Reasons for Living Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality. A handbook.
Marisa Craw...
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Reasons for Living Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality. A handbook.
Marisa Crawford and Graham Rossiter
ACER Press
First published 2006 by ACER Press Australian Council for Educational Research Ltd 19 Prospect Hill Road, Camberwell, Victoria, 3124 Copyright © Marisa Crawford and Graham Rossiter 2006 All rights reserved. Except under the conditions described in the Copyright Act 1968 of Australia and subsequent amendments, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publishers. Edited by Venetia Somerset Cover and text design by Mason Design Typeset by Mason Design Printed by Shannon Books National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication data: Crawford, Marisa L. Reasons for living : education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality : a handbook. Bibliography. Includes index. For tertiary students. ISBN 9780864316134. ISBN 0 86431 613 5. 1. Religious education of young people. 2. Moral education. 3. Meaning (Psychology) - Study and teaching. 4. Identity (Psychology) - Study and teaching. 5. Spirituality - Study and teaching. I. Rossiter, Graham M. II. Title. 370.114 Visit our website: www.acerpress.com.au
Table of Contents
iii v xvii xx xxii xxiv xxv xxv
Contents – Summary Contents Tables and Figures Foreword by Professor Brian V Hill Preface Acknowledgments About the authors Comments on Reasons for Living
Contents–Summary Part 1
Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
1
1 Reasons for living: Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
3
Part 2
Meaning, identity and spirituality: Analysing the constructs for educational purposes
21
2 The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning 3 The psychological development of meaning and issues related to change and development in meaning 4 The search for meaning 5 The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity 6 Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity 7 Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze 8 From St Ignatius to Obi-Wan Kenobi: An evaluative perspective on spirituality 9 Young people and spirituality: Negotiating the perils of adolescence 10 Educating young people in meaning, identity and spirituality
23
iii
61 80 89 106 129 171 202 228
iv
Contents – Summary
Part 3
Implications for public education: The spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
241
11 The spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum: The evolution in personal development aims for Australian education
12 Expectations of schools for promoting the spiritual and moral development of young people 13 Links between education, personal change and personal learning 14 From theory to practice: Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
243 255 277 299
15 The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development: An educational exploration
322
P a r t 4
Implications for religious education in independent schools (with special reference to Catholic schools)
369
16 Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools: Towards a relevant religious 17 18 19 20
education for the future The quest for personalism and relevance in religious education The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ in Catholic school religious education Religious education and ‘sponsoring’ the development of faith in adolescents Developing staff spirituality: A key component of the identity of religious schools
371 391 409 423 434
P a r t 5
Implications for state-based Religion Studies courses in Australian schools
441
21 Pedagogical background to the development of Religion Studies courses in Australia 22 Relationships between state-based Religion Studies courses and denominational religious
443
education Bibliography Index
468 481 512
Contents
Part 1
Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
1
1 Reasons for living: Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
3
1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5
4 5 8 8
The spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum The search for meaning Identity Spirituality Relationships between meaning, identity and spirituality and their connection with other personal development constructs 1.6 The sociocultural situation and the contemporary search for meaning, identity and spirituality 1.7 Education and ‘reasons for living’ 1.8 The role for school education in relation to young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality 1.9 The importance of teachers’ understanding of issues related to meaning, identity and spirituality 1.10 An education that can promote meaning, identity and spirituality 1.11 A spiritual-moral dimension to good teaching 1.12 Summary: Characteristics of school education that enhance meaning, identity and spirituality
9 10 11 14 16 16 17 18
Part 2
Meaning, identity and spirituality: Analysing the constructs for educational purposes
21
2 The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
23
2.1 The search for meaning 2.2 The search for meaning as a defining human characteristic: Perspectives from anthropology, religion and psychology 2.3 The role of religion 2.4 The role of psychology and psychiatry 2.5 Reason and meaning, and a basic link with education
24 25 26 27 27
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Contents
2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9
Young people and meaning What is ‘meaning’? Towards a typology of meaning Personal meaning: The nature and psychological function of meaning in the individual
28 29 30 30
Str uct ure and f unction
2.9.1 2.9.2 2.9.3 2.9.4 2.9.5 2.9.6 2.9.7
Meaning as personal explanatory theory or interpretation Meaning as personal motivation Meaning as the justification of thinking and behaviour Articulated personal meaning and expressions of meaning Implied personal meaning Emotional meaning Imagination and intuition: Their contribution to meaning
32 32 32 33 34 35 35
C omponents to meaning
2.9.8 Structural components of meaning 2.9.9 Meaning as a set of values 2.9.10 Meaning as beliefs 2.9.11 Religious beliefs 2.9.12 Ultimate meaning 2.9.13 Meaning through religion 2.9.14 Meaning through prayer 2.9.15 Meaning as life goals 2.9.16 Meaning as a set of ideals and hopes 2.9.17 Narrative structure to meaning; personal meaning as a ‘master story’, and as personal myths 2.9.18 Meaning as the point of intersection between understanding and emotion
36 37 37 37 37 38 39 39 40 40 41
Other f u nctions
2.9.19 Meaning as a coping mechanism 2.9.20 The contribution of meaning to wellbeing and resilience 2.9.21 Meaning as ‘psychic moorings’ 2.9.22 Meaning as the ‘fall back position’ – inner resources 2.9.23 Meaning as interpretation of the world outside
42 42 43 44 44
Other types and e xpressions of meaning
2.9.24 Meaning through humour 2.9.25 Cool meaning 2.9.26 Meaning articulated in belief/values statements 2.9.27 Meaning and creative expression 2.10 Cultural meanings: Social and cultural meanings as reference points for personal meaning
44 45 45 46 46
C u ltu ral meaning
2.10.1 Meaning embedded in culture 2.10.2 Communities of meaning 2.10.3 Normative cultural meanings 2.10.4 Popular cultural meaning 2.10.5 Implied cultural meaning
46 47 48 48 48
Contents
2.10.6 Meaning through myth-making 2.10.7 Meaning referenced to place, location and lifestyle
49 50
C ontex tu al influ ences
2.10.8 Political meaning, ideology and hegemony 2.10.9 Meaning and cultural postmodernity 2.10.10 Crisis of meaning: Diseases of meaning, spiritual pathology and junk meaning 2.10.11 Cultural change and changes in cultural meanings
51 52 53 53
M eaning and community
2.10.12 Cultural inheritance as ready-made meaning 2.10.13 Community and education in meaning 2.10.14 The academic study of meaning
54 54 55
3 The psychological development of meaning and issues related to change and development in meaning
61
62 3.1 The psychological development of meaning 3.1.1 The construction of meaning 62 3.1.2 Change and development in personal meaning 63 3.1.3 Assimilating the meanings embedded in role models 63 3.1.4 When do you know you have meaning? 63 3.1.5 Meaning as the ‘bigger picture’ contextual framework within which experience is understood 64 3.2 Issues related to change and development in meaning 64 3.2.1 Accessing people’s meanings: a central part of human relationships 64 3.2.2 Thwarting of meaning and ‘retreat’ from meaning 65 3.2.3 Range or scope of personal meaning, mental health and propensity to self-harm 66 3.2.4 Manipulation and power through meaning 67 3.2.5 Political meaning and social justice 68 3.2.6 Strengthening the meaning system 68 3.2.7 Dependence on institutions and authorities for meaning 69 3.2.8 Bolstering the meaning system through fundamentalism 69 3.2.9 The different meanings of scripture 70 3.2.10 Changing theological meanings 70 3.2.11 Scientific meanings 72 3.2.12 Clashes between scientific and religious meanings 73 3.2.13 Young people’s perceptions of relationships between religious and scientific meanings 75 3.2.14 Meaning systems and religious claims to truth 76 3.2.15 ‘Earthquake’ in the meaning system 77
4 The search for meaning 4.1 What is the ‘search for meaning’? 4.2 Issues related to the search for meaning 4.2.1 Individual and community frames of reference for meaning 4.2.2 Flight from meaning and the avoidance of meaning
80 81 82 82 83
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4.2.3 Maturity in the development of meaning 4.2.4 Maturity of meaning in the light of postmodern concerns about uncertainty in personal knowledge 4.3 Young people’s search for meaning 4.4 Healthy meaning 4.4.1 Preliminary list of the characteristics of a healthy personal meaning
5 The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6
What is understood by identity: How the construct is used in contemporary discourse The emotional substrate to identity Dimensions to personal identity Personal and group identities Projective and defensive functions of identity Identity issues 5.6.1 Identity and status anxiety 5.6.2 Identity relationships with religion 5.6.3 Identity, conflict and violence in the Australian context and internationally 5.6.4 Identity and terrorism 5.6.5 Identity relationships with the non-human world 5.6.6 Homo economicus: The rise and rise of economic identity 5.6.7 Relationships between media, the state and national identity
6 Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
83 84 86 86 86 89 89 91 92 94 94 94 95 96 97 98 100 101 103 106
6.1 Developmental theories: contributions to self-understanding 6.2 Psychological theories of identity: From the perspective of ‘identity health’ 6.3 Personal identity: Interaction between the individual and culture 6.3.1 A social psychological view of identity 6.3.2 A narrative structure to identity 6.3.3 A perspective on identity from critical theory 6.3.4 Relatively fixed psychic reference points for identity 6.3.5 Exaggerated individualism 6.3.6 Identity implied in life structure 6.3.7 Spirituality and identity 6.3.8 Generational identity 6.4 Relationships between identity and self-esteem 6.5 Congenital identity deficiency? 6.6 Research on relationships between identity and education 6.7 A conceptualisation of identity and identity health for educational purposes
107 109 114 114 114 115 115 116 117 118 118 118 121 121 124
7 Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
129
7.1 General cultural issues 7.1.1 The changing place of religion as a basic reference point for youth identity and spirituality 7.1.2 Constant change as the baseline reference point for youth identity and spirituality
131 131 131
Contents
7.2 Youth identity and consumer culture 7.2.1 Externals, consumerism and young people’s search for identity 7.2.2 Retail identity and the seduction of individuality 7.2.3 Logos and the clothing of identity 7.2.4 Leaping on the brand-wagon: The retail potential of identity needs 7.2.5 The marketing of ‘cool’ to youth 7.2.6 The cost of being cool: Some examples 7.2.7 Identity-related advertising for glamour: ‘Be a princess’, ‘Because you’re worth it’ 7.2.8 Lifestyle-indexed identity: External identity validation, the conditioning influence of advertising and prolonged adolescence 7.2.9 Branded: The buying and selling of teenagers 7.2.10 The retail potential of teenagers’ dreams for self-improvement 7.2.11 Body image: The marketing strategy of inadequacy and the buying of beauty, sex appeal, and performance 7.2.12 Consumer without a cause: The marketing of rebellion to youth and the domestication of nonconformity 7.2.13 A spiritual dimension to marketing? 7.2.14 From James Dean to Clueless: Teenage angst to teenage makeover 7.3 The anatomy and psychological function of ‘cool’ 7.3.1 Young people’s search for a ‘cool’ identity 7.3.2 Being acknowledged as cool: A psychological defence and coping mechanism 7.3.3 Cool image, relationships and the intensity of experience 7.3.4 Classic cool: Nike’s successful recipe for cracking the Chinese market 7.3.5 The quest for cool: The new opiate of the masses? 7.3.6 The relationship between cool and violence 7.4 Advertising and identity 7.5 Young men and crisis in male identity
8 From St Ignatius to Obi-Wan Kenobi: An evaluative perspective on spirituality 8.1 Developments in the meaning of the word ‘spirituality’: An evaluative perspective 8.2 Historical notes on religious spirituality in the Australian Catholic Christian tradition since the 1960s 8.3 Key aspects of a religious spirituality 8.4 Distinctions between the ‘religious’ and the ‘spiritual’: Issues for what constitutes spirituality 8.4.1 Secularisation and distinctions between religious and spiritual language 8.4.2 Privatisation of religion 8.4.3 Public rituals and private devotion (external observance and the personal) 8.4.4 Contemporary emphasis on experience (implications for personal autonomy and religious authority) 8.4.5 Meeting spiritual needs; spirituality as a consumer commodity 8.4.6 Scientific rationalism and modern religious studies 8.4.7 Postmodern views of religion 8.5 Further consideration of issues related to the nature of spirituality 8.5.1 Spirituality, belief in God, and belief in a transcendent dimension to human life
132 132 134 135 136 137 138 139 142 147 149 150 152 154 154 155 155 158 161 162 164 166 166 167 171 173 173 177 179 180 180 181 181 181 181 182 185 185
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8.5.2 The need for a new, non-religious language for addressing spiritual-moral issues in the public domain 8.5.3 Non-religious spiritualities 8.5.4 A new spiritual awakening? A resurgence of religion? 8.5.5 Secularisation and spirituality 8.5.6 Spirituality and cultural postmodernity 8.5.7 Consumer spirituality 8.5.8 Dimensions of emotion, imagination and the aesthetic in spirituality 8.5.9 A style spectrum of spiritualities 8.5.10 Values in education, values/moral education and the spiritual-moral dimension to education 8.6 Healthy spirituality: Criteria for the identification and evaluation of spirituality
9 Young people and spirituality: Negotiating the perils of adolescence 9.1 Issues for youth spirituality 9.1.1 How youth spirituality is structured 9.1.2 Spiritual experience: A self-transcending dimension to youth spirituality 9.1.3 A social justice focus to youth spirituality 9.1.4 Generational differences in the emergence of youth spirituality 9.1.5 Secularisation and secular youth spirituality 9.1.6 Young people and the distinction between the spiritual and the religious 9.1.7 Youth, relativism and the spirituality supermarket 9.1.8 Privatisation of beliefs and subjectivity in youth spirituality 9.1.9 Youth and Pentecostal/charismatic spirituality 9.2 Aspects of youth wellbeing that have some bearing on spirituality 9.2.1 Concern for the wellbeing of young people 9.2.2 Making sense of apparently contradictory research findings 9.2.3 The trauma of living in the 21st century 9.2.4 The do-it-yourself generation 9.2.5 Seeking community, making choices, and having lifestyle options 9.2.6 SMS texting, the Internet and ‘instant community’ 9.2.7 The potential personal influence of video games 9.2.8 Soundtrack to your life: Contemporary music and its relationship with youth spirituality 9.2.9 Youth spirituality and media images of violence and obscenity 9.2.10 Youth spirituality and the New Age 9.2.11 The potential influence of quasi-religious or spiritual movements: Sects and cults, heavy metal music, and the occult 9.3 A spiritual profile of today’s young people
10 Educating young people in meaning, identity and spirituality 10.1 Underlying value assumptions 10.1.1 The nature of the human person 10.1.2 Access to cultural traditions
186 187 188 189 191 193 195 196 198 198 202 204 204 205 206 206 207 209 210 211 211 212 212 213 214 215 215 217 218 219 221 222 223 224 228 229 229 229
Contents
10.1.3 Critical evaluative activity 10.1.4 Young people’s responsibility for personal change 10.1.5 Background of the teacher (or facilitator, counsellor etc.) in relation to the educative process 10.2 Education in meaning 10.2.1 Understanding the nature and psychological functions of meaning 10.2.2 Knowledge of traditional cultural meanings about human nature and purpose 10.2.3 Some understanding of the contemporary crisis in meaning, especially for youth 10.2.4 Evaluation of the many personal meanings available in society 10.3 Education in identity 10.3.1 Some understanding of the nature and psychological function of identity, and of identity-forming processes 10.3.2 What the developmental theories say about personal development 10.3.3 The relationships between cultural identity resources and the personal construction of identity 10.3.4 The evaluative study of identity issues 10.4 Education in spirituality 10.4.1 Religion and spirituality 10.4.2 Spiritual and moral dimensions to life 10.4.3 Evaluation of spirituality 10.5 Education as the critical interpretation of culture 10.6 Conclusion
230 231 232 232 232 232 233 233 233 234 234 235 235 236 237 237 237 238 239
Part 3
Implications for public education: The spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
241
11 The spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum: The evolution in personal development aims for Australian education
243
11.1 Public discourse about the spiritual-moral dimension to education 11.1.1 Personal development terms used for articulating spiritual-moral purposes to education 11.1.2 Listing of core values for education (both the values underpinning education and the values it is hoped will be developed in students) 11.1.3 Particular teaching programs in values, and in subjects like Ethics, Personal Development, Religion and Philosophy 11.1.4 Across-the-curriculum strategies for promoting spiritual-moral development 11.2 Summary and conclusions: Where to from here? 11.2.1 Complementing and extending the current interest in values education by conceptualising it within a broader notion of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum 11.2.2 Reducing the problematic gap between personal aims for education and classroom practice 11.2.3 Developing adequate theory and realistic strategies for promoting students’ personal development through across-the-curriculum studies
244 245 247 248 250 251
251 252 252
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12 Expectations of schools for promoting the spiritual and moral development of young people 255 12.1 Parental expectations of the school’s role in promoting young people’s spiritual and moral development 12.2 Expectation of schools to ‘teach’ values: Letter by the Commonwealth Minister for Education 12.3 Further consideration of public expectations of schools 12.3.1 Contrasting the expectations of parents, students and teachers 12.3.2 Community expectations of schools 12.3.3 Parental and business expectations of schooling 12.4 Conflict of expectations of the role for schools 12.5 Expectations for personal change in students: From various educative themes and theories in educational discourse 12.5.1 Issue-related educative themes Education and the construction of knowledge and meaning Power, political meaning, ideology and cultural hegemony: Education for empowerment Education for critical consciousness and emancipation Critical theory and critical pedagogy Cultural agency Summary 12.5.2 Learning and pedagogical theories: Constructivist learning; multiple intelligences; emotional intelligence and spiritual intelligence; brain-based learning; right brain/ left brain learning; de Bono’s six thinking hats; DEEP pedagogical framework 12.5.3 The future of schooling themes: Theory about the future of schooling and the needs of 21st century learners Spiritual and moral dimension Construction of meaning Education and the critical evaluation of cultural meanings Meaning, identity and spirituality Personal and social transformation 12.6 Conclusion 12.6.1 The need for a workable conceptualisation of the spiritual-moral dimension to the school curriculum 12.6.2 The influence of schooling on young people’s spiritual and moral development
13 Links between education, personal change and personal learning 13.1 The notion of education for personal change: Personal learning and the classification of educational aims as cognitive and affective 13.2 The components or building blocks for personal change 13.3 Personal change processes: Influences on the various dimensions to personal development 13.4 The selection of personal change processes that are considered ethically acceptable for the classroom 13.5 Personal change, personal learning and personal teaching 13.6 Students’ freedom of inquiry and issue-oriented pedagogy 13.7 A rational ‘contextual emphasis’ to personal learning in the classroom 13.8 How the imagination is involved in personal change and personal learning in the classroom
256 258 259 259 260 261 263 264 264 264 265 266 267 267 268
269 271 272 272 273 273 273 274 274 275 277 278 279 280 280 283 286 289 291
Contents
13.9 Articulating spiritual and moral outcomes for students, and the assessment of such outcomes 13.10 Socialisation and education: Contrasting social processes for the development of beliefs, values and attitudes 13.11 The place for teachers’ own views and commitments in the teaching and learning process 13.11.1 Accountability and safeguards in teaching about controversial issues 13.11.2 Institutional endorsement for teaching about values-related topics 13.11.3 Teacher confidence in handling controversial issues 13.11.4 Pedagogy in teaching about beliefs and values 13.11.5 Debate about value-neutrality in public education
292 293 293 294 294 294 295 295
14 From theory to practice: Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
299
14.1 The problematic gap between personal aims for education and practice 14.2 The place for ‘spiritual experience’ in the curriculum 14.3 Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum 14.3.1 Explicit approach to the spiritual-moral dimension of the school curriculum 1A Whole-subject mode: The need for a school subject for direct study of spiritual-moral questions School structures and the ‘psychology of the learning environment’: Subverting the personal subjects in the curriculum 1B Parts of study units: Studying spiritual and moral questions as parts of units of work 14.3.2 Contextual approach: Acknowledging and addressing spiritual-moral issues where they arise in across-the-curriculum studies Principles considered important for teaching about spiritual and moral issues 14.3.3 General skills and consciousness-raising: The overall contribution of the curriculum to personal learning skills 14.4 Extending the conceptualisation: Locating and interpreting themes concerned with education for personal change 14.5 Conclusion
301 303 304 305 306 307 310 310 311 312 316 319
15 The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development: An educational exploration 15.1 Introducing the problem: How to investigate a complex question like the spiritual-moral influence of film and television 15.2 Story: A central concept for contextualising the spiritual-moral influence of film and television 15.3 Theorising about the spiritual and moral influence of film and television 15.4 The intended spiritual and moral influence of propaganda film 15.5 The educational function of documentary film 15.5.1 Objectivity, impartiality and advocacy in documentaries: The potential of documentaries for bringing about personal change 15.5.2 Objectivity, impartiality and the making of an advocacy film 15.5.3 Documentaries, feature films and mythology: General Custer – the legend versus the truth
322 323 324 324 327 329 330 330 330
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15.5.4 The ‘voice of God’ documentary: The ‘truth’ from the perspective of hindsight 15.5.5 Cinéma vérité (Cinema truth) documentary 15.5.6 Documentaries and critical social consciousness: Educational implications 15.5.7 The contrast between propaganda and documentary films 15.5.8 Concluding comment on the educational significance of documentary film 15.6 Commercial feature films and television: Their potential for influencing the meaning, identity and spirituality of young people 15.7 Sequence: Analysis of possible mechanisms through which film/television may affect spiritual and moral development 15.7.1 Relationships with documentary and propaganda film 15.7.2 The storytelling role of films and television: Emotional engagement of the viewer 15.7.3 Identifying and evaluating the spiritual dimension to life as portrayed in film and television 15.7.4 Osmosis of values from films and television? 15.7.5 The ‘social reality’ of film and television and ‘reality television’ 15.7.6 Meeting viewer needs and interests 15.7.7 Escapism and idealism through virtual journeys 15.7.8 The film as fable: Communicating moral messages 15.7.9 Television drama and sitcoms as 21st century morality plays 15.7.10 Film/television and the imagination: Learning through imaginative identification and imaginative rehearsal 15.7.11 Story and imagination: The role of film/television in enhancing and diminishing the imagination 15.7.12 Media orchestrated imaginations: How film/television can affect behaviour and personal development 15.7.13 Film and television as sources of images, stereotypes and myths 15.7.14 Role modelling: Film heroes and heroines 15.7.15 The sensitivity of children to implicit messages in the media 15.7.16 Action films: ‘Cinematic adrenalin’ and the potential relationship between film violence and violent behaviour 15.7.17 The ‘evangelising’ purpose of particular film directors 15.7.18 An example film study illustrating issues in spirituality and identity 15.8 The culture of television: Its significance for the teaching and learning environment of the school 15.9 Cultural agency: Action based on critical reflection on the potential personal influence of media 15.10 The potential spiritual and moral influence of television advertising 15.10.1 Image and imagination: Retail links with the subconscious 15.10.2 Retail seduction: Some perspective on advertising psychology and market research 15.10.3 The culture of advertising 15.10.4 Retail identity 15.10.5 Television commercials and the projection of images of unattainable perfection 15.10.6 The ethics of television advertising 15.11 Conclusion
332 333 333 334 336 336 337 338 338 339 341 342 347 347 347 347 348 349 349 350 351 353 353 355 355 357 359 360 361 361 363 364 364 364 366
Contents
Part 4
Implications for religious education in independent schools (with special reference to Catholic schools)
369
16 Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools: Towards a relevant religious education for the future
371
16.1 Social and intellectual conditions that enable a critical historical interpretation 16.2 An historical perspective on Catholic school religious education in Australia 16.2.1 The experiential quest for personalism and relevance 16.2.2 The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ 16.2.3 The development of diocesan guidelines for Catholic religious education 16.2.4 Student resource materials 16.2.5 New state Religion Studies courses and the quest for academic credibility 16.2.6 The spirituality of contemporary youth 16.3 Other perspectives that should have a bearing on the further development of Catholic school religious education 16.3.1 The development of personal meaning and identity 16.3.2 Addressing questions raised by cultural postmodernity 16.3.3 The hermeneutic task of religious education 16.3.4 Other trends in religious education in the United Kingdom and continental Europe 16.3.5 The spiritual-moral dimension to the school curriculum 16.4 Conclusion
371 372 375 377 378 380 382 385
17 The quest for personalism and relevance in religious education 17.1 Personalism and relevance as educational goals 17.1.1 Personalism in content 17.1.2 Personalism in process 17.1.3 Relevance in religious education 17.2 Study of issues as a key to personal relevance in the religion curriculum 17.3 Examples of issue-oriented content in religious education 17.4 The relevance of religious education and the relevance of the Church 17.5 Religious language and the perceived relevance of the Church 17.6 Religious education and the pursuit of a language of relevance for religion 17.7 The prominence of the theme ‘search for meaning and identity’ in Catholic school religious education 17.8 Religious education as the critical interpretation of culture 17.9 The identification and evaluation of social meanings 17.10 Conclusion
18 The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ in Catholic school religious education 18.1 Faith development: Coming to prominence in Catholic religious education 18.2 Problematic use of the construct ‘faith development’ in religious education 18.2.1 Metaphors for spiritual development
386 386 387 387 387 387 388 391 391 392 392 393 394 395 397 397 400 401 404 406 407 409 409 411 412
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18.2.2 Faith development as a ‘hope’ for religious education 412 18.2.3 The association of emotionality with faith development 414 18.2.4 Use of the concept ‘faith development’ to differentiate activities in religious education 414 18.2.5 Use of the term ‘Faith Development Coordinator’ 416 18.2.6 Religious education and faith development outcomes 416 18.2.7 Faith formation and religious education 417 18.2.8 Faith development and ‘transformative education’ 419 18.2.9 Expansion of the notion of ‘knowing’ 420 18.3 Summary 421
19 Religious education and ‘sponsoring’ the development of faith in adolescents
423
19.1 Comparing and contrasting religious socialisation and religious education 19.2 The faith-sponsoring or faith-mentoring process 19.3 Classroom religious education and the sponsoring of faith in adolescents 19.4 Religious education and the development of religious identity 19.4.1 Identity resources and the development of a religious identity 19.4.2 Exploration of the nature and psychological function of identity 19.5 The problematic notion of religious identity 19.6 Religious identity and the development of faith
424 426 427 428 428 429 430 431
20 Developing staff spirituality: A key component of the identity of religious schools 20.1 Clarifying the identity and mission of Catholic schools 20.2 Spirituality in practice within the school community 20.3 Personal and corporate spirituality 20.4 Enhancing corporate staff spirituality 20.5 Empathy with and professional support for the stated aims of the school 20.6 Periodic staff prayer and liturgies/paraliturgies 20.7 When is it appropriate to pray as a staff? 20.8 Teachers in Catholic schools as spiritual leaders
434 434 435 435 436 437 438 439 439
Part 5
Implications for state-based Religion Studies courses in Australian schools 21 Pedagogical background to the development of Religion Studies courses in Australia 21.1 Two formats for studying religion in Australian public schools 21.2 The development of Religion Studies courses in Australian schools 21.3 Historical background to the theory for school Religion Studies in the UK: The quest for an educational identity 21.4 Phases of UK development 1944–2000s: From agreed Christian syllabuses to multi-faith studies 21.4.1 Christian religious education syllabuses (1940s and 1950s) 21.4.2 Student-centred, experiential life themes (1960s– ) 21.4.3 Existential, issue-oriented, experiential (1960s–)
441 443 443 444 445 447 447 447 447
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21.4.4 Secular, educational identity: phenomenology, world religions, multi-faith (late 1960s– ) 448 21.4.5 M Grimmitt, 1973: Balancing descriptive and student-centred approaches 451 21.4.6 Focus on students’ personal and spiritual development (Grimmitt 1978– ); Enhancing student learning through constructivist theory and pedagogy (Grimmitt 1994– ) 451 21.4.7 The New Education Act, 1988: Reasserting the place of Christian heritage; and the influence of the outcomes/competencies movement 452 21.4.8 Pedagogies that emerged from research and development projects from the late 1980s 454 The Warwick Religious Education Project 456 The Stapleford Project 456 The Spiritual Education Project 456 The Children and Worldviews Project 457 General comment about the UK research and development projects 458 21.4.9 Relationship with trends in continental European religious education: Contextual religious education and religious education as a hermeneutic process. 460 Contextual religious education 460 Religious education as a hermeneutic process 462 21.5 Conclusion: Towards a review of Australian school Religion Studies programs 463
22 Relationships between state-based Religion Studies courses and denominational religious education 22.1 Reflections on the emergence of an educational identity for state school Religion Studies in the UK and Australia 22.1.1 Problems resulting from a separate identity 22.1.2 The terminology ‘confessional’ versus ‘non-confessional’: Inadequate concepts for analysing the teaching process 22.2 Exploring the relationships between state Religion Studies and denominational religious education 22.3 Comparison of purposes between state Religion Studies and denominational religious education 22.4 Non-evaluative and evaluative dimensions to studying religion 22.5 Relationships with the academic disciplines: Phenomenological method and academic bias 22.6 The contribution of Religion Studies to the development of personal identity 22.7 The implementation of Religion Studies in denominational schools 22.8 The understanding of Religion Studies from the point of view of different religions 22.9 Conclusion
468 469 469 471 472 473 475 476 476 478 479 479
Ta b l e s a n d F i g u r e s Tables Table 2.1 A classification of different streams within hermeneutics according to Gallagher Table 3.1 Distillation of meaning from experience Table 5.1 Summary of components or dimensions to a personal identity
58 65 93
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Contents
Table 6.1 Table 7.1 Table 8.1 Table 8.2
Theories of identity from the perspective of identity health What do young people in China regard as ‘cool’? Key aspects of a religious spirituality Summary of stereotypical distinctions and polarities that may apply between the ‘spiritual’ and the ‘religious’ Table 8.3 Evaluative criteria for the identification and appraisal of spirituality Table 11.1 Emergence of personal development terms in national documents on the goals for Australian schools Table 11.2 Nine values for Australian schooling Table 12.1 Analysis of the Minister for Education’s public letter on values education Table 12.2 Results from a survey on the role of schools in values education Table 13.1 A list of personal change processes Table 14.1 A reinterpretation of an iconic aims statement Table 15.1 Perceived differences between propaganda and documentary films Table 15.2 Survey of the community and of schoolchildren about role modelling Table 18.1 Fowler’s theory of faith development compared with other developmental theories Table 18.2 An example scheme illustrating the notion of transformative pedagogy Table 19.1 Contrasts between religious socialisation and religious education Table 21.1 Summary of major contemporary approaches to school Religion Studies in the UK (Grimmitt 2000), and current emphases in continental Europe Table 22.1 What is religious education? (From the South Australian state schools Religious Education Project, 1978) Table 22.2 Comparison of purposes: State Religion Studies and denominational religious education
110 163 178 183 198 245 249 258 260 281 320 335 352 410 420 425 455 469 473
Figures Figure 14.1 Diagrammatic representation of the conceptualisation of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum Figure 14.2 Interposing personal development themes as intermediate goals between personal aims and teaching/learning activities Figure 14.3 Linking personal aims with classroom practice by making use of an intermediate personal development theme like ‘educating in wisdom’
315 317 319
This book is dedicated to the memory of Teresa Ballini and Pat Rossiter – two remarkable women
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Foreword
When the social institution of compulsory schooling came under strong attack in the 1960s, one of the sharpest criticisms was its alleged domesticating effect on students. They were being treated, it was said, as entirely malleable creatures, capable of being manipulated to become the labour force for the industrial machine and the avid consumers of its products. One wonders if we have come very far since then. Even the commendable desire, fostered by ‘Outcomes-Based Education’ (OBE), to focus on what each student learns rather than simply on whether the teacher goes through the motions of teaching, is often being implemented in a way that reduces the whole person to a repository of marketable ‘skills’. At the same time, ironically, an increasing sense of unease in the community about a values hiatus in the public domain is giving rise to calls for more effective values education in schools. But valuing is a whole-person response to the reality anyone inhabits. At the very least, this requires closer attention to how the individual student is personally ‘getting it all together’ – an outcome not readily amenable to the itemising assessment techniques of OBE. Nor is this task something that can be simply dumped on the school, while other social agencies such as the home and the media devote themselves to satisfying consumerist goals. An older strategy for achieving the ends of morality and citizenship through schooling was to complement the general curriculum with religious instruction. Again, other social agencies often saw this as relieving them of responsibility for these things, on the assumption that formal instruction in the dominant faith tradition would naturally flow on into moral conduct. Not only do we now know better, but a pluralistic society resists a policy that is commonly viewed as partisan indoctrination. Yet studying a religion did at least highlight the fact that people’s values are ultimately justified and motivated by each individual’s view of the world and their place in it. A rose by any other name may smell as sweet, but these are essentially religious concerns. Marisa Crawford and Graham Rossiter seek to break this deadlock. Their strategy is to nominate the concepts of meaning, identity, and spirituality as linchpins of personal education. They show that these concepts not only enable us to re-map the traditional terrains of religious and moral education, but also have implications for many other curriculum areas. One of the highlights of their analysis, for me, is Chapter 15 on media and film, which not only contains perceptive contextual analysis but has some specific implications for classroom teaching. Professor Rossiter has been a leader in the field of religious education for many years, researching and writing prolifically and being involved in teacher development in many xx
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places. Marisa Crawford has been a highly effective classroom practitioner in government, Catholic and independent schools, also for many years. The two have collaborated on several occasions in publications promoting best practice. In the present handbook, they provide a comprehensive review both of general theory and research, and of the particular situation on the ground in Australia. And none too soon. Most democratic societies are facing cultural challenges due to galloping social change and the pluralisation of values. Religious diversity is only one of several reasons why it is urgent that disparate groups be encouraged to work together to renegotiate and make explicit the core values of democratic community life. Not only is social cohesion at stake, but a sickness at the personal level must be addressed. Amid the confusion of values, individuals are struggling to find personal meaning and identity, even to the point of questioning whether they actually matter to anyone other than themselves. These are the challenges addressed by Crawford and Rossiter. The way to read this book will be first to commit oneself to a reflective reading of the whole, and then to keep the book handy for constant reference in relation to specific needs and topics, particularly the indexes. I commend the book as a useful tool for research workers and for classroom teachers engaged in what, in the end, is the real business of education. The book has utility beyond the domain of education. The analyses in Part 2 will be useful for various professionals engaged in the care of youth. Brian V. Hill Murdoch University, May 2006
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Preface
Finding meaning in life and achieving some authentic sense of identity are key developmental tasks for adolescents. While many young people do not readily use the word ‘spirituality’, it can be used to refer to the way they ‘mesh’ with the spiritual and moral dimensions to life. The three constructs meaning, identity and spirituality have useful credentials for interpreting the psychological development of young people; they can be used for analysing and giving perspective to their thinking, emotions and behaviour as they negotiate the maze of contemporary culture and the psychological perils of adolescence. The same constructs – meaning, identity and spirituality – are also useful for interpreting and evaluating culture; and they are relevant to educational theory and practice. Spiritual and moral purposes have been important for school education for as long as schools have sought to promote the personal development of the young. However, there remains a fundamental but natural ambiguity about how to implement spiritual and moral education appropriately. The reason: precisely because personal change processes in beliefs, attitudes, values and moral behaviour are more complex than, and at a different level from, educational change in knowledge, understanding and skills. Links between teaching and the acquisition of values are naturally more complicated and more tenuous than those between teaching and the common outcomes for education; we can teach adolescents proficiency in mathematics – even quantum physics – but we cannot so easily teach them not to take drugs. Nevertheless, while acknowledging the limitations of school education in bringing about spiritual and moral change in students, there remain important opportunities within classroom teaching and learning for progressing their spiritual and moral development. This book is about trying to make sure that the opportunities for doing this well are not neglected. The idea of exploring ‘reasons for living’ is shorthand for an education that tries to help young people become well informed about, and think through issues related to, meaning, identity and spirituality; this, in turn, may help them chart their way through a life-world that has become increasingly complex and daunting. Discussion of expectations for spiritual and moral education in both public and religious schools has always been controversial. It is unlikely that this will change. As noted above, much of the difficulty lies with the natural complexity of links between education and personal growth; hence theory for education of the ‘whole’ person will always be complex, controversial and somewhat open-ended. Nevertheless, it is important to persist with the development of this theory if the personal dimension to school education is to be made as valuable as it can be for young people. xxii
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Ongoing discussion of the spiritual and moral dimensions to education is in the national interest and should be an educational priority. The federal and state governments’ initiatives in values education have been an important response to this need. But more remains to be done. In times when most interest in educational outcomes is dominated by concerns about measurable performance and employment-oriented competencies, and even national economic productivity, it is important for all Australian school students that the spiritual and moral purposes to their education do not remain nominal, or merely rhetoric where there is little flow-through from purposes to practice. This book tries to address these issues in both theory and practice. It proposes that good use can be made of the constructs meaning, identity and spirituality for conceptualising and implementing a spiritual and moral education in schools – both public and independent. Teaching related to these constructs can contribute to students’ personal education in across-the-curriculum studies as well as in values education and in particular subjects like Citizenship, Personal Development, Religion Studies, Philosophy and Ethics. While we consider that the book makes an important contribution to values/moral education, it was beyond our scope to explore relationships with the extensive literature in this area. Of various constructs that might be used in curriculum planning, the trio meaning, identity and spirituality, all of which are interrelated, are particularly valuable because of their contemporary educational relevance and their significance in young people’s personal development. The argument in the book presumes that little real progress will be possible in any school program of personal education unless teachers first develop a basic understanding of the content-related issues – hence the importance of the second part of the book in providing a ‘primer’ or introductory typology on meaning, identity and spirituality, particularly as they relate to the psychological, spiritual and moral development of young people. While not attempting a comprehensive survey of research on these constructs, this will provide a perspective on meaning, identity and spirituality that will be a good starting point for study by educators and other youth care professionals. We hope it will also stimulate further research both sociological and educational. The intention is to enhance the background that educators bring to their teaching with the hope that this will flow into teaching and learning processes, as well as into their more informal interactions with students. Complementing what is written in structural developmental psychology about young people’s personal development (for example Piaget, Kohlberg, Erikson, Kegan, Fowler and Oser), the focus here is more on their negotiation of personal and cultural issues in meaning, identity and spirituality; hence it is not a stage theory of development, but (as suggested above) an interpretation of the ways youth negotiate the cultural maze and the psychological perils of adolescence. Too often discourse about spiritual and moral dimensions to school education in Australia remains context-specific – there is not much exchange on these matters between educators in the public and independent sectors – or the discussion is skewed towards the question of state financial aid for religious schools. In this book, we propose implications for three contexts – across-the-curriculum studies in public schools, religious education in independent (especially religious) schools, and state-based Religion Studies courses – within the one volume, precisely to promote a wider educational discussion that could benefit all of the country’s schools. This broad scope has resulted in a volume of handbook-like
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proportions, but this was considered necessary to be able to say something substantial about the situation and issues in each of the three contexts, while prompting educators to become more aware of what is happening in contexts different from their own. For example, religious schools can often put too much store on formal religious education and a religious ethos for communicating beliefs, spirituality and values – in other words overrating or ‘over-expecting’ the school’s religious influence. In public schools, on the other hand, the teacher’s role in teaching values can never really be denied, although just what the word ‘teaching’ means when applied to values can be open to conflicting interpretations; and when debate stalls on this question, it inhibits practice that may be of benefit for the personal development of students. Each of Parts 3–5 begins with a chapter that gives a historical perspective. This arrangement may facilitate dialogue by giving the reader some bearings on the pertinent issues in each context that are taken up subsequently. While the book was written specifically for teachers, it should be useful in university education programs. We hope it will engage education researchers too. In addition, Part 2 discusses issues that are of wider community and professional concern. This material may be helpful for all who are interested in the psychological, spiritual and moral development of youth, for example parents, and professionals engaged in the care of youth in areas such as health and youth services, and church ministry. While dealing with the Australian situation, the book has relevance for education internationally. It creates possibilities for interesting comparisons with education in other countries.
Acknowledgments We are grateful to Eric Bogle for permission to use lyrics from his song A Reason for it all and to Rod Clark for the use of his poem ‘It must be taught in school’. We acknowledge permission from Dr L Welbourne, editor of the Journal of Religious Education, for the use of articles published in the journal which were further developed as Chapters 1, 8, 15 and 16. We thank Professor Brian Hill for contributing the Foreword. We also wish to record our appreciation of the encouragement we received from friends and colleagues, which has helped sustain us during the course of the project, in particular: Brian Hill, Louise Welbourne, Marge and David Steward, and Gerard Rummery. We also take this opportunity to thank colleagues in Australia and overseas who helped in the manuscript appraisal process and with supportive endorsements: Australia: Michael Bezzina, Robert Crotty, Richard Eckersley, Brian Hill, Adrienne Jericho, Terry Lovat, John McGrath, Hugh Mackay, Gerard Rummery, Peter Sheehan, Wayne Tinsey, Tom Wallace, Louise Welbourne, Dan White, Ted Witham. New Zealand: Gary Finlay, Kevin Wanden. South Africa: Anne Baker, Paul Faller. North America: Lorna Bowman, Gloria Durka, Gabriel Moran, Mary Elizabeth Moore. United Kingdom: James Conroy, Gerald Grace, Michael Grimmitt, John Sullivan. Ireland: Andrew McGrady. Netherlands: Bert Roebben. We acknowledge with appreciation the work of our editor, Venetia Somerset. And we thank Ralph Saubern and Maureen O’Keefe of ACER Press for their enthusiasm for the project, and for their efficient management of the publication process. Marisa Crawford, Graham Rossiter, July 2006
About the authors Marisa Crawford teaches English and Religion at Our Lady of the Sacred Heart College, Kensington, Sydney. Graham Rossiter is Professor of Moral and Religious Education, and Director of the Centre for Research in the Spiritual, Moral, Religious and Pastoral Dimensions of Education at Australian Catholic University, Sydney. Over a long period, they have authored a number of books and articles in moral and reli gious education and have conducted professional development programs for teachers around Australia as well as in New Zealand, the Pacific, North America, Europe and the UK.
Comments on Reasons for Living The authors show how educators can connect with young people and how they can make a positive difference in the lives of their students. In this book, the spiritual and moral dimensions of education move from the margins (honoured in mission statements) to the mainstream (com prehensively addressed through the curriculum). Crawford & Rossiter provide a guide for teachers, one that is detailed and thorough, accessible and clear, and full of practical wisdom gained from a lifetime of experience in many sectors of education. This book equips teachers, in all types of schools, to offer their students an educational journey that is life-enhancing, holistic and transformational. Although rooted in the Australian context, this systematic treatment of young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality is acutely relevant and applicable in many other countries. Professor John Sullivan, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Liverpool Hope University, UK
spirituality, especially in young people’s lives. It rightly acknowledges there is only so much edu cation can achieve in this area; other sectors must play their part. The importance of this book reaches beyond education. It should become a key reference for all of us concerned with young people. Richard Eckersley, National Centre for Epidemiology and Population Health, Australian National University A welcome addition to the literature charting the search for meaning of young people today. It will be of immediate relevance and usefulness to teach ers throughout the Western world who are facing common challenges in finding the language and contexts in which to engage in dialogue with contemporary global youth culture. Dr Andrew McGrady, Registrar Mater Dei Institute of Education, Dublin City University, Ireland The search for meaning in life and the need to explore an authentic sense of identity are critical areas for scholarly and professional inquiry and are key, timely concerns of this book. Professor Peter Sheehan AO, Vice-Chancellor, Australian Catholic University
The book is ambitious in scope but very wellorganised in exploring what education is for. It is focused on Australian history, issues and educational institutions while having universal implications. Professor Gabriel Moran, Director of the Program of Philosophy of Education, New York University
In a time when warring sides summon differing religions as justification of their violence, proficient teaching of religious issues in public and Church schools is urgently needed. Rev Ted Witham, Former Executive Director of The Churches’ Commission on Education in WA
As a society, we tend, quite mistakenly, to privilege the material over the spiritual, the objective over the subjective. Reasons for Living argues, compel lingly and comprehensively, for greater attention to be given to the qualities of meaning, identity and xxv
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Comments on Reasons for Living
A book for our times – times characterised by a dramatic re-evaluation of the role of the teacher and the school in general but, within that context, an especial re-evaluation of the role of religion, spirituality and morality as features of the school ing experience. Professor Terence Lovat, Pro Vice-Chancellor (Education and Arts), University of Newcastle
school curriculum promote the spiritual and moral development of students who seek meaning? That is what the Crawford & Rossiter book is about. Robert Crotty, Emeritus Professor of Religion and Education, University of South Australia
It is rare to find in one volume such a rich com bination of rigorous research and practical savvy. The authors’ familiarity with contemporary culture and its impact on adolescence is remarkable. Professor Gloria Durka, Graduate School of Religion and Religious Education, Fordham University, New York
Reasons for Living will be a significant addition to the field of research in Religious Education. It has, concisely and provocatively, summarised the major influences upon Religious Education. It would be an essential resource for all Religious Education professionals and a basic textbook for all students in the field. Dr Dan White, Director Catholic Education Office, Archdiocese of Hobart
Reasons for Living provides a systematicallyconstructed foundation for teachers across the curriculum who wish to support the quest of youth to make sense out of their lives and to form a constellation of values by which to live. Lorna Bowman, Professor of Religious Studies & Academic Dean, Brescia University College, Canada
The writers provide a way forward for all Australian educators to be effective in engaging young people in values/meaning/identity/reflection. They do not overestimate what schools can achieve in this important area. Dr Adrienne Jericho, Executive Director, Lutheran Education Australia
A timely handbook for all teachers committed to the development of the whole person and so to the spiritual and moral dimensions of education, whether they work in religious schools or the pub lic sector. This is a valuable resource for teachers and educational leaders who are concerned to assist students in the key developmental tasks of finding meaning and achieving an authentic sense of identity. Each chapter opens up a new perspective on this challenging but most important enterprise. Dr Michael Bezzina, Director of Curriculum and Religious Education, Catholic Education Office, Parramatta
This is a groundbreaking book. It gathers research findings and practical experience from a number of fields, demonstrating how schools can assist young people in their development. Mr Gary Finlay, Director National Centre for Religious Studies, New Zealand
More than most of us ever were, today’s young people are confronted by uncertainty. The anthro pologist Clifford Geertz once described human beings as ‘meaning-seeking animals’. Young people are indeed just so, seeking meaning amid uncertainty. Further, it is one thing to find everyday meaning, but there is also ultimate meaning. And in the 21st century how should such young people be educated so as to tackle that uncertainty and to find meaning, everyday and ultimate? Importantly, how can a
Reasons for Living looks at what is at the heart of the human and religious quest, particularly among young people, and it explores how education can be a means in this search, making it relevant in serving young people’s needs. Mrs Anne Baker, Deputy Director Catholic Institute of Education, Johannesburg, South Africa There has been a great need for a book which addresses, in a comprehensive and contemporary manner, the major issues relating to young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality. It is a most helpful book and deserves to be read widely by professional educators in both government and non-government schools. Rev Dr Tom Wallace AM, Educational Advisor to the Anglican Bishop of Tasmania
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PART
Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality This part, with a single chapter, gives an overview of the arguments taken up in the book.
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Reasons for living: Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
Social changes, including the processes of social fragmentation and individualisation, have increased uncertainty in young people’s lives. This uncertainty underscores a need to make sense of it all, and ‘make a life’ for one’s self. Richard Eckersley et al., 2006 1
A human being is not one in pursuit of happiness, but rather in search of a reason to become happy. Viktor Frankl 2
Read the prospectus from any school, public or independent, and you will usually find that fostering the spiritual and moral growth of students will be a core part of its educational aims. Since the inception of universal education, the concern to educate the ‘whole person’ has assumed varied but, at the core, similar objectives. They took different guises – formation of character, values, citizenship, self-esteem, wellbeing and so on – and they were revised and renamed within the context of social change, but as far as school aims were concerned, they were de rigueur. If one were to be cynical, it could be said that it was all just window-dressing a problem atic area. In the last twenty years, mission and vision statements have become vogue for any institution or individual worth their salt. From government departments to the local butcher or baker (in appropriately sensitive locations), mission statements have been put on public display. This in itself is not a bad thing. If the butcher and baker have particular aims in their mission statement that they endeavour to achieve, in all likelihood they as purveyors
Reasons for Living Part 1: Education and young people
and their customers as consumers will be able to agree that the aims of the mission statement can be achieved. Not so easy with the desire of schools to educate the ‘whole’ person! Clearly, schools should have these personal development intentions that are at the heart of their mandate to teach. But the chequered history of this aspect of education shows that it remains complex, controversial, subject to fads, and often neglected in practice. How to get it right? Now, there’s the rub. This book proposes one way of helping to ‘get it right’. It develops a conceptualisation of the spiritual and moral dimension to education in which the constructs ‘meaning’, ‘identity’ and ‘spirituality’ – all important for young people’s personal development – can be useful in helping educators make across-the-curriculum teaching more relevant to students’ personal growth, and in ways that do not compromise the integrity of the subjects being taught.3 This chapter serves to introduce the argument and related concepts, which are developed in detail in the chapters that follow. It looks at problems in conceptualising and implementing a spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum; it introduces the three key constructs and explores how they can be used effectively in a modest but realistic way, referring to some pedagogical issues and practical examples. Part 2 explores different understandings of the three constructs and considers what it means to educate in meaning, identity and spirituality. Parts 3–5 look at implementation within three educational contexts: the general school curriculum, Religious Education in church-related schools (with Catholic schools as the particular example), and state-based Religion Studies courses.
1.1 The spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum The question ‘how can the curriculum promote the spiritual and moral development of students?’ has long been a concern for both government and independent schools, even if in some situations the practical attention given to it has been minimal. The study of religion as a subject has been a prominent, and often the principal, expression of this concern, especially in religious schools; in government schools in different countries, the subject Religion has had mixed fortunes. Other subjects like Personal Development, Life Skills, Philosophy and Ethics also cover spiritual and moral content; but apart from Personal Development, which has been a mandated study, the others have not been widely offered in schools. However, the intention of promoting students’ personal development has never been restricted to particular subjects – it is a concern of the whole school curriculum. How to address spiritual and moral dimensions to education has always been controversial and problematic. While the intention to do this has generally been regarded as important, there has not been enough coherent progression from intention to practice, even though there have been worthwhile developments. One reason for this gap between theory and practice is the natural complexity and understandable uncertainty in links between teaching practice and change in young people’s beliefs, values and attitudes. In both intention and outcomes, to educate for ‘personal change’ is at a different level from educating for knowledge and skills. As far as classroom dynamics are concerned, however, it is not at a different level, because the teaching and learning transactions remain basically the same. The intention to educate for personal change does not introduce
Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
a new reality to the classroom that sparks a quantum leap to ‘personal learning’. Teachers cannot ‘change gear’ to a spiritual mode of teaching that automatically engages students personally. The different ‘level’ has more to do with the psychological process of personal change in the students than it does with the pedagogy of the teacher. Personal change is influenced by many factors outside the classroom teaching-learning process; to be authentic it has to come freely from within the individual; if personal change is to have repercussions through an individual’s personality, it is unlikely to happen ‘then and there’, on cue, in the classroom. It is, therefore, more appropriate to use the phrase ‘education that may dispose students towards personal change’ as a more accurate acknowledgment of the intention, and hence a more realistic starting point for relevant practice. Another influential reason for this gap between theory and practice is that various conceptions of spiritual/moral/values education across the curriculum have not been cogent and realistic enough to win the wide support of teachers. Most teachers are sympathetic to the aim of promoting student personal development, but if they are not convinced that a particular program or across-the-curriculum strategy can be carried through realistically, then implementation will fall short of what was expected. And it will not be perceived as realistic unless it harmonises with their ordinary experience of classroom teaching and learning. It may be that the expectations for student personal change are too high. Perhaps it is more realistic to ensure that the curriculum and the teaching processes are pointed in a ‘healthy direction’ for personal development, rather than focus on how much personal change is actually brought about. This acknowledges that not all students will change as desired; neither will they all change at the same pace. But it remains important for educators to know that they are doing their best to provide the educational environment, the values orientation, the content and process that can facilitate students’ personal development. Different across-the-curriculum approaches have been tried, for example seeing how studies in English, History or Science could promote some form of spiritual learning. There have been a number of generic strategies, each with its own constructs and language, such as values across the curriculum, values infusion, holistic education, spiritual education, and character education; while civics and citizenship education has across-curriculum implications, the tendency has been to treat it like a subject. At times, values clarification and self-esteem strategies have been used in different subjects, though mainly within personal development. In addition, pedagogical initiatives derived from various psychological and educational theories are said to foster some spiritual learning; examples include multiple intelligences, ‘brain-based’ learning theory, left/right brain learning, spiritual intelligence, de Bono’s hats, and constructivist theory. This book does not set out to add another new approach to this list. Use of the constructs – meaning, identity and spirituality – can enhance personal education in any of the approaches mentioned above, as well as within formal subjects like religion or personal development.
1.2 The search for meaning Don’t talk to me about life’s seasons. Don’t ask me for answers, don’t ask me for reasons. I don’t want to hear; Don’t want to hear it at all. From the moment we’re born we start to die; And a man can go crazy if he keeps askin’ why.
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That’s just how it is. Don’t look for a reason at all. [But] There must be a reason. There must be a way, to make some sense of it; To try to find a reason for it all. We’re not born just so we can die. There must be an answer, and we’ve got to try; To make some sense of it. To try to find a reason for it all.
Eric Bogle
In a song called ‘A reason for it all’, written in the late 1980s, Scottish-Australian musician Eric Bogle expressed the anxiety people can feel about meaning and purpose in life; they can sense they are caught between feelings of despair that there may be no meaning, and a desire to find explanations of bewildering events and experiences. They need an interpretation of what is happening that will help them cope and plan a hopeful future. For religious people, their beliefs form a core of meaning. They interpret life from a religious perspective. But for many, especially youth, religion – a principal traditional source of meaning – does not have the same cogency or credibility it seemed to have in the past. In contemporary Western societies, pluralism, pace of life and the media have affected the ways in which communities (even families) served as frames of reference for beliefs. In a culture with an ever increasing emphasis on individualism and the ‘good life’, many do not bother to look for guidance from the traditional support structures for meaning; they may be religious in a sense, but they are too busy with work and entertainment to give much thought to overall meaning to life. Many get by with no reference to religion. At times, for people living a life ‘under pressure’, questions of meaning will inevitably arise. But with few links to traditional sources of meaning, or because they have despaired of their relevance, they feel more on their own in searching for a view of life that will sustain them. They may use readily available meanings in popular culture, even if some of these are damaging. The attention people consciously give to meaning in life varies considerably. This is evident in the content of their meaning and its consequences for the way they conduct themselves, as well as in the efforts made to cultivate personal meaning. People express concern that there is a contemporary ‘crisis of meaning’, whereas for others there appears to be no such problem. There is no universal consensus in diagnosing the social situation. But there are enough indications that meaning is important in human life, and that there are problems with its development and evaluation, to make questions about meaning important for education. This book takes a value position on meaning. It presumes that a need for meaning and purpose is a defining characteristic of the human being. Communities of meaning – family, religion, social groups and the state – have a role in communicating basic meanings to the next generation, in ways that respect the emerging personal autonomy of young people. The notion of ‘healthy’ meaning is an important one for communities to develop to guide their care for the young and to inform the goals of education. Use of the word ‘healthy’ as a qualifier of meaning needs clarification. The young need access to the core meanings of their immediate community to enable them to feel they belong. This gives a ‘starting’ interpretation of life and reference points for cultural identity – a cultural inheritance of meaning. It is a working theory that sustains their need for purpose and values; it can be confirmed or modified later as they mature and take more personal responsibility for their own meaning. At a psychological level, healthy meaning needs to be
Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
plausible and serviceable – the best the community can offer. But it should be more than that. It needs to include criteria for judging meaning: whether it is benign or harmful. As far as a role for education is concerned, there is ready agreement that young people need initial help with information and skills for developing meaning. But when it comes to spelling out details, especially the particular meanings to be communicated, almost inevitably there will be different estimates of what is required. The communities responsible for schools (both government and independent) need some discernment structure in place to address this problem. When the content is controversial, as in meaning (beliefs and values), it will be difficult to achieve consensus; but it remains important to articulate and endorse the school’s role both as regards ‘meaning content’ and critical skills for the identification and evaluation of meaning. In Chapter 4, the notion of ‘healthy meaning’ will be proposed as a guide for informing this process. Inevitably, a study of meaning in schools needs to include religion. In liberal democratic societies, there has long been debate about the place for religion in public education. In the United Kingdom, religious education in the curriculum is required by law. In the United States, law requires that religion is kept out of the curriculum.4 In Australia, a religious education sponsored by a church or religion is permitted in limited circumstances (Denominational religious education). Legally, a second form of religious education – a more general exploration of religion taught by departmental teachers – is allowed (General religious education), but has never developed successfully in the state schools; however, ‘Religion Studies’ courses have been taken up by religious schools, especially the Catholic schools, with high candidature. To ignore this second format for studying religion in government schools would be to compromise the range of cultural meanings that should be accessed and appraised by young people in that context. Hence, with regard to their education in meaning, students in government schools are somewhat disadvantaged. In the short term it is unlikely that Religion Studies will become a viable subject in Australian state schools. But realistically, how many students would choose to do this subject if it were available? (By the same token, fewer would study religion in church schools if students had the choice.) But the notion of an education in meaning is not limited to a formal study of religion, so we shall give special attention to across-the-curriculum studies of meaning because of their importance for public education. In religiously sponsored schools, it is appropriate to include religious activities as well as content in theology and scripture as part of education in the meanings of the faith tradition. Even in the context of a community of faith – and the religious school is not a community of faith in exactly the same sense as a local church or synagogue – it is important to acknowledge the natural limitations to the ‘educational’ role. The school’s educational process cannot ‘inject’ religious beliefs into students. The young can be socialised into the basic meanings and practices of their religious tradition from an early age, both in the family and in a local community of faith, and to some extent at school. But whether or not they will become actively involved in organised religion will eventually be a matter of their own choice. In highly secularised Western societies like Australia, many young people are only nominally connected with their religious tradition. Nevertheless, whether or not they become practising members, educational access to their cultural religious heritage can make a valuable contribution to their personal development.
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One final word here about the evaluation of meaning. While the contemporary search for meaning is often said to be difficult for young people, there is no shortage of meanings available in society. The world is awash with meanings telling people how to live. This is amplified by the media, especially film and television, where consumerism is all-pervasive; it can give the impression that meaning and satisfaction in life revolve around what one can buy. Some young people feel that they are wading through a virtual swamp of ideas about what it means to be alive, unique and independent. Identifying implied meanings in culture and judging their appropriateness and potential contribution to wellbeing are therefore important skills that the young need to develop. The evaluation of meaning may ultimately be more pertinent than the concept ‘search for meaning’. This is where education is important.
1.3 Identity A research consultation with youth in Australia in 1998 reported that three major concerns of young people were unemployment, drug and alcohol abuse, and identity and the search for meaning.5 Though apparently not as immediately pressing as the problems of unemployment and drug and alcohol abuse, the need for young people to find ways of making meaning in their lives and developing an authentic sense of self are matters of great concern to them. While meaning and identity are felt to be important, and are bound up with their attempts to understand life, they may have vague and confused, but emotionally charged ideas of what these concepts mean. In addition, they are not sure of where to look for help, and they are not confident that adult institutions understand their questions, let alone have satisfying answers. As the report went on to say: ‘Many young people talk of lacking purpose and meaning in life. They often lack helpful role models, feeling that the world in which they live bears little or no resemblance to that from which their parents emerged.’6 In a changing social, economic and familial landscape, many of the support networks that existed for past generations are no longer there, or if present, they appear irrelevant. Young people’s interest in identity is usually personal and psychological. On the other hand, the focus of community interest in identity is often sociological: the concern is to hand on the distinguishing characteristics of the community, ethnic and religious identities in particular; communities are also interested in seeing what contribution education can make to the process. Identity is acknowledged as important in personal and social development. But what it means and how it develops are complex and controversial. For example, identity can be invoked to justify action ranging from support for a local football team to the extreme of ethnic cleansing. Perceptions of identity are often closely associated with violence. A clarification of what identity means and how this can be addressed in education should be an important community concern. As for the construct meaning, developing the notion of ‘healthy identity’ will be proposed as useful for working out educational implications.
1.4 Spirituality As the title of this book suggests, the constructs ‘spirituality’ and ‘identity’ have been bracketed with meaning because it was considered valuable for education to address this trio of constructs together in an integrated way. All three are closely related and are important
Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
in human development; they all figure in the social sciences and they are becoming more prominent in educational discourse. But all three are notoriously difficult to define. Nevertheless, a clarification of their meaning is essential if they are to be used constructively in educational theory and practice. This will be done in an introductory way in Part 2. Our purpose is to use these constructs (and related personal development themes) for heuristic purposes: to identify and analyse issues; to provide explanatory interpretations; to stimulate interest in furthering investigations; and to encourage learning. Traditionally, the word ‘spirituality’ has had a religious connotation: the style of prayer and spiritual practice that expresses a religious perspective on life. But now, in addition to this religious usage, the word has been selected by others precisely to avoid the religious connotation. Religiosity and spirituality are not coextensive, even though for religious people there is considerable overlap. Spirituality has become a ubiquitous term covering many different aspects of personal life and culture; it is used in traditional religions, as well as in new religious movements and non-religious spiritual groups; it also figures in areas as diverse as ecology, new age, healing, health sciences, social sciences, business and education. For educational purposes, the construct spirituality needs to be broad enough to include a religious contribution, as well as acknowledging a spiritual dimension to living that covers values, commitments and aesthetic concerns. This allows the construct to accommodate both traditional interests and new developments that are spiritual but not necessarily religious. This is useful for three reasons. First, in Western societies, religion is not prominent in the lives of many people; secularisation is at a high-water mark. Hence a spiritual education, if it is to enhance personal development and benefit the community, has to do more than meet the needs of those who are active members of local religious groups. This applies particularly to young people, many of whom construct a spirituality without much reference to organised religion. While the young are not so likely to use the word ‘spirituality’ with reference to their aspirations in life, they tend to have more affinity with the word ‘spiritual’ than with ‘religious’. Second, it is important not to discount the special interest that religion has long held in spirituality, or to underestimate the valuable contribution that a study of religion can make to young people’s education. Parts 4 and 5 of the book will endeavour to show how religious education in all school types can contribute to the spiritual and moral development of young people. Third, by using a language of spirituality that is not limited to the religious, there is a better chance of articulating the spiritual and moral dimensions to general education in a productive way. Earlier, brief mention was made of debates about a place for the study of religion in school education, but this does not cover adequately more general concerns about spirituality, values and ethics in the curriculum. The language of spirituality, together with that of moral and values education, provides a more appropriate framework for working out these concerns.
1.5 Relationships between meaning, identity and spirituality and their connection with other personal development constructs As the three key constructs are explored in later chapters, it will become more evident that they are not distinct. There is considerable overlap; there are many interrelationships. In some instances, meaning and identity seem to be the same reality interpreted from different
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perspectives. But the definitional difficulties can be turned to educational advantage; their meaning and psychological functions can be explored by students. A number of personal development constructs have been used by educators (as well as by health and welfare professionals) in their aims. These include values, self-esteem, moral development, character, wellbeing, coping, resilience, civic skills, wisdom, being cultured, lifelong learning, self-management, empowerment, virtues, faith – as well as more general terms like spiritual health, maturity, personal and social development, and religious development.7 All of the constructs are personal and complex; they are interrelated, while each usually illustrates some distinctive facets of personal development. It is precisely because of their personal nature and complexity that they cannot be handled in the same way as educational outcomes in knowledge, skills and employment-oriented competencies.8 Without doubt, they all have useful meaning and educational potential. But their multiplicity is confusing when a conceptualisation of the spiritual and moral dimension to education tries to take all of them into account at the same time. We selected meaning, identity and spirituality as our focus because collectively they entered in some way into most of the personal development terms listed above. In addition, they met six selection criteria: • They are of interest and importance for youth. • They are components of a wide range of other personal development constructs. • They all have significance for psychological development and are closely related. • They all have cultural parallels, such as cultural meanings that highlight interaction between individuals and cultural resources in personal development. • They have all figured as important educational goals (at least to some extent). • They readily provide content for study both in spiritual-moral subjects and in across-thecurriculum studies. It is not proposed that the three constructs should be used exclusively to cover the spiritual-moral dimension of the school curriculum. However, their use makes a valuable contribution to educational discourse and provides a helpful model for handling many of the other personal development concepts listed above. We do not anticipate resolving all definitional difficulties and potential inconsistencies with regard to meaning, identity and spirituality; but their exploration in terms of personal and cultural dynamics offers considerable value for young people’s personal development education. Given the limitations of space in this book, we chose not to refer to the considerable literature of moral and values education. Nevertheless, the proposed approach makes a valuable contribution to this area even though the links with its literature have not been pointed out.
1.6 The sociocultural situation and the contemporary search for meaning, identity and spirituality The social situation in which young people find themselves makes the search a difficult task. Their life environment does not seem as secure and purposeful as perhaps it was for earlier generations. Beliefs about life’s meaning drawn from religious convictions no longer seem to
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hold true. In an environment flooded with ways to make meaning and to find our ‘true selves’, there is an urgent need to help young people learn how to think critically about the issues. On one hand, lifestyle expectations in Western countries have never been higher. Images of the ‘good life’ saturate the media, and the possibilities are seductive and pervasive: ‘The world is your oyster!’ and if you have the right consumer goods – with the right brand labels – life is there for the taking: ‘Just do it!’ Freedom and individuality are prized. The suggestion that life also needs altruism, commitments, and fidelity, let alone some sacrifices, is usually notable by its absence (it is more difficult to relate these qualities to consumerism); this makes it easier to think that life can be lived without them. While young people’s imaginations have been stimulated to feel these possibilities vividly, their real life experience is often in stark contrast with their wish list. No matter how hard they try, they can never look as attractive as the fashion models or stars who set the standards of beauty and desirability towards which all aspire. Satisfying personal relationships are not just there to pick up like goods from a supermarket. And finding a good job and career can be fraught with failure, disappointment and self-doubt. When they look at what is happening around them, they find little to encourage hope. One education document offered the following sociological analysis. While the young would probably not use the same technical terms, many would have a first-hand experience of these problems. On the threshold of the third millennium education faces new challenges which are the result of a new socio-political and cultural context. First and foremost, we have a crisis of values which, in highly developed societies in particular, assumes the form, often exalted by the media, of subjectivism, moral relativism and nihilism. The extreme pluralism pervading contemporary society leads to behaviour patterns which are at times so opposed to one another as to undermine any idea of community identity. Rapid structural changes, profound technical innovations and the globalisation of the economy affect human life more and more throughout the world. Rather than prospects of development for all, we witness the widening of the gap between rich and poor, as well as massive migration from underdeveloped to highly developed countries. The phenomena of multiculturalism and an increasingly multi-ethnic and multi-religious society is at the same time an enrichment and a source of further problems.9
What is particularly problematic is the new prominence of nihilistic thinking – a tendency to believe there is no meaning to life. This can coexist with a very pragmatic and materialistic outlook. Having nothing much to believe in or hope for can contribute to increasing levels of boredom, depression, drug and alcohol abuse and suicide, especially among youth. This situation creates anxiety for adults, let alone young people. It makes the search for meaning and purpose difficult for all. It is the situation that families and communities have to address, trying to make some sense of it so they can guide children and young adults in charting a hopeful path forward.
1.7 Education and ‘reasons for living’ We do not see education as the primary means of resolving the social problems noted above. But what it can do well is help young people become better informed, and learn how to
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think critically about the contemporary socio-cultural situation and about spiritual and moral issues. It can help them discern the shaping influence of culture and learn how to become critical interpreters and evaluators of culture. It cannot automatically make them wise, but it can point them in the direction of wisdom. A key to this constructive role for education is written into the title of the book (and in the song quoted at the beginning of this chapter): reasons for living. Fundamental to education is the appeal to reason; enhancing the capacity to think critically is central. Also, given the malaise in meaning that the young experience, and given the negative feelings many of them have about finding a satisfactory purpose in life and achieving some authentic identity, there is a need to get them to consider positive reasons for living. School education can provide a valuable forum in which they can explore constructive community meanings as well as developing diagnoses of social problems. The emphasis should be on student-centred study and research. The educational process needs to be dialogical, not a one-way proclamation of normative community views. But neither should it neglect these views. It should be directed at the meaning of issues – at values and politics – and not just at facts and descriptions. As well as educating the young in the critical evaluation of meaning and identity, it can provide resources that young people can draw on in constructing their own worldview. While this proposal may sound attractive to educators, particularly those who have been involved in religious education, it is also likely to be perceived as unrealistic for general education. Hence it is important to continue arguing the case for a spiritual-moral role for general education, and to propose realistic ways in which it might be implemented. Over the past thirty years government documentation on the purposes of schooling in Australia has increasingly given attention to the role of education in promoting the spiritual and moral development of young people. For example, in 1990, the following aims statement appeared in the NSW Government white paper on education: Values and Education: The moral, ethical and spiritual development of students is a fundamental goal of education. It is clearly not confined to one area of the curriculum. All teachers, across all areas of the curriculum have a responsibility to inculcate in their students positive values and a capacity for moral and ethical judgment. Government schools should actively promote the moral values which are shared by the majority of people in our community. There is merit in the clear statement of this responsibility. In particular, this document will give greater emphasis to the link between education, work and personal fulfilment, as well as encouraging imagination, creativity, excellence and the search for meaning and purpose in life. It will give more recognition to the place of the family and family values in our society and the rights and responsibilities of parents in the area of morals and values. Greater stress will be placed on students achieving high standards of self-discipline, personal conduct and social responsibility. As recommended … the document will also acknowledge the importance of all students developing spiritual values.10
Aims statements like this – including one in the Adelaide Declaration on National Goals for Schooling in the Twenty-first Century (1999) on spiritual and moral development, and a comparable statement on values in the National Framework for Values Education in
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Australian Schools (2003)11 – provide a mandate for spiritual and moral education in schools, both government and non-government. This is a very positive development. But they also create problems for educators because there remains a significant gap between the aims and practice. The idea of all teachers across all curriculum areas being involved in some form of spiritual-moral education is at first sight fanciful. The challenge is to interpret the role in a modest and realistic way; teachers need clarification of what might be done as a natural part of teaching and learning procedures without compromising the integrity of their given subject matter. If not done in a cogent way, it is unlikely that such statements about values in education will win the support of educators. While we consider ‘spiritual and moral dimension to the curriculum’ and ‘student spiritual and moral development’ to be the most comprehensive terms that can be used in this discussion, at present, this view does not appear to have wide or unquestioned support – nor does it have evident opposition; its relevance remains to be tested. For many educators, the terms are obviously significant, but still somewhat ambiguous as regards their relevance to public education. This is because spiritual and moral development have not yet been conceptualised clearly enough to be accepted as more than a nominal goal. Addressing this situation is a principal purpose of this book. Another related issue for teachers, particularly in public schools, is a concern that efforts to promote students’ spiritual and moral development could arouse controversy. Teachers might engage students in an exploration of issues, and then realise they had no support from school and school system authorities for their exercise of professional judgment in a values education role. A mandate for some general form of values education appearing in aims documents is one thing, but if this is not followed through to a more specific mandate at school and local community level, with clearly stated implications for content, method and teaching ethics, it is unlikely that teachers will feel confident enough to proceed. Hence there is an urgent need for public endorsement at school level of the intention to engage in across-the-curriculum spiritual-moral education, together with a realistic account of how this could be implemented. There is no problem in requiring accountability in this or other areas of education. But there is a danger that excessive concerns about accountability will inhibit valuable educational activity in the spiritual-moral area. If this happens, it betrays the professional trust the community should have in its teachers, and those who really lose out are the students. A need to clarify the spiritual and moral dimensions to the whole school curriculum in a practicable way is thus a key task for public education. If there is not adequate followthrough, then the valuable spiritual-moral thrust in recent aims documents will dissipate. Worse still, if these more personal, holistic aims for education are surrendered because they could not be realistically translated into practice, it will be even easier for the economic, employment-oriented goals to dominate education even more than they do now. There are, however, encouraging signs of progress. In recent decades, Australian state education systems have articulated core values that should underpin schooling.12 Addressing the spiritual and moral dimension of the school curriculum has become prominent in educational discourse; talk about values in education has become more acceptable,13 even if there remains ambiguity about what it means ‘to teach values’. The Federal Government’s funding of a major national values education project has been significant.14 But it goes without saying that much remains to be done to address the task of conceptualisation enunciated above.
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1.8 The role for school education in relation to young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality Educational efforts to enhance young people’s personal development do not have the same sorts of neat, credentialled outcomes as exist for regular subjects, but this does not make them less important. While knowledge and skills are involved, and critical rationality is crucial, personal development outcomes are better expressed as hopes. They are potential small steps in personal change that might be occasioned by classroom studies; it is not possible, however, to causally link such personal change with teaching and learning in the same way it can be done for outcomes in say Mathematics and English. No educational program can automatically change young people personally, let alone benchmark such change with specified outcomes. Wisdom and values cannot be communicated like knowledge or facts. Educational experience can point young people in the desired direction, but a free response is an essential part of any authentic personal change. Nevertheless, articulating hopes for spiritual-moral education is helpful in guiding the work of teachers; it gives direction to the way they address issues related to meaning, identity and spirituality. It helps them see when and where they can make constructive contributions; and it can inform the concepts, language and questions used to do this. There are some subjects whose content naturally allows for a direct study of the three key constructs – like Religious Education, Ethics, Philosophy and Personal Development (see Parts 4 and 5 on the study of religion). What might be done in across-the-curriculum studies is a more difficult problem to address (see Part 3). A useful starting point has been to ask why some of the efforts in this direction have not been more successful; they did not live up to expectations, even though they were proposed as a ‘core’ to the curriculum. It appears that the main problem was the one described earlier: a hiatus between educational aims and teaching practice. While the intentions were sound, and while it is comparatively easy to make a list of desirable values and attitudinal outcomes, there was little tangible progress past the stage of formulating aims. Generic programs in religious schools such as ‘values across the curriculum’, and ‘values infusion’ have not won substantial teacher support, let alone achieved effective implementation (some would say that they did not manage to get an adequate level of teacher understanding, not because of any lack of intellectual ability on the part of teachers, but because of naivety in their conceptualisation). These programs presumed a framework that did not adequately fit the realities of the classroom learning environment as teachers experienced it, even though their promoters believed that they should. In addition, they appeared to presume a simple model of values communication that did not account for the complexity of values development. Such approaches to spiritual-moral education were perceived by teachers as an ‘extra dimension’ imposed on their teaching; they felt that authorities were trying to ‘inject’ a religious content into their teaching of the secular curriculum, and that this compromised the integrity of their subject. They naturally tended to resent being told that they must do this over and above their normal professional role, because they were working in a religious school. In any case, they were not specifically trained for moral or spiritual education. Many teachers may not be opposed to the idea of promoting student personal development through across-the-curriculum studies. But they considered that the official line for some of these programs gave them a status and a pre-
Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
eminence that were unrealistic; their proposed importance, and the extent of intended values outcomes, were out of proportion to what teachers knew was achievable in the classroom. In turn, they were sceptical of programs that had an almost propaganda-like feel to them; there was an apparent ‘values overkill’. Another problem, particularly in public education, but not limited to that context, is where teachers steer towards so-called ‘neutrality’ by trying to avoid values questions. As noted earlier, they are concerned about having no school support for engaging in the discussion of controversial issues, and they are reluctant to refer to their own views in case this gets them into trouble with school authorities or parents. The first step in approaching meaning, identity and spirituality across the curriculum is realism in acknowledging the limited role of the school in bringing about personal change. This means accepting that personal development in these areas is very complex, and influenced by many factors. Understanding the modest role of the school is the best starting point for planning the valuable contribution that the curriculum can make. For example, we know that we can successfully teach young people quantum physics but that we cannot teach them not to take drugs! As long as people use the same language when they talk about ‘teaching values’ as they do for teaching knowledge and skills, they will continue to overestimate the school’s capacity to promote the personal or spiritual development of young people. Regretfully, this will further inhibit the limited contribution that the school can make. As regards an education in meaning, identity and spirituality, adding yet another program with this as the title would not be the answer. Education has long suffered from the way that schools have been expected to solve social problems through the introduction of specific programs (such as courses on sex, peace, citizenship, values, work, leisure, driving, conflict resolution, and AIDS). Even though these courses made useful educational contributions, ‘over-expecting’ personal change in students has remained a problem. How studies of the three constructs are conducted, and how the students are engaged are crucial. But the most appropriate long-term approach for promoting young people’s education in meaning, identity and spirituality is not to create curriculum space for studying the ‘new’ content; rather, it is to educate teachers in relation to their own grasp of issues in these three areas. If they have a better understanding of the issues, they will be able to bring this into their teaching–learning interactions with students in appropriate ways, both inside and outside the classroom. Teachers need concepts and language that can help young people identify and explore issues related to the three constructs. These issues are embedded in many of the topics already studied in different subjects; they do not have to be introduced from outside. The issues are there, perhaps just beneath the ‘surface’ of the content, and the young need to learn how to ‘uncover’ them. Just identifying the emerging spiritual-moral issues is in itself a valuable exercise. It takes well-informed and skilled teachers to be able to ask the telling questions, provide relevant information, comment on examples and pertinent anecdotes, and give vital leads to young people that can engage them in thinking about and debating these issues; eventually, in their own time, they may consider personal implications. If this spiritual-moral dimension to content is not attended to by teachers, there is a danger that it will be excluded de facto; this could give students the impression that school education ignores these issues, or worse, that they are not worth considering.
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1.9 The importance of teachers’ understanding of issues related to meaning, identity and spirituality The first and most important step is to enrich teachers’ understanding of the human search for meaning, identity and spirituality, especially as it applies to the young. They also need to be convinced that their teaching has a valuable capacity to promote young people’s education in these areas, and thus contribute in some way to their personal and spiritual development. This presumes that if teachers have a good background understanding of these constructs, and enough professional wisdom, they should be able to follow up on related issues in their teaching, when and where this is appropriate. They need to be encouraged to address, and not to avoid, value-sensitive issues. These issues could be studied both in formal subjects like religion as well as in a variety of other subjects. A holistic education would not quarantine the investigation of spiritual-moral dimensions to one particular subject. In the long term, this approach may be more helpful for promoting the spiritual-moral dimension of school education than providing teachers with a ‘how to do it’ manual. It is not so much adding to teachers’ professional responsibilities, but enriching their teaching. It is bringing the naturally embedded spiritual-moral dimension to the surface appropriately. It can empower teachers to address this dimension as a normal part of good education. There are procedural questions to be considered, for example the educative place of teachers’ own personal views and commitments, and a code of teaching ethics (see Chapter 13). Also, some attention to ‘how to do it’ is still relevant for teachers who may not see how a study of spiritual-moral issues can be woven into their teaching in a seamless way.
1.10 An education that can promote meaning, identity and spirituality Planning for a spiritual dimension to education should not neglect the students’ experience and perspective. Young people are interested in spiritual and moral issues; they search for meaning and an authenticity in personal identity. But they will not automatically be interested in an education that sets out to help them in their quest. Rather, there is a complex irony. Often, the very studies that purport to give special attention to values questions have their personal relevance subverted – students just tune out! Much of the high esteem for school education that has grown during the first century of compulsory schooling has come from the certification of achievement. Knowledge and skills achievements are benchmarked. Certificates are essential for entrance to further education and employment. The outcomes movement has focused on employment-oriented competencies. It influences what is called the ‘mark status’ of different subjects. Subjects that are more specifically concerned with personal development (Religion, Ethics) had no such tangible or employment-related outputs. Teachers and parents may have vocally supported the ideals of a holistic education, and the importance of spiritual-moral studies, but this may not impress the students. For example, despite the official high profile of Religious Education in church-related schools, many students have a poor regard for it. Even where students like the subject, they feel it has little relevance to their lives or future employment. The emergence of accredited state Religion Studies courses for senior classes in Australian
Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
schools has improved the academic status of Religious Education but it has not solved the problem. Students can be expected to bring to Religious Education the same lack of interest in religion that is common in contemporary society. The difficulty is not limited to Religious Education. Personal Development studies in government schools have similar difficulties. As an example, where these studies were programmed into seminars on the last few days of the school year, the low status and perceived irrelevance of the work were amplified by the hidden curriculum – the school treated this curriculum requirement as nominal. Finally, there is another influential element in students’ negative perceptions of spiritualmoral studies which is difficult to counteract. They have an innate resistance to being told what to do in their own lives! Any school study to do with beliefs and values can only too easily be perceived as an exhortation; and this is enough for students to keep the study at arm’s length – militating against even the minimal level of intellectual engagement that is usually taken for granted in regular subjects. It underlines the importance of making any spiritual-moral studies an open, inquiring, student-centred learning process; any approach that remotely resembles an exhortation from authority runs the risk of being dismissed as irrelevant. This is a natural problem that Religious Education in church-related schools has to acknowledge and address.
1.11 A spiritual-moral dimension to good teaching Teachers need to be wise enough to be able to prompt students to attend to the greater meaning of their education; in other words, to take (and not overlook) the opportunity to find meaning in what they are studying. It will help to illustrate with examples. In a senior English literature study, students looked at the theme ‘changing self ’. A teacher could ensure that all of the structural requirements in the unit were attended to; but a good teacher, who understands some of the complexities in developing a sense of self, could help students see how the feelings, thinking and behaviour of the characters in the texts were not all that dissimilar from those they encounter in real life. The teaching and learning process does not consciously probe for personal responses from the students; rather, it externalises the personal issues and complexities by teasing them out from the text. In the safe area of textual interpretation, the students identify and reflect on what has prompted change in the protagonists in the texts. If done well, this allows emotional resonance with the characters. Students can come face to face with matters like: personal change is complex and people do not always understand until later (and perhaps not even then) that some decisions lead to irrevocable changes in personal relationships; to what extent do people have control over change in their lives? what sorts of external factors bring about personal change? what is involved in progress from childhood to maturity? It is not difficult for young people to think of comparisons with their own life experience. Teacher comments, questions and examples can help students with the textual interpretation. How the study might affect them personally is usually better left to their own reflection, even though occasionally they will talk about this in class; personal impact should not be judged by the apparent depth of personal interactions in the classroom. Nevertheless, at a later stage outside the classroom, it is not uncommon for teachers to find some students saying that they liked that study because it gave them something to think about at a personal level.
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While the English studies on ‘Changing self ’ focused on identity from a psychological perspective, another study called ‘Power play’ looked at the dynamics of personal power and politics. A topic like this readily leads to reflection on social and political issues. Yet another English study, ‘In the wild’, examined writers’ depictions of the conflict that has arisen from the ways humankind has perceived its ‘dominion’ over the natural world. It shows what can happen when humans do not take environmental responsibility seriously. Studies such as these (which can be paralleled in other subjects) have the capacity to become windows on contemporary life, sensitising students to new perspectives and helping them become better interpreters of meaning. In facilitating these explorations, teachers educate their students in the spiritual and moral layers of life. But what they are doing is no more than being good teachers in their own subject area; they are attending to its natural spiritual-moral dimensions. It is not a separate layer of moral education added to their teaching from outside like a superstructure. It is not asking teachers to go beyond normal teaching requirements; and it is not ‘adding’ spiritual content to the curriculum. But what it is expressing is a holistic education. It is fostering personal learning. How much of this kind of teaching and learning is needed across the curriculum? It is a question that needs careful attention, one that has to do with the overall personal relevance of schooling. In a subject like Religion or Personal Development, there should be a significant amount of value-related content. In other subjects, if attention to spiritualmoral dimensions is to be a natural part of the teaching, then excessive attempts to engage students in this way would be counterproductive because it would undermine the principal subject matter. Subjects have a coherence in their intended knowledge and skills outcomes. Some parts of the content may occasion personal learning; much of it may not. Personal relevance is not an element that can be readily or easily injected. So, the short answer to the ‘how much’ question is ‘occasionally’. The answer is consistent with the view that the school has a limited capacity to bring about personal change. The more insight teachers have into the development of meaning, identity and spirituality, the better equipped and more sensitive they will be in leading investigations of value-related questions that emerge in the classroom; in turn, the potential of all learning areas to have some personal relevance for students can be increased. While such an approach is ‘searching’ and not confrontative, it can challenge young people to expand their understanding of the issues; in turn, it can sharpen their focus on what impinges on their own personal development, and on what affects the social environment.
1.12 Summary: Characteristics of school education that enhance meaning, identity and spirituality Education in these three areas is not proposed as another subject added to an already crowded curriculum. Rather, we propose ways in which the spiritual and moral dimensions of regular subject content can be addressed. The principal concerns are summarised in three clusters: • the responsibility of communities to give young people adequate educational access to their traditions of meaning, identity and spirituality; the content constitutes spiritual resources for personal development;
Education and young people’s search for meaning, identity and spirituality
• student development of an understanding of the process of construction of meaning, identity and spirituality across the life cycle; • the acquisition of skills in the identification and evaluation of what counts as meaning, identity and spirituality, in the light of community values. A holistic education should address these concerns. In proposing a role for school education we do not want to give an impression that we think education is the principal means of communicating meaning, identity and spirituality to the young; family and cultural experience are considerably more influential. But it can help them develop a better understanding of how these three dimensions develop and of the cultural dynamics that influence them. A shorthand for this process is an education that explores reasons for living; it presumes that young people’s meaning, spirituality and identity will be more healthy if it is open to educational improvement, particularly through the use of reason. The opportunity for the school curriculum to bring about personal change in young people is limited. It revolves around helping them learn how to become well informed and to think critically – educating them to learn better from their own experience. Hopefully, they will learn how to identify wise traditions from the past, as well to appraise the social environment that has a shaping influence on people’s thinking and behaviour. The idea of an education that will help young people become more wise, alert to the spiritual and moral dimensions to life, emotionally mature and environmentally responsible is very noble, but it must be understood in terms of the real possibilities and limitations of appealing to reason as the basis for personal change. How the school models the values and virtues it proposes for its students will also be an influential factor. The hope of educating young people towards wisdom, maturity and responsibility applies to the whole curriculum and is not limited to one subject like religion. Hence the importance of clarifying a holistic approach. This is one reason that teaching is aptly called a profession – in the original sense of the word: it describes the work of those whose contribution to the welfare of the community is like a vocation or personal calling.
Notes 1 R Eckersley et al. 2006, Flashpoints and signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people, p. 8. 2 Accessed from the Viktor Frankl quotations website, May 2006 http://www.worldofbiography.com/9124Victor%20Frankl/quotations.htm 3 This chapter was developed from material published earlier as ML Crawford and GM Rossiter 2003, Reasons for living: Education and young people’s search for meaning, spirituality and identity. 4 In the United States, church–state legal language has stifled discussion about the place for study of religion in education. See for example, G Moran 1978, What Now? What Next? In P O’Hare (ed.) Foundations for religious education, p. 65. 5 Bishops’ Committee for Justice, Development and Peace 1998, Young people and the future, p. 1. 6 ibid., p. 15. 7 An investigation of the educational use of the construct wisdom is reported in ML Crawford and GM Rossiter 1992, Teaching Wisdom. Some of that material was reworked and included in Chapter 14. 8 Curriculum Corporation 2003, Values education study: Final report (prepared for the Australian Government Department of Education, Science and Training), p. 175. 9 Congregation for Catholic Education 1999, The Catholic school on the threshold of the third millennium, p. 1.
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10 T Metherell 1990, Excellence and equity: New South Wales curriculum reform. Originally appearing in NSW Government 1989, White Paper on curriculum reform in schools in NSW, p. 65, Note that there are important parallel statements to this one in other normative curriculum documents; see note 11. 11 Australian Education Council (& MYCEETYA) 1999, The Adelaide Declaration on national goals for schooling in the twenty-first century (the Adelaide Declaration); Curriculum Corporation 2003, Draft national framework for values education in Australian schools, p. 6. The final version of the Framework was published as Department of Education, Science and Training 2005, National framework for values education in Australian schools. 12 Civics Expert Group 1994, Whereas the people: Civics and citizenship education: Report of the Civics Expert Group; NSW Department of School Education 1991, The Values We Teach; A Refshauge 2004, Values in NSW public schools: A Ministerial statement; Report of the Review of the Queensland School Curriculum 1994, Shaping the future, vol. 3. South Australian Department of Education 1991, Common knowledge 8–10; Victorian Ministry of Education 1988, The social education framework: Effective participation in society, P– 10. 13 BV Hill 2004, Values education in schools. Also referred to in Department of Education, Science and Training 2004, National values education forum report. 14 Curriculum Corporation 2003, Values education study: Final Report; Department of Education, Science and Training 2004, National Values Education Forum Report; Curriculum Corporation 2004, Values Education in action: Case studies from 12 values education schools (Prepared for the Australian Government Department of Education, Science and Training).
