 1407–1412 1293–1417

Trainer

1391–1500

Trunkel Weinzürl Weispekch

1475 1409 1395


1415–20

Student

University(ies)

Heinrich Vienna/Erfurt Lechner? Ulrich Vienna Lechner? Jeronimus Leipzig Wolfgang Leipzig; Vienna Leonard Vienna Augustinus Ingolstadt Georg Prague Caspar Vienna Ulrich Vienna Michael Vienna Gregor Leipzig Caspar Basel Johannes Ingolstadt Augustinus Ingolstadt Achatius Ingolstadt Georg Partner Vienna Wolfgang Vienna ff. Wolfgang Ingolstadt; Padua Leonhard Ingolstadt Johann Ingolstadt Heinrich Ingolstadt Georg Heidelberg Fridericus Vienna; Prague Anselm Vienna Hans Vienna Sebald Vienna Vienna Heinrich Vienna Ulrich Georg Vienna Michael Ingolstadt Ingolstadt Erhard Wolfgang Ingolstadt Paul Vienna Paris Ulrich Ulrich Bologna Georg Vienna Ingolstadt Emmeram ff. Vitus Ingolstadt Ingolstadt Johannes Vienna Johannes (same as above?) Ambrosius Ingolstaddt Laurencius Ingolstadt Vienna Jacobus Symon Vienna Conradus Vienna

Years 1418; 1423 1517 1456 1492; 1492 1450 1480 1400–1408 1421 1413 1443 1457 1492 1492 1480 1487 1501 1497 1476; 1487 1476 1488 1488 1495 1391–1405 1517 1461 1462 1392 1401 1420 1481 1514 1473 1470 1313 1353 1412 1478 1491 1492 1495 1480 1482 1400 1407 1455

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372

appendix iv

(cont.) Family Name


Student

University(ies)

Years

Wepeis Widmann

1479 1394–1415

Wild

1384–1385

Zeller

1378–1480

Zolff?

1400’s

Leonard Johann Conrad Mathias Theodore Leonard Georg Wolfgang Caspar Leonard Leonard Wolfgang Leonard

Ingolstadt Vienna Freiburg Vienna Vienna Ingolstadt Vienna Leipzig Vienna Vienna Ingolstadt Ingolstadt Ingolstadt

1474 1414 1461 1477 1497 1512 1462 1490 1516 1454 1476 1476 1476


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Paris (1)

Montpellier (1)


Map 3: Regensburg University Attendance to 1375.

Bologna (27)

Regensburg

Prague (3)

“regensburg”

university students tables and maps 373

4/11/2008 6:52:27 PM


Paris (2)

Oxford (2)

Bologna (11)

Verona (1)

Heidelberg (13)

Prague (14) Regensburg

Rome (1)

Siena (1)

Padua (11)

Erfurt (6)

Vienna (152)

Map 4: Regensburg University Attendance 1376–1449.

Cologne (3)

Leipzig (15)

374 appendix iv

4/11/2008 6:52:28 PM


Toulouse (1)

Paris (1)

Tübingen (1)

Regensburg

Bologna (5)

Padua (11)

Siena (1)

Rome (1)

Ferrara (1)

Ingolstadt (130)

Heidelberg (12)

Erfurt (22)

Vienna (181)

Krakow (4)

university students tables and maps

Map 5: Regensburg University Attendance 1440–1499.

Pavia (2)

Basel (8)

Freiburg (8)

Cologne (10)

Leipzig (71)

“regensburg”

375

4/11/2008 6:52:28 PM


Toulouse (1)

Paris (4)

Oxford (2)

Prague (17)

Krakow (4)

Vienna (334)

Map 6: Regensburg University Attendance to 1499.

Rome (2)

Bologna (43)

Padua (19)

Siena (2)

Ferrara (2)

Verona (2)

Ingolstadt (130)

Regensburg

Erfurt (28)

Heidelberg (25) Tübingen (1)

Pavia (2)

Basel (8)

Freiburg (8)

Cologne (13)

Leipzig (85)

376 appendix iv

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INDEX

abcedarius, 51 Abraham ben-Moses, 81 Absperg, Carolus de, 176, 254, 354, 355, 356, 359 Absperger, Henricus, 188, 254, 301, 360, 632 Adelard of Bath, 108 Admonitio generalis, 90, 93, 104, 107 Aesop’s Fables, 1, 35, 44, 87, 112 Agnes (Engel) die Schulmeisterin, 10, 77, 106, 129, 250 Ahakirche (Regensburg), 157, 197, 250 Albert IV (Duke of Bavaria), 48, 165, 274, 292 Albertus (lector O.E.S.A), 70, 225 Albertus Magnus: bishop of Regensburg, 115, 170 lector, Regensburg Dominicans, 60, 65, 129, 170, 236 university study and, 134, 168 works of, in Regensburg libraries, 49, 60, 65, 66, 69, 118, 119 Albert of Saxony, 58, 119 Alexander of Hales, 56, 69, 118, 192 Alexander de Villa Dei, 43, 44, 67, 108, 110, 111 Alte Kapelle, 18 influence of humanism in, 190 library of. See libraries, Regensburg, Alte Kapelle Regensburg citizens as canons of, 189 school buildings, 32, 35 schools of, 19, 21, 24, 31–35: bequests for scholars in, 33–34, 159, 204, 335. See also, Stirsdorfferin, Anna, Zollner, Dietrich, Heringen, Rudolf Volkard von; boycott by Regensburg city council of, 4, 31, 137, 154. See also school festivals, Bischofsspiel; grammar instruction in, 34, 35, 155; number of students in, 155, 343; Regensburg citizenry in, 31, 134; statutes of, 34; teaching personnel of, 26, 32, 33, 34, 131, 132, 205, 219, 224 university study by canons of, 175, 188–190, 201