2 PART
Meaning, identity and spirituality: Analysing the constructs for educational purposes This part introduces the constructs meaning, identity and spirituality, which are prominent in young people’s personal development as well as having credentials in psychological and educational theory. While they have significant potential for use by the various professionals concerned with the welfare of youth, these constructs are difficult to define because of their complex place in human development. Nevertheless, ongoing attempts to clarify their meaning can enhance the interpretive background that educators and other professionals bring to their work with youth. After providing a basic typology for each of the constructs, this part concludes with some generalisations about what it entails to educate young people in meaning, identity and spirituality.
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The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
We live not by things, But by the meaning of things. It is needful to transmit the passwords from generation to generation. Antoine de Saint-Exupery1
He who has a why to live for can bear with almost any how. Friedrich Nietzsche 2
Much has been written about young people’s need for ‘meaning’ and ‘identity’. While they have a key role in personal development, what is understood by these terms, especially in the educational domain, is often not well articulated. This and the following two chapters will explore questions about what constitutes meaning, what are its psychological and social functions, and about how it is constructed and communicated. These chapters work towards a typology of meaning. While they will not attempt to survey all the relevant literature, they will examine a number of basic understandings of the construct, and they also provide starting points for further research on young people’s search for meaning. Because the approach taken is analytical, many of the concepts are abstract. Ideally, practical examples would help both understanding the concepts and their educational implications. But limitations of space have kept this to a minimum, so readers will need to draw from their own experience to contextualise the material. This is not the most easily read part of the book but it lays the conceptual groundwork for much of what follows. Chapter 2 begins with an introduction that looks briefly at what has been called 23
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the ‘search for meaning’ in some contemporary writings as well as the way in which meaning has been understood in anthropology, psychology and religion. It argues that the search for meaning is a defining human characteristic, and that links between meaning and reason justify a role for education in the communication and evaluation of meaning. Questions about meaning that the young have to negotiate are then listed; this signals an agenda for educators and other professionals serving the welfare of youth: they need a basic understanding of the psychological dynamics of meaning. The analysis explores both personal and cultural meanings, and their relationships.
2.1 The search for meaning In their book SQ: Spiritual intelligence, The ultimate intelligence (2000), Zohar and Marshall stated that ‘humanity’s need for meaning [is] an issue very much at the forefront of people’s minds as the new century begins’. They used the word ‘meaning’ along with ‘longing’, ‘capacity for vision and value’, ‘dreaming’, ‘striving’, ‘things we believe in’, ‘shape to our lives’. This example, along with others from the literature, suggest that there is a ‘crisis of meaning’ in contemporary Western societies that affects youth in particular. Australian author Tacey described the search for meaning as an urgent human need growing out of the pressures and uncertainty of contemporary life: There is a real crisis of meaning in the community, and the problems associated with constant social change – the erosion of the old public morality, the breakdown of family structures, high levels of unemployment and instability in the workplace, and the public emergencies created by drugs, alcohol, crime and increasing suicide – have shaken this country out of its former innocence and urged us to take stock of ‘what really matters’ … We can no longer afford to remain silent about matters of meaning … People who idealise the relaxed social conditions of the past are refusing to engage the urgent crises of our time, and failing to see these crises as a cry for clarification and affirmation of human and social meaning … Speaking about our innate hunger for spiritual meaning, David Millikan has said that ‘there is a distinctive quality or capacity in us all which creates a restlessness with the limitations of our present life’. This spiritual restlessness is dramatically accelerated when society goes through a period of critical instability and uncertainty. Often, what inspires spiritual search is a profound disillusionment with the present social system, especially in the fields of politics, social leadership, industry, health, law and education. The search for new values and visions is frequently sparked by frustration, disappointment or anger at the current state of secular society … It represents a protest against the conditions of our all‑too‑human world, as well as a search for abiding spiritual values that can provide a new stability and unity to society.3
You could ask if this is a relatively new phenomenon – part of the so-called postmodern condition. Or whether it is an age-old problem that humanity has always had to face – trying to make sense of life. It is both. In the 1960s, the psychiatrist Viktor Frankl, in his book Man’s search for meaning, talked about a contemporary crisis in meaning, especially for
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
youth. But there are indications that there is a new urgency to questions about meaning in life, on the part of both individuals and communities. In the past, such questions, particularly about ultimate beliefs and values, were phrased more in religious language. Now, with a high degree of secularisation in Western societies, another language is being used more frequently to frame questions about human purpose and value.4 In the past, more of the meaning to life was implied or culturally embedded in institutions and religious traditions. Human purpose may have been taken for granted by individuals and perhaps there was less ‘searching’ for meaning. Nowadays, in Western societies in particular, little is taken for granted; practically everything is questioned, and individuals have to do more of the construction of meaning by themselves. People in great poverty or in oppressive political situations may not have the luxury of spending time philosophising about the meaning of life; most of their energy is spent just surviving. However, it may well be their core meaning, socially reinforced by group identity, that sustains them. While acknowledging that religion has long been important for human meaning, Zohar and Marshall claimed that it has been superseded as a principal source of meaning. They saw the meanings supported by religion as ‘unravelling’ in the wake of scientific rationalism. They considered that their view of spiritual intelligence was based on evidence from psychology, neurology, anthropology and cognitive science – as if religion and philosophy had little to say that would be relevant to the contemporary human condition. They acknowledged a role for religion in the communication of meaning. But their view seemed too narrowly associated with a particular style of Eastern spirituality; the relevance of their book thus depended on the extent to which readers could identify comfortably with that spirituality. The construct meaning is a useful one because it can accommodate both religious and non-religious views of life. It is important to probe the spiritual dimensions of human experience in non-religious language, especially for educational purposes; but at the same time, to neglect what religions and philosophy have to say about meaning is to ignore some of the principal cultural inputs to human meaning throughout history. As noted in the previous chapter, fostering young people’s search for meaning and purpose in life is often listed as a contemporary aim for school education. But if such an aim is to be followed through into relevant practice, it needs more clarification about what constitutes meaning, how it functions psychologically, how it develops and matures, and how it can be communicated in ways that respect the developing autonomy of young people. Also needed are skills and criteria for identifying and evaluating meaning. Young people need to learn how to judge whether particular meanings are healthy or harmful. Then there are questions about how personal meaning relates to cultural meanings, and about the roles of institutions in the communication of meaning.
2.2 The search for meaning as a defining human characteristic: Perspectives from anthropology, religion and psychology In Lake Mungo in New South Wales is the earliest known archaeological site for the ritual burial of the dead (more than 40 000 years old). This is regarded as evidence of early human belief in an afterlife, suggesting that in these communities a spiritual element figured prominently in the way people made sense of life. In turn, this has been interpreted as an indication of the functional origins of religion.
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More recently, the Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh (over 2500 years old), translated from writing on a stone tablet, told the story of an individual’s search for a meaning to life. Gilgamesh yearned for immortality; he did not want death to be the end of his selfconsciousness. While Gilgamesh failed to find satisfying solutions for the dilemmas of life and death, the moral of the story was that humans are by nature mortal and must learn to accept their mortality and adjust their view of life accordingly. Finding contentment in what he could contribute to the community was the meaning that Gilgamesh ultimately accepted for his own life. The human search for meaning is as old as humanity itself. For all other animals, there is no evidence of this level of self-awareness. Theodosius Dobzhansky, one of the principal architects of the neo-Darwinian theory of evolution, considered that knowledge that we are mortal is one of the defining characteristics of the human species. He explained this in his book The biology of ultimate concern (1966). Only humans can ask questions about the meaning and purpose of their lives. For many, this revolves around belief in God and an afterlife, and the practice of religion; for others, meaning is constructed in spiritual but not necessarily religious terms (for example values and commitments); for some, the meaning they decide on is that ‘there is no meaning’. So people stand today in a long line of human searchers for meaning. Meaning is not inbuilt as, by analogy, it appears to be in other animals. Instinctive, genetically determined behaviour is prominent in other animals. In humans, this has been largely replaced by a genetic ability to learn and to construct an interpretation of life. The quest for meaning is an individual task; it does not come ready made. But the answers people develop are derived in some way from their community experience. Children naturally absorb and take for granted the meaning system of their immediate family – at least until they are able to think more for themselves as well as take on meaning from other agencies and culture. Individuals are born human, but they become persons through interaction with a community. Individuals in the human species depend genetically on a non-genetic, cultural inheritance to become as fully human as they can be. In this very basic sense, education (as natural learning) is a fundamental formative process for the human being. This same basic principle justifies links between formal education and people’s construction of meaning and purpose in life.
2.3 The role of religion Providing meaning and purpose in life is a central role of religion. For many people, it is their principal source of meaning. Religion provides an overarching spiritual framework for life and it gives direction to morality as well as to prayer and other religious practices; it gives a sense of ultimate meaning not only to personal life but to the universe, seeing it as the complex creation of God. The meaning in religious beliefs can be strongly coloured by cultural contexts. Religion and culture can become so intertwined that it is difficult to see what is authentically religious (in terms of the traditional core teachings of the religion) and what is cultural accretion. Typically, religions see the capacity of humans to construct meaning and purpose as innate and central to the human condition, even if the meaning they ultimately live out of is not drawn from a community of faith. Theistic religions also see direct, personal communication with God as a natural capacity, and that union with God is a fundamental goal of life.
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
2.4 The role of psychology and psychiatry Psychology and psychiatry (and the social sciences in general) also have much to say about the search for meaning. Viktor Frankl reflected on his experience in Auschwitz during the later part of World War II. He concluded that one of the factors that kept a number of the slave labourers alive was their conscious hold on some understanding or convictions that gave dignity and a sense of value to their lives in conditions that were inhuman. Sensitive people who were used to a rich intellectual life may have suffered much pain (they were often of a delicate constitution), but the damage to their inner selves was less. They were able to retreat from their terrible surroundings to a life of inner riches and spiritual freedom. Only in this way can one explain the apparent paradox that some prisoners of a less hardy makeup often seemed to survive camp life better than did those of a robust nature.5
In his psychiatric theory of Logotherapy, Frankl argued that conscious cultivation of a sense of meaning was a key to mental health and an aid in addressing some psychological problems. He believed that a ‘will to meaning’ was a fundamental drive that energised human beings. The term ‘meaning in life’ was also prominent in the psychology of Carl Jung. He proposed that a sense of having some valuable, purposeful place in life was important for mental health. There is a strong reason why we should cultivate thoughts that can never be proved. It is that they are known to be useful. Man positively needs general ideas and convictions that will give a meaning to his life and enable him to find a place for himself in the universe. He can stand the most incredible hardships when he is convinced that they make sense; he is crushed when, on top of all his misfortunes, he has to admit that he is taking part in a ‘tale told by an idiot.’6
Jung was also interested in the meaning that was embedded in the unconscious; and in the collective unconscious, mediated by symbols and dreams. In Abraham Maslow’s psychology, two concepts were pertinent to meaning: a ‘hierarchy of needs’ and ‘self-actualisation’.7 While basic physical needs had priority, the full development of the person required, according to Maslow’s scheme, meaning and purpose, together with fulfilling life goals and satisfying relationships. The movement known as humanistic psychology, typified by authors like Maslow, Rogers, Fromm, Erikson, Allport, May and others, did not overtly highlight the construct meaning, but had much to say about the meanings that were considered to be important in becoming a fulfilled person.
2.5 Reason and meaning, and a basic link with education The discussion so far suggests that meaning in life would have values and beliefs, as well as cognitive, emotional and unconscious elements in a complex mixture. What is of interest in the work of Frankl, Jung and a variety of psychological or psychiatric theories (for example
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cognitive therapy) is that constructive links are proposed between reason and meaning in life. Through information, reflection on reasons, interpretation and evaluation, individuals can adjust their understanding of their own lives in ways that help change damaging behaviour and promote more constructive living. Input to understanding can change people personally (even if it takes time), and it shows how education for understanding can, in turn, occasion personal change. Reason and religious beliefs: There are important links between religious beliefs and reason. For our purposes here, only a few points will be made on a topic that is extensive. The idea of ‘faith seeking understanding’ has been prominent in Christianity since the time of St Anselm. Also, a close association between philosophy and Christian theology has a long tradition, and there are parallels in other world religions, even if the word ‘theology’ is not used. Central to this thinking is the presumption that there is (or ought to be) a natural harmony and complementarity between reason and religious belief. In turn, it would claim that where there is a clash between the two, it is an ‘apparent’ clash, with one or the other (reason or faith), or both, being faulty. Some critics of religion tend to overplay a contrast between religious faith and reason, seeing the former as ‘a-rational’ or even ‘non-rational’. Religion and the social sciences: Similarly, we presume that there is (or should be) a natural complementarity between religion and the social sciences. It is pertinent to a later discussion of what is called ‘psychological spirituality’, where a religious perspective is blended with psychological insights, and where religious spirituality is articulated in psychological terms – religion interpreted from the viewpoint of its enhancement of people’s lives. Another aspect of the relationship between religious beliefs and reason is the ‘rational evaluation’ of religion – a contentious question for some, but important for the educational study of religion. In education, religious beliefs and practice need to be held open to rational evaluation. This does not mean creating conflict between faith and reason, but rather being able to show how religious beliefs can enhance people’s lives; it also calls into question religious behaviour that is harmful, judged in the light of community values. Such evaluation can help identify where religious beliefs are used as a justification for prejudice and selfish or violent behaviour; it acknowledges that not all religiously motivated behaviour is morally acceptable and it warns against religious fanaticism. Evaluation is part of a ‘critical’ study of religion that has a valuable place in both public and religious schools. In practice, it encourages the same level of critical thinking about religion as is proposed in the study of other subject matter. These comments highlight links between reason and meaning and are the basis for relationships between education and meaning. While it is not therapy, education engages young people in the same sorts of rational processes as those noted above. This provides grounds for hope that education can make a useful contribution to young people’s search for meaning.
2.6 Young people and meaning Young people are concerned about many things – from the pimples on their face, to what clothes to buy, relationships, unemployment, ecological problems, threats of terrorism, violence and world peace. The profile of their concerns varies according to age, time, location and mood. As noted in the previous chapter, many young people have an enduring anxiety, even if this is at a low level, about meaning and identity. Discussions of youth suicide propose that a lack of meaning is a contributing factor. Youth studies refer to young
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
people’s need for both meaning and identity. However, there is little research that explores in detail what young people understand by ‘meaning’ and ‘identity’, beyond acknowledging that they are important for personal development. It is presumed that if youth are somewhat secure in their sense of purpose, and sure of who they are, they will be better able to cope with and respond creatively to the psychological pressures of life in contemporary Western societies.
2.7 What is ‘meaning’? Meaning is an explanatory construct. It is used to understand and interpret people’s thinking and behaviour. The noun ‘meaning’, like ‘identity’, when applied to the development of the human person, is such a basic word that it is hard to define without using the same word again. But if it is to be useful in education and the helping professions, it needs clarification. Rather than beginning with a generic definition, it will be more helpful to look at a series of questions about the nature and function of meaning: • What constitutes ‘meaning’ in life? What counts for meaning for different people? • How is meaning constructed by individuals? • How is meaning generated in communities? How is it communicated? • How do you ‘search’ for meaning and how do you know when you have found it? • If you have to search for meaning, does this imply that meaning is not readily available or is difficult to find; or that the meaning readily at hand is inadequate or unsatisfying? • Do you only search for meaning when something goes wrong? Or when the implied meaning with which you were comfortable is called into question? • Is the search for meaning a result of a significant or traumatic experience, calling for more thought about the fundamental values implied in the way one lives? • Is a search for meaning a symptom of a more fundamental problem: dissatisfaction with life or unhappiness that prompts individuals to think about what is wrong with their lives and what needs to be done to improve it? • Is the search for meaning a cognitive searching or an experiential testing of different values that are available for adoption? • Does meaning need to include values for day-to-day living? Or is it just concerned with ultimate beliefs and values like God, death and afterlife? • How well does one’s religion provide satisfactory meaning? • How much time does a healthy person need to spend on the search for meaning? • Can the search for meaning be a health hazard? Can you spend too much time and energy searching instead of getting on with life? • How do you judge when meaning is good or harmful for the individual? What are the criteria for good and healthy meaning? • Can meaning be manufactured and sold? • Western culture is saturated with different meanings for life; does the search for meaning involve evaluating and choosing what is valuable from the available meanings? • Given that the search for meaning has a significant cognitive component (also emotional, attitudinal and volitional dimensions), do the processes of interpretation, critical thinking and evaluation become important for education in meaning?
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This is a daunting list! It raises a substantial agenda, making it unrealistic to think that there are simple answers.8 But it is in exploring these questions that there is significant educative potential, for the professional as well as for young people. It is through such inquiry that people can find some of the partial answers that help them make sense of life.
2.8 Towards a typology of meaning Each of the following subsections is a vignette about meaning that also signposts issues. There is a risk that such an introductory treatment may seem piecemeal – like a checklist of general comments that might appear as conventional wisdom in a self-help book – and it may raise more questions than it resolves. This is a natural limitation of such a typology, but nevertheless one that develops a perspective on meaning and provides a starting point for more detailed investigation. And, as noted earlier, it builds up the interpretive background that professionals can bring to their interactions with youth.
2.9 Personal meaning: The nature and psychological function of meaning in the individual It is possible analytically to differentiate a number of components and functions for meaning. This helps with our understanding and effective use of the construct. However, it is important to remember that personal meaning is usually a complex entity that defies simple dissection into parts. For some scholars, a study of meaning starts and ends with metaphysics, together with appropriate ventures into epistemology. This focus is essential to an exploration of meaning. In keeping with our limited purposes, we have chosen not to visit metaphysics formally. Nevertheless, the following (and foregoing) discussion includes questions for metaphysics and epistemology. Our reluctance to address debates about the nature of knowledge and beliefs should not be taken to mean that we think them unimportant or unrelated to the discussion. Similarly, we will not venture into semantics and linguistics, and only brief attention will be given to hermeneutics as such, while hermeneutic or interpretive questions are central to the three chapters on meaning. We are more concerned with the psychologicalsocial and operational aspects of meaning than the philosophical and linguistic. Our focus is on structure and function. The typology of meaning is organised under the following headings:
2.9
Personal meaning: The nature and psychological function of meaning in the individual
Structure and function
2.9.1
Meaning as personal explanatory theory or interpretation
2.9.2
Meaning as personal motivation
2.9.3
Meaning as the justification of thinking and behaviour
2.9.4
Articulated personal meaning and expressions of meaning
2.9.5
Implied personal meaning
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
2.9.6
Emotional meaning
2.9.7
Imagination and intuition: Their contribution to meaning
Components
2.9.8
Structural components of meaning
2.9.9
Meaning as a set of values
2.9.10 Meaning as beliefs 2.9.11 Religious beliefs 2.9.12 Ultimate meaning 2.9.13 Meaning through religion 2.9.14 Meaning through prayer 2.9.15 Meaning as life goals 2.9.16 Meaning as a set of ideals and hopes 2.9.17 Narrative structure to meaning; personal meaning as a ‘master story’ and as personal myths 2.9.18 Meaning as the point of intersection between understanding and emotion Other functions
2.9.19 Meaning as a coping mechanism 2.9.20 The contribution of meaning to wellbeing and resilience 2.9.21 Meaning as ‘psychic moorings’ 2.9.22 Meaning as the ‘fall back position’ – inner resources 2.9.23 Meaning as interpretation of the world outside Other types and expressions of meaning
2.9.24 Meaning through humour 2.9.25 Cool meaning 2.9.26 Meaning articulated in belief/values statements 2.9.27 Meaning and creative expression
2.10
Cultural meanings: Social and cultural meanings as reference points for personal meaning
Cultural meaning
2.10.1 Meaning embedded in culture 2.10.2 Communities of meaning 2.10.3 Normative cultural meanings 2.10.4 Popular cultural meaning 2.10.5 Implied cultural meaning 2.10.6 Meaning through myth-making 2.10.7 Meaning referenced to place, location and lifestyle
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Contextual influences
2.10.8 Political meaning, ideology and hegemony 2.10.9 Meaning and cultural postmodernity 2.10.10 Crisis of meaning: Diseases of meaning, spiritual pathology and junk meaning 2.10.11 Cultural change and changes in cultural meanings Meaning and community
2.10.12 Cultural inheritance as ready-made meaning 2.10.13 Community and education in meaning 2.10.14 The academic study of meaning
Critical social theory
Hermeneutics
Structure and function
2.9.1
Meaning as personal explanatory theory or interpretation
Meaning can be thought of as a satisfying theory or interpretation of life; similarly, people ascribe meaning to particular events and activities. It is an understanding that gives a plausible explanation or a useful working hypothesis. Meaning is the theory that makes sense of one’s experience. Semantics (study of the meanings of words) and hermeneutics (study of interpretation) are important in any investigation of meaning. While any detailed excursion into these fields is beyond our scope here, comments about these areas of study will be made towards the end of the chapter. Meaning also helps explain behaviour; it shows the implied thinking beneath behaviour that makes it understandable; it describes the underlying pattern of motivation. Individuals may not always be fully aware of their own motives, or of other influences on their behaviour. In these circumstances, they probably would not have good or convincing reasons for what they do. Hence the meaning of their own behaviour might not be clear to them, even though astute observers may have a better idea of what was going on. The explanation may not be perfect, but it can give a reasonably satisfying, even if partial, answer to questions people face, and it can help them work out their response.
2.9.2
Meaning as personal motivation
As noted above, personal explanatory theories are closely associated with motivation. From this perspective, meaning is the articulation of motives, spelling out the individual’s interests, needs and goals. Motivation may also acknowledge external influences on behaviour.
2.9.3
Meaning as the justification of thinking and behaviour
Another function of meaning as an explanatory theory is evident in the way it serves as a justification. People usually have some reason for what they do. Even if vague, it rationalises their action; it can be a defence or excuse. Such usage is common in ordinary conversation where people explain why they do particular things.
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
Even when they behave inappropriately, people still have some justification in mind; this makes it easier for them when their action conflicts with professed values. Later, they may feel uncomfortable when the real meaning of their behaviour becomes more self-evident. The justification of behaviour given to others is not always its ‘true’ meaning. People are often reluctant to reveal their true motive. It may be as simple as being polite by not voicing displeasure. Or it may be more complicated where there is deception, or, where people are only partly aware of their real motives, there is self-deception. Some distinctions help illustrate this complexity. Justificatory meaning can take three forms: articulated personal meaning; unarticulated personal meaning; and implied personal meaning. There may be differences between the meaning individuals articulate for themselves and what they profess publicly. For some there is no difference; for others the discrepancy is considerable. There will naturally be variations in people’s level of awareness of their own motives, and also in their consciousness of cultural influences. A mature person could be expected to have good self-knowledge and a discerning awareness of the cultural influences that affect them. On the other hand, people can try to avoid the discomfort of thinking about what actually motivates them; they may be embarrassed to think that others can see their real intentions. But with hindsight and growing maturity, they may develop a more realistic picture of their own motivation, and this may lead to personal change. This aspect of meaning parallels a later interpretation of the psychological function of identity (Chapter 6). The content of meaning is an expression of the individual’s identity. Here, meaning and identity are the same psychological reality looked at from different perspectives. From the viewpoint of meaning, it is the explanation of the individual’s intentionality. From the viewpoint of identity, it is the individual’s distinctive selfunderstanding and self-expression.
2.9.4
Articulated personal meaning and expressions of meaning
Following reflection and interpretation of experience, people can articulate the beliefs and values that give direction to their lives. The process is usually affected by interaction with others. Articulated personal meaning can be expressed in various ways, some simple and some complex. It can be phrased in their own words and/or in various formulae. Expressions of meaning may be value statements, wise sayings, quotations or religious teachings; they may be in narrative form. They can also be expressed through identification with particular role models and/or communities that embody the meanings to which individuals commit. Articulated personal meaning is usually dependent, to varying degrees, on the culture in which people live. A significant part of people’s articulated meaning and implied meaning (see below) may be directly imported from the culture – where cultural meanings become ‘operative’ in the individual. Hence there may be varied levels of congruence between personal and cultural meanings. It is unlikely that they generate their own personal meaning in isolation from the outside world. What constitutes a healthy interaction with cultural meanings is a matter for debate that is relevant for education. People vary in the extent to which they try to articulate meaning; and there is also variation in the accuracy of their articulation. In articulated meaning, some give an authentic
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account of themselves. Others do not have good self-knowledge; they may give little or no conscious attention to clarifying their own meaning, and may live without much reference to it. Where individualism is prominent in the culture, there is general acceptance that people have freedom and responsibility for determining their own meaning. This raises questions about the role of parents and community in the communication of meaning.
2.9.5
Implied personal meaning
As already noted briefly above, from the point of view of an observer, it is helpful to make a distinction about implied personal meaning. An individual’s behaviour is open to interpretation by others. What they do and how they spend their time signal an implied meaning, whether or not it is ever articulated; their behaviour defines personal meaning, de facto. In this sense, there is always an implied meaning to people’s behaviour. Accordingly, observers attribute intentionality to others, rightly or wrongly; it is a natural part of personal interaction. To realise that the meanings in our behaviour are to some extent accessible to others can affect what we plan to do. It can make some more devious. Some may not know, or may not want to know, the implied meaning in their behaviour that is reflected back to them by others. The capacity to interpret meaning in the behaviour of others is a basic human learning process. It shows how values can be learned, particularly by the young; they can learn across a wide values spectrum – for example, from altruism to racism. The process is a central part of socialisation into belief systems. Natural personal learning is open to enhancement through education, particularly where meaning is identified and evaluated. The notion of implied meaning has other ramifications. The degree of congruence between professed and implied meaning has much to do with honesty and integrity. For example, someone could hardly claim that spouse and family had priority when practically all of his or her time and energy was devoted to work and progress up the career ladder, with its incentives of power, status and money. Here, the implied meaning contradicts the professed meaning. This example could also be interpreted from the perspective of identity: a conflict between professed identity and implied identity. The cognitive dissonance between the individual’s and the observer’s interpretation of meaning can be a catalyst for personal change. If people judge that the meaning in their behaviour is inappropriate in the eyes of respected others, they may want to change that behaviour. Such change can be positive or negative. Young people especially are susceptible to influences from the perceived social reality sustained by role models and peer groups; who their heroes or heroines are can have a big effect on who they become. The notion of ‘knowing yourself ’ well presumes that congruence between inner meaning and behaviour is a desirable virtue, central to spiritual health; behaviour fits with the selfexplanation. Self-knowledge is the content of the meaning that expresses the ‘true’ self. This is fine as long as the self-knowledge is judged to be good. But where self-knowledge is judged to be poor, there may well be congruent poor behaviour, though such congruence would hardly be regarded as spiritually healthy. It suggests that there is a need for some objective criteria for self-appraisal, and for the appraisal of personal meaning. (See 4.5 on
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
healthy meaning. It is also related to the consideration of self-esteem in 6.4.) In other words, acting with the justification of being your ‘true self ’ does not necessarily make what you do morally good; it is not a licence to cut across the good of others. These issues highlight the importance of the evaluation of personal meaning. Another point can be made about implied meaning. It overlaps with the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s construct of ‘life structure’. He proposed that the most telling description of people’s values was embedded in the way they acted and how they spent their time. His views are considered further in the later discussion of identity.9 Following up the earlier comment about the potential enhancement of meaning through education, it is useful to note that study of articulated and implied meanings (hopefully, with follow-up reflection) is the substantive content that education has to work with if it is to educate the young with respect to meaning. It marks out the limited, rational ‘window of opportunity’ that education has for promoting personal change in young people; it shows the relevance of studying ‘reasons for living’. Such study may lead to the acquisition of new meanings; it is an appropriate psychological channel through which classroom learning can occasion change in beliefs and values. But there is a need to acknowledge that the ‘learning’ of meaning is more complex than learning knowledge and skills, even though it includes both of these.
2.9.6
Emotional meaning
While the rational component of personal meaning has been stressed, together with its implications for school education, it would be a mistake not to attend to the emotional component. How people feel about a situation can be more fundamental than what they think about it. How comfortable they feel about something may sway their thinking and beliefs, and what they believe in can affect their feelings about a situation; the influences work both ways. There is an emotional meaning woven through people’s interpretation of life and events, just as they have feelings associated with particular places and people. Personal meaning is usually not just a rational understanding, belief or value position. The emotional dimension has implications for what constitutes maturity in meaning.
2.9.7
Imagination and intuition: Their contribution to meaning
Imagination is the capacity to see things differently – new possibilities in contrast with what exists now. It enables individuals to go beyond the constrictions of the present to create new ideas and to appraise their potential. They can try themselves out imaginatively in new situations; they can explore what they might become. Through imagination, new meanings can be developed. But imagination comes into play not only when people think of the distant future or of fantasy-like potential change. It is much more than the capacity for daydreaming. It operates constantly in relation to more immediate activity, every time people do any planning. It helps them anticipate what might happen as a consequence of particular decisions. It is an essential part of the decision-making process, and therefore a key component of meaning – its exploratory dimension, testing the waters of new meanings. It can help people extend
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their meanings beyond present horizons; whenever meaning is concerned with the future, imagination is involved. Imaginative rehearsal of future possibilities is a ‘pathfinder’ for personal change (13.8); on the other hand, if imaginations are not encouraged, they can stifle choice and action. In both cases, imagination is a potent mechanism of human learning. Imagination does not develop in the individual in an exclusively endogenous way. While the capacity for imagination is genetic, it can be stimulated and enhanced, especially by images – it needs raw material. It can be cultivated and refined (one of the aims of education). In the image-dominated mass media and entertainment industry, it is said that ‘little is left to the imagination’. Here, so much imagining is done for us. To the extent that this dynamic affects the imagination, life expectations can be influenced by those who orchestrate media images. Hence, while significant for creativity, and while it can pave the way for personal change, the imagination is a psychic area vulnerable to subtle manipulation. Marketing and consumerism can affect (infect?) the imaginations of the young to secure their purchasing power. Intuition is knowing something by feeling or ‘instinct’. It is not a genetic instinct, as in other animals, but a conclusion reached about a certain meaning that is not yet fully understood or explained satisfactorily, or not yet justified by evidence or argument. Intuition may draw on the imagination. Sometimes the phrase ‘gut feeling’ is used to stand for intuition, but it is certainly the brain and not the alimentary canal where it is located physiologically. Intuition is also about the synthesis of ideas, about discovering meaningful patterns in data. Intuition is about anticipation; it is like a hunch – it is not irrational and may be based on thorough examination of data relevant to the decision, but to some extent it is like a ‘leap of faith’; one is not sure in advance that an intuition will be correct in its interpretation, and most people learn that sometimes their intuitions are right and sometimes they prove to be wrong. Being intuitive is a part of being creative and imaginative. Action cannot always wait for the perfect solution to be worked out successfully in advance, with no margins for error. Sometimes people have to act on their intuition as to what is the best course of action to take; they then have to wait until the eventual outcomes emerge before judging how good their intuitive meaning really was. In this way, intuitive meaning can be evaluated, and to some extent, the intuitive capacity can be enhanced. Components to meaning
2.9.8
Structural components of meaning
The composition of meaning includes knowledge, understandings, interpretations, beliefs, attitudes, emotions and values – all interacting with personality dispositions, interests, needs and biases. This sounds like a composite from the full range of (discrete?) psychological building blocks that go to make up the human person. While distinguishing these aspects is possible analytically, if the separateness is overemphasised the unity and coherence of the human person can be compromised. Another problem here is the natural difficulty in defining fundamental categories like values and beliefs because their meaning is so basic. We will not address epistemological questions.
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
2.9.9
Meaning as a set of values
Personal meaning can be a set of values (beliefs and principles) to which the individual is committed as the purpose in their living. These values are the criteria for deciding what the individual thinks is good or bad. They provide a moral framework and guidelines for thinking and behaviour. These are the core values that motivate the individual.
2.9.10 Meaning as beliefs Beliefs are principles and ideas about reality and purpose in life to which people give their allegiance, regarding them as ‘the truth’, while of their nature they are not open to empirical verification. Beliefs take people beyond what can be justified by reason. But beliefs are not necessarily irrational. As noted above, they should be open to some level of rational evaluation – for example, whether or not personal beliefs are consistent with a set of community values, whether or not they compromise the rights and freedoms of others, whether or not they conflict with the law of the land.
2.9.11 Religious beliefs Religious beliefs are especially concerned with a transcendent dimension to life; they are about God, about divine revelation. They are referenced to a community of believers, the formal religion. They can make up the core of meaning for individuals. Religious beliefs can motivate a spiritual life including prayer and worship, and can sustain a moral life. Also, religious beliefs provide answers to ultimate questions about transcendence, the existence of God, joy and suffering, life, death, the afterlife, rewards for the just, punishment for wrongdoers, and creation. Religious beliefs become enshrined in traditional doctrines; they are sustained by stories, writings, religious rituals and symbols.
2.9.12 Ultimate meaning Ultimate meaning is summed up in a painting by Paul Gauguin entitled D’où venons-nous? Que sommes-nous? Où allons-nous? 1897 (Where have we come from? What are we? Where are we going?) (2.2). The phrase ‘ultimate meaning’ is used to refer to the answers individuals have for ultimate questions, like those listed in Gaugin’s title. While for many, ultimate meaning is a religious interpretation, for others this is not the case. For some, their ultimate meaning is that there is no such overall meaning and purpose to life, and it has to be constructed on an existential and pragmatic basis. Religious beliefs, and some non-religious worldviews, seek to locate individuals’ ultimate meaning and purpose beyond their own limited situations. Such beliefs link individuals with larger divine and/or cosmic realities and purposes; they propose that an individual’s personal meaning needs to be meshed with community and transcendent meanings, giving a wider perspective than meaning that revolves exclusively around the individual. Such meaning counterbalances the uniqueness and sanctity of the individual with the importance of community and custodial responsibility for the environment (both physical and social). For religious people, this meaning underlines the importance of relating to God.
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2.9.13 Meaning through religion Because religion can give people a sense that what they do in life has meaning on a larger cosmic scale, it helps to give them a sense that as individuals they have ultimate significance; their beliefs assure them that their consciousness will endure in an afterlife with God. They feel they are contributing to God’s plan for the world. Hence religion can sustain in people a profound sense of self-worth – because they are created and loved by God. Religious beliefs not only give people an overall perspective on life, but help them cope with difficulties and adversity by giving them something transcendent to believe in, as well as practical advice for day-to-day living. For the believer, the present problems are not the complete picture. Even adversity and suffering can be accommodated beneficially in the long run; patience in suffering can be regarded as a religious virtue. Religious beliefs have given people the courage to help them survive in relatively inhuman situations. On the other hand, Marx’s interpretation of this role for religious meaning considered that it functioned like an ‘opiate’ of the people – lulling them into accepting inequitable social situations that were caused principally by prevailing economic interests. There is a fine line between religious meaning that enhances life and that which is manipulative, and this has educational implications. Theology both provides and informs the content of religious meaning. Orthodox religious beliefs usually define what believers in a particular tradition will adhere to, though there will be variation from individual to individual, and variations within local groups. There are also changes in the interpretation of religious beliefs in any tradition over time. Nevertheless, because religions claim to have ultimate truth, there is a natural tendency for religious beliefs to remain fairly constant over long periods of time. The ultimacy of religious beliefs results in a natural resistance to theological change and to change in religious practice, even though different circumstances and individuals will catalyse new developments; if beliefs are ‘the truth’ and ‘infallible’, then these qualities may appear to be compromised if change occurs too quickly. Usually in any one tradition there is a range or spectrum of beliefs with different emphases and interests, giving rise to various belief positions described as conservative, traditional, liberal, radical – even heretical. The differences meet the varying needs of people; they draw on the religious heritage differentially. These differences inevitably cause conflict between groups. There are always debates about how a religion might adjust to meet new cultural situations. Some members see a need for radical change; others think that current problems could be solved if the religion went back to more traditional teachings and practice. As will be considered in later chapters, these differences in religious meanings create problems for school religious education, because they give rise to different estimates of what should be taught (and how it should be taught) to meet the needs of contemporary youth. This includes questions about what is suitable for young people who are already religious and participate actively in a local community of faith, by contrast with those who are uninterested in organised religion and come from families with no formal practice of religion. The constructs meaning, identity and spirituality are useful for addressing these issues educationally. The exclusiveness of many religions’ claims to the truth is an inevitable source of conflict between religions. Questions of tolerance, while not diminishing unique claims to truth, pose problems for interfaith (and ecumenical) dialogue. These issues are also important for education, especially where students study different religions.
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
Theology will propose the content for religious meaning, but in practice, people’s personal faith and adherence to a religion cannot always be accounted for adequately by their grasp of theology; a number of believers may well not understand the finer theological points in their religion. What is also important can be described as their ‘emotional religious meaning’. Theology can articulate what people think they need to believe to be members of a faith community, but also relevant to their religious identification is what makes them feel a part of that community. The emotional ties, social links, expressions of community and the rituals of belonging are often central to people’s adherence to religion and to their involvement in a local community of faith. Some research has suggested that, of the factors that seem to prompt changing from one religious group to another, it is the emotional and the social that are probably most influential.10 The sense of welcome, a feeling of belonging and ‘at-homeness’, where people feel comfortable and their personal and social needs are met, appear to be more significant in people’s joining a religious group than their judgment about theological questions – whether this group has a better theology than another. In some cases, this emotional meaning may also explain why people remain within a particular local faith community – they feel comfortable there. Nevertheless, the level of satisfaction with a group’s theology is still likely to be important as regards changing from, or remaining within, a religion. Some who have joined a religious group because of its emotional appeal have eventually left because of their judgment of its theological deficiency.
2.9.14 Meaning through prayer Prayer, in both communal and individual forms, can be very important for people in their construction and maintenance of meaning. It is the process in which people reflect on ultimate purposes from a religious perspective. For some, the reflection and meditation may not be religious. For some, prayer is considered to be a direct experience of God where they get answers to questions and directions for living. Prayer can also have an important role in coping with difficulties. No matter what they may say in the presence of others, when people engage with their god in private prayer, this could be interpreted as expressing their ultimate truth and honesty – because for the believer, as stated by Zohar and Marshall, ‘God represents the ultimate framework of meaning and value, the ultimate context-giver. God can give … the “big picture”’. These authors also saw in prayer a psychological function: it recontextualises and places things in the largest frame of meaning available to us at any given stage of our spiritual growth. When we ‘talk’ or pray to God, we are doing the best we can to reach that innate wisdom within the heart of our own deepest being, which puts us in touch with the whole of reality. When he answers, it is from our own deepest selves that we are hearing. But for that reason ‘God’s word’, or the healing power of our own SQ [or spirituality], can never be final.11
2.9.15 Meaning as life goals Meaning can embody the life goals towards which the individual is working. Proposing and achieving short-term goals can be a starting point for developing more long-term life goals.
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Initial success with more immediate and limited goals can be important for children and young people in developing meaning for life. The earlier comment about implied meaning (2.9.5) applies to life goals. The amount of time and energy people put into particular projects, and even the time spent thinking about them, will show implied life goals or purpose in life.
2.9.16 Meaning as a set of ideals and hopes Another similar view of meaning sees it as a set of ideals and hopes. Often when people converse, they talk about what they think is going wrong with situations or organisations, and what they think needs to be done to set things right. It is like a social diagnosis, interpreting situations in the light of their ideals and hopes.
2.9.17 Narrative structure to meaning; personal meaning as a ‘master story’, and as personal myths In addition to its place in literature, the theme story is used constructively in a number of domains like psychology, psychiatry and theology (15.2, 15.7.2). The interpretation of personal meaning as ‘master story’ suggests that a narrative structure can be used for articulating personal meaning. Personal meaning is like a master theory, or master story, that explains and gives insight to an individual’s behaviour and motivation. Life is interpreted as a journey and the master story tells where people have been psychologically, where they think they are now and where they think they may be headed in the future. It gives perspective to their lives by looking at the geography of their experience in a story form that illustrates the drama, the highlights, the low points and the historical developments. The narrative focus of this interpretation of personal meaning is important from the point of view of the ways in which story carries cultural meanings. The story of an individual’s life can be meshed with, and influenced by, the many value-laden stories in culture. These could be: stories children are told by parents; stories associated with particular community and ethnic groups (including sporting clubs); religious stories, especially in the Hebrew and Christian scriptures (with parallels in other religions); as well as stories that abound in literature. Nowadays, most of the stories in most households are told by television and film. The meaning in an individual’s master story may unfold in episodic form. A new experience or situation may not be understood initially. Eventually, the individual comes to terms with the new episode and the understanding is assimilated into the master story. It may be interpreted without any major change to the individual’s story; or, if the event is significant, it may result in a new theme or a different orientation. When looking back over their lives, individuals may see key ‘marker events’ as turning points in their life story. As people have new experience, they need to modify their narrative theory to incorporate it. They may talk about an experience either with themselves or others until they come up with an interpretation that they think is the most accurate or with which they feel most comfortable. But what is true and what is comfortable do not always coincide. Some people cannot always cope with the truth of certain situations or with aspects of self. A strength of the story interpretation of meaning is its emphasis on continuous development. People’s meaning has coherence and continuity, but it is not static. It gives them perspective on the geography and history of their lives. It helps them see new decisions
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
from a vantage point; decisions can then be made on more than a pragmatic basis. The story motif is equally useful in interpreting identity (Chapter 6). A recent research study on Australian youth considered that: Young people make their lives by using various resources, especially those drawn from trusted relationships, to create storylines about who they are and where their lives are leading. The results of their narratives, or ‘storying’ are visible over time: different understandings shape the way individuals engage in the world, the way they engage shapes experience, and experience, in turn, shapes understandings. … Research has explored how personal stories or narratives can be useful for nego tiating complex social spaces. For example, for 40 years, social theorists have explored how individuals make meaning and construct identities in story (e.g. Strauss 1977). Moral philosophers have suggested that individuals’ stories are narratives of progress, charting the journey towards and away from ‘the good’ or valued goal-states (e.g. Taylor 1989).12
Myth or meaning-embedded story will be considered later in this chapter in section 2.10.6 on cultural meaning – myth-making as meaning. But it is pertinent here to consider the idea of personal myths, understood in much the same way as master story. People understand themselves through their own mythology. As one education writer expressed it, ‘literally every human being on earth, weaves a tapestry of beliefs and myths with which to make sense of reality. In short, every young learner has to build his or her own explanatory system for the universe.’13 In addition, people use personal myths to express some of the principal motifs that they would like to see as distinctive of their way of life; to some extent, they may consciously act in ways that seek to identify themselves with these myths.
2.9.18 Meaning as the point of intersection between understanding and emotion Meaning is multidimensional both in the way it resides in the individual and how it functions. It is structured within a complex of the individual’s cognitive, volitional, emotional and subconscious components. But, as noted earlier, what is particularly important both for meaning itself, and for education, is the role of reason. A fundamental way of seeing meaning as a theory or explanation of life is to see it as the point where understanding intersects with the non-rational parts of the person’s makeup (emotions, imaginations, moods, and so on). In particular, beliefs, values and commitments have a strong volitional component as well as rational and emotional-affective content; they have to do with the willing or decision-making of the individual made in the light of dearly held principles. Individuals are often prepared to follow through on commitments, even when this is difficult. These analytical distinctions help interpret psychic conflict. People do not always feel like doing what they judge they must do. Learning how to work through these conflicts is part of what it means to be human. Meaning has a moderating psychic role within the inner life of the person; its overall function of integrating non-rational components with reason and understanding is like that
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of an internal ‘orchestra conductor’; it gets all the parts into perspective or, in narrative terms, it gets all the internal ‘actors’ working together to present a coherent personal story. Just how well the different aspects of psychic makeup are integrated will vary from person to person. The integration may not be perfect; even where there are conflicts between reason and non-rational dimensions – and this is a natural part of being human – there can still be an overall rational orientation to living. It is considered to be a principal quality of the mature person. Mental health is impaired when this integration is disturbed, and mental health is enhanced when it is restored. The importance of understanding in this view of meaning is critical for education, because understanding is the main channel through which education might enhance personal meaning. Meaning can thus be important in regulating emotions, or in putting feelings into some perspective. This does not take the feelings away; it does not repress emotions, but it can help the individual take other things into account and action can be based not just on immediate feelings. For example, people can feel depressed, but on thinking the situation through, a particular way of interpreting the situation or acknowledging the apparent reasons for the feelings of depression (even if these are physical) can help them understand what is happening at the emotional level; as a consequence, the emotions can be better managed. Management of emotions – not stifling them, and not exciting them inappropriately – is a major part of coping and resilience. Other functions
2.9.19 Meaning as a coping mechanism Making meaning is a psychological mechanism for navigating one’s way through the demands of life, both physical and mental. This includes surviving the overload of demands on consciousness.14 By developing some meaning in relation to difficult or traumatic experiences, people can come to an interpretation of how they might manage or cope. It is expected that the psychological literature on coping has much to say about the role of meaning in the coping process.15 The researcher Lazarus defined coping as ‘the cognitive and behavioural efforts to manage the specific external and internal demands … that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the person’.16
2.9.20 The contribution of meaning to wellbeing and resilience Wellbeing: This personal development construct is about how ‘well’ and ‘happy’ people feel. It has become prominent in the literature of youth studies and policy development. It includes elements of many of the constructs already examined in this chapter. What youth wellbeing means is reflected in the Australian literature in a purposefully open-ended way.17 What is emphasised in proposals to foster wellbeing therefore makes a political statement about youth policy as well as value judgments about what counts as wellbeing. For example, a recent research report on youth wellbeing noted that ‘the development of social and cultural resources’ should not be neglected in favour of ‘economic and material resources’.18 The inner, personal dimensions to wellbeing were
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
prioritised above the economic. Some of the writings emphasised ‘spiritual health’ as its key dimension.19 The notion of wellbeing seems to have arisen from the scientific study of the personal and social situation of people, and of youth in particular – hence the significance of its aptitude for quantitative research and population statistics. A variety of health and welfare indicators are used, together with measures of education, employment, disposable income and other variables. It does not necessarily minimise the importance of spiritual dimensions that are not so open to empirical research. But it does serve the political purposes within youth studies to advocate the development of government youth policies. These points are evident in the publication of the Wellbeing Manifesto by the Australia Institute in 2005.20 Youth wellbeing does focus on young people at risk, and on social problems. But it also registers concern for the life enhancement of all youth. Eckersley and co-researchers at the Australia 21 Research company and the Australian Youth Research Centre, in a comprehensive review of research, considered that: Wellbeing, especially positive wellbeing, is strongly related to meaning in life … At the most fundamental, transcendent level, there is spiritual meaning: a sense of having a place in the universe. Spirituality represents the broadest and deepest form of connectedness. It is the only form of meaning that transcends people’s personal circumstances, social situation and the material world, and so has a powerful capacity to sustain [youth] through adversity. … The search for happiness is often confused with the pursuit of pleasure, but wellbeing is about more than living ‘the good life’; it is about having meaning in life, about fulfilling our potential and feeling that our lives are worthwhile. … All in all, wellbeing comes from being connected and engaged, from being suspended in a web of relationships and interests. These give meaning to our lives.21
Many of the attributes of meaning as explained in this chapter are relevant to wellbeing, as well as the later discussion of identity and spirituality. Resilience: This construct refers to the capacity to cope with difficulty and not give up. It is dependent on inner resources. Meaning is central to resilience as people rely on their interpretations of the situation to help them manage, along with qualities like courage and character that also enter into their efforts to overcome setbacks.22 Resilience is closely related to coping (2.9.19). Other aspects of meaning are also relevant. For example, the research report quoted above noted that young people with strong personal narratives were better able to negotiate chaos, hardship and crisis – ‘weaving storylines through chaos, change and complexity … a significant task for young people’.23
2.9.21 Meaning as ‘psychic moorings’ Beliefs and values function like ‘psychic moorings’. They can give a sense of ‘comfortable connectedness’ with life. They help people feel ‘at home’ in their life situation. People know where they stand in relation to their principal spiritual and moral reference points. By contrast, when there is a lack of adequate meaning, individuals can feel cut adrift from their psychic moorings. They can sense that they are drifting psychologically; they feel mentally
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lost, at least temporarily, because the usual signposts are missing or inadequate for making sense of their new situation. What helped previously to give life balance and direction now does not seem to work. Sometimes the feeling of being mentally adrift can result from a lack of balance or integration in the personality. If people are stressed or over-emotional, or in manic depressive moods, their behaviour will not be regulated as it would be normally by their beliefs. Irrational behaviour, or behaviour that is contrary to the individual’s personal meaning, may stem from emotion – fear, anxiety or guilt. Just how much personal change to such a condition can be facilitated by therapy remains difficult to determine; in many cases, the inclination to such psychological states is based in a genetic imbalance in brain chemistry and it can be triggered or exacerbated by stress.
2.9.22 Meaning as the ‘fall back position’ – inner resources Another way of expressing what has been said above about the psychological function of meaning is to see it as what people fall back on when everything seems to be going wrong. When things are not going well, when there is stress and difficulty, people are forced back onto their inner resources to help them cope and hold together in difficult times. As noted earlier, this notion was prominent in the writing of Viktor Frankl. When people are desperate, and if they feel there is no helpful personal or community meaning, and no supportive relationships to sustain them, they feel the lack of meaning acutely. This is particularly evident in those who contemplate suicide. If they can find no satisfying reason for going on, for fighting the problem, they can give up on meaning and then give up on life; they have no hope left. Opting out of life may feel preferable to living on in a painful and depressing situation.
2.9.23 Meaning as interpretation of the world outside Meaning usually incorporates some particular interpretation of the world outside. How individuals make sense of their own experience necessarily involves the perspective they take on culture. This includes relationships with, and regard for, other people, as well as the valuing of community and various social structures. Their meaning therefore involves at least some interpretation and evaluation of culture. More will be said about this in the sections on cultural meaning. Other types and expressions of meaning
2.9.24 Meaning through humour There are many forms of humour and it has various psychological functions, even therapeutic.24 It can draw attention to the amusing elements in people and events; it can conjure up unrealistic and incongruous meanings, as well as highlight the subtle and the obscure. The cartoonist has always been a critical evaluator of culture. One of the ways of coping with problem people and traumatic events is to joke and laugh about them. Finding a humorous side to difficult experiences can be a way of coping with them. Humour creates psychological distance between the self and problems; it gives a sense
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
of bringing the powerful, oppressors and antagonists down to ordinary size, and of treating them with disdain; humour is a way of protecting oneself, and taking the focus away from one’s vulnerability.
2.9.25 Cool meaning For a considerable number of young people what they like and how they act are determined by what they perceive to be ‘cool’. Life is divided up across a spectrum, one end of which is cool while the other end is inhabited by what ‘sucks’. If something has a cool meaning it is desirable; what is ‘uncool’ tends to be spurned. Whatever appears to wear the label of coolness can have a disproportionate influence on young people’s thinking and behaviour. The perceived criteria for coolness are therefore important for interpreting young people’s meanings (see Chapter 7). Some study of how and why cool meaning is generated would not only be an interesting exercise for adults, but would be a useful project for adolescents at school.
2.9.26 Meaning articulated in belief/values statements Expressions of meaning – articulated in statements – are precise verbal summaries of personal meaning (as noted briefly in 2.9.4). They function like concrete points of focus for meaning, symbolic reminders of beliefs, wisdom statements, mantras for repetition, compasses for giving personal direction, and support or reinforcement for commitments. Saying the words can help in difficult times; when one is not sure of where to go in life, they can at least point in the right direction; they can help with making difficult decisions. Belief statements can often be religious. For example, from the Christian gospels: ‘What does it profit an individual to gain the whole world, but to lose their own soul in the process’ (Mark 8:36). ‘No greater love can one have than to lay down your life for a friend’ (John 15:13). ‘I am the way, the truth and the life … Anyone who believes in me will have life everlasting’(John 16:6; 11:26). Religions often provide meaning in this form. For example, Christian and Jewish Scriptures, as well as those from Islam and other religions, are regarded as theologically embedded narratives, a source of belief statements and guidelines for living. Other spiritual, but not necessarily religious, statements are used by people for a similar function. For example: ‘All life is sacred.’ ‘We need satisfying relationships with other living things and the environment.’ Quotations from literature serve this same function: This above all, to thine own self be true, And it must follow, as the night follows the day, Thou canst not then be false to any man. Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Act 1 Scene 3
A thing of beauty is a joy forever. Keats
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Film and television provide wide-ranging sources of wisdom statements. Comments like ‘Stay cool’, ‘Chill out’, ‘I’m dealing’ become parts of everyday language used to help interpret and cope with situations. Other statements seem to develop a cult-like following: ‘May the Force be with you’ (Star Wars). ‘With great power comes great responsibility’ (Spiderman). ‘Be kind to your self and each other’ (Jerry Springer). ‘You are free to choose a particular behaviour. But you are not free to choose the consequences of that behaviour’ (Dr Phil McGraw). No matter what the source, meaning statements can be wise and instructive. One can get the impression that belief and values statements are always positive. This is not the case. People have quoted scripture to justify harmful behaviour, racism and homophobia. Combatants on opposite sides in a war have prayed to the same God to justify their cause and to give them success in battle. So too, quotations from literature, film and television can be used to justify violence and negative behaviour.
2.9.27 Meaning and creative expression The expression of meaning is multifaceted. The use of myth, symbol and ritual in the expression of meaning has already been noted. Similarly, artistic expression of various kinds will be used to make statements of meaning. Meaning can be explored and expressed in art, artefacts, sculpture and architecture, as well as in music; also in literature, poetry, lyrics to songs, and creative writing of various sorts. This includes what the literature refers to as the mythopoetic (or mythopoeic) dimension. All of these expressions can be regarded as different forms of meaning-embedded narratives, and they have an influence on identity (see Chapter 6).
2.10 Cultural meanings: Social and cultural meanings as reference points for personal meaning To this point the chapter has examined the nature and function of personal meaning, and the ways in which meaning takes hold and develops psychologically in people. But meaning does not develop or function in a psychic vacuum. It relates to meanings outside the individual: in other people and in the cultural environment. The following sections look at the meanings embedded in culture and at the interactions between personal and cultural meanings. Cultural meaning
2.10.1 Meaning embedded in culture It is natural for the young to absorb meanings from their family and community reference groups in an uncritical way; they are socialised into meaning; their personal meaning is located in, and therefore only explicable within, their community frame of reference. In most cases, children would not advert to this as a conscious learning process. Such learning prompts use of the concept community of meaning. The first community of meaning for children and young adults is their family. Then there are various other groups that engage the young, ranging from religion and school to peer groups and the local sports club and the
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
like. In an age of television and information technology, young people are tuned in more widely to international sources of meaning.
2.10.2 Communities of meaning The above listing of communities of meaning is a traditional one. But for many young people, their upbringing is anything but traditional. The groups within which they grow up are diverse and not as homogeneous as they might have been in the past; each of the groups in which they move may have different implied meanings for life. From an early age, the young are subject to competing cultural meanings, only one of which comes from their parents or guardians. Some scholars would argue that once children are old enough to watch television, it becomes their most influential socialising agency and their principal spiritual and moral reference point. The role of parents then changes to that of secondary modifiers of their children’s primary television socialisation.25 How dependent people are on meaning derived from culture is not easily determined; they use cultural elements differently. They may implicitly accept the meaning proposed by others or the meanings into which they are socialised; different levels of autonomy, reflection, evaluation and choice may enter into the equation. Cultural influences on different people vary in scope and strength, as well as across different periods of the life cycle; hence personal meaning is often variegated, showing its diverse cultural origins. Also, the ‘size’ of the individual’s ‘life-world’ often changes. People are always judging, and then choosing or rejecting cultural meanings. But as they become mature and better educated, they will be more selective; they engage in a more critical interpretation and evaluation of culture. Personal meaning not only draws from culture in its construction, but is sustained and reinforced by social interaction and cultural artefacts. The way people think ‘things should be’ creates an influential social reality for the young; its power depends on the regard they have for these people – hence the influence of family, friends (‘mates’) and peer groups. The power of television over social reality is more subtle; it does not argue a case for ‘what should be’, but through its narrative structure it gives the impression that ‘this is reality.’ And it is hard to argue against what is perceived to be reality – ‘if you see it on TV, it must be true!’ To make sense of any television narrative (even commercials) one has to enter, at least to some extent, the presumed worldview of that narrative. And it is only if one is able to identify and articulate this presumed worldview that its reality criteria can be questioned. Personal meaning is supported by cultural elements like symbols and rituals, as well as by religious structures like churches, synagogues, temples and mosques. In addition, meaning is also promoted and sustained by structures like malls, game arcades, night clubs, theme parks, museums, monuments, galleries, movie theatres, public beaches, architecture and posters. Film and television images, song lyrics and even messages on T-shirts can imply meaning for life. Meaning in culture is ‘atmospheric’ and young people breathe it all the time. It has to do with self-understanding and self-expression and is therefore central to their identity. The learning of meaning from culture is also influenced by cultural change – as if culture itself were a living organism with evolving meanings. Different events and issues change the meaning landscape within a culture. For example, in the 1970s and 1980s, fear of total nuclear war worried both adults and children. This is not so prominent now, but terrorism and violence are – even though they have been present for a long time, they now feature
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more visibly in the media. Also more prominent is concern about the global environment and the potential for natural disasters. At any point in time, the changing topography of meanings in the local culture needs to be taken into account as it colours the meaning young people develop. While people absorb meaning from culture, they also help maintain and change cultural meaning. It is a two-way process. Individuals and groups may introduce their own distinctive variants. This is how ideologies are born. National Socialism, Leninism and Maoism, for example, had humble beginnings on their way to becoming political ideologies that changed the course of history. Judgments of such manipulative ideologies do not necessarily imply a canonisation of capitalism or the liberal democracy; the latter too are in constant need of appraisal. The lessons of history need to be learnt in terms of critical evaluation of cultural meanings – an important role for education.
2.10.3 Normative cultural meanings Answers to questions about meaning in life, and reasons or justifications for particular behaviour are embedded in the culture generally, and specifically in the culture of particular groups. The official or normative meaning of a group (for example a church, sporting club, business corporation and even the nation-state) is expressed in authoritative statements. Institutions are concerned with the communication of these beliefs both to serve the meaning needs of their community members and to ensure the continuation and effective functioning of their organisation. In addition to verbal teachings, there are symbols that express the group’s meaning, and its meaning is also celebrated in rituals and artefacts. Religions are specifically concerned with meaning. Much of their teachings, sacred writings, spirituality, symbols, rituals and structures are vehicles for the carriage of meaning.
2.10.4 Popular cultural meaning For both local groups and individuals, the various normative meanings of the institutions to which they belong are not always appropriated fully or consistently. Hence popular cultural meanings can have a ‘life of their own’ with considerable variation and influence, while still maintaining links with the normative meanings of institutions. For example, at a personal level, some Christians do not subscribe to all of the official teachings of their church while still maintaining identification with the institution. The cultural meanings carried in a particular local community or family are often a complex mixture that cannot easily be ascribed to any one normative source.
2.10.5 Implied cultural meaning The use of ‘implied’ with respect to cultural meanings parallels its usage earlier for personal meaning. Cultural meanings are not always clearly articulated and documented; they may be implied. Naming implied cultural meanings uncovers relatively hidden values and agendas, making them more open to critical interpretation. Increasingly, especially in contemporary television documentaries on socio-political and historical themes, we learn that there has always been much more in the way of political purposes that affected events than was made public at the time. In Western countries, both
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the media and formal education (along with other cultural factors) appear to have lifted the level of suspicion and critique that people bring to the interpretation of what happens in politics and business. People are more alert to the existence of hidden meanings in culture, even if they are not sure what they are. However, there remains a naivety, especially among the young, as regards the influences on lifestyle that flow from the meanings implied in film and television (see Chapter 15).
2.10.6 Meaning through myth-making Myth, in its proper sense, is a story with a worldview-creating function – contrasting with the popular use of the word ‘myth’ to mean an untruth. Myths are ‘truths about life’ expressed in story form. A mythology is a worldview embodied in a collection of related myths. Hence, in essence, myth is about personal meaning; it is a way of articulating values and beliefs – essentially spiritual realities – in story form. Psychologists like Carl Jung and Joseph Campbell considered that myth was a human way of grasping at the trans-empirical or transcendent dimensions to human experience.26 Myths help people to make sense of reality and of their place in the world, particularly with regard to ultimate questions about human existence and purpose. The meaning of myths will be missed if they are interpreted purely in factual or historical terms, for they are rich in metaphor and symbol. Myths may have historical roots, but historicity is not essential to their meaning-carrying capacity. Later, in Chapter 3, this will be followed up when looking at fundamentalism, which generally focuses on literal and historical meanings to religious texts. Those who see more importance in symbolic and theological meanings in myths would consider that fundamentalism fails to grasp their principal human meaning. Just as individuals use the notion of story or myth to frame their own personal meaning, communities of meaning will embody their beliefs in myths. Beare explained it as follows: A mythology … is a representation, through language and story, through imagery rather than through propositions, of what the cosmic order is. It is the most widely used explanatory device known to the human race. It has always been part of the schooling within traditional societies, and coming to an understanding of and respect for the prevailing system of myths is part of the initiation which gives one a rite of passage into a culture. Mythology touches us at the outer limits of our understanding and gives us a method to cope; it means to take the ineffable and to make it intersect with what we deem to be real. As a result, our personal and collective mythologies (we all have them) govern what we think, what we are able to grasp, to act upon, and to achieve … Beliefs, visualization, ideas of connectedness, play‑acting and personality tend then to become embedded in, and embodied within, narratives and stories. When human beings are confronted by a reality which is hard to describe, and when comprehension teeters on the edge of wonder, then they use the universal device of inventing stories to convey meanings. At the simplest level, they emerge as novels or films or TV serials or stage‑plays. Some of them last and survive because they encapsulate so well what human beings know to be authentic about themselves… . Some stories acquire overlays, invent symbolism, or express profundities, or become epics in which the characters assume the status of heroes,
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heroines and demigods; and the events become cosmic struggles. Sometimes the stories are based upon actual events to which added significances are attached. Sometimes the stories are invented for the purpose. It really does not matter which. The meanings are what is important.27
This view of meaning through myth-making relates to our discussion of religious meanings, and to later considerations of scriptural meanings, and of clashes between religious and scientific meanings. It is also helpful for evaluating the social meanings purveyed through film and television. As Beare went on to note: Of growing concern for the community … is the question of who is creating the myths of modern societies, how those myths are being promulgated, and what collective set of meanings is being legitimized. Clearly, film, television and video libraries are mass‑producing stories and images which have the power of myth, and which deliberately create attitudes about the world and about life itself. There are millions of persons generating music and song which carry their own powerful and recurrent messages … the consistency of violent depictions on screen and records shapes impressionable people’s beliefs. The print media – especially the paperback industry – is producing more books, especially novels, than ever before in human history. Collectively, then, there is a huge, worldwide industry in myth‑making. It is generally left to schools, as a formal part of their curriculum, to teach the skills to discriminate, to critique, to appreciate, to classify and to respond … That modern society has failed to comprehend the fundamental nature of mythic consciousness and of story, is all too evident across the globe. Teachers almost by default have inherited that role of cultural priest.28
Beare also drew attention to techniques for the evaluation and development of mythologies, considering that the mythopoetic dimension was an important one to develop in education, which was still dominated by learnings that were too scientific, rationalist and utilitarian.
2.10.7 Meaning referenced to place, location and lifestyle Place and location, and especially lifestyle, can be reference points for meaning. Living in a particular home town or city can form part of the ‘infrastructure’ to personal meaning. For some, it may be a place where they feel comfortable; for others, there may be an uncomfortable feeling about where they live and they would change location if they could. Location can be connected with lifestyle – as we are constantly reminded by television. Some people feel that living in a particular place expresses a desirable, distinctive lifestyle. Some prefer inner-city life, others a rural setting, and others proximity to the sea; many do not have great choice as to where they live. When people change their place of living (in the extreme, in migration to another country), there are always reasons that have to do with meaning, even if these are economic or there is no alternative. Some locations express people’s idiosyncratic personal meanings. For some, the name of the suburb they choose to live in is an intended statement about their economic status; for others, their place of residence is a countercultural statement – a location that appears to exude a bohemian attitude. Particular towns and suburbs in the cities are havens for
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
backpackers which support that particular subculture and its associated meanings. Travelling, both nationally and internationally, as well as distinctive places for recreation and holidays (skiing, the beach, golfing) can figure in personal meaning. Similarly, places of work or study can carry subcultural meanings; in turn, those who inhabit these places contribute to the maintenance and change in cultural meaning. Schools, universities and the workplace function as ‘mini-communities’ of meaning. Lifestyle is often a key element in both identity and spirituality (see Chapters 7 and 9).
Contextual influences
2.10.8 Political meaning, ideology and hegemony This cluster of terms has to do with the influence of power in human relationships and social activity. The political meaning of a situation is the composite of values, motives and decisions that actually ‘drive’ developments, or that influence consequent decision-making and actions. Political meaning reflects the ‘real’ power influences at work in a situation and the ‘real’ intentions may not square with the stated ones. At times, political meaning is the rationale of the power players who are setting out to have their will followed. Here, the political meaning is the one that counts; in this sense, the words’ ‘political meaning’ have a negative connotation, implying that the influential reasons behind an action are not stated and are not transparent to public scrutiny – this meaning has to be uncovered to be identified. An individual’s political meanings are the relatively hidden purposes that direct activity towards particular goals; exposing these meanings would show up their personal plans and schemes. In terms of governance, whether this be at institutional or state level, political meaning is implied in the policies and actions of those in positions of power. Politics could be said to include the ‘art of negotiating political meanings’, among other things. An ideology is an identifiable set of political meanings and values that go with a particular viewpoint or purposeful activity. The cluster of meanings in an ideology make up the philosophy behind a movement or particular action. Ideologies have different scopes and strengths. While the ideology of an individual informs his or her life, usually the term refers to the meanings of social groups. There is an ideology for the Rappers in the popular music world and for particular business practices; it may be as large as a whole political system like Maoism or socialism. Ideology is like a philosophy of life: it can underpin lifestyle choice and approach to work. The words ‘ideology’ and ‘ideologue’ have a negative connotation where their values are not publicly transparent. Particular views and actions may be so taken for granted, almost as if they were natural, that it may come as a shock to discover that they are human constructions coming out of an ideology. For example, the disadvantaged position of women in society was long felt to be part of the natural order – as Earl Percy noted in England in 1873, ‘The real fact is that man in the beginning was ordained to rule over woman: and this is an eternal decree which we have no right and no power to alter.’29 This view is now more readily identified as part of a patriarchal ideology. Ideologies can be more effective
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in commanding compliance if their influence is not so visible. They are less likely to be challenged if they appear as natural and commonsense, and not recognised as constructed by the powerful and maintained by social interaction. An ideological statement is intended to promote the cause of a particular ideology. It is likely to be more effective if its ideological status is not identified. De Botton defined it as ‘one that is engaged in subtly pushing a partial line while pretending to be speaking neutrally’.30 This view was prominent in the thought of Marx, who saw ideology as the instrument of those in power: ‘The ruling ideas of every age are always the ideas of the ruling class.’31 Hegemony, derived from the Greek word hegemon – leader, and by association, the dominant group – is the sphere of political influence flowing from a particular person, institution or movement. It is like the ‘cultural momentum’ of an ideology – the ideological dominance of one group over another. This can take the form of subtle control over people’s thinking by some ideas being more important and influential than others, often excluding or marginalising contrary views. Like ideology, hegemony may not always be readily evident – such cultural influences need to be identified and tracked to their sources. The Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci developed a theory of cultural hegemony (in the late 1920s and early 1930s) to show how the dominant power maintained the political status quo through the influence of its ideological, cultural values.32 He proposed the need for counter-hegemonic thinking and education to critique prevailing cultural values as a prelude to social change. His thinking has been applied in contemporary cultural studies to explore the ways in which themes in popular culture can have a shaping influence on people’s thinking and behaviour. What is common to the three terms considered here is the exercise of power and its subversive influence through cultural meanings. Hence, detecting these meanings and ‘auditing’ the trail of power are essential elements in what can be called a political education. It empowers individuals, giving them more scope for self-determination. It may not always deliver real power to those in unjust or oppressive situations, but at least it can liberate their thinking. This can be a first step towards social change.
2.10.9 Meaning and cultural postmodernity There are problems with the use of the word ‘postmodern’ when applied to culture (8.4.7, 8.5.6). Sometimes the impression is given that it is used as a synonym for ‘contemporary’; other usage does not clarify differences between postmodernity as the description of a particular style of culture and postmodernism as an ideology; also, its meaning can be conflated with the views of postmodern (and post-structuralist) philosophers. However, what is prominent in cultural postmodernity is the level of questioning and uncertainty about meaning and truth. In the past, people tended to chart their meaning within a given framework (worldview or meta-narrative) that was relatively well accepted. Now, there is a recognisable tendency not only to challenge traditional cultural meanings, but to call all frameworks into question. Meaning is then perceived as relative, subjective, individualistic and linked to particular contexts (4.3.4, 8.4.2 and 8.5.6). This tends to create diffidence about finding any worthwhile meaning to life. With less cultural reinforcement, individuals can feel more
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
alone in their construction of meaning. They can find it difficult to locate helpful meaning, while at the same time sensing that there is a virtual supermarket of meaning available if they care to shop for it.
2.10.10 Crisis of meaning: Diseases of meaning, spiritual pathology and junk meaning Meaning has become more a matter of idiosyncratic taste and feel than of values and commitments. In addition, this trend helps promote nihilism – a feeling that no coherent personal meaning is possible, and that it is pointless trying to find it. Scholars have described this situation as a crisis of meaning. Jung identified some psychological disorders as primarily spiritual or existential illnesses, related to problems with meaning.33 Frankl’s social diagnosis referred to the problem as an ‘existential vacuum’ or lack of a satisfying interpretation of life. He felt this was linked with a ‘pervasive sense of boredom in our culture, particularly among the young’.34 More recently, Zohar and Marshall have used phrases like ‘diseases of meaning’ and ‘spiritual pathology’ in their interpretation of problems with meaning.35 They considered that, increasingly, disorders such as depression, fatigue, excessive eating, anorexia, stress and addiction could be attributed more to ‘problems of meaning and value and to a consequent inability to integrate and balance the personality’.36 While there is an abundance of cultural meanings readily available, many of them are comparatively trivial (concerned with entertainment, enjoyment, pleasure, fashion, lifestyle and money), while meaning about more substantive human issues (quality of life, meaning of work, transcendence, suffering, injustice, death, God) are not so prominent or so popular. Perhaps there is a glut of ‘junk meaning’. This crisis of meaning affects people, and the young in particular, in different ways. Some will burrow more deeply into their traditional beliefs and will resist critical questioning and any aspects of contemporary culture identified as dangerous. Others will try to adjust their traditional meanings to help them understand their new situation. Still others, who do not find current religious meaning very helpful, will work out some pragmatic meaning ‘on the run’. Some will be affected negatively by their perception of a lack of functional meaning (this will be more noticeable in those who are depressed); this may be linked with a general feeling of dissatisfaction with life related to a variety of causes. Public acknowledgment of this problem was evident on a recent billboard advertising a youth helpline: It read ‘Life sucks now has a website!’37 Still other young people may not give much attention to seeking coherent meaning and purpose in life. They keep themselves occupied with things immediate and pragmatic – for them what is important is maintaining and improving their lifestyle. The issues considered in this and the previous section point to a stream of postmodern cultural diffidence about meaning that has behavioural consequences. The value position taken here identifies with Frankl’s interpretation that adequate meaning is essential for psychic health.
2.10.11 Cultural change and changes in cultural meanings People’s meaning (whether or not it is articulated) is usually indexed in some way to the prevailing culture, even though difficult to map empirically. Some may go along with what
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they perceive as the dominant cultural meanings, while others may be antagonistic to them to varying degrees. Change in personal meaning is often catalysed by cultural change. History and events change popular concerns, resulting in shifts in meanings. At the macro level, events like wars, natural catastrophes and changes in government become markers of change in cultural meanings. Currently the world is adjusting to global terrorism in the wake of the September 11, Bali, Spain and London attacks, as well as to the war and violence in Iraq, social unrest in many countries, and various natural disasters. High levels of poverty are still evident even in prosperous countries. Environmental degradation and global warming are also worrying concerns. These developments have multiple consequences for individuals, communities, commerce and nation-states. People wonder where these developments may lead over the next decade, and what will be the consequences for them. Changes in cultural meanings can be relatively sudden or drawn out and almost imperceptible, like a gradual change in cultural mood or change in fashion. The metaphor of fashion is apt because change in fashion is orchestrated by commercial interests and it involves complex interaction between the ‘leaders’ of change in cultural meaning and the ‘followers’ who sustain it. Cultural meanings, like traditional beliefs and values, change gradually as they are handed on and reinterpreted by each generation. Meaning and community
2.10.12 Cultural inheritance as ready-made meaning Parents, community groups, religions – even the nation-state – want to hand on their meaning to the next generation. Because the notions of freedom and individuality are prized in Westernised societies, taking personal responsibility for one’s meaning is well accepted; but it should be balanced with recognition that the developing person (especially when young) needs some ready-made meaning from the community. This constitutes an initial cultural inheritance that the individual eventually embraces, modifies or rejects – a starting point in the process of developing mature personal meaning. What constitutes an appropriate community contribution and when it compromises personal freedom and autonomy are matters for ongoing debate.
2.10.13 Community and education in meaning While the construction of meaning is a personal process, what counts as meaning should be kept open to community as well as personal evaluation, even though it is the individual who ultimately decides what is meaningful. What is of interest to educators is the possibility that meaning can be developed and enhanced to some extent by education. This would include efforts to communicate meaning, and to help the young learn how to evaluate meaning as well as understand its nature and function (see Chapter 10). The better they are educated in meaning, the less vulnerable they will be to naive and manipulative meanings, and to the distortion of authentic interpretations. Here are some extreme examples: the misuse of Christian faith to justify the killing of Muslims by the Crusaders; terrorists citing the Qu’ran to justify suicide bombings of civilians as an act of self-martyrdom.
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
2.10.14 The academic study of meaning Philosophy, especially metaphysics, is primarily concerned with the study of meaning. Also, the social sciences focus on meaning through interpretation of human behaviour. Theology and religion studies are concerned with meaning as it is embedded in religions. Here we will limit our attention to one area: critical social theory (or critical theory for short). The study of meaning from the perspective of critical social theory
For those unfamiliar with critical theory, the following is an introductory summary that highlights the perspectives from which it addresses questions about meaning. Some of the constructs used in critical theory have already been considered, such as ideology, hegemony, and the critical evaluation of culture. Critical theory is used as a collective term to cover a number of theoretical developments in philosophy, sociology, the humanities and social sciences that occurred mainly in the last half of the 20th century. It has been influenced by philosophies such as structuralism and Marxism; more recently it has taken some account of post-structuralism and postmodernism, while it is distinct from these philosophies because of its political focus and concern for social change. The word ‘critical’ is consistent with the special attention it gives to the interpretation and critique of society, particularly the critique of domination – in the pursuit of the emancipation of marginalised groups.38 Giroux considered that one of the central aspects of critical theory was a ‘commitment to penetrate a world of objective appearances to expose the underlying social relationships they often conceal. In other words, penetrating such appearances meant exposing, through critical analysis, social relationships that took on the status of things or objects’.39 For example, a projection of the ‘good life’ could be little more than subtly promoting a ‘satisfying consumerism’, thus reducing it to the exercise of purchasing power. The philosophical-sociological branch of critical theory made use of the notion of cultural meaning for interpreting social interaction and the dynamics of societies, as well as for analysing social, political and cultural change. The term ‘critical theory’ was first used to describe the work of scholars from the Institute for Social Research at the University of Frankfurt, which dated back to the 1930s (for example Horkheimer, Adorno, Marcuse and Fromm and, more recently, Habermas). For some, the Frankfurt School is critical theory. But the term has come to include other social theory with different historical and philosophical roots, for example the psychoanalytic theory of Lacan, hermeneutics and feminist theory. The encyclopaedia quotation below summarises the approach of the Frankfurt School: Responding to the intensification of un-freedom and irrationality in industrial, scientific, advanced capitalist society, critical theory is a comprehensive, ideology-critical, historically self-reflective, body of theory aiming simultaneously to explain and combat the domination and alienation and help bring about a rational, humane, democratic, and socialist society. The critical theorists developed an integrated theory of the economic, political, cultural, and psychological domination structures of advanced industrial civilisation and of the dialectic through which the emancipatory potential of modern society is suppressed and its rationality turns into a positivistic rationality of domination.40
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Habermas’ distinctive contribution was in his communication theory.41 It raised epi stemological questions about ‘rationality’, proposing that ‘critical knowledge’ avoided the problems both in positivism and in excessive individualism; it stressed communicative competence, social interaction, self-reflection and emancipation. Habermas understood critical (communicative) rationality within the process of interpersonal linguistic communication and he linked it with the potential for personal and social change. He brought greater coherence to critical theory through his extensive work in theoretical synthesis – towards the purposes of a democratic socialism, aiming at a just and egalitarian society. Critical theory questioned the positivistic view of knowledge as scientific because this tended to make knowledge into descriptions and generalisations that excluded a critical interpretation. Critical interpretation was at the heart of ‘personal knowing’; it was needed for discerning ‘relevance’, that is, for distinguishing the unimportant and inconsequential from the essential.42 In turn, this view of knowledge promoted a critical interpretation of culture: it was not abstract, autonomous and taken for granted, but socially constructed and influenced by historical, economic, contextual and societal forces. Hence culture was not something that had to be accepted as inescapable reality, but social processes that could be identified and evaluated – and thus something that people could consciously change by committed social action. A critical interpretation of culture within its formative context was needed to uncover the ‘meaning’ of culture. As noted earlier, critical theory has taken aspects of postmodernism and post-structuralism into account. However, its difference from these philosophies is noteworthy. McLaren, a prominent writer in ‘critical pedagogy’, was forceful in pointing this out: many postmodern theorists and their post-structuralist companions operate from a theoretical terrain built upon a number of questionable assumptions – that is, they: • view symbolic exchange as taking place outside the domain of value; • privilege structures of deference over structures of exploitation, and relations of exchange over relations of production; • emphasise local narratives over grand narratives; • encourage the coming to voice of the symbolically dispossessed over the transformation of existing social relations; • reduce models of reality to historical fictions; • abandon the assessment of the truth value of competing narratives; • replace the idea that power is class-specific and historically bound with the idea that power is everywhere and nowhere. [By doing this] they end up advancing a philosophical commission that propagates hegemonic class rule and re-establishing the rule of the capitalist class. What this has done is precisely to continue the work of reproducing class antagonisms and creating a new balance of hegemonic relations favouring dominant class interests. According to Glen Rikowski, ‘the insertion of postmodernism within educational discourses lets in some of the most unwelcome of guests – nihilism, relativism, educational marketisation.’43
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
More will be said about critical theory in section 6.3.3 with reference to identity, and later in section 12.5.1 in relation to critical pedagogy. The study of meaning in hermeneutics
Semantics is concerned with the study of meaning in linguistics and is beyond our scope here. The following summarises developments in hermeneutics. Hermeneutics is a branch of philosophy that studies interpretation and understanding. Originally it involved the interpretation of texts and had its origins in biblical exegesis, but it has been extended beyond written documents to cover other aspects of communication and culture, giving rise to a number of different but related hermeneutic streams. Hermeneutics is concerned with seeking meaning, truth and consensus through dialogue, although some versions question whether this can ever be attained. In the 19th century, Dilthey emphasised systematic and scientific interpretations, acknowledging the influence of sociohistorical context on both author and the meaning of texts. In the 20th century, the scope of hermeneutics spread beyond texts, and in addition, Heidegger initiated a philosophical hermeneutics that included existential understanding – taking in the idea of being in the world and not just about knowing and interpreting the world. The idea of linear progress from knowledge to understanding to interpretation was regarded as simplistic, and the very act of understanding implied an active interpretation. Heidegger, followed by Gadamer, proposed that there was another element in the understanding and interpretation process and that was self-understanding – in other words, sensing what the meaning had for the individual in his or her particular life situation.44 Habermas considered mainstream hermeneutics too insulated from political realities, and his approach was strongly influenced by critical theory.45 Ricoeur is associated with hermeneutics, particularly through his work in trying to relate hermeneutics (interpretation) to phenomenology (description of society). His writing of Time and narrative 46 included special attention to the idea of a narrative interpretation of identity (6.3.2). Hermeneutics is concerned not only with the meanings in texts and culture intended by their authors, but with their interactions with social and political contexts; texts and culture can have something like their own ‘different voices’ when considered from other perspectives, or when applied to new circumstances. As Gadamer claimed: ‘Not just occasionally but always, the meaning of a text goes beyond its author. That is why understanding is not merely a reproduction but always a productive activity as well.’47 Ricoeur differentiated between a ‘hermeneutics of trust’ and a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’.48 The former involved a basic trust in texts and language and that interpretation can recover and restore original meanings. Contrasting with this, the hermeneutics of suspicion questioned much of cultural consciousness as false (drawing on Nietzsche, Marx and Freud), implying that the task of hermeneutics is to unmask false consciousness and expose ideologies in culture, organisations and people. The principle of deconstruction is prominent here, and in the extreme it distrusts both consciousness and language.49 In his consideration of the implications in hermeneutics for education, Gallagher grouped it into four main streams (each with its particular relevance for education).50 Table 2.1 summarises his analysis, together with notes on pertinent educational issues.
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Table 2.1 A classification of different streams within hermeneutics according to Gallagher Approach to hermeneutics
Focus of the approach
Key contributors
Some issues for education
Conservative hermeneutics
Interpretation to reproduce the meaning and intentions of authors and to overcome the limitations set by the historical context of the interpreter.
Based on 19thcentury work by Dilthey and Schleiermacher.
The ‘reproduction’ of cultural meanings.
A hermeneutics of ‘trust’ that meaning can be recovered.
It seeks objective truth. Moderate hermeneutics
Interpreting normative meanings in authoritative texts, e.g. scripture, official curriculum documents.
Fully objective interpretations Exemplified in the are not possible due to the work of Gadamer influences of socio-historical and Ricoeur. and personal contexts. Interpretation is an active dialogical process, ‘fusion of horizons’ and creative communication between text and interpreter.
Readers and interpreters participate in the construction of meaning from texts and culture. Intersubjectivity is a more realistic aim than achieving absolute truth and objectivity. Active role of learners in the construction of meaning, imaginations and aesthetic experience.
Truth can be interpreted, but it is not absolute. Radical hermeneutics
Presumes that original meaning in texts is unattainable; even the texts can raise questions about their meaning – there being no truth beyond language itself. Emphasises deconstruction and questions the authenticity in all interpretations.
Influenced by Nietzsche and Heidegger, and used by postmodern deconstructionists and poststructuralists like Derrida and Foucault.
Is sceptical and nihilistic about truth claims.
A radical view questioning whether there can be any authenticity as regards meaning, identity, authorship, objectivity. A type of agnosticism of meaning – all meaning is interpreted as relative, contingent and contextual. Takes hermeneutics of ‘suspicion’ to a high level of distrust of institutional meanings. Creates problems regarding the nature and educative role of traditional cultural meanings. Tends to make the construction of meaning a privatised, personal task that is relative and contextual.
Critical hermeneutics
Hermeneutics influenced Typified by the work by the social and political of Habermas. agenda of critical theory – concerned with challenging the interpretation method and its results that are marginalising, and with promoting emancipation. What passes for truth is usually distorted by ideology; it needs ‘purification’ to arrive at an undistorted consensus.
The need for the interpretation of ideological and hegemonic influences on thinking and behaviour. A hermeneutics of ‘suspicion’, not presuming good-willed, ideology-free institutional or cultural meanings. Tries to develop ‘distortion free’ communication. Promotes the critical interpretation of culture with an emancipatory and social justice orientation.
The nature, psychological function and construction of meaning
As illustrated throughout this chapter, the hermeneutic dimension is fundamental to the notion of meaning. In one sense, the sharing of interpretations is essential to teaching and learning. The potential significance of meaning and hermeneutics for education was summarised by Gallagher as follows: Reproduction, authority, and conversation; objectivity, distortion and transformation; these are issues that both hermeneutics and education must deal with. If education involves understanding and interpretation; if formal educational practice is guided by the use of texts and commentary, reading and writing; if linguistic understanding and communication are essential to educational institutions; if educational experience is a temporal process involving fixed expressions of life and the transmission or critique of traditions; if in effect, education is a human enterprise, then hermeneutics, which claims all of these as its subject matter, holds out the promise of providing a deeper understanding of the educational process.51
Notes 1 A de Saint-Exupery, ‘From generation to generation’, http://www.uua.org/news/91101/pbeedle.html Accessed 18/04/05. 2 F Nietzsche, quoted by R Eckersley 2006, What is wellbeing and what promotes it? Paper published on the Wellbeing Manifesto Website of the Australia Insitute, http://www.wellbeingmanifesto.net/wellbeing.htm Accessed 26/06/06, p. 7. 3 D Tacey 2000, Reenchantment: the new Australian spirituality, p. 6. 4 For some people, however, it is not a ‘replacement’ religious language, but the natural way of articulating religious faith today. 5 V Frankl 1964, Man’s search for meaning, p. 35. 6 CG Jung 1964, Man and his symbols, p. 76. 7 AH Maslow 1968, Toward a psychology of being; AH Maslow 1970, Motivation and personality. 8 These questions and the typology developed in Chapters 1–3 are a prelude to literature reviews that look at how meaning is used in different disciplines and professional practice; and it might also be a stimulus for further research on young people’s meanings. 9 P Bourdieu 1977, Outline of a theory of practice. 10 R Stark & WS Bainbridge 1985, The future of religion: Secularization, revival and cult formation; T Robbins 1988, Cults, converts and charisma: The sociology of new religious movements. 11 Zohar & Marshall 2000, p. 196. 12 R Eckersley et al. 2006, Flashpoints and signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people, pp. 8, 26; AL Strauss 1977, Mirrors and masks: The search for identity; C Taylor 1989, Sources of the self; The making of the modern identiy. 13 H Beare 2001, Creating the future school, p. 47. 14 D Hay & R Nye 1998, The spirit of the child, p. 20. 15 See for example: RF Baumeister 1993, Meanings of life; RS Lazarus 1991, Emotion and adaption. 16 Lazarus 1991, p. 112. 17 Eckersley listed the following as key references on wellbeing in the 2005 paper What is wellbeing, and what promotes it? Background to a manifesto for wellbeing’. Accessed from the Australian National University website, May 2006. http://nceph.anu.edu.au/Staff_Students/staff_pages/eckersley_publications.htm: M Bond 2003, The pursuit of happiness; C Hamilton 2003, Growth fetish; E Diener & MEP Seligman 2004, Beyond money: Toward an economy of wellbeing; R Eckersley 2004, Well and Good: How we feel and why it matters; R Eckersley 2005, Well and good: Morality, meaning and happiness; DG Myers 2004, Happiness (excerpted from
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18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51
Psychology, 7th edn); H Shah & N Marks 2004, A wellbeing manifesto for a flourishing society, http://www. neweconomics.org/gen/; Time 2005, The science of happiness. See also: R Eckersley 2005, The quality of life. In P Saunders & J Walter (eds) Ideas and influence: Social science and public policy in Australia; R Eckersley et al. 2005, Life in a time of uncertainty: Optimising the health and wellbeing of young Australians; R Eckersley 2006 Flashpoints and signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people. Eckersley et al. 2006, pp. 9, 19. J Fisher 2000, Understanding spiritual health and well-being: Becoming human, becoming whole; J Fisher 2001, The nature of spiritual well-being and the curriculum: Some educators’ views. Australia Institute 2005, The Wellbeing Manifesto. Available on http://www.wellbeingmanifesto.net/wellbeing. htm. Eckersley et al. 2006, p. 37. T Witham 2001, Nurturing spirituality in children and young people by developing resilience. Eckersley et al. 2006, p. 30. One recent example of a study that looks into this question is JC Conroy 2002, Transgression, transformation and enlightenment: The trickster as poet and teacher. This view was evident in a number of the writings of Neil Postman, for example in Amusing ourselves to death: Public discourse in the age of show business (1987). See CG Jung 1964, Man and his symbols; J. Campbell et al. 1988, The power of myth and J Campbell 1990, Transformation of myth through time. H Beare 2001, Creating the future school, p. 47, 50. ibid., p. 50. Quoted in A de Botton 2004, Status anxiety, p. 213. ibid., p. 214. Quoted in ibid. A Gramsci 1971, Selection from the prison notebooks. CG Jung, Psychotherapists or the clergy, Collected works, vol. 11, referred to in Zohar & Marshall 2000, p. 166. Man’s search for meaning, p. 28. SQ, pp. 29, 166. ibid., p. 170. The billboard advertised the youth helpline on the World Wide Web at http://www.reachout.com.au Accessed 31/01/05. This summary description has drawn on sections on philosophy from the Web encyclopaedia, Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki HA Giroux 2003 [1983] Critical theory and educational practice, in Darder et al., The critical pedagogy reader, p. 28. Quoted from the original: HA Giroux, 1983, Theory and resistance in education. JJ Shapiro 2005, From the chart Critical theory of society, retrieved from Wikipedia, The Frankfurt School of Critical Theory, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frankfurt_School Accessed 18/04/05. J Habermas 1987, The theory of communicative action; see R Young 1990, A critical theory of education: Habermas and our children’s future. Giroux 2003, p. 33. P McLaren 2003, Revolutionary pedagogy in post revolutionary times: Rethinking the political economy of critical education. In A Darder et al. (eds) The critical pedagogy reader, p. 161. H-G Gadamer 2001, Gadamer in conversation: Reflections and commentary, p. 37. Philosophy section of Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hermeneutics.html Accessed 01/05/05. P Ricoeur 1984–88, Temps et récit (Time and narrative), 3 vols. H-G Gadamer 1989, Truth and method, p. 126. P Ricoeur 1981, Hermeneutics and the human sciences. S Gallagher 1992, Hermeneutics and education, p. 21. ibid., pp. 9–11. ibid., p. 24.
3
The psychological development of meaning and issues related to change and development in meaning
The meaning of our existence is not invented by ourselves, but rather detected. Viktor Frankl 1
Western culture undermines, even reverses, universal values and time-tested wisdom. In making meaning in life more individualised and materialistic, it reduces social cohesion, confidence, trust and stability, and leaves people personally more isolated and vulnerable. This, in turn, reduces a community’s moral hold on practice: values depend critically on personal, social and spiritual ties for effect, for tangible expression in people’s behaviour towards each other. So there are complex feedbacks in the social effects of cultural trends. Richard Eckersley et al., 2006 2
The previous chapter explored the nature and function of meaning, setting out a basic typology. It also considered cultural meanings as reference points for the individual’s construction of personal meaning. This chapter continues in the same vein, looking at how personal meaning develops and at a number of issues related to change and development of meaning. While the sections serve as brief introductions, some of the issues will be explored in more detail than others; as before, it is beyond our scope to investigate the related literature.
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The typology of meaning is developed further under the following headings.
3.1
The psychological development of meaning
3.1.1 The construction of meaning 3.1.2 Change and development in personal meaning 3.1.3 Assimilating the meanings embedded in role models 3.1.4 When do you know you have meaning? 3.1.5 Meaning as the ‘bigger picture’, contextual framework within which experience is understood
3.2
Issues related to change and development in meaning
3.2.1 Accessing people’s meanings: a central part of human relationships 3.2.2 Thwarting of meaning and ‘retreat’ from meaning 3.2.3 Range or scope of personal meaning, mental health and propensity to self-harm 3.2.4 Manipulation and power through meaning 3.2.5 Political meaning and social justice 3.2.6 Strengthening the meaning system 3.2.7 Dependence on institutions and authorities for meaning 3.2.8 Bolstering the meaning system through fundamentalism 3.2.9 The different meanings of scripture 3.2.10 Changing theological meanings 3.2.11 Scientific meanings 3.2.12 Clashes between scientific and religious meanings 3.2.13 Young people’s perceptions of relationships between religious and scientific meanings 3.2.14 Meaning systems and religious claims to truth 3.2.15 ‘Earthquake’ in the meaning system
3.1 The psychological development of meaning 3.1.1
The construction of meaning
Inevitably, this topic is controversial because value judgments are needed about which changes in meaning are good and authentic and which are detrimental. It also raises questions about who decides what is good meaning, and on what criteria the decisions are based. What are considered desirable changes inevitably track back to particular views of what it means to be human. Also pertinent is the prevailing view of healthy meaning (4.5), and interactions between personal and community views of what this entails. People
Issues related to change and development in meaning
are naturally dependent on community meanings to some extent; but becoming mature presumes they will increasingly take personal responsibility for their own meaning, whatever its degree of congruence with normative community meanings. Development of meaning usually occurs through adjustments. As people change with age and experience, they adjust their meanings accordingly; some of this change is the result of choice; some is not – when things happen they have no option but to accept reality. Meaning develops to accommodate these challenges. Sometimes individuals make no adjustment; they feel that there is no reason to change meanings to meet new circumstances. The personal meaning system can be particularly resistant to change. Some take a more proactive approach to changing their meaning; they can develop it by reading, watching educational television, studying and attending personal development programs – as well as by reflecting on the events of daily life. They are consciously looking for ways of enhancing their understanding of life. Religions, also psychiatry and counselling, as well as the self-help movement, tap into fundamental human needs for conserving or changing meaning. Individuals may draw on different parts of their religious traditions to update their meaning in new circumstances, to get a more satisfying or fresh interpretation. Similarly, they may access community meanings from other sources – from other religions, philosophy and psychology, popular writings, and the example of heroes and friends – as well as from the media. Opportunities for the enrichment of meaning are extensive since people have access to ancient and new traditions of wisdom, as well as to contemporary psychological movements. But not all change in meaning is healthy. Where there is great scope for change in meaning, there is also scope for manipulation.
3.1.2
Change and development in personal meaning
Change in personal meaning is not always a smooth process; it may be catalysed by traumatic events calling for answers to pressing new questions. Change in meaning may be positive or negative depending on an evaluation of its content. On the other hand, development of meaning may take place relatively calmly. Through interaction with others or through their own study people may decide to change their meaning because they have been persuaded rationally to adopt views they believe are worthwhile. Change in personal meaning is often indexed to change in cultural meanings. New cultural circumstances affect the way people think (see Chapter 2).
3.1.3
Assimilating the meanings embedded in role models
Role models can be a significant source of personal meaning. Through identification with people they respect, individuals can consciously and unconsciously assimilate the meanings of their heroes and heroines. Mentoring can also be influential.
3.1.4
When do you know you have meaning?
People know they have meaning when their understanding of what is going on in their life gives an explanation they find satisfying; this would include feelings as well as judgments. The validity of this explanation seems self-evident when it gives helpful answers to life questions. If it did not give plausible explanations, the meaning would feel deficient.
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It is not that personal meaning should be able to provide perfectly satisfying answers for all problems, but it should help people address them in a constructive way, or at least take up some psychological stance that helps them cope. Sometimes their meaning does not give them answers that are comforting or easy to accept; but more importantly, it can help them adjust to reality, especially when that reality is not favourable. What is crucial here is whether their meaning is a ‘true’ explanation – to this they can be committed, even at some personal cost. For others, particularly when it is a matter of acknowledging responsibility, their meaning does not serve them well when it proposes all sorts of explanations and excuses rather than acceptance of a reality that is painful.
3.1.5
Meaning as the ‘bigger picture’ contextual framework within which experience is understood
Meaning can be used by individuals as the bigger picture that makes sense of their experience by putting it into perspective. Experience is like raw material that becomes meaningful when it is reflected on and contextualised within a personal meaning structure that functions like a ‘meaning organiser’. This meaning organiser processes experience in the light of values and goals. More will be said about this process in general before applying it to questions about human relationships, personal power, and the flight from meaning. People’s distinctive meaning processor will show characteristic ways in which they convert ordinary experience into something that is meaningful. Repetition of such a meaning-making or valuing activity becomes a habit and a virtue (or vice, if the values are negative). People do this without having to reflect on details and evaluate every item of their experience before judging it meaningful (that is, consistent with their meaning and values). This can help people make otherwise prosaic experiences into something that has overall meaning and significance. For example, repetitive labour can be converted into meaningful work. Problems (like sickness or injury, or decisions made by authorities about their employment opportunities) can change or block people’s intended path in life; but in time these can be accommodated as temporary, even if major, setbacks that do not change their overall personal goals, and they may even have unforeseen benefits. Sometimes this process of making meaning is well understood by individuals, while at other times it is not; some have little awareness of its importance for personal wellbeing. For some young people, there is a need to learn how what appear at first sight to be trivial, repetitive or menial tasks may yet have a valuable place within the larger context of personal meaning. Other pairs of words can be used to convey the idea of experience being transformed into something meaningful.
3.2 Issues related to change and development in meaning 3.2.1
Accessing people’s meanings: a central part of human relationships
People learn readily how to identify and process meaning from an early age. In addition, they see how others tend to respond characteristically to particular experiences – it is part of learning to ‘know’ other people, as well as learning ‘from’ other people. They build pictures of other people’s ‘meaning processors’ and contrast this with their own. This learning also helps them
Issues related to change and development in meaning
Table 3.1 Distillation of meaning from experience Experience (‘raw material’ experience)
Viewed from the perspective of a ‘bigger picture’ or a personal meaning processor (reflected on and contextualised)
Meaningful experience
Labour
→
work
provision of services
→
profession
job
→
vocation
action in response to need
→
a commitment, a perceived duty
taking an initiative
→
taking responsibility
particular classroom learning
→
education
act of kindness
→
altruism
making someone a cup of tea
→
affirmation of friendship
daily swimming training
→
build up for an important swim event
predict how others are likely to behave. Developing one’s own meaning and interpreting the meanings of others are part of forming and maintaining personal relationships; this also occurs when people create psychological distance from others, when they learn to dislike particular people or when a personal relationship is breaking down. Discovering harmony and conflict between meanings is pertinent both to the development and dissolution of relationships. Many problems in relationships stem from a failure in this process. Some individuals may not learn well enough about what others are really like – until it is too late. They may not comprehend adequately the character of the other with whom they want friendship or love. A good personal relationship would seem to require a healthy exchange of meanings. Without adequate communication at this level, and without some verbal confirmation, both where meanings are shared as well as where they are different, a relationship may remain fairly superficial. Compatibility and harmony in relationships would seem to presume some fundamental common meanings together with respectful acceptance of differences. There is more to relationships than exchange of meanings. Emotional attachments, perceived beauty and sexual attraction all contribute. However, communication at a meaning ful level seems crucial for satisfying, long-term relationships, where commitments endure beyond the initial momentum of mutual attraction and infatuation. Interpreting relationships in this fashion is useful in exploring gender differences in meanings; that is, how individuals in a relationship may misinterpret what the other says and does. Learning how to understand and respond to such differences and complementarity between the sexes is crucial for effective communication between men and women.
3.2.2
Thwarting of meaning and ‘retreat’ from meaning
The sections above suggest that people have an inbuilt meaning-making ability, and that they are constantly contextualising experience. When for various reasons this ability is impaired,
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people are likely to suffer in some way. A lack of meaning may lead to unhappiness and feelings of frustration. For some, however, this may not appear to be a problem, especially if their attention is occupied elsewhere; nevertheless, from the value position taken here, insufficient attention given to meaning is regarded as a deficiency in humanness. Restlessness and boredom can result from an inability to put repetitive actions into perspective; or from not seeing that experience that is neither exciting nor entertaining can have useful meaning (this is also pertinent to education). It may be that a need for excitement and finding things that grab one’s attention have become such a strong addiction for some that looking for a larger meaning is neglected. When faced with what was referred to above as repetitive ‘raw’ experience, they cannot provide any meaningful context for it, with the result that the experience is regarded as pointless. In the extreme, when the usual run of experience has little meaning, and when excitement levels ebb, they can become bored and turn to substance abuse, self-harm and violence. This explains the link Frankl made between youth lack of meaning and boredom. If young people want to do just what they feel like doing, when and where they want, they can become prisoners to the existential and to fluctuations in their own emotions. Such a narcissistic preoccupation with self lacks adequate reference to meanings from larger contexts; it does not make adequate reference to the individual’s whole life, to the community and the environment. We presume that healthy meaning includes reference to this larger context. Self-centred youth have meaning that tends to revolve almost exclusively around their own needs and plans; others, especially family, are regarded more or less as useful infrastructure to their lifestyle – or, for those who do not fit this role, as threats. Similarly, this view provides an interpretation of escapism: people may seek to engage in various activities that help them avoid the demands of meaningful commitment. Or they may be completely occupied with trivial pursuits because of a lack of perceived meaning. Either way it is a retreat from meaning.
3.2.3
Range or scope of personal meaning, mental health and propensity to selfharm
An individual’s meaning would normally have a range or scope that relates to different aspects of life such as work, leisure, relationships, family, ethnic and national identity, religious beliefs, the environment, and animals. When people have too few meanings informing their lives, they can get things out of perspective, resulting in a distorted interpretation of what is happening to them. In some instances of mental illness (and this can be caused as much by an imbalance in brain chemistry as by psychological problems), there is a shrinkage in the basic meanings that have previously served to help maintain mental health. They lose sight of the bigger picture to their lives. Normally, they cope with problems by referring to their supportive meanings. But if their meaning becomes ‘tunnel-visioned’, narrowly preoccupied with particular issues, they can become distressed and paranoid. When sick, people will often concentrate on their own illness to the point where they neglect the wider range of meanings that usually sustain them. For those who take their own lives, particularly the young, it is difficult to interpret where they stood in relation to meaning, and difficult to propose what community or
Issues related to change and development in meaning
personal intervention might have steered them away from suicidal action. Logotherapy proposes that many who suicide do so because they did not have enough cogent meaning left to live by; they may have given up on finding adequate meaning. But suicide may be precipitated by strong emotions, depression or a sense of hopelessness where people seem to have had adequate meaning, but in this condition, this meaning is inoperative. What is of great community concern is that suicide seems to be one of the life options that a significant number of the young are considering. When people are gripped by clinical depression or severe manic episodes, all the meaning in the world will not help. The physiological basis of their condition is such that therapeutic inputs of meaning may have little or no impact. This highlights the complex relationship between the physico-chemical and the psychological. It shows how drug therapy may be important for the mental health of some at particular stages of their lives. Suicide is the extreme indicator of disconcerting levels of youth anxiety; other indicators are high frequencies of depression, and substance abuse. At an international conference on young people and drugs in Sydney in 2006, disturbing data was aired about young people’s participation in excessive drinking and use of recreational drugs.3 The conference director from the Australian Drug Foundation noted that: We’re not downplaying the impact of illegal drugs such as ecstasy and amphetamines, but it’s too easy to ignore that alcohol is not only a potentially dangerous drug, but one that is most accessible to young people and the one most commonly used … [The level of ] liquor consumption by young girls was disturbing … Higher admission rates to emergency rooms for young girls is objective proof that young girls are drinking far more than they have in the past.
Drug and alcohol education is thought to be one of the front-line defences against these problems; this presumes that pertinent information and meanings will help the young both identify and avoid them. But the power of reason, good information and even counselling to change young people for the better should not be overestimated. These community interventions can be expected to help, but not to perform behavioural miracles. Enhancing and repairing meaning is an important way of helping people overcome psychological difficulties and avoid potential health problems, but not an infallible remedy; it can, however, be a valuable precursor to personal change. Thus there is important scope for an education in meaning that can contribute to the personal development of young people (see Chapter 10).
3.2.4
Manipulation and power through meaning
Understanding the meanings of others is a part of being sensitive and caring. But responding to the meanings of others also puts the individual in a position of vulnerability if this attentiveness is uncritical; it can be a pathway for manipulation. Whoever has access to the contextualising principles people use to construct their personal meaning has some power to enhance their lives or to manipulate them. For example, those who want to keep others subservient in particular roles can impose their will in a subtle way by proposing the meanings that suit their purposes; this would be a classic exercise of ideology. Particular frameworks of
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meaning can be sources of liberation or of domination. There is no escaping the need for a critical evaluation of criteria used for assigning meaning and for uncovering the sources of cultural meanings, in the process exposing their political and economic interests. For example, a particular meaning may be helpful for accommodating necessary, repetitive labour. But if this condemns someone to remain in such a station, it becomes dehumanising; justificatory meaning can support manipulative practice. The manipulation of people’s meanings is an abuse of power; it can occur as much in a household as in the workplace and government. These dynamics are evident in social problems such as sexism, racism and ‘social class-ism’; and they can be detected in policies related to globalisation of markets, casualisation of employment, economic competition, workplace agreements and industrial relations. Social meanings can be developed and utilised for all sorts of purposes. Both classic propaganda and classic advertising draw on the same psychological dynamics (see Chapter 15). Even the apparently harmless notion of ‘what it means to be cool ’ has been orchestrated by commercial interests so that young people’s desire to be cool can be steered in consumer directions that will turn a profit; this ‘conditioning’ of meaning preys on their identity vulnerability (7.3). Cultural meanings can provide the impetus for revolution as well as reasons for quietly accepting and never challenging the status quo. Appraisal of cultural meanings often initiates cultural and political change. The Brazilian educator Paulo Freire illustrated this dynamic: the development of critical literacy was instrumental to helping peasants break free from social and political oppression.4 The first step towards freedom from manipulative power is to stop using the language and meanings of the oppressive group; now, where image consciousness is a driving force in marketing and consumerism, the critical evaluation of cultural meanings also needs a deconstruction of commercially proposed images.
3.2.5
Political meaning and social justice
What has just been said about the use of meaning as an instrument of power describes the dimension that can be called political meaning (see also 2.10.8). Detecting political meaning involves tracing the exercise of power. It asks questions about who makes the decisions that affect people’s lives. It seeks to uncover the real motives and social meanings that inform these decisions. It tries to identify whose interests are best served by decisions and policies. As noted in Chapter 15, social or political documentaries on television have done much to alert people to the existence and influence of political meanings in events that were originally understood in simpler terms. A readiness and skill to detect and evaluate political meaning is one of the goals of a political education. It has links with the notion of the ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ that probes the nature and power of political meanings, even if these are not immediately evident (2.10.14); it also has links with education in social justice.
3.2.6
Strengthening the meaning system
If people’s meaning system is important to personal security and mental health, it is not surprising that they will want it to be strong and not something that will easily buckle under pressure. It is therefore understandable that people will react to perceived threats to their
Issues related to change and development in meaning
meaning system – they will want to protect it; and it is understandable that they will look for ways of bolstering it and shoring it up. Threats to the belief system can be dismissed or attacked. As will be considered later, what might be a challenging opportunity for one person to extend their meaning is for another a threat that appears to undermine it. One way of strengthening the meaning system, especially a religious one, is to appeal to miracles, portents or signs of fate. Some feel that the performance of particular religious rituals reinforces the assurances they get from their beliefs. Some will bolster their meaning system by appealing to an external authority. If there is great trust in, and respect for, leaders (whether they are religious, political, or business leaders, or even trusted friends), individuals can come to depend on them as guarantors of meaning. Such leadership can give plausibility and credibility to personal meaning. For some, the authority of a revered institution underpins their meaning.
3.2.7
Dependence on institutions and authorities for meaning
While reliance on legitimate authorities can be a natural and valuable source of meaning, there is also a danger in making one’s meaning too dependent on others or on authorities and institutions – particularly if this is done for a long period of time. A mature meaning needs to be well assimilated and personalised where individuals take responsibility for it. Normally, trust in authorities and commitment to institutions can be healthy parts of personal and social life. But this does not mean the surrender of personal judgment and informed choices. Institutional meaning needs to be appropriated critically, countering the possibility of manipulation through what is proposed for allegiance. In a culture that is exceptionally critical of institutions and where there is a widespread sense of cynicism about the relevance of religion, there is a danger that the valuable contribution to personal meaning from institutions can be ignored. Many young people do not need much encouragement to be sceptical of institutional meanings. They may be adrift from the basic meanings that their religion can give them as a starting point in their individual construction of meaning; but they are either unaware that they lack useful religious meanings or they are pleased not to have institutional connections; many do not look for meaning in their religion. For some, religion may have such a bad press that there is perhaps a need to demonstrate for them the case for religion and what it offers in the way of meaning.
3.2.8
Bolstering the meaning system through fundamentalism
One way of strengthening the meaning system is to stress its claims to truth. In a culture where truth has come to have strong associations with ‘evidence’, ‘proof ’, ‘history’ and ‘science’, it is not surprising that some religious believers want to reinforce the truth of their faith with what they consider to be historical events and scientific facts. For example, Christians who are said to be ‘fundamentalist’ interpret the Book of Genesis and the gospels literally. They see no reason why the texts should not be interpreted that way. That the world was created in six days, that Eve was created from Adam’s rib, and that Adam and Eve were the progenitors of the human race in a place called the Garden of Eden, are believed as factual and historical. A strict historicity of the Bible is one of the foundations of their belief system – verifying its truth. In one sense, their faith is historicised.
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For fundamentalists, scriptural meaning is not problematic. It is absolute truth: ‘The Bible says this’, and it has absolute authority. It is as if there were a universal, ready way to determine which interpretation of particular texts was the correct one. In practice, it is the interpretation of their particular group that is presumed to be correct. By contrast, although critical biblical scholarship presumes that the meanings of scriptures are problematic and need careful study, this does not detract from their importance for believers. Biblical scholarship over the last hundred years has questioned claims to literal biblical historicity; it proposes that the scriptures are primarily theological. This implies that much of the Hebrew Bible and the Christian New Testament are about theological truth; history is not missing, but because it was not the primary concern of the biblical authors, there was no special interest in recounting historical facts with precision; poetic licence was taken with inherited oral and written traditions in the writing of theologically embedded narratives. Verification by history, eye-witness accounts and documentary proof is more a 20th-century phenomenon – a mentality with which the biblical authors were unfamiliar. The faith of ‘Evangelical’ Christians is centred on the Bible. But this does not equate with fundamentalism. Just as for members of the mainline Christian denominations, Evangelical Christians draw on biblical scholarship to varying extents; a proportion of all of these groups retain fundamentalist notions of scripture. And it should not be forgotten that fundamentalist interpretation of religious texts is evident in other world religions. Fundamentalists appear to be reluctant to take modern biblical scholarship seriously because it seems to threaten the historical basis of their meaning system. There are other psychological characteristics of fundamentalist meaning systems that warrant attention (in Christianity and other religions), but this is beyond our scope here.
3.2.9
The different meanings of scripture
The previous section on fundamentalism points towards the larger, pivotal importance of different interpretations of scripture in Christianity and Judaism (also pertinent in other religions.) Scripture scholarship, and associated historical and philological studies, have not only affected the hermeneutics of scripture, but they have influenced theological meanings, as will be considered below. New understandings of biblical authorship within their original religious and sociopolitical contexts have brought to light views about the historical Jesus that contrast with understandings of the ‘Christ of faith’. The Christian gospels were more about the latter than the former; the gospels presented narratives through the theological lens of belief in the post-resurrection Jesus.
3.2.10 Changing theological meanings Change in personal meaning can involve different theological interpretations. This has long been an area of controversy, particularly as it relates to religious authority and what is regarded as orthodox belief. For previous generations in Western countries, theological and scriptural meanings tended to be perceived by believers as historical, relatively fixed and unchangeable. Increasingly, for those who are better educated theologically, these religious meanings are now being understood more in hermeneutic terms: they need to be interpreted with respect to the
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context in which they were originally developed. Take for example the evolution of ideas in Christology. Scripture scholarship and studies of the historical Jesus have uncovered more of the complexity in understandings of the Christ of Christian faith. In turn, this has affected what it means to be ‘saved by Christ’. Formerly, many lay Christians would not have probed the theological meaning of these doctrines, even though they had great emotional significance and were cornerstones of their religious faith. Debating their meaning was the province of theologians and clerics, and latterly of educated lay people. Now the wider culture raises so many questions about interpretation that ordinary believers find it difficult not to think more critically about the meaning of their religious beliefs. They are affected by the modern tendency to appraise meaning in terms of personal experience: what a belief means for them personally, and what bearing it has on their lives. There appears to be widespread concern to find satisfying psychological insights into theological beliefs. But for those who draw little meaning from their religion, these questions will not attract much attention. One controversial example of change in theological meaning in Christianity will be considered here. The traditional, ‘popular’ interpretation of Jesus for many centuries is now questioned by scriptural and theological scholarship.5 It is not questioning the importance of Christian belief in Jesus, but it draws attention to the complexity and problems in understanding the three central questions about Jesus: his identity, his mission and his message. The traditional interpretation had clear answers to these questions: He was the Divinely Begotten Son of God. His mission or his purpose was to die for the sins of the world. And his message was primarily about himself and about the importance of believing in him. This image of Jesus as Divine Saviour was crystallised in the well-known phrase from John’s Gospel, ‘For God so loved the world that He gave his only begotten Son that whosoever believes in Him should not perish but have everlasting life’ (John, 3:16). In relation to these three questions, scripture scholarship suggests that the historical Jesus (or the pre-Easter Jesus) in all likelihood did not think of himself as the Messiah or with any of the other exalted terms ascribed to him in John’s Gospel. Also, this scholarship proposed that the historical Jesus did not see his own purpose as dying for the sins of the world. In addition, it considered that Jesus’ principal message was not about himself or the importance of believing in him. This interpretation comes as a shock to many believers because it seems contrary to their cherished beliefs and to traditional images of Jesus. But its proponents argue that it is not undermining Christian faith, but moving towards a better understanding of the complexity both in the historical life of Jesus and in the way early Christians came to believe in him as the Christ.6 It considers that today’s believers have access to insights from scholarship that were not available throughout most of the history of Christianity. With a better account of what the historical Jesus was actually like, it suggests that a better interpretation of Jesus’ identity, mission and message is possible; and that in turn this can enhance Christian faith. Also, this scholarship tends to highlight scripture as the theological documents of the early Christian communities; Christians today stand on the shoulders of their forebears in faith. Scripture scholarship has led to significant change in Christian theological meanings. But there is a considerable range of views. At one extreme is a strictly literal interpretation of the gospels. Then there is a spectrum of theological opinions that should not be represented simplistically as a polarisation between fundamentalist and liberal positions. Some scholars accept the need for good contextualised biblical analysis, but are wary of interpretations that
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seem to move in the direction of questioning the uniquely revelatory nature of the gospel record and the particularism of Christian truth claims. One of the consequences of scholarship is an increasing significance of the relationship between the biblical texts and their originating communities. The plausibility of the religious message in scripture is linked with the fidelity and credibility of its religious community. The same might also be said about the teachings of contemporary communities of faith. Because of the diversity ranging across the areas of normative church doctrines, scholarly theological opinions and personal interpretation or beliefs, conflicting views are inevitable; meanings perceived by some as not orthodox will inspire new faith insights for others. Different churches define what they regard as orthodoxy as a guide for their adherents. This sort of diversity has always characterised religions. In school religious education, there is the problem of deciding how extensive a range of interpretations should be studied – about which particular meanings from a religious tradition should be included, about what level of theological controversy is to be introduced for different age groups, and about what how much attention should students give to the appraisal of religious truth claims.7
3.2.11 Scientific meanings The function of science is to explore and explain the workings of nature through what has been called the ‘scientific method’. Scientific explanation, or scientific meaning, contrasts with explanations and interpretations of life from personal, aesthetic, spiritual and religious perspectives. It proceeds within the framework of physical and chemical laws, and by hypotheses that can be tested. By strict definition, science is non-personal and value-free – but this is not saying that scientists can ever be value-free. A fundamental condition for the validity and reliability of scientific explanation is that the personal and spiritual dimensions are necessarily excluded. The noted physicist Erwin Schrödinger pointed out that because the very success of science depended on the exclusion of these spiritual dimensions, science could never be used legitimately to deny their existence and importance. Science as such has nothing to say about human meaning, purpose and values, even if neurophysiology succeeds in locating specific wave-like patterns of firing in neural tracts that seem to be the physical location of thought. The key principle of science is empirical verification; strictly speaking, it is empirical falsifiability, because it is through the disproof of null hypotheses that scientific knowledge progresses. Given this view of science, it would seem to be an unlikely candidate for proposing human meaning, let alone a source of ultimate meaning. Nevertheless, science has had a great impact on human meanings. It has been spectacularly successful in its achievements in the 20th century, particularly in applications to technology and medicine that have affected lifestyle and life expectancy, especially in the developed countries. Human meanings can become dependent on this success, as if science can deliver aspects of human salvation. Scientific theories about the origin and end of the universe, the morphological development of planet earth and the evolution of carbon-based life-forms have changed human perspectives on the nature and origins of life. For most of recorded history, without a scientific perspective, people’s views about life’s origins naturally drew on the readily available religious interpretations of cosmology. Religious creation stories were interpreted literally because there was no reason to do otherwise. Inevitably, the rise of scientific explanations
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resulted in conflict between religion and science because both were concerned with explaining the world, even if this was done from different perspectives and with different methods. Further attention will be given to this conflict below. As one individual commented: ‘My God has to have at least a PhD in quantum physics’. Understandings of the complexity of nature cannot but impinge on thinking about creation. A mechanistic or atomistic interpretation of reality that dominated science for a long time has given way to discoveries about the sub-quantal nature of matter and about the origins, age and evolution of the universe. A built-in uncertainty exists at the most basic levels of wave and particle physics. Issues raised by the New Physics have created an interesting agenda for philosophical and theological meanings.
3.2.12 Clashes between scientific and religious meanings Given the strict view of science outlined above – scientific and religious meanings have different natures, purposes and functions – it could be expected that science and religion should never be in conflict. Since the time of Galileo, however, there has been a continual history of conflict that at times has been violent. The reasons for the conflict are important because in principle, according to the view of science taken here, it will be because either religion or science (or both) has in some way been faulty or wrongly applied. If the notions of creation and creator are important for religion, then scientific interpretations of the origin of the universe and the evolution of life will inevitably have to be accommodated in some way within religious meanings. This accommodation works in different ways as explained later. In the case of Galileo, the science/religion conflict derived from a faulty religious view. The theological conviction that humans were at the centre of God’s universe had spilled over into a view of this world as the physical centre of the solar and celestial systems. This physical view was disproved – just as was the earlier view of the world as flat – showing that religious interpretations of human purpose should not absolutise particular presumptions about the structure of the world that were in cosmological vogue at a particular time. It was not the Christian Church’s prerogative to pronounce in the areas of physics and cosmology. However, conflicts like this were inevitable because in earlier pre-scientific times people did not have sufficient reason to differentiate between religious and scientific interpretations, or between the superstitious and the scientific. For many centuries, there was no compelling reason why the Genesis stories of creation should not be interpreted literally, while their theological significance remained paramount. Then, when astronomy and the Darwinian theory of evolution made it clear that the six-day creation of the universe and the origin of humanity were unlikely to have occurred in that historico-physical way, a more sophisticated theory for these complex origins emerged. At the same time, this stimulated a more sophisticated scriptural and theological interpretation of Genesis. In effect, emerging science had helped refine theology. If the Bible was read as a scientific text on human origins, the reader would be in error – not the Bible. There is now a scientific story of human origins. For those who relied on Genesis for little more than a story of human origins, and for those who did not have a good conception of the relationships between religion and science, or where the divisions were blurred, the scientific story might also have a religious function: providing a plausible account of human origins going back billions of years to the cosmic Big Bang.
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For some, the scientific story is a more attractive and realistic alternative than a literal reading of Genesis; so they dismiss the latter as myth in the negative sense, and as a result, dismiss Christianity (and religion generally) because its validity was presumed to be dependent on the historicity of Genesis. For others, this interpretation helped justify an already established view that religion was irrelevant to their lives. Still others reacted differently. Their religious beliefs were bolstered by reading Genesis literally; this historicised the creation stories, interpreting them as scientific facts. This view read Genesis as if it were like a science text, dictated by God to the biblical author. Ironically, this approach seemed to want historical or scientific verification of beliefs (as explained in 3.2.8). It did not differentiate the theological message from the literary form. The stories took such strong historical roots in their religious meaning system that any questioning of the stories’ historicity was experienced as a threat that might undermine religious faith. The logical alternative for this group was to dismiss the scientific account of human origins as false. And as far as scriptural meanings were concerned, a fundamentalist position was taken. Another variant of the fundamentalist position is evident in the Creation Science movement. It began with a rejection of generally accepted scientific views of the origins of life and of humans in particular. But in its place, bolstering their religious interpretations, was a ‘new’ scientific theory for the origins of life. It was called Creation Science and it sought to establish a scientific case for creation as described in Genesis. It is well established in the United States and Australia and from it has arisen the Creation Science magazines Ex Nihilo and Creation Magazine.8 While the group has exerted some political pressure to have Creation Science included in the public school curriculum, generally this has been rejected on the grounds that it is not ‘science’. We consider that the Intelligent Design movement is a ‘softer’ version of Creation Science. It accepts a limited view of evolution, suggesting that there are points in the diversification of life where the direct intervention of the creator is needed to explain the emerging complexity. The ‘scientific’ case for Intelligent Design proposes that there are gaps and inconsistencies in Darwinian theory; in particular, it claims that some organs and organisms are so complex they must have been created at a particular point in time by an intelligent designer independent of other influences. Part of the popularity of Intelligent Design theory is the affinity it has with teleology (the philosophy of purposes) in medieval philosophy. A number of philosophical arguments were developed as demonstrations of the intelligibility of the existence of God; they were often, but mistakenly, referred to as ‘proofs’ of the existence of God. The argument from ‘design’ (contrasting with arguments related to God as prime mover and first uncaused cause) proposed that the purposes that humans discern in the adaptation of animals and plants to the environment, and in other complexities in nature, are intelligible and are thus consistent with the idea that God as an intelligent being designed this complexity into creation; the purposiveness and splendour of the development of life in all its forms point to the existence of an intelligent cause. This philosophical interpretation of the role of God in creation remains compatible with evolutionary theory because it interprets God’s role as immanent and not physically interventionist; it is different from the Deist interpretation which saw God as setting creation in motion and then letting it run according to the laws of physics in a mechanical fashion; it regards evolution as a distinctive ‘signature of creation’, considering that God can be purposive even through an evolutionary process that involves chance and
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natural selection. By contrast with these views, Intelligent Design considers that God plays an interventionist role, especially at key points in the development of life-forms. Hence Intelligent Design, from this point of view, is not science because it sees divine intervention in the emergence of life as a good scientific argument, and not just as a philosophical or religious interpretation. Its contemporary prominence needs to be understood within the historico-political controversy about the teaching of evolution in schools. It was only in 1968 that the US Supreme Court overturned earlier laws prohibiting the teaching of evolution in schools. Lobbying for the inclusion of Creation Science, and now Intelligent Design, within the school science curriculum has continued. So far these moves have been resisted. Our concern is that Intelligent Design, particularly as represented by Phillip Johnson, the Discovery Institute and the Centre for Science and Culture, as well as in the writings of Dembski and Behe, is something of a cover for propagating a conservative religious and political view; it sees the scientific theory of evolution as dangerous because it is considered to be necessarily anti-theist and in conflict with the Bible and the Qur’an.9 It seems to be a subtle way of getting around the prohibition on teaching Creation Science in American schools. Ironically, Creation Science and Intelligent Design could well be investigated critically and appropriately within school subjects such as religious education and philosophy; they can more readily deal with the ambiguity of the claims to be scientific, or mixtures of science, religion and philosophy. This question could be located within a broader study of the perceived conflict between science and religion. To conclude this section we refer to a contrasting interpretation of Genesis. A theological and symbolic approach reads the Genesis account theologically, with an appreciation of the literary form of creation myths. And it reads the scientific theories about the origins of the universe, earth and human life strictly as such.
3.2.13 Young people’s perceptions of relationships between religious and scientific meanings If adults can confuse religious and scientific meanings, then it is likely that children and adolescents will do so too. Hence the importance of learning about the distinction between religious and scientific interpretations. Research studies have indicated that measures of young people’s attitudes to belief in God changed markedly during early adolescence. In the United Kingdom, while 44 per cent of a sample of 11-year-olds agreed that ‘God is very real to me’, the level dropped to 18 per cent for the 15-year-olds.10 Repeated surveys between 1974 and 1986 showed a continual decline. Correspondingly, the percentage of 11–15-year-olds agreeing with the statement ‘I find it hard to believe in God’ increased from 36 per cent to 50 per cent. There is no reason to believe that the situation in Australia is very different from this. In 1964, Ronald Goldman in his book Religious Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence,11 suggested that two prominent factors making their attitudes to belief more liable to change were: 1 the problem of evil and suffering and how this is to be reconciled with a God who is allpowerful and all-loving; 2 a perceived conflict between what was taught in science lessons and what is thought to be involved in holding religious beliefs.
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Another British study of young people’s beliefs in the mid-1970s suggested that if young adolescents did not make a transition from a simple literal view of Genesis to a more theological interpretation, it was increasingly likely that they would give up their religious beliefs at about the same time they stopped believing in fairy stories: Childhood belief is breached with incredible ease on the basis of a simplistic scientism … the first incursion into a simple Biblical literalism seems to be the automatic death blow to ‘belief ’. There is in fact a complete vacuum at the point in intellectual development where the ‘fairy story version’ ends and anything more ‘grown up’ might take its place. What takes over is a vocabulary of empirical science. Any sort of idea, however fantastic, will be given house room if it can be dressed up in a scientific, or more accurately perhaps, a ‘science fiction’ garb.12
A study by Francis (1990) looked at the perceived clash between religion and science.13 Only 20 per cent of the sample of 11–15-year-olds disagreed with the statement ‘True Christians believe the Universe was made in 6 days’. Nineteen per cent thought that Christians could not believe in Darwin’s theory of evolution, while a further 65 per cent were unsure whether Darwin’s theory was compatible with Christian belief. Twenty-eight per cent considered that ‘Nothing should be believed unless it can be proved scientifically’, while a further 22 per cent were unsure whether this was the case. Forty-four per cent thought that ‘Theories in science can be proved to be definitely true’, while a further 37 per cent thought this might possibly be true. In these British samples, now some years old, a simple scientism seems to have influenced adolescent thinking. Just how students in Australian schools stand on this question remains to be determined. In any case, the science–religion interface remains an important one for education. Young people need to be helped to become more aware of the range of meanings that contribute to their emerging worldview. An adequate understanding of science and of the possibilities and limitations of scientific explanation are pertinent.
3.2.14 Meaning systems and religious claims to truth At this point, some of the sections above will be revisited briefly to list generalisations about change in meaning and relationships with claims to truth. This will show five different ways in which people react to or accommodate potential new developments in their meaning. 1 Strengthening the meaning system with truth claims
Where this occurs, truth is often perceived as simple, factual, historical, and invariant; it is also thought of as scientific. From this viewpoint, truth is authoritative and is to be obeyed. Authoritative statements tend to be direct: ‘The Bible says’, ‘The Pope says’. There is a tendency to label differing views as unorthodox, or perhaps heretical. Individuals can feel besieged by the spirit of questioning and moral relativism perceived in contemporary Westernised societies. 2 Rejecting conflicting truth claims as false
New information with implied truth claims can be rejected as false if perceived as a threat to the meaning system. Both scripture scholarship and evolutionary theory have prompted
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change in religious meaning for Christians, and both have been rejected by fundamentalists. This thinking, also evident in groups that are not fundamentalist, tends to be intolerant of deviations from traditional meanings (deviants are treated as subversive). They can be emotional in expressing beliefs and convictions. Truth tends to be perceived in ‘black and white’; ‘complexity’ in truth or ‘degrees of uncertainty’ in truth are not ideas with which they are comfortable. They feel that if only people would go back to what happened in the good old days, problems in the Church would go away. 3 Reasons for rejecting religious meanings
For some, their understanding of scientific theories about the origins of the universe and life, however limited, are reasons for rejecting religious meanings; traditional religious meaning is perceived as superseded by science, which is thought to undermine religious truth claims. Others may not reject religious claims to truth, but in the light of their knowledge of science, and taking into account their own experience, they feel they cannot come to a satisfying resolution, wondering if it is possible to resolve the problem at all; they may take an agnostic view, that the difficulties with truth claims remain unsolvable. 4 Not interested in religious or scientific meanings
Some have no time for any of these questions. They feel they have no need for truth claims from religion or science because neither of these has any impact on their lifestyle and interests. 5 Discovering and accommodating the complexity of meanings and levels of uncertainty in truth claims
Initially, the response to new meanings may be cognitive dissonance – it clashes with current understandings. It can be disconcerting. But the response is not rejection; reflection helps with the accommodation of new perspectives and information; the meaning system changes to take the new data into account. It is not a matter of accepting or rejecting counterclaims to truth; neither is it a feeling that truth is relative, or that absolute truth is not accessible. Rather, the interpretation is that life meanings and religious truth claims are more complicated than they were previously thought to be. It recognises a natural inability to know all of the complexity in meanings and truth; but it is not a classic agnostic position. This approach has the capacity to acknowledge polarities and inconsistencies in meanings, but without the need to collapse the tensions; it can accept and live with natural levels of uncertainty in meanings. The response to potential change in meaning by being open to new levels of complexity is experienced as satisfying by those who adopt it, because the explanation often seems more realistic: life is usually more complicated than one initially suspects. All of the components of a meaning system may not fit perfectly, but overall, they can point the individual forward in a fairly coherent way.
3.2.15 ‘Earthquake’ in the meaning system A meaning system can be imagined as the individual’s ‘psychic geography’; key beliefs, values and commitments highlight the topography of their meaning. For some, the geographical image is apt. Their meaning system is felt to be almost physical and solid like the earth beneath their feet; its solidity is linked with apparently incontrovertible evidence and proof of its truth; it is rigid, authority-dependent and relatively non-negotiable. Hence, where an
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event or view challenges the plausibility of the meaning system, it can provoke a strong, and at times violent, reaction; the secure meaning is felt to be at risk. If critiques or new ideas are correct, it would cause an ‘earthquake’ in their meaning system. New ideas may not even be considered because of their threat. The picture painted here is an extreme one. But to varying degrees, resistance to change in meaning is something that all people experience. Being aware of possible challenges to students’ meaning is an important question for education. Teachers need to be wise enough to understand that new ideas that can be accommodated comfortably by some young people may be distressing for others. This does not mean that all potentially controversial content should be omitted from the curriculum to avoid stressing students’ meanings; rather, the average school curriculum is probably too non-controversial. But it does suggest the need for care in thinking through in advance the difficulties that challenges to meaning can cause for children and adolescents. This is an aspect of the teachers’ code of professional ethics. When students are studying meaning, teachers need to ensure that the investigation does not pressure them to resolve the questions then and there in the classroom.
Notes 1 Accessed from the Viktor Frankl quotations website, May 2006 http://www.worldofbiography.com/9124Victor per cent20Frankl/quotations.htm 2 R Eckersley et al. 2006, Flashpoints and signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people, pp. 36–7. 3 M Wood 2006, Young at risk from binge drinking, Sun-Herald, 21 May 2006, p. 25. Before the conference this article reported the following: 19% of 12-year-olds and 20% of 17-year-olds in the survey sample were drinkers; 31% of 15-year-olds and 44% of 17-year-old drinkers consumed levels of alcohol that were considered risky for adults [indicating the tendency to ‘binge drinking’] Source: Cancer Council of Victoria. Figures for admission to emergency wards for excessive drinking show that from 1998 to 2001, the hospitalisation rate for teenagers (15–19-year-olds) increased by 4% and for young women (2–24-year-olds) increased by 7%. 4 P Freire 1971, Pedagogy of the oppressed; P Freire 1980, Education for critical consciousness. 5 This example is paraphrased from a public lecture on the historical Jesus by Dr Marcus Borg at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington DC in 1997 as part of a seminar on Jesus conducted by the Society for Biblical Archaeology. 6 The following is a sample of references on the academic debate about the historical Jesus. Crossan & Funk would represent a more ‘radical’ interpretation; both are members of the ‘Jesus Seminar’ group of scholars. M Bockmuehl 2001, The Cambridge Companion to Jesus; MJ Borg 2003, The Heart of Christianity: Rediscovering a life of faith; MJ Borg 2001, Reading the Bible again for the first time: Taking the Bible seriously but not literally; JD Crossan 1991, The historical Jesus: The life of a Mediterranean Jewish peasant; JD Crossan 1994, Jesus: A revolutionary biography; JD Crossan & JL Reed 2002, Excavating Jesus: Beneath the stones, behind the texts; JD Crossan et al. 1999, The Jesus controversy: Perspectives in conflict; R Crotty 1996, The Jesus Question: The historical search; RW Funk 1996, Honest to Jesus: Jesus for a new millennium; W Herzog. 2005, Prophet and Teacher: An introduction to the historical Jesus; B Witherington 1997, The Jesus quest: The third search for the Jew of Nazareth (2nd edn). 7 In studying theological diversity in religious education, other pertinent issues include: • finding a wise balance in covering orthodox religious teachings while identifying areas of difference and controversy; • teaching critical skills in interpretation; • sustaining a ‘critical’ study of scripture and theology while not exceeding the intellectual capacity of children and adolescents; • avoiding the use of theological controversy in a sensationalist fashion, as if this might promote student interest in the topic;
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• being sensitive to the potential within a critical study to make some students feel that their personal interpretation of religious beliefs is being threatened, while honouring the commitment to educate students in critical interpretation; • avoiding references to theological controversy in a way that might appear to promote agnostic interpretations; • if students do not learn about theological controversies in religious education, later, when they find out what happened they can feel that the truth was concealed from them at school; • students need a basic knowledge of the theological views that unite and divide the Christian churches (as well as of key similarities and differences between world religions); • as part of the evaluation of religion, students need to learn how beliefs can enhance personal and community life while they can also be used to justify violence (for example, the use of Christian beliefs as a so called justification for the killing of Muslims during the Crusades; terrorists claiming that suicide bombing is justified by Muslim faith, although they would prefer to use the word ‘martyrdom’). For example, The Creation science foundation, Box 302, Sunnybank Qld; Creation Industries International, http://www.creationontheweb.com/component/option,com_frontpage/Itemid,1/ and writings by K Ham, A Snelling and C Wieland; Creation magazine http://www.creationontheweb.com/content/view/3871/ (similar to the former journal Ex nihilo). The following examples present the case for Intelligent Design: WA Dembski 1999, Intelligent Design: The bridge between science and theology; WA Dembski 2004a, Signs of intelligence: Understanding Intelligent Design; WA Dembski 2004b The design revolution: Answering the toughest questions about Intelligent Design; MJ Behe 1998, Darwin’s black box: The biochemical challenge to evolution; MJ Behe 2000, Science and evidence for design in the universe (Proceedings of the Wethersfield Institute); J Wells 2002, Icons of evolution: Science of myth? Why much of what we teach about evolution is wrong; PE Johnson, various writings on http://www.origins.org/ pjohnson/pjohnson.html. The organisation Origins features resources on Intelligent Design and philosophical theism: http://www.origins.org/menus/design.html. The Discovery Institute (http://www.discovery.org/) and its subsidiary The Centre for Science and Culture (http://www.discovery.org/csc/), based in Seattle, promote Intelligent Design. A supplementary biology textbook for students outlining the case for Intelligent Design is P Davis & DH Kenyon 1993, Of pandas and people: The central question of biological origins; see a critique on http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Of_Pandas_and_People. An account of the ‘wedge’ theory used to get a conservative religious agenda into public education is B Forrest & PR Goss 2004, Creationism’s Trojan horse. For critiques of Intelligent Design on the Web, see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design. LF Francis. 1989, Drift from the churches: Secondary school pupils’ attitudes to Christianity. R Goldman 1964, Religious thinking from childhood to adolescence. M Hare Duke & W Whitton 1977, A kind of believing?; see also B Martin & R Pluck 1977, Young people’s beliefs. LJ Francis, HM Gibson & P Fulljames 1990 Attitude towards Christianity, Creationism, Scientism and interest in science among 11-15 Year Olds.
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The search for meaning
Man’s search for meaning is the primary motivation in his life and not a ‘secondary rationalisation’ of instinctual drives. Viktor Frankl 1
This chapter examines what is understood by the notion of search for meaning, which is regarded as a key developmental task for adolescents. It proposes a preliminary set of criteria for what constitutes healthy meaning. Taking a value stance on what sort of meaning young people need is a prerequisite for planning an education in meaning.
The phrase ‘search for meaning’ was popularised by Viktor Frankl’s book Man’s search for meaning (1964).2 As shown in the last two chapters, searching for meaning has long been a defining characteristic of the human person. But over the last fifty years it has become a more prominent issue for three reasons: first, a decline in the relevance of traditional sources of meaning like religion and family; second, a greater emphasis on individualism where people rely more on their own resources for constructing personal meaning; and third, that ‘progress’ and ‘development’ in Western technological societies have not always equated with increased happiness, and people are puzzled about the causes of personal and social unrest. Hence more time and angst is going into trying to make sense of life, whereas in the past more of the meaning people relied on was taken for granted. Research and writings about youth have suggested that the search for meaning and identity is a more problematic developmental task for young people than it was formerly.3 But not enough attention has been given to what this search entails and why it is needed. More needs to be done in clarifying just what is understood by ‘meaning’ and how it functions psychologically. 80
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4.1 What is the ‘search for meaning’? What does it mean to ‘search’ for meaning? And why do people need to do this? Psychiatrist Viktor Frankl believed that looking for meaning was a fundamental human drive – essential to what it means to be human, something like a basic human instinct, as expressed in the quotation above. However, while the capacity to make meaning appears to be genetic, meaning itself does not come instinctively; it has to be absorbed and constructed from experience and community resources; and eventually, as one matures, it needs to be consciously chosen and articulated. To adapt St Anselm’s words (2.5), one could describe the search for meaning as ‘Life seeking understanding’. Frankl believed that it was natural for people to articulate their personal meaning in belief statements, whether or not they were religious. Just how much individuals constructed their own personal statements of meaning, or the extent to which they adopted existing formulae from particular communities of meaning, would vary. Frankl proposed a central role for understanding and reason and he cautioned against exaggerated individualism in the search for meaning: A human being is not one in pursuit of happiness, but rather in search of a reason to become happy. The meaning of our existence is not invented by ourselves, but rather detected.4
Frankl stressed a genetic ‘will to meaning’ and its dimensions of rationality and commitment. This provides a basis for an education in meaning. However, it would be mistake to presume that all young people show an overt need for meaning, or an interest in searching for it. For some adolescents the search for meaning is a central concern; others may not want to give it much thought; while for others, the search for meaning may be a health hazard! For many, the pursuit of immediate happiness and satisfaction is more important than finding meaning. Some young people occupy each of these positions at different periods of their life. Nevertheless, the idea of promoting personal meaning is a good ideal to propose for personal development, and as such it can be a valuable educational goal. The idea of a search for meaning suggests that • people consciously look for theories that give satisfying insight into life; • conscious effort is required for appropriating and developing meaning – it does not come automatically or easily; • there may be a felt deficit of meaning that motivates people to look for something more meaningful than currently held theories; • usually the individual is the one who ultimately decides for himself/herself what is meaningful; • the search may involve a conscious evaluation of available meanings; • meaning or a satisfying interpretation may come after the event – it can develop through attempts to understand what has happened.
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Reasons for Living Part 2: Meaning, identity and spirituality
It may be that searching for meaning is a symptom of something more fundamental. When things go wrong, whether this is a traumatic event or a gradual change, current meaning can be called into question. It may no longer provide a satisfactory explanation of life, or adequate motivation. If this is the case, then a better description of what is happening is ‘problems in life that prompt a review of personal meaning’. If there is to be a search for meaning, the impression readily given is that the search is catalysed and driven by some sensed lack of meaning; there is angst about meaning. A dissonance between new experience and older meaning may prompt the individual to try to find a more satisfying explanation of new circumstances. In some cases, individuals may learn to live in a different way and only then detect the new meaning in what they are doing. In other words, it is not just a cognitive task of looking for new meaning and adopting it. It may entail experimenting with different ways of living and then putting the practice into theory. An interesting empirical question emerging from this discussion is to discover what prompts change in personal meaning. What are the sorts of experiences that young people think have changed their meaning? Is it always triggered by difficulty or trauma? Or is the change slower? Do many seek to develop their personal meaning through reflection, study and reading? For those who are depressed and without hope, the search for meaning may be the last crucial process in the maintenance of mental health. If they have some beliefs they feel are worth living for, this can make a difference. On the other hand, if they do not have any robust inner meaning, this can add to the depression and make the search for meaning a further health hazard; more thinking can be more depressing. In these circumstances, searching for meaning may be better postponed. Being helped to get on with life and involved in activities, putting aside negative thoughts, may be a more useful therapy, with the development of meaning from this experience coming into the picture at a later stage.
4.2 Issues related to the search for meaning Issues that have a bearing on the search for meaning are considered in the following sequence: 4.2.1 Individual and community frames of reference for meaning 4.2.2 Flight from meaning and the avoidance of meaning 4.2.3 Maturity in the development of meaning 4.2.4 Maturity of meaning in the light of postmodern concerns about uncertainty in personal knowledge
4.2.1
Individual and community frames of reference for meaning
Problems arise where people are relatively alone and too dependent on their own psychic resources for the construction of meaning. There is a need for a community frame of reference, and for community support, especially for the early stages of meaning development in children and adolescents. One of the major cultural problems with individualism is that it may appear to young people to be one of the few things left for them to believe in. American psychologist Martin Seligman considered that:
The search for meaning
one necessary condition for meaning is the attachment to something larger than the self; and the larger that entity, the more meaning you can derive. To the extent that it is now difficult for young people to take seriously their relationship to God, to care about their relationship to the country, or to be part of a large and abiding family, meaning in life will be very difficult to find. The self, to put it another way, is a very poor site for meaning.5
Young people can feel caught in a bind. The culture lauds individualism; the commercial world does everything it can to make individualism a marketable commodity. But excessive individualism can be the cause of a pathological aloneness; it can erode a sense of community, and it can put unnecessary pressure on young people to have to work out meaning and purpose by themselves. While meaning ultimately needs to be appropriated by the individual, it may be expecting too much of the human condition to have children and adolescents construct meaning entirely by themselves. They need resources in meaning from the community. It is a question of balance.
4.2.2
Flight from meaning and the avoidance of meaning
This section looks at ways in which people avoid searching for meaning (3.2.2). Reflection and interpretation are central to meaning. Those who invariably act on their immediate feelings may consciously avoid the reflection and interpretation that might acknowledge the implied meaning in their behaviour because it is questionable. While they may have interaction with others, and while they may nominally espouse causes (such as the environment and animal welfare), their frame of reference for values is self-centred. Everything is measured in terms of its convenience or advantage to individuals, who may devote much of their time to the sort of entertainment that distracts from reflection. Television, now with extensive programming available through cable and satellite, offers enormous scope for entertainment at home; it provides unlimited opportunities for engaging the viewer’s attention and for time-wasting. Television may thus inhibit the sort of reflection that is important for the development of meaning. For some, excessive time spent absorbed in television soap operas, sitcoms, dramas and ‘reality’ programs can signal a life without much meaning – also evident in the hours spent flicking a remote control up and down the spectrum of available channels, searching for something that will attract and hold their attention. Such an addiction to television watching can help settle people into life at a superficial level. Much of the programming they watch shows little of the depth and complexity that characterise real life, while the so-called ‘reality’ programs pick up on a few issues that are inevitably distorted in the quest for entertainment ratings (15.7.5).
4.2.3
Maturity in the development of meaning
This section looks at some of the characteristics that might be expected of people with wise meaning that gives direction, purpose and energy to their living. In 1980, James Fowler, a developmental psychologist in the United States with a special interest in Christian religious education, published his research in a book titled Stages of faith.6 It had a significant effect on thinking about spiritual development, and it complemented
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other theories of personal development that involved structural developmental stages (such as those of Piaget, Kohlberg, Erikson, and Kegan). One of the focal points of Fowler’s theory was evident in the subtitle to his book: The psychology of human development and the quest for meaning. He explored the processes through which meaning was constructed across the life cycle. His developmental stages showed how children were dependent on parental figures for meaning; as they grew older, they were socialised into community meanings. He highlighted the ways in which individuals progressed from authority-dependent meaning to more autonomy. In the later stages of development, they did not need to defend the boundaries of their meaning so strongly, and they could be open to a wider range of new meanings without anxiety or threat to their own identity. They did not need to collapse the polarities and tensions within their meanings. Fowler’s work is a useful resource for appraising maturity in meaning. Any such appraisal inevitably involves value judgments. Also, maturity needs to be assessed in both the content and the process of meaning-making. The extent to which personal meaning flows into action is an additional aspect of maturity; this thinking moves closer to the relationship between meaning and character or virtues. While the notion of a self-appraisal of meaning can readily be recommended, the extent to which others and community agencies (like schools) might be engaged in the appraisal of personal meaning is difficult to determine, and it involves ethical questions. While in therapy and counselling people give privileged access to their personal meanings, their meaning needs protection in the public domain; here, the evaluation of meaning is more appropriately concerned with a general educational exploration of content and process in meaning-making, leaving individuals free to draw their own personal implications.
4.2.4
Maturity of meaning in the light of postmodern concerns about uncertainty in personal knowledge
Section 2.10.9 drew attention to the questioning and uncertainty that typify culture in Western technological societies. Hence a key task in the contemporary search for meaning is how to negotiate the apparent agnosticism about meaning that goes with cultural postmodernity. Two issues need to be addressed: Can there be trustworthy meaning when there is so much questioning, uncertainty and relativism? What does truth mean in a constantly changing landscape of meanings? The postmodern uncertainty about meaning is one of the defining characteristics of Western culture at the turn of the millennium. There have always been wars, violence, political unrest and corruption; but now people are told about it on a daily basis – every time they turn on the television, they are confronted with what is happening in the various trouble spots around the globe. In addition, terrorism has become a more prominent threat worldwide, as has the widening gap between the rich and the poor. All of this heightens the uncertainty and anxiety people are feeling. They are puzzled about what is happening in the world; they cannot make sense of it; they are not sure of where things are going. For many, traditional beliefs and values do not provide the security and direction they appeared to give formerly. There is a need to understand how and why culture is moving from a period of apparent security and certainty in meaning towards one where there is more uncertainty and less security.
The search for meaning
It is not just that a lot of new uncertainties have been introduced but that the incipient uncertainties that were always there in the past, just beneath the surface, have become more visible. This is disconcerting for a greater number of people. No longer is it a matter of finding meaning within an accepted framework; cultural postmodernity tends to call frameworks into question. Where the questioning of meaning becomes excessive, there is a danger that people will become increasingly self-centred and will channel most of their energies into satisfying present needs in an individualistic way, with disdain for both the support and the responsibilities associated with communities of meaning. A first step in addressing the crisis of meaning is to acknowledge and articulate the naturally high levels of complexity and uncertainty in life across many domains that have resulted from cultural and technological progress – although the meaning of what constitutes ‘progress’ is part of the problem. Hence it may be unrealistic to expect that meanings should be absolutely certain or true, and that they should be totally secure; that is not the nature of human meanings. They always have some measure of inbuilt uncertainty, even though people may have been unwilling ever to acknowledge this; human meaning always involves interpretation, even if an interpretation of reality outside the person. In other words, there may be access to absolute truths outside the individual, but this access will always be partial as far as the individual’s knowing and meaning is concerned. Then there is the question of how one can live constructively, comfortably and securely with partial meanings; and how one can accept a tolerable level of uncertainty that goes naturally with both the personal meaning-making process and a culture that is very critical and questioning. It is not a matter of being unable to know absolute truth, but of acknowledging that one cannot know all of the absolute truth, because it is too large and complex. This is not relativism, classic agnosticism or a pragmatic functionalism. Constructive, functional meaning does not have to be perfect or absolute. Fidelity in commitments can be maintained while admitting natural uncertainties in the personal knowing and meaning-making processes. From this point of view, growth towards maturity in meaning involves replacing false certainties with true uncertainties. It means learning how to cope with a natural level of complexity and live with the valuable partial meanings that individuals can construct in connection with community life; and it includes valuing traditional meanings even if they are reinterpreted anew from generation to generation. This approach to meaning-making applies to those who are religious believers as well as to those who are not. Admittedly, it is the sort of maturity that might be expected of adults. Also, it can be more suited to some personalities than others; some find it difficult to live with too many ‘loose ends’, especially as regards their ultimate meanings. Inevitably, some will reject this view as relativism of a sort because it admits to a level of uncertainty in personal knowledge that they are not prepared to accept. This interpretation has implications for religious people: for example, acknowledging a degree of uncertainty in the physical or historical details related to their religious beliefs and accepting this as a normal part of faith, as well as accepting that religious doctrine is socially constructed and has usually evolved over time. Some, however, would want a stronger place for historicity and unchanging doctrine. The differences in epistemology implied in the above discussion need to be acknowledged; this is significant in the public debate about what might be entailed in an education in meaning. We think there will never be full community consensus about the issues. But it is still possible to work at clarifying what can be attempted in an education in meaning.
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A capacity to live with some uncertainty in the meaning system has probably always been a part of the makeup of mature people. It is just that in contemporary Westernised societies there is a greater need for such a capacity just for psychic survival and mental health. Those who favour a more absolute and certain meaning system will be in for a harder time, even if they are supported and reassured by a strong group of the like-minded. It is too much to expect that this sort of adult maturity in meaning can be realistically achieved by children and adolescents. Nevertheless, if it is an appropriate ideal, it should have implications for school education.
4.3 Young people’s search for meaning We have already noted that searching for meaning, and trying to make sense of life, is an important developmental task for young people. Many of the meaning-related issues considered in the last three chapters are pertinent to youth, even though the implications will depend on their age and maturity. More will be said in later chapters about the dynamics of young people’s search for meaning, but it will be done more appropriately under the headings of youth identity and youth spirituality. This is consistent with the close relationships between meaning, identity and spirituality.
4.4 Healthy meaning Planning an education in meaning (Chapter 10) requires that a value position be taken with regard to the nature of meaning and its place in human development. At a basic level this means articulating a view of the human person on which education should be based. It also implies taking a value position with respect to the role of culture in informing personal meaning. How the community might foster the development of young people’s meaning presumes an account of what constitutes healthy meaning. What follows is a preliminary list that needs to be refined, extended and contextualised by the communities variously responsible for school education. Defining healthy meaning in a generic way is not about judging individuals’ personal meaning; neither will it propose outcomes that can readily be achieved and measured; but it will propose meaning-related hopes for personal development that can inform education. It may also inform the work of other professionals engaged variously in the care of youth.
4.4.1
Preliminary list of the characteristics of a healthy personal meaning (this includes aspects of both content and the meaning-making process)
Personal meaning
• a sense of satisfying purpose and goals in life; • a readiness to consider questions about an ultimate meaning to life – including the transcendent, death and the existence of God; this may include a specifically religious interpretation; • an adequate range of meanings covering different areas of personal and social life that does not revolve exclusively around individual needs and interests;
The search for meaning
• a view that healthy, satisfying personal relationships are a key to happiness and wellbeing; • an understanding of the human value of work and leisure. Resources for meaning and interaction with cultural meanings
• access to the basic shared understandings of one’s family and primary community of meaning; this may include the beliefs of the religious group to which the child’s parents or guardians belong (whether or not they are practising members); • knowledge and understanding of a range of cultural meanings; this should include knowledge of the beliefs of various religious groups in the community (usually the most common ones) as well as of non-religious worldviews and political meanings, and a tolerance of religious and ethnic diversity within the limits set by the law of the land; • while acknowledging and assimilating community meanings, development of a capacity to be more autonomous in one’s own personal meaning, at the same time not neglecting the need for interdependence with the community. Normally, trust in authorities and commitment to institutions can be healthy parts of personal and social life. But this does not mean an ultimate surrendering of personal judgment and informed choices. Personal and social responsibility
• as meaning is appropriated and personalised, taking personal responsibility for its maintenance and further development; • awareness of the individual’s own rights and freedoms, complemented by a sense of responsibility; • acknowledgment of others, and respect for their rights and freedoms, within the limits of tolerance set by the law of the land; • constructive values and ethics that inform action; • a commitment to the common good and a sense of justice; • some understanding of the interconnectedness of humankind with the natural world, and a sense of environmental stewardship. Identification and evaluation of meaning
• some understanding of the ways in which people construct meaning; • the capacity to keep personal meaning open to revision and development; • skills in the evaluation of cultural meanings according to a set of values, and in relation to a view of what constitutes a healthy meaning, which will help with the appraisal of different cultural options and lifestyles; • recognition that people carry different views of what constitutes truth; • a conviction that one can develop a satisfying meaning to life despite the cultural problems that affect the personal search for meaning. This preliminary listing is an example of the task that communities need to undertake when exploring their role in communicating meanings to the next generation and in fostering the development of young people’s personal meaning.
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Notes 1 V Frankl, from the Frankl/Logotherapy website, http://www.top-biography.com/9124-Victor%20Frankl/ quotation.htm Accessed July 2001. 2 V Frankl 1964, Man’s search for meaning. 3 For example, R Webber 2002, Young people and their quest for meaning; M Mason et al. 2006, The spirit of generation Y: Summary of the final report of a three year study. 4 Frankl/Logotherapy website, http://www.romus.co.nz/ezine/m_meaning.htm Accessed July 2001. 5 R Eckersley 1997, Portraits of youth, p. 246. 6 JW Fowler 1980, Stages of faith: The psychology of human development and the quest for meaning.
5
The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity
As individuals express their life, so they are. Karl Marx1
Professionals who work with youth need to understand how identity is formed, as well as being able to evaluate its functions – to judge when it is healthy and when it is unhealthy. These needs are addressed in this and the following two chapters. The chapter looks at the construct identity in a general way, identifying its personal and cultural dimensions. It concludes with a discussion of a number of identity-related issues. It is followed by a chapter that considers research insights into identity, working towards a view of identity and identity health that will be useful for education. Because identity has a prominent place in young people’s personal development, and because consumer culture gives special attention to youth’s identity vulnerabilities, the third chapter examines this developmental task, particularly the way young people negotiate perceived social reality about identity.
5.1 What is understood by identity: How the construct is used in contemporary discourse Identity is central to thinking about culture and ethnicity, as well as being a key dimension to religion. Identity is also prominent in many psychological theories, with those of Erikson and Kegan being among the most well known. While identity is a fundamental property of the human person, like spirituality, it is difficult to define, and the processes that affect its development are many and complex.
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Identity has to do with answers to the question ‘who am I?’ Inevitably, it has both psychological and sociological dimensions as individuals think of themselves as distinct persons while also belonging to cultural reference groups. Also inevitably, to varying degrees, culture will have a shaping influence on individuals’ personal identity. Thus a key to analysing identity will be the complex interactions between individuals and cultural identity resources. Identity is the term that indigenous peoples (such as the Native Americans and Australian Aborigines) often like to use in preference to culture or religion, as do many in the Jewish community. While all in society usually have some sense of ethnicity, the strength of the identification varies considerably, from the passionate to the indifferent. Sometimes ethnicity may be a more pronounced part of people’s felt identity when they are a minority group because it helps distinguish them from the dominant groups in society. As well as being important for self-expression, ethnicity has a supportive and defensive function, particularly if the group is oppressed or marginalised. Nothing binds a group together more than a sense of being oppressed. A common concern of ethnic communities in Westernised societies is the maintenance of their distinctiveness in terms of cultural continuity in the context of a wider culture that is secularised. They consider that the survival of ethnic identity requires the preservation of history, language, customs and religion against the eroding effects of the host culture. Of particular concern is the tendency of many youth to identify more with a global teenage culture than with their ethnic heritage; if they are ‘homogenised’ into popular culture, their role as historical carriers of a distinctive tradition may be eclipsed. For some young people, the situation prompts questions like ‘How much traditional ethnic culture do we really need?’ ‘Can I not retain some sense of distinctive origins while fitting in harmoniously with the popular culture?’ Also, there is the possibility of conflict in values and lifestyle. By acknowledging a national identity in relatively multicultural countries, people can see their distinctive ethnicity within a wider framework. Similarly, a religious identity can be part of an ethnic identification, while it can also cut across ethnic boundaries because it includes a diversity of cultural or ethnic groups. How well and how harmoniously such identity diversity works will vary from place to place and from time to time. People can feel comfortable with it, seeing the diversity as a source of cultural riches; but it can also be uncomfortable, and in the extreme, ethnic or racial prejudices and hatreds fuel violence. This situation in multicultural countries can be summarised as follows. People develop a sense of personal identity through complex interplay between five centres of influence: 1 the popular culture (expressed particularly in lifestyle options and consumerism) 2 distinctive ethnic and/or religious heritage 3 the national identification – the overall social and political context that hosts the component cultures 4 the personal needs, interests and ambitions of individuals 5 the family group, often displaced to a large extent by friendship groups in adolescence, which serves as a moderator of the above influences. The particular profile of an individual’s identity depends on the psychological mix from these influences. Many identity issues emerge from these interactions, for example multi culturalism, multi-faith society, intercultural communication, limits to tolerance, racism,
The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity
religious prejudice, ecumenism, as well as in the more personal, psychological identity problems of individuals. Religious identity can be an influential part of people’s lives, giving members of a faith tradition a sense of belonging to a community of believers with a long history. It usually defines a pattern of desired beliefs and morals. It has access to resources in spirituality and social structures that can guide people’s lives and animate local religious communities. But religious identity can also cause problems. It can be used for justifying sectarianism – and in the extreme, violence and ethnic cleansing. Of about 160 civil conflicts in the world in 1994, in about two-thirds of them religious identity was a recognisable component in the complex mixture of causes.2 The pattern has a long history.
5.2 The emotional substrate to identity When the word ‘identity’ is used, what is probably just as significant as its meaning is the emotion attached to its use. So it is important to know something of the feelings that are being referenced when someone uses the word. For example, talk about identity by indigenous people often carries sadness and anger that Western culture and economic exploitation have eroded their traditional way of life. For minority ethnic groups, it can be the feeling of being under siege – having to fight to prevent the erosion of distinctiveness by the dominant culture. For some religious people, it is the feeling of frustration that their faith is in decline; and that if only there was a return to authority and earlier traditions, things would improve. Understanding identity needs to include awareness of the emotional and values agenda behind people’s use of the word. Sometimes it appears that identity only becomes an issue when something is going wrong, or where there is anxiety about the present or the future. If everything seems to be going well, identity may not be questioned. But when uncertainty, rapid change or dramatic unforeseen events occur, the relative security and psychic calmness of individuals can be disturbed and it becomes evident in the questioning of identity. For example: • When the space shuttle Challenger blew up in 1986 and when the Columbia disintegrated during re-entry in 2003, there was some soul-searching in the United States, and not just in NASA. • The Vietnam war, now more than thirty years on, still tears at the American psyche – success in war had been an important part of national identity in the United States, but Vietnam called it into question; in addition, it challenged the morality of US involvement and it created identity problems for the Vietnam veterans. There were some national identity concerns over the 1991 Gulf war and even more related to the invasion of Iraq in 2003. • Personal trauma like loss of a job, the breakdown of a relationship, divorce or death of a family member can jolt identity, calling for a personal evaluation. • The persistent loss of games by one’s favourite team can cause depression and may raise identity questions. Often the coach is treated like a scapegoat before a new leader is signed up to resuscitate the team identity. On the other hand, when the team is on a winning streak, the sense of identity it supports is secure and makes all of those who share it feel the success.
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5.3 Dimensions to personal identity In addition to the social questions that revolve around it, identity also has various personal dimensions. When individuals answer for themselves the question ‘Who am I?’, there is both a simple answer and more complex ones. The simple answer: at a basic level I am a named person and, given ongoing good mental health, I will retain this consciousness throughout my life. The other answers: I have multiple components to my identity according to the various human groups in which I participate; I have self-knowledge with some insight into my beliefs, motives and behaviour – my moral identity; yet there are parts of me that always seem to remain mysterious and not fully understood; and I am forever changing my personal outlook on life, even if slowly, as I meet new aspects of physical ageing and new challenges in personal, social and professional life. Personal identity is both a given, unchanging entity and at the same time a lifelong process of continual change. At some psychological level, people may spend all of their lives reflecting on, and articulating for themselves, partial answers to questions about their needs and motives. Some of the dimensions or components to personal identity include the following: Gender and family identities: As illustrated above, these components also carry both simple and complex answers about who individuals are. They may include personal agendas that require attention for considerable periods in the life cycle. Group identities: Just as people join in various groups for different activities, so they have component group-related sub-identities. For example, a young person may have component identity dimensions spread across their religion, school, part-time work, social group, preferred music and entertainment, sport and leisure activity, as well as through people they admire like music and film stars, and sporting heroes and heroines. Religious identity refers to the extent to which individuals draw on religious traditions to describe and live out their identity; it is the extent to which formal religion influences their lives. Moral identity refers to the profile of values, beliefs, ethical code and commitments that gives direction to their lives and colours their interaction with others. The conscious moral identity may not always coincide with the lived or implied moral identity. The quotation from Karl Marx at the beginning of this chapter suggests that the way people live implies an operative moral identity: ‘as individuals express their life, so they are.’ Among the cultural resources available to people for the articulation and maintenance of their sense of identity, consumer goods and lifestyle options are particularly prominent. In this sense, people can have a retail identity where consumer goods, together with the strong media-orchestrated images that go with them, appear to make a significant contribution. Individuals could be said to have an ‘identity profile’ at any time. A snapshot of a period of their lives would show how their thinking, emotional energy and behaviour were partitioned into various component identities. The priority or relative weighting given to these components would be significant for any review of life. Some could look at their implied identity profile and say ‘Yes, that is a good picture of what I am’. Others might get a shock because what they see conflicts with the view of self they like to project – there may be elements in their behaviour they do not want to acknowledge. Perhaps for all people there will be some degree of mismatch between who they are and what sort of a person they would like to be. The different types or components of identity refer to particular dimensions of personal life or to reference groups or situations that affect the individual.
The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity
Table 5.1 Summary of components or dimensions to a personal identity Type of identity
Aspect of life to which it relates
Personal
Who the named individual is
Gender
Male or female
Sexual identity
Heterosexual, homosexual or bisexual
Moral
The core values and moral code that show what the person is like
Personality
How one appears to friends and acquaintances; how one ‘presents’ to others
Age
The age group with which the person identifies
Family
Identification with a particular family or families
Spiritual
How people see themselves as spiritual; how they perceive and relate to a spiritual-moral dimension to life
Religious
How religion affects people’s sense of themselves as spiritual; how they are linked with an organised religion; how religion enters into their lives
Psychological
What and how individuals think about their own psychological functioning; their understanding of their idiosyncratic mixture of needs, interests, attitudes, values and patterns of behaviour; their understanding of why they behave and live as they do
Ideals, passions, commitments
Particular ideals, passions, interests and commitments that occupy the individual’s attention and that illustrate the direction being taken in life
Ethnic
The extent to which people identify with a particular ethnic group or groups
Cultural
The extent to which people refer to particular cultural groups or cultural styles in their lives
Regional and national identities
Whether regional and national reference points are prominent in the individual’s makeup
Historical
How personal and social history help define the individual
Dress
The relative emphasis on dress styles and fashion; how important dress may be to self-perception
Work
The extent to which work/employment is prominent in the individual’s sense of self
Sport
How prominent are sport and sporting groups in people’s thinking, interests and behaviour
Leisure
The types and extent of leisure pursuits that characterise the individual
Retail
How the purchase and use of consumer goods enter into self-understanding and self-expression
Conflictual
How an understanding of the identity of self and others affects conflict; how identity influences the liking or disliking of other individuals or groups
Identification: Related to the role of component identities is the process of personal identification: how and why individuals link themselves with particular identities. It is a basic
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personality dynamic, it can contribute to the healthy development and fulfilment of indivi duals and it can be psychologically damaging, with both personal and social repercussions. Take, for example, the place of identification in relation to employment. Sometimes it is said that an individual is too strongly identified with a job. Men who have invested too many personal resources in their jobs have little time or emotional space left for other aspects or people in their lives; and then, if their jobs are made redundant, or if they have a midlife crisis that results in a loss of satisfaction with their work, the result can be traumatic. There is a high frequency of suicide in men over retirement age. The tendency to define individuals’ personal worth in terms of their jobs is a potentially dangerous identification. On the other hand, if individuals do not identify with their job to a minimal level, then the work itself will probably suffer because they take no pride or satisfaction in it.
5.4 Personal and group identities What was said in Chapter 2 about personal and cultural meanings can be applied to personal and group identities, acknowledging the importance of social interaction in identity development.
5.5 Projective and defensive functions of identity Identity, in both its personal and group forms, has two key functions, projective and defensive. The projective function of identity is the way in which it projects or displays the characteristics of the individual (or group). It describes or publicly announces identity and shows what the individual (or group) stands for. At the same time as it signals the characteristics of the individual, identity definition provides psychological protection. Identity includes internal resources that the individual can fall back on in times of stress or trouble. It is what literature describes as people’s ‘true mettle’ or character. The defensive or protective function of identity comes into play when individuals feel that they are under attack, whether physical or psychological or both.
5.6 Identity issues The remainder of this chapter looks at a selection of identity-related issues to identify and open up questions for further study; these same questions might be investigated by young people in an educational setting.
5.6.1 Identity and status anxiety 5.6.2 Identity relationships with religion 5.6.3 Identity, conflict and violence in the Australian context and internationally 5.6.4 Identity and terrorism 5.6.5 Identity relationships with the non-human world 5.6.6 Homo economicus: The rise and rise of economic identity 5.6.7 Relationships between media, the state and national identity
The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity
5.6.1
Identity and status anxiety
Until the post-World War II period in Western countries, few people had the lifestyle options and freedoms that are so readily taken for granted today. In those times, most people had little choice or variety in their choice of clothing and leisure entertainment. But even though they did not have the opportunities open to the rich, and even if they were painfully aware of social and economic inequities, they had a sense of a stable station in life that was not in question and that helped to make their lives purposeful and relatively enjoyable, even in difficult circumstances. Now, both rich and poor alike have the good life presented to them on television in most vivid and attractive formats. In addition, there is the subtle suggestion that it is not only available to all, but that all have a right to it – as the pop lyrics say, ‘I want it all. And I want it now!’ And both rich and poor have internalised the message. For example, research studies in North America have shown that both rich and poor children had ‘an equal and unslakeable thirst for designer clothes’.3 Seeing the plethora of commodity and lifestyle opportunities put before them every day, they feel they should be able to have them. But for many it will never happen. As a consequence for these same people, the disparity between desire and reality is always present. It generates a low level of anger and anxiety simmering in the background of their consciousness that occasionally erupts. More anger and envy is caused by what their peers have and they do not. No longer are people satisfied with the station in life they were born into, and their lifestyle aspirations can have a significant bearing on their behaviour, and on their happiness and wellbeing. As far as beauty is concerned, the discrepancy between self-perception and the perfection constantly portrayed in the advertising models can be depressing – and not just for the young. If great store is placed on apparent attractiveness and social status according to television standards, then it is understandable that a low sense of self-worth will depress a significant number of teenagers. The problem is called status anxiety. And it has much to do with the way that consumerism and advertising enter into the dynamics of identity development, particularly as regards the identity vulnerability of youth. In his book on status anxiety, de Botton highlighted the identity slavery that dependence on the judgments of others can entail. The attentions of others might be said to matter to us principally because we are afflicted by a congenital uncertainty as to our own value – as a result of which, what others think of us comes to play a determining role in how we are able to view ourselves. Our sense of identity is held captive by the judgments of those we live among.4
He pointed to a level of vacillation about self that is common. Addressing the problem would seem to be an important step towards identity maturity. We would, in an ideal world, be more impermeable [to the judgments of others] … If we had carried out a fair appraisal of ourselves and decided upon our value, another person’s suggestion of our irrelevance would not wound us. We would know our worth. Instead, we appear to hold within ourselves a range of divergent views as to our characters. We have evidence of both cleverness and stupidity, humour and dullness, importance and superfluity. And in such wavering conditions, it typically falls to the attitude of
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society to settle the question of our significance. Neglect highlights our latent negative self assessments, while a smile or compliment as rapidly brings out the converse. We seem beholden to the affections of others to endure ourselves … There is something sobering and absurd in the extent to which we are cheered by attention and damaged by disregard.5
The issue is significant for identity health (6.7) and for youth identity dynamics (Chapter 7).
5.6.2
Identity relationships with religion
The headlines of a recent newspaper article reporting church strategies to increase membership read: ‘Christianity is fine, but please don’t mention the church’.6 A marketing agency, commissioned by the Bible Society, found evidence from its focus groups that the idea of Christianity and its central gospel message was well accepted, but that for a number of reasons the image of the organised church was far from attractive. The article suggested: ‘The church is virtually the last image that should be used by Christian organisations to attract followers to God.’ A list of reasons for the poor image included: abuse of children, intolerance, narrow views on sexuality, hypocrisy, being too judgmental, and prejudice against women. The report said that the findings were not unexpected. Also prominent in the report was reference to a contemporary spirituality that was less tied to institutional structures, church attendance and teachings (see Chapter 8). The findings applied to all age groups, but particularly to youth. It is ironic that one of the cultural agencies that ought be able to offer a place of support, affirmation and community to adolescents is seen by many of them as an alien space. Their experience of the local church is not one where they feel a democratic, egalitarian atmosphere that welcomes them and makes them feel at home, or where their ideas and contributions are regarded as valuable. As a consequence, they tend not to draw on their traditional religion to help them formulate a sense of identity and belonging. This situation applies to all the mainline Christian churches in Australia. But Catholic schools still remain attractive to the Catholic community – indeed they cannot accommodate all who would like to enrol. It is apparent that what the schools are offering is regarded as desirable, while the Church itself is not. The reasons for hesitation about a role for religion in personal identity are complex. Hence there is no simple formula for successfully getting youth to participate in church life. Not all are ready to assimilate the Church’s theology, life-wisdom and liturgy. Any efforts to communicate a particular religious identity, or indeed a particular set of values, needs to acknowledge that it is not a simple communication process: it ultimately involves a free personal affirmation and acceptance by the receiver, and it involves more than the communication of knowledge. Attempts to make a particular religious identity accessible to young people is likely to be more attractive (and probably more effective) if they are not exclusivist. Trying to promote a ‘package deal’ that precludes individuals’ growing involvement in a more autonomous, reflective process of spirituality and identity development will only tend to alienate them. The religious identity that an adult group wishes to hand on to its young people needs to be kept open to evaluation. Thus the identity the group desires to communicate would not be a hidden agenda.
The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity
The beliefs and values of religious traditions can be interpreted as a basic starting point or repository of resources for young people’s search for meaning, identity and community. There can be the hope that they might later embrace (and even enhance) the religious identity that an older generation believes to be of value for them, but what eventuates will be theirs to determine. This interpretation is not a bland endorsement of the view that youth should be encouraged to feel free to piece together their own idiosyncratic religious identity according to their needs and interests, whether or not this has much congruence with orthodoxy in their faith tradition. However, it does acknowledge that in the interplay between individual and faith tradition there will inevitably be the exercise of personal freedom and a resultant distinctive, personal religious identity profile. The colourings of personal religious identity will be diverse; for some it will be strongly linked with religion; for others it will not.
5.6.3
Identity, conflict and violence in the Australian context and internationally
Despite the Cronulla racial tensions of late 2005, it remains difficult for Australians to comprehend fully the ramifications of ethnic violence and conflict in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere, even though in recent years the spectre of terrorism has loomed ever closer to home. Since Australia has become increasingly multicultural, all of the ethnic and religious groups seen to be in conflict overseas are now represented here, and their various feelings of prejudice, oppression and hatred have been brought with them. But somehow the new situation seems to have diffused the potential for ethnic violence though it does not deny the presence of racism in Australia, or the need to address it. (Apart from domestic disputes, most of the violence in the community is crime-related and not specifically ethnic or religious, even if it shows up more in some particular areas rather than others.) Perhaps some contributing factors to the situation in Australia may be: people’s wish to make a new life away from the divisive problems in their country of origin; the desire to embrace the peaceful elements of their ethnic cultures; to give others fair treatment in a land of new opportunity for all; and as far as the country is concerned, an egalitarian national spirit (at least as an ideal), and no long-term tradition of ethnic violence. (This view does not discount the history of violent treatment of Aboriginal Australians, which continued well into the 20th century.) Domestic violence, especially the abuse of women and children, remains a problem in Australia. It is related to identity questions, especially to what some men accept as a part of masculinity. In some Aboriginal communities, the problem has reached crisis proportions; it is affected negatively by patriarchy and a community code of silence. In the non-crime-related violence outside the domestic circle, racial and religious identities are often involved. When people act violently against others, they usually have some rationalisation in their mind, no matter how vague and fleeting. The others are perceived as free-loaders, foreigners, threats, enemies or even as un-Australian. Their perceived identity is negative and impersonal; it gives some justification for the ill feeling and aggressive action. For those who in other circumstances see violence as wrong, such a justification can precipitate their action. While not so much a problem in this country, terrorism and religious or ethnic identity-related killing remain global problems. The more clearly others can be pictured as threats, the easier it is to do violence against them. When these pictures are built up as stereotypes that are socially reinforced, it is even
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easier for the individuals doing the violence – they can call up a ready-made justification; they do not have to think about it.7 Of the various options a community may consider in trying to address racial violence, one is the promotion of a better understanding of the links between identity and violence. It involves looking into the ways both community and individuals construct identity vis-à-vis ‘others’; it includes clarifying history, questioning prejudices and stereotypes, and exploring new constructive, peaceful interpretations. Another aspect that warrants analysis is the anatomy of violence itself. For example, it is worth considering why violence is inherently satisfying and why it can be pleasurable – and less tedious than negotiated compromises. Also pertinent is the way in which film and television have provided value-embedded narratives that subtly shape thinking about the public acceptability of violence (cf. Chapter 15); at least it makes violence – especially in the ‘action film’ genre – an acceptable and popular diet for entertainment. Similarly, the widespread popularity of video and arcade games that are based on combat needs to be considered (9.2.15). Alternatives to violence also need to be studied: how non-violent conflict resolution and anger reduction can be made to work. (A novel strategy was proposed by one student in an Arizona school. Students’ essays explored ways in which the community might reduce violence. One student suggested that more should be taught about how to be violent, and if it was as boring as most of their schooling, then it might put children off violence.)