SHEFFLER_Index_407-417.indd 407

Altheiden, Michael, 128, 238 Amberga, Henricus de, 173, 256, 354 Amman, Casparus, 183, 201, 256, 356, 370 Amman, Emmeramus, 183, 256, 356, 370 Amman, Erasmus, 175, 176, 202, 257, 360, 363, 370. See also Regensburg patriciate, university study and Amman, Friedrich, 44, 45, 108, 109, 116, 190. See also, St. Emmeram, mathematics and natural sciences Amorbach, Benedictine monastery of, 115 amor sciendi, 7, 8, 214 Andreas von Regensburg (historian), 21, 280, 301 education of, 37, 130, 131, 189 execution of Ulrich Grünsleder reported by, 126, 158, 250, 197 works of, translated by Leonard Heff, 140, 205, 251. See also Heff, Leonard anniversary masses, school children and, 3, 24, 139, 150. See also choir service Anselm of Canterbury, 50 Apfelpeck, Michael, 107, 258, 259, 355, 357, 365 Aquinas, Thomas, 65, 66, 69, 118, 119, 280, 287 Arator, 50 Aristotle, 29, 35, 43, 49, 331, 338, 339, 347 Augustinian Hermits, Regensburg and study of, 69, 118 Dominicans, Regensburg, study of by, 65, 66, 241, 331 Astronomy / Astrology, 24, 38, 42, 49, 66, 108, 116, 194, 249, 339 Augsburg, 10, 154, 165 city schools, absence of, 21, 216 grammar schools, size of, 155 university study and, 155, 166, 167, 170, 182, 368, 369 Augustine of Hippo, 50, 87, 88 Augustinian Hermits, 19, 52 general chapter meeting (1290), 19 Regensburg convent: city patronage of, 67, 71, 195, 196; grammar

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408

index

education in, 69; library of. See libraries, Regensburg: Augustinian Hermits; studium, 67–71, 118, 225–227; university study and, 70, 134, 175, 192, 195 Augustinus de Ancona, 119 Avian, fables of, 48, 87, 112 Avignon obedience, 55, 192. See also Schism Avignon, university of, 192 Awmayer, Ulricus, 55, 193, 246 Bamberg, bishop of, 17, 137 Baruch ben-Isaac, 81 Baumgartner, Ulricus, 188, 260, 288, 360 Bebenhauser, Martin, 183, 260, 359 Bebenhauser, Warmund, 183, 261, 359 Behm, Sigismundus, 55, 244 Benedictines, education and, 17, 18, 89, 90, 92, 190 Bernard of Clairvaux, 51 Bernawer, Johannes, 261, 356, 363 Bernawer, Nicolaus, 191, 261, 356 Berthold of Regensburg (O.F.M.), 19, 54, 57, 179, 192 Bertholdus de Askania, 137, 220 Bleumer, Hartmut, 10, 11 Boethius, 35, 38, 40, 43, 48, 86, 87, 110, 112 quadrivial texts of, 49, 50, 108, 248 Bologna, University of, 30, 131, 135, 168, 188, 353, 354, 367, 371, 374–76 Alte Kapelle, cathedral canons at, 188–190 Augustinian Hermits, Regensburg, at, 70, 119, 134, 195, 196, 199 cathedral canons, Regensburg at, 173, 174, 188 Dominicans, Regensburg, at, 193 humanism, influence in, 114, 188 Regensburg students at, 175, 176 St. Emmeram, monks of, and, 41, 115, 172, 190 theological study at, 169, 175 Bonaventure, 49, 50, 56, 119, 192 Boniface VIII, 185 Bonsemblantis of Padua, 119 boycott of ecclesiastical schools, Regensburg city council, 21, 26, 31, 137, 154 Bradwardine, Thomas, 30, 45 Brandstetter, Casparus, 64, 66, 193, 262, 354 Brannburger, Ulricus, 182, 193, 262, 356


Bromberger, Georgius, 175, 176, 177, 263, 360 Bruni Aretino, Leonardo, 1, 35, 43, 111, 261, 338 bürgerliche Bildung, 4, 6, 107, 108, 214 Burghausen, Bertholdus de, 173, 263, 353 Burleigh, Walter, 118, 119 Carmelites, Regensburg, 19 Carmelites, Straubing, 19, 226 Carolingians, educational reforms of, 15, 16, 90, 91 Caspender, Paulus, 190, 263, 309, 358 Cassiodorus, 88, 89 cathedral, Regensburg, 18, 19 statutes of, university study and, 97, 98, 175, 177, 186, 187. See also university study, Regensburg cathedral canons and cathedral schools, decline of, 113 cathedral schools, Regensburg, 19, 26, 27, 29, 83 citizens of Regensburg in, 154 scholars attached to, 25 scolasticus, payments to, 36 school personnel, 26, 27, 30, 113, 227–236; educational level of, 30, 131, 205 Celtis, Conrad, 114, 133, 137, 138, 141, 235 Charlemagne, 16, 90, 104 choir service payments to school children for, 36–37 role of school children in, 20, 26, 96, 97, 111, 199 time spent in, 150 Chunigswert, Albertus, 128, 131, 230 Cicero, 35, 66, 87, 111 city physicians, Regensburg, 203, 204 city schools, 2, 10, 94 Augsburg, absence of, 2, 11, 21, 216 Regensburg, absence of, 21 city scribes, Regensburg, 105, 106, 205 Göttfried, 105 Heff, Leonard, 205 Pänger Erasmus, 204 Platernberger, 306 Rehaver, Johannes, 106, 321 Schönstetter, 204–05 Strauss, Andreas, 336 Classen, Peter, 7, 163 Cliendorf, Petrus de, 128, 238 Cologne, University of, 71, 181, 182, 367, 374, 375, 376

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index Comperti, Conradus, 173, 264, 354 computation church calendar, 38, 42, 43, 93, 107 commercial skills, 96, 107–109 Computus Norimbergensis, 45 Conrad von Braunau, 137, 12, 153, 333 Conrad von Luppburg, 35 Conrad of Megenberg, 22, 171, 207, 210, 214, 231–232 cathedral scolasticus, 30, 131 defense of Jews, 80 description of schools, 38, 102, 111, 112, 121, 125, 130, 146, 149 on poor scholars, 158–59 on the liberal arts, 94, 163 quest for benefices, 171, 207, 232 university study by, 135 vernacular scientific works of, 114 Conrad de Mure, 43, 51 Conrad von Sulzbach (O.F.M.), 55, 56, 192, 193, 245 Courtenay, William J., 55, 147 Crailsheim, school statutes, 148 Cropolt, Blasius, 65, 244 cum ex eo, 172, 185 currency, relative values of, 24 David of Augsburg, 54, 57, 69, 119, 192, 320 Deichsler, Ulricus, 176, 265, 353, 355, 360 deutsche Schulen. See education, vernacular discipline, school, 147–149 Dôle, University of, 176, 254, 354, 367 Dominican provinces, Germany, 59–64 Dominicans education of externs, 117 Regensburg, 19, 52, 58; arts studium, 61, 66, 205; library, see libraries, Regensburg: Dominicans; provincial theological studium, 62, 118; reform of convent, 64, 200; students, 239–244; studia, 60–64, 117; teaching personnel, 60, 62, 128, 236–39; university study by, 134, 193, 236–239 Teutonia, province of, studia: Basel, 61, 63; Bologna, 134; Cologne, 60–64, 66; Freiburg, 61; Friesach, 59, 61; ’s Hertogenbosch, 62, 63; Louvain, 61; Mainz, 61; Speyer, 61; Strasbourg, 60–66; Trier, 61; Vienna, 134; Wimpfen, 63; Wissenbourg, 63; Würzburg, 61 Donatus, Aelius, 1, 44, 50, 51, 85, 98, 109, 110


409

Eberhard Béthune, 38, 43, 110, 111 Eberhardus (scolasticus Alte Kapelle), 130, 219 education, ecclesiastical decrees concerning, 22, 27, 28, 113, 130 Eglof, Johannes, 193, 266, 362 Eichstätt, 55 elementary education Latin liturgy and, 2, 22, 24, 90 Psalter and, 2, 20, 42, 48, 58, 75, 93, 98, 99, 101, 109, 111 reading, 2, 95 song, 3, 24, 29, 95 Ellenpach, Michael, 207, 266, 363 Elsendorfär, Albertus (schoolmaster Prüfening), 50, 123, 246, 247 248 Endres, Rudolf, 10 Ennen, Edith, 5, 93 Ephraim ben-Isaac, 81 Erfurt, University of, 70, 114, 119, 123, 134, 135, 354, 370, 374–376 humanism at, 43 Regensburg Franciscans and, 192 Regensburg students at, 180–184 Schottenkloster and, 191 Erhardi de Eschenbach, Laurencius, 192, 193, 267, 354 Erlbach, Henricus, 35, 224, 267, 268 Es tu scholaris, 59, 100, 110, 112, 148 Ferrara, University of, 175, 176, 188, 190, 354, 357, 375, 376 festivals, school Bischofsspiel ( festum stultorum), 2, 31, 150–153; city support for, 31, 45 Virgatumgehen, 150, 153 Ficino, Marsilius, 44 Florence, University of, 70, 71, 176, 195, 199, 367 Franciscans Regensburg, 17, 52, 54, 133; city patronage of, 56; grammar education in, 56–57, 205; library, see libraries, Regensburg: Franciscans; secular school and, 57, 123, 193; studium in, 56, 117; teaching personnel, 55, 56, 244–245; university study and, 192, 193, 205 Strasbourg, studium, 54–57, 192, 193 Frederick III (Emperor), 106, 165, 201, 203, 272, 321, 340 Freiburg, university of, 64, 180, 194, 199, 355

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410

index

Freising, cathedral school (St. Andreas), 21 Freudemberger, Andreas, 208, 270, 302, 363 Fridman, Martinus, 206, 290, 283, 356 Friedrich von Amberg (O.F.M.), 55, 192 Friesheimer, Georg, 202, 271 Friesheimer, Jacobus, 202, 271, 361, 370 Fulbert of Chartres, 40, 115 Fulda, Benedictine monastery of, 115 Galen, 66 Galfridus Anglicus, 43 Geraldus, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, 27 Geginger, Johannes, 132, 221, 222, 364 Georgius (rector scolarium, Schottenkloster), 46, 251 Gerber, Nicholas, 147, 250 Gerbert of Aurillac, 50, 108, 249 Giles of Rome, 69, 118, 327 Gotzberger, Heinrich, 63, 241 grammar education, 3, 4, 86, 93–95, 100, 109–111, 127, 130, 155, 205, 216 Alte Kapelle, 19, 34, 35 cathedral, 19, 29, 30 Prüfening, 48–49 St. Emmeram, 43–45 St. Mang, 19, 38 Prüll, 50–51 mendicants, 52; Dominicans, 66–69; Franciscans, 57–58 private homes, 82 women, 72–75 Grammar texts, 4, 35, 38, 43, 82, 86–87; humanism and, 99 See also, Alanus de Insulis; Conrad de Mure, Donatus Aelius, Eberhard Béthune; Galfridus Anglicus; Helyas, Peter; Huguccio, John de Garlandia, Priscian Graner, Karl der, 70 Grasser, Johannes, 49, 191, 275, 356 Greek, study of, St. Emmeram Gregory of Rimini, 130 Grendler, Paul, 11 Griespeck, Gregorius, 36 Gross, Johannes, 132, 133, 224, 276, 294, 356 Grundmann, Herbert, 6–8, 163 Grünpeck, Joseph, 216 Grünsleder, Ulrich, 82, 83, 126, 157, 158, 197, 250–51, 314 heresy trial of, 82, 126, 157, 158