5.6.4
Identity and terrorism
Terrorism is intimately related to identity. As intended, it creates fear and uncertainty in the minds of ordinary people because they know they are potential targets. The terrible, senseless things done to innocent people outrages the community; and, as interpreted by many politicians, terrorism is portrayed as evil striking out without reason or sanity. There is no justification for such inhumanity – no matter what the proffered reasons of the terrorist groups. However, there are problems in understanding its origins comprehensively because it is too readily understood only in terms of its inherent evil. There are no simple or completely effective solutions to the problem of terrorism; and this includes the use of overwhelming military power and hyper-efficient security. In terms of the role of identity in terrorism, there are a number of issues that need more public clarification. Some of the key questions are: • the historical origins of particular terrorist activity • how the West in general, and the United States in particular, have come to be perceived by many in the Middle East as the ‘enemy of Islam’ • the role of religion in general, and the Islamic faith in particular, in relation to terrorism • war, terror and terrorism: the role of nation-states and non-state actors. To try to understand what has given rise to terrorism is not to condone it. Terrorism is ‘politically motivated violence that accepts no limits or constraints and makes no distinction between combatants and civilians’.8 But each terrorist action has some history of grievance behind it, and some purposes even if unrealistic. For example, the repression experienced by the Palestinians over the last fifty years, particularly since the occupation of Gaza and the
The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity
West Bank, makes their revolt against the Israeli government understandable, even if one cannot accept suicide bombing as a justifiable response. They have experienced their share of violence and misery. The possibility of halting the spiralling cycle of violence that engulfs both Israel and the Palestinians seems a dim hope. Peaceful negotiations, mutual respect and understanding may sound like hollow solutions – but ultimately, these are the only viable ones. Revenge and eradication through force are unlikely to be long-term solutions, and they probably exacerbate the problem. The Chechen terrorism reached new heights in the atrocity in a Russian school building. But it too had historical roots: the horrendous historical treatment of the Chechens themselves. In 1944, most were exiled to camps in Siberia by Stalin as punishment for socalled Nazi sympathies; those who did not die returned in 1957. With the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Chechen impetus for freedom from Russia gathered momentum, but was thwarted by the Russian invasion in 1995; in that and the later 1999 war, over 60 000 Chechens died and the capital Grozny was effectively razed by Russian bombing and shelling. In Indonesia, the rise of terrorism is not just motivated by anti-Western feelings; stateorchestrated violence in Aceh, Papua, East Timor and elsewhere have also sowed seeds of dissent. Similarly, with the cycle of violence in Northern Ireland that now seems to have ebbed, it was social and economic disadvantage that fuelled discontent, with divisions along sectarian religious lines being used to reinforce antagonisms. The United States does not have an untainted history as far as meddling in the affairs of other states is concerned; its actions in supporting dictatorial regimes with poor records on human rights have become well known around the world. A sort of paranoia about communism taking over the world not only informed US involvement in the Vietnam War, but also motivated the clandestine support of other conflicts like the Iran–Iraq war and the Russian Afghan war, as well as the destabilisation of various South American governments that appeared to veer towards communism. Ironically, the United States supported the subversive action of Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan during the Russian occupation. The points being made here are not trying to lay blame, nor to justify causes, but to suggest that the problem of terrorism needs to be understood in terms of its historical complexity, and not just in the simple black-and-white terms proffered by the media. Problems are not likely to diminish until historical injustices and inequities are addressed. There is no simple solution. What happened in South Africa warrants consideration. While the situation there still has many apparently insurmountable difficulties, there has been a relatively peaceful end to apartheid and a relatively smooth transition to a more representative government. While there is still much street and township violence, it is remarkable that the political changes in the early 1990s did not result in violence with civil war proportions. Nowadays, the words ‘Islamic’ and ‘terrorist’ are readily associated in the West. It is true that not all Muslims are terrorists; but it is equally true that most terrorists today are Muslims. Even though killing of the innocent is clearly contrary to the Qu’ran and Islamic law, terrorists have espoused Islam and Jihad as justifications for their activity. The words ‘suicide bombing’ are never used by the protagonists, but rather being ‘martyrs’ for the cause;
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the modern religious rationale for terror tactics arose from the action of an Iranian child ‘martyr’ during the Iran–Iraq war, and it developed further in the Palestinian conflict – as well as becoming prominent in the 9/11 and Bali attacks, and more recently in Iraq, which remains on the brink of civil war. The Islamic religion has been pushed by terrorism to the forefront of a clash of civilisations, and religious meanings have been distorted in a fundamentalist way to bolster the cause and motivate those who would give up their lives to kill ordinary people who are identified as ‘enemies of Islam’. What has been lacking is a clear, unequivocal and widespread public condemnation of terror killing by Islamic religious leaders. While in different places they have spoken out, and while some have even decreed a fatwah against Muslims who murder innocent people, the general impression in Western countries is that terrorism is not strongly renounced by the Islamic faith. The final point to be made here has to do with the words ‘terror’, ‘terrorism’ and ‘war’. ‘Terrorism’ is commonly used with reference to the action of political groups but not nationstates; the phrase ‘non-state actors’ is the term used in international law. This usage can give an impression that nation-states by definition do not engage in terrorism – they engage in more legitimate activity like war! Terrorism is the tactic of non-state actors. But what is unfortunately missed is that war itself is one of the most extreme forms of terror. If human fear, suffering, maiming and death are the measures, then war cannot easily be justified as righteous while at the same time condemning the violence in terrorism. This interpretation is not a justification of terrorism, but a plea for a closer examination of the terror that is in war. In all of the discussion in this section, the perceived identity of self and others runs through the dynamics of violence.
5.6.5
Identity relationships with the non-human world
What has been said above about identity, violence and human conflict needs to be put into the wider context of concern for human community. But even that is not enough. It needs to be extended so that individual and group identities are also referenced to the non-human world in its physical and biological aspects. A traditional dualism (especially in Western cultures) separating human beings from the non-human world (earth, plants and animals) has been an influential component in the thinking that underpins the continued degradation of the environment. It sustains a mentality of dominance and exploitation. It also informs, or is utilised by, economic theory. A more holistic understanding of human relationships with the non-human world is needed. The continuities between humans, other life-forms and the physical environment need more attention than the discontinuities. How religious traditions, the sciences and the humanities have (or have not) thought about this aspect of human identity deserves attention. Any consideration of these questions needs to be realistic enough to recognise that ‘getting the philosophy right’ is important, but not an automatic solution to the problems that have complex economic and psychological components less amenable to change. For example, Eastern philosophy and religions have not promoted the dualism noted above;
The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity
they have a long tradition of co-joining the human and non-human in the world. But, when it comes to economic gain, Eastern countries have been as adept as others in degrading the environment in the interest of economic gain. In addition to looking at current spiritual and ecological perspectives on environmental stewardship, it will also be valuable to consider more fundamental issues that are emerging in discussions about relationships between philosophy, religion and the ‘new physics’ – the last mentioned being concerned with new scientific, cosmological understandings of the nature of matter and the universe. The success of the Newtonian mechanical model at the macro level in science and industry in recent centuries has reinforced dualistic thinking about human beings and nature, as well as the mythology of an objective, positivist, infallible science. But since the revolution in physics dating from Einstein, Bohr and quantum theory, there has been a fundamental shift in scientific thinking about the nature of the universe. And now it is a question of the flowon of this thought into the human sciences, philosophy and religion. The sequence of change in thinking, beginning with atoms, has now proceeded through sub-atomic particles, waves, energy quanta, indeterminacy and complexity, and sub-quantal interactive self-regulating systems. Increasingly, the leading edge of scientific thought on nature uses language that resembles talk about meaning and relationships – metaphor could be becoming as relevant an explanatory principle at sub-quantal levels as the old mechanical model is at the macro level. Similarly, at the other end of the spectrum, the astronomical level, scientific inquiry is pushing ever further into understanding of the origins, maintenance and ‘end’ of the universe. While there is a relatively small number of people pursuing a better popular understanding of what is happening in the new physics, a considerable distance remains between this thinking and its relevance to the wider community. Nevertheless, efforts are required to help bridge the gap. For example, there is a need to appraise the claims of authors like Zohar that ‘there is a rich repository of language, metaphor and allusion in these new scientific ideas, as well as practical applications for understanding human nature and consciousness. Quantum physics in particular almost cries out for use as a more general model for a whole new kind of thinking about ourselves and our experience.’9 Books like The Quantum Self and The Quantum Society10 and the movie What the Bleep Do We Know? show some of the popular interest in these developments. It remains to be seen what implications, if any of significance, the behaviour and relationships of entities at sub-quantal levels will have for understanding human meanings, identities and relationships. Another area that also warrants attention in relation to identity and meaning is biology, and the issues it raises about the nature of life, consciousness and evolution.
5.6.6
Homo economicus: The rise and rise of economic identity
The fall of the Berlin Wall and the breakup of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s were readily interpreted by some as ‘The West, and the United States especially, have won the cold war’. Also, the demise of communism in Russia was interpreted by some as a ‘canonisation’ of capitalism. Capitalism, in public rhetoric, is then associated with democracy, and this history provides a sort of global justification of economic rationalism – the principle that there must be ‘development’ and ‘improvement’, and that the ultimate values driving development
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are economic ones. Competition, profit and fiscal efficiency seem to be regarded not just as economic principles, but as taken-for-granted ‘laws’ of human progress, making them appear beyond question. These concerns can override human values, and people can be regarded and used as means of production, or – in the polite organisational jargon – as human resources. The evaluation of economic issues needs to take account of human identity – what it means to be human. The nature and purpose of humans need to figure more prominently. While it is beyond our scope to explore these issues in any detail, a cluster of economic questions that have identity implications are listed below. • consumerism • economic rationalism • economic competition • globalisation of markets • market forces as ‘value-free’ • priority of shareholder profit in business • free trade, tariffs and the development of a country’s industries • growth of the economy • casualisation of employment • the human meaning of work and labour • unemployment. Some topics cut across a number of these questions: for example, the death of country towns – where free-ranging competitive market forces can result in the gradual decline and loss of viability of country towns, leaving a trail of social problems; and the casualisation of employment – where a so-called key principle of business efficiency can have many deleterious social and personal consequences for casual workers. Even questions like unemployment have significant identity implications. The changing place of work in many Western countries affects personal identity and self-esteem. Traditionally, there has been a tendency to define the identity and worth of individuals in terms of their useful work. Personal and social stress inevitably flow from unemployment, but not just from the economic hardship it entails. A significant component is low selfesteem, which arises in part because individuals have become too strongly identified with their capacity for gainful employment; it affects men more than it does women. Despite government rhetoric about the need for a more technologically skilled workforce, there remains a significant problem that has not been adequately addressed: the likely scenario that in technologically advanced countries the availability of full-time employment will drop to a consistently low level of perhaps 75 per cent or less of those seeking jobs, because less labour is needed to sustain the economy. Whatever the economic response to the problem, it would seem that the community is faced with the task of rethinking the role and meaning of work in human identity. Education could be in the forefront of community efforts to develop new understandings. And not just for work – but new understandings of human meaning and purpose, standard of living and quality of life. At a more global level, there is a need for awareness that changes in international markets can have significant and widespread human repercussions. For example, the idea
The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity
of free trade is widely touted as necessarily good for every country, but it does not always imply fair trade because it will suit some economic interests more than others. If some countries and people suffer as a consequence, it tends to be dismissed as the ‘natural consequences of competition’, and competition is always presumed to be ‘good’. Take one example: trade restrictions with quota limits on clothing exported from various countries to the United States and European Union domestic markets protected the national industries to some extent and gave a wide range of countries access to those markets. It regulated a global industry of about $490 billion annually. However, the free trade agreement for clothing concluded at the end of 2004. Markets like the United States and Europe could then contract the previously regulated purchasing spectrum of sixty countries down to say twenty, with no quota restrictions, and perhaps eventually to about ten, depending on where the cheapest products can be manufactured.11 There is growing concern that China, which now has the capacity for volume production with such low labour costs that other countries would find it difficult to compete, could increase its market share from the current 16 per cent (2004) to 50 per cent. It would mean that millions of relatively poor workers in countries like Bangladesh (with 1.8 million textile workers), Nepal, Burma, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Swaziland and others would be in danger of losing their regular livelihood. The dominant economic rationalist identity affixed to the deregulation and globalisation of markets usually does not factor the human cost into the equation. The negative effects of such processes on employment in different countries, including increasing poverty and lower standards of living, tend to be accepted as a natural ‘collateral damage’ of ‘free markets’. ‘Competition’ and ‘survival of the fittest’ can be thought of as a sort of justification for such ‘economic progress’. Economic questions like the above raise significant identity issues. As trade has become more planetary, more thought and responsibility need to go into regulation. Socalled unlimited economic growth cannot be presumed to go on forever. Answers to the question ‘what people are for’ need to have a pre-eminent place in international commercial considerations; people should not be treated as if they were no more than human resources for economic growth. The issues are complex, and call for thinking that goes beyond personal, commercial and national identities to concerns about the global human community. What economic responsibility should richer nations take for the wellbeing of poorer countries? It involves more than providing humanitarian help in times of crisis. The cancellation of debt has helped but there is more to be done.
5.6.7
Relationships between media, the state and national identity
The influence of a sense of national identity on people’s self-understanding and self-expression will vary considerably from individual to individual. It can operate like a taken-for-granted identity background that provides a basic cultural context in which people live. It will have a different feeling and a different force in a country at particular times. It comes into play when individuals make comparisons with other national identities; it happens when people travel; when they advert to different ethnic and religious groups in their community; and it surfaces strongly during international sporting competitions. National identity can be a powerful influence on attitudes and behaviour (and hence on spirituality); as already noted, at times it has been used to fuel ethnic hatred, violence and war.
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Some of the questions about national identity that need consideration: • National identity is like a ‘cultural given’ that arises physically out of the geographical location of birth or ethnic group. But it is not physically genetic – it is cultural inheritance, constructed and maintained by social interaction, and therefore it should be open to analysis and evaluation. • How much overt nationalism is appropriate in a healthy personal identity? How can it include acknowledgment of national origins, a sense of national belonging and com munity, while not being xenophobic and closed to social interaction with people of other nationalities? • To what extent will the mass media, particularly film and television, with their global village capacity for communication, affect national identities? An article by Shields (1996) proposed that the globalisation of media is pertinent to these questions.12 He noted that the current struggle among giant media corporations for power and profit was being waged ‘on a planetary scale’. The small number of transnational media companies (such as Sony, AOL Time Warner, Disney and News Corporation) were manoeuvring to be able to deliver television and audiovisual products across the globe’s geographic and social space (China was like the last frontier of relatively unconquered territory). Shields labelled it as ‘cultural imperialism at a new level’. In particular, it seemed to be spreading a worldwide ‘Americanisation of culture’. Could this lead to a homogenisation of world culture with consequent erosion of regional and national identities that are not perceived to be as relevant as they were formerly? Would the continued globalisation of communication markets affect national integration? These questions seem to assume that a large public ingestion of international (Americanised) television will erode identity and reduce cultural diversity. It may do so in some respects; it may not in others. The comparisons people make through such inter national exposure, in spite of the cultural borrowings and homogenisation of some aspects, may well reinforce basic differences and therefore reinforce national identity. The media-centric argument that national identities will be eroded seems to exaggerate television’s social significance and social influence. Even though there is evidence of a growing world cultural imperialism in television, there is equal evidence of a growing world education through the same medium. The claim that television will weaken national identity does not seem to understand adequately the complex social forces that shape national identity and the wider national integration enterprise. National identity should not be thought of as just a non-contested natural fact; neither should it be considered exclusively as something that groups might construct to secure their position of dominance in their society; it has both natural and constructed aspects. Because sources of differentiation exist within nation-states (for example religion, lan guage, ethnicity), multiple collective identities or even other national identities will coexist cooperatively or subordinately, or perhaps antagonistically within the official national iden tity. The most serious threats to national identity usually come from within the country itself rather than from the outside. Also, waves of nationalist fervour, such as the neo-Nazi movement in Germany and white supremacist movements in the United States and elsewhere,
The elusive self: Psychological and social functions of identity
need to be understood within the particular social and economic situations in which they take root. In these instances, nationalism is fuelled by widespread unemployment, poverty, social change and social inequalities. Such understanding does not diminish the problem, but it may be a starting point for addressing it. On the other hand, if television helps towards even a mild softening of national dis tinctiveness and a greater openness to an international cultural perspective, then it will have achieved something for the wider sense of human community. Healthiness in national identities would seem to need a balance between international and local perspectives; just as there is a need to preserve genetic and species diversity in the animal world, the global human community needs to preserve national and ethnic cultural heritages – as well as religious heritages – in ways that maintain social harmony.
Notes 1 K Marx, The German ideology, quoted in N Postman 1993, Technopoly: The surrender of culture to technology, p. 21. 2 JM Hull 1994, Religionism and religious education. Paper presented at the International Conference on Religion and Conflict, Armagh, Ireland. 3 A Quart 2003, Branded: The buying and selling of teenagers, p. 8. 4 A de Botton 2004, Status anxiety, p. 15. 5 ibid., p. 16. 6 S Price 2004, Christianity is fine, but please don’t mention the church. 7 Two relevant points: 1. The ambivalence that US soldiers had about the ‘identity’ of the enemy in the Vietnam War, and the ambivalent feelings in the community about the morality of US involvement were not insignificant factors in the postwar psychological traumas of some servicemen. 2. Military (and paramilitary) uniforms facilitate violence because they give the wearer anonymity and distance from the normal moral restrictions that operate at community level. They may feel that they are doing this as part of an institutional action; they are not doing it personally; they were ‘obeying orders’. 8 S Burchill 2004, What exactly are we witnessing? 9 D Zohar & I Marshall 1993, The quantum society: Mind, physics and a new social order, p. xii. 10 D Zohar 1990, The quantum self: A revolutionary view of human nature and consciousness rooted in the new physics. 11 A Adiga et al. 2004, Hanging by a thread: Textile factories throughout Asia face extinction as a long-standing global trade pact is set to expire. 12 P Shields 1996, State, national identity and media.
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Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
To thine own self be true; then it follows as surely as the day follows the night that thou shalt not be false to any man. Polonius’ advice to Laertes in Shakespeare’s Hamlet.
Young people make their lives by using various resources, especially those drawn from trusted relationships, to create storylines about who they are and where their lives are leading. The results of their narratives, or ‘storying’ are visible over time: different understandings shape the way individuals engage in the world, the way they engage shapes experience, and experience, in turn, shapes understandings. Richard Eckersley et al., 2006 1
This chapter considers insights into identity from research and theory, mainly in psychology and sociology. The analysis will be more concerned with interpretations that could be the starting points for further research on identity development in young people than a comprehensive review of existing research. The chapter concludes with an interpretation of identity and identity health that will be useful for educators and professionals engaged in the care of youth.
The analysis of research related to identity is organised under the following headings: 106
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
6.1
Developmental theories: contributions to self-understanding
6.2
Psychological theories of identity: From the perspective of ‘identity health’
6.3
Personal identity: Interaction between the individual and culture
6.3.1 A social psychological view of identity 6.3.2 A narrative structure to identity 6.3.3 A perspective on identity from critical theory 6.3.4 Relatively fixed psychic reference points for identity 6.3.5 Exaggerated individualism 6.3.6 Identity implied in life structure 6.3.7 Spirituality and identity 6.3.8 Generational identity
6.4
Relationships between identity and self-esteem
6.5
Congenital identity deficiency?
6.6
Research on relationships between identity and education
6.1 Developmental theories: contributions to self-understanding Psychological theories of identity propose that this construct is a fundamental one for the human person, one that has a strong influence on behaviour. Not all of the theories of human development focus specifically on identity, but a number of them contribute helpful ideas. Structural-developmental theories have explored the drives and motivations that stem genetically from the human organism at different stages of biological and intellectual development. Coupled with perspective on the influence of the social environment, they are useful ‘windows’ on identity. The theories of Piaget, Kohlberg, Erikson, Fowler, Kegan, Loevinger and Oser have distinctive viewpoints on personal development that are pertinent to identity. It is beyond our scope to track these contributions in any detail.2 Identity formation is at the centre of Erikson’s theory of human development.3 He considered that there was a fundamental drive towards self-understanding as individuals negotiated a sequence of developmental identity tasks that predominated at particular stages of the life cycle; human development proceeded as they gradually resolved the conflicts characteristic of each stage. For the adolescent, Erikson proposed that the major task was the development of personal identity, and then in exploring relationships: seeking personal intimacy and moving away from a sense of isolation. Erikson stressed the genetic
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developmental tasks. His view needs to be complemented by understanding of the social contexts within which these tasks were being negotiated. Adolescents also faced identity questions related to appearance, gender, sexuality, family, school, career and social status. As considered in the next chapter, it will be important not to underestimate the energy (and money) invested in their quest to appear ‘cool’. Piaget’s ideas on the emergence of intellectual capacity and moral reasoning in the child were taken up by Kohlberg, who proposed a sequential stage theory focusing on the gradual development of moral reasoning.4 But moral reasoning was only one of the elements that affected behaviour and the development of a moral identity. Genetic factors like personality type and cultural factors like social conditioning have a strong influence. The level of moral reasoning was not in itself an adequate measure of moral maturity. Fowler’s theory of believing (or human faith development) focused on changing patterns in the believing process.5 It interpreted a stage-by-stage development in the ways the individual’s beliefs shaped personal meaning: from the more dependent, derivative meaning from family and social groups, through conformity to authority and dominant groups, towards a more personal and autonomous faith, with some people going further to transcend this through an ‘expansive’ faith. By contrast with Fowler, Oser looked at spiritual development in terms of the level of cognitive activity linked with different stages of belief across the life cycle.6 These psychological theories all implied that the universe of meanings, within which individuals understood their own needs and behaviour, changed during human development: from childish self-centredness and authority dependence in the earlier stages, through to a more autonomous and interpersonal mode of operation. In the later stages, individuals were better able to cope with conflicting views without collapsing the tensions between them. The universalist stage in the Fowler scheme suggested that a sense of personal identity had developed such intrinsic security that it no longer needed the sharp boundaries that separated them from the belief systems or religions of others – boundaries that seemed to serve a defensive function in the earlier stages. Kegan’s theory of personal development proposed a series of structural-developmental stages through which the sense of ‘self ’ gradually progressed.7 It is similar to the other stage theories in that the transition to different stages depended on the emergence of new psychological competencies. The key to Kegan’s theory is the notion that as long as individuals are ‘embedded’ in particular emotions, thinking and behaviour, they remain unable to distinguish how these elements affect both the way they operate psychologically and how they ‘present’ themselves to others. As they learn to take more perspective on themselves and their social situation, their reflection on self from some psychological distance enables them to be less controlled by their dominant feelings and drives, and more capable of choice about the sort of person they want to become. According to Kegan, children progressed from the ‘Incorporative self ’ when they realised that the world was bigger than they were and that others were not just extensions of themselves. However, because they were still very self-centred and driven by needs and feelings, he described the next stages as the ‘Impulsive self ’ and the ‘Imperial self ’. In these stages, manipulation to get what one wants was still a powerful component of the self that had not yet acknowledged sufficiently the individuality of others and reciprocity in personal relationships. Kegan saw the development of a better appreciation of others as the point of transition to the ‘Interpersonal self ’. Then, the recognition of social systems (of principles,
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
responsibilities and commitments, together with a greater capacity to separate the view of self from self-centred operations) signalled the development of the ‘Institutional self ’. In the light of the changing personal competencies proposed by Piaget, Kohlberg and Fowler, one could predict a further stage of self-development within Kegan’s theory where individuals became more mature by transcending the structures that previously sustained the sense of self. The individual, with growing internal spiritual resources, could become even more autonomous; but significantly, this new autonomy would not be a return to self-centredness, but a transition to a greater appreciation of relationships between a more independent individual and the world shared interdependently with others. A valuable aspect of Kegan’s theory as far as identity is concerned is his focus on ‘selfunderstanding’. As with the other structural-developmental theories, it gives insight into the way people make sense of themselves and their relationships with others. Kegan’s picture of identity maturity emphasised the ways in which they struggled out of successive forms of psychological embeddedness to achieve greater capacity to make meaning of their experience.8 All of the structural developmental theories have stages through which the individual progresses. The notion of ‘progress’ and ‘development’ has an implied value judgment about human improvement – a notion of human health and even of human perfection: you become better as you progress to ‘higher’ stages. The metaphors ‘growth’ and ‘development’, as used in psychology, derive much of their meaning from Western economic thinking. Hence there is a tendency to interpret personal growth and development quantitatively as psychological ‘increases’, like growth in individual wealth or in the national economy; it must be ‘bigger’, ‘better’, ‘higher’ or ‘deeper’. Also, the stage theories almost inevitably lend themselves to ‘scores’ for measuring personal or spiritual development; and this appeals, partly because it harmonises with the mentality of a consumer society. Even personal development can be commodified and planned in linear lock-step stages (there is good evidence for this in the burgeoning personal development and self-help ‘industry’ and in ‘consumer spirituality’; see Chapter 8). Higher scores or stages are indications of success and achievement. So there is a danger that personal development may take on the note of increasing perfection and performance – in short, spiritual success according to an acceptable social scale, like improving IQ (also EQ [emotional intelligence] and SQ [spiritual intelligence]). This metaphor for personal development is too limited. As Moran suggested, a wider range of metaphors is needed to interpret personal development to account for its complexity and unpredictability9 (18.1). We consider that wise use of the developmental theories can give useful insights into selfknowledge and personal growth. But we caution against use of psychology in the quest of ‘getting it all together’, especially when this becomes too self-centred. It depends too much on an unrealistic notion of human perfection. A more down-to-earth image is not ‘getting it all together’ but ‘getting most of the fragile pieces pointing in the same direction’.
6.2 Psychological theories of identity: From the perspective of ‘identity health’ This section reports on psychological theories of identity to show their extensive range and their points of focus. They were considered with the following questions in mind:
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• What is their principal focus as regards identity content and competencies? • How do they attend to the interaction between inner psychological factors and external cultural factors? • What interpretations of ‘identity health’ do they seem to imply? For any progression from psychological theory of identity to practical care of youth, the professional needs some notion of identity health (which includes a moral component) to guide the translation. Criteria are needed for deciding whether an identity was good for the individual (and for others), and respected people’s freedom, uniqueness, rights and responsibilities. The notion of identity health implies a view of the nature of the human person. This chapter works towards a definition of identity health, making use of the hints within the various psychological theories. While the theories usually do not address identity health specifically, they suggest directions that desirable personal development might take, and by implication the reverse directions that could lead to ‘identity sickness’. The summary of theories in Table 6.1 shows whether or not they are referenced to internal categories such as a sense of continuity of personal identity over time, and to external or cultural categories concerned with social roles. The theories are grouped into major types. This analysis was drawn from a review paper on identity by the European psychologist Professor Bert Hermans, with some additions from other sources.10 Table 6.1 Theories of identity from the perspective of identity health11 Types of theory of identity and self
Particular theories of identity and self
A. Public, social features
B. Psychological constructs with continuity over time
Any major focus on external or cultural categories (social roles, public features, cultural reference points)
Preliminary ideas on the notion of ‘identity health’ implicit in, or related to, the theories
Identity as a public feature
Social roles
When the individual is com fortable with the social roles taken; the appropriateness of social roles needs evaluation within a framework of values.
Multiple social identities (Rosenberg and Gara 1985)
Description of identity in terms of multiple social roles and cultural reference groups
Ability to take on an idiosyncratic combination of social roles which satisfy the needs of the individual.
Experimentation with social roles, together with an attempt to harmonise these internally.
Satisfactory completion of developmental tasks, e.g. achieving ‘ego integrity’, ‘intimacy’, ‘interdependence’, ‘autonomy’. Building a meaningful self-understanding and worldview with successful resolution of psychological conflicts.
Erikson’s developmental tasks (1963)
Any major focus on internal categories (psychological construction with continuity over time)
Presumes a con tinuity of personal ‘identity proprietor ship’; finds evolving answers to the question ‘Who am I?’ in a sequence of developmental tasks that the individual has to negotiate across the life cycle.
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
Table 6.1 (continued) William James (1890)
I and Me as components of self – as ‘knower’ and ‘self-known’.
Involvement in roles Maintenance of sense becomes part of the of continuity over time. self as ‘known’. Satisfactory development of distinctness and volition, together with meaningful material, spiritual and social ‘constituents’.
Robert Kegan’s stage theory of development of the self (1982)
The evolution of self through a series of structuraldevelopmental stages where self-understanding operates in modes distinctive of each stage. Stages include ‘incorporative’ self, ‘impulsive’ self, ‘imperial’ self and ‘interpersonal’ self.
Social interaction and finding roles within the community are part of the raw materials for selfdevelopment.
As the individual matures and develops personal competencies, he/she negotiates change progressively from stage to stage. Satisfactory progression through stages of development towards a more interdependent self.
Self-esteem An undifferentiated Self-esteem is Achievement of high selftheory (1970s, notion of self-regard influenced by social regard and self-assertiveness. see Kohn, 1994) which may be high interaction. or low. Self-concept (self-image) which is positive or negative. C. Psychological constructs with a dynamic multiplicity of components and a focus on ‘organisation of knowledge’ as a key factor.
Complexity of images (Rhodewalt & Morf 1995)
Self interpreted in terms of multiple images.
Collection of images which satisfy the individual.
Mental representations (Kihlstrom & Cantor 1984)
Self interpreted in terms of mental representations.
A self-description which is found satisfying and which meets personal needs.
These theories address the ways individuals process and organise information in the interpretation of self.
Facets (Marsh 1986)
Self interpreted as a combination of different facets (aspects which embody qualities and action).
An individually satisfying combination of facets. Facets need to be comprehensive to cover all aspects of life.
Goals (Brandstädter & Rothermund 1994)
Self interpreted in Goals will include terms of life goals to some social roles. be achieved. Self is motivated by aims for life.
The achievement of particular life goals.
Tasks (Sheldon & Emmons 1995)
Self interpreted in terms of multiple developmental tasks.
Satisfactory completion of particular developmental tasks.
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Table 6.1 (continued) Possible selves (Markus & Nurius 1986)
Self interpreted in terms of interactions between different possible expressions of the self.
A satisfying sense of self achieved through combi nations of attributes from different possible selves.
Private, public and collective selves (Triandis 1989)
The self interpreted in terms of interaction between understandings of the individual, his/her public expression and the identities of the groups in which the individual participates.
The public and A satisfying sense of self collective selves can derived from internal and be reference points external representations. for the individual’s sense of identity.
Actual, ought, Self interpreted in the and ideal selves light of perceived discrepancies between (Higgins 1987) different expressions of the self. Difference between the ideal self and what appears in practice. D. Psychological constructs with a dynamic multiplicity of components and a narrative perspective.
The satisfying resolution, to some extent, of discrepancies between perceptions of the actual self, the ideal self and the morally desirable self.
Narrative theory of identity (Bruner 1986; Cohler 1982; Gergen & Gergen 1988; Hermans 1996a,b; McAdams 1993; Sarbin 1986; Thomae 1988; Tomkins 1987)
The world and personal experience are given meaning as parts of a narrative or autobiographical structure. A history of ‘episodic’ events influences selfunderstanding.
Cultural elements contribute to the experience of individuals and stimulate narrative interpretation.
A sense of satisfying meaning is derived from narrative understanding of self and experience.
Paul Ricoeur’s narrative perspective on identity
Identity development is an autobiographical process; it is derived psychologically from personal reflection – primarily a process of interpretation (hermeneutics).
The individual interprets identity through interaction with community narratives.
Achieving an ongoing, satisfying narrative which helps interpret the individual’s sense of self and experience.
The narrative perspective of the polyphonic novel as proposed by Bakhtin (see Hermans & Kempen 1993).
Going beyond the I as ‘author’ and me as ‘actor’ to a plurality of relatively independent narrative perspectives.
Allowing multiple ‘voices’ to have a say in understanding the narrative of the self.
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
Table 6.1 (continued)
E. Psychological constructs which emphasise the influence of culture or others on the development of identity
The dialogical self (Hermans, Kempen & Van Loon 1992)
Self is understood and expressed through a dynamic multiplicity of relatively autonomous ‘I positions’ which interact through dialogue.
Dialogical relationships for identity can extend to others.
Through dialogical relationships (mainly internal) the individual’s identity achieves a ‘multivocal’ quality. A number of distinct and semi-autonomous voices are allowed to have a say in the self-expression of the individual. Success in dialogue between the different identity voices. This would also include conflict that is not always resolved.
CH Cooley’s idea of the ‘looking glass self ’ as developed in the symbolic interactionist school of sociology (Cooley 1998, from work written at the turn of the century; see also Blumer 1969)
The image of self is in part derived from reflections of the self that an individual encounters through interaction with others.
Social interaction has a major influence on selfunderstanding. How individuals are viewed and treated by others has a significant bearing on their acquisition of values, beliefs, and sense of self.
Achievement of a satisfying image of self that is in harmony with the culture.
A common initial reaction to a summary like the one in Table 6.1 is perplexity at seeing so many theories of identity – and this is not a complete list. As Hermans noted, the contemporary situation is characterised by ‘increasing multivoicedness in self and society, a development unprecedented in the history of the human mind’.12 People find themselves awash with a multiplicity of proposed ways of ‘being yourself ’, all of which seem to have easily accessible resources for helping them achieve it. Yet, in spite of this apparent cultural richness, there is evidence of alarmingly high levels of alienation and lack of meaning. The problem is not so much the multiple voices per se, but the way people respond to the contemporary situation. Hermans felt that dialogue was the crucial element for finding meaningful relationships between ‘unity’ and ‘multiplicity’; he rightly pointed out that a retreat towards unity and ‘fixed-ness’ of identity, and away from multiplicity was not an appropriate solution for the times. We suggest that dialogue is important, but not enough; what is also needed is the evaluation of what is proposed for identity. But this cannot be done in a value-free way, hence the importance of establishing a baseline position on what constitutes identity health. Within the limitations of this exercise, issues are raised by questions about what consti tutes identity health within the different theoretical frameworks. Most of them appear to say little explicitly about identity health – we make this judgment tentatively because we have only elementary knowledge of many of the theories. However, most of them seem inclined towards a notion of identity health that is more concerned with the successful engagement
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in psychological processes than with the acquisition of desirable identity content. By content is meant qualities of self that can be evaluated in ethical terms – that is, an evaluation of how identity meets individual needs and how it might impact on others. At first sight, most of the theories seem to presume a value-free position as regards the content dimension to identity health. Even where social interaction was an influential factor in the theories, the focus was predominantly psychological and on the individual. Hence, when interpreting what each theory might imply for identity health, it was difficult to avoid using the phrase ‘satisfying for the individual’ as the ultimate criterion. In one sense this ultimacy is natural, because it is the province of the individual to make such judgments. However, this may lean towards narcissism if identity health were to be judged exclusively by what pleases individuals or meets their personal needs. Other more objective, community-related values are also needed for the moral evaluation of identity.
6.3 Personal identity: Interaction between the individual and culture Below are brief comments about theories of identity that focused on relationships between the individual and culture.
6.3.1
A social psychological view of identity (Symbolic interactionism)
The writings of the early sociologist CH Cooley (1864–1928) proposed the idea of the Looking Glass Self: the image of self is in part derived from reflections of the self received from others.13 This thinking was developed by sociologists in the symbolic interactionist school like Herbert Blumer; they considered that social interaction had a major influence on self-understanding and that external cultural reference points were important for identity.14 How individuals were perceived and treated by others had a significant bearing on their acquisition of values and self-image. This thinking was important in self-esteem theory (6.4) and was also consistent with theory about the social construction of reality, as evident in the work of Berger and Luckmann.15
6.3.2
A narrative structure to identity
As noted in the quotation from Eckersley at the beginning of the chapter, and in the research listed in Table 6.1, section D, a narrative structure for identity helps interpret the place of the individual in the world as part of an interactive personal journey. This approach is represented strongly in the Australia 21 Research Report (2006) Flashpoints and Signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people. It considered that: A body of work has emerged around narrative, exploring the increased importance of story in the multiple and changing ways in which people make sense of their lives and identities in a now complex and changing world (E.g. see Bruner 1987, Gergen and Gergen 1988). … the capacity to hold strong personal narratives also allow[s] young people to negotiate chaos, hardship and crisis.16
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
The category story or narrative is a central one for meaning (2.9.17) and spirituality. In addition, it is a key category for interpreting the spiritual and moral influence of film and television (Chapter 15). Grimmitt’s account of the role of education in personal identity formation regarded individuals as ‘actors’ in their own personal stories which unfold in the context of, and through interaction with, the larger cultural story or cultural history. The role of education is to help the young become more aware of the historical cultural origins of their identity, as well as opening up new identity horizons. In the light of new options, they can change the direction of their own identity stories or personal histories.17
6.3.3
A perspective on identity from critical theory
At the end of Chapter 2 (2.10.14), a brief summary of critical theory was given to show the perspectives from which critical theory addressed questions about personal and cultural meaning. At this point, it is pertinent to note that critical theory is also helpful in the study of identity. In fact identity is one of its major interests. It is concerned with the ways in which personal and cultural identities develop, their interaction, and the degrees of congruence and conflict between them. One description of critical theory claimed that it was specially interested in ways that cultural institutions – ranging from media, to religion, to scientific and academic work – are used to shape identities, dictating what is accepted as true, normal, or acceptable within a culture, offering privilege to some, and marginalising or denying others. Critical theory looks at the mechanics of this process of privilege and marginalisation, and often thinks about the possibility of political action against this process.18
Our purpose here is to signal the importance of critical theory for the interpretation of identity dynamics. Some of the relationships between aspects of critical theory and identity will be referred to in the discussion below.
6.3.4
Relatively fixed psychic reference points for identity (Brennan)
The psychoanalytic theorist Brennan considered that personal identity depended on perceived relatively fixed points because it relied on its identifications with others to maintain a sense of individual distinctness.19 Identity developed out of images of the self received from others – images that remained fairly constant in relation to the movement of life. Individuals needed these psychic fixed points, but these same fixed points could hold the individual back from further change and development. Brennan argued that these identity reference points were reinforced by the construction of commodities in the social world. She claimed that while fixed points ‘blocked the mobility of psychic energy’, technological commodities, unless they were constructed with care, could block the regeneration of nature and natural energy. When thinking about psychic reference points for young people’s self-definition, it should be understood that some of their relatively fixed points are actually rapidly moving! As discussed in the next chapter, ever changing fashions can function like a fixed identity reference point; this can have more influence than historical, religious or ethnic traditions. Continual change has become a near permanent feature of young people’s social world.
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Different theories have emphasised a relatively fixed psychic basis to identity; others emphasised the capacity to change identity in response to new circumstances. A robust view of personal identity needs both properties – having permanence and flexibility is not contradictory. An enduring stability to personal identity is not incompatible with its functioning like a ‘working hypothesis of the self ’, which is always being revised to some extent. This notion is important for education in identity, because if either aspect is emphasised at the expense of the other, an unbalanced view will result.
6.3.5
Exaggerated individualism (Lacan)
How individuals think about and relate to others is influenced by their own self-definition. This in turn is affected by inner developmental needs interacting with culture. But at times the cultural forces can appear to have such a powerful influence that they distort identity development. People can be seduced into an identity that endangers their humanness; it can be subtly constructed for them as a marketable package by power, economic, advertising and media groups in society. Max Weber, in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1930), suggested that the religious revolution of the Reformation and its influence on the rise of individualism set the stage for the development of capitalist societies in the West. He did not claim that this was the only factor that promoted capitalism. The French psychoanalytic theorist Jacques Lacan proposed, in turn, that capitalist society accelerated the emphasis on individualism to the point where many people suffer from a social psychosis of individualism – trying to live out a massive ego fantasy. He considered that much of their anxiety came from the frustration of unrealistic personal desires; the drive for higher production rates and profits had an ever increasing negative effect on the psychic environment in which people live, and it distorted the social reference points they drew on for self-understanding and identity.20 These identity reference points are reinforced by the production and marketing of commodities that strengthen the hold of such a psychosis. Then the reference points become entrenched, trapping people into an identity and a frustrating search for meaning in what are ultimately unrealistic and antisocial fantasies. The result is a psychotic idea of identity in the service of free enterprise. Brennan, an interpreter of Lacan, suggested further that this post-enlightenment psychosis of individualism blocked flexibility to human identity development that involved relationships with other people and nature, and that in turn this caused degradation of the social and physical environments.21 Lacan’s theory suggested that individualism tended to make the world over in its own image by reducing the lively heterogeneity of living nature and diverse cultural orders to a grey mirror of sameness. And it can only do this by consuming living nature in producing a proliferation of goods and services whose possession becomes the sine qua non of the good life. Of course, if nature is endlessly consumed in the pursuit of a totalising course, then that course is dangerous for living; it constitutes a danger to one’s own survival, as well as that of others.22
Brennan also considered that Western societies have a degree of social angst arising from ambivalence about its various descriptions as post-industrial, post-Christian, post-structural,
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
postmodern, post cold-war (and now post 9/11), while anxious that there appears to be no compelling analysis that will readily give a hopeful sense of future direction. In Western countries in particular, people seem to have become more preoccupied with personal identity and individuality than formerly. As far as their motivation is concerned, finding ‘themselves’ appears to be a more prominent and immediate concern than finding a secure career or working towards a more secure society. This signals a fundamental shift in their outlook on life. Glasser identified this trend many years back in his book Identity society (1972): Previously people’s lives were governed by achievable goals or ideals. Now people are raising questions about their own personal development as a unique identity rather than as the means to some social end … almost all Western people are first concerned with how to fulfil themselves as human beings, the quality of their life, recognition and pleasure rather than life itself. This has occurred because people who live in the West have gained basic economic security, or if they have not, they have gained the illusion of security which seems to serve the same effect – hammering home the message to fulfil and enjoy yourself in a world where this is possible … The struggle for a goal – a profession, a diploma, a home, a family – had been superseded by the struggle to find oneself as a human being, to become aware of and enjoy the pleasures implicit in our own humanity … ‘identity’ is about the same for all people. Everyone aspires to have a happy, successful, pleasurable belief in self. Role or identity is now so important that it must be achieved before we set out to find a goal. [Quoting Marshall McLuhan, 1969:] ‘youth mindlessly acts its identity quest in the theatre of the streets, searching not for goals but for roles, striving for an identity that eludes them.’23
Glasser went on to argue that institutions like schools would not be effective if they ignored this ‘new priority in human motivation’. They needed to be responsive to identity needs as few students would be ‘willing to work towards school goals before gaining self recognition’.24
6.3.6
Identity implied in life structure (Bourdieu)
The dual aspects of identity development noted above – permanence and flexibility – acknowledge that externals and social interaction are crucial reference points and raw material for identity. For some people, their identity problems arise through a lack of critical selfreflection that should be a part of identity development; they may give little or no thought to identity, but may live with the stereotypes and values they have absorbed unconsciously; they display an identity by default. The idea of an implied identity embedded in behaviour can be linked with the thought of the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu on what he called ‘life structure’.25 He defined this as the beliefs and values implied in the way individuals spend their time and engage in activity. It is like an identity portrait of individuals painted by the way they act and invest energy. No matter what they might say about their identity, their life structure is the litmus test of authenticity. Considerations of identity cannot afford to overlook the significance of people’s ‘embeddedness’ in a concrete life structure.
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From Bourdieu’s perspective, some individuals had identity conflict. This means a hiatus between their view of their own identity and the implied identity others perceived in their behaviour. Such a hiatus indicated unrealistic reflection on the self; their self-understanding was deluded. This view of identity naturally points towards education as one process that might inform self-understanding. The goal here would be fostering an identity that is open to enhancement through education.
6.3.7
Spirituality and identity
Spirituality is a core expression of identity. Often a religious culture can strongly inform identity. However, the tendency towards secular spirituality in many youth goes hand in hand with their inclination not to see religion, including their own particular tradition, as making a strong contribution to identity. These issues are taken up in more detail in the next chapter on youth identity, and in later chapters on spirituality.
6.3.8
Generational identity
There is a growing literature, at both academic and popular levels, about generations as a scheme for interpreting group identity at a macro level.26 This approach analyses significant changes in both cultural background and lifestyle that characterise the different generations in Western industrialised countries, and it seeks to interpret the causal factors. It is helpful in describing the different mentalities that are shaped over time by growing up in different cultural circumstances. We chose not to give special attention to this approach because a number of the cultural influences will already be covered under other headings.
6.4 Relationships between identity and self-esteem Self-esteem is a construct intimately related to ‘self ’ and ‘identity’. In both clinical and educational practice, this construct has been useful for interpreting people’s behaviour (parti cularly for children and adolescents) and for promoting personal development. Practitioners regard it as a fundamental and influential aspect of people’s psychological makeup. Many personal problems flow from low self-esteem. Negative behaviour, particularly attentiongetting, often indicates poor regard for the self – people who feel unloved and unlovable. This may also reflect the poor way in which they were treated by significant others, but this is not always the case. In some instances, where young people have realised that they were affected by a syndrome of poor self-esteem, and where they began to imagine themselves more positively, there was a dramatic turnaround in their behaviour. Acknowledging that low self-esteem had triggered negative behaviour was a psychological watershed. It enabled them to start their lives anew with more self-confidence, and with a sense of being freed from destructive behaviour patterns into which they had been locked. While the construct self-esteem has been valuable psychologically, there are some prob lems with the way it has been conceptualised in research, and in the way it has been used in education. In these two areas, use of the construct can give the impression that self-esteem is like some undifferentiated, ‘quantitative’ component of personality – you have ‘lots’, or
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
‘some’ or ‘none’ – and this has consequences for wellbeing and behaviour; some negative behaviour is attributed to low levels of self-esteem. Therefore, the idea that increasing selfesteem must be good for individuals is widely accepted and not contested. But the interpretation of self-esteem as an undifferentiated, quantitative element of identity does not readily accommodate the situation where self-esteem is not unconditionally positive. For example, some individuals have a sense of self that is arrogant, intolerant and aggressive – and they are comfortable with this self-image; technically, they have high selfesteem! Self-esteem needs to be understood as more than the level of good feelings about the self. Self-esteem has a ‘content’, and this content – the self-image – has a moral value and should be open to moral evaluation. The construct self-esteem needs to include something about the ‘quality’ of self-image and identity. While the general principle of being respectful of all identities is an important one, this democratic ideal has limits protected by law – we should not be equally tolerant of identities that clearly compromise the rights and freedoms of other people. This principle is also important when examining relationships between identity and violence. Hence we propose a need for greater differentiation within the construct self-esteem to make it less ambiguous. It needs to include scope for evaluation of the self. A step in this direction would be to identify two dimensions to self-esteem, content and affect. In this way, self-esteem can be interpreted as the dynamic link between what individuals think about their personal identity and how they feel about it. This interpretation has both descriptive content (the image of the individual’s qualities as a person) and an affective dimension (how comfortable or satisfied they feel with that image). For example, people may feel more or less comfortable with their self-understanding, and about how they are perceived by others; or they may have a lingering, vague feeling of doubt about their value – they may feel that if others only knew what they were really like, they would find them unattractive and undesirable. While it may be transparent to a perceptive adult that a particular young person feels he or she is unloved, this may be something that the young person is not able to comprehend or admit. Adults, teachers and counsellors periodically make diagnoses of this condition in young people; but it is not an easy one to change. It is not just a matter of telling the young person that he or she has a problem. Neither is it readily resolved by a dose of what has been called ‘unconditional affirmation’ – or by telling them they are ‘special’. It can be a psychological difficulty that individuals carry throughout their lives, often a cause of distress to themselves and to those close to them. Therefore it remains an issue for the community to work out how best to address the problem of low self-esteem in youth. A first valuable step is to understand the problem. What is usually described as low self-esteem has two aspects: 1 The image of self that individuals with low self-esteem have is often harsh and unfavourable; it is usually not an accurate picture, but for them it represents reality. 2 Despite any outward show of self-confidence, they feel unhappy with their self-image. Therapeutic efforts to redress the problem, as well as any generally informative edu cational process, need to focus on both these aspects. This means looking at the degree of satisfaction individuals have with their perceived self-image or identity, as well as proposing a self-evaluation of its humanness. Highlighting this evaluative dimension can help address
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limitations in the self-esteem movement in education; it has operated out of an oversimpli fied understanding of self-esteem, and also out of questionable empirical measures. The empirical research on self-esteem needs critical interpretation. There seems to be a disjunction between the way counsellors and educators make good use of the construct as a psychological theme for interpreting behaviour and the way it has been conceptualised and operationalised in empirical research. In turn, there are ambiguities in self-esteem education that draws on this research. Few would oppose the idea that education should help improve students’ perceptions of their own worth, but what this means in practice needs to be more carefully articulated.27 Coopersmith, one of the earliest self-esteem researchers in the United States, understood self-esteem with an evaluative emphasis: ‘a personal judgment of worthiness that is expressed in the attitudes the individual holds toward himself.’28 However, when it came to the development of self-report questionnaires for ‘measuring’ self-esteem, the evaluation of personal characteristics (a complex and sensitive process) was understandably not prominent. As a result, many instruments for measuring self-esteem were concerned mainly with subjects’ responses to questions about how favourably they felt about themselves. What was being measured was not necessarily the same construct that educators and clinical psychologists were using – the research seemed to be measuring ‘self-assertiveness’ and not ‘self-esteem’. It was the latter more complex construct that had such an important influence on behaviour. Some people are very self-assertive, but this may indicate a low self-esteem that is unacknowledged or kept well concealed. Also, there was a problem in that the research findings might say more about how individuals wished to appear than about what they really felt about their ‘true’ self – presuming that this could be accurately known anyway. The self-esteem research reported on confidence and self-satisfaction, but not about what sort of a person the individual was. Hitler would probably have scored well on self-esteem scales! Some researchers suggested that those who scored highly on self-esteem tended to be the ones who demonstrated ‘a willingness to endorse favourable statements about the self as a result of an ambitious, aggressive, self-aggrandising style of presenting themselves’.29 With conceptual difficulties like this, it is not surprising that research studies linking educational programs with gains in self-esteem (or research linking behavioural problems with low selfesteem) have, in the main, shown no significant correlation – and therefore questionable evidence of causation.30 The ambivalence and inconclusiveness of this psychological research does not seem to have inhibited the educational interest in fostering self-esteem, as informed by these studies. The main focus of curriculum materials concerned with self-esteem that appeared since the 1970s has been on unconditional student affirmation – telling students ‘how special they are’ and encouraging self-assertiveness. (See for example the titles Self Esteem: A family affair, and Self Esteem, a classroom affair: 101 ways to help children like themselves.)31 While no doubt such student materials may have been helpful to the limited role that classroom teaching might have in fostering self-esteem, they did not try to explore the complex personal processes through which self-understanding, self-image and self-valuing develop. There are two potential dangers in the ‘I am special’ approach: First, it can trivialise the importance and complexity of the construct self-esteem as far as student personal growth is concerned. Second, its focus on the individual is yet another aspect of education and culture that could encourage self-centredness and self-preoccupation. An approach to self-esteem
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
education that focuses too narrowly on psychological self-enhancement might end up being narcissistic; it might distract attention from social and community aspects; it could overlook the importance of analysing economic, political and social factors that have an influence on how people are valued and devalued. These ‘structural’ identity aspects might be having more influence on self-esteem than any educational self-analysis procedures. The idea of linking education with the fostering of self-esteem is not in question; the point being made here is the need to acknowledge first that self-esteem is a complex but vital factor in identity and psychological health; second, that self-esteem education should not be thought of in clinical psychological terms, but rather as studies that can contribute to young people’s understanding of self-esteem as a component of identity. It is likely that the quality of the personal relationships between teachers and students will be more important for student self-esteem than the formal curriculum.
6.5 Congenital identity deficiency? The discussions here about identity development could incline one to the view that people have a congenital identity deficiency, and that this is a normal part of being human. Or at least it means that their identity will never be complete or perfect. Of particular importance is the way relationships with others enter into the complex process of self-understanding. Other animals do not have this problem. They are not so dependent as humans are on social interaction as a constitutive part of their development. As noted in Chapter 2, people are born human but they become persons through social interaction. This has significant implications for a notion of identity health. Reflections of the self from others can become an important part of self-understanding and feelings of self-worth (6.3). But at the same time, this makes the individual vulnerable to the judgments others make of them – while positive judgments are always encouraging, negative judgments can be harmful – and it could also amount to a slavery to the views of others. This is the root cause of ‘status anxiety’ (5.1), where constant comparisons with others can be a continual source of dissatisfaction with one’s lot. Hence, while acknowledging the identity-building potential of social interaction, a mature identity needs independence from outside threats to its integrity. While being aware of what others think of you is always healthy, this needs to be weighed up in the internal forum to judge whether or not one needs to change to accommodate new insights. To be able to do this requires fairly secure internal identity resources and a capacity to evaluate fresh identity inputs. This thinking suggests that the mature, healthy identity has a consolidated bank of internal resources that forms the basic identity infrastructure. External identity resources, in culture and in social interaction, are also important for informing identity development, but they should not have an unquestioned dominance. Hence a generalisation about identity health should presume that it depends primarily on internal resources (values and beliefs) and not on externals (fashion, or the commendation of others), while there should be a balance between internal and external identity resources.
6.6 Research on relationships between identity and education In Europe since the 1990s (and to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom), there has been a notable academic interest in links between identity and education. While much of the
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writing has not been in English, what has appeared in English language books and journals has shown that the development of personal identity has come to be regarded as an important goal for school education.32 It may well be that one of the driving forces behind this has been the emergence of the European Economic Community and the European Union. As one European educator noted: ‘Europe must decide now on the criteria for civil cohabitation and make new provisions concerning the conditions for education in European citizenship.’33 These political and econo mic developments prompt questions about relationships between national identities and a new European identity. Economic unity is evidently more easy to achieve than the notion of ‘European’ identity. Questions revolve around the extent to which a European identity is desired, and the extent to which it might draw on a common cultural and religious heritage – particularly when it is acknowledged that there is great cultural and religious diversity in Europe. There is also much secularisation that has little linkage with any religious traditions. The interest in admitting Turkey to the community is testing the thinking even further: it is a Muslim country and not European in its geography, history or culture. The impression coming from these writings is that an education in identity is an impor tant one for contemporary school education. Since little attention has been given to this in Australian educational thinking, the European literature warrants attention. The European writings on identity education that we have examined fall roughly into two categories. Some have concentrated on developing a notion of identity that fits comfortably with modern Western education and culture;34 others have said less about the nature of identity but more about how identity development might be promoted by different educational pedagogies.35 An example of the former is evident in two articles by the Dutch academic Meijer published in 1991 and 1995.36 She considered that the more traditional understandings of personal identity were too biological and inflexible; she felt that they defined personal identity as a relatively fixed entity that is influenced by particular group self-understandings into which individuals are socialised. She saw this emphasis as educationally problematic because in Western countries the cultural milieu is characterised by rapid social change and international, interethnic, intercultural and interreligious communication. She claimed that it was inappropriate to propose the development of this notion of identity as an educational aim because its narrowness was incompatible with democratic and pluralistic ideals. Meijer looked at two views of identity at opposite ends of a spectrum. The first under stood personal identity as a fixed inner core or kernel to the individual that remains constant throughout the life cycle. At the other extreme was the view typified by Nietzsche that personal identity is an illusion or an artificial construct; the individual is an aggregation of changing ideas, emotions and desires. Meijer considered that these interpretations were problematic; and in rejecting both the inherent identity and the option of no identity at all, she turned to the philosophy of Ricoeur, which understood identity as a process of interpretation of personal history. This regarded identity as the end product of reflection on personal experience, allowing for continual adjustment. Meijer sidestepped the problems within a socialised personal identity, with its relatively permanent characteristics, by stressing personal interpretation as the primary identityforging process.
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
This human potential for reflection is more fundamental than identity, for identity-asinterpretation is the outcome of reflection. Personal identity, therefore, is necessarily tentative, to be reflected upon, reconsidered and revised again and again. Education should therefore not aim at identity-development or identity-formation, but at rational autonomy, independence and responsibility, the capacity to make informed choices or at personhood.37
Meijer’s approach is useful for identifying problems that result from defining identity as too fixed or as an illusion; she also showed how personal reflection and interpretation allow for continual change and development in self-understanding. However, this seems to overstate the importance of psychological reflection and to underrate the place for the less reflective, unconscious and socialised elements of identity. Her interpretation does not give an adequate account of the important role that the externals of culture and social interaction play in identity processes. Also, a legitimate concern to educate young people within a particular identity (for example, a religious, ethnic and/or cultural identity) is not necessarily opposed to promoting rational autonomy and informed decision-making; these latter ‘critical’ qualities are an appropriate part of a healthy, mature identity. Meijer’s ideas on education for identity development seem more relevant to mature adults, who are in a better position than children to choose components in their identity; young people are only taking initial steps in this direction. Intercultural, inter-ethnic and interfaith communication are desirable processes, but they are not a natural ‘given’ in pluralistic communities (an impression one gets from Meijer’s writing). Such levels of dialogue are difficult goals to achieve, even with adults. School education should certainly aim at fostering first steps in such communication; but this is not incompatible with an education that is also attempting to communicate some basic sense of ethnic or religious identity. The crucial matter is how both cultural inheritance and developing individuals’ autonomy are balanced. It need not imply the sort of indoctrination that Meijer is concerned about. A school education in identity needs to account for the aim of handing on a particular cultural identity, while allowing for the critical skill development that would help young people gradually take a more responsible role in the negotiation of their identity. The second group of (mainly European) writings about education in identity focuses more on pedagogy. Their objective is to help young people ‘negotiate’ their own personal identity development. Some of the theorists considered that the individuals’ construction of meaning and identity needs to take into account the pluralistic cultural environment, while giving special attention to their own particular religious and cultural heritage. For example, the development of young people’s identity should involve learning how to take on a personal and civil identity open to otherness, that is, being able to communicate with other identities, which are equal in dignity and legitimacy … [It] should develop reciprocal tolerance and the capacity for intercultural dialogue between persons and ethnic groups; it should promote religious capabilities in terms of critical information, of capacity for judgement and personal decision; it should develop the possibility of confronting the historico‑cultural heritage of Europe, and of [the individual’s] own nation in particular.38
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Other writers said less about the communication of a particular religious, ethnic or cultural identity, as if this was not something that school education should be concerned with.39 Their focus moved away from cultural identity traditions and concentrated almost exclusively on developing the personal meaning and identity of students. Earlier on, the study of religious traditions had been central to cultural education in Europe; this new thinking tended to see such traditions as not important as content in their own right, but only instrumentally in terms of possible source material that might help young people in their own idiosyncratic personal quest for meaning and identity. Segments, or ‘contextual quanta’, from different religions were considered as raw material for exercising students’ capacities for interpreting meaning. The idea of learning to assimilate a particular cultural or religious identity receded to the background, and in some instances disappeared from educational thinking. This approach exhibited strong postmodern assumptions about a minimal role for historical traditions in education. According to this view, culture as educational content was subordinated in an instrumental fashion to young people’s quest for personal meaning and identity. How far this thinking extends from theorists through to classroom teachers is difficult to estimate. There have been other writers who question this approach for being too strongly influenced by cultural postmodernity.40 In brief, they consider that it suffers from excesses in subjectivism, individualism, constructivism, relativism and contextualism, while depending too much on an epistemology of uncertainty in human knowing. This is more than a ‘mouthful’ of critique, and there is no room for further explanation of it here. But at least it indicates that there is much lively debate in European and British circles about education in meaning and identity. Nevertheless, in relevant parts of our chapters on meaning, identity and spirituality we have tried to address issues arising from postmodern uncertainty about knowledge (for example 4.2.4).
6.7 A conceptualisation of identity and identity health for educational purposes While more evaluative attention needs to be given to the various theories examined in this and the previous chapter, the summary of categories listed in Table 6.1 has at least identified a range of issues sufficiently to inform a definition of identity and identity health that will be useful in the education and care of youth. We seek to develop a robust interpretation of personal identity, or working hypothesis of the self, that includes both a sense of subjective ‘identity permanence’ and the capacity to change and develop. For most, identity will remain fairly stable, with gradual modifications across the life cycle resulting from experience; this applies especially to those whose selfunderstanding is confirmed positively by others. For some, the self-hypothesis may at times be insecure. While some may try to change aspects of their identity in response to new circumstances, including education, others may resist change, consciously reinforcing their established self-image. For educational purposes, personal identity can be conceptualised as a process in which individuals draw on both internal and cultural resources for their self-understanding and selfexpression. This conceptualisation sees identity as a dynamic interplay between internal/personal and external/cultural elements; the externals are relevant to identity when they serve as reference
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
points and resources for self-understanding and self-expression – that is, as cultural identity resources. They can be appropriated and further developed for the construction of meaning. This view highlights people’s integration of ideas, beliefs, values and images as internal identity resources to make sense of their lives – that is, making sense of both their inner experience and their interactions with the world and people. Cultural identity resources can be used in two ways: they can be assimilated (as noted above), resourcing self-understanding; and they can be utilised for purposes of distinctive self-expression, that is, helping individuals express themselves in ways they feel are consistent with their identity. This notion of both process and content in identity suggests that it makes use of external elements of culture (family life, heroes and heroines, peers, religion, school, artefacts, work, lifestyle, leisure, television, consumer products), in relationship with internal elements (needs, beliefs, values, ideals, attitudes, emotions and moods), to fashion the ‘internal clothing’ of individuals through which they identify and understand their own characteristics as a person. It is meshed with their sense of individuality and uniqueness. When individuals think about their identity, these self-defining elements come to mind as reference points. From this perspective, identity health can be regarded as a harmonious balance between internal and external identity resources. It is proposed as a value judgment that personal identity should be based primarily on internal resources like beliefs, values and commitments. These can be thought of as spiritual resources; they may or may not include religious elements. Too great an identification with externals weakens individuals’ autonomy and makes them slaves to expectations from outside, rather than being inner-directed. However, it would be unrealistic to expect people to be so spiritually strong and independent as to rely exclusively on their own internal resources for identity and meaning. It would be even more unrealistic to expect this of children and adolescents. External reference points and links with culture (family, peers, cultural groups, film and television) are fundamentally important for personal identity. It is a basic part of the human condition to need the help of others, and access to cultural resources, for making sense of life, for achieving a worthwhile sense of self, and for the experience of happiness and fulfilment. Identity development and maintenance have an important interpersonal component. Some identity problems may be interpreted as too great a dependence on externals, or too much dependence on internals. Identity is displayed by what individuals think of themselves and what they do to express themselves. A healthy identity is mainly self-validated. It does not need to be continually propped up somewhat artificially by externals, such as the approval of others or identity-related consumerism. Also, a healthy identity does not require too much energy for its maintenance, allowing for personal energies to be directed outwards and not tied up in self-analysis and self-assurance. This view of identity and identity health is useful for education and the care of youth in a number of ways: • It readily allows for an educational role in helping give young people access to cultural resources to assist with their development of self-understanding and self-expression. • It is a useful construct for the interpretation of behaviour in the light of identity motivations. • It has a strong psychological focus and is related to self-knowledge and self-esteem, and to purpose and meaning in life.
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• Yet it retains significant links with social interactions and cultural identity resources. • It allows for the identification of ‘identity content’ that is open to moral evaluation. This interpretation of identity is like ‘meaning’ viewed from the perspective of selfexpression and self-understanding. It regards identity as the consistent moral picture of people that emerges from their behaviour; it is an expression of what sort of a person they are, of what they think of themselves and what sense they make of life. Identity has a momentum about it; it is relatively fixed, but it can change. It can be influenced by new experience coupled with personal reflection and interpretation. It can be affected by perceptions of what others think of the individual; also, it can change in the light of perceptions of the identity of others, especially if they are favoured role models. Personal identity can be influenced and sustained by social interaction, including relationships with groups and institutions. This view includes the Ricoeur-inspired notion of identity as personal interpretation arising from reflection. But it suggests that identity is not just a process of reflection that articulates the current working hypothesis of self; it acknowledges that externals and social interaction are crucial reference points and raw material for identity. For some, the problem with identity is precisely a lack of the sort of reflection that Ricoeur saw as constituting identity. They may give little or no thought to identity but may live with the stereotypes and values they have absorbed unconsciously. They are less consciously involved in their identity construction – it could be said that they display an identity by default. Personal identity development needs some basic socialisation into the beliefs, values and culture of the individual’s family and immediate community, and into some sense of the identities of the groups in which they will participate – hopefully positive and non-exclusive. These components should not be fixed and unchangeable, but open to confirmation, evaluation and modification. This view of identity and identity health can be expanded within a values framework. A strong sense of personal identity can be the driving force behind idealistic and humane action; it can reinforce links with others from various groups; and it can serve as a source of courage in adversity. But at times, for various reasons, individuals can feel fragile and uncertain about their identity. A diffuse identity can be related to erratic and immoral behaviour. A natural interest in maintaining and enhancing identity is healthy, though a concern to project a particular identity may be a facade protecting inner uncertainty. Individuals may appeal to a particular identity to justify their actions – both moral and immoral ones. Anxiety about identity can be caused by various things ranging from, for example, the poor form of one’s favourite sporting team to fear that immigrants may threaten one’s jobs and lifestyle. How individuals and groups define themselves, and what cultural elements they draw on to do this, will reveal something about their values and their understanding of what it means to be human. This view of identity health stresses the importance of inner identity resources. It shows identity intimately linked with meaning and spirituality. The advice that Polonius gave to Laertes is pertinent here: ‘To thine own self be true; then it follows as surely as the day follows the night that thou shalt not be false to any man.’ Inner truth is achieved first by knowing what one’s moral identity and values are; then there is fidelity to those commitments.
Research perspectives on the nature and development of identity
Notes 1 R Eckersley et al. 2006, Flashpoints and signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people, p. 8. 2 A useful discussion of personal development as portrayed by the developmental theories is provided in BV Hill 2004, Exploring religion in school: A national priority, pp. 117–24. 3 See the following titles by EH Erikson: 1963, Childhood and society; 1965, The challenge of youth; 1968, Identity: Youth and crisis; 1974, Dimensions of a new identity; 1980, Identity and the life cycle. 4 L Kohlberg 1984, Essays on moral development: The psychology of moral development. 5 JW Fowler 1981, Stages of faith: The psychology of human development and the quest for meaning; 1986, Becoming adult, becoming Christian; 1987, Faith development and pastoral care. 6 FK Oser 1993, Toward a logic of religious development: A reply to my critics. In Fowler et al., Stages of faith and religious development: Implications for church education and society. 7 R Kegan 1982, The evolving self: Problems and processes in human development, p. 87. See also AL Strauss 1977, Mirrors and masks: The search for identity; C Taylor 1989, Sources of the self: The making of the modern identity. 8 C Leavey et al. 1992, Sponsoring faith in adolescence: Perspectives on young Catholic women, pp. 89–95. 9 G Moran 1990, No ladder to the sky; G Moran 1980, Religious education development. 10 HJM Hermans 2001, Conceptions of self and identity: Towards a dialogical view. 11 See the Bibliography under Identity: Writings on psychological and sociological theories of identity related to Table 6.1. 12 HJM Hermans 2001, Conceptions of self and identity, pp. 59–60. 13 CH Cooley 1998, On self and social organisation: Charles Horton Cooley. 14 H Blumer 1969, Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and method. 15 P Berger 1963, Invitation to sociology: A humanistic perspective; P Berger 1980, The heretical imperative: Contemporary possibilities of religious affiliation; PL Berger & T Luckmann 1967, The social construction of reality: A treatise in the sociology of knowledge; PL Berger & T Luckmann 1969, The sacred canopy: The sociology of religion. 16 R Eckersley et al. 2006, pp. 26–7. See J Bruner 1987, Life as narrative; KJ & MM Gergen 1988, Narrative and the self as relationship. 17 MH Grimmitt 1987, Religious education and human development: The relationship between studying religions and personal social and moral education, pp. 71–81, 196. 18 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Critical_theory Accessed 19/04/05. 19 T Brennan 1993, History after Lacan, p. xii. 20 JA Miller 1977, Index, J. Lacan, Ecrits: A selection, p. 137. 21 Brennan 1993, pp. 1–25. 22 ibid., p. 4. 23 W Glasser 1972, The identity society, pp. ix, 8. 24 ibid., p. 8. 25 P Bourdieu 1977, Outline of a theory of practice. Bourdieu’s ideas relevant to identity are explained in M Warren 1994, Life Structure and the material conditions of living. 26 For example, G Barna 1994, Baby busters: The disillusioned generation; G Barna 1995, Generation next: What you need to know about today’s youth; T Beaudoin 1998, Virtual faith; M Butcher & M Thomas 2003, Ingenious: Emerging youth cultures in urban Australia; M Cohen 1993, The twenty something American dream; D Coupland 1991, Generation X: Tales for an accelerated culture; W Dunn 1993, The baby bust: A generation comes of age; R Eckersley 2004, Well and good: How we feel and why it matters; R & K Hicks 1999, Boomers, Xers and other strangers: Understanding the generational differences that divide us; C Hamilton 2003, Growth fetish; N Howe & B Strauss 1991, Generations: the history of America’s future 1584–2069; N Howe & B Strauss 1993, 13th generation; N Howe & B Strauss 2000, Millennials rising: The next great generation; R Huntley 2006, The world according to Y; D Lipsky & A Abrams 1994, Late bloomers: Coming of age in America; P Loeb 1994, Generation at the crossroads; C Lumby 1997, Bad girls: The media, sex and feminism in the 90s; H Mackay 1997, Generations: Baby boomers, their parents and their children; M McCrindle 2003, Understanding generation Y; W Mahedy & J Bernardi 1994, A generation alone: Xers making a place in the world; M Mason et
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27 28 29 30 31 32
33 34 35
36 37 38 39 40
al. 2006, The spirit of generation Y: Summary of the final report of a three year study; S Pitman et al. 2003, Profile of young Australians: Facts, figures and issues; W Roof 1993, A generation of seekers; E Watters 2003, Urban tribes: A generation redefines friendship, family and commitment. The review of A Kohn is a useful starting point: 1994, The truth about self-esteem. S Coopersmith 1967, The antecedents of self-esteem, p. 5. Kohn 1994, p. 273. ibid., p. 273. For example, C & M Borba 1978, Self esteem, a classroom affair: 101 ways to help children like themselves; J Clark 1978, Self esteem: A family affair. See Bibliography under Identity and Education – a selection of European and British writings that show a special interest in identity development as an aim for education. Their main focus is religious education in public schools; we have not had an opportunity to determine whether this interest in identity is also evident in more general writings about European education. Links between identity and education are also taken up in pertinent sections of Chapters 16, 21 and 22. F Pajer 2003, School‑based education and religious culture: A European approach to the problem of teaching religion in school, p. 4. Examples from the list of European and British writings referred to in note 32 that focus on the nature of identity from an educational perspective are: Alma & Zock, Altena et al., Carr, C Hermans, Meijer, Pajer. Examples from the list of European and British writings referred to in note 32 that look at strategies and pedagogies intended to develop students’ personal identity are Erricker, Heimbrock, C Hermans, Jackson, Pajer, Ploeger, Schmalzle. Some critiques of the approaches that emphasise personal identity formation are given in writings by Cooling, Watson and Wright. W Meijer 1991, Religious education and personal identity: A problem for the humanities; W Meijer 1995, The plural self: the hermeneutical view on identity and plurality. Meijer 1995, p. 95. Pajer 2003, p. 8. For example, Erricker, Heimbrock, as listed in the Bibliography (note 32). See the writings listed for Cooling, Watson and Wright in the Bibliography (note 32).
7
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
Youth mindlessly acts its identity quest in the theatre of the streets, searching not for goals but for roles, striving for an identity that eludes them. Marshall McLuhan, 1969 1
The process of identity construction implies a gradual development of a comprehensive self-interpretation which makes it possible for the individual to experience life as a meaningful project. Leif Gunnar Engedal, 2006 2
As consumerism reaches increasingly beyond the acquisition of things to the enhancement of the person, the goal of marketing becomes not only to make us dissatisfied with what we have, but also with who we are. As it seeks ever more ways to colonise our consciousness, consumerism both fosters and exploits the restless, insatiable expectation that there has got to be more to life. And in creating this hunger, consumerism offers its own remedy – more consumption. Richard Eckersley, 2006 3
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As shown in the last chapter, research on identity has been mainly, but not exclusively, psychological. It has given special attention to the process of identity development through structural stages, but little to the moral content of identity or to identity health. These latter two dimensions are important for education. The other crucial educational element is identifying and evaluating the influence of culture. Young people’s self-understanding and self-expression are worked out through complex interactions between their identity needs and the identity resources they find in culture. Their quest for a sense of authentic self is a major developmental task. It is complicated because the culture is saturated with many attractive identity proposals, not all of which turn out to be helpful. At the same time, the traditional family and community identity resources do not appear to have the same cogency and plausibility they seemed to have formerly. This chapter will discuss some of the identity issues that young people have to negotiate. The better the understanding adults have of the problems young people face while finding their way through the identity maze, the better they will be able to contribute to a critical education in identity for youth – in the home, school and other contexts. Special attention will be given to the cluster of issues related to consumerism, advertising and the media because of the psychological sway these have over the development of youth identity.
The discussion is organised under the following headings:
7.1
General cultural issues
7.1.1 The changing place of religion as a basic reference point for youth identity and spirituality 7.1.2 Constant change as the baseline reference point for youth identity and spirituality
7.2
Youth identity and consumer culture
7.2.1 Externals, consumerism and young people’s search for identity 7.2.2 Retail identity and the seduction of individuality 7.2.3
Logos and the clothing of identity
7.2.4 Leaping on the brand-wagon: The retail potential of identity needs 7.2.5 The marketing of ‘cool’ to youth 7.2.6 The cost of being cool: some examples 7.2.7
Identity-related advertising for glamour: ‘Be a princess’, ‘Because you’re worth it’
7.2.8 Lifestyle-indexed identity: External identity validation, the conditioning influence of advertising and prolonged adolescence 7.2.9 Branded: The buying and selling of teenagers 7.2.10 The retail potential of teenagers’ dreams for self-improvement 7.2.11 Body image: The marketing strategy of inadequacy and the buying of beauty, sex appeal, and performance
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
7.2.12 Consumer without a cause: The marketing of rebellion to youth and the domestication of nonconformity 7.2.13 A spiritual dimension to marketing? 7.2.14 From James Dean to Clueless: Teenage angst to teenage makeover
7.3
The anatomy and psychological function of ‘cool’
7.3.1 Young people’s search for a ‘cool’ identity 7.3.2 Being acknowledged as cool: A psychological defence and coping mechanism 7.3.3 Cool image, relationships and the intensity of experience 7.3.4 Classic cool: Nike’s successful recipe for cracking the Chinese market 7.3.5 The quest for cool: The new opiate of the masses? 7.3.6 The relationship between cool and violence
7.4
Advertising and identity
7.5
Young men and crisis in male identity
7.1 General cultural issues 7.1.1
The changing place of religion as a basic reference point for youth identity and spirituality
As noted in chapter 1, the constructs identity and spirituality are closely interwoven – spirituality is a core expression of identity, and vice versa.4 For many, but not all, religion enters into their identity and spirituality. Traditionally, religion has been an important identity resource for people, both personally and culturally. For many this still remains the case. Religious beliefs and practices can have a powerful influence on self-understandings and behaviour – and not only on formally religious behaviour. However, as considered in later chapters on spirituality, there is an increasing tendency among young people in Western societies not to see religion, including their own particular tradition, as having a prominent place in their personal development. This is not a new phenomenon; the description fits many nominally religious adults. Today’s youth, as well as inheriting a tradition of secularisation, are subject to an electronically conditioned, global village culture that colours their view of religion itself and offers many alternative sources of meaning and values that can be incorporated into identity.
7.1.2
Constant change as the baseline reference point for youth identity and spirituality
Many young people do not start life with a relatively static cultural-religious baseline; for them, the constant as regards lifestyle and entertainment is change itself. Change may
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therefore have become more of a natural ingredient in the formation of their personal identity. They can seek self-understanding and self-expression by keeping in tune with the latest trends in music, film, fashion, leisure, gadgets like mobile phones and mp3 players, and the Internet, with little reference to traditional beliefs and values; even family traditions may have a minimal place in self-definition. Similarly, there can be problems as regards the extent of young people’s participation in ethnic and national identities. In the sort of world they experience, many conventional distinctions between groups of people have tended to lose their meaning and force. They can go beyond conventional boundaries and draw elements of meaning and identity in a trans-religious, trans-ethnic and trans-national way. This could be regarded as valuable for developing a sense of global human community; but there remains an ambivalence about identity that is evident in a tension between wanting to be universal yet distinctive. While religion and education may be slow to acknowledge these identity issues for youth, this has not been the case for the commercial world. The marketing of consumer products has readily picked up on the identity tension between universalism and individual distinctiveness and it targets young people for purchases that will reinforce both aspects. Music and fashion, especially that generated initially in the United States and the United Kingdom, serve as an international fund of identity resources for youth.
7.2 Youth identity and consumer culture 7.2.1
Externals, consumerism and young people’s search for identity
While one might tend to think of identity mainly as a psychological sense of self, something that is primarily internal, it is a mistake to underestimate the importance of identity externals – and this is precisely where commerce enters the sphere of youth identity and exploits it. Consumer products have something to say about identity, especially for teenagers. They are not just functional; they make a statement! They are linked with identity because they are felt to be distinctive self-expressions of the individual. What may appear to another generation as mindless conformity is often a way for adolescents to find security and belonging within a group. They may not have a strong psychological grasp on identity anyway, and group identification may feel like the only identity they have, covering up the uncertainty and puzzlement within. Group identification may not provide a relatively permanent identity solution, but experimentation with selfexpression helps them discover and try out different identity formats to discover those with which they feel most comfortable. Because this is linked with identity searching, one of the most basic developmental issues they have to deal with, it is understandable then that young people have strong feelings about consumer choices and lifestyle. ‘Forming groups by adopting a particular way of dressing does not resolve these issues, but it is one way of building a safe, understood environment to which they can retreat from time to time and from which they can launch themselves at life.’5 Group identification through dress and stylised social behaviour seems to serve as tem porary reference points in young people’s search for a satisfying sense of self. While their own sense of identity feels fragile, they can rely on group identity to sustain them. When their
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
identity is better articulated and more self-sustained, group membership can become more individualistic and allow for more diversity of expression and interaction with other groups. Identity vulnerability underlies much of the psychological experimentation of youth. Needs for group membership will vary from individual to individual; but for most young people it is fundamental to their search for personal identity. Groups provide an ‘identity haven’, but the cost requires conformity in dress, interests, in-language, music and where to ‘hang out’. Youth will look for many options for group membership and for easy and fluid ways of joining and leaving; if a group does not meet needs, it can readily be abandoned. This uncertainty and experimentation are ripe for commercial colonisation. Industries have developed more or less to cater for the identity experimentation of youth; they manufacture not only the clothes, food and CDs for individual self-expression, but, through slick advertising, promote the images and moods that will be most likely to fuel young people’s desire to buy their products. As will be explored in more detail later, this sort of marketing actually focuses on selling images and values – and the ‘things’ to be purchased are the means for acquiring the attractive lifestyle. Advertising is directed towards individualism, experimentalism, personcentredness, direct experience, pleasure and escape. This taps into the intangibles of youth identity development: human relationships, feelings, dreams, and hopes. Youth consumer choices are not just a matter of individual taste; what they buy demonstrates their ‘style’: things like listening to a particular piece of music, buying [a CD], buying a particular style of clothing are all means of identification. In such a process young people move closer to others who share those same likes and choices. It is a very free, democratic and easy way of finding common identification with others – even at the level of musical and fashion tastes.6
Identification can be as simple as buying a particular cap or wearing the casual ‘uniform’ of the group; or by identifying with causes like Amnesty International or a protest movement. This is easier than expressing intentional membership in a political party or in organised religion, and it does not call for much responsibility or commitment, or for assent to an ideology or system of theology and morality.7 Despite the manipulative uniformity that some adolescent groups or gangs can require of members, it is most often a democratic and egalitarian spirit that is evident. Commerce has long been interested in making a living from marketing products that meet individuals’ needs for distinctive self-expression. For many youth, this can have a disproportionate influence in channelling their self-expression. In turn, it helps create the idea of a distinctive youth subculture: its creation depends heavily on the choices they make in what they buy. Being ‘creative consumers’, their purchases have symbolic meaning as well as functional utility. To reinforce its power over youth consumerism, commerce needs to sustain the myth of identity-oriented purchasing: it purports to be an essential part of identity development. To make the myth even more attractive and potent, it is coloured strongly with images of freedom and individuality, where the operative notion of freedom is choice from a multiplicity of products. Smith and Standish considered that current ambiguity about what constitutes morality is:
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symptomatic of the running together of our excessive preoccupation with individualism and the identity imposed on us as consumers. We think of ourselves as people who express ourselves through choices. To oppose someone’s choice then looks like an unwarranted suppression of their individuality and authenticity, of what is closest and most real to them.8
This interpretation helps explain the sharpness in some young people’s negative reaction to any move that threatens the scope of their choices. In turn, it illustrates the strength of the hold that consumerism can have on them because it is closely associated with their drive to establish an identity. It is therefore difficult to lead young people to see that marketing for distinctiveness can, from another perspective, be a means of mass homogenisation of identity: individuality through the mass marketing of commercial packages. Young people in places as diverse as Sydney, Los Angeles, Cairo and Moscow can be seen wearing a style of clothing that had its origins with African American youth. The tension between distinctiveness and universality has been aptly caught by the fashion industry’s name for this clothing as ‘international urban tribal streetwear’. Somehow for those who wear such clothing the distinctiveness and the universality are harmonised; their dress allows a type of global youth identification, while at the same time making a distinctive statement. When so much clothing like caps and T shirts with brands, names, teams or comments stamped on them is marketed, the specificity of the ‘statements’ may end up being diluted; an item without some identification would become the exception. To some extent the patterns in young people’s social group membership, especially after they leave school, relate to the current sociopolitical settings. The style of groups in the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and 1990s has varied according to the prevailing cultural climates. In the social mix are factors like ideas of romantic liberalism, phases of economic depression, economic rationalism and unemployment, together with trends in the globalisation of commerce, worldwide environmental crisis, and expanding communication technologies. Adolescent groups can shield young people from the harsh realities of the world, and they provide scope for personality experimentation. They also serve as starting points for the exploration to find a meaningful and constructive place in life.
7.2.2
Retail identity and the seduction of individuality
The youth consumerism described above leads towards a ‘retail identity’. Whatever the community thinks about this issue, there is no doubt that astute marketing psychologists see it as basic to their industry. Product and market development target the identity needs of young people as selling points; their natural insecurity and identity vulnerability make them prone to consumerism that is supposed to facilitate experimentation in personal image and identity. This advertising strategy promotes a consumer mentality that says particular consumer products will make a difference to your physical appearance, personal desirability and social status – as well as giving you pleasure and comfort. This stresses the externals of identity. It taps into influential social and cultural themes such as freedom, individuality, popularity and pleasure. These themes work like infrastructure that energises consumerism. Advertising endeavours to develop a symbiotic relationship with these themes to improve its effectiveness. The young (as well as the not so young) are encouraged to see shopping as an integral part of
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
identity development; they can stock up with gear and products that seem to exude desirable image and self-definition. Such marketing strategies engage in a seduction of individuality. This they do in two ways. First, their images and messages promote individuality as a seductive theme: it is very desirable, something that all youth need; they want it; they have a right to it; and they are prepared to pay for it. Phrases like ‘be yourself ’, ‘do your own thing’, ‘be an individual’, ‘be all you can be’, ‘go for it’ are examples of seductive messages. So, marketing to youth tries to seduce them through an appeal to individuality – they are seduced with individuality. Second, through the purchase of products that are supposed to enhance distinctiveness, young people are seduced away from their individuality – they buy consumer packages that short-change them as far as their authentic self is concerned. Through promoting, and then profiting by, a view of individuality as a profile of consumer products (or a ready-made identifying package), the commercial world insinuates a marketable, external, and therefore materialistic notion of identity. If young people are influenced by this thinking and imagery to an excessive degree, they can neglect internal identity resources, thus compromising the health of their identity. The many thousands of television advertisements that young people watch each year, as well as those in print media, strongly promote the development and expression of individuality. They suggest what clothes, shoes, toothpaste, acne cream and perfume are needed to express individuality. But while the enhancement of a personal sense of individuality is promoted, at the same time youth are seduced into accepting a pre-packaged public individuality, which is in part created by the media and the leisure industries. Television advertising fuels the fires of individuality, but in a subtle way then draws people away from it towards a public conformity to the images and lifestyle it projects.9 Consumer advertising can tell you what you need to conform to if you want to be ‘cool’, ‘in’, ‘hip’, ‘whatever’. The collective aura of participation, together with its presence in the private space of people’s homes, make television a powerful instrument for promoting public individuality. The comments of Marshall McLuhan in the 1960s now sound like a prophecy fulfilled: ‘Television seduces us from the literate and private point of view to the complex and inclusive world of the group icon. Instead of presenting a private argument it offers a way of life that is for everybody.’10 Youth conformity to advertised images poses a significant dilemma for individuality. Where cloning and clichés sustained by television images are relied on too much for desirable individuality, young people may come to wonder if they have any inner private life or identity at all.
7.2.3
Logos and the clothing of identity
Much can be learned about youth identity development from the psychology of advertising and the work of marketers. In her book No Logo (2000), Naomi Klein has written in support of an anti-corporate attitude she sees arising as resistance to the manipulative activity of transnational corporations. She argues that the globalisation of markets and the so-called free trade that facilitate the growth of transnationals are usually not fair and will often marginalise the poor and nonpowerful – for example, cheap Third World labour producing consumer goods marketed in Western technological societies. What is pertinent to our discussion here is her view of how
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webs of ‘logos’ or ‘corporate brands’ came to be more prominent in marketing and retail success than the actual products themselves. Her explanation for this was in the psychological mechanisms of identity development.
7.2.4
Leaping on the brand-wagon: The retail potential of identity needs
Mass-produced consumer goods are relatively indistinguishable at a technical level; so ‘image-based’ differences were developed to make the brand name more attractive. Given the competition for consumer attention, ‘branding’ seemed to become a necessity for making products stick in consumers’ minds. The success of this branding depended on its psychological appeal; everything was done to promote brand image and brand loyalty. Marketing endeavoured to show how the ‘meaning’ and ‘mystique’ of brands harmonised with people’s lifestyle and aspirations; what they wanted was to forge consumer identi fication and emotional ties with brands. While many people were attracted to the ‘bargain basement’ tier of consumerism for basic requirements, a second tier of ‘premium brands’ catered for people’s need for status, ‘attitude’ and external indicators of quality lifestyle. Klein reported the claim of the CEO of Starbucks coffee franchise ‘The people who line up for Starbucks, aren’t just there for the coffee. “It is the romance of the coffee experience, the feeling of warmth and community people get in Starbucks stores.”’11 Starbucks’ vice-president of marketing, who had formerly directed the Nike ‘Just do it!’ campaign, added: Nike, for example, is leveraging the deep emotional connection that people have with sports and fitness. With Starbucks, we see how coffee has woven itself into the fabric of people’s lives, and that is our opportunity for emotional leverage … A great brand raises the bar – it adds a greater sense of purpose to the experience, whether it’s the challenge to do your best in sports and fitness or the reaffirmation that the cup of coffee you’re drinking really matters.12
Similarly, the Diesel Jeans owner said, ‘We don’t sell a product, we sell a style of life. I think we have created a movement … the Diesel concept is everything. It’s the way to live; it’s the way to wear; it’s the way to do something.’ And the Body Shop founder explained that ‘her stores aren’t about what they sell, they are the conveyors of a grand idea – a political philosophy about women, the environment and ethical business’.13 The pursuit of beauty with a conscience! Klein continued: [Companies were] looking to replace their cumbersome product production apparatus with transcendent brand names and to infuse their brands with deep, meaningful messages … No longer simply branding their own products, but branding the outside culture as well – by sponsoring cultural events, they could go out into the world and claim bits of it as brand-name outposts. For these companies, branding was not just a matter of adding value to a product. It was about thirstily soaking up cultural ideas and iconography that their brands could reflect by projecting these ideas and images back on the culture as ‘extensions’ of their brands. Culture, in other words, would add value to their brands …
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
The effect, if not always the original intent, of the advanced branding is to nudge the hosting culture into the background and make the brand the star. It is not to sponsor culture but to be the culture. And why shouldn’t it be? If brands are not products but ideas, attitudes, values and experiences, why can’t they be culture too? This project has been so successful that the lines between corporate sponsors and sponsored culture have entirely disappeared.14
Development of the brand mystique operates through a network of marketing, advertising, television, films, the Internet, computer games, magazines, music and film stars, sporting personalities, corporate event and space sponsorship, merchandise licensing, linked food deals, and brand loyalty programs – as well as peer-to-peer marketing. It is as if these colossal branding networks, which increasingly operate at a global level, seek to imprint branding on people’s souls, making it an essential aspect of identity development – constructing your own unique self-expression through your personal pattern of branding; and in turn, giving this mechanism colossal commercial consequences.