Guarinus of Verona, 43 Guido of Arezzo, 50 Haider, Paul, murder of, 208, 270, 277, 302, 306 Härtwig (lector O.E.S.A.), 70, 225 Hartwig of St. Emmeram, 40, 115 Hauweck, Conradus, 128, 193, 278, 354 Heff, Leonardus, 105, 139, 205, 251, 275 Heimlich, Christian, 123, 222 Heino (Regensburg cathedral canon), 158, 173, 174, 318, 353 Heinrich von Langenstein, 180 Helyas, Peter, 38, 43, 110 Henricus de Groningen, 61 Henricus von Rordorf, 137, 220 Henry of Ghent, 65, 66, 118 Hermann Contractus (von Reichenau), 50 Hermann de Gotta, 132, 137, 223 Hersfeld, Benedictine monastery of, 115, 129 Hertt (master of students, O.P.), 128, 238 higher education in Regensburg, 4, 112–120 Benedictines, 116, 117 cathedral, 112–115 mendicants, 117–120 Hildebrandus (lector O.F.M.), 56, 193, 219, 244 Hildesheim, cathedral, 130 Hildesheim, Conrad Duvel von, 114, 115, 120,197, 203, 207, 279, 281, 310, 355, 360, 361, 362 Hiltalingen, John, 119, 313 Hippocrates, 66 Hoege, Otto, 191–281, 356 Hofer, Eberhadus, 179, 282, 360 Hofer, Hanns, 209 Hofer, Johannes (son of Hanns Hofer, Regensburg scribe), 209, 281, 357 Hofmeister, Petrus, 202, 282, 359, 371 Holcot, Robert, 119 Hrabanus Maurus, 86, 113 Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim, 71, 87, 116 Hugh of St. Victor, 56, 66, 69, 101, 248 Hugh of Strasbourg, 118, 119 Hugo of Trimberg, 35, 110, 126 Hugolino of Orvieto, 119 Huguccio, 51 humanism Alte Kapelle and, 35, Regensburg and, 82, 89, 188, 203 Regensburg cathedral and, 114, 188 St. Emmeram and, 43, 111, 116

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index University of Leipzig and, 43 University of Vienna and, 43 Idung of Prüfening, 27, 49, 73, 74, 227 Igeltaler, Heinrich der, 107, 132, 137, 223 Ingolstadt, University of, 35, 49, 64, 65, 175, 180, 190, 355–358, 367, 369–372, 375, 376 cost of study at, 184, 185 Regensburg: Augustinian Hermits at, 195; Dominicans at, 193–194; Franciscans at, 192; patriciate at, 162, 201, 202; schoolmasters at, 132, 135, 136; students at, 162, 181–85, 191, 192 203, 209 Irish monasteries, 88. See also Schottenkloster Isaac ben-Moses, 81 Isidore of Seville, 35, 38, 69 ius ubique docendi, 113 Jacobus de Spinello, 30 Jacobus de Voragine, 69 James of Viterbo, 118 Jerome, St., 50, 89 Jewish community, Cologne, 81 Regensburg, 64, 79, 80; destruction of, 80, 81, 307; education in, 79–81, 83; Synagogue, 19, 79; Yeshiva, 80, 81 Joel ben-Isaac ha-Levi, 81 Johannes (rector puerorum, Alte Kapelle), 32 Johannes de Monte Puellarum (brother of Conrad of Megenberg), 30, 232 Johannes de Rupella, 49 Johannes von Sterngassen, 65, 66, 118 John of Garland, 43, 66, 110, 111 Judenprukhe, Henricus de (de Ponte Judaeorum), 32, 219 Juvencus (Vettius Aquilinus), 50 Kaegerl, Ulrich, 133, 137, 141, 205, 234–35 Kantner, Caspar, 107, 175, 177, 190, 198, 199, 203, 207, 284, 285, 340, 360, 363 Kintzinger, Martin, 10 Klinkebeyl, Jacobus, 136, 234 Klinkenberg, Hans Martin, 6 Kolb, Georgius, 188, 258, 286, 354, 357


411

Koler, Georgius, 65, 238, 287 Krafft, Peter, 133 Krafft, Silvester, 133, 235 Krakow, University of, 195, 200, 358, 367, 375, 376 Kursner, Casparus, 67, 68, 195, 196, 200, 226, 287, 316, 357, 358, 365 Kurtz, Henricus, 202, 287, 288, 357, 365, 370 Lamprecht of Regensburg (O.F.M.), 54, 57, 192 Landshut, 55 Lapide, Henricus de, 173, 174, 289, 354 Lausser, Elzpet, 33 Lechinn, Barbara die, 31 Leipzig, University of, 43, 44, 114, 123, 133, 136, 181, 182 humanism in, 48; Regensburg students at, 162, 182, 358–360; St. Emmeram students at, 190 Leo, Philip, 137, 222 Leonard of Pisa, 108 Leonrod, Carolus, 173, 289, 353 Leskircher, Jeronimus, 130, 290, 309, 358, 371 Leskircher, Wolfgangus, 201, 202, 290, 359, 365, 377 libraries, Regensburg: Alte Kapelle, 34, 35, 190 Augustinian Hermits, 41, 68, 69, 118 Catalogue of 1347, 41, 49, 53, 56, 65, 66, 69, 119, 192 cathedral, 29–30 city library, 114, 119, 120, 215; donations to, 120, 198, 280 Dominicans, 41, 65, 66, 67, 118 exchange of texts, 41 Franciscans, 41, 56, 57 Prüfening, 41, 48–50, 65 Prüll, 41, 51 St. Emmeram, 1, 39, 41, 44–45, 93, 101, 108, 116; Albert Schmidmüln and, 170, 172; librarian at, 40, 44, 116 St. Mang, 38 Liephard of Prüfening, 49 Liephard von Regensburg, 55, 192 Literacy, 3, 5, 8, 93, 98, 130 access to, 72 Latin, 73, 75, 89, 214; female mendicant houses and, 75 rates of, 3, 4, 5, 8–9, 241, 215

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412

index

song scholars and, 98, 130 vernacular, 5, 58, 72, 73, 95, 101, 140, 160, 214. See also vernacular education women and, see women, literacy of Loebel, Ulricus der, 137, 220, 291, 363 Loebel, Wolfgangus, 193, 291, 356 Lohener, Sigismundus, 190, 291, 309, 358 Louvain, University of, 180, 181, 182, 184 Ludolf de Luca, 110 Ludovici, Johannes, 67, 68, 71, 195, 196, 199, 291, 354, 355, 364 Magdeburg, Augustinian Hermits, 134 Maimonides, 66 Mainberger, Johannes, 178, 292, 354, 356, 363 Map, Walter, 45 Marschalk, Johannes, 123, 132, 135, 137, 221, 222, 288, 292, 354, 358 Martianus Capella, 49, 86, 108 Mashallah, 108 mathematical texts, 29, 30, 38, 44, 45, 50, see also, Amman, Friedrich; Boethius, quadrivial texts of; Bradwardine, Thomas; Computus Norimbergensis; Oresme, Nicole; Practica Algorismus Ratisponensis Mauricius (abbot, Regensburg Schottenkloster), 191, 253, 354 Mayrhofer, Johannes, 55, 247 Meczinger, Conradus, 128, 237 medical texts, 38, 44, 66, 194, 204 medicine, city physicians, 195, 203, 204 Meister, Martin, 9 Meller (Mäller): Casparus, 179, 293, 371 Georgius, 179, 202, 293, 360, 371 Wenzeslaus, 55, 245 Mendel, Johannes, 190, 203, 340 mendicants, Regensburg: schools of, 19, 39, 52, 53, 117, 127; See also, Augustinian Hermits, schools of; Dominicans, schools of; Franciscans, Regensburg, schools of Menger, Dionysius, 44, 116 Metempoli, Johannes, 195, 293, 360 Meyer de Ratispona, Hermannus, 134, 293, 360 Miethke, Jürgen, 8 military orders, Regensburg, 20 Mittelmünster (St. Paul’s), Regensburg, 19, 20, 25, 74, 143 scholars attached to, 35


mobility, economic, university study and, 7, 8, 12, 121, 163, 186, 188, 208, 209, 214 mobility, geographic, 53, 121 193 Modler, Leonardus, 65, 176, 193, 244, 294, 361 Molitoris, Augustinus, 71, 176, 294, 295, 360, 365 Molitoris, Wolfgangus, 191, 296, 356 Montpellier, University of, 168, 172, 194 moral instruction, 111, 112 Moraw, Peter, 178, 206 Mückel, Ulricus, 204 Mühlhauser, Leonhardus, 134, 226 Münnerstadt, Johannes de, 100, 193, 354 Nicholas of Cusa, 42, 45, 47, 302 Nicholas of Laun, 68, 71, 87, 118, 195 Niedermünster, Regensburg, 13, 19, 20 education of women in, 73–74 reform of, 54 Schottenkloster and, 43 Niederviehbach, 76 Nigri: Georgius, 65, 193, 238, 397, 356 Johannes, 64, 70, 80, 194, 297, 356 Petrus, 64, 80, 194, 297, 298 notaries, ecclesiastical, 106, 130, 140, 219, 223, 250, 258, 274, 311 notaries, 107 132, 229, 272, 275, 340 ecclesiastical, 106, 130, 140, 219, 223, 250, 258, 274, 311 public, 107, 198, 203, 205, 206, 233, 285, 328 notary, 107, 132, 229, 272, 275, 340 Nothafft, Georgius, 188, 298, 356, 360 Nuremberg, 41, 138, 139, 156, 165 167, 170 schools of, 139, 148, 149 Obermünster, education of women at, 19, 20, 73 oral instruction, continued importance of, 99 Oresme, Nicole, 30, 45, 119 Otto (lector O.E.S.A.), 70, 225 Otloh of St. Emmeram, 40, 86, 98, 103, 115, 129, 147 Ovid, 38, 48, 56, 87 Oxford, University of, 360, 367, 374, 376 Dominican studium at, 117 Mendicants at, 52 Regensburg Augustinian Hermits at, 70, 118, 119, 134, 175, 176, 179, 195, 196

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index Padua, University of, 114, 193, 198–203, 207, 208, 360, 367, 371, 374–376 German students at (before the fourteenth century), 168, 172 Regensburg students at, 134–135, 175–177, 183, 188, 360 pagan authors: medieval education and, 86–89 works spuriously attributed to, 87. See also Pseudo-Cato; Pseudo-Ovid; Pseudo-Vergil, Pseudo-Seneca Panholz, Leonard, 247–249, 266 schoolmaster, Prüll, 51, 101, 123, 133, 207 schoolmaster, Regensburg Franciscans, 57, 101, 123, 133, 143 university study by, 133, 134, 193, 205, 207 works copied by, 58, 79, 140 Paris, University of, 30, 70, 71, 134, 135, 168, 179, 180, 367, 373–376 Conrad of Megenberg at, 131, 135, 171, 207 German students at, 70 Parish schools, 10, 22–24 Parsberger (Upper Palatinate noble family), 183, 254 Fridericus, 114, 115, 135, 136, 183, 234, 300–301, 351, 361 Georgius, 300 Henricus, 128, 135, 136, 183, 208, 234, 254, 270, 272, 301, 302, 306, 362 Johannes, 135, 136, 183, 234, 311 Part, Ulricus, 44, 111, 114, 188, 208, 272, 288, 301–302 Paulstorffer, 208, 302, 303 Erasmus, 58 Georgius, 135, 136, 235, 303, 356 Lupoldus, 303, 355 Pavia, University of, 114, 172, 176, 360, 367, 375, 376, 203, 360, 367 Perugia, University of, 114 Peter the Chanter, 49–50 Peter Comestor, 117, 339 Peter of Dacia, 108 Peter Hispanus, 35, 64, 66, 154, 224, 262, 267 Peter Lombard, 41, 56, 117, 309 commentaries in Regensburg libraries: Augustinian Hermits, 68; Dominicans, 118; Franciscans, 192; St. Emmeram, 41 Sentences of, lectures on: Augustinian