7.2.5
The marketing of ‘cool’ to youth
While teenagers have long attracted some marketing attention, given their level of discretionary income since the 1950s, the youth market appears to have become a much bigger business since the early 1990s. But this was not an easy market to predict, given the emotional unpredictability of pre-teenagers and teenagers in Western societies; there was also difficulty in working out what young people regarded as ‘cool’, which had a built-in notion of being ever changing. Nevertheless, marketers set out to ‘colonise’ the self-consciousness of children and young adults. Klein noted that: Peer pressure emerged as a powerful market force [for teenagers], making the keeping-upwith-the-Joneses consumerism of their suburban parents pale by comparison … It was not going to be sufficient for companies simply to market their same products to a younger demographic; they needed to fashion brand identities that would resonate with this new [youth] culture. If they were going to turn their lacklustre products into transcendent meaning machines – as the dictates of branding demanded – they would need to remake themselves in the image of nineties cool: its music, styles and politics. Cool, alternative, young, hip – whatever you want to call it – was the perfect identity for product-driven companies looking to become transcendent image-based brands [for the youth market] … [Marketing made a] frantic effort to isolate and reproduce in TV commercials the precise ‘attitude’ [young people] were driven to consume … Everywhere, ‘Am I cool?’ became the deeply dull and all-consuming question of every moment [both for teenagers as well as marketing executives.] … The quest for cool is by nature riddled with self-doubt … except now the harrowing doubts of adolescence are the billion-dollar questions of our age.15
Klein drew attention to the market research of so-called ‘cool hunters’ who sought to identify new trends for market exploitation; she considered that, armed with the trendspotting of their:
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cool hunters, the legal stalkers of youth culture, … the superbrands became the perennial teenage followers, trailing the scent of cool wherever it led … With the tentacles of branding reaching into every crevice of youth culture, leaching brand-image content not only out of the street styles like hip-hop but psychological attitudes like ironic detach ment, the cool hunt has had to go further afield to find unpilfered space. The youth culture feeding frenzy … [tended to make youth] victims of a predatory marketing machine that co-opted identities, [personal] styles and ideas and turned them into brand food.16
7.2.6
The cost of being cool: Some examples
‘Civvies day’ has been a fun and/or a fund-raising venture for a number of Australian schools. Students and teachers could dress casually; for students it is one of the few days they did not have to conform to wearing a school uniform. However, a different ‘conformism’ came into play. Some schools abandoned civvies day because of the extraordinary competitiveness it triggered among the students to wear status label clothes and footwear. The so-called casual regime instantly registered a social stratification based on who wore the most ‘in’ or ‘cool’ gear. It played on the teenagers’ fears of being social outcasts or physically unappealing; insurance against this threat was taken out in the form of ‘in’ clothing. The phenomenon of ‘schoolies week’ is an example of a teenage event available for commercial colonisation. The annual migration of large numbers of graduating high school students to beach areas to celebrate the end of their school years is evidently worth fostering commercially. Both subtle and not-so-subtle marketing ploys set out to sustain and enhance the social reality in teenage culture about the importance of this rite of passage. The driving force of the event is teenagers’ thinking that this is the ‘done thing’ – they just have to be there. Chaperones, counsellors and even people signified as ‘chaplains’ were put into place to ease parental anxieties. No doubt many teenagers make a good celebration of the week, even if for some it is time for experimentation in risky behaviours. Whatever its meaning for the participants, it is another commercial opportunity for the promotion of public individuality in teenagers. ‘Why the school formal is the new teen wedding’ was the headline for a recent newspaper article. ‘A walk down the aisle may be a decade away, but Sydney schoolgirls are indulging their bridal fantasies by spending wedding dress prices on their school formal fashions.’17 This is an example of how teenage imaginations and dreams are being tapped for their commercial potential. School formal fashion shows were held, with thousands of girls and mothers attending. With ‘must-have’ packages to include dress, hair styling, shoes, accessories, as well as ‘after-parties’ outfits, flowers, cosmetics and limousine hire, and even the ‘right’ lingerie, the cost of keeping up with social expectations could range upwards to $2000 and beyond. The article suggested that ‘with interest in marriage declining, retailers are cashing in on the one rite of passage guaranteed to the modern schoolgirl’. Ideas like the big night, keeping up with trends, pressure to dress up, spending big, no limits, competition, designer brands, and avoiding copycats, are part of the thinking and language that sustain the enterprise. This is the thinking and imagery that commerce wants to enhance as central to the social reality around the school formal. It is likely that the idea of Year 10 formals will be strengthened as a prelude to the Year 12 formal.
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
Orchestrating the social reality of teenagers is central to youth marketing; it relies on youth themselves to sustain, through their social interaction, the identity myths that drive their distinctive consumerism. It appeals to not only their need for freedom and individuality, but to derivative themes like popularity and social status. ‘The heavy duty marketing from the cradle onward has warped the social lives of today’s teenagers and exacerbated caste snobbery in the classrooms. The standard “pretty and popular” refrain has changed. Now teens judge one another more for the brands they wear and how much money they or their families had.’18 It is not that there is anything wrong with civvies days, formals or schoolies week as such. Our concern is with maintaining a balance. When media-hyped consumerism and social status overtake the events, the dominant concerns of teenagers end up miles away from enjoying themselves with friends. Then, the worry, anxiety, planning and expense, not only for themselves but for their families, seriously distort the meaning of the events. This also affects youth leisure time: some have to undertake extensive part-time work to earn enough to keep up with more well-off peers. Helping youth get matters like this into some perspective is a concern not only for education but also for parenting. The idea of social deconstruction is becoming more evident as a ‘critical’ element in school programs like English and Social Science, as well as in religious and moral education. But it is difficult, and therefore somewhat unlikely, for teenagers to look critically at what have become prized events in their social calendar.
7.2.7
Identity-related advertising for glamour: ‘Be a princess’, ‘Because you’re worth it’
In December 2005, the Daily Telegraph recorded the sad news in a two-page spread: Sydney racing’s day of embarrassment. The day only a few hardy souls turned up to watch the worst Randwick meeting since 1962. 53 horses, 22 jockeys, 39 trainers, 6 races, 20 bookies and 150 punters. Sydney racing hit rock bottom yesterday … Just 6 sorry races in front of empty grandstands and ghost-like betting rings.19
But whatever the problems for mid-week racing, Royal Randwick bustled with large crowds at the Easter carnival. In fact, over a few years, attendance had increased by 40 per cent – that is, by more than 50 000 people. There had been a decline in attendance during and after the 1970s. But this was turned around in a most dramatic ‘fashion’. What brought about this change? The answer: Arguably, the most successful advertising campaign in recent Australian history. At the beginning of 2002, Tony King, CEO of the Australian Jockey Club, introduced the ‘Princesses campaign’ developed by the firm Ad Partners. The strategy of specifically targeting women who were believed to be ‘commercially vulnerable’ to the image of glamour was evident in commentary on the Princesses campaigns in the advertising industry journal B&T (‘Australia’s highest circulating advertising, marketing and media magazine’). The titles of three articles in recent years were ‘AJC woos younger crowd to “party”’, ‘AJC pampers women to boost racing numbers’ and ‘AJC relies on princess pulling power’.20
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Excerpts from the articles read: The Australian Jockey Club is continuing its campaign to position the races as a sexy social event with the launch of its latest campaign … [It] features provocative images of a beautiful woman preparing herself for a day at the races and features the new tagline ‘Princesses approve’ replacing [the earlier] ‘Princesses welcome’. (2004) The AJC is celebrating the role women play in modern day racing … The campaign, targeted at females aged 20-30 years, features images of immaculate women and racehorses, set to the ‘Strangers in Paradise’ soundtrack. [The] AJC marketing manager said the campaign highlighted the social nature of the racing event … ‘[It] is about ladies dressing up and feeling good about themselves. Our research indicates that ladies consider Royal Randwick as one of the only social places where they can dress up, put on a hat, feel safe and have a great day.’ (2003) [AJC spokeswoman Martin said] ‘In a sign of the potency of the princesses concept, ticket sales for the ‘Springfest’ lawn party were up by 60% on last year, and many corporate hospitality areas had already sold out’ [despite the lateness of the campaign and the cuts to advertising spending]. ‘The princesses campaign was so successful, we are running with it again. The AJC was confident its target market would respond.’ (2005)
At the racetrack, much was done to make the potential princesses feel welcome and suitably entertained. There were extensive ‘lawn parties’ (which might cost $200 or more), corporate hospitality areas, fashion prizes for the best dressed (over $250 000), themed villages, DJs and bands, plenty of alcohol, and pampering sessions for the ladies including massages, make-up artists, hair stylists, hot tubs, clairvoyants, and tattooists. There were also some horse races. The billboards showed women in various poses from the bubble bath through to haute coutured perfection, capped with exotic millinery – projecting the imagery of princesses preparing to attend the race carnival. This was complemented with limited radio and television advertising, together with the ‘secondary’ advertising from newspaper articles, for example ‘Just as the horses need to be race track ready, so do the fashionable fillies’.21 It worked. A large number of women in the age range 18–35 responded. And where the princesses went, the princes were sure to follow. One of the radio advertisements said: While the initial increase in attendance (2002–2003) was 19%, numbers of women attending increased by 33%. The commercial implications were significant. In addition to heavy trackside expenditure on drink, food and entertainment, the princesses campaign had significant off-track spinoffs. Princess related dress sales were notable; demand was sufficient for David Jones department store to resurrect its millinery department; also, their suit sales to men increased. As a result, David Jones signed up to sponsor the AJC Easter Saturday Derby for five years. In addition, there was a related upturn in business for day spas and nail, hair, tanning and beauty salons – all concerned with the business of princess preparation.
But, one might ask: ‘What is the problem? Dressing up has always been a part of “going out” – from the country town show to the Melbourne Cup. And if young people are more often
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
than not “dressing down”, then dressing more formally is a welcome change.’ This is true, but it is a question of balance – how lifestyle maintenance enhances or distorts the larger life project, and the extent to which it consumes financial resources. Ultimately the issue here is about the evaluation of lifestyle and the extent to which lifestyle becomes a core element in personal identity. Having a fun outing is a basic part of being human; but if this becomes too strong a preoccupation, perhaps an obsession, it will impact negatively on personality and wellbeing. Also pertinent is the way in which commercially orchestrated imagery can have such an impact on lifestyle and expenditure on entertainment – the Princesses campaigns raised the ‘fashion stakes’ to a new level, and the trend has spread to other cities. The princess myth has powerful archetypal roots in the psyche – as considered in a newspaper article entitled ‘Princess power: A nation of Princesses; the favourite fantasy of Australian women; From theatre to reality TV, the myth of the princess has never been more popular’.22 And consumer advertising has been attuned to this mythology; it taps into primal anxieties about not being attractive and accepted. For example, this article noted that: At the heart of the Princess myth lies the notion of transformation. Inside the female, the myth goes, waits a flawless being, gracious and pure. . and physically beautiful of course. It just takes someone – a fairy godmother, Prince or reality-television producer – to pare back the soiled layers and scrub off the tarnish, and the true, perfect self is revealed. The delicious moment in so many fairytales, books and films is this rebirth, when the true self emerges shyly. The key word that wannabe princesses … use to describe this transformed being is ‘power’, in various forms – ‘empowered’ and ‘powerful’ … This kind of transformation gives women . . a path to discovering themselves.
In the 1950s, it was unlikely that the AJC princess campaign would have been successful, or even thought of. It was not that young women at the time were unaffected by a princess mythology; but for most, the chance that the myth would become a reality was presumed to be the lot of royalty and the rich. They seemed content that such a magical change would never happen to anyone in their accepted station in life. But today things have changed. A consumer-oriented lifestyle is now more widely accepted and practised, even by those who cannot afford it. ‘What once might have been a mythological process, a fairy tale or a story that was a metaphor for something has become something that people see as quite real and potentially doable.’23 The expectation is there; and all can participate in it to some extent by wearing the right ‘uniform’, being in the right place and behaving in the ‘proper’ fashion. And smart industries can capitalise on this expectation. The popularity of the AJC campaign was partly because of its explicit use of the word ‘princess’. It was like a badge, ticket or brand for the young women seeking psychological cachet by participating in the process. The word was an instant reminder of their identity aspiration. In a world where appearance was everything, assigning yourself a ‘princess label’ was at least a good start, and it might be the turning point for a successful future. But even better than that, you are ‘told’ you are a princess by someone else; you are validated by a recognised external source. In 2005, when the television reality program Australian Princess was in production, the call went out for fourteen young women contestants. More than four thousand applied. The
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executive producer responsible for recruitment talked about the candidates: ‘They genuinely felt that they wanted to change. They felt it might give them a platform to make a difference.’ One of the candidates who made it through to the final rounds said: ‘I think every woman’s desire is to be the beauty of the story. I guess I believe in myself as a princess in a way. Not royalty and blood, but I know the woman inside of me and I desired the opportunity to shine.’ Moses, the author of the abovementioned article, summed it up as follows: ‘It’s clear the appeal of the Princess goes far deeper than the desire to walk nicely and wear the ball gown. The aspiration is as much about transforming the personality as it is about polishing the exterior.’24 No doubt the transformation of Tasmanian girl Mary Donaldson into the Crown Princess of Denmark, with its ongoing TV and magazine coverage, has helped fuel the princess mythology. The princess imagery is now prominent in advertising for racing around the country, even if the word is not used explicitly. Being treated like a princess also features in other advertisements (for example for the Crown Casino). The power of the princess myth has even resonated in religious circles. The ‘Hillsong [Pentecostal] church [in Sydney] frames segments of its women’s ministry in the language of royalty – instead of being Christ’s brides, women are now his princesses’.25 Michael Carr-Gregg, a prominent Australian child psychologist, has a different take on the princess myth. He was concerned about the level of behavioural problems in adolescent girls; his guide for helping them is published under the title The princess bitchface syndrome.26 While there may not be many schoolgirls at the racetrack, the glamour princess mythology is alive and well in girls of school age. It may well be that its expression in 18–35-year-olds is more a prolongation of unresolved teenage identity needs than an agenda that schoolgirls face for the first time when they leave school. At this point, we will return to the central question raised earlier about the evaluation of lifestyle and its relationship with identity dynamics.
7.2.8
Lifestyle-indexed identity: External identity validation, the conditioning influence of advertising and prolonged adolescence
A newspaper article by Delaney entitled ‘Absolutely fabulous: Spend, glam up and party, but is self-indulgence all it takes to make a young woman happy?’ suggests that princesses at the racetrack is but one of a number of similar phenomena in the contemporary lifestyle of young women.27 For many, a costly night (or day) out is planned about twice a month; for others, partying is standard practice every weekend; for some, alcohol is taken both before and during the outing, while they move on to cocaine and ‘ice’ (crystal methamphetamine) to keep them going when they tire. Young men participate just as readily in this social scene; their ‘take’ on glamour mythology is different, but nonetheless potent. But for both young men and women, their participation in such a social life to various extents provides psychological self-validation. This is often a big component of their lifestyle; and it has psychological roots into their identity because it provides the ‘psychological buzz’ or ‘instant feel-good’ on which they have become dependent for a sense of personal validation. The proposed model for identity health in Chapter 6 calls especially for the development of internal identity resources to complement the external. But in a culture where for many lifestyle assumes greater importance than values or commitments, the internalisation of
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
identity resources is inhibited by a growing dependence on external validations – especially in a combination of experience and consumer goods. The ‘buzz’ or ‘feel-good’ therefore becomes a type of identity holy grail. If life is primarily about ‘feeling good’, then young people will constantly search for experiences that will deliver instant feel-good. Problems occur when buzzes with increasingly higher ‘voltage’ are required for satisfaction; and where more and more money is paid for maintaining the buzz. By contrast, the attraction in longterm goals is often not strong enough to have much more than a vague influence – goals and ambitions may be OK as long as they do not compromise current lifestyle too much. If you are young and cashed up … glamour rules. It’s the dominant aesthetic, but it’s also an attitude and way of life, one with its own rules and role models. More than that, however, the lust for glamour is deeply emblematic of our age. We are fixated with celebrities, image and style. Prosperity has given us the cash to spend, and a consumer culture that rewards self-absorption encourages us to spend it on ourselves … [Those strongly influenced by the myth of glamour] are also the ultimate products of consumer culture. Rather than rebelling against it, they have turned up the volume and embraced it with a look that is maxi consumer.28
What she says is no doubt true for some, and is more pertinent to women than men; for men, glamour includes more of the following in the mix: ego, competitiveness, physical prowess, ‘toys’ like cars, and success in work – rather than glamorous appearance as such. But if the words self-validation through lifestyle – that is, activities that make one feel valuable, accepted, important and attractive – were substituted in place of glamour, this paragraph would become much more insightful into young people’s identity dynamics, both men and women. People’s identity or sense of self needs to be affirmed not just once but continually; some regular recognition and acceptance from outside the self are needed to nourish the identity and keep it alive. Lifestyle activities, probably even more than possessions, have become the principal source of this external validation; and this taps into basic meaning and purpose, perhaps with more influence than one might expect in a healthy identity. Externals, especially consumer items, help give a ‘concrete’ sense of identity. In a sense people can feel that they do not have to wait until after death to go to heaven; they can have ‘consumer paradise’ right here and now. Access to a particular lifestyle and reference groups supplies people with an instantaneous feeling of identification; the kudos readily rubs off on them; it can underscore what they think they need for the rest of their life. But if the external validation they depend on breaks down (for example when a strongly careeroriented person is retrenched or retires) an identity crisis may result. In addition, lifestyle can even tap into people’s natural concern that their passage through life should leave some mark; if they do not see themselves making a mark through family, work achievements and their own personal integrity, there is the temptation to make a statement through lifestyle. If people do not have a strong sense of doing something meaningful and satisfying that is not so strongly indexed to lifestyle, they are more likely to look continually for self-validation in lifestyle activity. In other words, if there are not influential internal goals and values, people will be more inclined to pursue the immediate feel-good or buzz to fill the void. Periodic doses of external self-validation can keep them going; the princess and night-out activities
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referred to earlier can top up their needs. The more self-validation from lifestyle, the more they feel that it also gives them meaning and purpose. Identity health is compromised if the psychological and financial cost of continual feel-good validation becomes excessive. On the other hand, a healthy lifestyle (in the broadest sense) enhances identity. Another factor also enters the equation: where self-validation is primarily external, it is open to commercial colonisation. The conditioning influence of lifestyle advertising
Advertising not only markets specific items for self-validation, but promotes and sustains the rationale for an external self-validation. It keeps the myth of consumer or lifestyle identity on low simmer. People sense that they belong to a particular lifestyle; it identifies them. And every sign of lifestyle advertising is like a banner affirming who they are – hence television and glossy magazine advertising provide an identity infrastructure that reminds them ‘this is where you belong’; this may operate at a relatively unconscious level through an iconography of consumerism. The identity imagery in advertising is atmospheric; it assures people that they are on track as far as lifestyle – and meaning in life – are concerned; you have identified with the right group and the right brands. Some examples: ‘Absolutely everything you desire’ (Lancôme Paris); ‘Limited time Unlimited luxury’ (Target USA); ‘Because you’re worth it’ (L’Oréal Paris); The full-page advertisement for Bluefly USA, online retailers, lists an extensive range of consumer feelings, in which the word NEED was highlighted – ‘Joy rage envy desire passion jealousy hurt elation success thirst victory boredom fury NEED want lust sex crave rapture hunger triumph stress thrill pleasure ache rush conquest revenge That’s why I NEED Bluefly.’29 Money and maintenance of lifestyle-indexed identity
Young people need money to pursue the common consumer- and entertainment-related forms of self-validation, even if it eats up more than a healthy proportion of their total earnings. For those who are supported financially to some extent by their family, lifestyle maintenance is even easier; they can live more extravagantly, or they can spend less time working to reach the desired level of disposable income, leaving more time for lifestyle options. Advertising psychology is well aware of these dynamics; it is in the best commercial interest to keep this mythology alive and well. Most advertising in television and magazines therefore has a dual function: it promotes the targeted item while at the same time sustaining the myth of consumer-related identity development. This mythology in turn fuels consumerism. As discussed in Frank’s book Luxury fever, ‘luxury purchases, if adopted by enough people, become the status quo. In order to fit in or just to keep up, we have to spend more money, as in some sort of consumer arms race’.30 ‘Gawk’-related identity
In Tokyo, distinctively dressed groups of teenagers congregate in the Harajuku shopping area to be ‘gawked’ at by shoppers – for example the Gothiloli (Gothic Lolitas); they have
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
become a tourist attraction, like the pink-haired punks who used to hang out around the Tower of London. Here, self-validation is achieved by being noticed or stared at for looking different. For some, it may be rebelliousness expressed in a conformist sort of way; but getting attention provides a self-validation. Gawk-related identity usually requires wearing a recognised ‘uniform’ that demarcates the tribe. There have been a succession of types since the bodgies and widgies of the 1950s. One of the most recently documented is the Emos (designating a special relationship with emotional punk music), with preferred music, dress, hangouts and heroes/heroines.31 There is much more to identity dynamics within groups than being noticed (7.2.1), but in some instances it exercises a powerful influence on behaviour as young people experiment with self-expression. The evaluation of lifestyle as part of identity development
Lifestyle is a natural part of being human; we all display one. The importance of people’s planning and implementing a particular lifestyle is not in question. What is proposed here is the need for reflection about the meaning of lifestyle and about factors that have a conditioning influence on it. This can help with an evaluation of one’s lifestyle, to check whether it is consistent with core values. Also, the value stance taken here presumes that the life project needs to be ‘larger’ than lifestyle; otherwise, excesses in lifestyle can eventually be damaging for the individual’s wellbeing and that of others. Problems can arise with respect to the sources, scope and spread of identity affirmation. Hence the purpose of analyses like the above is to inform self-evaluation in the light of what it means to have a healthy identity. It seeks to promote substantial rather than ephemeral resources for identity development. And it seeks personal truth in self-understanding rather than an identity that includes pretence and illusion; in other words, it tries to identify and name what is illusory. The warning in Kurt Vonnegut’s novel Mother night is pertinent: ‘We are what we pretend to be, so we must be careful what we pretend to be.’32 Resourcing young people’s identity self-evaluation
Consideration of links between lifestyle and identity is always difficult because it is close to the bone. It is ultimately about individuals’ reviewing how their life structure shapes up against their ideal self. And this is a very personal activity. The bulk of this chapter provides raw material that can assist in the self-evaluative process, which usually begins with analysis of what is happening out there in the culture before personal implications can be teased out. One of the difficult tasks of an education in identity is to resource young people’s capacity for self-evaluation by helping them access the pertinent issues and ideas. Precisely because of their identity vulnerability, they are not always receptive to critiques of lifestyle or culture, particularly if they feel that this threatens their options. So it is realistic not to expect evidence of too much progress; even pointing young people in the right direction may be the first helpful step towards a mature identity. Ambiguity abounds in the personal self-evaluation process. We have met young people who are able to discuss many of the above-mentioned issues in an intelligent and responsible way; but we are also aware that the profile of their own lifestyle (how they spend their time and money) is evidence of these very problems. A critical awareness of problems in identity-
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related consumerism does not seem to be inconsistent with being avid consumers who need the identity cachet of their purchases and leisure activities. Trying to resource young people’s evaluation of self and lifestyle means taking a value stance with respect to materialism and consumerism; and this is not the most attractive stance to commend to today’s youth. But at least those involved in education and care of youth can acquaint them with such views, together with the concerns for human wellbeing that motivate them. For example: We’re in the inevitable progression of individualistic culture where what’s important is very much what relates to the individual person and his or her attributes. If we take materialism – glamour and good looks are part of that – the evidence suggests that, far from making us happier, materialism is linked to lower wellbeing, alienation and lower happiness levels. One of the problems with consumer culture is that it tends towards the excess – because ultimately what you get out of it is not deeply fulfilling. You quickly adapt to that level of achievement – you quickly adapt and want the next hit. That’s what happens when too much of your life focuses on the personal and individual.33
Another key issue to consider is the time, energy and cost (both psychological and financial) that go into self-validation. A healthy identity should not need too much attention; it is not narcissistic. If too much has to be done to ‘prove’ an identity, especially to outsiders, this is an indicator of identity sickness. Rather, a healthy identity should be able to channel energy into worthy projects outside the self; it should be altruistic and even self-forgetful. In this sense, one’s life needs to be larger than one’s identity. A preoccupation with external self-validation may be part of a more enveloping selfcentredness. For young people who by nature and/or nurture are highly self-centred, their lives tend to revolve exclusively around self-satisfying activities. But a life spent in pursuit of just what pleases the self can end up feeling empty, because it does not have the emotional space to engage meaningfully with others. Some young people suffering from this problem may seek psychological help, asking ‘What do I need so that I don’t feel so empty?’ But a helpful solution cannot be found within this limited frame of reference; it requires questioning the value of ‘meeting needs’ as the ultimate criterion for fulfilment. Just as identity should be more than lifestyle, so fulfilment should be more than self-satisfaction. Also in need of evaluation is the way that focus-on-self is a mantra for lifestyle advertising. This consumer orientation can so occupy young people’s attention that it inhibits the development of an identity based more on internal resources, extending the identity resolution tasks that are usually judged to be a part of adolescence. The prolongation of adolescence
Many of the lifestyle and identity issues discussed here have been referenced to the 18–35 age group, even though they are often evident in older people as well as in young people of school age. One could expect that sorting out a balance between internal and external identity resources is a project that gets under way in adolescence, and that substantial
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progress would be made by the early twenties. But ambivalence about links between lifestyle and identity remains an ongoing problem for young adults. It is as if the developmental tasks of adolescence are being prolonged. A cluster of cultural factors is extending the time between leaving school and becoming financially and domestically independent: More time is spent studying at university and technical colleges; the high cost of independent living inclines post-school youth to stay at home; finding secure employment with a clear career pathway is more difficult, as is taking time out for travel. The drive to have a satisfying lifestyle and the associated financial and social costs interrelates with these factors and the resultant mix has a significant effect on personal relationships. The most obvious statistic is the increasing average age at marriage; the idea of marrying, ‘settling down’ and raising a family is being postponed or perhaps even taken off the agenda. In addition, consumer-lifestyle self-validation affects relationships because the tendency to seek existential ‘feel-good/buzz’ experiences makes instant satisfaction and enjoyment the focal point; and this may not be a good recipe for successful, enduring friendship. If people carry a mainly self-centred interest into their relationships, it is understandable that this will naturally make the association more ephemeral; if the survival of a relationship depends only on the level of self-affirmation each partner derives from it, then it is less likely that the couple will be able to make a long-term, meaningful project together with shared goals, values and commitments. Such an association could readily stall once the couple passed the initial stage of being ‘in love’ when feelings of infatuation provided copious self-validation; this occurs when, for various reasons, they are unable to progress to an ongoing loving relationship that is sustained by commitment and not just emotion (even though emotional compatibility will always remain important).
7.2.9
Branded: The buying and selling of teenagers
Market research has understood the psychology of identity development well enough to plan successful links between branded consumer products and the perceived needs of young people. Advertising imagery orchestrates their imaginations in non-verbal as well as verbal ways, to make them more receptive to brand messages. This process is encapsulated in the title of Alissa Quart’s book Branded: The buying and selling of teenagers (2003). She followed up Klein’s interpretation of marketing as preying on young people’s identity vulnerabilities. In addition, she showed how marketing had pushed further into childhood to tap the new retail potential of pre-teenagers – the 11–13-year-olds. The comment on the back cover summarised her intentions as follows: [The book shows] how teenagers succumb to constant commercial battering designed to reduce their individuality and creativity, the effects of targeted messages on emerging teen identities and how they are subtly taught to market to each other … also the bravery of isolated young people who fight back, turning the tables on the cocksure mega-corporations striving to crack the codes of teen[age] cool. These kids prove it isn’t necessary to give in to branding, but it’s a drop in the ocean when an entire generation is being raised to consume.
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In addition to the move by brand names to market products for ever younger children, there is even a luxury product range for babies. A newspaper reported the trend as follows: Why babies need luxury gear. Fussy cashed-up parents are digging deep for the right look. Baby gear (clothing, cots, prams, nappy bags, feeding chairs and the rest) has gone from the stuff of necessity to that of status – for the parents anyway … But the strange thing about the current obsession for the best, coolest and latest for our babies is that it has nothing to do with our babies at all. In the United States, annual sales of specialty baby toiletries . . have tripled since 2001 to USD$75 million. First time parents are getting older (one in ten first time mothers in Australia is aged over 35). They have more money, know what they want, have lived and breathed the dominating culture of consumption and, at the end of a long day, the shopping is guilt-free when it is for someone who can’t say ‘No’. 34
Older children and teenagers, both rich and poor alike, seem to be prone to seeking status and desirability through the brands of the consumer goods they purchase – the brand label apparently carrying more identity weight than the actual products themselves. Today’s teens are victims of the contemporary luxury economy. Raised by a commodity culture from the cradle, teens’ dependably fragile self-images and their need to belong to groups are perfect qualities for advertisers to exploit … They look at every place of children’s vulnerability, searching for selling opportunities … Kids are forced to embrace the instrumental logic of consumerism at an earlier than ever age … finding self definition in logos and products. [Marketing themes for youth often are] about ‘melodrama’, about mastering rules, about the search for identity and a theme called ‘hanging out’.35
From their ubiquity, logos derive psychological power that affects teenagers’ hopes and dreams. Once, brands could be thought of as being externals that might be used to identify individuals with a group or differentiate them from a group. But now, ‘brands have infiltrated pre-teens and adolescents’ inner lives’.36 As well as appealing to teenagers’ felt needs, branding also tapped into their idealism: their wish to have an ideal world to live in could be subtly played upon so they might accept a ‘branded’ one instead. The branding process is not only pervasive, it is often perceived as natural, taken for granted and not questioned – just the way things are. There is a danger here that a culturally constructed and commercially motivated process can begin to distort, and perhaps even substitute for, the process of identity development. Young people may come to feel that they themselves are just a brand – a distinctive combination of commercial brandings that expresses who they are. In a sense, [branding] provides kids with a sense of self-hood before many of them have even recognised that they have a self … consider[ing] their own characters and personae brands unto themselves.
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[Teenagers] suffer more than any other sector of society from wall to wall selling. They are at least as anxious as their parents about having enough money and maintaining their social class, a fear that they have been taught is best allayed by more branded gear. And they have taken to branding themselves, believing that the only way to participate in the world is to turn oneself into a corporate product. Many of the [teenagers] … who are drenched in name-brand merchandise are slightly awkward or overweight or not conventionally pretty. While many teenagers are branded, the ones most obsessed with brand names feel they have a lack that only super-branding will cover and insure against social ruin.37
As noted earlier, research studies have shown that both rich as well as poor teenagers and children are affected by this branding mentality; and both rich and poor are targeted for what they can spend to achieve it. This amounts to corporate manipulation of youth; one Australian columnist referred to it as ‘corporate paedophilia’.38 Whether at school or in other contexts, efforts to help youth become less naive about the implications of participating in consumerist branding need to introduce them to an ‘unbranding’ or ‘decolonising’ agenda – that is, identifying seduction, and deconstructing chic images and brand mystique. Advertising that increasingly aims at younger children tries to ‘hook’ them at an early age, and retain them as loyally branded for life. Magazines like Teen people, Elle girl, Cosmo girl, and Teen Vogue prepare pre-teenage girls for the more adult versions to which they will graduate as they get older. These, and many consumer products, especially in cosmetics and body-building, appeal to young people’s anxiety about body image and their hopes for improvement. The stylised professional wrestling programs on television (in the USA) are said to appeal particularly to the young men who are interested in muscular body image.
7.2.10 The retail potential of teenagers’ dreams for self-improvement The desire for self-improvement, especially in the domain of body image and perceived attractiveness, is a key part of what is called ‘teenage angst’. Pertinent to earlier comments about the cost of conformity, Quart claimed that glossy magazines exploit the teenage angst theme: [Magazines for teenagers] construct an unaffordable but palpable world of yearning for girls. We are all too familiar with the negative effects of the model body on girls’ self images, but these magazines do something new: they help to solidify feelings of economic and taste inadequacy in girls. By introducing very young teens to female celebrity and the dressmakers who helped create it, these magazines underline that girls are not complete or competitive if they don’t wear label dresses at their junior high school dances.39
Teenagers can be overwhelmed by the constant reminders across media and advertising that they have to measure their attractiveness against the mostly impossible standards set by fashion models. The permanent gap between the ideal and their own appearance is a constant source of depressive feelings. This goes hand in hand with frustration from the gap between the
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social reality of the media – ‘you can be what you want’ – and their own experience that this does not happen no matter how hard they try. There are apparently limitless opportunities advertised, but the high hopes they raise are followed by a sense of failure and impotence, and a feeling of not knowing where to go (see the discussion of youth angst and anomie later in this chapter and in Chapter 9). Klein called the resultant feeling ‘globo-claustrophobia’.40 Nevertheless, these negative feelings can fuel hope that a combination of labelled clothes and footwear, cosmetics, the right mobile phone and mp3 player, and the right likes and dislikes in music, film and television will give them a successful identity ‘makeover’. This teenage angst is fertile for marketing consumer salves. Klein reported that in 2000, teenagers (in the United States) spent about AUD230 billion in clothing, CDs and makeup. Marketing and advertising finely tune the perceived social reality that supports branding and consumerism for teenagers. They try to show that this is what normal teenagers do – that teenagers all round the world do it. Specific magazine articles as well as the imagery on television promote this global view. For example: ‘Cool hunting articles in teen magazines convince American teens that all the world is a mall promoting a global youth materialism and homogeneity; these international fashion round-ups also reflect a worldwide teen consumerism and an erasure of the national youth identity.’41
7.2.11 Body image: The marketing strategy of inadequacy and the buying of beauty, sex appeal, and performance Youth marketing, like marketing in general, gives special attention to body image and sex appeal, promoting a heightened body-consciousness to drive consumerism. For young women, clothing and cosmetic products can enhance their sexual desirability. The right body shape and the right ‘boys toys’ can strengthen young men’s sexual magnetism. For adolescents, who are like ‘hormones on feet’, but not fully aware of it, the advertising and media imagery can make their negotiation of sexuality and relationships even more fraught than it need be. Quart expressed concern about the invasive nature of this marketing: All this intrusive marketing would be fine … if it didn’t deeply affect teens themselves. The personae, self-images, ambitions, and values of young people in the United States have been seriously distorted by the commercial frenzy surrounding them. What do the advertising images of teens, breasts augmented and abs bared do to teenagers? These images take their toll on a teen’s sense of self and his or her community. ‘You have to be thin to be popular,’ one girl told me, and the array of flat, bare stomachs at her summer camp certainly backs this up. Other girls told me about their eating disorders and their friends’ body-image problems. Their self understanding doesn’t change their behaviour, though. They are like birds that know every bar of their gilded cage by heart. ‘Can you believe this ad? No one’s body looks like that!’ one fourteenyear-old told me, pointing to an ad in Vogue. ‘A bunch of old men are telling me how to look!’ Thirteen-year-old girls expressed pained astonishment at ‘11-year-olds who get their eyebrows waxed’ – but the 13-year-olds shaved their legs every day.42
No matter what they purchase and no matter what beauty formulae they try, the problem does not go away. But it has much value in marketing terms: teenage angst is like an unslakeable
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
identity thirst, fuelling a secure market. At considerable psychic and monetary cost, many teenagers will do whatever they can to become more beautiful and acceptable, and to be part of a desired lifestyle or atmosphere. Being insecure about their identity is one thing, but to be an outcast from groups is worse – to have no identity at all! Another problem with the sexual imagery in this marketing is its potential to affect young people’s attitudes to sex and personal relationships. If they do not have any other significant values input to their thinking, it is understandable that some youth will see sex as just one of a number of pleasures there for them to enjoy; and to be free to use or exploit it is desirable. The overwhelming sexual imagery in the media, and the taken-for-granted place of ‘easy’ sex that comes across as ‘normal’ in much film and television programming can insinuate a naive view of sex among the young. It is readily associated with fun and pleasure, with little room for the emotional and commitment dimensions. Many teenagers would not have to look far beyond their parents to learn that feelings of inadequacy (physical and personal) can be relieved by consumer products. Belief in beautification through consumption and acquisition is like a religious faith transmitted from parents to their children. And now, as suggested in the reality television series Ultimate makeover, it is not just hairstyle, cosmetics and clothing but cosmetic surgery that can enhance your prospects. It is of concern that youth are vulnerable to the ‘manufacturing of [body image] inadequacy [as] a sales strategy’. In the United States, ‘Among teenagers 18 and under in 1994, only 392 had breast augmentations and 511 liposuction; in 2001 there were 2596 augmentations and 2755 liposuctions among the group, a 562 percent increase.’43 Young people are particularly vulnerable as far as body image is concerned because: the idea of permanent change to the body – made practically overnight – appeals to adolescents, people who are by definition shifting identity daily … Many teenage cosmetic surgeries emanate from self-aversion, camouflaged as an emblem of self-esteem and normalcy. The girl who chooses cosmetic surgery chooses obsession with the body and mastery over it rather than an attempt at the transcendence that means forgetting the body … the line between self-betterment and a morphic pathology is a blurry one.44
Body consciousness and making it look as attractive as possible is not a new idea. But the cosmetic surgery era has taken it into new and much more expensive territory. The 1998 book by Gilman, Creating beauty to cure the soul: Race and psychology in the shaping of aesthetic surgery, suggested that cosmetic surgery was part of a larger movement, the ‘medicalisation of psychological pain’:45 anti-depressants for the depressed, tranquillisers for the stressed, and cosmetic surgery for those who fear the physical effects of ageing. In this sense, it is just another variation on drinking alcohol to feel relaxed and euphoric. In more general terms it is like, ‘Buy this and it will ease the pain’, where this can range from headache tablet to new clothes or an overseas trip. But there are a number of issues here that need further analysis related to fundamental questions about what constitutes health, beauty and happiness. In both surgery and medication, there is great potential to enhance human life; and there are problems where people have not made use of such help when really needed, for example the need for antidepressants for someone who was clinically depressed; or cosmetic surgery that could correct deformities and disfigurement. Again, it is a matter of balance. The point being made is about the problem of excess where medication or surgery is marketed as an immediate feel-
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good solution, but a solution that can often exacerbate rather than heal psychological pains. This view of medication and surgery, along with other views considered above, can insinuate an identity that is skewed by consumerism, particularly as regards what constitutes health, beauty and happiness. A preoccupation with improving body image also seems to have a social class or social mobility dimension. An obsession with body image consumer products (including surgery) might be expected to be a characteristic of the more well off – the so-called middle and upper classes, who have more discretionary income for such purposes. However, even the working class and poor can respond to advertising that proposes the body beautiful as an image for all. Perhaps this encourages those less well off economically to believe that they are really part of a more expensive social group, and they readily subscribe to the level of commercial activity expected of such status. ‘[T]his has speeded teens’ mass internalisation of the middle class ideology that worships the perfect body.’ But there is little critical awareness of the commercial drive behind such worship. As Quart went on to note: [this is] symptomatic of a new sort of adolescence in which kids ratify their family’s social status through looking the part. Marketers have convinced these kids that they need a specific set of physical attributes … For the large subcultures of teens who self-brand into lookalikes with tiny waistlines, bulging biceps, deracinated noses, and copious breasts, the supposed freedom of self-creation is not a freedom at all. What they have is consumer choice, no substitute for free will.46
Another problem related to identity and media-image is the increase in anorexia among teenagers. The unattainable but persistent image of perfect thinness noted earlier can drive young girls (and some young men) to damage their health. Quart reported the websites of ‘Pro-anas’ – pro-anorexic young women who shared their identity and lifestyle over the Internet, giving the group some identity by association.47 Constructing a more appealing body image is not just a project for adolescent girls. For boys, body image problems are more likely to show as excessive efforts to acquire a more muscular shape. Weightlifting, high-protein diets and even the use of steroids have been part of the regimen. The use of performance-enhancing drugs in sport is another item that fits this stable of problems, all of which have identity-related dimensions.
7.2.12 Consumer without a cause: The marketing of rebellion to youth and the domestication of nonconformity Rebellion has long been a supposed central theme for the personal development of youth: ‘cutting the teenage umbilical cord’, ‘becoming an individual’, ‘autonomy from parents’ and so on. In the 1950s iconic teenage film The Wild One, Marlon Brando was asked: ‘What are you rebelling against?’ His reply was ‘What have you got?’ It was as if traditional values, beliefs and behaviour were the natural things to rebel against to achieve independence and individuality. The James Dean Rebel without a cause image was played up as if rebellion was de rigueur for teenagers. From that time, teenage rebellion had recognised marketing potential; dis tinctive branded products could help express rebelliousness. Non-conformism, anti-authority
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
and questioning have been promoted as perennial themes underlying the youth search for ‘individuality’ and ‘freedom’. Perhaps the most influential sustainer of these myths has been the popular music industry – it keeps these emotional themes on low simmer. In his book Subculture: The meaning of style, Hebdige considered that: nonconformist fashions were not just ‘irreverent posturing’. Alternative style was part of a youth resistance to, and defence against, consumer capitalism. Then the marketers found that they could make use of nonconformism as a marketing ploy. That is no longer a creative resistant force but just another quirky fashion need to meet.48
He suggested that marketing has become so subtle as to take into account people’s resistance to advertising, and their concerns that extensive consumerism might erode individuality. Even the desire to protest particular causes and to resist conformity to prevailing ideologies can be taken into account commercially. It is as if ‘you show me a need and I’ll find you a product’. You can buy the soft drink Che, made by the Revolution Company in honour of Che Guevara. For some teenagers, the quest for attractive body image and social acceptability seems to become distorted when they display body and clothing styles that for average people are repulsive. Dressing in bizarre outfits, black or multicoloured, as well as extensive body piercing that looks more like self-mutilation, seem at first sight to be different from the trends noted above. However, it may represent the same underlying psychological process, where these teenagers are trying to express rebelliousness against ‘whatever’ precisely through what others will identify as distasteful. It is a matter of a different, and perhaps more ‘off-beat’ reference group to which they are conforming – but an identity reference group nevertheless. Also, what is often important for such young people is the need to be noticed, no matter what, even if repulsiveness is the mechanism for attracting attention (7.2.8). The interesting question is to see for how long this style of self-expression persists. Will it be just a ‘teenage thing’ or will it continue into adult life? It is noteworthy on this question that some adults retain a strong association with motorcycling culture throughout their lives; for them it was not just the ‘easy rider’ image from their youth. If something can be sold to be part of a cause, then a market will develop. This is evident in the way that ‘identity politics’ became incorporated into marketing in the 1980s and 1990s. Identity politics had to do with the recognition and ‘visibility’ of minority and marginalised groups in society; it included protests and movements to draw public attention to the issues. The gradual appearance of different groups in films and television dramas and sitcoms (and in advertising), which contrasted with the traditional ‘white, anglo-saxon two-parent family’, appeared to be part of the changing perception of what was regarded as ‘normal’, ‘average’ or even ‘PC’ (politically correct). Afro-Americans, single parents, divorcees and gays became a much more prominent part of television fare than was the case in the 1950s and 1960s. Whether it was simply mirroring ordinary life or whether it actually affected people’s attitudes, it gave some level of public acknowledgment and acceptability to such groups, and at the same time provided an advertising basis for niche marketing. Marketers and the film and television industries were quick to accommodate identity politics. The thematic advertising appeal was to diversity. As one consumer research report noted:
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As we look towards the next twenty-five years, it is clear that acceptance of alternative lifestyles will become even stronger and more widespread as [Generation X] grows up and takes over the reins of power, and becomes the dominant buying group in the consumer marketplace … Diversity is the key fact of life for Xers, the core of the perspective they bring to the marketplace. Diversity in all its forms – cultural, political, sexual, racial, social – is a hallmark of this generation.49
Diversity, plurality and multiculturalism made up the broader thematic within which protest could be commercially harnessed. It is not that protests against injustice, inequalities and environmental questions are inappropriate – they are desirable. But there is a need to be suspicious about the extent to which marketing potential can readily tap into social causes. For example, if protests or being politically correct can be easily signified by displaying what you have bought or what you wear, then there is some danger that the valuable human impulse to bring about worthwhile change can be domesticated and trivialised, and in the long run this might inhibit social change. As is usually the case for many of these identityrelated issues, it is a matter of balance. There is no doubt that advertising has contributed to positive change in public awareness of health and environmental issues, and this needs to be acknowledged. But because of the overwhelming presence of advertising and marketing, there remains a persistent need to look beneath the surface of what is being promoted, and to try to keep some perspective. The best of causes are open to colonisation by marketing, branding and consuming. Even ethical business practice has now been advertised as a desirable and marketable quality for companies.
7.2.13 A spiritual dimension to marketing? The sort of marketing described under the labels ‘utopian’ and ‘cause-based’ shows an identifiable spiritual dimension. It responds to people’s idealism and links brands to causes like ecological sustainability, care for the environment, and being ethical. Bringing concern for such issues into consumer choices is not a bad thing in itself. Such a development goes with the greater community awareness of environmental and health issues over the past thirty years or so. At least this approach appeals to images and ideas that are different from an unspecified materialistic consumerism. It also fits with increasing consumer discrimination. However, this spiritual emphasis is minimal when viewed against the images and ideas about spirituality that emerge across the full spectrum of entertainment film and television. On this broader canvas, anything substantial about (youth) spirituality and religiosity is completely absent – that is, if you do not count formal religious television. There is a stable of television series like Buffy the vampire slayer, Angel, Dark Angel, Charmed, and Sabrina the teenage witch, as well as films that deal with spirits and the occult. They attract a good market share of entertainment. But in terms of the evaluative approach to spirituality taken up in later chapters, these would hardly be considered to be making substantial statements about a spiritual dimension to life for young people.
7.2.14 From James Dean to Clueless: Teenage angst to teenage makeover Teenage angst and rebellion figured in a number of films targeting young people since the 1950s. ‘Cinema of loneliness’ was one term used to describe the genre that tapped into
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
youth’s uncertainty about identity and future. However, these were gradually superseded by films with the subtle, underlying theme of ‘youth makeover’ – material success through consumption; the heroes and heroines became more ‘cool’. Quart comments: ‘The characters in contemporary teen films are empty vessels, slathered with beauty products.’50 It is beyond our scope to analyse the developments in film and television that affect teenagers’ social reality as far as consumerism is concerned. However, it is an area in need of further research (see Chapter 15). Technological developments have added considerably to the mix. Product placement in computer games has a potential influence, given the extensive time that children and teenagers spend entertaining themselves in this fashion. Also, television watching now has to compete with the Internet and video/DVD players for young people’s entertainment time. Advertising has not neglected the possibilities in mobile phone texting, picture/video sharing, podcasting and the like – new technological territories on which the consumer brands can plant their flags. Marketing, and particularly branding, seek to keep name brands imprinted on youth consciousness as essential elements in their cultural environment, and a staple diet for selfexpression. Maintaining a cool brand image is the ongoing project of youth market research – ever trying to create an enduring positive association between consumer and brand. The group Teenage Research Unlimited publishes a magazine called Omnibuzz that regularly reports surveys of the views of young people aged from about 12 to 18 years; it is like a teenage opinion poll, not the newspoll on preferred political party or prime minister, but on consumer tastes. One of its retail barometers is the ‘Coolest Brand Meter’ – in 2003, ‘Sony, Nike, Abercrombie and Fitch, and Old Navy were the top performers’.51
7.3 The anatomy and psychological function of ‘cool’ 7.3.1
Young people’s search for a ‘cool’ identity
At one level, youngsters frequently use the word ‘cool’ to mean simply ‘yes’ or ‘OK’. But at another level, the desire to look cool has a big influence on hopes, imagination and behaviour. To be ‘uncool’ is dreaded as the ultimate social condemnation. It is at this deeper level that the meaning of cool has significance for young people’s search for identity. Precisely because the notion of cool figures prominently in both ‘projective’ and ‘defensive’ identity functions, its psychological and sociological dynamics warrant detailed analysis. It has been subtly etched into the imaginations of young people (and many of the not so young) such that it strongly colours their behaviour. If cool identification has become one of the dominant motivating forces for young people, then understanding it is not only important for educators but for health agencies and all concerned with their upbringing. Cool is a very tangible influence on adolescent thinking and behaviour, while at the same time difficult to pin down and analyse. However, acknowledging that it is socially constructed, communicated and marketed brings it out from the psychological shadows into the open where it can be identified and evaluated. Questions about the anatomy and function of cool, its history and commercial implications are pertinent to the spiritual and moral education of the young.
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The Projective identity function of cool and its relation to targeted consumerism
Already we have considered how being cool was a desirable image for young people to project (7.2.5). And we referred to ‘cool hunting’ (7.2.10) where adults, or young people themselves, are recruited to a ‘youth intelligence service’. These ‘youth consultants’ search the local area for potentially new styles or trends in clothing, music and lifestyle. This information is then quickly relayed to market research headquarters for commercial appraisal and possible action for youth commerce. The idea is to be first with something cool and exploit it before it loses its gloss and becomes ‘old hat’. The image of cool applies to those who are perceived by peers as trendy and individualistic, while being laid back, somewhat emotionally detached and unflappable – a kind of undemonstrative distinctiveness. On the face of it, this seems like a tricky posture to pull off – likely, therefore, to be a difficult code for the marketers and advertisers to crack. However, their efforts to do this have been evidently successful. This is instructive, because it gives insights into the way in which the social construction and marketing of cool enters into the identity dynamics of young people. Those who decide what is to be the latest in cool, and how this is to be advertised, need to do two things: they have to promote the mystique of being cool while targeting the identity needs of young people. This gives commercial access to the considerable money the young are prepared to invest to maintain their coolness. For example, the cool trend some years back for girls to wear crop-tops with hipline skirts or jeans with bare midriff has now become a well-established and profitable fashion – along with baggy clothing for young men – whether or not these styles are actually comfortable. What teenager would dare to ignore this dominant fashion and run the risk of being labelled as a dork or uncool? But, almost inexorably, this fashion will change and eventually be eclipsed by something different. Young people know when they are cool because this is expressed in peer-credentialled cool behaviour, fashion and musical tastes; their coolness is verified by being reflected back to them by others who affirm their lifestyle choices. Also, their coolness is measured by congruence with the media images that are constructed specifically to promote and maintain cool within the social reality of teenage culture. The social origins and history of cool
Some scholars have suggested that cool has a history with origins in the coping mechanisms of oppressed groups, and that it has developed into a widespread, culturally desirable attitude in personal identity that has become highly commercialised. In 1992, Majors and Billson, in their book Cool pose: The dilemmas of black manhood in America,52 looked at cool as a quintessential characteristic of the masculine identity of African American men. Others considered that the notion of cool had gone beyond the African American community and had become more broadly based in popular culture in Westernised countries, in the 20th century (for example in Stearns, American cool: Constructing a twentieth century emotional style, 1994).53 Still others looked into cool as a key behavioural characteristic of teenagers (Danesi, Cool: The signs and meanings of adolescence, 1994).54 Finally, the commercial implications of cultivating and marketing cool were considered, particularly with respect to youth consumerism (Frank, The conquest of cool: Business culture,
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
counterculture and the rise of hip consumerism, 1997. He analysed the significance of cool in the rise of youth-targeted consumerism since the 1960s.55) The analysis we found most informative, even if not all of their ideas were equally compelling, was Pountain and Robbins’ book Cool Rules: The anatomy of an attitude (2000).56 They interpreted cool as an influential cultural phenomenon that had a history dating back into the roots of African American identity in West Africa, as well as having comparable manifestations in different cultures over the centuries. They traced the development of contemporary cool in art, music, fashion, cinema and lifestyle, showing how it has exerted a great influence on identity development and behaviour. Through this psychological mechanism, cool became a powerful theme in the shaping of cultivated images and marketing strategies by businesses that thrived on lifestyle-related consumerism. Pountain and Robbins analysed cool as a socially constructed lifestyle attitude that strongly reflected contemporary ideas about individualism. As regards young people’s interest in cool, they considered that: Cool has been a vital component of all youth subcultures from the ’50s to the present day, although it has sometimes had to change its name (and even more frequently its costume) to confuse its parents. But … this attitude, which originally expressed resistance to subjugation and humiliation, has been expropriated by the mass media and the advertising industry during the ’80s and ’90s, and used as the way into the hearts and wallets of young consumers.57
The projective characteristics of cool
Pountain and Robbins considered that cool was ‘in the process of taking over the whole of popular culture’,58 and that it had a popularity and global appeal that competed with various religions, ideologies, nationalisms and fundamentalisms for the ‘modern heart and mind’. They listed the following as characteristics of cool:59 • ‘A new mode of individualism’ adapted to life in post-industrial consumer democracies; like a new virtue – being ‘cool’ is more important than being ‘good’; its three main traits are ‘narcissism, ironic detachment and hedonism’. • It is ‘self-invention coupled to a hyper-acute awareness of such self-invention by other people’. • A posture that is anti-authority; ‘smart’ in its expression of defiance – ‘concealed behind a mask of ironic impassivity’; for young people, this includes being cynical and distrustful of organisations and authorities, as well as suspicious of adults in general and parents in particular. In turn this fosters a sense of independence from social responsibility. • Cool is self-centred and socially detached; ‘Many modern egos are held together by the powerful spiritual adhesive that is cool. A carefully cultivated cool pose can keep the lid on the most intense feelings and violent emotions’; being ‘unflappable’, uninvolved and relatively uncommitted to anything except one’s own wellbeing. It presents a ‘calm psychic mask’ to hide inner feelings. • The opposite to being ‘square’, ‘daggy’, or ‘nerdish’. It is a carefully cultivated posture of self-satisfaction, occasionally with a touch of feeling superior to others, especially with respect to the ‘uncool’.
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• ‘Cool is still in love with cigarettes, booze and drugs.’ • While once more of a male preoccupation, cool is now just as pertinent to women. • Cool is more attracted to violence than formerly. • Cool loves sharp clothes, the night life and a preference for ‘winners’ over ‘losers’; feeling ‘modern’, ‘with it’, ‘up to date’, ‘trendy’, ‘chic’, ‘hip’, ‘flamboyant’ – in tune with the latest developments in lifestyle fashions. • Cool ‘flirts with living on the edge’. It is inclined towards risky behaviour. • Being cool involves continual tension between being ‘individualistic’ and being an accepted part of ‘the group’. Cool can help express group identity through its personal style. While some of the claims of commentators about cool seem extravagant, what they demon strate well is that the phenomenon can be investigated and its influences appraised.
7.3.2
Being acknowledged as cool: A psychological defence and coping mechanism
Pountain and Robbins’ interpretation of the historical development of cool highlighted not only its projective identity function – creative, expressive styling for individuals – but also its role in psychological defence and coping. It is not difficult to understand how the stylish cool posturing originally ascribed to AfroAmerican men helped insulate them from psychological damage at the hands of the dominant white culture. If you ridiculed the dominant culture and the power elites, you distanced yourself from the prevailing values and economic structures, and the mentality of superiority that went with them. You made yourself less vulnerable, and in your own mind you felt ‘superior’ because you were cool and they were not. While the ‘stylish’ notion of cool does not always apply to oppressed groups, a comparable system of psychological defence is often evident. In war and in countries with harsh, repressive regimes, a strong sense of group and individual identity was central not only to resistance but to psychological and physical survival. From the 1950s onwards, it was evident how a cool posture, particularly its ‘ironic detachment’, and lack of emotion was easily incorporated into the rebelliousness that was ascribed to youth culture. We have already considered how the clothing, music, and related leisure industries capitalised on this trend as a selling point to youth (7.2.12). Section 9.2.3 considers the phenomenon we called the ‘trauma of living in the 21st century’. We think that this same phenomenon has a driving influence on the widespread use of cool as a coping and defence mechanism by youth. Cool as a defence mechanism: Coping with the trauma of living in the 21st century
Traumatic events will always test people’s meaning and identity as the internal resources they draw on to cope and make sense of what is happening to them. But life in contemporary Westernised countries now carries with it a continuous experience of low-level trauma. Hence there is continuous pressure on the meaning and identity systems just to manage, let alone propose a successful plan for life. The trauma is not just in wars, terrorism and periodic natural calamities, but increasingly it runs through the social fabric affecting a
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
significant proportion of the population: in environment, economic uncertainties, temporary employment and job insecurity, competitiveness, poverty, cost of living, debt, costs of opportunities for advancement and education, racism, social violence, and so on. In addition, some persistent trauma is associated with changes that have occurred in the basic systems for the communication of meaning and identity. The sociologist Anthony Giddens described this as follows: ‘My relationship to modern society – my social identity – has become unglued from the contexts, communities and expectations that once circumscribed my (and your) knowledge of who I am and how I live. Today I am responsible and liable for my own identity.’60 This personal responsibility is attractive from the point of view of freedom and individuality. But having to take on a more demanding and comprehensive role in constructing personal meaning – by contrast with more reliance on packages of institutional meanings – makes the quest for meaning and identity a more stressful burden than perhaps it was formerly. Even though in Western countries there appears to be increasing affluence and less poverty, there is a continual increase in levels of public stress, anxiety and depression. Significant changes have appeared in the socialisation processes that stem from the so-called ‘better life’ that people seem to associate automatically with economic and technological progress. They can assume that quality of life must improve with these advances. But what improves may be ‘lifestyle opportunities’ (that may be out of their reach), not necessarily ‘quality of life’. The drive for more individualism and personal autonomy is often at the expense of supportive family and community relationships. Significant but not always constructive changes have appeared in family structures and child-rearing practices. Some level of continuous trauma is often associated with young people’s consumer activity. This is more than the stress of a huge range of products confronting the young customer in the supermarket. The barometer of their self-image and self-esteem is affected by comparisons with those perceived to be better off than themselves, and with people who are worse off. For those who engage in such comparisons excessively, focusing on people who have more, they will always feel relatively ‘deprived’. This is fuelled by a competitiveness both between and inside peer groups. In addition, the film, music and television industries provide highly stylised models for comparison in the cult of celebrities. For young people who are attuned to this social reality, every time they turn on the television, they reactivate their low-level discontent. Their simmering identity trauma is maintained through constantly being confronted by: images of the richest, most beautiful and most fulfilled people on the planet and compared to them, everyone feels like a loser … Celebrities invent an unattainably attractive cool personality, an image which makes insecure teenage fans feel so inadequate that adopting the cool pose is in turn their only way of coping with their enhanced anxiety.61
The painful personal cost of being cool
The irony of this situation is that trying to be cool is basically a coping and defence mechanism, giving you a relatively secure group identity that defines who you are and sets your individuality apart; but if this is taken to excess, the psychological cost of trying to be
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cool can end up being just as stressful and anxiety-ridden, and perhaps more so, than just being plain uncool. Then the cost of the coping mechanism itself can become too difficult to cope with; and the hoped for defence mechanism exposes more painful vulnerabilities. ‘Cool operates as a defence mechanism against the depression and anxiety induced by a highly competitive society … [We also admit] that it is a very imperfect defence and that furthermore, maintaining cool actually imposes its own different kind of psychic strain.’62 In addition, the financial cost of maintaining a cool image can exacerbate the psychological cost. Cool as identity defence against the perils of adolescence
The problematic behaviour of young people can often be explained by this mechanism. In response to perceived difficulties, they may think they are following a path towards coping with, or rising above, the problems. But it may end up making their situation even more onerous. For example: [S]chool students [especially boys] who feel that they are failing in the classroom, or who do not fit in socially, adopt a strategy of disengagement from school activities, and develop anti-academic cliques, or subcultures, that provide an alternative route to selfesteem. By acting cool you declare yourself to be a non participant in the bigger race, for if you don’t share straight society’s values then you can stop comparing yourself to them. Cool cannot abolish social comparisons entirely, but it can restrict their scope to your immediate peer group … For several successive generations of marginalised and disaffected young people … subcultures [and peer groups], with their own rules, rituals and obligations, had provided a magical alternative to being written off as a hopeless loser in the rat race. In the language of youth subcultures, ‘I’m cool’ equates to ‘I’m in control’. Studies continue to show that the academic performance of many boys deteriorates rapidly between 13 and 19 as they come to see learning and academic success as ‘girlish’ and ‘uncool’, and this disabling tendency among boys is being accompanied by increases in the rate of suicide and attempted suicide (as well as in other indicators like depression, abuse of alcohol etc.).63
For young people, the identity defence and coping function of wanting to be cool seems to work through: a kind of mental empowerment that their circumstances otherwise fail to supply. In this sense, cool is a sub-cultural alternative to the old notion of personal dignity, since dignity is a quality that is validated by the established institutions of Church, state and work. Cool, on the other hand, is a form of self-worth that is validated primarily by the way your personality, appearance and attitude are adjudged by your own peers.64
The expressive styling in the projective identity function of cool comes together with its defensive function. But to get any defence and coping services from your cool image, you first of all have to construct and maintain such an image. And to do this requires conformity to a peer-validated and certified style – across fashion, leisure pursuits, entertainment
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
preferences, slang, attitudes to parents and school. And it is precisely through this quest for image conformity that the door is opened to youth-targeted consumerism and marketing. Hence, while the quest for a cool identity may offer young people a way of coping with life and negotiating the psychological pains of adolescence, it may well end up being the cause of much of their unease, frustration, stress and depression. And for some youth, this can reach pathological proportions.
7.3.3
Cool image, relationships and the intensity of experience
The posturing and attitudes that go into the maintenance of a cool identity inevitably affect personal relationships. While they may give the cool person a sense of individuality, peer group identity security and a workable ‘psychic shield’, they may not be so serviceable when it comes to personal relationships. Stylised posturing, self-centredness and competitiveness may erode the honesty and openness that go with healthy, relaxed personal relationships. Also, cool and commitment may not sit too comfortably together; the cool emphasis on hedonism can readily separate out sexual pleasure for individual enjoyment (and possible exploitation) rather than as one component of a relationship that matters. It has long been evident that young men are interested in wanting sex very early in a relationship, and even without any relationship. It is also evident that the notion of cool was initially more of a male identity phenomenon. But it has come to apply just as much to women. There is cultural imagery that appeals to the idea that to be equally sophisticated and cool, women should be as sexually permissive as men. While this may give some (questionable) sense of equality for young women, it is certainly a ploy that suits men, making their sexual adventures likely to be easier – with less resistance. Yet another dimension of cool in personal relationships is evident in the ‘personal development industry’. This is not only concerned with body image, but with psychological self-improvement. It is usually more of a concern in the post-teenage years where people seek not only commercial success but success in personality and personal relationships, and they are prepared to pay for psychological help. It is not that this is an unimportant issue for adolescents; it is a crucial one, and their feelings of relative adequacy and success in relationships can dominate their emotional lives. But teenagers are more into other commercial attempts to better their image than they are into counselling, therapy or courses in psychological self-improvement. Nevertheless, they pick up on key premises from the self-development culture: a readiness to express feelings freely, and acknowledgment that current personal problems result mainly from emotional dramas at an earlier stage of life.65 And they may use their immediate peer reference group and/or close friends as a sounding board for discussing problems, particularly with respect to relationships and lifestyle. Girls tend to engage in this activity more extensively than boys. One of the ironies of the cool attitude is that while disdainful of traditional values and cultural norms, it pays exorbitant and anxious attention to peer standards for image and individuality. Thus young people aspiring to be cool will be comfortable with the postmodern notion that truth is relative and subjective, believing that what they themselves feel is the touchstone for authenticity and reality. ‘If I feel OK about it, then it is right’ puts emotions and personal experience as the prime determinants of what is valuable and important in their lives. There is also an added advantage for individualism in that only the people themselves know what they really feel. Further, this leads to interest in the intensity of
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experience, and to the seeking of intense experiences as part of a cool lifestyle. Young people can build up a checklist of the intense experiences they wish to collect and repeat. This can include a wide range of items, all of which contribute to their unique self-expression: travel, sex, school formal, sporting success, sky diving – and especially branded consumer products. It is not that ambition for intense experience and achievement is a bad thing; there are striking examples of teenagers who have put years of hard work into projects like becoming an Olympic athlete. As is usually the case, it is a matter of balance. Some cool interests are more attractive to post-teenagers and young adults. For example, it is becoming evident on television that a burgeoning interest is being taken in cooking and home improvement, as well as the more longstanding interest in travel. These are like barometers for quality of life, where people are seeking intense lifestyle experiences. Marketing is quick to identify the changing cool interests of the different age cohorts, and different economic strata in the community.
7.3.4
Classic cool: Nike’s successful recipe for cracking the Chinese market
As noted before, China is like the last frontier on the planet for consumerism to conquer. Nike’s successful Chinese campaign is a classic example of how the notion of cool has figured prominently in successful marketing.66 Phil Knight, Nike’s founder, who has been interested in the China market since 1980, is reported to have said to company executives: ‘There are 2 billion feet out there. Go get them!’ Nike did not manufacture its own products; they were made by Chinese contractors – like all of the other apparel and footwear in the country. What Nike sold was ‘status’. Hence the basic aim of their Chinese marketing campaign was to convince the new middle class that status was desirable, and that Nike could provide it – at a cost. This required a prerequisite conditioning of Chinese culture to become more interested in individualism and its expression through the purchase of consumer products. Also required was getting Nike, and its trademark ‘Swoosh’, recognised and implanted in the public psyche. To get Nike identified in China, the company chose to sponsor sport, and basketball in particular. It outfitted prominent Chinese athletes and sponsored all teams in their national basketball league in 1995. In addition, the Nike Basketball League was set up for high schools; in 2004 it ran in seventeen cities. The Nike director of sports marketing in China claimed, ‘Our goal was to hook kids into Nike early and hold them for life.’ Michael Jordan, the best-known athlete on the planet, and other American NBA basketballers, were brought to China as visiting Nike icons. Nike television commercials and public events were concerned with much more than advertising particular Nike products. They were about massaging public feelings into becoming receptive to a new style of culture that was more individualistic; in short, images of American/Western consumer culture were promoted in a Chinese format. For example, a television commercial highlighted a more American individualistic style of basketball play – contrasting with the more traditional Chinese team-oriented approach – and asked the viewers: ‘Is this you?’ Nike theme songs were developed for high school basketball games that blended traditional Chinese music with American hip-hop. The rap message ‘connects the disparate elements of [American] black cool culture and associates it with Nike’, a Hong Kong marketing director reported. Nike promotions influenced the rapid rise in popularity
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
of hip-hop culture among young Chinese. A new Chinese name for the music emerged: ‘Hip Hoop’. Other new usages were like markers of cultural change. Many young Chinese used ‘Nai-ke’ for sneakers. Perhaps more importantly, there was a new word for cool: ‘Ku’. Inevitably, market research would test the retail potency of the theme ku. A sample of the results is given in Table 7.1. They show consistency with the characteristics of cool discussed earlier. Not a single Chinese company figured in the list of what were perceived as the ‘world’s coolest brands’. Table 7.1 What do young people in China regard as ‘cool’? Results from a survey of 1200 Chinese university students in Beijing and Shanghai by Hill and Knowlton Public Relations in 2004 (as reported in Forney 2004).
What is ‘cool’? Responses from Chinese university students
What are the world’s ‘coolest’ brands? Responses from Chinese university students
Personality traits that define a person as cool
% responses
Top ranking brands
% responses
Individualistic and innovative
nnnnnnnnnnn 47%
Nike
nnnnnnnnn 30.8%
Stylish
nnnn 13.5%
Sony
nnnnn 15.9%
Dynamic and capable
nnn 9.5%
Adidas
nnnnn 15.1%
Easygoing and relaxed
nn 7.5%
BMW
nnnn 10.1%
Other
nnnnnn 22.5%
Microsoft
nnnn 9%
Coca-Cola
nnn 8.9%
IBM
nnn 8.2%
And so, despite some setbacks, the strategy worked. Nike shoes cost twice that of competitors, but enough Chinese considered the value-added name to be worth it. In 2003, Nike sales in China were estimated as above USD$300 million and growing. In 2004 there were new stores opening at the average rate of 1.5 a day. No doubt the company is gearing up for the 2008 Olympics when there is likely to be an all-time high in Chinese interest in sports. Much of Nike’s success in China, as elsewhere in the world, is related to the way it orchestrates imagery that affects people’s emotions: it helps maintain an identification between Nike and the quest for sports achievement and glory. Within days after Liu Xiang became the country’s first Olympic gold medallist in a short-distance track event (110 metres hurdles on 28 August 2004), Nike aired a television commercial based on the successful run. Taunting questions such as ‘Asians lack muscle?’ and ‘Asians lack the will to win?’ were superimposed over the event, ‘designed [as Forney’s article said] to set nationalistic teeth on edge’. Then as the hero raised his arms highlighting the Nike trademark swoosh on his shoulder, came the punchline of the commercial: ‘Stereotypes were made to be broken!’ Much the same formula for selling cool in Western countries has proved successful in China. A phrase from Forney’s article summed it up. ‘The story of how Nike cracked the
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China code has as much to do with the rise of China’s new middle class, which is [as] hungry for Western gear and individualism, as Nike’s ability to tap into that hunger.’
7.3.5
The quest for cool: The new opiate of the masses?
The cool attitude and decline in social responsibility
The spread of a cool attitude through youth and young adults has no doubt contributed to decreased respect for authority figures and for established cultural traditions, and to the greater store set on freedom, individuality and autonomy. This goes hand in hand with a decrease in a sense of social responsibility. What cool tends to increase is hedonism and existentialism – and consumerism is strongly tied to both. Where young people are apparently dominated by a cool mentality, they can distract themselves (and thus protect themselves) from pressing social and environmental issues by distancing themselves from these concerns and concentrating on what is more immediate, their own lifestyle. This can also serve as one of their coping mechanisms for the ‘trauma of living in the 21st century’. ‘Cool enables [young] people to live with uncertainty and lowered expectations by concentrating on present pleasures. In short, when the going gets tough, the cool go shopping.’67 Thus while there is a growing youth awareness of environmental and social problems, and while this causes anxiety, the responses are many and varied: some respond positively, others remain indifferent. There is concern that where the notion of cool is well established in young people it can dampen their readiness to become critical interpreters of culture, and it can dull the idealism that motivates social action. Cool can therefore encourage young people to put up with some of the problematic aspects of contemporary social life (like globalised capitalism, the casualisation of employment and questionable business ethics) as long as their lifestyle is not impaired. They may tend to grudgingly accept work during the week as the irksome cost of being able to ‘live it up over the weekend’. Ideas like career path, settling down, raising a family, and even the notion of ambitions or goals in life may not be serious items on their agenda – so different from what was the case for older generations. Previously, when people followed goals and ambitions, their level of lifestyle followed consequentially, changing according to financial circumstances. Now, lifestyle may have first priority on the agenda, with work and career having to accommodate to lifestyle. Many in the older generations find it hard to understand how the young appear to put travel and enjoying the world above what they valued so much – a secure job, settling down and raising a family. The mentality of cool: Contrary to traditional value stances
The cool lifestyle is antagonistic to the traditional Protestant work ethic. Its hedonism and self-centredness are inconsistent with the virtuous life as proposed by Christianity (and other world religions). But it is not useful – for parents, educators or community agencies – simply to dismiss cool because it is contrary to these values. Just telling youth that cool is bad for them would be more likely to increase its appeal. Rather, what is needed is engaging them in critical
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
deconstruction and appraisal in the light of specified values; and this includes understanding the history and psychological dynamics of cool. At the extreme opposite end of the social spectrum to cool are the various religious fun damentalisms that offer certainty and authority as their ‘psychic shields’ against the trauma of living in the 21st century. These too need critical evaluation as different, but also flawed, ways of coping. Cool as identifying with minority groups
For some people, identifying with a socially oppressed minority can be part of their way of finding a cool identity. It can motivate social action; but generally speaking, the consumerist and hedonist emphases in cool tend to soften the idealism. It appears that the mentality of cool is more supportive of the consumer and marketing industries than it ever will be of social activism. It remains to be seen if the young people who are more motivated by the quest for cool are less interested in politics, social concerns and community action. If this is the case, then the notion of cool can function like a new ‘opiate of the masses’, keeping them happy with image-oriented consumerism, while distracting their attention from social issues and politics. In the workplace, this could mean, for example in the information technology sector, that a company is perceived by its employers as a hip and cool place to be; while at the same time, the competitive casual basis to their employment leaves them with demanding performance standards and no job security. Pountain and Robbins considered that the mentality of cool had infiltrated some businesses, making them more trendy, while at the same time making it easier for them to use employees manipulatively – as long as the workers focused on their own pleasures, they could accept lower expectations and job uncertainty: Far from being a mere matter of fashionable slang, sartorial style, or some passing behavioural fad, cool provides that psychological structure through which the longest standing contradiction in Western societies – that between the necessity for work and the desirability of play – is apparently being resolved. In short, cool appears to be usurping the work ethic itself, to become installed as the dominant mindset of advanced consumer capitalism … Advanced capitalism no longer depends on sober and puritanical notions of virtue to maintain its labour discipline. Cool is a new mode of individualism, flexible enough to cope with the pace of transformation of work in the deregulated global economy. It is far better adapted to a life of service and consumption than one of toil and sacrifice.68
They continued, endorsing the view of the sociologist Giddens that: this new democratised, flexible form of capitalism creates uncertainty, and that the public welfare services must be reconstructed to act as a buffer if widespread discontent is to be avoided. However, it is by no means certain that employers, who love the flexibility element, are so keen on this side of the equation. Flexibility can mean insecurity and de-skilling, accelerated by the abandonment of unions and collective bargaining as the means to promote the interests of employees.69
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7.3.6
The relationship between cool and violence
Being competitive is one of the strong characteristics of being cool; and being competitive without much apparent effort or anxiety is even more cool. Perhaps it is through this competitiveness that a relationship develops between cool and violence (5.3). Looking physically tough may go with the image of coolness. But now, with an array of weaponry available to youth, this image can be more dangerous. For more extreme groups of young people, having a hand gun or knife is part of the cool image. But the weaponry can be more psychological than actual where strong peer group influence and image competitiveness hold sway over adolescents. Even bullying through SMS messages has been identified as a school problem. While violence and death have always figured in both classical and popular literature, contemporary film and television have taken this to a new level where everything possible is done to portray blood and gore as realistically as possible. From Bonnie and Clyde to Pulp Fiction, violence has become an acceptable and profitable part of daily entertainment. And in many instances, the violent characters in film and television are portrayed as cool – there is something in them to be admired. This emphasis has also been evident in popular music; while not achieving overwhelming popularity, ‘gangsta rap’ (and to a lesser extent other music forms) profiled a cool image for the violent. The mentality that goes with this culture may well have a psychological influence on the attitudes of some youth to violence as a cool aspect of personality. It may harmonise with other elements of culture that also play up the theme of violence; for example, the prominence of the theme of ‘competitive humiliation’ in many so-called contemporary ‘reality’ television programs – viewers are entertained by the humiliation of others (15.7.5). Video and computer games combine graphic violence, competitiveness and simulated killing in packages that have great appeal for many youth, especially boys; considerable time is often spent playing these games (9.2.7). Just how much of a negative influence flows directly from such games is open to speculation. In any case, it is part of the cultural complex that gives violence a prominent place in consumer entertainment. And at some level of consciousness it may help to keep alive the attractiveness of violence – even a stylised makebelieve version – as a prominent part of the cool image. In the extreme, it may be that something similar to these dynamics operates in situations where adolescents see their image of being cool and a ‘man’ affirmed when they acquire their first Kalashnikov rifle. It does not take too much progression from here to where killing and even suicide bombing become the ultimate cool. This interpretation may, for some, appear to be stretching the metaphor. Nevertheless, it draws attention to the bleak truth that peerreinforced meanings can take a strong enough hold of young people’s thinking, imagination and idealism to be able to successfully invite them to take the lives of others, and to sacrifice their own.
7.4 Advertising and identity To sum up: the way in which consumer advertising affects young people’s meaning and identity is ‘atmospheric’: the cultural combination of consumerism, lifestyle advertising, marketing and the media create an atmosphere, a perceived social reality, that diffuses
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
through people’s thinking and behaviour; and it implies that product consumption is an integral part of identity development. Products, acquisitions and lifestyle activities all naturally contribute to self-understanding and self-expression. A healthy awareness of these dynamics would be desirable to encourage in youth. As regards their identity development, it is a matter of balance. It is also a matter of not being manipulated, even unconsciously, by interests that seek to exploit their identity development for financial payoffs. Advertising psychologists have perceptive insights into young people’s identity development – albeit with profitable intentions. (An example of advertising research – an extensive marketing research project on community values – is noted in Chapter 15.) Those engaged in the education and care of youth need equally perceptive insights – but for the more noble purpose of enhancing young people’s spiritual and moral development.
7.5 Young men and crisis in male identity About thirty years ago, Australian education authorities were funding programs for girls that aimed at increasing access and equity in educational opportunity for young women. Programs such as these tried to address some of the effects of the ingrained bias against opportunities and status for women in the community. As far as school is concerned (for example in New South Wales), girls now significantly outperform boys in more than 75 per cent of study subjects in the final year of schooling. The issue is not just a difference in academic performance. There is increasing evidence in Australia especially, and in other industrialised countries, that boys have disturbingly high rates of personal and social problems. A peak indicator is the high suicide rate. This is also a problem for young women, but for young men the rate is significantly higher. Other high-risk problems include dropping out of school, alcohol abuse, taking drugs, being involved in criminal activity, being unemployed and being homeless. Beneath these indicators there appears to be a level of depression, unhappiness and purposelessness among boys that warrants serious community attention. A key factor in all of this is the sense of masculinity. In 1974, a seminal reader was published about the experience of growing up male. It is interesting to quote this at length, because it represents a much earlier diagnosis of the problem, and to reflect on what progress has been made since then.70 Boys are treated, and are expected to behave in certain ways defined as masculine … the masculine role says that we males are supposed to seek achievement and suppress emotion. We are to work at ‘getting ahead’ and ‘staying cool’. As boys we learn that getting ahead is important in both work and play. Grades are handed out in school, teams are chosen on the playground and both of these events tell us how well we are doing and how much better we could be doing. Here our masculinity is tested in immediate physical competition with others. Moment by moment, our performance is measured in relation to others. Both in winning and in losing, the masculine role exerts strong influence. It is not enough to win once, we have to keep winning. The continuing evaluation in relation to others encourages us to keep trying, but also ensures that we can’t ever really make it, once and for all. Our learned need to
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keep proving ourselves helps explain why many of us – no matter how hard we work or how much we achieve – remain vaguely dissatisfied with our lives. As males grow older, the bases for evaluation change, but the importance of establishing a ranking of work among individuals remains. As adults, the physical skills that were reflected in sports become less important than the mental and social skills that are reflected in prestige and income. What we learn growing up prepares us for these adult skills and rewards. As adolescents, one important area we were rated on was our social facility with females. Trying to get on well with females created anxiety for many of us, but mainly we accepted the situation as just another place where we should try to ignore our fears and go ahead. Staying cool, no matter what, was part of what we learned growing up male. We knew that big boys didn’t cry, and that real men didn’t get too excited except in places like football games. Spontaneous emotion – positive or negative – was suppressed or restricted to certain settings. We learned to mute our joy, repress our tenderness, control our anger, hide our fear. The eventual result of our not expressing emotion is not to experience it. Our restriction of emotionality compounds the stress put upon us by our striving to get ahead: we are often unable to acknowledge fully how the striving makes us feel. We suffer in many ways that may related to the strain our emotional denial places upon our physical body. Compared with women, we die younger, have more heart attacks, and contract more stress related diseases. The drive towards getting ahead and staying cool has functioned, more or less well for men as individuals and for society as a whole for a long time. Much work has been accomplished, and many troubling feelings have been avoided. The masculine role has provided answers about who we are and what to do. But for … some men what the masculine role offers is insufficient. Some of us no longer find our fulfilment in external rewards that come from meeting masculine standards; instead we seek internal satisfaction that comes from fuller emotional involvement in our activities and relationships.
The issues raised so many years ago are still evident, even though poor employment options and a greater sense of public anomie are now more prominent; and it seems that they have not yet been addressed in a way that has made significant inroads into changing the patterns through which young men seek a sense of masculinity. This remains the case, even though there has been much public discussion of the topic as evident in the publishing of a number of books and articles on masculinity, as well as the introduction of various educational initiatives for boys.71 There remains an urgent need for more ‘carry through’ from the thinkers, writers and researchers on masculinity to young people, families and educators. By contrast with the apparently slow progress of a ‘men’s movement’ and programs for boys, in the same period since this reader was published, the objectives of ‘women’s movements’ have been prominent, and many of them have been achieved. Boys have acknowledged that girls seem to have more social support and sense of direction from women’s movements in their various forms (this term is used here with considerable generalisation, without the opportunity to look at the meanings attached to the phrase ‘women’s movement’). Young men do not seem to have similar useful identity resources compared with those available to young women. Traditional concepts of masculinity have been challenged by the women’s movement, adding to uncertainty about the male role. Greater freedom of expression and
Young people’s search for identity: Finding a way through the cultural maze
acceptance of homosexuality within the community are also relevant to the question. For some young men, perhaps even a significant proportion, the way to express their masculinity in a meaningful way remains a considerable problem. No doubt it is not only appropriate but urgent that these issues be widely discussed in the community and included for study in any education in identity.
Notes 1 M McLuhan 1969, quoted in W Glasser 1972, The identity society, p. 8. 2 LG Engedal 2006, Homo viator: The search for identity and authentic spirituality in a post-modern context. In K Tirri (ed.) Religion, spirituality and identity, p. 48. 3 R Eckersley 2006, What is wellbeing, and what promotes it? http://www.wellbeingmanifesto.net/wellbeing. htm, pp. 11–12. Accessed 26/06/06. 4 Engedal 2006. 5 P Ward 1993, Worship and youth culture: A guide to alternative worship, p. 41. 6 ibid., p. 43. 7 Young people’s experience of the local church or faith community is not often one where they feel a democratic, egalitarian atmosphere that welcomes them and makes them feel at home, or where their ideas and contributions would be regarded and accepted as valuable. 8 R Smith & P Standish (eds) 1997, Teaching right from wrong: Moral education in the balance, p. 141. 9 This question was first addressed in M Crawford and G Rossiter 1988, Missionaries to a teenage culture: Religious education in a time of rapid change, in the chapter ‘Overcoming media naivety’, p. 176. 10 M McLuhan 1967, Understanding the media, p. 245. 11 Klein quoting comments by Howard Shultz, CEO of Starbucks. Klein 2000, No Logo, p. 20. 12 Scott Bedbury, quoted in ibid., p. 21. 13 Klein 2000, p. 21, quoting Renzo Rosso (Diesel) and Anita Roddick (Body Shop). 14 ibid., pp. 28–30. 15 ibid., pp. 68, 69. 16 ibid., pp. 72, 73, 79, 81. 17 H Byrnes 2004, Why the school formal is the new teen wedding. 18 A Quart 2003, Branded: The buying and selling of teenagers, p. 18. See also R Wiseman 2003, Queen bees and wannabes: Helping your daughter survive cliques, gossip, boyfriends and other realities of adolescence. 19 C Nicolussi 2005, Sydney racing’s day of embarrassment. 20 M Ligerakis 2003, AJC pampers women to boost racing numbers, B&T Advertising, marketing and media magazine, 31 March 2003, http://www.bandt.com.au/articles/62/0C015662.asp Accessed 5/06/06; B & T 2004, AJC woos younger crowd to ‘party’, B&T Advertising, marketing and media magazine, 27 February 2004, http://www.bandt.com.au/articles/EA/0C01E0EA.asp Accessed 5/06/06; W Sinclair 2005, AJC relies on princess pulling power, B & T 2004, B&T Advertising, marketing and media magazine, 1 September 2005, http://www.bandt.com.au/news/9c/0c03619c.asp Accessed 5/06/06. 21 K Davenport 2005, Just as the horses need to be race track ready, so do the fashionable fillies. 22 A Moses 2005, Princess power: A nation of princesses; the favourite fantasy of Australian women; From theatre to reality TV, the myth of the princess has never been more popular. 23 C Cole 2005, quoted in ibid., p. 7. 24 Innes 2005, quoted in ibid., p. 6. 25 ibid., p. 6. 26 An advance notice of M Carr-Gregg’s book The Princess bitchface syndrome is given in M Devine 2006, Training for parents lost in a world ruled by puberty blues. 27 B Delaney 2006, Absolutely fabulous: Spend, glam up and party, but is self-indulgence all it takes to make a young woman happy? 28 ibid., p. 21. 29 Advertisements for Lancôme Paris, Target USA and Bluefly were from Instyle (USA) November 2005; and for L’Oréal Paris in screened television advertisements, 2006.
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30 Delaney 2006, p. 22, referring to RH Frank 1999, Luxury fever: Why making money fails to satisfy in an era of excess. 31 L Carne 2006, Meet the emos, our latest tribe. 32 Vonnegut 1961, Mother night, quoted in Delaney 2006, p. 22. 33 Eckersley 2006, quoted in ibid. 34 J Lunn 2006, Nice romper, but will it go with the couch? High-end baby gear. 35 Quart 2003, pp. xxiv, xxv, 95, 59. 36 ibid., p. 4. 37 ibid., pp. 59, xxv, xxvi, 31. 38 ibid., p. 8. 39 ibid., p. 6. 40 Klein 2000, p. 64. 41 Quart 2003, p. 6. 42 ibid., p. 17. See also C Lumby 1997, Bad girls: The media, sex and feminism in the 90s. 43 Quart 2003, p. 147. 44 ibid., pp. 164, 173. 45 SL Gilman 1998. Creating beauty to cure the soul: Race and psychology in the shaping of aesthetic surgery, p. 158. 46 Quart 2003, pp. 177, 183. 47 ibid., p. 177. 48 D Hebdige 1979, Subculture: The meaning of style, p. 12. 49 J Walker Smith & A Clurman 1977, Rocking the ages, p. 111. 50 Quart 2003, p. 117. 51 ibid., p. 12. 52 R Majors & JM Billson 1992, Cool pose: The dilemmas of black manhood in America. 53 PN Stearns 1994, American cool: Constructing a twentieth century emotional style. 54 M Danesi 1994, Cool: The signs and meanings of adolescence. 55 TC Frank 1997, The conquest of cool: Business culture, counterculture and the rise of hip consumerism. 56 D Pountain & D Robbins 2000, Cool Rules: The anatomy of an attitude. 57 ibid., p. 12. 58 ibid., pp. 13, 19, 22, 26. 59 This summary is drawn from ibid., pp. 19–31, 155. 60 A Giddens 1998, Conversations with Anthony Giddens, p. 31, quoted in Pountain & Robbins 2000, p. 164. 61 Pountain & Robbins 2000, pp. 151, 155. 62 ibid., p. 158. 63 ibid., p. 152, 153. 64 ibid., 2000, p. 153. 65 ibid., 2000, p. 157. 66 The source of the information and the quotations reported here are from M Forney 2004, How Nike figured out China. 67 Pountain & Robbins 2000, p. 165. 68 ibid., 2000, pp. 161, 165. 69 ibid., 2000, p. 164. 70 J Pleck & J Sawyer 1974. Men and masculinity, pp. 3–4. 71 Some Australian publications on boys and masculinity include: S Biddulph 1995, Manhood: An action plan for changing men’s lives; S Biddulph 1997, Raising boys: Why boys are different and how to help them become happy and well balanced men; RW Connell 1995, Masculinities; M Drummond 1998, Bodies: A real emerging issue for boys; N Edley & M Wetherell 1995, Men in perspective: Practice, power and identity; D Tacey 1997, Remaking men: The revolution in masculinity; D Tacey 2000, Reenchantment: the new Australian spirituality; P West 2000, From Tarzan to the Terminator: Boys, men and body image, Conference paper presented at the Institute for Family Studies Conference, Sydney, 24 July; P West 2002, What’s the matter with boys? Showing boys the way towards manhood.
8
From St Ignatius to Obi-Wan Kenobi: An evaluative perspective on spirituality
Traditionally, the word ‘spirituality’ referred to the spiritual life of Christians: prayer and spiritual exercises. It was primarily religious both in definition and practice and it was applied beyond Christianity to religions generally. Gradually, spirituality acquired a cachet beyond its specific ‘religious’ meaning; it has become a catch phrase that sits comfortably as a term that encompasses a certain lifestyle, a personal philosophy or even a way of doing business. A distinction between the spiritual and the religious emerged – and in some cases, a divergence. Religion no longer had a monopoly on the spiritual. This is illustrated in the sample of quotations below: [Some of the world’s leading psychologists] have all agreed that the ‘farther reaches’ of the unconscious connect humanity with a wider spiritual environment. This quest for higher states of consciousness has been an enduring theme in … [the] pursuit of spiritual awakening. Fuller 2001, Spiritual, but not religious: Understanding unchurched America1
Using our Spiritual Intelligence (SQ) means stretching the human imagination. It means transforming our consciousness. It means discovering deeper layers of ourselves than we are used to living. It requires us to find some grounding in the self for meaning that transcends the self. Zohar & Marshall 2000, SQ: Spiritual intelligence, the ultimate intelligence 2
Sport cannot equal the sacred traditions as a means of cultivating the inner life. But, as this book makes clear, sport does possess its own unique genius for revealing and opening to people the spirit’s ‘gem-like flame’.
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Although sport is a most secular activity in a highly secularised world, in its ability to provoke wonder, to elicit deep feeling, to grace our lives with glimpses of timeless beauty and freedom – in these and other ways sport is, though not religion, something religious. Murphy (cover comments) & Cooper 1998. Playing in the zone: Exploring the spiritual dimensions of sports 3
Thought Field Therapy: The most powerful technique you will ever experience. Learn how to eliminate fear, anxiety, stress, trauma, guilt, anger, phobias, jealousy, procrastination, addictions, lose weight and increase confidence and energy in minutes!! Piccinotti 2004, Nova: Keeping body and soul together. Nova is a Perth/Sydney-based magazine ‘committed to exploring leading edge ideas, services, practices and products that help foster a more liveable world’.4
These excerpts show how ‘spirituality’ is being used like a new buzz word with reference to education, medicine, business, sports and travel, and by diverse groups from the religious to the New Age. The understandings and definitions of spirituality have been expanding to accommodate these developments. However, the broader and more generic the definition, the more that everything in life seems to become a part of spirituality – hence the problem in interpreting what is to count as spirituality. This chapter sets out to give some perspective on the ‘geography’ of spirituality that will inform the work of those involved in the education and care of youth.5 It will provide a framework for interpreting the development and diversification of spirituality and its relationships with religion; and in turn, this can inform judgments about the appropriateness or healthiness of different spiritualities on offer. The questions to be explored revolve around the functions of spirituality, for example: What is the psychological role of spirituality? How does it relate to religion? Does it substitute for religion? When is spirituality healthy? Hence the chapter works towards a critical, evaluative perspective on spirituality. This may help stop the term sliding into the realm of clichés and hyperbole, as noted in some of the quotations above and in the comments of Christian minister and ‘stealth evangelist’ Rick Warren. ‘I’m not a bureaucrat … I’m a spiritual entrepreneur’, he maintained. He promised to ‘reduce your stress, focus your energy, simplify your decisions, give meaning to your life and … prepare you for eternity’. As the article on Warren noted, he appealed to the notion of a ‘comforting God who acts like a great therapist in the sky’.6 This exploration of the function of spirituality sets out to honour the religious heritage of spirituality while addressing the diverse manifestations of spirituality that have arisen from outside religion. After commenting further on the need for an evaluative perspective on spirituality, the chapter gives a detailed account of a particular religious spirituality to illustrate the strong traditional ties between spirituality and religion. It then considers the divergence between the ‘spiritual’ and the ‘religious’. It concludes with proposals for what constitutes a healthy spirituality. The chapter serves as a prologue to the examination of youth spirituality in Chapter 9.
An evaluative perspective on spirituality for educational purposes
8.1 Developments in the meaning of the word ‘spirituality’: An evaluative perspective Earlier, the word ‘spirituality’ was used predominantly with a religious connotation. Now it has been appropriated by a wider range of interest groups and a distinction has emerged between the spiritual and the religious, to the extent that some people now describe their spirituality as non-religious or secular (8.5.5). This distinction is also pertinent to the ways in which spirituality is used in discourses that relate in some way to education. If you talked about spirituality in 1960, most likely you would be understood as meaning traditional Christian religious practice; if you were talking about Catholic spirituality in particular, it would be linked in some way with the spiritual life of religious orders. But now the word has been appropriated by diverse groups. In addition, there is an interest in spirituality in nursing, the social sciences and ecology; it crops up in areas like healing and the media; even in the new physics, there is some interest in a spiritual dimension to cosmology. Part of spirituality’s popularity flows naturally from the view that a spiritual dimension is fundamental to human happiness and fulfilment, but it is vague enough in connotation to accommodate a wide range of interests and lifestyles, including those that are religious, non-religious and even anti-religious. In working towards criteria for evaluating spirituality, we will not refer to the extensive writings on spirituality; rather we will try to make sense of the developments and trends that have contributed to the current ambiguity about spirituality. Initially, characteristics of a religious spirituality will be built up from a ‘case study’ of a particular example; this is often neglected in academic discussions of education and spirituality. Then, attention will be given to a range of influences that have affected understanding of the words ‘religious’ and ‘spiritual’ (and by implication, religion and spirituality). This helps broaden evaluative criteria by taking into account non-religious spiritualities.
8.2 Historical notes on religious spirituality in the Australian Catholic Christian tradition since the 1960s Rather than look at religious spirituality in a generic way, this section will examine a particular example: Catholic spirituality in Australia since the 1960s. While this summary will not cover all of the varieties within Catholic spirituality, it will highlight key developments and issues that show the roots of contemporary Catholic spirituality. While the picture will be different for other Christian denominations, there should be enough common ground and common issues to serve as a useful starting point for comparisons and contrasts. The word spirituality, as traditionally understood in Christianity, has a long history. Spirituality meant spiritual thinking and religious practice; it drew on theology and scripture as well as on an extensive Christian religious tradition; it was evident especially in prayer, both personal and communal. Liturgy and sacraments were an integral part of traditional Catholic spirituality, which had for its models the spiritual life in religious orders (Benedictine, Ignatian, Franciscan, Dominican and so on). Depending on the level of individuals’ theological education, Catholic lay spirituality was a mixture of popular piety and spirituality as practised in religious orders. Formerly, theological education was the preserve of the clergy and religious orders, and only relatively
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few lay people had opportunities for a formal education in spirituality, apart from what they received at school and in the local church. Since the Second Vatican Council, however, this has changed; it was to be accessible to all Catholics. At the same time, there were significant changes occurring in theology, scripture and spirituality. One of the driving forces was scripture scholarship. Better understanding of biblical authorship informed a more theological and less literal interpretation of the gospels. Interest in the quest for the ‘historical Jesus’ informed understandings of the ‘Christ of faith’. The changes in emphasis in Christian theology and spirituality between the 1950s and the 1970s were extensive and dramatic. This was paralleled by, and related to, equally dramatic changes within the religious congregations, especially those involved in Catholic schooling. Another driving force in Catholic spirituality at the time, which has left an indelible impression, came from the social sciences. What emerged in the late 1960s and 1970s in English-speaking countries was a Christian ‘psychological spirituality’. There was vigorous exploration of the experiential and relationship dimensions to spirituality, and there was a special interest in the personal ‘development’ and ‘fulfilment’ of individuals. Psychological insights from what was called the humanistic psychology movement melded with the rapidly evolving spirituality. The work of psychologists like Rogers, Erikson, Maslow, May, Allport and others was influential, along with other literature and practice related to personal and organisational change. What was happening at the local level is typified by the Catholic Institute of Counselling, established in the late 1960s in Sydney. The Institute mediated Christian psychological spirituality for many lay people and religious and had a profound spiritual influence on its participants and it is still functioning effectively. Since the 1960s, many institutes, seminaries, conferences, retreats, lectures, adult religious education programs and study groups have provided the Australian Catholic community with access to an education in spirituality (and to theological-scriptural education that informed spirituality). These developments were supported by a growing literature of Christian psychological spirituality. A good picture of emerging Catholic spirituality at this time can be drawn from the books that were popular. Jesuit John Powell’s books Why am I afraid to tell you who I am?: Insights on self-awareness, personal growth and interpersonal communication and Why am I afraid to love, and his audiotaped lectures (My vision and my values) were classics. His book A reason to live, a reason to die: A new look at faith in God, while not as popular as these, was well ahead of its times and still speaks to contemporary uncertainty about meaning and purpose in life. Many books by Andrew Greeley (The friendship game) and particularly by Eugene Kennedy (Fashion me a people: Man, woman, and the church; A time for being human; The pain of being human; If you really knew me would you still like me?), and by others like Henri Nouwen (Intimacy: Pastoral psychological essays; Reaching out: The three movements of the spiritual life), and Adrian Van Kaam (On being yourself: Reflections on spirituality and originality; In search of spiritual identity), provided substantial resources for psychological spirituality in those earlier years. This list is a sample of the literature that informed this new Catholic spirituality in the 1970s.7 The titles of the books showed the human, psychological emphasis on personalism and relationships. These and other books of the time represented a significant development in Catholic spirituality in the English-speaking world after the Second Vatican Council. There are comparable literatures for other Christian denominations.
An evaluative perspective on spirituality for educational purposes
Expanding theological and scriptural understandings were at the heart of developments in the emerging Catholic spirituality. Reference is made here to just a few of the prominent scholars and writers: Karl Rahner, Bernard Lonergan, Edward Schillebeeckx, Hans Kung, David Tracy, Richard McBrien, Gustavo Gutiérrez, and to scripture scholars John McKenzie, Bruce Vawter, Murphy O’Connor, Raymond Brown. This particular scriptural-theological influence meant that most contemporary Catholic spirituality was different from what can be described as ‘evangelical Christian’ spirituality. For those who absorbed this new spirituality, especially members of religious communities who generally had more scope for studying spirituality than lay people, it represented a profound change from the Catholic spirituality of the 1950s. This spirituality emphasised personal freedom, individuality and responsibility, and its adherents welcomed the personalism and sense of spiritual liberation that it brought them. Within religious congregations, this new wave of spirituality was at the heart of far-reaching changes (this is another complex story). Even though from an ecclesiastical perspective the Catholic Church has become more conservative since the 1970s, there would be no turning back the clock for those who were imbued with this personal spirituality. Key words like relationships, fulfilment, personal development, individuality, originality, self-knowledge, self-esteem, self-revelation, personal sharing, being ‘close’ to people, intimacy, sensitivity and wisdom became prominent in the language of psychological spirituality; they gave a distinctive emphasis to personalism, individualism and the experiential. No doubt this agenda was prone to reinforcing self-centredness, but the better practitioners tempered such a tendency with concerns for prayer, community and social justice. Some Catholics went wider afield in bringing other elements into their spirituality. Some of these sources are listed towards the end of this section, showing different emphases in Christian religious spirituality. Others went even further to include spiritual insights from sources such as Australian Aboriginal spiritual beliefs and Eastern religions. To summarise, mainstream Catholic spirituality developed five distinctive qualities: 1 2 3 4
It was strongly theological and scriptural. It was reflective and psychological (putting life into some overall purposeful perspective). It was prayerful, emphasising personal mental prayer, communal prayer and liturgy. It often involved spiritual input of some sort, whether this was from reading the scriptures or spiritual books, lectures, or even advice from a spiritual director. 5 Spirituality was initially modelled on the styles of religious life within religious communities (prayer, spiritual development opportunities and retreats), although this pattern has changed gradually. But this new spirituality did not extend throughout the whole Australian Catholic community. It was more influential for those who actively sought out a theological/scriptural/ spirituality education; and it was not acceptable to all. For perhaps the majority of Catholics who attended church, their access to this spirituality depended on the opportunities within their parishes, and this varied significantly. There was also some opposition, some seeing the development as an unwelcome move to liberalism – they saw no need to change the Church or their spirituality. This conflicting view tended to have a different selection of prominent
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words in its spiritual vocabulary, for example doctrine, authority, orthodoxy, ‘true’ faith, ten commandments, obedience, committed. It was also concerned about the increasing sense of freedom, autonomy and individuality in the new spirituality. Among Catholics there was a complete spectrum from ‘conservative’ through to ‘liberal’ spirituality. This has perhaps always been the case, and always will be, but at that time the distinctions seemed to be prominent. The question of ‘languaging’ the spiritual and the religious became significant. Some opponents of psychological spirituality dismissed it as mere ‘psychology’, drawing attention to the predominantly psychological emphasis in the key words listed earlier. However, such criticism missed the point that the religious quality in what is said or done is not determined merely by the use of words that traditionally have a religious connotation. The essential religious quality flows from the faith and religious motivation of the individual; when a religious person consciously acts or speaks from their faith, the actions (for example of kindness) and the words (for example about their spiritual life) are genuinely religious, even though in the external domain the words used might not be explicitly religious. Psychological spiritual language became a new authentic religious language for religious people (though this did not imply that psychological language as such was necessarily religious). For many Catholics, their psychological spirituality put God in a more pivotal position in their consciousness and behaviour, and made them more prayerful; this seemed to be good evidence of its authenticity. Also, this spirituality, while steeped in religious traditions, because it was not restricted to traditional religious language, was able to flow more easily in everyday life; it thus seemed to have a more permeating effect on people’s lives than the spirituality of the 1950s. Critics suggested that such a ‘humanisation’ of spirituality was not necessarily an infusion of ordinary life with religion, but more likely to be the first stage of secularisation in which the traditional religious impulses would be dissolved and forgotten. All of this remains part of the ongoing debate about what it means to be religious in contemporary Western society; religious actions and words are not so distinguishable as they were in traditional societies, making them more difficult to identify and interpret. Initially, many members of religious congregations adopted the new spirituality enthu siastically; then it was taken up by lay people. Soon it became well established in Catholic schools and religious education. It had less impact on those who, for various reasons, did not have an adult religious education. The extent to which the new spirituality spread through the parishes depended on the efforts of local clergy and on the extent to which parishes provided access to adult religious education; changes in liturgy and community prayer were most noticeable, but this was not always complemented by theological development. How much the new spirituality entered into popular Catholic piety thus varied significantly from individual to individual. Some who were initially opposed to the new spirituality eventually accepted much of its style and practice (for example liturgy in the vernacular), even though their basic theological understandings remained unchanged. In the main, there was relief among most Australian Catholics that spiritual life was becoming less authoritarian and more personally relevant. Even today, however, there remain levels of disquiet and conflict about the impact of this spirituality on Catholics in Australia. These developments in religious spirituality can be judged as having made a significant long-term contribution to Catholicism and Catholic education in Australia. For those born
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and educated after the Second Vatican Council, who never experienced the Latin Mass, their perspective on this ‘new’ spirituality is somewhat different from that of those who experienced the rapid transition – for the former, it was not ‘new’, and the exhilaration of the years of change was not their experience. There has been continuity in this religious spirituality since the 1970s; it can now rightly be called ‘traditional’ Catholic spirituality. But again, there are Catholics who have a different view of what traditional and authentic spirituality entails. It is beyond our scope here to trace the history of Australian Catholic spirituality in more detail, looking at other significant variants. We have not attempted to look at the full complexity in areas such as continuity of 1950s Catholic spirituality; the spiritualities of different cultural groups in Catholicism; charismatic or Pentecostal Catholic spirituality; the changes in religious order spiritualities; or links between spirituality and theological or cultural changes. This section will be concluded with notes on other influential themes that have entered into the mix of contemporary Australian Catholic, Christian spirituality. These are: • Creation spirituality – giving special attention to the theme of ongoing creation and ongoing revelation. • Feminist theology and spirituality – acknowledging the patriarchal hegemony of Christian and especially Catholic spirituality, and the need for addressing the agenda coming from the perspective of women. • Ecological spirituality – stressing the need for responsible environmental stewardship, ecologically sustainable commerce, respect for the physical and biological environment and all living species, critical awareness of problems of pollution and environmental mismanagement, and a global perspective on ecological relationships. • Charismatic spirituality – Catholic Charismatic Renewal is a Catholic version of Pentecostal spirituality that emphasises emotional prayer, healing, community, and the overt spiritual influence of the Holy Spirit. • Ecumenical and multi-faith perspective – acknowledging the need for a positive perspective on ecumenical relationships with other Christians as well as respectful dialogue with people from other religions. In particular, for some Catholics special attention has been given to indigenous Aboriginal spirituality. • Social justice and social analysis – adding a critical evaluative perspective to spirituality that judges culture and prompts committed social action.
8.3 Key aspects of a religious spirituality In the light of the above, an initial list of key aspects of a religious spirituality will be constructed. It is a starting point that needs extension and refinement in the light of a wider study of different religious spiritualities. The list represents an ideal for a religious spirituality. Its bias is towards Christian trad itions, but it could be developed further through reference to the spiritualities of other world religions. It can be used as a guide to clarifying the sort of spirituality that a religious group or church school would want to foster; and this could inform the sorts of school
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Table 8.1 Key aspects of a religious spirituality Key aspects of a religious spirituality (initial listing)
Explanatory notes
Belief in a personal God
A keynote of religious faith. Belief in God provides personal meaning within a larger ‘divine’ framework; correspondingly, it provides individuals with the unique significance of being known personally and loved by the Creator.
Balanced personal and community frame of reference
The frame of reference for spirituality is larger than the immediate personal needs and interests of the individual; frame of reference includes a balance between personal/individual and community concerns. Community concerns are not just for a local community of faith, but for the wider human community. This spirituality is not always ‘comfortable’ for individuals – it can be challenging and personally demanding in its commitments.
Community of faith
A local community reference point for beliefs; provides plausibility and support for faith; context for communal spiritual activities such as prayer and worship.
Historical connection with religious Knowledge of the continuing historical religious tradition; familiarity with theology and scripture. tradition Inputs that inform and challenge spiritual understandings
Openness to reading, study and personal development programs that prompt continual development of spirituality; may include religious and other studies such as psychological, sociological, historical, literature. Desire to develop constructive, resilient meaning to life.
Personal reflection
Cultivation of a reflectiveness on life experience and in response to any spiritual education.
Religious experience and prayer
An openness to religious or transcendent experience, and/or to experience that prompts emotional and reflective responses. Habits of prayer, especially personal prayer, with opportunities for communal prayer.
Spiritually motivated values and commitments
Informs and inspires values and commitments, and a sense of social justice.
Critical interpretation of culture and evaluation of influences on people’s spirituality and lifestyle choices
Skills in interpreting the potential shaping influence that cultural elements can have on thinking and behaviour; critical consideration of the cultural effects on people’s spirituality and lifestyle choices.
Motivation of community service and social action
Spirituality that carries through into action where individuals make adjustments to their own lives; as well as motivating committed social action.
Sense of responsible stewardship for both the physical and social environments
A sense of sharing in a corporate responsibility for the health of physical, animal and social environments. This is to include local and global perspectives. Believing in more than just individual personal development can motivate concern for the wider human community and its environment.
Openness to mutual exchange with Respectful acknowledgment of different spiritualities in others; an openness to ecumenical, interreligious dialogue as well as openness to the spiritualities of others those who have a non-religious spirituality.
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experiences and curriculum that have the potential to educate towards such a spirituality. In the curriculum of a public school, it would be just as useful in relation to the study of spirituality, but not as regards a spirituality that the school would try to promote in students. The list can be helpful for differentiating between a religious and a non-religious spirituality; and in working towards criteria for the profiling, interpreting and evaluating of religious spiritualities. If internalised, a list of categories like this could help individuals in their own religious quest. For many churchgoing people, spirituality is the active style of their religious practices: prayer, spiritual reading, reflection, response to homilies, social commitments. One of the distinctive features of Christian spirituality, and to some extent of spiritualities in other world religions, is that it is challenging and demanding on the individual; it calls individuals to commitment to something more than just their own interests, needs and fulfilment. It challenges them to acknowledge the absoluteness of God who transcends human interests and needs while still intimately concerned with both. The challenge in Christian spirituality, for example, is the demand on Christians to be altruistic, and not to make their own needs and interests exclusive concerns. The measure of its authenticity is principally in terms of its action on behalf of the marginalised. It is evident that a particular value stance, even a particular theological stance, informs the above listing. These need to be articulated and acknowledged if the criteria are to be debated and used for evaluative purposes. Also to be acknowledged here is a presumed stance about how religious spirituality can contribute to psychological maturity. It is admitted that in some instances religious views may contribute to psychological immaturity. Hence this psychological dimension will become even more prominent later in the chapter when consideration is given to what might constitute a healthy spirituality in a generic sense.
8.4 Distinctions between the ‘religious’ and the ‘spiritual’: Issues for what constitutes spirituality A distinction, and in some instances a divergence, has developed between ‘the spiritual’ and ‘the religious’. Consequently, there are spiritualities that are not based in, or dependent on, religion. This question is of great consequence for religions, because one of the major problems they face today is their contemporary spiritual relevance: is religion satisfying people’s spiritual needs? The same question is significant for dialogue about spirituality between religious groups and those who are not religious. Distinctions between the spiritual and the religious will be explored under the following headings. 8.4.1
Secularisation and distinctions between religious and spiritual language
8.4.2
Privatisation of religion
8.4.3
Public rituals and private devotion (external observance and the personal)
8.4.4
Contemporary emphasis on experience (implications for personal autonomy and religious authority)
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8.4.5
Meeting spiritual needs; spirituality as a consumer commodity
8.4.6
Scientific rationalism and modern religious studies
8.4.7
Postmodern views of religion
8.4.1
Secularisation and distinctions between religious and spiritual language
Increasing secularisation in Westernised societies is evident in the decreased prominence of formal religion in political and social life. Since the 1960s participation in religious practices has decreased significantly; religious authority and distinctive religious culture declined as influences on people’s thinking and behaviour; people were getting by with less conscious attention given to their religion. Secularisation implied that religions did not have a monopoly on spirituality, and this supported the notion of non-religious spirituality; indeed, for some people, their spiritual and moral concerns had little or no link with religion. For others, religion permeated their spiritual concerns. There were others who retained an affiliation with religion, but their spirituality included elements from beyond their own faith tradition, including both religious and non-religious components. In public discourse, shared religious beliefs and shared religious language could no longer be presumed. Other ‘spiritual’ language had to be used for the discussion of spiritual, moral and religious issues in pluralist communities where there were a variety of religions and non-religious worldviews. Words like ‘beliefs’, ‘values’ and ‘commitments’ were used more frequently, acknowledging the presence of different religions and religious spiritualities in the same way that inclusive language was developed to acknowledge gender differences previously ignored. This situation called for the development of a language of spirituality that was not dependent on Christianity or any other religion, while it was to be able to accommodate religion comfortably. This supported a distinction between ‘religious’ and ‘spiritual’ that was not an exclusive one.
8.4.2
Privatisation of religion
One consequence of secularisation was the tendency to regard religious beliefs as private and personal; they did not need to be acknowledged in public. In turn, this led to thinking that religious beliefs were a matter of ‘opinion’ – and one person’s opinion was as good as another’s – an idea that was often regarded as problematical. It was easy to associate the word ‘spiritual’ (and ‘spirituality’) with this private domain, and to use ‘religious’ to describe the public, formal world of religion. In addition, the words ‘organised religion’ were used to differentiate religion from the private spirituality of the individual. For some, the gradual disappearance of formal religious practice, and of religious emblems and imagery from their everyday lives, made them wonder whether they were religious any more. Spirituality was a good word for this situation: people retained religious beliefs about God, the afterlife, prayer and a moral code, and they acknowledged a likely influence of religion in the values they absorbed from their family. For some, spirituality referred to their ultimate beliefs about the purpose of life, while it had little relevance to their everyday living;
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for others, it was concerned with daily life as affected by values and commitments, and by other aspects like the aesthetic.
8.4.3
Public rituals and private devotion (external observance and the personal)
There was a tendency to associate ‘religious’ with formal, communal rituals in the faith community, while ‘spiritual’ was associated with personal, private devotion. This distinction was often used by those who wanted to distance themselves from religious rituals. But the usage can create a false dichotomy, as if communal religious activity was empty of a specifically personal connection to God or devotion – an idea that has long been foreign to the religious traditions.
8.4.4
Contemporary emphasis on experience (implications for personal autonomy and religious authority)
There has been an increasing reliance on people’s own experience as their touchstone for truth, authenticity and lifestyle. This changes attitudes to religious authority and to religious traditions. People imbued with a strong sense of individuality can tend to measure the relevance of religious authority and religious traditions in terms of how they enhance or inhibit their own lifestyle and autonomy. They can feel that they have direct personal access to spirituality and God, without being dependent on religion and religious leaders. In turn, this affects the way they could associate ‘spiritual’ with the former and ‘religious’ with the latter. Existential concerns have become so prominent that they can limit historical perspective and interest in future developments. This emphasis affects the notion of the spiritual; people want it to have ‘here-and-now’ relevance and to be linked with feelings of wellbeing.
8.4.5
Meeting spiritual needs; spirituality as a consumer commodity
There is nothing wrong with expecting spirituality to meet felt needs. But it is only a short step from here to a consumerist approach to spirituality. If spirituality is regarded as just another aspect of human nature that needs ‘development’ and ‘satisfaction’, then it can readily become commodified and marketed. Commercial gain can be part of the driving force in providing opportunities for spiritual development. The same can apply to religion, as evident in some of the religious programs aired on Sunday morning television. Consumerist views of spirituality can become problematic, as have consumerist ap proaches to education, medicine, law and childcare: they have the potential to lose sight of the uniqueness and sacredness of the individual and deal with people as objects to be used for commercial gain. It is unlikely that we will ever be without some forms of commercial spirituality and religion, but naming the problem is a first step in addressing it.
8.4.6
Scientific rationalism and modern religious studies
Scientific rationalism and modern religious studies, although not necessarily related, have affected the cultural and intellectual climate in Western countries as far as perceptions of religion are concerned.
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Scientific rationalism over the last two centuries (influenced by the Enlightenment) has tended to undermine simple views of religious truth, as well as bringing traditional religious authorities into question. If science and reason have provided such a successful explanatory account of human life and culture, this can give the impression that religion has been superseded. However, while this interpretation may be dismissive of religion, if it still recognises a spiritual-moral domain, then it will further the distinction between the religious and the spiritual, and will support a non-religious spirituality. Perhaps more than any contemporary religious studies, biblical scholarship has had a profound influence in enhancing Christian theology, and in turn, enhancing Christian spirituality. Nevertheless, from outside Christian circles, systematic studies of religions can give some the impression that religions are generic (variations on a common theme), and that the idea of absolute religious truth is a myth that religions foster. This furthers the distinction between the religious and the spiritual; it sees religions as merely different ‘avenues’ to the spiritual.
8.4.7
Postmodern views of religion
Cultural postmodernity questions the validity of meta-narratives, while acknowledging their socially constructed, contextual meanings and cultural functions. This highlighting of uncertainty in personal knowledge creates doubts about religious truth claims, and somewhat inevitably, steers a course in favour of ‘spiritual’ rather than ‘religious’. The hyper-questioning stance of extreme postmodernism can incline people to dismiss tradition and history, while at the same time discouraging hope for the future. This approach readily reinforces a ‘hereand-nowism’, both existential and pragmatic. It limits the breadth of human purposes and often goes hand in hand with consumerism as the meaning and purpose to life – as if ‘I consume, therefore I am.’8 Summary: Distinctions between the spiritual and the religious
While for many people the spiritual and the religious are so closely related as to be indistinguishable, the comments above show that distinctions or polarities have emerged between the two, with consequent implications for the understanding of spirituality; this is summarised in Table 8.2. However, the tabular summary remains problematic because the generalisations do not apply to all. For some, differences between the two sides do not exist; the qualities ascribed to the spiritual are precisely those of their religious approach to life. For example, someone may commonly participate in formal religious practices, while these are accompanied by considerable internal reflection that show personal autonomy and creativity. Some people may be ‘either/or’ on some variables, and they may be ‘both/and’ on others. For other people, the differences are important. For yet others, the distinctions may reflect unjustified stereotypes about the spiritual and the religious. The distinctions do, however, tend to project negative stereotypes about the religious, while the connotation of spiritual appears more ‘human’ and ‘liberal’. So, while caution is needed not to read the distinctions or polarities too stringently, they do highlight important issues for both religion and spirituality.
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Table 8.2 Summary of stereotypical distinctions and polarities that may apply between the ‘spiritual’ and the ‘religious’ Cultural influences affecting thinking about the ‘religious’ and the ‘spiritual’
Tendency in public thinking and in stereotypes to view the ‘religious’ and ‘religion’ as
Secularisation
External, formal and public Internal, more informal, subjective and private
Privatisation of religion Contemporary emphasis on experience Valuing personal autonomy Meeting existential spiritual needs Consumerism
Emphasis on formal religious practices and observances
Tendency in public thinking and in stereotypes to view the ‘spiritual’ and ‘spirituality’ as
Emphasis on personal spiritual experience
Regulated by requirements Guided by the individual, of religious authority emphasis on personal autonomy Normative teachings and doctrines
More reliance on personal interpretation
Scientific rationalism and modern religious studies
Can have an institutional emphasis
Tends to be individualistic
Postmodern interpretations of religion
Organised and structured
More informal, individualistic
Absolute truth claims proposed authoritatively
A more constructivist notion of personal truth; admits to more uncertainty and existential bestestimates
Importance of history and tradition; in Christianity, allied with theology and scripture
Less concerned with traditions and more existential in focus
Commodification of the spiritual/religious
Notes
While this table shows polarities between perceptions of the terms, the distinctions do not always apply to particular individuals. They may have the qualities noted in both columns because the characteristics are not necessarily exclusive e.g. 1). Substantial participation in organised religion can enhance personal spirituality rather than inhibit it. 2.) A personal nonreligious spirituality may be a substantial part of an individual’s reflective life; in other instances it might be superficial and specious.
Does not always Tends to accommodate accommodate questioning questioning
The table helps with understanding secularisation and the problems religions have where they fail to meet the spiritual needs of their members. In addition, it may help in dialogue between religious groups and with those whose spirituality is not religious – this will be important in the public discourse about spirituality and education. Also, it can help avoid the relegation of religion in such discourse. The differentiation between religion and spirituality has been taken up by David Tacey, particularly in his books Reenchantment: The new Australian spirituality (2000) and The spirituality revolution: The emergence of contemporary spirituality (2003). He illustrated many of the distinctions made in Table 8.2. For Tacey, a key to the development of a popular
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spirituality vis-à-vis religion is in the strength of the cultural themes of freedom and individuality within a context of plurality. This revolution involves a democratisation of the spirit. It is about individuals taking authority into their own hands, and refusing to be told what to think or believe. It is about personal autonomy and experimentation, with the use of direct experience of the world as a kind of laboratory of the spirit. There is a new desire to observe, create theories, and test these against the facts of our experience. We seem to be applying the scientific method to our spiritual lives. Not all this investigation is happy or profitable, and this is all the more reason why public institutions [including religion and the churches] must eventually take up a dialogue with popular spirituality.9
Tacey considered that the increasing prominence of spirituality represented a force for spiritual renewal within society which was distinct from, and to varying degrees in conflict with, traditional religion and fundamentalism. He stressed the mystical and experiential dimension to spirituality. The lack of dialogue between religion and spirituality he ascribed to the inability of the churches to move beyond ‘conventional ideas of the sacred’. Spirit is felt to be spontaneous, freely available and democratically structured, whereas religion is perceived to be doctrinal, regulated and authoritarian. Spirit is felt to be holistic and urging us towards wholeness and completion, whereas religion is perceived to be promoting perfection, one sided-ness and imbalance … The traditional sense of belonging to one specific interpretation of the world not only runs counter to the new experience of diversity and social plurality, but is also contrary to the modern experience of education … It is hardly surprising if many of us are beginning to live our spiritual lives according to this same pattern, by looking at our own needs and the various world religions in terms of what makes sense to us and what can be concluded by our experimentation.10
Tacey’s interpretation did not presume that religion and spirituality are incompatible; his ideal would be a healthy spirituality within a religious tradition. His views are therefore accommodated by religious people who want a spirituality that is not always forthcoming in the local church; and those who want a non-religious spirituality can also identify with his interpretation. Some religious people and mainline religious authorities find his views too liberal and unorthodox – as do fundamentalist Christians, who see him promoting relativism and a privatised spirituality. Tacey drew a distinction between the ideology of ‘relativism’ and a practical ‘relativity’ that acknowledged ‘that all religious systems are to some extent productions of time, place and history, and that when we enter into any religious system we are necessarily participating in the historical and social influences of that system’.11 He also pointed out that this is a natural consequence of contemporary culture where ‘many of our modern assumptions and absolute conceptions had been transformed by post-modern fluidity and uncertainty, and by a new exposure to process and mystery’.12 While not all will agree with the solutions Tacey suggests, and while there is more complexity and diversity to the spirituality of religious people than Tacey was able to show in his books, there is no doubt that he has raised an agenda of great importance for all
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who would consider relationships between spirituality and religion. What requires further attention is the spirituality of those who are not religious and who are not attuned to the mystical-experiential themes that Tacey considers fundamental to spirituality.
8.5 Further consideration of issues related to the nature of spirituality The following sections address in more detail some questions about what constitutes spirituality (some of the topics were signposted in earlier sections).
8.5.1 Spirituality, belief in God, and belief in a transcendent dimension to human life 8.5.2 The need for a new, non-religious language for addressing spiritual-moral issues in the public domain 8.5.3 Non-religious spiritualities 8.5.4 A new spiritual awakening? A resurgence of religion? 8.5.5 Secularisation and spirituality 8.5.6 Spirituality and cultural postmodernity 8.5.7 Consumer spirituality 8.5.8 Dimensions of emotion, imagination and the aesthetic in spirituality 8.5.9 A style spectrum of spiritualities 8.5.10 Values in education, values/moral education and the spiritual-moral dimension to education
8.5.1
Spirituality, belief in God, and belief in a transcendent dimension to human life
The existence of God, and particularly a personal God who is interested in people and intimately concerned with human affairs, are beliefs that are distinctive of religions. Such beliefs are central to the transcendent dimension to religion. Other aspects of religious transcendence include belief in an after-life. For many, it is this transcendent dimension that is the essence of both the religious and the spiritual. Yet these beliefs are not always present in some contemporary spiritualities. In his book The varieties of religious experience, originally published in 1902, the psychologist William James proposed the following view of transcendence. He considered that the core transcendent experience in religions was acknowledgment that the physical world was part of a more spiritual universe that gave the world its principal meaning; and that trying to develop personal union with this spiritual power was the ultimate purpose and goal of human life. For James, spirituality would then be the collection of thinking, commitments and activity that guided a life based on these beliefs. Christianity and Judaism (the world religions with which we are most familiar) give an extensive account of their personal God. Both the Hebrew Bible and the Christian Scriptures show people communicating personally with God. In addition, these religions see God as
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creator and sustainer of life. Other qualities including immanence (permeating life) and omnipresence or ubiquity (present everywhere) are ascribed to God. Such views are also prominent in other world religions, especially Islam. In generic writings about religions, and particularly about spiritualities that are not explicitly based in religion, reference to God as central to transcendence is still evident, but expressed in more abstract terms. God may be referred to variously as the ‘creative spirit’, ‘life force’, ‘higher power’ and ‘transcendent other’. The idea of ‘the greater cosmic scheme of things’ has also been used as an equivalent for God.13 Other images used were ‘greater, deeper sense of order’ and ‘new vibration’.14 It is not difficult to see the connection with ‘The Force’ in the Star Wars films, and to see why some educators tried to use the popularity of the phrase as evidence of a ‘resurgence’ in youth spirituality. Process philosophy and theology emphasise the nature and role of God as remaining involved in the process of continuing creation and unfolding of the universe. Belief in God implies a transcendence that fits comfortably within a notion of the spiritual and spirituality. However, there are people and spiritualities that do not have any belief in God but still use the words spiritual and transcendence. Here, the spiritual dimension is regarded as central to human nature, even if for individuals it does not endure beyond death. For such spirituality, transcendence is understood as a human construct. It may be the spiritual quality of humans; it may be experiences of value or beauty that inspire people; it may be mystical experiences; or it could be the notion of a non-personal, permeating life force in the universe. Then there are spiritualities that exclude both belief in God and in spiritual transcendence. Some would argue that it is inappropriate to apply the word spirituality to such movements, and that they would be better described as psychologies concerned with personal wellbeing. As noted earlier, we do not want to enter the extensive debate about the nature of spirituality, but we need to point out that the way transcendence and belief in God appear in (or are absent from) a spirituality is an important issue when it comes to the analysis and evaluation of spiritualities. Belief in God and transcendence enlarge the domain of spirituality beyond personal wellbeing – a religious spirituality is not focused exclusively on the immediate concerns and personal needs of the individual. A religious spirituality does not guarantee that people will not be self-centred or that they will be self-transcendent; but at its best, it provides a strong challenge to self-centredness.
8.5.2
The need for a new, non-religious language for addressing spiritual-moral issues in the public domain
Previously in Western societies, when there was little distinction between the words religious and spiritual, any public discourse about spiritual and moral dimensions to life tended to be in Christian theological language. However, given the almost universal acceptance of pluralism in these societies, and the distinctions being made between the religious and the spiritual, a new non-religious language is needed for public discussion of spiritual and moral issues. In areas like public education, social work, social science, business, and health sciences, words like spiritual, beliefs, values, commitments, ethics, justice and equity became more appropriate for discourse because they avoided the evangelising agenda that was readily associated with religious words; also, many traditionally religious and theological words were
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no longer perceived as relevant. In this context, the word spirituality was used to cover a spiritual orientation to life that did not specify a particular religious affiliation. Inclusive spiritual language and a broader conception of issues were likely to be more appropriate for dialogue across religious and non-religious groups, and for gaining the consensus and moral support of people for common values. For religious people in such public dialogue, their use of a language somewhat indepen dent of religion helped them explore how particular religious concerns could be translated into a pluralist social situation. There was another benefit for religion: this language would also help believers see how their religion was pertinent to their personal lives – it was like religion trying to find a new spiritual language to address the secularised situation.
8.5.3
Non-religious spiritualities
For those who were consciously non-religious, the language of spirituality provided a suitable alternative to religion. In some instances, the alternative to religion was sought on the grounds that religion was failing to provide an appropriate and meaningful spirituality. As already noted, a confluence of pressures from the advent of science, rationalism (from the Enlightenment) and secularisation affected the cogency, plausibility and perceived relevance of religions; they had been the traditional sources of meaning. A recent example of the substitution of a relatively non-religious spirituality is evident in the book SQ: Spiritual intelligence, the ultimate intelligence, by Zohar and Marshall (2000). They concluded that ‘[t]he rapid changes in the western world over the past three centuries have left conventional religions struggling to be meaningful’. Hence people need to use their own innate spiritual capacities ‘to forge new paths to find some fresh expression of meaning, something that touches us and that can guide us from within’.15 This emphasis on personal experience, autonomy and relevance or meaningfulness was contrasted with ‘conventional religion’, which was stereotyped as ‘an externally imposed set of rules and voice. It is top-down, inherited from priests and prophets and holy books or absorbed through the family and tradition’.16 The suggestion that religion is only needed by those who are ‘spiritually immature’ is commonly associated with this view. Levin, also writing about spiritual intelligence, considered that this new spirituality enabled people to ‘cut out the middle man’ – bypassing both organised religion and ‘gurus’: In the old external order there is a hierarchy. ‘God’, or some ultimate authority figure, sits at the top, followed by his ‘Church’, the priest, the institution, men, women, children, animals – in that order. To relate to ‘God’ you must go through a priest, and a church. But that is no longer the case. We are all being urged to connect to spirit directly … Instead of relating through the old triangle, the old hierarchy, we are being asked to connect directly with God, or the force of spirituality, or the force of the creative – however you see it, the words often confuse the issue. It means that, as well as dramatic changes in your relation to spirituality, the role of the priest or the guru is also changing. Altogether. They are no longer your link to spirituality or God.17
This argument has appeal for those interested in spirituality, but who want little or nothing to do with organised religion. It does, however, propose something of a ‘straw man’ image of religious spirituality; there are many practitioners of a religious spirituality who
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would claim much personal autonomy and direct access to God. For example, there are many Christians who draw strongly on their denomination’s religious traditions for their spirituality, while being relatively autonomous in relation to church authority; they will make up their own minds when it comes to disputed questions. Nevertheless, there are a significant number of people, including many youth, who feel that religion is mainly irrelevant to their spiritual quest and this understanding motivates their search for a non-religious spirituality. A major type of non-religious spirituality is evident in groups that consciously espouse a spiritual nature for humans and propose practices to enhance spiritual wellbeing. Fuller, in Spiritual but not religious, gave an account of a wide range of such groups; some examples of metaphysical philosophies from the 19th century were: the Universalisers, Freemasonry, Swedenborgianism, Transcendentalism, Shakerism, Mesmerism, Spiritualism, Mind Cure, and Theosophy. There is an even greater range in the 20th and 21st centuries. Other non-religious spiritual groups focus on astrology and the occult, or they constitute some form of New Age spirituality. In addition, there are groups that draw to various extents on Eastern religious and Eastern non-religious thought and spiritual practice. Then there is a considerable number of psychological/spiritual movements that have been used in association with both religious and non-religious spiritualities. These range from traditional Rogerian Encounter Groups, to the popular Myers Briggs personality inventory, the Enneagram and rebirthing etc. Useful psychological insights and wisdom are readily incorporated into spirituality. The word spirituality has also been appropriated by what has been called the ‘self-help’ personal development industry. This is a diverse group including various therapies, holistic movements, meditation and other activities, catering for people’s interest in furthering their own psychological development and wellbeing; they purport to promote spirituality as a central aspect of human development. In Western societies, there is now a large smorgasbord of spiritualities ranging from particular religious spiritualities to many different non-religious spiritualities. In addition, people may be eclectic in borrowing from different spiritual sources and practices without changing their basic religious orientation. For example, Christians will incorporate spiritual insights from various psychological movements, or they may borrow from Eastern religions and spiritualities.
8.5.4
A new spiritual awakening? A resurgence of religion?
While acknowledging that there has been a long, sharp decline in church attendance, some Christians have been heartened by the increasing interest they see being taken in spirituality. It has become something of a new buzz word. They talk about seeing a new ‘spiritual hunger’ in people, including youth, and they think that this may foreshadow a new religious awakening. Some Christian religious educators think that if they can tap into these spiritual needs they will be able to show young people the relevance of Christianity to their lives and perhaps even encourage them to come back to the Church. We recommend caution in jumping to this conclusion.18 Cultural changes in the landscape of spirituality are complex. It is difficult to make sense of some developments, let alone predict where they may lead to. Religious attempts to try to identify and address young people’s spiritual needs, especially in education, need to be commended; also valuable have been efforts to make religious spiritualities relevant
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to contemporary social contexts. But we suggest that this be done unconditionally, and not dependent on the intention of getting youth back into church. It may well be that religious agencies like church schools can enhance the spirituality of young people, but this will not necessarily be a successful formula for increasing Sunday church attendance.
8.5.5
Secularisation and spirituality
The adjective ‘secular’ is formally contrasted with ‘sacred’ and ‘religious’; it means ordinary life or experience without any religious connection or connotation. ‘Secularisation’ is a process in which the prominence of formal religion in social interaction decreases. Secularisation, therefore, is usually of concern for religions because it affects their standing and influence in culture and politics; and it weakens the bonds between believers and organised religion. Religious people worry about secularisation because they see it encouraging others to live their lives with little or no connection with religion, thus losing their religious identity and the spiritual resources that go with it. Critics of religion see secularisation as a positive development because it lessens the social control that religions exerted on believers, allowing for more autonomy and personal responsibility for beliefs. ‘Secularism’ is an ideology that actively promotes secularisation. Secularism is often overtly anti-religious; but secularisation itself is not necessarily anti-religious. It is beyond our scope here to consider secularisation extensively. However, it is significant to show that, while secularisation has diminished the place of religion in public life, it does not necessarily do the same for the spiritual and spirituality. A case can be made for describing some youth spirituality as ‘secular’ but not very religious, and the same applies to adults. Increasing secularisation has been the pattern in Western societies for more than a century. In a text on modern European thought, Franklin Boumer wrote about the process of secularisation in a chapter entitled ‘The Eclipse of God’.19 He began with the words of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, writing from his Nazi prison camp in 1944. [T]he secular movement which I think had begun in the 13th century has in our time reached a certain completion. People have learnt to cope with all the questions of importance without recourse to God as a working hypothesis. In questions concerning science, art and even ethics this has become an understood thing which one scarcely dares to tilt at any more.20
This draws attention to a process with a long history that now has a contemporary prominence and universality in Western countries. It has been accelerated by social change over the past forty years through communications, economic policies, technology, travel, education and the media – all of which foster a lifestyle characterised by a strong sense of freedom, individuality and relativism, even if there is a significant gap between what people hope for and what they actually experience. Bonhoeffer’s comments are particularly pertinent to contemporary society where many people, especially the young, construct their spirituality without much reference to traditional religion or to the ‘God’ they see reflected in the teachings and practices of this sort of religion. While he probably did not imagine the extent to which secularisation would have developed by the end of the 20th century, Bonhoeffer thought that the changes in emphasis flowing from secularisation were not necessarily a bad sign for Christianity.
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He saw secularisation changing religion – moving it from cultural control of thought and behaviour to a more autonomous, personal Christian spirituality. Some labelled such a development dangerous, ushering in a type of ‘religion-less Christianity’ – a term that was used to encapsulate this trend in its quintessential form. However, it is important to note that Bonhoeffer never proposed excessive individualism; for his view of authentic Christianity, the believing community was fundamental; and developing community in the wider society was central to the Christian mission. (Bonhoeffer’s doctoral thesis was titled Communio Sanctorum.) The big issue in secularisation, as far as religion was concerned, was that God and religion were no longer formally at the centre of everything. Religious doctrines, symbols and rituals are no longer the principal sources of meaning for individuals and societies. One of the corollaries of secularisation is the privatisation of beliefs. As the social prominence of religions in pluralist societies decreases, so the tendency to regard religion as a matter of private belief increases. This helps shift the notion of religion from the historical and objective towards the existential and the personal. In turn, this tends to make spirituality a more personal and private affair, less linked to formal religion. From one point of view, the privatisation of beliefs emphasises, and can enhance, the personal dimension to spirituality. This can go hand in hand with a community dimension, or it can diminish the latter, with individuals feeling that they have less need for organised religion. Religious people are concerned about this trend. Part of their concern is the diminished moral power of religion over individuals. Another concern is the way in which religion can be domesticated and its capacity for social action and justice limited. Religion can be treated as a matter of private, personal opinion, where it may offer personal meaning and motivation without getting in the way of business and life in general. So it is not surprising that many people in contemporary Western countries will favour the idea of spirituality in preference to religion; a decline in participation in organised religion is occurring at the same time as an increasing popular interest in the spiritual. For some, this may well be because they are disenchanted with organised religion. Some indeed see religion as an obstacle to their spirituality – they may see religion as more concerned with social control than with promoting personal spirituality and autonomy, and they may resent the idea of being ‘told’ what to believe; for others, it may just be more convenient and less demanding; for still others, they will retain certain links with religion and religious beliefs, while having a stronger personal say in determining their own spirituality. One author summarised this trend as follows: The big difference between the older forms of spirituality and 21st century spirituality is the movement away from an external authority figure and a movement toward an empowerment of each seeker. 21st century spirituality is not about being told what to do … It’s about becoming one’s own authority, so that our moral behaviour and our cosmic awe stem from the inside out.21
Secularisation is not so much a decline in belief in God, but a ‘repositioning of religious belief in a manner that reflects a more general shift of emphasis within society from institutional to domestic life’.22 Many people are religious but in a more private and general way, and not in the traditional institutional way. They may still draw on their religious tradition for
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beliefs and spirituality, but they will not ever be likely to become actively involved in a local community of faith. Also related to secularisation and privatisation of beliefs is a tendency for people to consider spirituality as nominal and implied. While not having any clearly recognisable practices that might sustain and enhance spirituality, some people may claim that spirituality is inherent in their lifestyle and that spiritual values give direction to their lives. This can go with a claim to be ‘spiritual but not religious’, and is given as a reason for not needing formal links with religion. It might be described as an ‘invisible’ spirituality or ‘invisible’ religion. This may well be the case for particular people. Spirituality may permeate their lives without being obvious or too explicit. How much individuals need explicitly spiritual activities and how much time needs to be spent in specifically educating or otherwise enhancing their spirituality are matters for discernment; it would be rash to make judgments about what is or what is not appropriate for them on the basis of presuming they have little implied spirituality. However, we want to draw attention to the problem situation where a claim to an implied spirituality is little more than a cover for giving no conscious attention to spirituality. In such cases, a relatively ‘invisible’ spirituality may well tend towards the nonexistent. This remains an issue for the evaluation of spirituality.
8.5.6
Spirituality and cultural postmodernity
There are ambiguities in the use of the term ‘postmodernity’ because of the different meanings given to it. Philosophers of postmodernism (sometimes also referred to as post-structuralism) like Baudrillard, Lyotard, Rorty and others are noted for an epistemological stance opposed to ‘realism’ and for rejection of the assumptions and ideologies of modernism (2.10.9).23 Our concern is not with their thinking as such, but rather with more general ideas and ideological assumptions that are labelled as cultural postmodernity; this helps interpret the sociocultural environment that affects people’s thinking and behaviour. What is of particular concern for spirituality is a sense of ‘cultural agnosticism’ that is prominent in postmodern thought. It seems to engage in a cycle of never-ending questioning about the reliability of knowledge. A stock question is ‘How can you be sure you know that?’ It presumes a constructivist and contextualist view of knowledge; it questions the existence of absolutes and the validity of meta-narratives. It gives the impression that ‘because you can deconstruct it, therefore you can distrust it’. Postmodernity represents a significant paradigm shift from the scientific rationalism and positivism that flowed from the Enlightenment. Now the emphasis is on uncertainty, subjectivism and existentialism; some critics would also add ‘irrationality’ as a characteristic.24 Postmodernity seems to have applied Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle for the momentum of the electron to human knowledge. This view not only stresses the uncertainty in personal knowledge, but it can lead to a depressing view that truth is unknowable. If the knowledge and understanding of truth are relative, depending on the particular context and local conditions, this spells trouble for religions that claim absolute truth. Authoritative religious teachings are relativised, and their truth tends to be evaluated in terms of useful functions for the individual and the community. Also, postmodernity leads to a primacy of the subjective over the objective. As a result, the individual’s own experience becomes the most important touchstone for truth and authenticity. Existential needs take
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centre stage and long-term human goals become less cogent. This favours a spirituality that is existential and primarily focused on individuals’ current needs. It is understandable that religions feel under attack from cultural postmodernity. However, some of its agenda needs to be addressed constructively by religion and spirituality rather than dismissed, for example conflicting claims by different religions to absolute truth. One of the values of postmodern thinking for religion is that it reminds people that knowledge is socially constructed and its meanings are conditioned by historical and contextual factors. Sometimes religious discussion can give the impression of being arrogant, presuming that all will accept authoritative statements as somehow absolute. For example statements like ‘The Bible says this’ are challenged by a realisation that it is really a particular individual or group interpretation of what the Bible is thought to be teaching. Similarly a phrase like ‘Authentic Catholic theology’ has to be interpreted in terms of its history, development and authority base. Such challenges do not necessarily do away with religious authority, but they call for a more rigorous justification and clarification of what is said. Sometimes interpretations said to be ‘postmodern’ are more appropriately labelled ‘the results of scholarship’ or ‘development in the interpretation of religious doctrines’. This is illustrated in the following example. For some, what the Catholic Church teaches about Hell is simple and straightforward. The Green Catechism (1939–62) said: Hell is a place of eternal torments. God made Hell to punish the devils or bad angels, and all who die in mortal sin. No one can come out of Hell, for out of Hell there is no redemption.25
The relatively new official adult Catechism of the Catholic Church (1994) confirms traditional teaching about ‘the existence of hell and its eternity … for the souls of those who die in a state of mortal sin … [and] the punishments of hell, “eternal fire”.’ But it extends the interpretation as follows: ‘The chief punishment of hell is eternal separation from God, in whom alone man can possess the life and happiness for which he was created and for which he longs’. And ‘This state of definitive self-exclusion from communion with God and the blessed is called “hell”’.26 Critical studies in scripture, theology and history (as well as psychology) yield a more complex and less clear-cut interpretation of Catholic teaching on Hell. Those familiar with this complexity may not have heard the word postmodernity, let alone understood its meaning. But it is useful as a label (or state of mind) for the more questioning, complex interpretations of traditions. Some cannot bear to live with the complexities of meaning that critical scholarship uncovers – and it certainly makes the teaching of religion much more complex. Others cannot bear to live with what they perceive as simplistic interpretations. Some address the problem by turning their back on it and ‘sticking to the traditional formulae they were brought up with’. Others see the problem as just ‘reality’; and they feel more in tune with reality, and vitalised by living comfortably with the complexities. The value position presumed here favours the complex interpretation over the simple, because the latter is too limited a representation of the truth. This proposes that we need to accommodate the natural levels of complexity and uncertainty in religious knowledge because we believe that such built-in limitations are part of the nature of such knowledge. This does not mean that it is untruthful but that it is unlikely to express all of the truth. The complexity of truth was always there, but it is in recent times in Western societies that people
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have been more widely challenged to acknowledge it. It is presumed that truthful meaning and personal integrity can be achieved within this knowledge framework. Different people can grasp the same truth, God, for example, although they have different understandings of what God is like. Similarly, some practical level of objectivity can be achieved despite the postmodern emphasis on subjectivity and relativism. Those involved in education and the care of youth can be committed to helping young people acquire better understandings and interpretations of the truth; hence, from this value stance, an unwillingness to help them explore the challenges in this greater complexity is a failure in professional commitment. This is a view that is contested, particularly with respect to the role of religious authority. But it is one authentic response to the postmodern cultural situation. This discussion relates back to section 3.2.14 where we proposed that acceptance of a natural degree of uncertainty in personal knowing need not compromise its meaning and truthfulness. Also, some practical objectivity can be achieved despite the postmodern emphasis on subjectivity and relativism. An excessive emphasis on postmodernity can lead to a spirituality that is exclusively existential, and to a large number of religions – each with only one member! Extreme postmodernism seems to have swung so far in the direction of individualism, subjectivity and relativism that people are left all alone to construct their own unique personal packages of meaning that give them some feeling of ‘ontological security’ about their value and purpose in life, with little or no connection with any community of meaning or historical traditions for meaning. That level of individualism seems inhuman and unhealthy. Strictly speaking, personal meaning systems are unique for each individual. But at the same time, the similarity and commonality in human experience results in meaning systems with a lot in common, particularly for people with similar beliefs and outlook on life. Individualism can be over-emphasised at the expense of shared meaning and communities of meaning. After all, shared meanings are essential for the integrity of personal communication and human relationships; this is the case while acknowledging the natural degree of ambiguity and uncertainty in personal knowing and communication. Hence the fundamental importance of communities of meaning and individuals’ contact with, reliance on and nourishment from such communities needs to be acknowledged. The uniqueness of the individual’s meaning system coexists with significant amounts of shared meaning. It is proposed that a healthy spirituality needs a broader base within both community and historical traditions. This is where religious spirituality has something valuable to contribute.
8.5.7
Consumer spirituality
Spirituality should help to meet felt personal needs. But if this is its exclusive focus, three developments become more likely. First, individuals lose a sense of community and traditional meanings; second, commitments to others and to particular communities are weakened or abandoned; and third, spirituality tends to become yet another commodity for a consumerist lifestyle – it can be marketed and exploited for its ‘feel-good’ potential. The noble aim to seek spirituality as part of personal development can be affected by a consumerist ethic.
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This is evident where religion and religious spirituality become ‘business oriented’. For example, the Christian minister Rick Warren referred to at the start of this chapter calls himself a ‘Stealth Evangelist’. He saw himself capitalising on a ‘new great Awakening spiritually in America’. The newspaper article on Warren said that he ‘encouraged ministers to think of their churches as businesses and congregations as customers.’ It concluded that he was appealing to a notion of ‘a comforting God who acts like a great therapist in the sky’ – thus compromising religious concerns for social issues and social justice.27 The author considered that ‘while the desire for personal change is admirable, an obsession with selffulfilment distracts from the need to change the world’. She quoted favourably a more desirable alternative view from another pastor: Is it enough to preach sermons that centre on individual struggles and offer guidance along the path to a more meaningful and fulfilling personal life? I can’t help thinking this is a time when we should be challenging our people to move beyond the personal to the public – indeed, the political – and commit themselves to transforming the world … Jesus, our role model, not only cared for hurting individuals but also shattered the cultural conventions of his day and turned his society upside down.
The uncertainty and existentialism of postmodernity naturally incline people towards consumerism: ‘if life is fraught with ontological uncertainty, why not find meaning in consuming as much as possible while we can?’28 If this happens, spirituality can lose its transcendent perspective and its capacity to critically interpret the culture. In religious terminology, the ‘prophetic’ quality of spirituality is diminished because it becomes an indistinguishable part of the prevailing consumerist lifestyle. In considering this aspect of spirituality, one writer claimed that ‘postmodern consumerism is … a worldview reaching into every aspect of Western culture, shaping our lives from cradle to grave. It constitutes the dominant metanarrative … “Consumerism is ubiquitous and ephemeral. It is arguably the religion of the late twentieth century.”’29 Traditionally, religion provided a systematic worldview in which the Divine provided overall meaning and purpose to life. With cultural postmodernity, the importance of worldview recedes into the background; instead, what becomes important for individuals is the life-world and its components. The need to find some overarching meaning system for life can be supplanted by a concern to maximise the consumer products that enhance lifestyle and an immediate sense of wellbeing. Attention needs to be drawn to a number of aspects of consumerist and commercial spirituality that are important for the critical evaluation of contemporary spirituality: • Consumerist lifestyle emphasis: In relation to the popular contemporary quest for spiritual fulfilment, it is evident that a ‘plethora of spiritualities, each with its own claim to provide a final answer to existential angst, reflects exactly the pattern and dynamic of consumerism’.30 This pattern is evident in some who search for meaning and satisfaction in religion, or in esoteric religious practice, alternative spiritualities, the New Age and even in alcohol or drugs. • Existential gratification: There is an emphasis on the gratification of personal needs and interests here and now. How people feel about spirituality will be more influential than their
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thinking; feelings about comfort and wellbeing will sway choices about the spiritual. On this point Bridger considered that: ‘The “instant satisfaction” culture of the shopping mall is so deeply embedded in the Western psyche that, insofar as the search after spirituality represents the consumerist ethic, it is to be expected that those engaged in the search will conform to this ethic.’31 • Consumer notion of freedom: Personal freedom tends to be interpreted in terms of individual consumer choice from a variety of options. • Private and personal: Spirituality tends to be regarded as more of a private and personal matter than something that is rooted in community and historical tradition. Spirituality can then be like ‘personal opinion’ and ‘one opinion is as good as another’s’ and is ‘entitled to equal respect’. • Individualistic frame of reference: The emphasis is on the individual constructing his or her own version of spirituality. ‘Spirituality becomes a matter of subjective experience whose efficacy is judged by the extent to which it meets the subject’s self-perceived needs and desires. And since these are in a constant state of flux, consistent only in being driven by the impulse to gratification, the spiritual search consists of a never-ending stream of sensation‑gathering as the individual moves from one attempt at fulfilment to the next.’32 The individual’s own experience becomes the touchstone for authentic spirituality. If spirituality embraces values and commitments that are not just self-centred, then at times it will conflict with personal feelings and individual interests. Fidelity to commitments will not always be emotionally comfortable; life motivated by a healthy spirituality will not always take the easiest ‘feel-good’ path. Commitment to other people and to long-term life goals can be aspects of spirituality that ‘transcend’ self-centredness, and thus transcend consumerism. This echoes a particular interpretation of Christian religious spirituality that it is precisely in a level of self-forgetfulness that goes with concern for others that individuals may find their ‘true’ selves.
8.5.8
Dimensions of emotion, imagination and the aesthetic in spirituality
This section will do no more than signpost three dimensions to spirituality that warrant more detailed attention. Emotions (or feelings) are fundamental visceral energies that are an integral part of normal human functioning; they are also a key component of spiritual responses. Emotions can emerge from within, in an endogenous way, without any apparent external stimulus (for example depression); they are often strong, and at times overwhelming, psychosomatic parts of the overall human response to situations and events (joy, zest, exhilaration, anger, fear, depression, guilt). Much consideration needs to be given to the expression of emotions, as well as to their moderation. Emotions can be ‘trained’ and controlled to variable extents. Particular expressions of emotion can be judged appropriate or inappropriate in a certain context. Emotions can be repressed, causing damaging repercussions within the personality; emotions can also ‘run riot’ and appear to be out of control; people can be ‘slaves’ of their emotions. A balanced, expressive emotional life is central to the notion of health, including spiritual health (2.9.6, 13.5). The imagination is the individual’s capacity to mentally picture future possibilities (2.9.7, 13.8 and 15.7.10–12). New ideas, even new selves, can be imagined and rehearsed. In
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this way, imagination of possibilities and consequences is a precursor to human action and personal change. Imagination helps people identify with the feelings, understandings and situations of others and is thus important for empathy. It is a key to creativity and originality, and is an important aspect of spirituality. The aesthetic dimension to spirituality has to do with the appreciation of beauty, creativity and originality – it is an integral part of human responses. Beauty is perceived and enjoyed both in nature and in human constructions like architecture and art. The aesthetic is also linked with symbolism and its role in human self-expression and communication with others. An understanding of spirituality needs to attend to the spiritual dimension in the creative arts.
8.5.9
A style spectrum of spiritualities
This section examines a spectrum of spiritualities ranging from organisational/structural religious to DIY (do-it-yourself )/on-the-run psychological. In the diverse developments within religious and non-religious spiritualities, it is possible to discern a polarity that results from the interplay between cultural influences such as those noted above. Towards one end of the spectrum is what can be described as organisational/structural religious spirituality. This is where a religious spirituality is strongly located within a local faith community. It is defined and expressed through worship, liturgy and religious practices as well as through authoritative religious teachings. The faith is articulated in a systematic theology or worldview that includes a moral code. A comprehensive beliefs package is accepted, even if individuals do not understand some aspects, and even if some beliefs are puzzling. Religious identification is tied up with firm, and often relatively unquestioning, acceptance of the orthodox teachings. Religious identity is regarded as important; it is defined over and against other religious and non-religious groups. What the individuals believe and their religious practices, in addition to nurturing their spirituality, also have a ‘boundary construction’ role – serving as boundary markers for the religious group, keeping them separate and distinctive. There is an emphasis on absolute truth and certainty in religious claims. Often there is a strong focus on preparation for eternity, on salvation and atonement for sins. This sort of spirituality gives a strong sense of personal and spiritual security. It sees religious beliefs and practices as defining one’s integrity and as ‘coaxing’ God to intervene and make their lives more successful (not only spiritually). It braces itself against cultural postmodernity and any other influences that may be perceived as dangerous because of their eroding effects on faith. This style of spirituality can be found in all traditional as well as relatively new religions, in both older and younger members. Also, versions are evident in some non-religious spiritual groups. Towards the other end of an extensive spectrum is what can be called do-it-yourself, onthe-run psychological spirituality. This spirituality is more personally constructed according to need and is less dependent on a religious institution with its comprehensive beliefs package. There is more personal freedom, but this puts more onus on the individual for constructing and living out a spirituality. In structural/organisational spirituality, individuals have a choice of religion; but once having chosen, there is often little more choice available because a required belief system is prescribed.
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DIY spirituality suits those who cannot abide such a restriction on their freedom and who want to be involved in selecting and choosing the components of their spirituality. It is somewhat tailor-made to help negotiate life ‘on the run’, dealing with spiritual questions as they arise, with interpretations and constructions that are felt to be the best available wisdom. It may well draw substantially on the individual’s own traditional religious heritage (for example scripture and theology), but it will be a well-developed and usually complex interpretation. It is focused on present life (a psychological emphasis) and not much concerned with a hereafter, although this is not dismissed, especially when death looms closer with old age. It adverts to the spiritual and moral dimensions of ongoing life experience; it may seek transcendent and religious experience as well. Some individuals have moved towards this style of spirituality in varying degrees because they were not functioning comfortably within the organisational/structural framework described earlier. Others may find themselves towards this end of the spectrum by default, by being too busy, or through lack of much conscious attention to spirituality. Some may be in this position being consciously spiritual but not religious. Others have this style of spirituality while remaining identified with their traditional religion, but their mode of participation in the church or religion is markedly different from the organisational/structural style. Some of the characteristics of a DIY on-the-run spirituality are as follows (resonating with issues discussed earlier in the chapter). Becoming more personally autonomous and responsible for one’s spirituality may result in wanting to select aspects that have a desired function or meet particular needs – hence the standard set of teachings in a worldview and organisational religious practice will not be satisfying; or the individual will not take much notice of beliefs they feel are marginal. Multiple comparisons of religions and non-religious views of life can incline individuals to de-absolutise religious truth claims, seeing them as more symbolic than historical or factual, pointing in a valuable spiritual direction perhaps but not expressing all of the truth. They can be eclectic in sourcing spirituality beyond their own religious tradition. They experience secularisation but do not see it as a spiritual problem for them; and being busy, they may not have the time for a lot of religious practice if it does not seem to meet any real need. This style of spirituality seeks to be relevant to people’s lives and moral decision-making, and its emphasis is psychological. It values individuality, but it is not necessarily anticommunitarian. Nevertheless, communities of this type, whether religious or not, have a different mode of social and spiritual functioning from that of the organisational/structural type. It is common for local religious faith communities to be far from homogeneous, having a great range of spiritualities represented from across the complete spectrum. Hence it is usual in communities of faith, perhaps even normal, for there to be give and take, and even some conflict arising from different spiritualities and different needs. Sometimes faith communities can work together and rise above such differences in spiritualities; sometimes they cannot. Much depends on the leadership, key personalities and distribution of power. It is not uncommon to find these same differences in spiritualities within a family group. Some with a DIY style of spirituality remain very active and involved in their faith community; for others, it is their style of spirituality that draws them away from organised religion. DIY on-the-run spirituality can get by comfortably with a measure of acknowledged natural uncertainty about the big spiritual issues of life – God, death and the afterlife. It
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does not need to rely on the traditional package of beliefs, selecting wisdom from a variety of sources that makes sense of people’s experience and can guide their moral life. Such people are more aware of the ‘real uncertainties’ both in life and religion than the ‘unreal certainties’ they sometimes perceive in the organisational/structural style of religious spirituality. For the DIY style of spirituality, there is less need for religious identity boundaries. This spectrum ranging from structural/organisational to DIY spirituality is significant for interpreting the diversity of spiritualities in youth. It also signals the natural problems that can be expected with an education in spirituality that is sponsored by the Church (see Part 4). Formal religious education in religious schools tends to have a curriculum that naturally leans towards the organisational/structural because it is institutionally sponsored. Hence there are difficulties to be negotiated for both teachers and students whose spiritual orientation is towards the other end of the spectrum.
8.5.10 Values in education, values/moral education and the spiritual-moral dimension to education This discussion of spirituality needs to be related to debates about values in education, values education and the spiritual-moral dimension of education (see Part 3). While we have chosen not to report on the extensive literature on values and values education, we consider that this volume makes a significant contribution to values education. In Part 3 we give special attention to a broader category, ‘the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum’; a comprehensive perspective on spirituality is central to that conceptualisation.
8.6 Healthy spirituality: Criteria for the identification and evaluation of spirituality Judging what is a healthy and desirable spirituality always takes place within a specific context where there are presumed values and beliefs, whether these are religious or not. Here a starting list of evaluative criteria is proposed that can be further developed. The schema can also be used pedagogically for identifying, analysing and judging the strengths or weaknesses of what is being offered as spirituality. The list is generic and applicable to both religious and non-religious spiritualities; it needs to be contextualised with the articulated beliefs and values of the particular group engaged in evaluation; it may also be useful for individuals in the personal appraisal of their own spirituality. Table 8.3 Evaluative criteria for the identification and appraisal of spirituality Initial list of evaluative Evaluative questions and issues criteria for the identification and evaluation of spirituality
Transcendence
The particular understanding of transcendence: Is it a human transcendence or does it include a notion of God or a higher power? Is this higher power personal or a non-personal creative life force? In what ways does this spirituality relate to religion?
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Table 8.3 (continued)
Frame of reference: the individual, as well as something larger than the individual
The frame of reference for spirituality needs to respect the uniqueness of the individual; however, if the frame of reference is no larger than the immediate personal needs and interests of the individual, there is a danger of selfcentredness and narcissism. To what extent does the frame of reference for this spirituality take into account community at both local and wider levels? (human or social environment). What historical traditions in spirituality give perspective to contemporary concerns, and a balanced interpretation of existential needs? Is there a custodial concern for the physical and animal environments?
Personal reflection
Cultivation of a habit of reflection on life experience and contemporary issues. Includes critical interpretation of culture. Development of a constructive, resilient personal meaning for life.
Confidence in human knowing
A healthy spirituality needs to come to terms with uncertainties about meaning and value that go with postmodern characteristics of contemporary Western society. This includes confidence in personal knowing, while recognising the natural limitations to socially constructed knowledge. Personal knowing may be imperfect and in need of ongoing evaluation; however, it can provide an authentic basis for human meaning and can inform constructive decision-making and commitments.
Inputs that inform and challenge spiritual understandings
A healthy spirituality is presumed to be not static. It includes openness to activities (reading, education, new experience) that prompt reflection and continued development of spirituality. It encourages openness to learning from other spiritualities. This view of spirituality presumes that it is not enough to claim to be spiritual in a nominal way: there needs to be some activity that challenges and enhances spirituality, or that shows spirituality in ‘action’.
Spiritually motivated values and commitments
Spirituality that informs and inspires values and commitments, and a sense of social justice. Spirituality that affects personal action and action on behalf of others.
Gender equality
Authentic spirituality is available for both men and women without prejudice. It is not paternalistic and is accessible to all. From this perspective, questions can be raised about the role of women in religions.
Criteria such as these (with amendments and additions) imply a value position about what constitutes spiritual health and a ‘healthy’ spirituality. The list is based on a particular view of the human person. Here are three of its principal concerns: 1. There is no doubt that a healthy spirituality should enhance the personal and social life of individuals. However, if the personal needs and interests of the individual are the exclusive frame of reference for spirituality, this can more easily move into self-centredness and narcissism. A balance is needed so that the personal meaning of the individual embraces something larger than the self. This is needed for both religious and non-religious spiritualities. Fundamental to this view is the belief that individuals are born human but they become persons through social interaction. In other words, being both a contributing and a receiving member
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of human community is central to human nature. When applied to spirituality, this means that authentic spirituality has to be community-related: you cannot be fully spiritual on your own. This thinking proposes that the frame of reference for spirituality needs to include family, local community and the wider human community. In addition, it considers that responsible stewardship for the environment should also be part of the value base of spirituality. 2. A healthy spirituality should not be static and not just ‘implied’ in the way people live a particular lifestyle; it needs to be sustained and developed by reflection, education (in the broadest sense) and habits of spiritual activity. For example, it is considered not enough to claim that ‘I have beliefs and values’, ‘I believe in God’ or ‘Spirituality is implied in my lifestyle’. An authentic spirituality is one that motivates behaviour and leads to personal and social action. Healthy spirituality continually challenges the individual to practise, extend and deepen spiritual insights. Healthy spirituality is ‘cultivated’. 3. A healthy spirituality needs confidence in the personal knowing process. The post modern strand in contemporary Western culture calls absolutes and meta-narratives into question, and its emphasis on the uncertainties and ambiguities in socially constructed human knowledge have led to excessive subjectivism, contextualism, existentialism and relativism. While it may be unrealistic to claim full knowledge of absolute truth, it is both realistic and pragmatic to believe that one can know part of absolute truth with confidence, and act on this with integrity. Given that the uncertainties in personal knowing are natural to the human condition, and if this is accepted, it is both possible and reasonable to claim that one can construct a spirituality that is authentically human with respect to self and others. This spirituality will not be perfect; it will advert to spiritual traditions, but it will not be constrained by them; it will make mistakes; it should be open to revision and enhancement. But it can help people chart a meaningful and hopeful life in uncertain times – times that seem to have unprecedented opportunities for human life and wealth, while at the same time having pressures, gross inequities and threatening uncertainties that affect basic human meanings and quality of life. Such a spirituality can turn the contemporary emphasis on being ‘critical’ to advantage by engaging in the critical interpretation of culture to discern the influences on people’s thinking and behaviour, and to evaluate their significance. Other views of spiritual health, not unlike what has been proposed here, have been discussed in the literature. For example, a recent research report on youth proposed that ‘Spiritual wellbeing reflects the deepest level of meaning for individuals, a sense of having a place in the world, being part of “the grand scheme of things”; its essence is mysterious and elusive, so hard for science to grasp and explain.’33 Fisher noted the emergence of the term in writings about health; he considered that it was a pervasive dimension to overall health and wellbeing, and that it involved harmonious relationships in four domains: the personal, communal, environmental and transcendent.34 This is consistent with writings about spirituality that understand it as self-awareness coupled with relationships with others and the environment – in other words, a ‘relational consciousness’.35 Others have considered the importance of spirituality for overall personal health,36 and its contribution to personal ‘resilience’,37 as inner resources that help people cope with life, particularly when there are difficulties to be overcome. The evaluative criteria proposed here need to be developed and further refined, and the process of discernment needs to be informed by the beliefs and values of the particular groups seeking to enhance the spirituality of youth.
An evaluative perspective on spirituality for educational purposes
Notes 1 2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22
23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37
RC Fuller 2001, Spiritual, but not religious: Understanding unchurched America, p. 58. D Zohar & I Marshall 2000, SQ: Spiritual intelligence, the ultimate intelligence, p. 35. Murphy, cover comments, A Cooper 1998, Playing in the zone: Exploring the spiritual dimensions of sports, p. 1. D Piccinotti 2004 in Nova: Keeping body and soul together, 10, 12, 40. This chapter was developed from GM Rossiter 2005, From St Ignatius to Obi-Wan Kenobi: An evaluative perspective on spirituality for school education; ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 2005, Editorial: Spirituality and religious education, Journal of Religious Education 53(1): 1–2. J Baird 2004, A life lived for business purposes. For a list of books by John Powell, Eugene Kennedy, Adrian Van Kaam, Andrew Greeley and Henri Nouwen, see Bibliography under Catholic psychological spirituality of the 1970s. F Bridger 2001, Desperately seeking what? Engaging with the new spiritual quest, p. 10. D Tacey 2003, The spirituality revolution: The emergence of contemporary spirituality, p. 4. ibid., pp. 31, 45. ibid., p. 45. ibid., p. 61. Fuller 2001, p. 4. M Levin 2000, Spiritual intelligence: Awakening the power of your spirituality and intuition, p. 34. D Zohar & I Marshall 2000, SQ: Spiritual intelligence, the ultimate intelligence, p. 8. ibid., p. 9. Levin 2000, pp. 38, 39. A useful discussion of this question is provided by Bridger 2001. FL Boumer 1977, Modern European thought: Continuity and change in ideas, p. 439. D Bonhoeffer 1966, Letters and papers from prison, ed. Edehard Bethge, pp. 194–5. E Lesser 2000, Insider’s guide to 21st century spirituality, quoted in Bridger 2001, p. 12. A Wright 2004, The justification of compulsory religious education: A response to Processor White, p. 166. Wright refers to the thesis about secularisation proposed in G Davie 1994, Religion in Britain since 1945: Believing without belonging. See for example the discussion of modernity and postmodernity in R Jackson 2004, Rethinking religious education and plurality, p. 10. Z Bauman 1995, Life in fragments: Essays in postmodern morality; 1997, Postmodernity and its discontents. Catholic Church 1939, Catechism of Christian doctrine, Lesson 5, questions 11-13, p. 8. Catholic Church 1994, Catechism of the Catholic Church, #1035, p. 270 and #1033, p. 269. Baird 2004, p. 29. While agreeing with the author’s appraisal of Warren’s spirituality, we disagree with her proposal that the implied spirituality in Mel Gibson’s film The Passion of the Christ is a desirable alternative. Bridger 2001, p. 10. ibid., p. 10. ibid., p. 11. ibid., p. 12. ibid. R Eckersley et al. 2006, Flashpoints and signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people, p. 41. J Fisher 2000, Understanding spiritual health and wellbeing: Becoming human, becoming whole; 2001, The nature of spiritual wellbeing and the curriculum: Some educators’ views. D Hay & R Nye 1998, The spirit of the child. Two examples that illustrate the discussion of spiritual health are R Goodloe & P Arreola 1992, Spiritual health: Out of the closet; J Hjelm & R Johnson 1996, Spiritual health: An annotated bibliography. T Witham 2001, Nurturing spirituality in children and young people by developing resilience. This also relates to the discussion of religion as a ‘coping’ mechanism: see K Pargament 1997, The psychology of religion and coping.
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Wellbeing, especially positive wellbeing, is strongly related to meaning in life … At the most fundamental, transcendent level, there is spiritual meaning: a sense of having a place in the universe. Spirituality represents the broadest and deepest form of connectedness. It is the only form of meaning that transcends people’s personal circumstances, social situation and the material world, and so has a powerful capacity to sustain [youth] through adversity. Richard Eckersley et al., 2006 1
The previous chapter explored spirituality as the diverse ways in which people identify a spiritual and moral dimension to life. There the focus was philosophical and theoretical. This chapter looks more specifically at the spirituality of youth, concentrating on a number of questions that adolescents have to negotiate in the construction of a personal spirituality. We are aware of significant differences in the ways boys and girls approach spirituality. It has much to do with the generally stronger ‘personal relationship’ orientation in the social interactions between young women. Gender differences enter into a number of the categories explored in this chapter, but to attend to them is beyond our scope here. Nevertheless, the discussion provides a useful starting point for further research on this question. While many young people do not readily identify with the word ‘spirituality’, they have a stronger affinity with ‘spiritual’. In societies where there is much secularisation and lack of interest in religion, as well as ambivalence about what constitutes spirituality, it is important for those
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involved in the education and care of youth to take into account the areas where young people encounter the spiritual; these are the starting points for community efforts to support them in their spiritual quest. It is also beyond our scope to survey the extensive writings about youth spirituality, much of which is written from a religious perspective.2 And while acknowledging that a significant proportion of youth are religious, having a spirituality that is associated with a faith community and religious practice, our concern here is to address the situation of those whose spirituality is, for various reasons, out of sync with the more traditional spirituality of their religious traditions. Nevertheless, the questions examined are just as pertinent to the personal development of religious youth as they are for the non-religious, and they are therefore relevant to church youth ministry. What follows is a diagnosis of a selection of problems and issues affecting youth spirituality, acknowledging the plurality of both religious and non-religious spiritual views. First, attention will be directed to the youth dimensions of the questions raised about spirituality in the previous chapter. Then we will address a number of questions related to the psychological wellbeing of youth. The aim is to illustrate the complexity and problematic aspects of youth spirituality rather than provide a full account of it.
The discussion is organised under the following headings:
9.1
Issues for youth spirituality
9.1.1 How youth spirituality is structured 9.1.2 Spiritual experience: A self-transcending dimension to youth spirituality 9.1.3 A social justice focus to youth spirituality 9.1.4 Generational differences in the emergence of youth spirituality 9.1.5 Secularisation and secular youth spirituality 9.1.6 Young people and the distinction between the spiritual and the religious 9.1.7 Youth, relativism and the spirituality supermarket 9.1.8 Privatisation of beliefs and subjectivity in youth spirituality 9.1.9 Youth and Pentecostal/charismatic spirituality
9.2
Aspects of youth wellbeing with some bearing on spirituality
9.2.1 Concern for the wellbeing of young people 9.2.2 Making sense of apparently contradictory research findings 9.2.3 The trauma of living in the 21st century 9.2.4 The do-it-yourself generation 9.2.5 Seeking community, making choices, and having lifestyle options 9.2.6 SMS texting, the Internet and ‘instant community’
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9.2.7 The potential personal influence of video games 9.2.8 Soundtrack to your life: Contemporary music and its relationship with youth spirituality 9.2.9 Youth spirituality and media images of violence and obscenity 9.2.10 Youth spirituality and the New Age 9.2.11 The potential influence of quasi-religious or spiritual movements: Sects and cults, heavy metal music, and the occult
9.1 Issues for youth spirituality (related to philosophical questions raised in Chapter 8) 9.1.1
How youth spirituality is structured
The distinctions made between the spiritual and the religious in the previous chapter are important when it comes to youth spirituality, because the extent to which young people’s spirituality draws on traditional and organised religion varies considerably. Our focus here is on the various ways in which they look for and find meaning, purpose and value in life. For many, whether or not they attend church, synagogue, mosque or temple, there is a religious dimension to their spirituality, be this strong or marginal. It commonly involves belief in God and some religious thinking and practice. For some, their religious faith is central to their spirituality; while for others, they retain belief in God but do not draw much on the theology and spiritual practices of their religious tradition. Youth spirituality also includes response to the natural environment and beautiful things, as well as personal concerns like fulfilment, happiness and community; if not a part of youth spirituality, these can at least be regarded as natural precursors or pathways to spirituality – avenues to the spiritual to which young people are attuned, or areas to which spirituality can be applied. This is evident in abiding dispositions towards life and patterns of behaviour that are influenced by values. Increasingly, film and television are becoming their most prominent spiritual and moral reference points (see Chapter 15). A transcendent dimension to youth spirituality, as well as relating to belief in God and a hoped for afterlife, can also be understood as experience that raises the consciousness beyond the everyday to the ‘bigger picture’ and ‘larger meaning’ of life that transcend the individual. The ‘beneath the surface’, ‘the interior’ or the ‘more than you see’ dimension to life is another way of describing their spirituality; it is the meaning and value that lie beneath externals and perceptions. Youth spirituality is intimately linked with the emotional and the aesthetic, as well as with life goals and commitments. A significant overlap with meaning and identity, as considered in earlier chapters, is acknowledged. For many young people, the spiritual and the religious are not always identical. The former is often the more important, all-inclusive construct; religion is regarded as instrumental to spirituality and not the reverse. Some of them feel that much of their spirituality is not particularly religious. Also, they may not readily use the word ‘spirituality’ to describe the interior, value-centred parts of their lives.
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Looking into these matters should not be interpreted as substituting humanism for spirituality. Rather, we consider that an understanding of the ‘human dimensions’ to spirituality is important for professionals who wish to help young people become more aware of, and responsive to, the spiritual, transcendent, idealistic and altruistic elements in their experience. And this is just as important for a developing religious spirituality as it would be for a non-religious one.
9.1.2
Spiritual experience: A self-transcending dimension to youth spirituality
Many people feel they are close to a God, Creative Spirit or Life Force who knows and cares for them as individuals, and that they can talk to God in their thoughts. This is for them an abiding experience of the spiritual and transcendent. In addition, there are other spiritual experiences that are felt to be transcendent, but they are located primarily in human experience; sometimes this sort of experience points people towards the divine, sometimes it does not; but what it does give is a ‘tangible sense’ of the spiritual dimension to life. In conversations about the spiritual, young people can identify moments when their attention was engaged by experiencing something that is beautiful in itself. It might be a scenic vista, or something entrancing like a flower, or being near a wild animal, or an artistic work or piece of music. They were caught up in admiring something for its own sake – it had no instrumental or monetary value. They forgot themselves and their own concerns while contemplating beauty; in this sense it was a self-transcending experience, one that was very personal. It is not inappropriate to label these incidents as direct experiences of the spiritual. This is not all of spirituality, but it can be an important experiential starting point for young people in feeling connected with the physical world and non-human life, as well as with the human community and the divine; for them it is a compelling ‘experience’ of the spiritual. It may include aspects usually described as natural beauty, artistic, poetic and mythic – even mystical. This very personal dimension is not as well represented in our analysis as other aspects of spirituality, partly because of its natural resistance to deconstruction and partly because it sounds vague when described. At times, religious people are dismissive of this sort of experience because they think young people are using it as a substitute for religious spirituality – for example, contemplating sunrise from your surfboard can be proposed as more spiritual than attending church. The ability to commune with nature and beauty is as much a genetic capacity of the human person as is the construction of meaning and purpose in life. But the question arises, can this capacity be nurtured and enhanced, and is there a potential role for education here? This capacity in young people can be enhanced through the caring professions, particularly by helping them develop some understanding of such experience. If they can put words to the experience and see how it involves a form of self-transcendence, this can help them understand how ‘feeling’ the beauty of the other – be this nature or people – is an affirmation of their basic spiritual connection with the world. This is the ‘connectedness’ dimension that figures prominently in writings about spirituality.3 This being said, it seems important to acknowledge that a more mystical or artistic spirituality, strongly based on the sort of experience described above, is an adult spirituality.
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This does not mean that it is absent in children and adolescents, but that it has very concrete and sometimes mundane starting points for them; it can develop into a more mystical synthesis as they become adults with an enhanced capacity for mytho-poetic expression. While it is not unknown for young people to excel in mathematics and music at an early age, we rarely see evidence of great creative writing or poetry in children (while not disparaging their excellent efforts); their capacity for verbal and symbolic expression takes longer to mature. Efforts seeking to provide self-transcending spiritual experiences for children and adolescents therefore need to be wisely selected and planned; the purpose is to help them attend to the ‘signals of transcendence’ that are natural for the young at that age, while not expecting them to respond as adults would, and while not expecting them to feel fully comfortable with experiences that are more adult-oriented.
9.1.3
A social justice focus to youth spirituality
For young people there are different starting points or areas of special interest from which their spirituality seems to emerge. As already noted, this can come from religion, art, literature and nature. As will be considered later, a healthy spirituality could be expected to draw on a number of these sources. For some, the driving force of their sense of the spiritual comes from a concern for social justice. It may start with an interest in local issues or in more global ones; increasingly, young people are taking a planetary perspective on environmental, economic and social issues, something that was not so evident some generations back. Another spiritual starting point is strong identification with a particular group of marginalised people and a willingness to take up their cause; this can include responses to acknowledged leadership figures. Interest and participation in social action groups can energise and support idealism.
9.1.4
Generational differences in the emergence of youth spirituality
Today’s young people tend to acquire and form their spirituality in ways that are different from those of previous generations (at least different enough to have important implications for education and care of youth). The focus of their spirituality is not the same, and they do not relate to traditions and traditional religion as did older generations. They have a different approach to understanding and forming identity, and religious identity in particular. They have grown up in a time of rapid social change, with television prominent in their lives since infancy. It is not that a new human species has emerged which forms meaning in a fundamentally different way from adults. But the emphases in the ways young people look at tradition, the world and their own experience when forging their spirituality and identity may be so different from what older people think is appropriate for them that there is a breakdown in communication (6.3.8).4 Most older people were brought up under a different cultural regime and they have managed to adapt (or cope) with rapid social change. However, for the younger generations that have never experienced anything different from rapid change, there is a natural taken-forgrantedness about change and styles of living that are experienced differently by older people. This results in different perceptions, understandings and values; these in turn influence the
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way young people respond to the efforts of adults to hand on historical traditions – be they family, community, ethnic group or religion. The very idea of ‘handing on’ a tradition and identity has now become problematic. For example, in response to adult concerns to foster a religious identity through religious practice and education, young people may not so much question the appropriateness of the experiences, methods and content as wonder why there is any need to be concerned about religious identity at all. The last thirty years seem to have been a critical period for this change. In the 1960s and 1970s, questions about religion and traditions often provoked argumentative responses from young people; now such questions are hardly provocative. The response, or rather lack of response, gives an impression of apathy and lack of interest. But this is too simple an interpretation; it fails to acknowledge the complexity. Many young people are not apathetic about the spiritual, nor are they uninterested. But they can show a detached, almost clinical anthropological interest in organised religion and structured traditions. They find it interesting that people can believe in particular doctrines and are committed to expansive belief systems while they feel they can get by without such formal religious connections. They may be more interested in spiritual ideas and practices that have some immediate felt relevance or serve some pragmatic function. They seem more concerned about coping with, and succeeding in, their own existential life-world; the idea of a coherent and systematic religious worldview is not something they see a great need for. They may perceive aspects of their own religion as outmoded elements in the belief structure of an older generation – quaint and antiquarian, with little relevance for them or for today’s society. They may see what the Church offers as just one of a number of spiritual contributions available to them from different religious and non-religious sources. The characteristics of cultural postmodernity noted in the previous chapter are prominent in youth spirituality, even though many young people may not have heard those words used as descriptors of their spiritual orientation.
9.1.5
Secularisation and secular youth spirituality
Within most religious groups in industrialised countries, there is growing concern about an erosion of religious spirituality and identity in youth (also applicable to adults). Similarly, there is concern about the erosion of ethnicity, with its distinctive customs and traditions. But there remain strong expressions of nationalism and local ethnic tribalism, evident in sporting identification and other social groupings. As far as a decline in recognisable religious spirituality is concerned, it is related to the increasingly pervasive secular fashion in which many young people (as well as adults) form their spirituality in contact with an influential media-promoted popular culture. Some would go as far as questioning whether what remains in the absence of an identifiable religious spirituality is a spirituality at all; in some cases this negative judgment will be true, but not always. While young people share the same source culture as adults, they have experienced a secularised, individualistic lifestyle since they first learned to speak. They interpret the same culture with different meanings and this leads to different assumptions about life, different priorities, attitudes and lifestyles. They are conditioned by both culture and school education to question, critically assess and evaluate information. They are at a high-water
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mark of secularisation and they have been affected by a global village mentality that colours their view of religion itself and offers many alternative sources of meaning and values that can be used for developing spirituality and identity. Even where young people live in religious households and local communities that try to shield them from a secular environment, they will still be conscious that there are others in the wider society who are not so shielded, and who think about life and form values more from their own initiative, with less dependence on traditional religious guidance. For many youth, the Church no longer speaks with a voice they wish to hear, or a voice that is believable. As noted in a recent Catholic book on youth spirituality: ‘An important part of youth’s dissatisfaction with the Church stems from the absence of a spiritually challenging and world-shaping vision that meets their hunger for the chance to participate in a worthy venture.’5 However, while this may be true in some instances, it is not universal. Even if the Church were to create such challenging adventures, young people would not flock back to church on Sundays. Just how many young people have a ‘real hunger for spirituality’ needs more investigation. Some may be spiritual but not religious; some may be neither spiritual nor religious. Many youth sense that, unlike the older generations, they have a ‘real option’ to be or not to be part of organised religion. It is not likely that they will drift into, and remain with regular religious practice through cultural inertia. A lot of older people were never really free to make that choice; their participation in organised Christianity was more culturally determined for a long time (even if that is now no longer the case). But young people know they can ‘get by’ spiritually without organised religion. They do not see any problem in having only tenuous connections with their religious tradition. If they are to be religious, it will be by intention rather than by convention. They know they have a choice as to what elements of religion they will believe and include in their spirituality – and consequently in their sense of religious identity. They know they are more selective than were previous generations that tended to accept the traditional religious identity in packaged form with little personal modification. It is also significant that they can choose to keep away from religious practice (even where this is contrary to parental wishes) and can do this without feeling guilty or uncomfortable (older people who have given up religious practice can have lingering guilt feelings). This is more than reacting against a religious upbringing; they are choosing to seek out a spirituality more independent of their traditional religion. It does not necessarily mean giving up identification with their religion; it is just that they see no need for much formal religious practice. It is consistent with their inclination not to see religion, including their own particular tradition, as likely to have a prominent place in the way they work out their values and purpose in life. Many young people can comfortably dissociate their search for spirituality from their religion. Also, they do not see ‘real’ religion (that is, a personalised belief system) as separate from life; any secular/religious dichotomy tends to have little meaning for them. They react against a division that in their view ‘strait-jackets religion into an exclusively Sunday morning affair’, ‘stifles the spiritual dimension of ordinary life’ and ‘allows people to take refuge from God in their local church’. As a consequence, social action and involvements that formerly were associated with religion, and that were religiously motivated, now flow into secular commitments. If they have
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concerns about the environment, human rights, personal relationships and sexuality, there are organisations in society, unaffiliated with religion, that seem to be more attractive; perhaps this is part of the general drift from religion; perhaps these groups are perceived to have a more relevant and legitimate voice than religious organisations. Young people have nominated associations like Amnesty International and Greenpeace as action groups for which they have more affinity than church groups. The relatively more democratic style of membership in these organisations is also significant. Even when they recognise the contribution of churchrelated organisations to social causes, their perception is that these groups are not typical. The movement away from organised religion often seems to have more to do with their experience of the Church than with a disinclination to believe in God. Given these trends, it is foreseeable that many young people will continue to develop a spirituality that is more individualistic, eclectic and personal than communal and formally religious in its expression. This does not mean that they no longer need any link with their religion or other spiritual reference group. But it suggests that in our type of society, most of the youth who seek religious affiliation will look for a community that supports spirituality that is personal and eclectic, and that focuses on both local and world issues (depending on age and level of social awareness) and makes room for their freedom and individuality.