413

Hermits, Regensburg, 69, 117; cathedral, Regensburg, 114; Dominicans, Regensburg, 62, 64, 134, 194, 238, 287; Franciscans, Regensburg, 56, 246 Peter Thomae, 119 Petrarch, 43, 44, 111 Peyne, Johannes de, 179, 305, 360 Pfeffenhauser, Friedrich, 63 Pferinger, Johannes, 71 Pföllinger, Michael, 58, 100 Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius (Pius II), 43, 44, 111, 114, 329 Piccolomini, Francesco Todeschini (Pius III), 114 Pico della Mirandolo, 35 Pindar, 111, 338 Pirckheimer, Thomas, 114 Pirenne, Henri, 5, 9, 10 plague: Conrad of Megenberg on, 80, 11, 231, 232 university attendance, impact on, 161, 181–183 Platernberger: Conrad, 209 Georgius, 209, 306, 365 Platner, Leonardus, 208, 302, 306, 363 Plessing, Conrad, 34, 221, 258 poor scholars: support for, 23, 24, 101, 158, 159 university study and, 136, 172, 178, 183, 184 Porphyry, 48–49 Portner: Georgius, 307, 365, 371 Henricus, 307, 357, 371 Johannes, 207, 307, 308, 357, 371 Leonardus (Regensburg mayor), 201, 307, 308 Leonardus (son of Regensburg mayor), 201, 307, 308, 356, 371 Wolfgangus (son of Regensburg mayor), 175–177, 188, 201–203 307, 308, 327, 332, 360, 371 Pötzlinger, Hermann, 308–309, 345 humanist influence on, 43 library of, 42–43 St. Emmeram, school master of, 42, 125, 138, 190, 249 scribal activities of, 140 university study of, 116, 133, 134, 205, 358, 362 Practica Algorismus Ratisponensis, 45, 96, 107–108 Prague University of, 360, 367, 373, 374, 376

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414

index

accessibility of university study, impact on, 161, 178 Augustinian Hermits, Regensburg at, 70, 71, 118, 179, 195 cathedral canons, Regensburg, at, 188 Regensburg patriciate at, 202 Regensburg students at, 135, 165 168, 171 Preiser, Albertus, 124, 125, 128, 221, 348 Prenner, Fidericus, 179, 360, 361, 371 Prew, Conrad, 55, 245 Prew, Heinrich, 116, 190 Priscian, 3, 44, 48, 50, 66, 85, 86, 99, 110 private schools, 3, 21, 26, 83, 83, 90, 95, 100, 126 girls in, 72, 77, 78 Jewish, 80 Propst (auf Donau), Eberhard, 157 Propst (auf Donau), Leonardus, 197, 279, 310, 355, 361 Prosper of Aquitaine, 50 Pruckenham (Pruckhay), Johannes, 190, 311, 360, 364 Prudentius, Psychomachia, 50, 112 Pruensser, Conradus, 64, 238 Prüfening, Benedictine convent of, 17, 31, 47 library of, see libraries, Regensburg: Prüfening schools of, 49–50, 83, 123 scriptorium, 104 size of, 49 university study and, 191 Prüll, 17, 133 abbot of, Christoph Welser, 51 Carthusian reforms of, 17, 52, 173, 247 library of, see libraries, Regensburg: Prüll schools of, 51, 83, 123; teaching personnel in, 51, 205, 249 scriptorium, 104 Psalter, as school text, 2, 98, 101, 111 German translations of, 75, 101; see also vernacular, education Pseudo-Albertus Magnus, 148 Pseudo-Boethius, 43, 67, 87, 112 Pseudo-Cato, 3, 43, 44, 87, 109, 112 Pseudo-Ovid, 87 Pseudo-Seneca, 1, 87 Pseudo-Vergil, 87 Puchhauser, Berthold, 38, 312–14 execution of Ulrich Grünsleder, role in, 158, 197, 250–51


lector, Augustinian Hermits, 70, 71, 196, 225 texts copied by, 119 university study by, 118, 134, 175, 196, 353, 360, 361; Regensburg, city of, support for, 67, 196, 312–314 writings of, 119, 313, 314 Purchofer, Erhardus, 133, 137, 141, 234, 264, 314, 330, 361 Pyburgerin (Piburgerin), Alhayt di, 159 quadrivium, 29, 49, 50, 86, 111, 115, 123, 248 Quintillian, 35 Rab, Johannes, 57 Raider, Conradus, 128, 237 Ratispona, Andreas de (Regensburg cathedral treasurer), 128, 315, 353 Ratispona, Andreas de (student University of Prague), 179, 315, 360 Ratispona, Andreas de, O.P., 193, 243, 315, 354 Ratispona, Andreas de, O.P. (sentenciarius, O.P.), 128, 134, 193, 243 Ratispona, Augustinus de, O.E.S.A., 195. See also, Augustinus Molitoris Ratispona, Bertholdus, 179, 316, 360 Ratispona, Casparus de, O.E.S.A., 70, 134, 206, 226, 316. See also Kursner, Casparus Ratispona, Casparus de, O.P., 193, 316, 360 Ratispona, Christianus (St. Emmeram), 172, 190, 316, 353 Ratispona, Conradus de (student University of Prague), 179, 317, 360 Ratispona, Conradus de, O.P., 193, 243, 317, 361 Ratispona, Fridericus de, O.E.S.A., 70, 225, 317, 318, 353, 354, 360, 361 Ratispona, Henricus de (student University of Bologna), 173, 318, 353 Ratispona, Hugo de (St. Emmeram), 172, 174, 190, 318, 353 Ratispona, Johannes de (canon of St. Johann) Ratispona, Johannes de, O.E.S.A., 195, 227 Ratispona, Lubertus de, 188, 319, 353 Ratispona, Nicolaus de, O.E.S.A., 70, 134, 226, 319 Ratispona, Otto de (student, university of Bologna), 173, 319, 353

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index Ratispona, Otto de (student, university of Prague), 179, 319, 360 Ratispona, Petrus de, O.E.S.A., 176, 195, 319, 360 Ratispona, Rudgerus de (student university of Bologna), 173, 320, 353 Ratispona, Stephanus de (rector Lenoltingen) 173, 353 Ratispona, Ulricus de (O.E.S.A.), 70 Ratispona, Wernherus de (rector in Gebenbach), 173, 320, 353 Ratispona, Wernherus (student, university of Prague), 173, 179, 320, 353, 360 Rederer, Johannes, 30, 131, 173, 231–33, 320, 321, 353 Reformatio Sigismundi, 23, 75, 107 Regeldorffer, Erhardus, 209, 321, 362 Regensburg civic servants, university-trained, 201, 203–206, 306, 321, 336 patriciate, 12, 16, 162; university study and, 179, 200–202, 370–72 political turmoil in impact on university study, 165 Rehaver, Johannes, 101, 201, 204, 205, 321, 364, 371 Reich, Mathias, 152 Reynbach, Johannes de, 179, 322, 360 rhetoric, schools of, 85 Riboto, 32, 220, 223 Riché, Pierre, 85 Rome: University of, 70, 176, 195, 360–61, 367, 374–76 Augustinian Hermits, studium in, 134 Rörig, Fritz, 5, 9, 10 Rothenburg, city school in, 10 Rosenheim, Petrus de, 64, 128, 134, 193, 238, 323, 353, 354, 362 Sack, Johannes, 56, 134, 192, 245 Sacrobosco, Johannes de, 1, 38, 42, 44, 86, 108, 118, 171 St. Blasius. See Dominicans, Regensburg St. Cassian, Regensburg, 23, 24, 83 St. Emmeram, Benedictine monastery of, 16, 17 library, mathematics texts in, 42–45, 108, 108, 116, 190, 214; see also libraries, Regensburg: St. Emmeram scholars of, choir service by, 40, 41, 45 schools of, 39–42, 83, 154; Regensburg city support of, 45, 46; size of, 45; teachers in, 40–42, 45, 125


415

scriptorium, 39, 44, 104 size of convent, 40 university study and, 41, 44, 115, 190, 191, 205 St. Johann, Regensburg, 18 choir service by scholars of, 35–37 cathedral scolasticus, payments by chapter to, 36, 125 schools of, 35, 83, 124; statutes of, 35–36 university study by canons of, 175, 188 St. Mang, Regensburg (Stadtamhof ), 18, 37, 189 library of, see libraries, Regensburg: St. Mang schools of, 37, 83; personnel in, 37, 249, 250 St. Paul’s, Regensburg, see Mittelmünster St. Salvator, see Franciscans, Regensburg St. Stephan’s Vienna, school of, 83, 98, 109 St. Ulrich’s, Regensburg, 24, 83 Salamanca, University of, 64, 194, 213 Sallust, 35, 87, 112, 338 Satelpoger: Conradus, 131, 135, 136, 179, 238, 324, 360 Stephanus, 179, 325, 360 Scheffel, Gotfridus, 172, 190, 325, 353 Schenck, Casparus, 138, 272, 326, 360 Schlichtpacher, Johann, 42, 49 Schlick, Franciscus, 188, 327, 353, 363 Schmidmüln, Albert von Schmidner, Johannes, 175–177, 188, 308, 323, 327, 328, 332, 355, 360 Schieser, Michael, Schism, 176, 179, 180. See also, Avignon obedience Schönprunner, Marcus, 56, 134, 192, 193, 205, 206 246, 328, 329, 363 school year, organization of, 146–47 schools, Regensburg, city support of, 31, 33–34, 39 Schottenkloster, Regensburg, 18, 45 daughter houses, 18, 191 schools of, 39, 49, 83; statutes of, 47, 97; teaching personnel in, 47, 123, 125, 250 universities and, 191 scriptorium, 18, 46, 104 size of convent, 47 Schrotel, Johannes, 75, 188, 190, 199, 260, 288, 329, 340, 354, 360 Schulstreit, 9–11, 21, 22, 93 Schwartz, Johannes, (O.E.S.A.), 70, 226

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416

index

Schwinges, R. C., 7, 8, 136 scolasticus, responsibilities of, 26, 28, 122 scribes: education of, 106, 204, 205 employment of, 78, 82, 103, 104–07, 204–205 women as, 105 Sedulius, 50 Semeler, Marquardus, 64, 242 Seneca (Lucius Annaeus), 35, 44, 49, 66, 87 Siena, university of, 134, 176, 195, 361, 367, 374–76 Siger, Jacobus, 193, 244, 331, 354 Sittauer: Christoph, 202 Erhardus, 137, 220, 221 Wolfgangus, 202, 332, 356, 371 Snoeder, Georgius, 190, 332, 355, 360 Soisson, cathedral school in, 28 Stauffer, Albertus, 131, 135, 136, 179, 198, 234, 324, 333–334, 349, 360 Stirdorfferin (Stiersdorferin), Anna, 159, 335 Stöckel, Johannes, 132, 205, 224, 246, 355, 363 Straubinger, Ulricus (student Paris), 164, 169, 174 Straubinger, Ulricus (cathedral scolasticus), 136, 164, 233, 336 students: Regensburg, numbers of, 154, 155, 214 terminology, 162; roles of, 144 Stuhlschreiber, 105, 140, 250–52 Stuttgart, school statues, 148 succentors, role in school, 29, 34, 126 Sumpringer, Johann, 55 Swaiger, Erasmus, 192, 338, 357 Swaiger, Nicholas, 24, 143 Synod of Aachen, 91, 93 Synod of Salzburg, 152 Synagogue, Regensburg, see Jewish community, Regensburg, synagogue teaching personnel: educational level of, 130, 132–36 ecclesiastical benefices and, 141 locati (ushers), 34, 41, 42, 123, 126 salaries of, 138, 139 scolasticus, 3, 26 scribes and, 139, 140 social background of, 136 terminology for, 28, 121–29 Teckendorfer, Ulricus, 55, 246 Tegernpeck, Johannes: abbot of St. Emmeram, 43, 191, 338