9.1.6 Young people and the distinction between the spiritual and the religious The distinctions made between the spiritual and the religious (Chapter 8) are significant for interpreting youth spirituality. The researcher Robert Coles noted that: I have worked with boys and girls who go rarely or never to church, to synagogue; who may not in any way consider themselves religious; indeed, who shun such a word as utterly inapplicable to themselves; and yet who ask all sorts of interesting, even stirring questions about the nature of this life, and who can be heard sweating over and playing with ideas that are clearly spiritual in nature – wondering about the meaning of life, expressing their own sense of what truly matters.6
Coles reported on thirty years of work interviewing children about their spirituality. He suggested that for children, spiritual/religious issues do not surface initially as religious questions per se, but in the form of questions about life’s meaning – questions asked even at an early age about death and the importance of life on earth, about animals and plants and the natural world. It is mainly in the context of their family that these beliefs are formed. However, he considered that schools have an influential role in helping young children get into some perspective their relationships with parents and siblings, as well as with the wider natural world of animals and pets. Adolescents are showing increased caution about organised religion; they are wary that religion might restrict their growing sense of autonomy, for religion is readily perceived as ‘moral restriction’. There is probably a developmental anti-authority component operating here, as it does with respect to parental authority. But it is also affected by their negative perception of religion. All of this inclines them more favourably towards the spiritual than the religious. More research is needed to see how extensive is any tendency among youth to become relatively more spiritual but less formally religious.
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9.1.7 Youth, relativism and the spirituality supermarket Young people are potentially more prone to the perils of the spirituality supermarket than are adults. There is a great variety of spiritual offerings available and there is a prevailing sense of relativism that any way is as good as another – ‘it’s a matter of personal taste’. The relativism flows from the extraordinary capacity people now have to make multiple comparisons both locally and globally. Young people do not always have much sense of historical or theological coherence to their personal belief system; ‘system’ may well not be a good word for describing their relatively eclectic beliefs that are often existentially and pragmatically oriented. They may see little problem in trying out different churches and religions to see what they are like and if they meet felt needs. As sociologist Gregory Baum described it, young people today are conscious that their society includes a type of religious-spiritual supermarket. They may be interested in buying, but they are discriminating; they feel that the product needs to be relevant and give them some sense of purpose and direction, or at least give them some sense of immediate wellbeing. The relativism that dominates our culture is drawn from the market economy. There are no abiding values. People choose their values as they do their goods at the supermarket. Some people like this, others like that. It is all a matter of taste. There are no abiding standards beyond personal predilection, and hence there are no norms in terms of which we can judge society as a whole. Relativism of this kind is ultimately cynical. The final position is, ‘anything goes’. Since we live in a market society, we are profoundly influenced by this sort of relativism. Political scientists speak of the ‘commodification of values’. Everything becomes a commodity; everything has a price, including human relations and happiness. If we find it on the shelf and have the money, we can purchase it. In our culture, we have witnessed the commodification of sexuality. Sex has become merchandised. Sex in advertising enhances sales, and sex in the entertainment industry increases profits. We are also witnessing the commodification of religion [and spirituality]. We turn to the spectrum of sects, cults and esoteric practices; choose our own religious style; pay for it with our own money; follow it as long as we like; and then move into another involvement. This market relativism is an ideology built into our mainstream culture. In my opinion, it is hostile to the great religious traditions.7
Some young people (as do some parents) show evidence of this eclectic and consumerist approach to spirituality. Many are not much interested in any formal religion or in informal spirituality. Others come from homes that try to shield them from what parents (and some educators) believe to be confusing comparisons and relativism, by opposing the study of other traditions at school (such as other Christian denominations and world religions). However, such shielding at school is not likely to be effective if students still have access to their regular sources of information – television, radio, newspapers and magazines – and to their own friends. The classroom should be one place where it might be expected that students could look at different traditions respectfully to become better informed. In practice, this broader focus seems to be in tune with the pluralism that young people take for granted as valuable in their society; such an approach may well stimulate more interest in their own tradition.
Young people and spirituality: Negotiating the perils of adolescence
For some young people, their attitude to religion, and perhaps also to the spiritual, is more than relativism, and could better be described as a form of ‘indifferentism’. Webster’s Dictionary defined indifferentism as ‘A state of indifference; a want of interest or earnestness, especially a systematic apathy regarding what is true or false in religion and philosophy’. Interestingly, two centuries back, indifferentism was condemned as heresy by some Christian church leaders; it was held that ‘Indifferentism equalises all religions and gives equal rights to truth and error’. Some young people, perhaps many in particular communities, show apathy towards what religions may say on contemporary spiritual and moral issues; they are not interested in what anyone has to say about such issues, as long as it does not interfere with their lifestyle. Nevertheless, these same young people may feel that religion is important because it gives solace and meaning in relation to ultimate questions like death and the afterlife; but they feel little need to have recourse to religion to solve the ordinary traumas that occur in their daily lives. So they tend to see religion as important but peripheral in the sense that it does not have much to do with their day-to-day living.
9.1.8
Privatisation of beliefs and subjectivity in youth spirituality
A research study of the beliefs of British youth in the 1970s summed up as follows: Freedom and individualism are values that strongly influence the pattern of beliefs of young people. A consequence is the ‘privatisation’ of belief. This trend is part of a general acceptance of the atomisation of our culture. A person’s life seems to be increasingly split up between various parts … There was a time when the Church claimed to be the unifying influence standing over everything else that happened in life. Now it is seen as one among many institutions competing for attention.8
Privatisation of beliefs moves both religion and spirituality more into the subjective domain. Just as young people are supposed to respect the opinions of others, so it has become politically correct to put beliefs in this same category because they are personally constructed, just like having your own opinion. Religions are unhappy about this trend because it diminishes the importance of the communal expression of faith in local church communities. Some religious people think that one of the psychological ills of contemporary societies is the alienation of individuals from shared belief systems – a loss of corporate religious memory. In this sense, privatised religious beliefs are isolating because they play down any role for a local community of faith as a spiritual reference point. In addition, individualism and subjectivity, while prizing autonomy and personal freedom, can contribute to an alienating sense of spiritual aloneness, lack of meaning and anomie; this can arise from having to take too much responsibility for the construction of one’s own spiritual meaning without supportive contact with some reference community for meaning and value (2.10.2, 4.2.1).
9.1.9
Youth and Pentecostal/charismatic spirituality
The fastest growing groups within Christianity are the Pentecostal churches. They attract a number of young people through the style of spirituality they offer, particularly in their upbeat and euphoric church services, and follow-up community contact.
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Demographers of religion noted that in 1900 there were about 3.7 million Pentecostal Christians worldwide. Today the number is estimated at above 500 million. If the current rate of growth is maintained, Pentecostals could soon account for more than a quarter of all Christians. There are some parallels in other world religions, notably in Judaism and Islam. In his book Fire from Heaven: The rise of pentecostal spirituality and the reshaping of religion in the twenty-first century, Harvey Cox looked at the appealing qualities of the movement and how its influence may end up being comparable in scope to that of the Reformation.9 Pentecostal spirituality involves people in lively, emotional prayer and worship orchestrated with pop music, where special emphasis is placed on the presence of God who can make a palpable difference to the way believers conduct their lives. Personal testimonies, healings and praying in tongues are also prominent. There is a strong sense of personal community that reinforces faith, forgives sinners and supports the needy. Pentecostal theology stresses the role of the Holy Spirit and it tends to take the Bible literally; it is interested in prophecies; it stresses the Kingdom of God and is strongly eschatological (interested in the ‘last things’ and the second coming of Christ). The prominence of testimony, songs and tongues appears to put theology more in the background; all members feel free personal access to religious experience and God – and this is not as dependent on church structures as it appeared to be in other Christian churches. The apparent success of Pentecostal churches at attracting youth membership is a matter of concern to mainline Christian denominations. Should they imitate the style of Pentecostal services to make their spirituality offerings more attractive to youth? Or is the Pentecostal style suited to particular personality types or those with particular spiritual needs? Much of Sunday morning religious television is of the Pentecostal type. It highlights the charismatic preacher, rousing worship in Bible and song, and often features healing. It often links its style of religious faith with ‘success’ in life, and has interesting systems for generating revenue.
9.2 Aspects of youth wellbeing that have some bearing on spirituality 9.2.1
Concern for the wellbeing of young people
Now, perhaps more than at any time in history, the wellbeing of young people is under scrutiny. Ranging from surveys commissioned by advertising agencies targeting particular markets, to research projects undertaken by universities, government agencies, churches and institutions in the care of the young, research studies have investigated the lives of young people. Their habits, development, aspirations, beliefs, favourite movie or shampoo, have all have been examined and analysed. With such a wealth of research findings available, one might wonder why the community has not been more effective in addressing the problems of youth, or why advocacy on behalf of young people has not brought about more change. Part of the reason has been the general inability of the community and its leaders to comprehend the complexity of the life situations confronting contemporary young people and to wisely address issues across a broad front. An emphasis on one particular finding – for example the high suicide rate – creates anxiety,
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but gives only a partial insight into the complex psychological world of young people and the intricate mosaic of influences on their spirituality and identity. Hence the need for making sense of the complex research findings about young people, working towards a more holistic understanding of their life-world. Caution is needed with generalisations about young people’s beliefs, attitudes and values. Ambiguity, changeability and contradiction are part of the mix. It is by holding a range of factors in creative tension and not trying to collapse the polarities that the most useful picture of youth spirituality is attained, helping one to understand influential trends while at the same time acknowledging the different responses of individuals. What is needed on the part of professionals working with youth is a capacity to join with them as fellow seekers for meaning and wisdom in a confusing world. In March 2006, the Australia 21 Research Company and the Australian Youth Research Centre published a report on an extensive interdisciplinary research study on youth: Flashpoints and Signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people. It considered that ‘questions about spirituality sit at the heart of understanding how individuals negotiate life, and how collectively as communities we negotiate uncertainty’.10 The report gives a comprehensive picture of the social situation of Australian youth; it notes a number of the issues for youth spirituality (as well as meaning and identity) that are considered in this volume.
9.2.2
Making sense of apparently contradictory research findings
Youth researcher Richard Eckersley has shown that some surveys highlight young people’s ability to cope phlegmatically with rapid change that has more disruptive effects on the lives of adults. Teenagers have been identified as ‘kids … unfazed by the pace of change and the technologies that give adults anxiety attacks … these “screenagers” are flexible and adaptable. They have learned to thrive on chaos, uncertainty and insecurity in ways their parents never have.’11 However, he drew attention to a greater number of surveys that paint a bleaker picture. While it is true that youth are more accustomed to change and are more comfortable with new technology, there is evidence of a deep-seated malaise that seems to cut across the whole spectrum of youth. [Y]oung people are deeply cynical, alienated, pessimistic, disillusioned and disengaged. Many are confused, and angry, uncertain of what the future holds and what society expects of them. While they may continue to work within ‘the system’ they no longer believe in it [n]or are they willing to serve it. From this perspective, the suicidal, the depressed, the drug-addicted and the delinquent represent the tip of an iceberg of psychological pain and distress that includes a substantial proportion, perhaps even a majority of young people today.12
At first sight the findings seem to be contradictory: one view seems optimistic, the other more pessimistic. But these apparently opposite characteristics may hold true for some young people at different stages of their lives, depending on their life experience. The perspective of a young person living in rural Australia, or on the fringes of society, will be different from
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that of one from a comfortable, economically stable supportive background who sees that life offers a variety of favourable options.
9.2.3
The trauma of living in the 21st century
It is pertinent here to return to the assertions of surveys that report on the state of mind of youth as ‘alienated, cynical, experimental and savvy’. This orientation has a lot to do with learning how to survive in the cultural situation of Westernised countries in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Any change usually brings about some degree of trauma related to adaptation, making judgments and adjustments in orientation and behaviour. But these times are characterised by continual change, subjecting people to constant low to medium levels of trauma. There is a constant wear and tear on the individual’s psyche that is just a part of survival in a rapidly changing culture characterised by ever increasing use of technology, globalisation in commerce, and threats of terrorism, racial tension and job insecurity. This makes the life prospects of young people more uncertain and it makes them feel they are living in harrowing times. This does not discount the traumas and difficulties faced by past generations, but it points towards a different cultural environment that envelops people today. With the mass media saturation of images and information, most people, including the more vulnerable, impressionable young, are confronted, on a daily basis, by the darker side of humanity. No natural or human disaster or act of savagery is left undiscovered and unexplored – it is always newsworthy. Most people would like to believe in a world where goodness and right prevail. But the images that are pressed upon us are almost universally of the petty, nefarious side of people. The cumulative effect is to foster in many a sense of futility before insurmountable forces. There is no easy answer to assuage the fears of young people as they encounter these ingrained, structural problems in society. The problems are unlikely to be ever solved. But education and the care of youth can at least be of some help – suggesting that they develop a reflective, realistic but hopeful orientation to life. This means acknowledging the proverb: ‘The problems are not out there for us to solve. But they are there to solve us.’13 Efforts to inform young people and help them develop their own critical interpretation of cultural problems can be their first step in learning how to negotiate life’s difficulties as constructively as possible. This is not proposing the illusion that young people will change the world. They will not. But they may develop a healthy orientation to life that includes the belief that they can make small differences, within limits, to their own social environment. This is where young people’s ideals and dreams are to be nurtured. Their dreams should not be dismissed as nothing more than the unrealistic ‘dreams’ all people have of a better world. Educators and those who work in the service of youth can reinforce the belief that young people themselves should strive to be enablers of change. Not all will be responsive to this challenge; perhaps many will be apathetic. But that is not the point; adults need to ensure that this belief is tangibly evident in the culture of schools and other youth agencies. Eckersley considered that: We ignore [the] dreams [of youth] at our peril; young people’s vision of a better, more equitable society puts less emphasis on individual competition, material wealth and
Young people and spirituality: Negotiating the perils of adolescence
enjoying ‘the good life’ and more on community, family cooperation and the environment. This is a vision young people might be prepared to sign on for and work toward.14
9.2.4
The do-it-yourself generation
A survey conducted some years back called this generation of young people the ‘DIY generation’ − meaning that they adopt a do-it-yourself approach to life (8.5.9).15 They pick and choose their lifestyle, code of ethics and baseline of morality from a variety of sources. This reflects other findings showing that youth do not necessarily subscribe to a coherent set of values; rather they can pick up values that are implied in lifestyle choices according to need. If they do reflect on choice of beliefs to live by, they seem to like shopping around for a custom-made set that they feel may more closely fit their needs and interests. At the heart of this need to ‘do it yourself ’ is the importance young people place on being individuals. There is no quarrel with that as a laudable concept, but there are problems if the search for individuality is satisfied by something that is not authentic. In resisting particular conformities to authority or customs, some may merely substitute a new and not all that subtle form of conformism – for example, they can be influenced by group pressure or by media-orchestrated images of what it means to be an individual (see Chapter 7). Student-centred learning in education is highly desirable; so too are the increasing social responsibilities given to youth, and getting them to become more actively aware of contemporary social and moral issues. All of this is good and can contribute to personal development. But there is some danger in the down side where so many aspects of modern life play up individuality and the DIY expectation for young people. This emphasis increases the pressure on young people to have to bear alone the responsibility for constructing a complete meaning and value system (4.2.1). They can at times feel alone and overwhelmed by trying to make sense of life all by themselves. Perhaps a more realistically human situation would be not to expect children to have so much to do themselves in constructing their own meaning; rather, they should feel encouraged to accept and use the meanings, beliefs and values of their immediate family (perhaps with community and religious support); then as they grow towards adulthood, with increasing responsibility for their own spirituality and identity, they can affirm or modify the belief structure they inherited. Hence, caution and wisdom are needed in interpreting the extent to which children and adolescents should be encouraged and challenged to ‘negotiate’ or ‘construct’ their own meanings, beliefs, values and identity (8.4.7). The key question is to balance concerns for their developing maturity and autonomy, and their vulnerability and immaturity, as well as for the integrity of the traditions that the community wishes to communicate to the next generation. There is no question about the importance of affirming the values of individuality and personal autonomy. But it is just as important to understand the potential divisiveness and alienation that can flow from an excessive individualism not tempered by community, responsibility and a sense of the transcendent.
9.2.5
Seeking community, making choices, and having lifestyle options
If being ‘individual’ is central to the outlook of the young, there is equally a yearning for community and a sense of belonging.
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In pre-1960s society, smaller, less fragmented, more structured communities, which had family and church as a common backdrop, fulfilled many of the needs for community and belonging. Since then there have been ever increasing economic and other pressures that erode family and community relationships. As personal contact with parents and extended families decreases, family and community bonds weaken. This can contribute to young people’s feeling disconnected and alone. If in addition (for various reasons) they have difficulty in finding and staying in friendship groups both at and outside school, they can feel an isolation that is pathological. The other complicating factor here is that many young people feel a need for different ways of connecting with community groups by comparison with those that were taken for granted by earlier generations. If youth needs for community meanings are different from the traditional, then different styles of community may be required if they are to be expected to participate (see later on SMS texting and instant community). A feeling of belonging and being part of a community comes with sharing the values, likes and dislikes of a certain group. A defining feature of most groups or associations which offer community to the young is the democratic and easy way in which they operate. Despite what may appear as a manipulated uniformity that some groups require of members, it is most often a democratic and egalitarian spirit that is evident. One survey interpreted this as young people floating ‘from tribe to tribe’.16 Being in different groups is an experiment in personality development – trying the fit of individual to group identity. However self-evident the need for group endorsement of identity, young people may well resent being categorised. The survey went on to note: ‘Don’t dare call them generation X and don’t even think about categorising them in a “tribe” such as doofs, goths or crusties. Today’s young − those aged 18 to 30 – are universal in their rejection of what they see to be extreme, oversimplified pigeonholes.’ The fundamental human need to experience belonging to some groups is something that most of us experience, not just youth. Group belonging gives young people reference points for exploring their place in life and helps them develop and sustain a sense of meaning and purpose. What they want are hospitable reference groups that are not manipulative. Autonomy and individuality are all about freedom to make choices. Again, there is no problem in affirming the desirability of such a principle for promoting personal and spiritual development. But children and young adults (as well as adults) are under a lot of cultural pressure from advertising in Western societies to interpret personal freedom as consumer choice (Chapter 7). Some common phrases are like media mantras: ‘You choose’, ‘Unlimited choice’, ‘Yours – on demand’, ‘Your call’, ‘For every mood’, ‘Entertainment at any time’, ‘You’re in control’, ‘Just hit the remote – the symbol of freedom’, ‘Megamart – megachoice’, ‘All that you want to be’. Reportedly, some shoppers suffer from what has been called ‘retail choice overload’ as they have to decide what to buy while trawling the supermarket aisles – ninety types of cereal, thirty types of yoghurt and so on. For young people, a similar problem seems to apply across their life-world. They have to engage in constant decision-making about consumer choices in clothing, food and entertainment, as well as with regard to the many school, university or TAFE courses and career options they might follow up, what health and medical treatment options to keep up with – let alone choosing which of the myriad cosmetics might improve a young woman’s chances of being more attractive. They feel that if only they were able to be ‘better’ they would make the right choices and therefore be happier. This inevitably makes them vulnerable to a retail identity (Chapter 7). In an environment of hyper-consumerism,
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some young people feel a little overwhelmed and this can lead to inertia or a vague feeling of psychological discomfort they cannot understand or articulate. As well as promoting a basically problematic, and eventually dissatisfying, notion of freedom, this situation can affect young people negatively in other ways. The social reality about what life should be like is seductively promoted in the imagery of media advertising. What is proposed is very attractive, but the gap between the ideal image and reality can be depressing. What is also of concern is that the driving force behind this situation is commercial; it fuels a never-ending cycle of consumerism. For example, while there are hundreds of brands of cosmetics, these are manufactured and marketed by just a small group of cosmetic conglomerates who believe that considerable apparent product diversity caters to individual, distinctive needs – they want women to be able to identify ‘my brand of cosmetics!’ Young people are aware of this consumer/commercial dimension to some extent and of its potential for manipulation, but there is little they seem to be able to do to escape it or come to terms with it in a way that makes them feel wholesome. Lifestyle has great prominence in their priorities, making it a favourite and profitable target for marketers – as the mobile phone advertisement said, ‘Get a phone that is in tune with your lifestyle.’ In addition, the advertising bombardment can subtly promote dispositions of disposability and competitiveness. These can become woven into young people’s meaning for life in a relatively unconscious way, having negative consequences for personal relationships, work, individuals’ finances and other aspects of lifestyle. Understanding youth spirituality requires holding a number of tendencies in tension. Young people’s feelings range across all of the following, sometimes in apparently haphazard and contradictory ways. And the intensity of the feelings also varies over time and according to the situation. • confidence – anxiety • coping with chaos – despair over meaning • individualism – need for group membership • self-centredness – altruism and a sensitivity to justice issues • not ready for commitment – a need for committed role models • radically different from parents – similar values to parents • apparently carefree lifestyle – insecurity about life • materialistic lifestyle – maintaining a sense of the transcendent.
9.2.6
SMS texting, the Internet and ‘instant community’
The need for relationships and community was evident in the traditional long phone conversations between teenagers. Now the phenomenon of your own mobile phone and SMS texting allows for the sharing of thoughts and ideas at any time with someone else, even during classes, and from one end of a dining table to the other. It feels like having constant companionship and immediate intimacy – the reassurance of friends and connectedness with them are only a few clicks away. In one instance, a young person received communion at mass, returned to her seat and then checked her SMS messages before continuing in prayer. Some of the young carry around their expensive mobile phones around like a baby, giving them constant attention. Also prominent is use of the Internet for chat and emails.
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A number of young people retain a personal website, often with a diary of reflections on their ongoing experience. It is another way of affirming who they feel they are; it is an opportunity for affirmation by others who share similar experience, likes and dislikes and it gives a ‘virtual’ yet tangible sense of community. It is beyond our scope here to investigate the psychological and educational significance of young people’s use of the Internet. For individuals not wanted in friendship groups, their lack of participation in the SMS inner circle can be a sharp reminder of their lowly social status. These same communication technologies have been used for bullying and manipulation. It will be interesting to see how far down into childhood the SMS texting community reaches; and also to see how long it endures in young people’s habits as they grow older. Girls appear to be more frequent SMS users, in tune with their desire to spend a lot of time talking about relationships with intense interest – recalling and constantly analysing the dynamics of their social relationships. Their world seems to be interpreted through the prism of their powerful friendship groups, so to be on the negative end of friendship group pressure can be very upsetting. Boys do not engage in the analysis of their social interactions to the same extent; their relationships appear generally more ‘action’-oriented. Their behaviour appears to be more affected by ego vulnerability, status and their notion of masculinity. Given the impact of new technologies on lifestyle, a young Descartes, if he were around today, might have said: ‘iPod therefore I am’.
9.2.7
The potential personal influence of video games
In 2003, the video gaming industry grossed AUD8 billion in Japan; in the United States, the projected level of sales by 2008 is AUD15 billion. The Australian market accounted for AUD800 million in 2003, with three-quarters of households now having video gaming facilities. Interactive Entertainment Australia claimed that the average age of players was 24.17 This development is part of a cultural drift towards a narrower home-based focus for leisure and entertainment. While fun parlours and video game arcades remain prominent ‘hang outs’ for young people of school age (particularly boys), more of this sort of leisure entertainment is now taking place at home. For some, the older average age of players is not surprising. It reflects the ‘prolongation’ of adolescence with financial independence and leaving home coming ever later in the twenties (and beyond in some instances). This situation has many complex repercussions for personal relationships, friendship groups and even the trajectory of young people’s lives as far as entertainment, leisure, career, travel, marriage and raising a family are concerned. Boys appear more engaged with video games than girls, which probably has something to do with a generally stronger competitiveness. A 2006 marketing researcher claimed that after a relatively short history, video games now regularly ‘outsell the movie box office’, with ‘more than a third of devotees’ being young women.18 Apart from the leisure, social and community aspects of video gaming, concerns are now being raised about potentially negative personal influences. Lawyers for the gaming industry claim that there are no identifiable causal links between playing violent video games and violent thinking and behaviour. However, from the perspective of the United States military, which uses similar games to train and ‘psych’ up recruits, it is precisely this link that they
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are trying to promote – a proven tool for inducing a warrior spirit in the military, but not in the suburbs. In 2006, lawyers for the families of three murdered Alabama police officers claimed that exposure to the popular game Grand Theft Auto (tenth top seller in Australia in 2005) had modelled the crime for the 18-year-old killer: ‘The video gaming industry gave him a cranial menu that popped up in the blink of an eye. That menu offered him the splitsecond decision to kill the officers, flee in a police car, just as the game itself trained them to do.’19 It is difficult to prove this assertion, just as it remains not yet substantially proven that extensive engagement in video gaming develops ‘game brain’, a functional deficiency in the prefrontal lobe. Nevertheless, the long and ongoing association of leisure with increasingly realistic and violent games says something about the players’ interests and needs (cf. cinema and television violence in chapter 15). At least, this is a question that youth themselves need to ponder in terms of its potential impact on many aspects of their social interactions and personal relationships. Similar patterns appear in the use of Internet games. A newspaper article entitled ‘Web bullies put kids in therapy’, illustrated the problem of bullying that has become increasingly prominent in net game participation: 20 Children as young as 10 are receiving counselling from psychologists after being bullied while playing popular Internet games. Bullying via the multiplayer games is done by players insulting other contestants or stealing their virtual property and credits. The attacks are often personal, with the bully continuing a schoolyard dispute … ‘There can be sexual harassment and racial vilification’ [Carr-Gregg, psychologist] ‘The core of harassment is the classic name-calling and insults, just trying to debase the other person.’ [Beetson, for Sulake web game company owning the Habbo Hotel program]. One networked online game, the World of Warcraft has millions of global players or gamers interacting with each other via the Internet. Another popular game, Habbo Hotel received 271,000 visitors in April [2006] … Some game manufacturers have created comprehensive security programs in response to the growing incidence of bullying. On the company’s Australian website [Habbo Hotel], players are warned that questionable behaviour will be reported to police.
9.2.8
Soundtrack to your life: Contemporary music and its relationship with youth spirituality
Contemporary music provides a vivid universal language and medium for the expression of youth needs, interests and aspirations. It is like a pervading atmospheric presence that keeps many ideas and life expectations on a ‘low simmer’. This is particularly the case for sexuality, relationships, and the ideas of freedom, individuality, pleasure, and what is ‘cool’ (7.3). In a Canadian study, music rated second only to friendships as the element that gave teenagers most enjoyment. The researchers considered that music was for young people a ‘major path to both happiness and freedom … Symbolising energy and release and freedom’.21
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The way in which young people all over the world share a common language and interest in pop music is not without its significance. It supports an international approach to forming an outlook on life, which is relevant to youth spirituality. Music and its lyrics can trigger emotions and resonate with young people’s moods, concerns, hopes and anguish. Along with film and television, it provides the backdrop to young people’s perception of the world, and as such it is probably influencing moral decision-making. In 2004, the documentary Soundtrack to a war was broadcast on television. Perhaps more than any recent analysis of popular music, this film showed poignantly how central music was to the emotions of young people, especially in stressful situations. It showed how different styles of music accompanied the young men and women in the US armed forces during the war in Iraq, as well as the music of various Iraqi groups. It recorded interviews with soldiers in Iraq who were asked how music may have helped them make sense of the conflict in which they were engaged. Heavy metal, punk, rock, rap, country and western, as well as traditional folk and religious music, articulated a great spectrum of emotions, hopes and fears. Music and singing evidently had significant psychological functions, not the least of which was helping the soldiers cope in their precarious, stressful situations. For some soldiers, heavy metal music helped pump up the adrenalin needed for battle. For others, folk or rock music expressed the conflicting emotions they felt about the war and about their desire to get away from it and go home. Some songs resonated patriotism while others protested the war. There were also traditional as well as new religious songs that helped soldiers cope with stress and express their hopes for peaceful outcomes. Similarly, Iraqis both young and old showed how music and singing, either traditional or Western, helped express their feelings and hopes. While often an element of youth culture from which many adults prefer to keep at a safe distance, the ‘music video’ is a key dimension to young people’s love for music. With their wealth of evocative images, music videos increase the capacity of popular music to massage young people’s emotions and moods. The deconstruction of music videos has been a part of English studies for senior school students. The following extended quotation from an English teachers’ journal illustrates the insights that such a study can generate. Music has long been recognised as a form of popular culture with certain potency for communicating rhetorically. For young people struggling to find a place in communities dotted with shopping malls but with few community centres, in an economy whose major product is information, music videos play to the search for identity and an impoverished community. Music, particularly rock, has always had a visual element … [but] viewers typically do not regard the music video as a commercial for an album or act. The videos cross the consumer’s gaze as a series of mood states. They trigger nostalgia, regret, anxiety, confusion, dread, envy, admiration, pity, titillation – attitudes at one remove from the primal expression such as passion, ecstasy and rage. The moods often express a lack, an incompletion, an instability, a searching for location. In music videos, those feelings are carried on flights of whimsy, extended journeys into the arbitrary. That music videos present compelling mood states that may claim the attention of the viewer is not a matter of happenstance. In the struggle to establish and maintain a
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following, artists utilise any number of techniques in order to appear exotic, powerful, tough, sexy, cool, unique. Born of an amalgam of commercialism, television and film, for the purpose of selling rock albums, music videos frequently employed well-established verbal and visual symbols in telling a story or making a point. If no such symbol exists, music videos coin their own which, given the ubiquity of the medium, quickly find their way into the vernacular.22
9.2.9
Youth spirituality and media images of violence and obscenity
To what extent does the constant diet of television violence, and to a lesser extent obscenity, have an influence on the outlook of the young people exposed to it? This is a contentious issue, with a polarised debate (15.3). Concerns expressed by churches and youth service agencies tend to be dismissed as cultural and moral authoritarianism, and as attempts to curb artistic expression and freedom of speech. It would seem more fruitful to widen the debate by taking into account how young people draw meaning and values from culture and from the television images that imply what it means to be human. Some years back, Richard Eckersley addressed the question with particular reference to violence and obscenity in rock music and videos, films and literature.23 He drew attention to the graphic images of sex, violence and misogyny in the lyrics of a song by American rock group Nine Inch Nails (now superseded by numerous other bands). He considered that where so-called ‘democratic freedom’ gave parity over the airwaves to opinions that were revolting to a significant number of people in the community, there was a danger that young people could similarly give such views more credibility and acceptance than they deserved, rather than judge them distasteful. The image of the world and ourselves that we see reflected in our culture including, and perhaps especially, in the mass media are of great significance to us. They shape who we are and what we become. These images should reflect important realities, but they should also reveal of what we are capable. They must combine realism and idealism, inspire as well as educate and entertain. They should never be so bleak that they demoralise and discourage us. Images of ourselves that dwell on human perfidy, violence, greed and selfishness ultimately destroy us.24
We found it interesting that when discussing this same question with Year 12 students, there was resonance with the points Eckersley made. Some students’ analyses of the place of violent images and obscenity were perceptively argued. Some verbal responses are included below: The lyrics of songs from groups and singers like Eminem, Tupac Shakur, Snoop Doggy Dogg, Marilyn Manson, Ice Cube and Niggers with Attitude, represent the outer mark of youth culture where adults should feel uncomfortable – it’s a ‘no go’ zone where we define ourselves as opposed to you [meaning adults] … It’s ‘in your face’ stuff; we expect parents and teachers to get upset. You might not like the lyrics and the ideas but they’re more honest about the ugly side of people – at least we can say it; we don’t pretend that it does not exist. We don’t pay much attention to the words; it’s just the music we like.
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They just say those things to get a reaction and sell records. It’s only the weird kids who might take it seriously – I guess you’d worry about them. I like seeing how some of those people live … [rappers and lyrics about gang violence and culture]. I wouldn’t want to be part of it though.
In the wake of violence in high schools, with the massacre at Columbine High School standing out as an extreme example, there was renewed debate about the potential influence of violence in the media – particularly the acceptability and popularity of violent themes in entertainment. In her book Mayhem: Violence as public entertainment, Sissela Bok noted that ‘These sources bring into homes depictions of graphic violence … never available to children and young people in the past’.25 Young multiple killer Kip Kinkel’s favourite CD was by Nirvana. The lyrics included: ‘Death / with violence / excitement right here / died / go to hell / take a chance / dead.’ It’s not completely clear what Kurt Cobain had in mind with these lyrics, but they are lush with nihilism … Luke Woodham, another young killer, listened to goth rocker Marilyn Manson; and Mitchell Johnston to rapper Tupac Shakur. One doesn’t have to support censoring any of these artists to see that hurt, isolated kids may not understand any intended symbolism.26
Bok considered that media violence undermined children’s resilience and self-control – psychological mechanisms that allow people to bounce back and to count to ten before they lash out. Some biologists think that there is a genetic component to these traits: that young men like Luke Woodham and Kip Kinkel possibly lack the DNA that keeps their fingers off the trigger. Eckersley noted that where teachers and parents had fought against the influence of mass media, they mostly won. But he considered that ‘many adults had given up, defeated by the relentlessness of the struggle, the media’s power, the many other demands on their time and energy and their own moral confusion’.27 However, it is encouraging to see that when discussion about the spiritual and moral influence of media culture was initiated with young people, they saw that there was no agenda to decry or denigrate. Most were ready to deconstruct the media messages about violence and were equally prepared to try to work out the place of such violent imagery in the scheme of things; they tried to assess the extent to which these images might be harmful and to canvass ways in which that harm might be minimised. Rather than see themselves as opposing an ‘oldie’s’ view, they were happy in the classroom context to become partners in attempting to understand the problem and find realistic solutions.
9.2.10 Youth spirituality and the New Age The New Age is an extensive movement from the last half of the 20th century with considerable variety in philosophy, approach and activities, evident in the prominence of New Age sections in bookshops. It is difficult to define because it can be referenced to activities as diverse as meditation, aromatherapy, channelling, crystals, dowsing, therapeutic massage, healthy food and alternative lifestyle – while there is debate about what does or does not count as New Age.28 Variety is also evident in the reasons individuals have for claiming to be New Agers.
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There is a strong spiritual dimension to the New Age. It is not only interested in contemporary philosophies but in ancient wisdom, drawing in an eclectic way from Eastern and Western spiritual-religious traditions, with a contemporary blend of psychology and ecology and a profound interest in such things as metaphysics and sacred geometry. Some New Age movements foster a mystical approach. It can fit within the category of nonreligious spiritualities (8.5.3), and for some adherents it is like an alternative to religion. For others, New Age practices harmonise with their religious beliefs. The New Age is particularly concerned with lifestyle and health. It meets a range of human needs from immediate wellbeing to a sense of connectedness with others and the world, and to meaning in life. It also has a commercial dimension catering to consumer spirituality; some practices at the market end of the New Age can be regarded as part of the self-help industry. The literature on New Age highlights diversity and spirituality.29 While beyond our scope here, an appraisal of the spiritual scope of New Age remains an important part of any critical exploration of the contemporary spirituality that affects young people. The New Age is mainly an adult and young adult interest. Nevertheless, adolescents and children will be inquisitive about it when they encounter it in the culture. They may well try some practices as part of their experimentation in identity and spirituality. What is likely to appeal to young people is the fluid and non-institutional appearance of the New Age; it does not prescribe beliefs but is based on individuals piecing together their own spirituality to suit their needs and interests. Also attractive would be its existential and lifestyle focus, and its holistic notion of the integration of mind-body-spirit.
9.2.11 The potential influence of quasi-religious or spiritual movements: Sects and cults, heavy metal music, and the occult Quasi-religious or spiritual movements like certain sects and cults, and phenomena like heavy metal music are part of the contemporary spiritual landscape and as such they make contributions to the spirituality of some young people. But the extent of their influence is difficult to determine. Not a great number of youth in a country like Australia may be seriously interested in such movements, even though, for example, they may be fans of television programs like Buffy the vampire slayer and other programs and films that portray the occult. Those who do join such groups tend to be involved out of particular psychological need – wanting to experiment, wanting to be trendy, wanting to be noticed, wanting to react against parents and authorities.30 The relative numbers trying out new religious movements are often comparable to the numbers of young people who are distinctly conservative in religious outlook. The proportion of people like this in any religious denomination seems to have remained approximately the same for a long time, and this will probably continue to be the case. Television programs and newspaper reports have associated some young people’s spiritu ality with heavy metal music and exotic rock music. It appears that links between heavy metal music, satanism, and teenage suicide are significant for a very few, where it may be an indication of psychological problems that need specialist attention. Youth interest in questions about the occult may be part of the general public’s interest in the bizarre and the exotic. Also, for young people an interest in seances may be a part of a
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process in which they are sorting out their ideas on the nature and extent of spirits, especially evil ones, in the world. Young people’s awareness of, and participation in, the movements noted in this and the preceding sections need further research. Our principal concern is to establish a perspective on spirituality that would be helpful in appraising the quality of what is offered as spirituality by these as well as more traditional sources of spirituality.
9.3 A spiritual profile of today’s young people This chapter concludes with a summary of some aspects of the spirituality of young people. While these generalisations do not apply to all, they provide a useful composite picture. When looking at these characteristics, we do not imply that the search for a conspicuous spiritual dimension to life is uppermost in the minds of many young people – it is not. The major part of their psychological and emotional energy is often taken up with surviving the perils of adolescence and negotiating the tasks of school and the potential employment that, they hope, lies beyond it. They will be more concerned with what has an immediate bearing on their wellbeing: their looks and social acceptability, their friendships, entertainment, films, television, music, leisure and sport. Nevertheless, a scheme like this highlights the various backgrounds that young people bring to their thinking about spirituality. They have complex patterns of belief and spiritu ality acquired through life experience and contact with religious and non-religious views of life.
Nine prominent elements in the spirituality of contemporary young people
1 Ideals: As regards direction for living, young people look for guidance in clear statements of ideas and ideals about life and its management. This does not mean that they are always ready to adopt these views. An ambivalence may appear in their reluctance to consider ideals proposed by authority; some may oscillate between being idealistic and not caring. For some, definite, black-and-white answers are needed; others can live comfortably with fuzzy ideas about life by focusing on the here and now and on pursuing a particular lifestyle. 2 Varied sources of spirituality: Young people draw from varied sources in constructing their spirituality: family, friends, personal mentors, their own religion, other religions, secular move ments. Their values can be modelled on prominent people, heroes/heroines and celebrities. Their eclectic spirituality can be affected by magazines, film, television and music. They tend not to see any so-called division between the secular and the religious. They see a spiritual dimension woven through life. Some actively search for meaning and are said to have a ‘hunger’ for spirituality. But the proportion that does this may be small; a much greater number are more concerned with lifestyle. 3 Being part of a community of faith: If they are interested in religion, it will need to appear personalised, and not too prescriptive as regards morality and beliefs. The feeling of being accepted and comfortable within a local faith community is crucial; they need to feel that their needs and interests are being attended to, and they want to have a say in religious
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affairs. It is not inconsistent for some youth to want to dismiss particular religious beliefs and rules, while at the same time wanting to be part of the community. Some identify with popular Pentecostal churches. Many youth have little or no interest in organised religion. 4 Group membership: Social and friendship groups often provide a psychological ‘home base’ for adolescents that has a major influence on their thinking and behaviour, especially for girls; the ‘group’ is often their principal ‘interface with the world’. Online ‘chatting’ and their inner circle of SMS have become prominent in group communication and identification. There is often some internal conflict between the desire to be an individual while paying the price of conformism for group acceptance. Some may see ethnicity as important while others will dismiss it as irrelevant. Group identification can underpin aggression and violence. Rather than join specifically religious groups, they may prefer to participate in movements with social and environmental concerns such as Amnesty International or protest groups, especially those concerned with improvement of the quality of life. Yet there are a significant number of young people who do want to be part of a religious group. At universities, many but not all of those in religious groups tend to be active in evangelising activities. 5 The prolongation of adolescence: While perhaps more individualistic, more aware of lifestyle options and with higher life expectations than their forebears, young people face an increasing period of dependence on family before becoming financially independent and fending for themselves. This situation generates various social and psychological frustrations that impact on personal relationships and group membership. It affects all of the following in complex ways: a pragmatic and existential approach to life; the urge to travel, often in backpacker format; sexual relationships, especially casual ones; partying, and the use of alcohol and recreational drugs; playing video games; career choice; sense of responsibility; capacity for commitment and long-term relationships; ambivalence about traditional goals such as settling down, marriage and raising a family. They see life like a ‘degustation menu’ – they can pick and choose from a variety of lifestyle options at will, trying them out. They have many more options than did the precocious ‘baby boomers’ and they are more ready to explore them. Tasting from an extensive range of sporting opportunities is also available for Australia’s sport-hungry teenagers. Some youth can appear to ‘amble’ along this path feeling reasonably self-centred and comfortable until something dramatic leads to a change in their circumstances or confronts their opportunistic approach to life – an experience that accelerates their development as adults as the world intrudes on their thinking. The prolongation of adolescence tracks back to those of school age and affects their expec tations. Some can adopt the extended adolescent lifestyle well before they leave school, regarding school attendance as an extension of their leisure time with some incidental learning. 6 Cultural plurality: Young people value the global aspects of popular culture with which they identify, especially clothing styles and music. But at the same time they are ambivalent about the extensive cultural plurality they experience in Western countries. They are puzzled about how to understand the extraordinary range of belief systems and behaviours in the culture and they may take refuge in closed social groups.
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7 Social and political concerns: Compared with the politicised views of youth in the 1960s and 1970s, today’s young people are generally wary of, and disillusioned with, political institutions and large corporations; authority is questioned and not respected. Yet they do little to challenge the status quo, realising that they do not have much political leverage in any case. Rebellion and dissent are expressed through violent and anarchic lyrics in rap and hip-hop. There is a level of acceptance of job insecurity; there is a pervading sense that they will have to be adaptable in employment. Some will be prepared to barter a ‘good’ job for lifestyle options. Still, there is concern about unemployment and exploitative business practices such as problems with economic rationalism and the globalisation of commerce – irresponsible economic activity on the part of the corporate world; ‘fair’ trade rather than ‘free’ trade that masks the production of goods by child labour or sweatshops; casualisation of employment and the deregulation of the Australian workplace. Some young people will not worry too much about these potential threats as long as they do not appear to affect their lifestyle. For others, the gap between hopes for career and a successful life and the reality of possible unemployment is an ongoing source of worry. 8 Environmental concerns: In addition to the increased public acknowledgment of environmental issues, more awareness of these issues is fostered in school subjects such as Science, Geography, Economics, Society and Culture, and Religion – as well as in media awareness programs like Cleanup Australia. The young have an excellent environmental education but this does not readily translate into actual support by young people; for example, Cleanup Australia usually attracts only a small percentage of youth. But there is in spirit strong support for initiatives that are pro-environment. Some, but not too many, see the inconsistency between pursuing a consumerist lifestyle and being concerned about environmental and consumerist issues. Others are agitating in favour of ecological sustainability and in opposition to environmental degradation. 9 Anxiety about a violent society: While earlier generations were anxious about a possible nuclear holocaust, since 9/11, Bali, and terrorist attacks in Britain and Spain, today’s young people live with a backdrop of global terrorism that has almost daily reminders. As a result, in perceptibly higher numbers, there is a hardening in prejudice against minorities and those who do not appear to embrace lifestyle and belief systems similar to what they think is the Westernised norm; in turn, this generates contrary antagonism on the part of minority groups. A positive valuing of multiculturalism and a multi-faith community has been diminished as the hopes for a peaceful and tolerant society recede. Other concerns contributing to anxiety are levels of crime, more people in prison, increased evidence of security measures and surveillance, and tighter immigration and refugee controls.
Notes 1 R Eckersley et al. 2006, Flashpoints and signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people, p. 37. 2 Two good examples of these writings are M Strommen & R Hardel 2000, Passing on the faith: A radical new model for youth and family ministry, and S Reed 1991, Spirituality: Access guides to youth ministry. They illustrate the interest in youth spirituality within Christian religious circles, taking the standpoint of church ministry to youth. It is acknowledged that readers who work within such a framework may find that the
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3 4
5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22
23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30
material in this chapter, in terms of its basic aims and assumptions, does not address their particular context adequately. However, we consider that the issues considered here are just as pertinent to church youth as they are to those who are more secular in their spirituality. Hence this chapter should not be read as a litany of young people’s lack of interest in the Church. While there are young people who are very religious and who identify strongly with their church, there are many others for whom the spiritual relevance of the Church is at a low ebb. Education in spirituality in any school context needs to take this into account. D Hay & R Nye 1998, The spirit of the child. Generational differences in spirituality have been explored through constructs: baby boomers; generation X; generation Y. These interpretations give useful insights, particularly if the trends are considered as states of mind rather than of set characteristics of particular age cohorts. They highlight the changing cultural contexts and identify distinctive trends in thinking and behaviour. See, for example, T Beaudoin 1998, Virtual faith ; D Coupland 1991, Generation X; H Mackay 1997, Generations; M Mason et al. 2006, The spirit of generation Y: Summary of the final report of a three year study. See also section 6.3.8. Reed 1991, p. 3, quoting R Osmer 1989, Challenge to youth ministry in the mainline churches: Thought provokers. R Coles 1992, The spiritual life of children, p. 278. G Baum 1987, from a keynote address, ‘Pluralism and Religious Identity’, given at the Annual Conference of the Religious Education Association of the United States and Canada. M Hare Duke & W Whitton 1977, A Kind of Believing? p. 19. H Cox 1995, Fire from Heaven: The rise of pentecostal spirituality and the reshaping of religion in the twenty-first century. Eckersley et al. 2006, p. 38. R Eckersley 1997, Portraits of youth, p. 243. ibid., p. 244. We attribute this wisdom to Professor Charles Birch. However, he insists that he cannot remember using this phrase in a lecture in 1965. Eckersley 1997, Portraits of youth, p. 247. C Bye 1998, Generation X is ‘dead’. ibid. D Cameron 2006, The dark side of the screen. Reported in The Daily Telegraph 2006, Outplaying the movies, 2 June, p. 17. D Cameron 2006, The dark side of the screen, Sydney Morning Herald, May 13, p. 13. H Edwards 2006, Web bullies put kids in therapy, The Sun Herald, June 11, p. 49. RW Bibby & DC Posterski 1985, The emerging generation: An inside look at Canada’s teenagers, pp. 32–8. KC Rybacki & DJ Rybacki 2006, Cultural approaches to the rhetorical analysis of selected music videos, Metaphor 1, p. 59. For a more detailed account of the deconstruction of music videos, see also Cultural approaches to the rhetorical analysis of selected music videos, http://www.sibetrans.com/trans/trans4/rybacki.htm. R Eckersley 1997, The culture of meaning, the meaning of culture. ibid., p. 8. S Bok 1998, Mayhem: Violence as public entertainment, quoted in J Cloud et al. 1998, Of arms and the boy. Cloud et al. 1998, p. 40. R Eckersley, The culture of meaning, p. 7. M Ryan 1997, A New Age Dawning. See the Bibliography under New Age spirituality. See L Pastva 1986, Sects and cults, in Great Religions of the World, pp. 227–39. Pastva quotes a psychological profile of those most likely to join a sect or new religious movement. Saul Levine, a US psychologist, has researched the passage of young people through such movements; he concludes that psychological needs are a principal factor; most youth eventually leave the groups without suffering too much long-term psychological damage. See SV Levine 1984, Radical Departures, and Radical departures in psychology today.
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We need to put our heads together to work out a view of life that offers a future for our children.1 Chief Sitting Bull of the Lakota Sioux Nation, 1890
There is evidence that the developed world has passed a threshold, a point beyond which economic growth (as currently defined and derived) ceases to improve quality of life. Trends in suicide, depression and other psychological disorders suggest that young people, in particular, are paying a high price for progress. This situation poses a formidable challenge to education. The task of education is not just to prepare students for the future, but to equip them to create a future they want to live in. This includes nurturing a sense of social and spiritual connectedness that transcends the individual and the material.2 Richard Eckersley, 2000
The previous chapters in this part of the book provided background on the constructs meaning, identity and spirituality, together with initial suggestions as to what constituted ‘health’ in each. Judgments about what constitutes healthy personal development need to be based on values, and they need to be clearly articulated as a prerequisite to any planning of an education in meaning, identity and spirituality. The task of this chapter is to work from the notion of what constitutes health in these areas towards content and pedagogy that might promote personal development. This will be done in a generic way, with attention to implications and related issues in different school contexts taken up in Parts 3–5. 228
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While this book is mainly educational in its focus, much of the analysis in Part 2 can be useful for professionals variously engaged in the care of youth. For these readers, the principles in this chapter still have relevance in the sense that a broad understanding of education in meaning, identity and spirituality is applicable to youth counselling, welfare and other activities in both advocacy for, and care of, youth. The generic education in meaning, identity and spirituality considered here is proposed as a ‘guide’ for giving direction to young people’s exploration of processes and issues in meaning, identity and spirituality. In the school context, it would not be a new subject seeking a place in the curriculum, but a thematic study that can be included in learning areas like religion or personal development, as well as having potential for integration elsewhere in the curriculum. It can serve as a template or a perspective for showing how an education in meaning, identity and spirituality can enter into the key learning areas. For convenience, the phrase ‘personal development education’ will be used in this chapter as shorthand for an ‘education in meaning, identity and spirituality’.
10.1 Underlying value assumptions The value assumptions in any community activities intended to enhance young people’s meaning, identity and spirituality fall into five groups.
10.1.1 The nature of the human person The analysis in Part 2 presumes that while autonomy is a fundamental goal for human development, this is not achieved quickly or fully in children and adolescents. Hence their quest for meaning, identity and spirituality needs to include as a starting point a basic familiarity with the cultural traditions of their immediate family and community. As they mature, they can take greater responsibility for the cultural elements that sustain their personal life. So their personal development education is not just the communication of packages of institutional meaning, identity and spirituality, but a study of these traditions in a way that promotes their growing responsible involvement. While the interpretation of meaning is a fundamental human task, it is also a significant educative process. Thus the aim of helping youth become wise interpreters of life should be one of the foremost aims of agencies concerned with the education and care of young people.
10.1.2 Access to cultural traditions Young people need to be given a basic level of access to their cultural heritage. The state school is concerned particularly with transmitting the ‘intellectual culture’, as embodied in the curriculum. As far as particular ethnic and religious traditions are concerned, it would be both unrealistic and inappropriate to think that public education should have a prominent role in their transmission. But what the school should do is try to promote the shared community values in multiculturalism and tolerance. In the curriculum, this could include studies where a range of related questions such as the following could be examined:
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ethnicity, multiculturalism, democracy, religious freedom, respect for individuality, the need for shared values, as well as problems like racism and sexism.3 Students could learn about the psychological and social functions of ethnicity, about its enrichment of the country’s cultural resources, as well as about its potential for conflict. School education contributes to young people’s ‘cultural exposure’ in a general way; it may extend their cultural horizons beyond what they might absorb from their immediate home and community environment. For example, young people need to know about the religions in their society. A general study of religions may also contribute to a better understanding of their own religious tradition, whether or not they are practising members. The curriculum will inevitably deal with cultural, ethnic and religious diversity in a generic way, but it is not responsible for trying to cover any particular tradition comprehensively. Independent schools have more scope to do this and it is evident in the denominational religious education that they often provide. Schools, therefore, should provide a range of cultural resources for their students’ personal development,4 though the extent to which these are assimilated depends on the individual. The school’s contribution is one of many from the different cultural sources that influence the young. What is attempted at school in terms of education in meaning, identity and spirituality complements but does not substitute for what should be done by the family and the various communities in which young people participate. Children and adolescents have a right to a basic level of cultural heritage as meaning and identity resources. Requiring them to start life with a tabula rasa as far as these resources are concerned would be unfair.
10.1.3 Critical evaluative activity From their earliest years at school, children can gradually understand that an evaluative approach in their learning is much more than being critical – in the sense of just complaining or criticising. The word ‘critical’ when applied to evaluative learning means that the learner is trying to get beneath the surface layers of what is being studied to its meanings and values. It involves appraising arguments and seeking evidence to back them up or call them into question; it leads to tentative value judgments; it considers implications for self and others. In industrialised countries, most of the support networks for meaning and identity that functioned for earlier generations no longer have the same plausibility and force. While many people still identify themselves as religious, beliefs about life’s meaning drawn from religions do not seem to have the same cogency they apparently had in the past. But there is no shortage of available meanings. In an environment awash with ways to make meaning and to find the ‘true self ’, there is an urgent need for young people to learn how to evaluate critically what is being offered. Education has an important role here in helping youth in their search for meaning and identity. There is a common tendency to think about culture as something static – it has a sort of taken-for-grantedness about it. An evaluative approach to the study of cultural meanings begins by questioning this assumption, showing that culture is a human construction and that it can be analysed and evaluated in terms of authentic service to communities and individuals. Social problems can be brought out into the open and debated, not left hidden within the culture as if ‘this is the way things are, and must always be’.
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An evaluative dimension is essential for any personal development education. The young need to become more aware of the shaping influence of culture on people’s spiritual and moral development so that they can be more discerning of the factors that affect their own thinking and behaviour. The extensive range of issues in meaning, identity and spirituality covered in this part of the book can be overwhelming for educators if they read too much in one sitting, or wonder about how they might deal with so much content in class. They might be intimidated by the thought of themselves trying to become a classroom ‘Dr Phil’ (Dr Phil McGraw conducts a popular television counselling program), forever dispensing packages of wisdom to a youthful audience that is not interested or responsive. This image misinterprets the educational role of the teacher and it overestimates both the time and scope that might be available for addressing the issues. The agenda in the foregoing chapters is principally for the education and personal development of educators. It can contribute to the background knowledge and wisdom they bring to their educational dealings with young people – but they do not have to tell all they know! Nevertheless, there is a side to the Dr Phil analogy that is pertinent here, and it has to do with pedagogy. The style of Socratic questioning employed by Dr Phil in his counselling program has useful pedagogical implications for personal development education. This is not to say that therapy or counselling should be a principal paradigm for classroom teaching, but it does suggest that judicious questions asked by teachers about the meaning of what is being studied can help young people learn how to think critically. Such Socratic questioning probes for meaning but does not pry into students’ privacy. Much of the personal learning in the classroom is unnoticed; it takes place within the safety of private reflection.
10.1.4 Young people’s responsibility for personal change School education can inform, challenge and favourably dispose young people towards personal change, but it cannot impose or require it.5 For personal change to be authentic, it must be freely chosen. How much of their study of meaning, identity and spirituality will actually be used by young people to change personally will vary considerably from individual to individual. Any personal change is usually going to be remote from the classroom; it will be determined by the young people themselves, in the light of many non-school influences on their growth as persons. Hence the school has scope to educate young people in meaning, identity and spirituality. But this intention needs to be realistic: such an education does not automatically change them spiritually and morally. This natural limitation to the educational process needs to be acknowledged. There is the legitimate hope that education will enhance their personal development, but this hope is different in kind from the sorts of outcomes that are commonly proposed for schooling. Personal development education engages students in much the same sort of inquiring activity as goes on in other learning areas, but the subject matter is more directly related to their own spiritual and moral development. While personal relevance is intended, it cannot be engineered. An informative, evaluative study explores social and personal issues, helping young people make links between the study and their own personal life. School education can help them learn more wisely from their own personal experience. But it is a mistake to presume
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that students need to share at a personal level when discussing issues in the classroom, or that they need to draw personal implications then and there as part of a lesson. If they feel free enough to want to share personal views, then their contributions should be respected and valued. But to expect such personal contributions on cue is to put unethical psychological pressure on them. The power of reason to change people for the better should not be overestimated. While education can enhance young people’s meanings, it should not be expected to perform behavioural miracles. So the popular notion of ‘transformative education’, which is intended to change students personally, needs to be used with caution.6
10.1.5 Background of the teacher (or facilitator, counsellor etc.) in relation to the educative process The first and most important step for community activity designed to foster young people’s meaning, identity and spirituality is the development of understanding of the relevant issues on the part of the adults involved. The sorts of issues with which they need to be familiar were illustrated in the previous chapters in Part 2. How educators understand these questions will filter through into their interactions with students both in the formal curriculum and outside the classroom. While teacher–student relationships can be significant in fostering young people’s personal development, the focus here and in later chapters will be on classroom teaching–learning transactions. Having an explicit code of teaching ethics is essential if teachers are to enhance, and never manipulate, the meanings of their students (13.11).
10.2 Education in meaning An education in meaning has implications for both content and process as summarised below.
10.2.1 Understanding the nature and psychological functions of meaning This involves young people’s exploration of the meaning-making process as a distinctively human characteristic. It includes the various ways in which meaning functions in the human person. Also pertinent is an investigation of what might constitute ‘healthy meaning’, and of the possible psychological effects of ‘deficient meaning’. It is presumed that healthy meaning needs to have a broad scope, with reference not only to the individual but to the community and the environment; it should not revolve exclusively around the needs and interests of the individual. In addition, the study of meaning should address relationships between personal and cultural meanings, and the particular problems that can arise from too great a responsibility falling on the individual (at too early an age) for the construction and maintenance of personal meaning.
10.2.2 Knowledge of traditional cultural meanings about human nature and purpose Young people need to know about the role of traditional agencies like family, religions and community groups in the communication of meaning. This includes knowledge and understanding of their own religion, world religions and non-religious worldviews (whether
Educating young people in meaning, identity and spirituality
or not they are affiliated with religion), as well as of issues like secularisation. There is also psychology, which can help people make sense of their lives. Consideration of how beliefs help give purpose and value to life provides an opportunity for young people to reflect on their own personal search for meaning in a puzzling world. The study of religions and worldviews needs to avoid being caught up in descriptive details; it should include a strong issue-oriented component; attention should be given to ‘psychological’ and ‘social’ functions of systems of beliefs, while showing sufficient respect for the traditions in their own right to avoid treating them in a purely instrumental way. The study of traditional meaning systems needs to be complemented by an investigation of the meaning-making significance of the media, especially film and television.
10.2.3 Some understanding of the contemporary crisis in meaning, especially for youth Young people’s school education should provide them with an opportunity to consider what has been described as a contemporary crisis in meaning, with particular reference to its impact on adolescents. It should include an exploration of what is involved in the ‘search’ for meaning, and consideration of the problems youth may have with deficiency of meaning and unhealthy meaning. It should also try to put cultural postmodernity into some perspective.
10.2.4 Evaluation of the many personal meanings available in society The multiplicity of cultural meanings – all looking for adherents – creates its own problem for the individual’s search for meaning. How to judge the appropriateness of meaning and what criteria might be used therefore become important in education. An evaluative approach can help young people become more aware of cultural meanings, and of behavioural consequences. For example, conflicting meanings from different groups can be a root cause of prejudice and racism; frameworks of meaning can be sources of liberation or of domination; and the dissemination of meanings can insinuate the causes of particular economic and political interests. Learning how meanings are assigned and how they may need to be ‘uncovered’ is a part of becoming wise. What youth need is not so much new meaning but the capacity to evaluate it carefully, and this skill can become a part of their lifelong learning. It can not only help them in any dialogue with traditional religious meanings, but also with seeing where they stand with respect to various ideologies, political views and ‘messages’ coming from different quarters, especially the commercial and entertainment worlds.
10.3 Education in identity The first response that the phrase ‘education in identity’ commonly brings to mind is its association with the intention of a group to transmit a particular social identity to the young. While religious schools and some cultural groups make this intention explicit, public schools (in Australia) tend to be more cautious and avoid talking about identity as an educational goal. They are reluctant to say anything that might give an impression they are promoting any particular cultural or religious identity – unless this referred to some broadly based qualities of good citizenship or shared values. In so doing, there is a tendency to neglect the contribution that public education can legitimately make to young people’s identity
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development. But this role needs clarification; it cannot be endorsed without qualification. It is not principally concerned with the handing on of distinctive cultural and ethnic heritage, but with helping young people understand how heritage affects identity, and how they might make best use of identity resources. Schools therefore have a limited role in young people’s identity development. Schools, including religious schools, are not as influential as are other agencies and forums for the communication of cultural, ethnic and religious identities. Sometimes parents and school authorities tend to overrate the scope and the effectiveness of the school’s contribution. In accord with sound teaching ethics, an education in identity should respect the freedom and integrity of the individual, and his or her right to participation in the process of identity development. Hence it involves not just the teaching of identity content, but a study of the complex identity-forming process itself. Such a dual approach could help young people become better informed about identity formation in a way that prompted their own increasingly conscious participation (depending on their age and maturity). While learning about aspects of cultural, ethnic and religious identity, they could become more aware of identity-related issues. This could help them become more reflective about their own identity as linked interactively with heritage and contemporary cultural elements, while avoiding any excessive emphasis on self analysis. Four areas merit special attention.
10.3.1 Some understanding of the nature and psychological function of identity, and of identity-forming processes Identity is like meaning, viewed from the perspective of self-understanding and selfexpression. Young people need an understanding of different components to identity, helping them become better interpreters of their experience and of potential influences on their personal development. This would show them something of the dynamic interplay between culture and identity, as well as helping them make sense of behaviour, both in the self and in others. An education in identity can make them more aware of influences that previously worked at a relatively subconscious level, providing the groundwork for a more conscious and discerning involvement in the development of identity – as well as a better capacity to evaluate (and resist where necessary) efforts from outside to affect their identity. What constitutes a healthy identity needs to be explored, including the idea of balance between internal and external identity resources; that is, where one’s identity is not domi nated almost exclusively by dependence on externals (authorities) or internals (beliefs, values). A healthy identity is not only concerned with development of the self, but also with the welfare of others; it should not motivate behaviour that is anti-social or harmful to others or the environment.
10.3.2 What the developmental theories say about personal development The adolescent quest for a sense of authentic self can be resourced by an introductory study of theories of human development. In addition to looking at various notions of identity and issues for personal or group identity, young people can examine schemes for personal development proposed by the structural developmental theorists. This would give them more perspective on the identity-related developmental tasks of adolescence.
Educating young people in meaning, identity and spirituality
10.3.3 The relationships between cultural identity resources and the personal construction of identity The scheme for identity in Chapter 6 offers young people a useful interpretive framework for exploring relationships between the external, cultural identity resources proposed by agencies in the community (home, religion, peers, popular culture) and inner, personal identity resources. Their identity development needs to be resourced by community efforts to communicate some basic sense of identity to them when they are children; this informs their initial selfunderstanding and interpretation of society. They would be disadvantaged by an education that kept them in a type of identity vacuum until they were mature enough to determine their own identity; that is, choose rationally in the light of an appraisal of the many values and identity components available in a pluralist, multicultural society. This is a more adultoriented process; it needs to be scaled appropriately for children and adolescents. But educational efforts to communicate a particular identity should not be exclusive, trying to impose a fixed identity that inhibits individuals’ growing conscious involvement in determining their own identity. Rather, a basic starting point in identity development is needed – a cultural identity inheritance. This will be one significant contribution towards young people’s mature identity, but not necessarily an all-encompassing or predetermining one. Educational institutions (both public and religious) need to ensure that their curriculum includes adequate attention to the culture and traditions needed by students as identity ‘building materials’ (with the qualification noted earlier about the limits to this role). The idea is to give students access to these resources, along with those provided by home and other agencies, as well as by the wider culture. Whether or not individuals incorporate particular elements into their sense of identity cannot be determined by teachers. The school might introduce some students to potential identity resources they might not otherwise encounter. Education can open them to larger cultural horizons, and to a broader imagination of the sort of person they could be.
10.3.4 The evaluative study of identity issues An evaluative study of identity not only encourages youth to look carefully at what is happening in the world socially and politically, but also models for them useful ways of interpreting their own identity development. It suggests that they need to understand how cultural elements and their own internal needs and drives interact, affecting the way they understand and express themselves. This approach can help them become more alert to the shaping influence of culture, especially through commerce and advertising. There is then less chance that they would accept ‘ready-made’ or imposed identities in an uncritical fashion. The evaluation of identity issues can cover the range from the socio-cultural at the level of nation-states, to the identity messages in television, through to the personal level, where perceived identity may be a key to understanding behaviour. The values and identity that a particular group wants to hand on to its young people should be kept open to evaluation, and not as a hidden agenda. Education in identity needs to show that the development of autonomy and individuality is a complex process. It involves
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achieving independence from, and less reliance on, traditional authorities like parents and religion. But this does not necessarily require conflict or rebellion. It is more a ‘differentiation’ of the new adult. What is important is a new level of maturity in relationships between the individual and authorities, flowing from a new level of maturity in values, commitments and self-motivated behaviour. In some instances it will involve open conflict, and this may have a variety of causes: it may be that either the individual or the authority (parents, for example), or both, do not want the new level of independence. There is also a need to consider the economic dimensions of this issue; shrewd marketing has played up teenage rebellion as a selling point for consumer products. Advertising psychology is alert to capitalising on young people’s identity vulnerabilities. An evaluative approach can have personal implications for students because it covers questions about the moral character of self-expression. It can inform their own self-evaluation: they may or may not do this in their own time and space. This is a potential personal enhancement arising from the educational process, but not an intentional educational requirement. Education in identity is not concerned with moral evaluation of the students, but with the moral evaluation of issues that may affect identity generally. Some aspects of self-expression may not be in the best interests of the individual or it may be harmful to others. This is related to popular thinking about what constitutes one’s ‘better self ’. There are both light and dark sides to the self. The mature, moral individual can be interpreted as one whose better self is maximised in expression and behaviour, and where harmful behaviours that may emanate from the negative self are minimised. Fidelity to one’s own personal beliefs and values could be proposed as a mark of a morally mature self.
10.4 Education in spirituality Because of its long historical links with religion, spirituality poses problems for education (mainly in public education) that are not so evident in an area like ‘values’. However, this should not be an excuse for failing to work out an appropriate way of studying spirituality because it is central to young people’s personal development. Addressing this problem can begin with the questions: ‘What sort of spirituality do we want to promote in a particular educational context?’ and ‘What sort of educational engagement with spirituality by students is appropriate?’ The discernment process requires taking a value stance about the nature of spirituality and what are regarded as its most important elements; in turn, these judgments can be used as criteria for informing decisions about curriculum content, resources and pedagogy, and about implications for the organisational and community life of the school. The school context, whether it is a religiously sponsored, independent or government school, will alter the terms of reference for this process. Just what constitutes spirituality will always remain a content problem for education. But this problem of definition can itself be usefully turned into a research question for students; they can explore the nature and psychological functions of spirituality, its origins and history, influential social developments, the divergence between the spiritual and the religious, as well as its complex relationships with religion and culture. The same patterns suggested above for education in meaning and identity can be applied to spirituality. This is summarised under three headings.
Educating young people in meaning, identity and spirituality
10.4.1 Religion and spirituality Aspects of spirituality should be a prominent part of the study of religion in school, but it should not be restricted to this rubric. Young people need basic educational access to the spirituality of their own religious tradition, as well as some awareness of the spiritualities of other religions. The public school, however, can only make very limited contributions in this direction (religious schools have more scope). In addition, they need to know about distinctions between religion and spirituality, and about non-religious spiritualities. A study of spirituality and religion is appropriate in any school type, but the extent to which an experiential dimension might be included would be qualified according to the context. While such a dimension is usually desirable in any school learning (depending on the nature of the experience), whether this could involve religious practices would depend on whether or not it was a religiously sponsored school. For example, prayer and worship would be justified in the religious school as a part of its constitution as a type of community of faith, but this would not apply in a public school. The purpose of enhancing a particular religious spirituality is contextually appropriate in the religious school, but not in public education. At present, there is little scope for spirituality studies in Australian government schools, though they remain an important part of public education in the United Kingdom.7 Nevertheless, this discussion of what is entailed in an education in spirituality can help to give a better perspective on the common values underpinning public education in Australia, on values education and on the spiritual and moral dimension to education generally. In addition, this can be a starting point for appraising the extensive writings about spirituality in education, particularly in the United Kingdom, where there has been an ongoing, vigorous debate over the last twenty years. For the religious school, the idea of an education in spirituality is not new. In this context, many of the components to spirituality are covered either in the religion curriculum or the religious life of the school (theology, scripture, world religions, prayer, worship and liturgy, articulation of the community religious values). Nevertheless, the problematic relationships between spirituality and religion should also be included for study. As noted below, the identification and evaluation of spirituality remains a significant topic for religious education in the church school.
10.4.2 Spiritual and moral dimensions to life An exploration of what it means to be spiritual should not only examine religion. Spirituality may be religiously oriented, but not always; study of the constructs meaning and identity can be a useful part of exploring spirituality – there is significant overlap between the three. Attention also needs to be given to what constitutes spiritual experience, and to the notion of the transcendent.
10.4.3 Evaluation of spirituality As for education in meaning and identity, an evaluative approach is essential for helping young people develop skills in appraising what the culture offers in the way of spiritualities: this means allowing a place for both controversial content and evaluative pedagogy. For example, in the religious school, it is not enough to give students access to the religious spirituality of their faith tradition; they also need to look at various issues related to spirituality in the wider sense.
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10.5 Education as the critical interpretation of culture Education in meaning, identity and spirituality makes a valuable contribution to the role of schools in handing on the intellectual culture. In addition, the critical interpretation of culture is stressed throughout the book as an increasingly important dimension to education because it helps young people learn how to interrogate the personal influence of culture; in turn, this can help them think about the ways in which they themselves may have been affected. While the opportunity for such informed reflection may or may not lead to personal change, at least it gives them some educational stimulus to reflect on their own personal development. Students should be able to see that the educational process has the potential to enhance their lives – if not there and then, perhaps in the future their personal learning may become influential and helpful. But for this to happen, both content and pedagogy need to have identifiable links with their personal development needs.8 This sort of education is promoted where students see their teachers as critical interpreters of meaning. Both those who teach and those responsible for curriculum development need a good understanding of the life-world of young people in all its complexity; this includes a basic familiarity with the issues in meaning, identity and spirituality that impact on youth. This ‘interpretive background’ can inform both classroom teaching and personal interactions with youth – for example, ranging from comments on issues in class, to silent knowing empathy, as well as to occasional advice given to individuals. In doing this, teachers are modelling the role of evaluators of culture. If young people see that the language used by educators in this role is relevant and meaningful, they can respond to this leadership and try themselves to develop their own interpretation of contemporary issues, particularly those likely to affect them. They are being helped to explore reasons for living. They will see their teachers’ interpretations as relevant if they show an awareness of the questions about life and problems that the young have to deal with, and if the teachers’ diagnosis of contemporary situations is realistic and not paternalistic. Teachers are not professional counsellors or ‘life coaches’, and their role in fostering young people’s meaning, identity and spirituality is not a counselling one. But particularly where the curriculum deals with questions relevant to youth personal development, as well as through interactions outside the classroom, teachers have an opportunity to help young people engage in thinking about these issues. Where this happens, they can see that both their education and their teachers are endeavouring to resource their personal development. It is not intrusive, but it is informative and occasionally challenging; it affirms the young, and gives them hope because they can feel tangibly that the school is trying to point them in directions that will be satisfying and fulfilling personally. This can be true even if quirky teenagers would be the last to acknowledge publicly that it was the case, and even if they were not confident at the time that the proposed ‘directions’ for personal development were the right ones for them. Any personal support that teachers give young people in their search for meaning, identity and spirituality needs to fit comfortably within the teachers’ larger educational role. They should not try to give advice excessively; neither should the appropriate opportunity to give advice be neglected. A sensitivity to the personal development needs of youth should be a balanced part of educators’ interface with their students; and it should be an important part of their professional commitment.
Educating young people in meaning, identity and spirituality
10.6 Conclusion The chapters in Part 2 have covered a substantial range of issues related to meaning, identity and spirituality. Educators and other professionals concerned with the care of youth need a basic familiarity with this agenda, which can also serve as a stimulus for further research. If young people are to be helped to identify and negotiate this agenda, then it first must take root in the knowledge and understanding of youth care professionals. This chapter has begun the task of considering educational implications; how these might be implemented in different contexts will be taken up in the next parts of the book.
Notes 1 There are some variations in records of this quotation from Chief Sitting Bull. This version came from the Carnegie Museum in Pittsbugh, PA. A more common version is ‘Let us put our heads together to see what we can do for ourselves and for our children and for the Seventh Generation yet to Come’. Retrieved from http://www.mhanation.com/main/news/11_29_01_hall_wins_ncai.html Accessed 5/5/05. 2 R Eckersley 2000, Wealth, health and youth: The impacts and implications of progress, quoted in T Wallace 2000, Values and spirituality: enriching curriculum development and teaching/learning processes for a new millennium. 3 In Chapters 11 and 17 it will be suggested that studies which use these questions as titles for units or work (e.g. tolerance, respect) are likely to be less relevant to students because they are perceived as exhortatory. Where these questions emerge as part of a more general topic (e.g. the relationship between identity and violence) they can be considered more effectively. 4 As considered in later chapters, the study of cultural traditions needs to strike a balance between descriptive content and content or pedagogy that is more relevant to students’ needs and interests. There needs to be respect for the integrity of the traditions being studied, while acknowledging that young people will make differential use of these traditions as personal development resources in the fashioning of their own worldview. In one sense, the traditions are being studied instrumentally to foster students’ personal development, rather than for their own sake; seeking personal relevance should be an integral part of the study of traditions. Correspondingly, the other extreme should be avoided: where this is such a strong focus on encouraging students to construct their own personal meaning that the study of traditions becomes fragmented and incoherent. A good balance between the two emphases is often promoted by the use of student-centred pedagogies. 5 The contributions that the school might make to young people’s personal development will range from comparatively insignificant to important; it will depend on the individuals, their personalities, their needs and level of maturity. 6 Whether or not there is a transformational pedagogy, as opposed to a non-transformational one, is considered in Chapter 13. 7 There has been an extensive debate about spirituality in public education in the United Kingdom for many years. It is well documented in books and in journals like Journal of Moral Education, British Journal of Religious Education, International Journal of Children’s Education, and the Journal of Beliefs and Values. A tendency to be more hesitant about studying religious spirituality has been related to unvoiced fears about the possibility of religious indoctrination. Watson (2004) has suggested that in theory and practice there is too much bias towards non-religious spirituality, concentrating on generic aspects of spirituality. She argues that both religious and non-religious spirituality need to be studied critically in public education. See B Watson 2004, Spirituality in British state education: An alternative perspective, Journal of Beliefs and Values 25(1): 55–62. 8 From a pedagogical point of view, a full range of evaluative activities can make useful contributions to young people’s personal learning skills: studying issues, getting relevant information, reading, reflecting, getting advice, listening to something inspiring, and informed discussion.
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3 Part
Implications for public education: The spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum The possibility of educating young people in meaning, identity and spirituality in government schools needs to be understood within a broader conceptualisation of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum. While spiritual and moral purposes for public edu cation in Australia have become increasingly prominent, there remains a significant gap between theory and practice. This part of the book sets out to develop a conceptualisation that links school education and personal change in young people. Real progress in curriculum provisions for young people’s spiritual and moral development depends on having a realistic account of the possibilities and limitations of schooling for catalysing personal change. Such a conceptualisation is needed to secure the professional support of teachers as regards their role in promoting young people’s personal development. While Part 3 focuses on public education, the arguments have equal relevance to independent schools.
Complementing the material on curriculum theory, the last chapter in this part provides a practical example of an area of study to illustrate the sorts of issues that might be addressed in across-the-curriculum studies as well as in special subjects. It explores the shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development.
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The spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum: The evolution in personal development aims for Australian education
Perhaps the greatest wrong we have done to our children is not the fractured families or the scarcity of jobs, but the creation of a culture that gives them nothing beyond themselves to believe in. It is a culture whose main effects are to encourage demoralisation, cynicism, and self-centredness. It is imperative to create a culture (through parenting, education and the media) that gives people, especially the young, faith in themselves, hope for the future, and meaning and purpose to their lives. W Campbell et al., 1992 1
Even where there were no official statements detailing the school’s aim to promote the spiritual and moral development of young people, it is likely that this purpose would have been implied in the ways teachers looked after their students. They were always concerned with the welfare of their students as persons, and not just with the development of literacy and numeracy. What was said in a recent national education statement in 2003 had long been the case in practice: ‘education is as much about building character as it is about equipping students with specific skills.’2 The importance of this spiritual-moral aim has probably never been in question, but articulating what it implies for classroom practice has remained a perennial problem. Perennial, because the problem has been not so much in finding the right content and pedagogy, but in the very complexity of young people’s spiritual and moral development itself. The links between teaching and learning processes and personal change in students are naturally much more complex and tenuous than those with knowledge of mathematics or science. This chapter is concerned with the public discourse about the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum. Ongoing clarification of what this dimension entails is needed if there are to be both realistic purposes and effective implementation. 243
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The first important distinction to be made is between the spiritual-moral influence of the school as a community (through its social and organisational structures) and the curriculum (what is planned and implemented in classroom practice). While not questioning the importance of the former, the discussion here will be concerned mainly with the latter.
11.1 Public discourse about the spiritual-moral dimension to education The importance of promoting young people’s spiritual and moral development has long been evident in normative documents on the purposes of education for Australian schools. For example, in 1957 the NSW Wyndham Report named ‘spiritual values’ as one of the eight key aims for the education of the individual.3 Aims related to a spiritual-moral-values dimension have figured in Australian State education aims documents from that time, as well as in the national document The Adelaide Declaration on National Goals for Schooling in the Twenty-first Century (1999). But there have been difficulties in developing this sort of spiritual-moral languaging of educational aims, and even more difficulty in their implementation. When the identity of government schools that were ‘free, compulsory and secular’ was being differentiated from religious schools, it was understandable that the religious terms used for describing personal development in the latter would not be appropriate in the former. It would take time for a suitable language to evolve within public education for talking about the spiritual and moral development of students. What gradually emerged in the curriculum documents of both state and Commonwealth education authorities was a raft of personal development terms that figured in the aims for schools: spiritual, moral and aesthetic development; character; self-esteem.4 Complementing the more traditional aims for knowledge and skills, they focused on promoting the growth and development of the whole person – the idea of a ‘holistic education’.5 The discussion of young people’s spiritual and moral development in normative curriculum documents, as well as in education theory generally, fell into four distinct but related areas: 11.1.1 Personal development terms used for articulating spiritual-moral purposes to education 11.1.2 Listing of core values for education (both the values underpinning education and the values it is hoped will be developed in students) 11.1.3 Particular teaching programs in values, and in subjects like Ethics, Personal Development, Religion and Philosophy 11.1.4 Across-the-curriculum strategies for promoting spiritual-moral development
Problems appeared in the discourse because insufficient attention was given to the different (but related) requirements of each area. For example, talk about ‘values education’ was often diffuse and unfocused because it tried to address all four areas at once; the ensuing vagueness hampered both the conceptualisation of a values dimension to education and implementation
The evolution in personal development aims for Australian education
in the classroom. More differentiation and precision are needed for the agendas in each of these four areas. Most of our attention in Part 3 will be given to the fourth area.
11.1.1 Personal development terms used for articulating spiritual-moral purposes to education This section reports on the emergence of key personal development terms in a sample of three national education aims documents since 1989. It reflects what was happening generally in Australian educational discourse. The new personal development terms introduced by each document are listed in three columns, showing how the collection of terms was gradually extended. Table 11.1 Emergence of personal development terms in national documents on the goals for Australian schools Personal development terms used to articulate the goals of schools as introduced by each document:
The Hobart declaration on schooling: Common and agreed national goals for schooling in Australia (1989)
New elements added by The Adelaide declaration on national goals for schools in the 21st century (1999)
New elements added by the National Framework for Values Education in Australian Schools (2003)
Personal characteristics
attitudes; values; selfconfidence; optimism; high self-esteem; respect for others; personal excellence; judgment in morality, ethics, and social justice
self-worth; social, moral, spiritual and aesthetic development; healthy lifestyle
character; personal fulfilment; commitment; wellbeing; resilience (as an antidote to youth suicide and youth substance abuse); engagement; belonging; empowerment; participation; service; improved relationships; holistic development.
Derived qualities
active and informed citizens; concern for balanced development and the global environment.
stewardship of the natural environment; respect for our cultural heritage.
personal and social responsibilities; civic participation.
Gradually, a comprehensive set of purposes emerged for public education that addressed spiritual and moral development. This in itself is a significant achievement, as is the listing of core values noted in section 11.1.2. However, persistent difficulties remain in areas 3 and 4 on implementation. While the significance of personal aims for schooling is acknowledged, their ultimate impact depends on the school context, which may be affected more by other aims. Depending on where the relative emphasis is placed in practice, conflict in aims can occur, or the marginalisation of some purposes. For example, the fourth national goal for schooling in the Hobart Declaration (1989) signalled the growing importance that aims with economic, employment and productivity implications would have in the decades ahead:
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Aim 4: To respond to the current and emerging economic and social needs of the nation, and to provide those skills which will allow students maximum flexibility and adaptability in their future employment and other aspects of life.6
The Hobart Declaration also signposted the future strengthening of outcomes-based curriculum and assessment. Given the special emphasis on documenting performance indicators, employment-oriented competencies, benchmarking and credentialling, it is not surprising that the curriculum climate became unfavourable to the pursuit of spiritualmoral aims – students’ personal development could not be articulated in such precise measurable outcomes. Hence spiritual-moral aims seemed to remain relatively nominal, espoused as important but having little influence on practice. This problem was exacerbated by the complexity of both personal development and its links with teaching and learning processes. The prominence of business and labour executives on national education review committees from this time was something new (Finn Committee 1991; Mayer Committee 1992; Carmichael Committee 1992). It was a further indication that education was increasingly regarded as an instrumentality of government for improving national productivity on competitive global markets. And there was some danger that the notion of ‘educating the whole person’ could well take a back seat in curriculum development and implementation. In a press release under the heading ‘Schools must teach values’ in September 2002, Commonwealth Minister Nelson launched the National Values Education Study through the Curriculum Corporation.7 His letter highlighted the principle that was to become central to the project; the focus was to be on ‘education … delivered within a values-based framework’. While the study did contribute significantly to the national debate about spiritual-moral purposes to education, its principal contributions were in areas 2 and 3 as considered below. Values education, like many of the constructs in Table 11.1, is limited in scope by comparison with ‘the spiritual-moral dimension to the curriculum’; promoting the development of values is not a large enough aim to cover this dimension adequately. Hence we prefer to use the latter (and phrases like ‘promoting young people’s spiritual and moral development’) as the most appropriate and comprehensive umbrella term. But this usage too is contentious; more needs to be done in the way of spelling out its meaning and curriculum implications if it is to become more prominent in Australian education. Teachers will notionally accept students’ spiritual and moral development as a desirable aim for education; they are not opposed to it, but they are not yet convinced of its practical relevance to public education. Earlier normative curriculum documents referred to the aim of promoting young people’s spiritual and moral development (especially in New South Wales in 1990 and in The Adelaide Declaration on National Goals for Schooling in 1999). The New South Wales statement (referred to in Chapter 1) is quoted again here as a most pertinent and provocative example. How the statement is interpreted, and especially how it might be implemented, will be a significant test case. The moral, ethical and spiritual development of students is a fundamental goal of education. It is clearly not confined to one area of the curriculum. All teachers, across all areas of the curriculum have a responsibility to inculcate in their students positive values and a capacity for moral and ethical judgment.
The evolution in personal development aims for Australian education
Government schools should actively promote the moral values which are shared by the majority of people in our community. There is merit in the clear statement of this responsibility. In particular, this document will give greater emphasis to the link between education, work and personal fulfilment, as well as encouraging imagination, creativity, excellence and the search for meaning and purpose in life. It will give more recognition to the place of the family and family values in our society and the rights and responsibilities of parents in the area of morals and values. Greater stress will be placed on students achieving high standards of self-discipline, personal conduct and social responsibility. As recommended … the document will also acknowledge the importance of all students developing spiritual values.8
The statement, with parallels in more recent national documents,9 is something of an icon as regards the mandate for a spiritual-moral dimension to public education. But at the same time, it creates considerable problems for educators. It will remain little more than rhetoric if it cannot be translated into realistic, even if modest, practice. Addressing this question is the basic agenda of this book. While we consider that the spiritual-moral dimension to the curriculum is the most extensive and useful construct for covering the personal development aims of education, it would be a mistake to use it (or any of the other terms in Table 11.1) exclusively. All of the listed terms highlight a distinctive aspect of personal development, even though they overlap. They are all personal and complex, and difficult to define. As far as their links with education are concerned, there is a natural ambiguity and uncertainty that is not there in education dealing with knowledge and skills. For this reason, it is important to continually clarify the discourse about the spiritual-moral dimension to education. How to address this dimension to the curriculum has been approached in various ways. The National Values Education Study is one; most of the school projects it has sponsored revolve around promoting the common values listed in the national statement, as noted in 11.1.2 below. The approach proposed in this book is to explore a range of psycho-social issues that youth need to negotiate in meaning, identity and spirituality as they develop and mature as persons. This is not so much a list of potential personal development outcomes, but an agenda for student study and investigation – and a prerequisite study of that same agenda by teachers. A good education will at least inform young people about this agenda, with the hope that their educational engagement with the issues may eventually have a positive flow-on to their values, beliefs and attitudes. If and when personal change occurs, this will be the choice of the individual and not an automatic outcome of the educational process. The other crucial matter to note yet again here is the evaluative dimension to promoting young people’s spiritual-moral development. While the ‘search’ for meaning and identity is said to be important for young people, the potential for being ‘overrun’ with cultural meanings and identities needs to be addressed by cultivating critical evaluative skills.
11.1.2 Listing of core values for education (both the values underpinning education and the values it is hoped will be developed in students) The construct ‘values education’ as a general term has two meanings: ‘values in education’ and ‘education in values’.10 The former refers to the values that are embedded in the particular
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educational context, which influence both the content and process of the curriculum as well as the organisational structure and function of the school. The latter refers to classroom strategies for educating young people with respect to values (this is considered in 11.1.3 and 11.1.4). Ideally, there should be congruence between what the school ‘teaches’ about values and the values the students experience in the school’s operation. At least to some extent, they can be socialised into community values in the school because they are affected by the way in which they are treated by teachers and fellow students; they can ‘learn’ values through a type of ‘social osmosis’. Hence it is important that these values be articulated. In 1991, in his book Values education in Australian schools, Brian Hill claimed that the potential influence of values in schools was not always properly acknowledged, and that when this happened, negative values education occurred – negative by default. Apart from anything else they might learn, [school] students get the message that, in the things which it includes and excludes, the curriculum mirrors the priorities which the community sets on things such as personal worth, job preparation, ‘the basics’, ‘the disciplines’, the rights of minorities, and so on. Values education goes on, therefore, even when we are not consciously planning for it. But when its effect is not acknowledged or controlled, the result is often that the wrong values for life are propagated by default. In schools where the emphasis is on learning subjects to gain good marks in order to beat others into higher education and better jobs, students are encouraged to develop a very self-centred and consumer-oriented value system. 11
Hill argued for efforts to humanise the unwritten curriculum – that is, to identify, appraise and make more positive the values implied in schools’ organisational life and curriculum. Writing again on this topic in 2004, Hill acknowledged the significant progress that has been made in articulating core values for Australian public education. He drew attention to developments evident in State education department documents (values charters for schools),12 to the cross-sectoral core values project in Western Australia,13 as well as to the 2002–03 (and ongoing) Commonwealth Values Education Study.14 Hill’s own individual contribution to this progress is noteworthy. All of this established the notion of ‘values in education’ more strongly in the Australian education discourse. The statement of nine shared values listed in the National Framework for Values Education is included here.15 (The draft version of ten values, 2003, was restructured into nine in 2005. The government has required that all schools display a poster listing the nine core values. While not taking away from the significance of this progress, the charting of core values for schools and the listing of personal development aims are simpler tasks than those needed for area 3, and especially for area 4, where the focus is on teaching and learning strategies and on content that might occasion personal change in young people.