humanism and, 43, 111, 338 texts copied by, 43, 44, 111, 338 texts purchased by, 262, 338–39 university study by, 43, 111, 116, 190, 338–39, 359 Tegernsee, Benedictine monastery of, 102, 115, 129 textbooks, printed, use in classroom, 100 Theodolus, Eclogues, 48 Theophilus, 66. See also, medical texts Thomas of Cantimpré, 171 time, medieval conceptions, of 144, 145 Tolhopf, Johannes, 114, 115 Totting, Heinrich von Oyta, 180, 320 Toulouse, University of, 65, 176, 361, 367, 375, 376 Trabolt, Johannes: friendship with Kantner, Casparus, 177, 203 service to city of Regensburg by, 199, 203, 207, 270, 285 texts donated to Regensburg Augustinian Hermits by, 203 university study by, 177, 203, 260, 339, 340, 355–57, 360 trivium, 4, 48, 111, 129, 142 Troglin, Henricus, 128, 238 Tröster, Johannes, 114, 190, 203, 268, 329, 340, 341, 360, 362 Tübingen, University of, 180, 182, 184, 361 Ulm: Dominican studium in, 59, 61, 99 population of, 15, 166 school statutes from, 145, university study in, see university study: Ulm Ulrich of Straubing, O.E.S.A., 70 Umtuer, Dietrich, 74 Umtuer, Elizabeth, 74 Umtuer, Ulrich, 74, 243 university choice: family connections and, 183 impact of geography on, 168–69, 182 university, effort to establish in Regensburg, 48, 274 university-trained civil servants in Regensburg, 201, 203–06, 306, 321, 336 universities, faculty of law, 135, 177, 202 faculty of medicine, 135, 163, 175, 177, 202 faculty of theology, 135 German, 4, 161, 178, 180, 182 origins of, 7

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index social mobility and, 7, 163, 174, 177. See also, mobility, social and economic university study: Augsburg attendance patterns, 166, 167, 170 barriers to, 172 ecclesiastical benefices and, 135, 173, 185, 206 mendicant friars and, 162, 175. See also individual convents patronage networks and, 207–09 Regensburg, city support of, 71, 195, 197–200 Regensburg citizenry and, 168, 177 Regensburg patriciate and, 162, 200–202, 370–72 Regensburg political turmoil and, 165–67 Regensburg schoolmasters and, 205. See also teaching personnel, educational level of Regensburg students and, 164–166, 169, 174, 180, 182 study abroad, 174–75 Ulm and, 166, 167, 182 Valla, Lorenzo, 35 Vargas, Alfonsus, 131 Velber, Johannes, 132, 135, 205, 206, 222, 223, 285, 308 Venice, Regensburg trade with, 33, 169, 179, 326 Verger, Jacques, 209 Vergil, 87, 111, 216 vernacular: education, 10, 58, 75, 95, 100, 101, 129 preaching, 54 prohibition of use in schools, 2, 10 Verona, university of, 63, 70 ,175, 176, 193, 361, 367, 374, 376 Augustinian Hermits at, 70, 175 Versoris, Johannes, 64, 338 via antiqua, 118, 299 via moderna, 118, 268, 292, 334 vicars choral, 29, 97, 121, 126, 139, 150 educational level of, 98, 206


417

Vienna, university of, 43, 70, 71, 119, 133, 134, 136, 170, 361–372, 374–76 faculty of medicine, 176, 177, 202 humanism at, 43, 51 Regensburg students at, 162, 181, 182, 361–372, 374–76 schism and, 179–80 Villingen, Dominican convent of, 55 Vincent of Beauvais, 43 Volkard von Heringen, Rudolf, 33, 34, 204, 330, 336, 343, 353, 354, 362 Wagner, Laurencius, 193 Wagener, Ulricus, 176, 344, 360 wandering scholars, 40, 54, 155–57 Wasserburger, Ulricus, 128, 237 Welser, Christoph, abbot of Prüll, 51 Weltinburger, Simon, 201, 345, 362 Werner of Regensburg (O.F.M.), 54, 57, 192 Winckler, Wolfgangus, 114, 115 Winckler, Johannes, 192, 347, 356 Wirnher (lector O.E.S.A.), 70, 225 Wirsing, Fridericus, 128, 132, 135, 221, 347, 348 Wirtenberger, Georg, 206, 348, 356 Woller, Ulrich, 68, 70, 225 Women, education of, 71–77 Augustinian Hermits, Viehbach, 76 Regensburg citizens and, 74 vernacular, 73 See also, scribes, women as women, religious houses of, 19, 20, 74 writing, teaching of, 2, 95, 101–104 Zehentner, Christian, 107 Zehentner, Johann, 107 Latin grammar, 72–75 mendicant houses and, 75 Zehentner, Nicholas, 107 Zenger, Johannes, 179, 333, 349, 360 Zirckendorffer, Fridericus, 206, 350, 359 Zirckendorffer, Georgius, 206 Zollner Leonardus, 175, 354, 365 Zollner, Dietrich, 20, 75, 101, 159

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