11.1.3 Particular teaching programs in values, and in subjects like Ethics, Personal Development, Religion and Philosophy In the National Project, two prominent examples were Living Values Education16 and The Virtues Project.17 Their attempt to educate young people in relation to values involved
The evolution in personal development aims for Australian education
Table 11.2 Nine values for Australian schooling Nine values for Australian schooling (2005) These shared values, such as respect and ‘fair go’, are part of Australia’s common democratic way of life, which includes equality, freedom and the rule of law. They reflect our commitment to a multicultural and environmentally sustainable society where all are entitled to justice.
Notes referring to the 2003 draft list
1 Care and Compassion (Care for self and others) 2 Doing Your Best (Seek to accomplish something worthy and admirable, try hard, pursue excellence)
Had been named as Excellence.
3 Fair Go (Pursue and protect the common good where all people are treated fairly for a just society)
Had been named as Social justice.
4 Freedom (Enjoy all the rights and privileges of Australian citizenship free from unnecessary interference or control, and stand up for the rights of others) 5 Honesty and Trustworthiness (Be honest, sincere and seek the truth)
Trustworthiness was transferred from the earlier value Inclusion and trust.
6 Integrity (Act in accordance with principles of moral and ethical conduct, ensure consistency between words and deeds)
Previously named as Ethical.
7 Respect (Treat others with consideration and regard, respect another person’s point of view) 8 Responsibility (Be accountable for one’s own actions, resolve differences in constructive, non-violent and peaceful ways, contribute to society and to civic life, take care of the environment) 9 Understanding, Tolerance and Inclusion (Be aware of others and their cultures, accept diversity within a democratic society, being included and including others)
The earlier value Inclusion and trust was absorbed into Tolerance and understanding to give the new version.
identifying values, understanding their influence on behaviour, and personal reflection. In turn, it was hoped that such study would foster change in values. The programs are usually located within the key learning area Study of Society and its Environment. It is understandable that State and Commonwealth education authorities have felt more free to follow up on programs in values education than they would in a controversial area like religion – even though there are state-based Religion Studies courses. Values can be promoted in public education but there is ambivalence about the role of public education in promoting spiritual development, especially where this is interpreted in religious terms. Where the term ‘spiritual development’ is used with reference to public education, it usually refers to values and ethics, and only occasionally to spirituality – as long as there is no necessary link with religion. It is their aim to promote personal change that values education programs have intentions in common with subjects like Personal Development, Sex Education, Philosophy, Ethics and Religion, even though the aim of religious development is more commonly associated with denominational religious education in independent schools.
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What needs further clarification is the notion of ‘personal change or growth’ (and ‘spiritual and moral development’), which is both appropriate and realistic as a purpose for public education. If this is not done, then it will remain a nominal platitude in educational aims.
11.1.4 Across-the-curriculum strategies for promoting spiritual-moral development The National Framework for Values Education in Australian Schools signalled the following as a national education priority: ‘[That] teachers are provided with appropriate resources including professional development to support their efficacy as teachers of values within all areas of the curriculum and total school life and to monitor this efficacy on an ongoing basis.’18 The Commonwealth and State initiatives in values education have lifted the level of public and professional interest in the personal development purposes of education, as has the 2001 report of the Prime Minister’s Science Council.19 As noted in Chapter 1, it is not that some new ‘spiritual-moral pedagogy’ needs to be injected into the classroom; whether such a pedagogy exists is a matter for debate. What is needed is a conceptualisation of the ways in which teachers can address spiritual-moral dimensions in their regular teaching; and this needs to be both plausible and realistic if it is to win their support. This is a more difficult task than showing how particular subjects with spiritual-moral material as their prime content can affect students’ development (11.1.3). There remains a significant gap between purposes and practice as regards the personal development contribution of across-the-curriculum studies; this is mainly because of the natural ambiguity about how classroom teaching and learning actually affects students personally. As far as ‘teaching’ values is concerned, the planning of lessons around the list of desired common values as topics is problematical, particularly from the point of view of students (12.3.1). This more ‘direct’ focus on values, which proposes the desirability of ‘being honest’, ‘caring’ etc., is perceived precisely as the intended ‘inculcation’ of values by adults and, understandably, it will be kept at some psychological distance. It is not so much a conscious defence against indoctrination or manipulation as a natural tendency in adolescents to resist being told what their values ought to be. Any overt educational intention to ‘change’ students personally is perceived as not respecting their freedom and individuality; any unarticulated or covert intention to do this is perceived as deceptive. The very phraseology for naming topics in values education, as well as the nature and organisation of content and resources, can have implied meanings about the intention to promote personal change that will prompt a negative response from students; a direct focus on values is therefore likely to be counterproductive. By contrast, we consider it inappropriate to make personal change a prime objective of classroom studies. In the next chapters, we propose an alternative view where personal change is considered to be a hope that may eventuate from an activity where the prime objective is educational. This approach interprets personal change as a secondary development that may or may not follow from educational engagement; it implies an indirect focus on values that are naturally embedded in content. This approach is more appropriate psychologically, and more effective educationally, because it makes the educational engagement a student study or research activity dealing with issues rather than a perceived ‘exhortation’ to adopt the core values proposed for Australian schooling. This presumes the need for an open, inquiring
The evolution in personal development aims for Australian education
and informative study, leaving the question of potential personal change off the agenda, and in the hands of the students themselves. Consistent with this approach, we propose that the constructs meaning, identity and spirituality can be very useful because they yield many relevant issues for across-the-curriculum studies – issues that the students will in all likelihood need to negotiate at some stage in their personal and social development.
11.2 Summary and conclusions: Where to from here? The above analysis shows that real progress has been made in the first three areas we have discussed. Personal aims have been articulated, core values have been listed, and best practice in values education (in terms of school values charters and classroom values education strategies) has been explored. What is needed now is a strategy for consolidating what has been achieved, while addressing the gap between aims and practice that remains the most serious impediment to developing the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum. One useful way forward is to develop a theoretical scheme that takes all of the issues into account – a scheme that ‘works’ and that can give educators confidence both in the personal goals for education and in their pedagogical capacity to help young people move towards those goals (see Chapters 13 and 14). Such a scheme needs to address three matters: 1 Complementing and extending the current interest in values education by concep tualising it within a broader notion of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum; 2 Reducing the problematic gap between personal aims for education and classroom practice; 3 Developing adequate theory and realistic strategies for promoting students’ personal dev elopment through across-the-curriculum studies.
11.2.1 Complementing and extending the current interest in values education by conceptualising it within a broader notion of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum The Commonwealth Government selected values education as the key construct it would use to advance the personal agenda of education.20 The Values Education Project has been a landmark development because of the national attention given to spiritual-moral concerns in Australian education. It was built on a study of best practice that helped avoid the problem of being too theoretical or too far removed from the classroom; it involved wide consultation in schools and community and it developed a set of principles and a framework to guide the planning and practice of values education in schools. The purposes of the project proposed in 2002 were achieved by 2003, and this achievement is ongoing. Without doubt, it has been a very successful program. The question of where to go next to capitalise on the momentum generated by the Project was addressed in the 2003 Final Report’s first recommendation: ‘a ��������������������� suite of appropriate follow-up initiatives’ concerned with promoting further analysis of good practice and discussion of the draft set of core values to education, collection of resources, teacher
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professional development, and revising the national framework and principles for values education.21 Earlier we proposed that the idea of a spiritual-moral dimension to the school curriculum is ‘larger’ than what can be covered under the auspices of values education, and that the latter needs to be further contextualised within the former. Special attention also needs to be given to across-the-curriculum studies. The Final Report of the Project (2003) noted how difficult it was to define values and values education, adopting definitions from its literature review: Values: Values are ‘the principles and fundamental convictions which act as general guides to behaviour, the standards by which particular actions are judged as good or desirable’.22 Values education: Values education refers to any explicit and/or implicit school-based activity to promote student understanding and knowledge of values, and to inculcate the skills and dispositions of students so they can enact particular values as individuals and as members of the wider community.23
It also dealt with three ‘domains’ of values education: 1. articulating values in the school’s mission/ethos; 2. developing student civic and social skills and building resilience; and 3. incorporating values into teaching programs across the key learning areas. What now needs consideration is how values education relates to the educational pursuit of other �������������������������������������������������������������������������������� personal development components like moral development, spiritual and religious development and those listed in Table 11.1. The key to this task is their common concern with bringing about personal change in students; and this depends on the ways in which teaching and learning activities actually mesh with young people’s personal development processes. In turn, these considerations raise fundamental questions such as: ‘Can we intentionally “inculcate” or “teach” values in the classroom?’ ‘What are the possibilities and limitations for promoting any personal change in that context?’ This fundamental agenda is taken up in the next three chapters, which clarify the links between education and personal change.
11.2.2 Reducing the problematic gap between personal aims for education and classroom practice The hiatus between personal development aims for education and classroom practice will be interpreted in the following terms: the complexity of personal development; naturally problematic links between teaching and personal change in students; and the lack of ade quate theory to give teachers the confidence and scope to ‘teach for personal change’.
11.2.3 Developing adequate theory and realistic strategies for promoting students’ personal development through across-the-curriculum studies The need for a more realistic conceptualisation of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum applies particularly to across-the-curriculum studies; here, while not so much the case in studies like religion and values education programs, it is more difficult to
The evolution in personal development aims for Australian education
see how the ordinary teaching and learning activities in the classroom can promote students’ personal development. A common thread in the issues discussed in this chapter is the need for an adequate theory linking educational processes with young people’s personal development. While this book does not claim to solve the problem, it works in the direction of constructing a useful theory.
Notes 1 W Campbell et al. 1992, Visions of a future Australian society: Towards an education curriculum for 2000 AD and beyond, quoted in BV Hill 2004, Exploring religion in school: A national priority, p. 44. 2 Curriculum Corporation 2003, Draft National Framework for Values Education in Australian Schools (prepared for the Australian Government Department of Education, Science and Training), p. 6. 3 NSW Government 1957, Report of the Committee Appointed to Survey Secondary Education in New South Wales (the Wyndham Report), p. 40. 4 Listed here is a sample of state and Commonwealth education documents that illustrate the emergence of personal development terms used as goals for education: Australian Education Council (& MYCEETYA) 1989, Common and Agreed National Goals for Schooling in Australia (the Hobart Declaration). Australian Education Council (& MYCEETYA) 1999, The Adelaide Declaration on national goals for schooling in the twenty-first century (the Adelaide Declaration). Curriculum Corporation 2003, Values education study: Final report (Prepared for the Australian Government Department of Education, Science and Training), Curriculum Corporation, Melbourne. Curriculum Corporation 2003, Draft National Framework for Values Education in Australian Schools. Department of Education, Science and Training 2005, National Framework for values education in Australian schools. NSW Government 1957, Report of the Committee Appointed to Survey Secondary Education in New South Wales (the Wyndham Report). NSW Government 1989, White Paper on curriculum reform in schools in NSW. NSW Department of School Education 1991, The values we teach. Qld Committee for the Review of the School Curriculum 1994, Report of the Review of the Queensland school curriculum: Shaping the future, vol. 3. SA Department of Education 1991, Common knowledge, 8–10. Victorian Ministry of Education 1988, The Social education framework, P–10: Effective participation in society. WA Curriculum Branch, Education Department of Western Australia 1985, Social Studies K–10 Syllabus. 5 Some books from the 1980s that promoted the idea of a holistic education at that time: H & D Dufty 1989, Thinking whole: The quest for a new educational paradigm; T Lovat & D Smith 1990, Curriculum: Action on reflection, p. viii; H Beare 1989, The curriculum for the 1990s: A new package or a new spirit?; G Boomer 1982, Negotiating the curriculum: A teacher–student partnership; E Eisner 1982, Cognition and curriculum: A basis for deciding what to teach. 6 Australian Education Council (& MYCEETYA) 1989, p. 1; Curriculum Corporation 2003, Draft national framework, p. 6. 7 B Nelson 2002, Schools must teach values (letter to The Age by the Commonwealth Minister for Education announcing the National Values Education Project)�. 8 T Metherell 1990, Excellence and Equity: New South Wales curriculum reform. 9 Australian Education Council (& MYCEETYA) 1999, p. 1; Curriculum Corporation 2003, Draft national framework, p. 6. 10 This distinction was highlighted in JM Halstead & MJ Taylor (eds) 1996, Values in education and education in values. 11 BV Hill 1991, Values education in Australian schools, p. 3.
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12 BV Hill 2004, Values Education in Schools: Issues and challenges. Keynote address at the National Values Education Forum; BV Hill 2004, Core values in the balance. Keynote paper presented at the ACER national conference on Student Well-being, Adelaide. See also the references in note 2. 13 WA Cross-Sectoral Consortium 1995, Agreed Minimum Values Framework. 14 See references in note 4. 15 Department of Education, Science and Training, 2005, National framework for values education in Australian schools, p. 4. 16 www.interfaithstudies.org/ethics/valueseducation.html. 17 www.virtuesproject.com/virtues.html. 18 Curriculum Corporation 2003, Draft national framework, p. 6. 19 Prime Minister’s Science, Engineering and Innovation Council, 2001, Developmental Health and Well Being: Australia’s Future, http://www.dest.gov.au/science/pmseic/documents/Child_health. Accessed 5/1/05. 20 B Nelson 2002, p. 13. 21 Curriculum Corporation 2003, Values education study: Final report, p. 18. 22 Halstead & Taylor 2000, Learning and teaching about values: A review of recent research. 23 Curriculum Corporation 2003, Values education study, p. 8.
12
Expectations of schools for promoting the spiritual and moral development of young people
It Must be Taught in Schools! When society has a problem, a matter of import, ‘It must be taught in, schools,’ they say, or something of the sort. Traffic mayhem on our roads, there are too many fools — Bicycle safety, that’s the trick — ‘It must be taught in schools!’ Too many drownings at our beaches, right across the nation, Let’s teach the kids in all the schools about resuscitation. And now we have the deadly AIDS, it nearly has us tricked; ‘It must be taught in schools’, they say, and then we’ll have it licked. I see the future clearly now, as if through crystal glass, A vast array of problems solved, as through the schools they pass. Table manners, sexual conduct, coping with divorce, Anti-smoking, prejudice, and conservation of course. Children hooked on television? Parents don’t you frown, The schools can teach them how to cut their viewing hours down. I know there’ll be complaints about this passing of the buck, But just ignore those teachers now, it’s really their bad luck. They always whinge and moan, you know, they really are so trite, They even want to teach the kids to count, and read and write! Now reading’s fine, and grammar too, and all those spelling rules, But really now, I ask you this, must they be taught in schools? Rod Clark taught at Busselton in Western Australia1
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This chapter addresses the vexed question of the spiritual-moral role of schools. It looks first at parental expectations. Of all groups in the community, it is usually the parents of students who have the greatest hopes that education will bring about desirable personal change. The National Values Education Study acknowledged that ‘[w]ithin the community at large there is a growing debate and discussion about what values our children should learn, where our children should learn their values and how they will acquire them’.2 Given the now well-established influence of economic and business interests on education, expectations from this quarter also need to be considered. Finally, the chapter looks at expectations for personal change implied in educational theory – in various educative themes and learning theories, as well as in literature concerned with the future of schooling. At the outset, it is important to differentiate between concerns about the personal influence of the formal curriculum and that of the school as a community. Both aspects have potential for affecting young people. While the special interest here is in the former, it is the latter that probably has more personal influence.
12.1 Parental expectations of the school’s role in promoting young people’s spiritual and moral development The hopes that parents often have for schools are typified in this letter to the Sydney Morning Herald: What is needed is an education, even at high school level, on personal relationships. School curricula should include classes in ‘living’ with such subjects as ‘making a marriage work’, ‘responsibility of parenthood’, ‘job-hunting’, ‘family break-up’ and ‘drug and alcohol abuse’. And why not also include counselling in responsible behaviour, self-confidence and self-esteem, and coping with life generally? Some preparation for dealing with the problem of life is essential before our young people leave school and surely these subjects are relevant to everyday living and just as important as the subjects now taught in schools. After all, a technical or academic education is not much use to those who have become anti-social and can’t cope with life.3
A common teacher reaction to letters like this is a combination of amusement, irritation and frustration that society is trying to make the school more responsible for the solution of social problems. The idea of introducing school courses on sex, AIDS, toxic substance abuse, driving, leisure, careers, bullying, transition to work, child abuse and domestic violence is often the first community response when people think about remedies for social problems. As one education administrator noted: This belief that schools can cure society’s ills simply by running specific courses about them is regularly reinforced by the various media gurus who daily define our social realities for us. The conclusion is reached that the only answer to the problems is better
Expectations of schools for promoting spiritual and moral development
education; schools must take more responsibility! This places teachers under enormous pressure. They are being submerged under what can be appropriately called an ‘addition’ curriculum, now with more additives than a dry packed dinner.4
Educators should resist having unrealistic expectations for student personal change placed on schooling. At the same time, their understandable irritation at such expectations should not make them insensitive to the important educational issues that underlie the sentiments in the letter. Does the average high school curriculum give so much attention to the main success/employment-oriented subjects that students perceive that little if any value is ascribed to studying what it means to become fully human? If the evident concern of the school is to develop language, mathematical, scientific and other academic abilities, and if there is no comparable study of personal, moral and spiritual growth, then the very absence of academic attention to these areas can be saying to young people that there is no special educational interest in how they develop as persons – this can take care of itself, or it will happen incidentally while the ‘real’ education goes on. This may be affirming the images of success that are dominant in society, which in turn are influencing the way students perceive (or do not perceive) value in their education. This relates to the problem of negative values education by default (noted in 11.2). On this question, Hill considered that it puts ‘more value on subject matter than on the persons being subjected to it. And this is a value in itself. Because it has been unfashionable to talk about values in education, or at least to do anything explicit about them, unexamined values which tend to dehumanise students have been a hidden curriculum in our schools.’5 Problems in society are inevitably reflected in schools in some way or other. They can be mirrored in the values, or lack of particular values, within the school’s structures, curriculum and social life (for example excessive individualism and competitiveness). While schools cannot be expected to be utopias of virtue, they can be expected to take a values stance and a view of how their curriculum and school life can contribute positively to students’ personal development. Sometimes the expectation that schools should address social problems takes the form of a naive structuralism. That means adding a school structure that is intended to minimise a problem while having tenuous ideas as to how the structure will actually affect students. Also, loading a particular structure with the responsibility of bringing about social change can inhibit efforts to see what might be done across the curriculum. A magazine cover story on education in the 1990s illustrates the point: A Principal – supported by parents who, in the wake of the recent government financial fiasco, are disillusioned with businessmen and politicians alike – has introduced Ethics into his school’s curriculum … [to help students recognise] the consequences of the shortsightedness, selfishness and greed that seemed to come to a head in the 80s. [Another Principal] It’s certainly becoming more evident recently that there is a need for values teaching. We are looking to firming up on responsibilities and duty – duty to the community is coming back in. There is an increasing disenchantment with moneymaking in reaction to the government inquiry on corruption and the bankruptcy of the ‘high-flyer’ businessmen. Where we’ve always been considered a very secular school, 12 months ago we actually took a chaplain onto the staff. It went through without too much
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opposition. His main role is as a social worker, but there is hope he will work more and more in the values and ethics area.6
The schools’ role, as part of the wider community’s attempts to address social problems, is related to what schools do best: helping students to be well informed and to learn how to think about the issues.7 These methods can become part of their learning for life. Despite efforts by schools to fulfil this modest but valuable role, people’s perception of the extent of youth social problems still leads them to think that schools are failing. This compounds the problematic gap that already exists between the personal aims for education and practice. Addressing this gap is the concern of the next two chapters, but at this point it can be noted that efforts to develop more realistic community expectations will be helpful. Another problem with community expectations occurs in the very subjects that are supposed to bring about personal change, such as Personal Development, Living Skills, Religion. These can be dismissed by young people because they have no perceived relevance. While some parents, perhaps many, will nominally endorse their importance, they too feel that in practical terms these subjects have negligible personal impact, as well as doing little to help careers. The students are then reflecting the attitudes of their parents. More will be said about this problem in 14.3.1 under the heading ‘psychology of the learning environment’.
12.2 Expectation of schools to ‘teach’ values: Letter by the Commonwealth Minister for Education It is interesting to compare the letter to the newspaper quoted earlier with the letter by the Commonwealth Minister for Education in September 2002 when he launched the National Values Education Study. Comments are included on some of the main points.8 Table 12.1 Analysis of the Minister for Education’s public letter on values education Quotations from the letter Schools must teach values, by Education Minister Nelson, 23/09/02
Comments related to expectations of the spiritualmoral role of schools
Values framework
The importance of articulating the core values that underpin the educational process, and the values it is hoped that students will adopt.
Increasingly, parents are concerned to know [that] education is being delivered within a values-based framework with which they feel comfortable. Character development The great challenge of education, and increasingly the expectation of parents, is for it to transfer to children not only the ability to learn and acquire skills for an increasingly complex world. It is also to assist in the building of character. What needs encouragement and formalisation in our schools is the teaching of values …
The articulation of personal development aims for schooling that endeavour to promote the spiritual and moral development of students.
Expectations of schools for promoting spiritual and moral development
Table 12.1 (continued) Learning negative values by default The problem in many cases is not that young people have not learned our values, it is that they … [should] identify and acknowledge the values we implicitly communicate, and ask whether we want these values taught? Taking a positive values stance and avoiding value neutrality [There is a] great risk in adopting a position of moral neutrality with young people. To deliberately not take a stand on life choices – drug use, exploitation of others, relationships with authority, or sexual activity – is to send a powerful subliminal message that ‘anything goes’. Value development as a goal of education [W]e want children to become … caring, persistent, tolerant, fair and imbued with a deep sense of compassion. We should teach them to be just, reasonable, loyal and trustworthy … we must surely aspire to see these attributes as the foundation on which we build young lives. Importance of a spiritual/moral dimension to education Without a context of meaning rooted in values, education serves only a utilitarian purpose. It must also be the basis of our faith in the next generation to build a better future.
Education in values needs an evaluative component; this helps students explore how values develop and how to appraise the relative goodness and appropriateness of community-embedded values.
Education in values needs to take place in a context with explicit values. It needs an appropriate code of ethics for teaching, particularly in relation to any reference to teachers’ own views and commitments. A stance of values neutrality is undesirable; it can convey negative values by default.
It is important to understand the links between education and personal change in young people so that there will be realistic hopes for fostering personal development aims (and not unrealistic outcomes that exaggerate the potential of schools for engendering values.)
Attention to the spiritual and moral dimension of education ensures that it is holistic and not just utilitarian.
The comments in the second column highlight principles that need ongoing attention in both educational theory and practice.
12.3 Further consideration of public expectations of schools 12.3.1 Contrasting the expectations of parents, students and teachers It can be expected that adolescents will be wary of educational intentions to influence their thinking and behaviour. To a lesser extent, teachers, while affirming a spiritual-moral role for education, would also be wary; they acknowledge the danger in unrealistic expectations of schools to change students personally and engender desirable values. Parents, on the other hand, who want the very best of everything for their children, would be likely to have the highest expectations. This is borne out in a survey on the role of schools in ‘teaching’ values (part of the National Values Education Study, 2003).9 Even though the number of respondents was small, the results confirm the above interpretation. Data from two survey questions are reported:
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Table 12.2 Results from a survey on the role of schools in values education Values should be taught in schools (as a separate subject) Student response
Staff response
Parent response
Strongly agree
51
15%
8
6.5%
83
67%
Agree
99
28%
61
49.5%
37
30%
Not sure
79
23%
27
22%
1
0.8%
Disagree
118
34%
27
22%
2
1.6%
Total numbers
347
123
123
Values should be taught as part of the curriculum/all subjects not just one Student response
Staff response
Parent response
Strongly agree
82
23%
81
64%
62
50%
Agree
157
44%
43
34%
59
48%
Not sure
60
17%
0
0%
2
1.6%
Disagree
55
16%
2
2%
1
0.8%
Total numbers
354
126
124
Teachers were more favourably inclined to a values dimension to across-the-curriculum studies. The problem with these survey questions is that the phrase ‘values should be taught’ is ambiguous and emotionally charged. The results might have been different if a more refined account of education for personal change had been investigated.
12.3.2 Community expectations of schools The school is not a social service organisation, neither is it a therapeutic one. Its main function is to transmit the intellectual culture of a society and of civilisation; this, above all else, it must do well. However, the school does not exist apart from society but within a particular social context, and if it is to be accepted as one of society’s important contributing institutions, it needs to respond to societal needs. And one major need now is alerting young people to the personal damage being done by the influences described in Chapter 7. In determining how it addresses social problems, the school must filter the demands made on it, selecting what can be covered appropriately within its educational framework. Schools can thus be a useful part of society’s attempted solutions. Since the history of universal education over the last century has shown it to be so successful, especially in what it set out to do in developing knowledge and skills, it is not surprising that people have high hopes that schools can be successful in addressing social problems. During this period, many desirable social changes have occurred, and one of the most influential factors must be judged to be universal education. So it is not unreasonable
Expectations of schools for promoting spiritual and moral development
that many educators are, as Postman and Weingartner described, ‘simple, romantic people who risk contributing to the mental-health problem by maintaining a [stubborn] belief in the improvability of the human condition through education’.10 They hastened to add that they were not so simple and romantic as to think that all social problems are susceptible to solutions by any means, including education. But they suggested that education is one of the best long-term investments for minimising some social problems – as well as a good starting point for addressing them. Today’s society has gradually changed the rules about what is expected of schooling. From the 1960s it became more evident that schools were reflecting the profound changes that were occurring in society. As noted earlier, various education programs were introduced as part of the community’s response to immediate problems. Some argue that the demands on the school have been too many and inappropriate, claiming that the primary role of education has been, and should always be, the study of traditional subjects and that it should not be influenced or undermined by calls to take up new interests or fads. There is some justification for this criticism. Particular innovations have not always been judicious, often serving the purposes of misguided enthusiasts or unscrupulous careerists. Given that only important but realistic social demands should be made of schools, educators should consider the direction that schooling might take to meet the current and emerging needs of young people. But in doing this, they ought also take into account what schools do best in relation to promoting personal change. In a United Nations exhibition on the future of the planet in 1990, four main issues were identified as being crucial to the survival of humankind and of the world in the 21st century: The threat to life and dignity through hunger, health and education problems; apartheid (especially between rich and poor); the refugee problem; the fragile balance of the environment.11 Further, it was observed that for many of the young people leaving schools, the skills and knowledge they acquired would not be as durable or as useful as was the case for their parents, even though many of their parents have experienced this same problem. It will not be unusual for current school graduates to change the focus of their jobs substantively many times before they retire. This situation reminds educators that what young people need at school is not simply knowledge and skills, but wisdom in the way they will use and apply those skills; but even more, a wisdom to chart for themselves a fulfilling life that will have benefits for themselves and for others in the face of the considerable weight of various counter-influences.
12.3.3 Parental and business expectations of schooling A senior education administrator pointed to one of the anomalies in parental expectations of education: ‘I’m talking to parents all the time and there is a certain schizophrenia at large. They want kids to get jobs but, on the other hand, they fear for the moral and human qualities. It’s just a hunch, but I believe the second urge is the stronger.’12 His ‘hunch’ suggests there is parental support for the trend favouring more personal and spiritual aims for education. Previously, the personal or holistic curriculum was more the province of specialist schools such as the Rudolf Steiner schools, or church schools where the religious development of students was emphasised. Now it is expected that personal development aims should be central to mainstream education.
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While it might be expected that business interests will be lukewarm as regards this trend, the evidence is surprising. Sectors of the business world have been revising ideas about the personal dimension of the workplace where job performance and market success have long dominated. One can now hear discussions about spirituality and ethics in business. This will inevitably have consequences for public expectations of education. An example of this development was evident as far back as 1991 when Fortune magazine devoted two leading articles to the problems arising from the inhumane workplace. The cover story read: ‘Can your career hurt your kids? Yes, say many experts. But smart parents – and smart companies – won’t let it happen.’13 The articles detailed changes in the work practice of some of the largest corporations in the United States to accommodate the personal and family concerns of employees. The icon of ‘success at all cost and career before everything’ no longer remains unassailable, even though in real terms the changes being implemented are small. Enforcing business practices that keep people away from their families is being challenged. It is not helpful either personally or commercially if staff are constantly having to choose between work and family needs. Even top management are encouraged in some firms to take flexi-time, paternal leave, maternal leave, to integrate their work within the context of their whole lives. Where it has been tried, the results have been good: more efficient work practices, less stressed employees, higher efficiency. The article quoted a senior vice-president of a major firm, ‘Business used to feel that you ought to leave your personal problems at home’, and it suggested that ‘We can no longer afford to take that view. The psychic welfare of workers – and of their children – is increasingly a legitimate management concern, and companies that ignore it risk their employees’ future as well as their own.’14 One might wonder if recent industrial relations ‘reforms’ in Australia will provide a work environment that furthers this thinking and practice, or inhibits them – certainly a question that warrants community scrutiny. In the following comment, a school principal reflected the common view of success at an inner-city school; in some measure, this is probably applicable to most schools: ‘Parents and teachers expect kids to learn the sort of things that help them to get jobs and be part of a community. As long as society defines people’s worth in terms of paid work, we’ve got an obligation in working-class schools to deliver that. I’m not in favour of knitting on the dole queue.’15 The school’s image of success in terms of good marks is a straight reflection of what is happening in the business world and the job market. As long as people are judged to be successful in these visible signs and are applauded for this success, then alternative models will get little credibility. Any damage done to one’s personal or family life is often seen by ‘the world’ as necessary and mostly acceptable – the price one has to pay for success. It is an ethic that should have been systematically challenged a long time ago. In the past, critics of this system were readily dismissed as ‘star-gazing tree-huggers, out of touch with the real world and clearly not capable of mixing it with the big boys’. But now even in the hard world of big business the alarm bells are beginning to sound. Increasingly it has become evident that a philosophy of total, uncompromising commitment to work is damaging more than the ‘expendable’ immediate family. Mid-life crisis and all it entails is having far-reaching effects in the community and, ‘more importantly’, on the efficient running of business. As one New York researcher observed:
Expectations of schools for promoting spiritual and moral development
We can only guess at the damage being done to young children. From the perspective of American business, that is very, very disturbing. As jobs get more and more complex, the U.S. work force is less and less prepared to handle them … I’m seeing a lot more emptiness, lack of ability to attach, no sense of real pleasure. I’m not sure a lot of these kids are going to be effective adults. With more workaholic parents of both sexes, children are increasingly left to fend for themselves … we are cannibalising children . . they are dying in this system, never mind achieving optimum development.16
Sobering thoughts! Our discussion of the expectations of education show the vulnerability of schooling to pressures from outside the institution. This can make teachers cynical about the comprehensive aims for education. On the other hand, they need to understand that their efforts to foster young people’s personal development must realistically take into account the social pressures that are influencing the thinking of young people.
12.4 Conflict of expectations of the role for schools At this stage, it is important to recall a vital point made earlier about conflict between personal aims for schooling and those that are more concerned with employment-oriented competencies. The personal development of students cannot be quantified and bench marked with performance outcomes; it does not fit comfortably with an outcomes model of education. The other major concern here is the way in which school education has become bureaucratised. Responsive attention to personal aims is inhibited in a situation where excessive strategic planning, documentation of outcomes, and quality assurance procedures have now become like a mini-industry in the school and an end in itself, rather than procedures that are supposed to make education better. So much teacher time and emotional energy have to go into the documentary substructure of school organisation that what suffers most is ‘quality’ teaching and learning. Some teachers have referred to this as ‘accountability out of control’ and ‘cannibalisation of the classroom’. Business-like control procedures have become so much a part of school operation that its constitution as a ‘community of learners’ is being eroded. With the prospect that increasing deregulation in industrial relations will further affect the work environment of teachers, the ground may become even less hospitable to implementing personal aims for education. The rise in school managerialism to control and supervise the ‘outputs’ of teachers, and to match productivity with work agreements, is likely to make the school climate increasingly impersonal. Teachers may have to devote so much energy to professional survival and advancement in the system that the impetus for progressing the personal agenda of education is sidelined. While there is not space here to consider these problems in more detail, they remain significant not only for the spiritual-moral dimension to education, but for the whole enterprise of schooling itself. The burden of documentation and accountability requirements affects classroom teaching practice negatively, and inhibits innovative activities, including excursions away from the school. The working climate in schools has turned some potential recruits away from the profession and has contributed to early retirement or career change for a significant number of teachers.
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12.5 Expectations for personal change in students: From various educative themes and theories in educational discourse Much of the popular and academic writing about school education usually has some implied expectations for changing students personally. In this section, we will identify such intentions in various educational themes and learning theories in a summary fashion. The analysis is divided into three categories: 12.5.1 Issue-related educative themes: Education concerned with promoting personal change in relation to: construction of knowledge and meaning; power, political meaning, ideology and cultural hegemony; empowerment; critical consciousness; emancipation; praxis; personal and social transformation; critical theory and critical pedagogy; cultural agency 12.5.2 Learning and pedagogical theories: Theories of learning and pedagogy such as: constructivist learning; multiple intelligences; emotional intelligence and spiritual intelligence; brain-based learning; right brain/left brain learning; de Bono’s six thinking hats; DEEP pedagogical framework 12.5.3 Future of schooling themes: Theory about the future of schooling and the needs of 21stcentury learners
12.5.1 Issue-related educative themes Education and the construction of knowledge and meaning
In 1964, in his book Realms of meaning, Philip Phenix (an American philosopher of education) highlighted the role of education in helping young people construct personal meaning.17 From this time, the idea of the ‘construction of meaning’ figured in educational aims for schools, even if these precise words were not used. The idea was implicit in the notion of a liberal education as developed by the British philosophers Hirst and Peters and in much education writing since the 1970s.18 In recent times, however, especially with the importance of constructivism as a philosophical theme in education, and with the influence of cultural postmodernity, the idea of construction of meaning has become much more prominent as an aim and a pedagogical principle.19 Acquiring knowledge has never been missing as a basic aim for schooling; however, questions about what counts as knowledge and who has the power to decide this raise a raft of issues related to the role of schooling in a liberal democratic society, as well as to the role of students themselves in ‘constructing’ knowledge. Hence epistemology and the sociology of knowledge have become significant in considering how the ‘control’ of knowledge in education has significant consequences for students’ personal development. John Dewey was one of the first philosopher-educators early in the 20th century to emphasise links between schooling, community, freedom and democracy. Pedagogical implications flowing from his theory highlighted the need for broadening the horizons of students’ experience, for inquiry and reflection, and for free interaction in the construction of knowledge. A democratic society ‘must have a type of education which gives individuals
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a personal interest in social relationships and control, and the habits of mind which secure social changes’.20 One of Dewey’s aims for education was to enhance his ideal for human development: the courage to be able to change one’s mind.21 Emancipation – bringing students to a greater sense of personal freedom – was also prominent in Dewey’s educational thinking. From this time, the notion of emancipation became associated with the aims for schools in liberal democracies. It was concerned with promoting freedom by enlarging students’ capacities for personal decision-making; it also intended to promote freedom as a prized value in democracies. As noted below, the idea of education for emancipation took on a more specific contextual meaning in situations where groups in society were perceived as marginalised and disadvantaged. The idea of emancipation was central to critical theory and critical pedagogy. Other issues related to the construction and control of knowledge are considered below. Also pertinent here are sections 2.10.8 and 2.10.14. Power, political meaning, ideology and cultural hegemony: Education for empowerment
The philosophers Gramsci and Foucault, writing from a Marxist perspective, elaborated a view of power and how this affected what was given status as knowledge by prevailing authorities.22 What was considered to be ‘truth’ within a community is politically influenced. Some of the literature on empowerment highlights its application to marginalised groups and the constraints of social structures.23 While perhaps many of the political implications of this thinking are distant from the classroom, they showed how schooling could reinforce particular ways of conceiving reality, including social and cultural stereotypes. This thinking also raised questions about the exercise of power by teachers, not only in the control of the agenda of learning and in the extent to which they allowed for a student-centred pedagogy, but in the provision of student access to information. The typology of meaning in Chapter 2 described briefly the relationships between power, political meaning, ideology and hegemony. In an education that is intended to alert students to political meanings, there is scope for exploring each of these constructs, particularly in the way they figure in contemporary culture. This ‘alerting’ function, encouraging students to ‘pay attention’ to the sources of cultural and political influence (such as auditing the trails of power) is an essential ingredient to what is known as political empowerment. It has to do with expanding young people’s consciousness to take in cultural and political horizons to which they were unaccustomed, or of which they were unaware. Helping overcome naivety is a basic part of empowerment. Even though it applies more to adults than children and adolescents, the idea of educational empowerment needs further consideration to work out what level of critical engagement in the process is appropriate for students’ age and mental capacities. In a simpler sense, empowerment means increasing the capacity and scope for individuals to make decisions that affect their own situation. In the classroom, it is fostered by increasing student involvement in initiating and negotiating their learning. Empowerment is associated with any educational process that gives students more control over their own learning (for
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example negotiation of options for research, following topics of interest, encouragement to formulate their own interpretations). It puts the emphasis on student learning rather than teaching and thereby alters the traditional power relations that applied in classrooms. For older students, an investigation of the meanings of the power-related constructs through examples would be valuable. The notion of empowerment has implications for the personal development of youth. Another way of talking about empowerment is through ideological education and political education. Ideologies are sets of political meanings that give impetus to particular movements and ways of thinking. As noted in Chapter 2, ideological statements and actions are more likely to be effective when they are not identified as such – and where they appear to be natural, taken for granted or just common sense. An ideological-political education sets out to sensitise students to the detection and evaluation of ideologies. An evaluative education is needed to alert students to ideologies because, as de Botton noted: The essence of ideological statements is that, unless our political senses are developed, we will fail to spot them. Ideology is released into society like a colourless, odourless gas. It is embedded in newspapers, advertisements, television programmes and text-books – where it makes light of its partial, perhaps illogical or unjust, take on the world; where it meekly implies that it is simply stating age-old truths with which only a fool or a maniac would disagree.24 Education for critical consciousness and emancipation
While Paulo Freire’s special interest was the liberating influence of literacy on marginalised groups of adults (Pedagogy of the oppressed, 1971), his ideas were not without an influence on the expectations of schooling in general.25 His notion of developing a ‘critical consciousness’ of social and political dimensions to culture readily suggested that school education needed to be strongly evaluative. He critiqued the traditional ‘banking’ concept of education along with its authoritarian teacher–student relationship. The notion of an ‘emancipatory’ education can be traced back to Dewey and Marxist thinking.26 It is at the basis of education for personal and social transformation. 27 The intention was to develop critical thinking that would affect beliefs and values, resulting in personal change or transformation. In turn, the sequence from critical education to critical thinking and personal change could provide the commitment and energy to bring about social change – social transformation. Also flowing from Freire’s thinking, as well as from a confluence of other sources that included Aristotle, was the notion of education as praxis. It meant action arising from critical reflection; it involved social analysis and it aimed at bringing about social change. Freire emphasised the historical nature of knowledge, and the way in which it was culturally conditioned. He tried to address the false duality between theory and practice and he proposed a ‘problem posing’ pedagogy. He thought it essential for schools to engage students in critical diagnosis of social problems. Even if there was little scope for political action in schools, the students could still learn to identify injustice and to take steps to sort out their own personal stance. Making adjustments in language, and
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not using the words and constructs of oppressors, was regarded as a valuable step towards emancipation. Freire’s work provided a solid foundation for the initial development of what is known as ‘critical pedagogy’. Critical theory and critical pedagogy
In section 2.10.14, attention was given to the study of meaning from the perspective of critical theory. Complementing this term is critical pedagogy, which basically can be understood as the pedagogical implications of critical theory. It calls into question the role of schools in ‘reproducing’ society – that is, in reinforcing the assumptions and values of the dominant groups (especially in commerce) and of the ‘industry’ of cultural reproduction. It considers how values and attitudes could constitute a ‘hidden curriculum’ in schools, precisely because they are not identified and acknowledged. The Critical Pedagogy Reader, published in 2003, gives a detailed account of the origins and history of critical pedagogy.28 In this volume, McLaren describes it as ‘a way of thinking about, negotiating, and transforming the relationship among classroom teaching, the production of knowledge, the institutional structures of the school, and the social and material relations of the wider community, society and nation state’.29 Within critical pedagogy there is a range of concepts that owe much to a left-wing view of education. It has much to do with the politics of education in liberal democracies. The notion of critical pedagogy is directed towards informing educators and policy-makers about an ‘emancipatory agenda’. If they are conscious of the issues and if they are committed to bringing about change, this can lead not only to structural changes in educational provision (greater educational equity and access), but also to changes in classroom pedagogy that give students greater scope for negotiating their own learning, as well as opportunities for exploring social issues. However, Freire was concerned that critical pedagogy might easily be domesticated in the classroom and ‘reduced to student-directed learning approaches devoid of social critique’.30 Examples of thinking from critical pedagogy have already been given in the two preceding subsections. Another of its prominent themes is education for resistance. This view proposes that a political-ideological education can sharpen critical consciousness about society, and can help people resist attempts at cultural and political manipulation.31 Much of the material in this book is concerned with applying critical pedagogy to the spiritual and moral dimensions of the school curriculum. Cultural agency
Complementing and overlapping with the ideas above is the notion of cultural agency. It postulates first, that culture should not be regarded as static because this tends to make it appear taken for granted, as if it were beyond critique. As socially constructed, culture can be identified and its meaning evaluated in relation to the context in which it was formed. In turn, such critique enables people to act as cultural agents; they can bring about some social change within their own limited sphere, as well as being resistant to culture that they believe is harmful. This is similar to the notion of praxis.
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In section 15.9, the idea of cultural agency as developed by the Welsh sociologist Raymond Williams will be referred to as a way of helping young people investigate the shaping moral influence of the media. Summary
The above discussion highlights the sorts of personal change expectations of schooling that come from various educative themes. Collectively, they have the following characteristics or emphases: • a concern principally with adult education • the development and nurturing of freedom in tune with the ideals of liberal democracies; an ‘emancipatory’ purpose • a strong evaluative dimension • a focus on political meanings and on the influence of culture on identity dynamics • a concern with the way education can address various forms of social domination, marginalisation and discrimination • setting out to develop critical rationality and critical consciousness in those being educated; the pathway from education to personal and social change is through being well informed, sensitive in detecting ideological influences, and becoming critical thinkers. What is significant for the developing argument in the following chapters is that the psychological dynamics of personal change that underpin these educative themes are primarily rational. When the words ‘personal transformation’ and ‘social transformation’ are used in this context, they mean change as a result of critical thinking. While critical thinking will never be separated from emotional and affective dimensions, a primacy of the rational pathway to personal change is presumed. The educative themes considered above provide a basic set of concepts that figure within other themes such as social justice and feminism, which have their own expectations for pro moting personal change. Similarly, values education (and moral education) and citizenship education warrant consideration because they too generate expectations of the spiritual and moral dimensions to schooling. While there is not space here for analysing these constructs, we consider that, in general, they affirm the rational pathway for personal change described above. What remains a key question for school education is discernment in determining the extent to which these educative themes can be applied to the classroom, taking into account the abilities, relative maturity and needs of children and adolescents. It acknowledges the natural but problematic tendency for educators (and the community generally) to project educational principles that are evidently important for adults onto schools without always moderating them to be more in tune with the limited capacities of children and adolescents as responsible learners. The next chapter addresses the need for such moderation by exploring the possibilities and limitations for personal learning in the school curriculum. Given the concern registered earlier about the excessive expectations of parents and community, one may well wonder: does not the extensive list of educative themes (and the following learning theories) also create unrealistic expectations, and even more anxiety for
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educators? The answer is yes – unless special care is taken to do the moderation and discern ment tasks well. Otherwise, these educative themes will not be liberating, but punishing for teachers by exacerbating the already problematic gap between purposes and practice. Hence we see the conceptualisation tasks attempted in the next two chapters as crucial for the viability and progress of the personal agenda for education. That means showing in a realistic way how these educative themes are not a matter of ‘adding’ to expectations by placing additional burdens on teachers, but rather of suggesting how they can be comfortably ‘integrated’ in a constructive but modest way within teachers’ ordinary practice. In section 14.4 we will revisit these educative themes, making use of one – education for wisdom – to show how they can be located and evaluated within a larger conceptualisation of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum.
12.5.2 Learning and pedagogical theories Contrasting with the educative themes noted above, but still important for the bearing they have on spiritual-moral expectations of schooling, are a number of learning theories (or pedagogical theories). They are more concerned with the psychological dynamics of learning in a generic way, and not with particular social issues. Our interest in interrogating these theories is to see the extent to which they point towards informed, critical thinking as the initiating mechanism of personal change, or whether they favour other mechanisms. In other words, are they congruent with the critical rationality pathway to personal change? Do they complement and enhance critical rationality? Do they propose alternative personal change pathways? Answers to these questions would show how personal and social transformation are interpreted from the perspective of these theories. Some of the theories will be identified (with limited references) together with general comments about the extent of their focus on personal change. We do not endorse all aspects of these learning theories, but we are unable to provide a detailed critique here. While not a comprehensive list of learning theories, it will be sufficient to illustrate this line of inquiry: • Constructivist learning theory • Multiple intelligences • Emotional intelligence and spiritual intelligence • Social and emotional learning • Brain-based learning theory • Left-brain, right-brain learning • De Bono’s thinking hats • DEEP pedagogical framework.32 From a brief examination of these theories we draw the following conclusions about their relationship with the spiritual-moral purposes of education: • The theories focus principally on the enhancement of generic learning processes (and not on sociocultural issues for personal development, although theories like spiritual intelligence and DEEP are more issue-related).
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• They endeavour to enrich and diversify the scope of classroom learning activities, involving cognition, emotion, intuition, sensory-motor, play, social interaction and aesthetics to cater for different individual learning styles; they attempt to make learning more multidimensional and holistic; they emphasise variety in teaching and learning methods, with appropriate attention to experiential and creative processes. • They do not minimise the importance of critical rationality as a personal change pathway; but collectively, they tease out different subprocesses involved in rational inquiry, in a sense expanding on what critical rationality means. • They imply a critique of, and challenge to, learning that has been excessively or exclusively rational. • Some of the learning theories give attention to the construction of personal meaning. We consider that these theories help enrich learning, highlighting its breadth and com plexity. By enhancing generic learning, they can enhance critical rationality as well as having positive effects on what in the next chapter we will call ‘personal learning skills’. While we have no difficulty with the educational appropriateness of many of the suggested teaching and learning strategies, we think they do not always tap into the psychological processes of personal change as deeply as their proponents claim; in other words, their proposed or implied links with emotional and personal maturity are somewhat tenuous or overstated. In a few instances, we considered that the purpose of getting students to ‘have good and pleasant feelings’ during a learning activity did not necessarily have much bearing on personal change. The dimension of emotionality in learning is certainly important, and it warrants more attention than it has been given to date, but there is much more to ‘emotional learning’ than having good emotional experiences in the classroom. While not wishing to appear arrogant, we did not find any significant new insight into links between education and spiritual-moral development that have not been considered elsewhere in this book. Also, we judged that there was nothing in these theories that would require a change in the trajectory of the argument developed in Chapters 13 and 14 in interpreting the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum. We offer the following caveats: The constructivist learning theory/pedagogy is consistent with what has been considered in earlier chapters about the personal construction of meaning, and education in meaning. Problems can arise where excessive attention given to the construction of personal meaning tends to minimise or exclude the consideration of community or cultural meanings (as well as to institutions and traditions); this tendency can contribute to the isolation of young people in the ‘prison’ of individualism, with too heavy a responsibility for the development of their own comprehensive meaning system. The pedagogical theory based on the constructs emotional intelligence and spiritual intelligence does not appear to be very well developed, apart from ‘social and emotional learning’ (SEL), which draws mainly on the former. SEL illustrates multifaceted pedagogy that takes into account the social context of learners and purports to impact on wellbeing and social aptitude, as well as affecting the emotions. While the skills and techniques it recommends are excellent for learning, we do not have the same confidence that they will almost automatically engage students at an emotional level and bring about personal change – such change is more complex than seems to be implied in SEL. We will say more about the
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problematic notion of ‘emotional learning’ in section 13.5. Similarly, the theory of multiple intelligences provided a substantial basis for developing varied styles of teaching and learning, informing wide-ranging pedagogical skills. But its links with personal change need further clarification. Creative teaching has long made successful use of a variety of pedagogical styles before a neurological basis for them was proposed. Brain-based learning theory seemed to confirm this view. However, the proposed neurological basis for left-brain/right-brain learning theory was not convincing; it provided a helpful shorthand for contrasting styles of perception and learning, but it seemed to exaggerate the significance of spatial cortical specialisation while not acknowledging that such differentiation only works well when it is balanced by neural inte gration and coordination. For some time it has been recognised that individuals vary widely in modes of mental functioning such as linear or logical thinking, emotion, intuition, and aesthetics, and this is important for educational planning. But we question whether the use of hemispheric differentiation provides a comprehensive neurological basis for these differences. The DEEP pedagogical framework is a good example of recent efforts to give the construction of meaning a central place within the practice of religious education. For the crucial question ‘Is there a distinctive, and effective classroom pedagogy for bringing about personal change in students?’ the simple answer is ‘No’. A more complex interpretation of links between education and personal change is required. However, there is more mileage in an alternative question: ‘Is there a distinctive patterning of existing pedagogies – and content – that is more likely to provide a context and orientation that are favourable to personal change in the future?’ The answer here is a qualified ‘Yes’. This discussion is about whether or not there is a distinctive ‘transformational pedagogy’ and whether this can be linked to ‘social transformation’. Education writers who use these phrases often do so uncritically and naively; we suggest that they be used with caution. Any good pedagogy with relevant content can be a ‘precursor’ or catalyst for personal change, but no particular pedagogy can of itself automatically bring this about.
12.5.3 The future of schooling themes The spiritual-moral expectations in some recent writings about the future of schooling will now be considered (English language only), as listed in the accompanying note.33 We are indebted to our colleague Joanne Hack for her work on this topic. References below will be in name/date/page format. While not an extensive review, it is sufficient to signpost issues and trends. Collectively, these writings engaged in four tasks: 1 Diagnosing current socio-cultural trends with a view to predicting the likely situation over the next decade or so 2 Estimating the changing personal and social needs of young people and adults in the future 3 Offering a critique of problems in recent educational theory and practice as regards their inadequacy to meet future needs 4 Speculating about what is needed in curriculum content and pedagogy to best meet the projected future needs of students.
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While this literature examined a wide range of issues across these four areas, our interest is with their relevance to the spiritual-moral purposes of education. Hence we will not refer to their treatment of questions about such matters as technological competence, globalisation and multiculturalism. Spiritual and moral dimension
This literature has a strong emphasis on the spiritual and moral dimension to schooling. While it is unlikely that the current dominance of economic purposes to education will change much in the near future, there is increasing evidence of dissatisfaction with this situation, making the ground more receptive to advancing a personalist agenda. For example, the UNESCO International Commission for Education in the 21st Century recommended a change of educational focus from ‘economic growth’ to ‘human development’ (DeLors 1996: ch. 3.). The Report proposed ‘Four pillars of education’ (ch. 4): • Learning to know (learning how to acquire knowledge, as well as gaining new knowledge). • Learning to do (not only occupational skills but a flexible competence to negotiate different life and work situations). • Learning to live together (the need for cooperation, interdependence, pluralism and respect for differences). • Learning to be (personal development, autonomy and responsibility). Beare, in Creating the future school (2001: 21–2), highlighted the spiritual-moral dimension as follows: A significant part of any curriculum is about intangibles about dealing with the depths from which we generate our life purpose and aspirations. An important part of schooling concerns the formation of constructive and systematic beliefs, the acceptance of social responsibility for the intertwined and complex task that it is, and the development of stories, which convey deep meanings about who we are. Schooling, then, deals with personal formation, belief construction, developing a world view and with culture transmission over and above the acquiring of useful knowledge and enabling skills. Construction of meaning
Understanding and meaning were considered to be of increasing importance in a society that is rich in information but often with a deficiency of functional meaning (Ancess 2004; Carnerio 2000, 2003; DeLors 1996; Lynch 2002; Perkins 2004; Shepard 2000). Hence Grennon Brooks (2004: 9) saw a fundamental link between education and meaning: ‘Searching for meaning is the purpose of learning, so teaching for meaning is the purpose of teaching. If teachers do not have meaning making at the core of their pedagogy and practice, then let’s not call the activity teaching. To do so demeans the word and the noble art and science it represents.’ Problems with the plausibility and credibility of traditional sources of meaning, together with increasing relativism, have arisen as part of the postmodern scepticism about meta-
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narratives (Lynch 2002). As a result, the ‘construction of meaning’ or ‘meaning-making’ was referred to as a fundamental goal for education in the future. De Ruyter (2002) and Hack (2004a,b) considered this activity a central part of a ‘meaningful education’. Carr (2003) described this as helping students learn how to explore conceptions of personhood; it would require skills in the evaluation of meanings. What was considered in Chapters 2 and 3 about the interaction between personal and cultural meanings was echoed by Carnerio (2000), who saw meaning being developed ‘at the intersection of the journey within to selfhood (learning) and the journey without to citizenship (education)’ (Hack 2004b: 54). Education and the critical evaluation of cultural meanings
De Ruyter (2002) emphasised the evaluative role of a meaningful education as one that appraises different conceptions of personhood in culture. However, evaluative activity, while needing to appraise the relevance of traditional sources of meaning, should remain balanced, being careful not to fall into the postmodern trap of questioning the legitimacy of presenting traditional meanings and meta-narratives – since this would compromise young people’s freedom and autonomy. There is an important place in education for the communication of traditional meanings. Young people’s initial needs for basic institutional meanings should not be overlooked; neither should their level of maturity be overestimated in terms of their gradually developing capacity for the critical evaluation of meaning. In a colourful way, this critical, evaluative role for education was described many years earlier by Postman and Weingartner (1969) as the responsibility educators have for refining students’ inbuilt ‘crap detectors’: ‘the history of the human group has been a continual struggle against the veneration of “crap”. Our intellectual history is a chronicle of the anguish and suffering of people who tried to help their contemporaries see that some part of their fondest beliefs were misconceptions, faulty assumptions, superstitions and even outright lies.’34 Meaning, identity and spirituality
While the listed literature featured the critical construction of meaning as a fundamental goal for education, it did not give much attention to the construct identity. However, as noted in Chapter 6, there was considerable European writing about links between education and identity development. There was not much mention of spirituality, with the exception of writers who took an interest in religious and values education (Conroy 2004; Hack 2004a; Hill 2004; de Ruyter 2002; Wallace 2000), but there was a consistently high interest in a values dimension to education, even though we considered that the links between education and values development required further clarification. Personal and social transformation (and transformative teaching) and critical pedagogy
The metaphors ‘transformation’ and ‘empowerment’ were prominent in the literature (for example Ancess 2004; Beare 2001; Bottery 2000; Gardner 2002; Mockler 2004). This echoed the various educative themes considered earlier. However, the psychological dynamics of personal change presumed in the use of these metaphors were not clarified. The notion of
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‘transformative teaching’ was occasionally implied; but again, personal change was presumed to be the outcome while links with pedagogy were not explained. The issues raised by critical pedagogy (12.4.1) were considered to be crucial for the future of education (Bottery 2000; Mockler 2004). This sample of literature on the future of schooling touches on various issues for young people’s personal development that were noted in Part 2 of this book, and it referred to a number of the principles for an education in meaning in Chapter 10. In all, this literature confirmed our confidence that the constructs meaning, identity and spirituality had considerable educational potential.
12.6 Conclusion 12.6.1 The need for a workable conceptualisation of the spiritual-moral dimension to the school curriculum Complementing the analysis of spiritual-moral purposes to education in the previous chapter, this chapter considered personal expectations of schooling from a number of perspectives: parents, community and business, the education literature. The bulk of this material, while it had much to say about the personal and social aspects of education, like the normative curriculum documents examined in the previous chapter, dealt principally with educative intentions. The learning theories were the exception, but they were more concerned with learning in a generic way and did not offer substantive accounts of how educational practice can actually bring about spiritual and moral change. We conclude that many areas of education (including community expectations) have advanced the spiritual and moral purposes of the school curriculum. But this has not been adequately complemented by investigations of links between these intentions and classroom practice, even though study of pedagogy has been prominent in the literature. The actual lines of potential personal influence need further clarification, otherwise much of the talk about holistic education will remain where it is now, at the level of good intentions. Also, not enough attention has been given to the active role of students in their own spiritual and moral education. This means that in both theory and practice, more consideration is required of how young people, as autonomous, thinking, feeling individuals, are involved in their own personal change in response to education and other aspects of their social environment. The development of a framework for understanding links between education and student personal change would give a better perspective to the personal aims for education, and more coherence and integration to the practical efforts to achieve these aims. This will be the task addressed in the next two chapters. Increasingly, much store is being placed on enhancing the dimensions of meaning, purpose and value in school education. But an adequate conceptualisation of how this translates into practice is urgently needed; if not, there is a danger that expectations of the spiritual and moral role of schools will remain little more than ideological rhetoric, covering up confused patchy practice.
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12.6.2 The influence of schooling on young people’s spiritual and moral development Having said this, we are not implying any lack of confidence in the capacity of schools to occasion personal change in young people. Our concern is to develop an interpretation that will not overestimate or underestimate this potential. The experience of universal education, which in historical terms is a relatively recent occurrence, has presented educators, parents, students, governments and society with a startling array of what such a process can achieve. At no other time in history have so many people been exposed to so much information, so many ideas, and as a consequence, so many options. It would not be over-zealous to state that this more democratic experience of education has been a significant influence in the many technological, medical, and social advances in the last hundred years. It is no wonder that educators are so consistently called on to be in the forefront of bringing about desired changes in society. And in turn, this is probably why there are such high expectations for schooling to produce desirable personal change in students. Nevertheless, community discussion of the spiritual and moral role of schools often proceeds with unarticulated assumptions about the effectiveness of schools in bringing about personal change – assumptions that often prove to be unrealistic. The next chapter will help clarify further the potential links between educational activities and student personal development. It will consider a basic range of possibilities for personal change and judge which of these are ethically available for use in the classroom, proposing how the school might best go about its spiritual-moral task, given the complexity of the personal development process and the limitations on any cultural agency in occasioning personal change. Then in Chapter 14 a conceptualisation of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum will be proposed.
Notes 1 We are grateful to Mr Clark for his permission to include his poem. 2 Curriculum Corporation 2003b, Draft National Framework for Values Education in Australian Schools (prepared for the Australian Government Department of Education Science and Training), p. 4. 3 Letter to the Sydney Morning Herald in July 1984. 4 B Dwyer 1985, A new course is not always the answer! 5 BV Hill 1991, Values education in Australian schools, p. 3. 6 C Boag 1991, Nice kids rule, OK! The getting of character: Education expectations in the 90s, pp. 78, 81. 7 Elsewhere, in two books on religious education, we have given pedagogical examples of how to investigate social problems in the classroom: ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1985, Teaching religion in the secondary school, Chapters 4 and 7; ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1988, Missionaries to a teenage culture: Religious education in a time of rapid change, Chapters 4, 7, 17, 20. 8 B Nelson 2002, Schools must teach values (letter to The Age by the Commonwealth Minister for Education announcing the National Values Education Project). 9 Curriculum Corporation 2003a, Values Education study: Final report (prepared for the Australian Government Department of Education, Science and Training), pp. 222–3. 10 N Postman & C Weingartner 1969, Teaching as a subversive activity, p. 12. 11 United Nations Exhibition, New York Headquarters, 1990.
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12 13 14 15 16
G Boomer, quoted in Boag 1991, p. 79. Fortune Magazine, May 1991. K Labich 1991, Can your career hurt your kids? p. 34. Quoted in Boag 1991, p. 80. Sandra Kessler Hamburg, director of Education Studies at the Committee for Economic Development, a New York research group which has corporate funding for education projects. Quoted in Labich 1991, p. 26. 17 P Phenix 1964, Realms of meaning: A philosophy of the curriculum for general education. 18 PH Hirst & RS Peters 1970, The logic of education; RF Dearden et al. (eds) 1972, Education and the develop ment of reason. 19 R Jackson 2004, Rethinking religious education and plurality. 20 J Dewey 1916, Democracy and education, quoted in A Darder et al. (eds) 2003, The critical pedagogy reader, p. 1. 21 R Layton 1997, The Influence of Humanism in Education, http://www.college.columbia.edu/core/oasis/ history6.php Accessed 22/04/05. 22 A Gramsci 1971, Selections from prison notebooks, ed. and transl. Q Hoare and G Smith; M Foucault 1980, Power and knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings. 23 P McLaren 1989, Life in Schools: An introduction to critical pedagogy and the foundations of education; JL Miller 1990, Creating spaces and finding voices: Teachers collaborating for empowerment; RI Simon 1987, Empowerment as a pedagogy of possibility. 24������������������� A ���������������� de Botton 2004, Status anxiety, pp. 214–15. 25 P Freire 1971, Pedagogy of the oppressed; 1980, Education for Critical Consciousness. 26 P McLaren 1989, Life in Schools: An introduction to critical pedagogy and the foundations of education. 27 I Shor & P Freire 1986, A pedagogy for liberation. 28����������������������������� A �������������������������� Darder et al. (eds) 2003, The critical pedagogy reader. This book republishes chapters in Shor & Freire 1986 and Giroux 1983. 29 P McLaren 2003, Revolutionary pedagogy in post revolutionary times: Rethinking the political economy of critical education. In Darder et al. 2003, p. 160. 30 ibid., p. 161. 31 HA Giroux 1983, Theory and resistance in education, p. 24. 32 Select reference lists for each of these areas are given under Learning theories in the Bibliography. 33 See Bibliography under Future of schooling literature. This list has been selected from a larger bibliography (and content analysis) developed by our colleague Joanne Hack. 34 Postman & Weingartner 1969, p. 16.
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Links between education, personal change and personal learning
Any education worthy of the name is essentially education of character. Martin Buber1
[The best education helps people develop] the courage to change their minds.
John Dewey2
The first statement on the large bulletin board outside Annandale public school in Sydney read ‘Teaching values since 1886’. This was the school’s response to the public debate about values in education, and to the charge that government schools took a values stance that was too neutral. To the extent that there has always been a values basis to the work of public school teachers, the statement is true. However, as noted earlier in the book, the verb ‘teach’ when applied to values does not have the same meaning as it does when it refers to knowledge. The development of personal values is much more complex than the acquisition of knowledge and understanding. Hence the notion of ‘teaching values’ is intrinsically problematical and needs further clarification. It also applies to other aspects of personal development (beliefs, attitudes, emotions, behaviour). The words ‘promoting learning’ and ‘learners’ have become new buzz words in education. They figure prominently in school mission and vision statements and in educational discourse. This is not a bad thing. But ‘what is being learnt’ is the crucial question. Just getting more infor mation in an information-saturated world is hardly an important goal for education. In the long term, it is the learning that leads to wisdom and personal change that is of consequence – hence the significance of the notions ‘personal learning’ and ‘education for personal change’. 277
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Often ‘change’ and ‘learning’ are equated, and this is valid enough. Sometimes one may gain new information or react to a new situation, but it makes no ongoing difference to the way one may respond in the future – as if the change had no lasting effect. Sometimes ‘experience’ is automatically regarded as ‘learning’, but this is not necessarily the case: people often do not learn from their experience and make the same mistakes repeatedly. Young people can share the same classroom experience; some will learn much from it, others will not. Sometimes change in personal aspects is regarded as ‘personal development’, but the direction of change is not always healthy for the individual, so it is hardly ‘development’ in the sense of being positive or progress. The chapter proposes a useful pathway for clarifying these questions. It looks at links between education and personal change, first by noting a range of experiences and events that affect personal change. Then it judges which of these are available and ethically appropriate for use by the school. The purpose of the exercise is to foster more realism in expectations of the spiritual-moral role of schools. Then, attention is given to relationships between personal change and personal learning. Experience, and even change, do not always become learning in a personal sense, and the distinction has important consequences for classroom teaching. The chapter works towards a suitable language for talking about the spiritual-moral role of the school that acknowledges the complexities involved and does not overstate the school’s potential. It will argue the case that the most realistic role for the classroom is to give young people the relevant knowledge and understanding; it is the students themselves who will make any changes to their beliefs and values. The notion of ‘personal teaching’ or ‘personal pedagogy’ will be critiqued. The concluding section considers the professional ethics of teachers, particularly with respect to the potential use of their own views and commitments in the teaching and learning process. The discussion will not refer to the extensive literature on the personal development of children and adolescents; rather it will list different dimensions to psychological development for the purpose of exploring links with education.
13.1 The notion of education for personal change: Personal learning and the classification of educational aims as cognitive and affective Education for personal change is, by intention, concerned with bringing about change in a number of personal aspects: values, beliefs, commitments, virtues, attitudes, imagination, emotional maturity, aesthetic sensitivity, personal qualities – along with skills related to each. They can be defined as ‘personal’ to contrast them with the cognitive or the intellectual (knowledge, understanding, cognitive skills). More will be said later about what constitutes ‘personal learning’; here, it is sufficient to note that it involves change in the personal aspects. Strictly speaking, change in knowledge and understanding is itself a ‘personal’ change, but not personal to the same degree as in beliefs and values. At times, these components have been grouped together as ‘affective’ to differentiate them from the rational or cognitive, leading to the idea of ‘affective learning’. However, the
Links between education, personal change and personal learning
usage creates misunderstandings of the nature of values and commitments. Since the genesis of Bloom’s Taxonomy of Educational Objectives in the late 1950s and 1960s, educational aims were often written in the form of cognitive and affective.3 While the division has been useful for drawing attention to the non-cognitive dimensions, it has drawbacks as noted below. Affective educational aims were said to include aspects of human development that are non-cognitive, such as emotions, the aesthetic sense, attitudes, values. While this arrangement may be satisfactory for emotions and aesthetics, there is a danger that it equates emotions with values, attitudes and beliefs. In turn, it may be implied that values and morals are just matters of emotion. It discounts the dimensions of moral reasoning, volition (or willing) and commitment that are key elements in the holding of moral values. The affective category, in being too broad and non-specific, can simplistically lump together aspects of human development that are complex in their genesis and their influence on behaviour.4 Another problem with the analytical division between cognitive and affective is the tendency towards a dualism that does not reflect the complex relationships that exist between the cognitive and the affective in the human person. There is a natural unity to cognitive and affective learning. Some educators talk about an association between ‘affective learning’ and ‘affective teaching procedures’, giving the impression that the type of learning is determined by the teacher’s intention and by the particular pedagogy employed – as if the teacher could intentionally ‘change gear’ and turn the learning into a process that influences students’ beliefs, emotions and values. Such thinking is also evident in discussions of ‘personal learning’ and ‘spiritual learning’, which makes unrealistic presumptions about personal change in students through education. It may not always be clearly articulated, but it affects teacher expectations for personal responses from the students. Such thinking is often implied in the public debate about teaching values, and also in discussions of personal learning through pedagogies informed by theories such as left brain/right brain learning, multiple intelligences, and brain-based learning. The problem is not with the use of different pedagogies suited to different styles of learning – this is not in question; rather, the problem is with unrealistic expectations that particular pedagogies will bring about ‘personal learning’. Before looking into personal learning in more detail, attention will be given to personal change and how it might be affected by education.
13.2 The components or building blocks for personal change An understanding of how school education can promote personal change requires a prerequisite understanding of the components involved. The short list below identifies key components (more detailed analysis is beyond our scope here). knowledge, understanding and cognitive skills: the cognitive dimension. emotions:
fundamental visceral feelings such as joy, zest, fear, guilt, anger, sexual feelings.
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attitudes:
abiding dispositions to think, feel and behave in particular ways with reference to an issue, person or thing.
values:
beliefs or principles which the individual holds as important and which can have an orienting influence on motivation and behaviour.
beliefs:
principles believed to be true; may or may not be inspired by religious faith; may be inspired by people, significant others, science.
virtues:
habits of motivated thinking, valuing and behaviour that are regarded as ‘good’ for the individual and the community.
morals:
moral values and moral code.
commitments:
values or beliefs to which the individual adheres and to which he or she is prepared to be accountable.
imagination:
the mental capacity to create new possibilities of what might be – a precursor to action and change.
intuition:
judgment made on ideas and feelings about situations where a clear rational or evidence-based answer is not yet available.
13.3 Personal change processes: Influences on the various dimensions to personal development This section looks at the ways in which experience, events, people and cultural agencies can catalyse personal change. If it is regarded as relatively enduring change that is healthy, then it can loosely be regarded as learning in one or more of the personal components listed above; and such positive change can also be regarded as personal development. If a value judgment about particular change is negative or considered unhealthy, then it would be regarded as unhealthy learning, and it would be the reverse of personal development. There is a funda mental moral dimension to personal change, personal learning and personal development. All of life experience can lead to personal change; it occurs in many and complex ways, influenced by a variety of personal, social and physical factors. The list below is necessarily brief and not exhaustive, but useful for demonstrating a range of change processes and for carrying forward the argument in the chapter. From the range of processes, there are some, though certainly not all, that could be selected as ethically appropriate for use in the classroom.
13.4 The selection of personal change processes that are considered ethically acceptable for the classroom It is likely that the most significant personal change brought about in students by their school has to do with interpersonal relationships and the community environment. This involves processes 1, 2, 3, 6, 7 and 8 from Table 13.1. By contrast, the classroom curriculum is much more limited in its scope for change experiences, being more or less confined to an ethical instructional process (10), with the
Links between education, personal change and personal learning
Table 13.1 A list of personal change processes Personal change Brief description process 1
Absorbing beliefs/ values/attitudes from human groups
Both unconsciously and consciously people can absorb beliefs/attitudes/values from their immediate human reference groups (often called socialisation). The values absorbed may be implicit in the ways individuals are treated by parents and others. Human relationships are a prime source of values. The ways individuals are treated by others may confirm certain values or may promote other values through a negative reaction.
2
Emulation of others (role models)
Individuals can emulate the values displayed by others who serve as role models (both positive and negative).
3
Satisfaction of personal needs
Values can develop through the satisfaction of personal needs; patterns or regularities emerge in the ways individuals behave in satisfying wants and needs (for example altruism, kindness, selfishness).
4
Exhortation
Beliefs and values can be accepted from exhortation; people are told what is good and important for them and for the good of others (this will be influenced by the level of respect for, and perceived authority of, the source).
5
Coercion
Personal change can be brought about by coercion. Psychological pressure or threat can be brought to bear on the individual. It might be motivated by anxiety, fear, shame.
6
Idealism
Personal change may flow from idealism; the attraction of an ideal can facilitate the development of particular values. This can include values developing out of admiration for a role model or hero/heroine, values flowing from religious beliefs or values exhibited by reference groups.
7
Events and experience
Personal change can result from responses to events and experience; it includes long-term experience or shorter, critical (sometimes traumatic) events which trigger an appraisal of values. There may be a significant emotional component to the experience and the change. It can include what people describe as a spiritual or transcendent experience.
8
Reflection
Beliefs and values can change during and after reflection. The change may flow from new knowledge and understandings. It includes values derived from education in the broad sense (more than schooling). For example, from reading, travelling, watching film/ television, school education, leisure and work.
9
Imagination
Through imaginative identification and imaginative rehearsal, individuals can test out in advance what it might be like to change personally. Hence the imagination is often a ‘precursor’ to personal change. This mechanism may work in conjunction with many of the other processes listed here.
10 Ethical instructional process
Personal change can be part of a response to an ethical instruction process. Through information, analysis, evaluation and making preliminary judgments about worth, individuals are persuaded, without coercion, to consider the desirability or importance of adopting particular values. Instruction can be one-to-one or in a group. Values can be learned from content and instructional process even when this was not the intention. Instruction does not always have to be ‘instructor centred’ – it can be ‘learner centred’ where the study initiative rests with the learner.
11 Indoctrination
Personal change can result from indoctrination, that is, through a supposedly educational process that is flawed in various ways as described in the concept of indoctrination. For example, the persuasion is not fully open to rational evaluation; or there is some form of deceit, even if it means that not all the relevant information is provided, or that some of it is concealed or misrepresented.
12 Other processes
Other types of experience and process that could occasion personal change.
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hope that it will stimulate some personal reflection (8) and imagined possibilities for change (9). This is the case even though the curriculum can include excursions and educational visits beyond the school. It would not be ethical to plan traumatic events for children in the classroom for any purpose, let alone as an intended learning process. Great care needs to be exercised in choosing activities that are likely to trigger emotional responses from students. It would be unethical for teachers to use coercion, humiliation, guilt or fear. Thus it is more appropriate and realistic to regard the classroom as not so directly concerned with bringing about personal change; rather, its role is to inform students about personal change – what they need to know to be able to better negotiate personal change when the opportunity arises. As explained in more detail later, because learning in the classroom has a natural cognitive or intellectual contextual emphasis, it makes process 10, instruction, the normal channel or pathway towards personal change in that particular context. The limited place for personal learning in the classroom is normal. It is not because of any deficiency in that context or because of any deficiency in the pedagogy; the classroom is a public place where a community of learners meets for educational purposes. This judgment is the basis for working out both the real possibilities and limitations of the classroom for promoting spiritual and moral change in students. In this sense, the classroom does not actually effect spiritual and moral change in young people; rather, it provides ‘helpful infrastructure’ for personal change; the appeal for personal change is through reason and relevant information. The classroom can affect the personal change process in students, primarily through input to the rational parts of the process. But whether or not, and when, personal change might occur are matters that depend on the students and not on the teacher or the pedagogy; and if change does occur, it will usually not be a dramatic event and it will probably not be noticed by the teachers; it will not be a sudden and radical reconfiguration of the young person’s values. A desire to observe or assess personal change in students is not a legitimate concern of teachers, even though at times they may have the privilege of seeing that education has contributed to healthy change in some of their students. The sort of personal change occasioned in young people by their education is not usually something sudden or immediate, but slow and drawn out across their schooling; it may not become evident until after they leave school. Also, such change is usually driven by other factors, so it is difficult to ascribe any particular change exclusively to schooling. A good schooling gradually enhances young people’s capacity to learn personal lessons from life experience; education can help them to consider personal change issues and to think about implications; it can favourably dispose them towards the possibility of being open to the lifelong enhancement of their personal lives through education. This discussion conflicts with views that claim or imply a more significant role for the school. It puts the educational intention of promoting students’ spiritual and moral development into better perspective. It can show how both particular ‘personal’ subjects, as well as across-the-curriculum studies, can make valuable contributions, even if limited. In addition, the discussion points to the desirability of using less inflated language for talking about education and personal change. As long as there are unrealistic assumptions about what the school can do in ‘teaching values’, real progress in promoting what schools can do best in this regard will be hampered. Clarifying what is meant by an ‘education in values’ has more promise.
Links between education, personal change and personal learning
13.5 Personal change, personal learning and personal teaching Discussing personal change, for all its complexity, is relatively easy when it involves making a list of personal characteristics and then linking these with different sorts of experience that can influence them. But when there is a progression to talk about ‘personal learning’ resulting from the change, significant problems and new complexities emerge; the difficulties are compounded if it is proposed that there is a ‘personal teaching’ (or personal pedagogy) that can bring about both of the above. The passage from teaching to learning to personal change in students (or even a pathway from teaching to personal change and then to learning) is by no means as straightforward as it is in, say, knowledge of mathematics (although mathematics educators would justifiably qualify the statement). And the difficulties are not just to do with increased uncertainty in the causal pathway – taking into account factors outside the educational process that affect young people such as home environment, peers, popular culture, or television. There are fundamental difficulties with the meaning of the terms ‘personal learning’ and ‘personal teaching’ that need to be clarified. In one sense, personal learning is simple to define: change in one or more of the personal aspects of individuals (for example a combination of beliefs, values, emotions) that achieves some continuity and level of personal integration, and that disposes them to think and behave in a particular way. It is not just having a ‘personal experience’ but involves some understanding and contextualisation of that change that reverberates internally; it is not ephemeral but lasting, even if not permanently. For example, the death of a parent can be a very emotional experience but it can also change the way individuals perceive and value things from then on; it can prompt the development of a new perspective that enters into thinking and behaviour for a long time afterwards. There has been a change in outlook and in meanings. Something very personal has been learnt through the experience. When the meaning of change and development is teased out, the complexity of personal learning becomes more evident. For example, personal learning may be primarily rooted in new knowledge and meanings that precede any change in emotions, values and behaviour; it is like a new ‘disposition’. Personal learning can be acquired by rational inquiry. Individuals can ‘learn’ by studying the personal experience of others – like vicarious personal learning without having to go through the actual experience themselves. However, it may be that the more common instances of personal learning flow from the contextualisation of people’s own experiences – as a follow-up to emotion, exciting and important experiences, trauma and personal interaction. This interpretation shows how it is difficult to conceptualise a logical sequence in personal learning because knowledge, feelings, values and attitudes are intimately related within people and are closely connected with their experience. It is possible to refer to these separate components of the person in an analytical sense while recognising that no such ‘separateness’ actually exists within the individual. The complexity of relationships between experience and personal learning can be illustrated by considering emotional learning. People have emotional experiences and responses all the time, but these do not in themselves amount to emotional learning. Does it have to be the experience of a ‘new’ emotion to register as learning? Or at a new level of intensity? Or the expression of previously repressed emotions? Some inappropriate behaviours trigger unwanted emotions in others and the self but the individual may keep repeating these behaviours; he or she does not seem to have learned! Emotional learning means getting
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emotional experience into some rational perspective; it needs to be contextualised and integrated. It may include some ‘training’ or regulating of emotions in the light of values and commitments. The appropriateness of emotional expression in different situations needs to be learned. Emotional learning leading towards emotional maturity would require neither emotional repression nor emotions out of control. Emotional maturity presumes that emotions have a healthy, integrated place in the personality. While the object and measure of mathematical learning is knowledge and understanding, for emotional learning it is more complicated than a particular sort of emotional response; it is more than knowledge and understanding of emotion, even though such knowledge is a valuable part of emotional learning. Also, emotional responses have a significant moral dimension, in their effects on the individual and others, that is not there with knowledge of mathematics. To summarise: For emotional learning to occur, whether or not it originated in particular emotional experience, it would need to include elements of the following: • An understanding of emotions and of one’s emotional experience, which means getting them into some perspective – being able to make sense of it all; sometimes this learning can come through reflection on past experience or on some educational input, without there being any emotional experience as such at the time; the understanding of emotion becomes a part of the individual’s meaning – it becomes an interpretive principle that can be brought to bear on new experiences; • Healthy integration of emotion within the personality; a healthy place for emotions becomes part of self-understanding; • Some movement towards emotional maturity, involving the two points above, as well as appreciation of the appropriateness of particular emotional responses in particular contexts; • A capacity to express emotional responses appropriately; • After having learned, the emotional response to a situation that occurs again will be somewhat different or moderated in the light of past experience and reflection (for example there will be learning from past successes and mistakes); • Sensitivity to and respect for the emotions of others. Emotional experience is not necessarily emotional learning. When one or more of these developments takes place, the experience can be ‘converted’ or ‘enhanced’ to the status of learning. In other words, it becomes emotional learning when it makes some contribution to emotional maturity. Because of the complexity, it is unlikely that any lesson would be likely to show that observable emotional learning has taken place. There may be evidence of emotion, but that is not the complete picture. Also, what emerges as significant from the discussion is the centrality of understanding – the rational dimension – in emotional learning. This will have important consequences when education is conceptually linked with personal change and personal learning. What then of ‘emotional pedagogy’? Presumably, it is implied when educators advocate ‘affective teaching’. Does it suggest that it is justifiable for teachers to intentionally set out to stimulate particular emotional responses in students? What range of emotions should be targeted? What of sexual emotions? Is there a distinctive pedagogy that is effective in promoting emotional learning?
Links between education, personal change and personal learning
We argue that it is both undesirable and unethical for teachers to set out with students’ emotions as their pedagogical targets. To do so is manipulative. Rather, the objectives always need to be principally within the domain of open inquiry, knowledge and understanding. If emotions are triggered as a by-product of such study, because of the sensitivity of the subject matter, and if the emotion is expressed by students in a way that can be comfortably accommodated in the classroom, it can be a natural and healthy part of the educational process. But safeguards need to be in place. Teachers need to judge whether particular expressions of emotion in the classroom are appropriate both for the individual and the class; and if emotions are expressed, the teacher needs to address the situation in a way that tries to bring balance. Students’ emotional vulnerability needs to be protected. Teachers need to consider in advance the potential in particular content/resources/classroom experiences for stimulating emotion, and if there is a danger that it cannot be handled comfortably, then the plan should be changed. This is not to eliminate emotion from the classroom; indeed, we consider that more controversial and emotional issues need to be considered than is currently the case. We maintain that generation of emotion is not a desirable goal for teaching though it can be a valuable component of holistic learning because it is a natural concomitant of some investigations. Teachers and classes need to be respectful of individuals’ emotions when these are exposed in the classroom; and all in the class need to learn about the appropriateness of particular emotional expressions in that public context, respecting people’s sensitivities. What is also important is care about the questions asked of students; there should never be psychological pressure to reveal their own feelings or personal views. Is there then a distinctive emotional pedagogy? There may well be for voluntary therapy groups, and for contexts like the Jerry Springer Show, but for the classroom we think not. No classroom pedagogy will automatically stimulate emotion; similarly, all pedagogies are capable of touching students’ emotions. Nevertheless, emotive topics are more likely to arouse emotions and discussion formats are more likely to provide scope for the expression of emotional responses. When teaching topics that have the potential for emotionality, teachers need to be careful and sensitive in the planning and conduct of lessons. Referring back to pedagogies that purport to work with emotions, for example social and emotional learning or SEL (12.5.2), our view is that such pedagogies are excellent for multidimensional approaches to learning in a generic sense. While they may well connect with students’ emotions, one cannot presume that this will occur automatically, as if the pedagogy is guaranteed to bring about emotional change. Also, such approaches do not seem to take into account the great psychological complexity in what emotional learning means; they presume that emotional learning is important and is not in question, but they give the impression that the meaning of emotional learning is simple, which suggests that the links between such pedagogy and emotional development are superficial. Hence we see educational value in the notions of emotional change and emotional learning. But we think that the terms ‘emotional teaching’ and ‘emotional pedagogy’ should be avoided because of the problematic assumption that there is a pedagogical style that is effective in generating emotions – and that the resultant emotions constitute learning. There is also some concern that an interest in emotional pedagogy can lead to manipulative practice. Rather, we consider that the phrase ‘education in the emotions’ is more appropriate; it takes the focus off emotional experience as an objective for teaching, and handles emotion respectfully when and where it enters naturally into student responses. It also focuses on
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what classroom teaching and learning can do best for emotions, helping students understand what emotions are and how they work, with the aim of learning to see how they might be integrated within the personality in a healthy way. What has just been said about emotion, emotional learning and emotional pedagogy can be applied to beliefs and values, but with new complications because these have rational, emotional and volitional dimensions. The ‘development’ of beliefs and values requires much conceptual clarification (for example, does it mean ‘more’ beliefs? ‘deeper’ or ‘stronger’ values?). While there may be a legitimate hope that classroom teaching and learning will contribute to students’ acquisition of desired beliefs and values, it is better to avoid phrases like ‘teaching beliefs’ and ‘teaching values’ because of the unrealistic assumptions that can be readily associated with such use of the verb ‘teach’. The phrase ‘education in beliefs and values’ is a better and less misleading way of expressing this hope; it can also give a more accurate picture of what is intended and what is possible in the classroom. As noted earlier, we consider that the community experience in the school, and the quality of its personal relationships, are much more likely to affect young people’s beliefs and values than classroom teaching and learning. Also, beliefs and values change slowly and imperceptibly. What classroom studies can do well is help young people become better informed about beliefs and values and help them understand how beliefs and values are developed and how they affect behaviour. The discussion of learning in the areas of emotions, beliefs and values can be collectively ‘distilled’ to account for what is understood as personal learning – especially an extrapolation of the ideas in the dot points about emotional learning. A classroom activity becomes personal when it engages with these dimensions of the person; but it only becomes learning when personal change is understood, and when this understanding furthers the integration of personal aspects within the personality. Personal learning is a new understanding – a new meaning, or disposition – that has ‘reverberations’ throughout the personality both at the time and into the future. The relationship between personal learning and meaning can be linked back to the extensive discussion of the development of meaning in Chapters 2–4. The above discussion helps differentiate personal change and personal learning. From here, our focus shifts to the classroom teaching/learning process.
13.6 Students’ freedom of inquiry and issue-oriented pedagogy There are many issues related to beliefs and values that can be studied in the classroom. An educational exploration of values-related issues is an effective way of addressing the spiritual-moral dimension to the curriculum. It is more relevant to students than a series of lessons with content titles like ‘honesty’, ‘caring’, and the other core common values proposed for education (see Chapter 11); topics with such names are all too readily seen by students to be about the ‘getting of values’ rather than the ‘exploration of values’, and young people will naturally be hesitant about participating. They will be resistant to perceived attempts to engender values in them – even desirable ones. An approach that apparently focuses too directly on changing their beliefs, values and behaviour is readily perceived by students as an exhortation (or sermon) in a negative sense; it makes them feel a subtle psychological pressure to impose personal change – even when it may not be the educator’s intention.
Links between education, personal change and personal learning
The matter of perceived freedom on the part of students is central to the problem, hence the special attention given to it here. In most learning areas, students have come to take for granted the freedom to explore different viewpoints and various explanations; they are accustomed to offering diverse theories to account for psychological and social data. But when they sense that a study has a values agenda, their ‘antennae are up’. That is, if they feel that the exercise is concerned with communicating particular values and beliefs, they may immediately disengage and be on their guard; they know that the freedom they had to think about and discuss interpretations in their literature studies is not evident here. This subtlety about freedom of inquiry is often missed by teachers, and it is unfortunate, because the question of student freedom can often be the single most important factor in making the activity one of personal learning – or not! It has significant pedagogical implications. The problem with perceived freedom is a natural one that a church school has to negotiate in its religion program; the committed religious position of the school can be perceived by students as a condition that precludes the possibility of ever having a fully open, free, inquiring study. And the only way they can be convinced that this is not the case is an educational experience of the contrary. The same problem looms for values education programs in public education. Even the naming of topics as ‘desired values’ (as noted in the previous paragraph) can give young people a scent of the problem. Sensitivity to their freedom of inquiry is behind students’ wariness about the mandate of schools to ‘teach values’ (as noted in the previous chapter). Care is also needed to ensure that this freedom is present in across-the-curriculum approaches to values; otherwise, students can feel that the freedom they usually have in these learning areas is being eliminated by the purpose of making the studies instrumental to values education. The problem will be taken into account when a framework for the spiritual-moral dimension to education is proposed in the next chapter. In addition, the issue is prominent in the following discussion where a ‘contextual emphasis’ on rational inquiry is proposed as a necessary condition for creating and sustaining this freedom for students. A more ‘issue-oriented’ approach to studying beliefs and values helps create a zone of freedom in and around the student inquiry. It is not focused on their personal lives, but on issues that are ‘out there’, but that often have personal implications. It is not perceived as invasive, and it gives them the freedom needed to consider personal implications in their own time and in their own terms. While anchored in rational inquiry, the activity allows scope for students to reflect on issues, and to ‘feel in empathy’ or to ‘feel angry’; it can even allow them to ‘try on’ particular views and values. But all the time there is an overarching respect for their personal space and freedom. Much of the ‘personalising’ of the study is done privately and students should feel no pressure to make this known to the class. Such an information or research focus on values harmonises with the style of critical inquiry they are accustomed to in the rest of the curriculum. While we have emphasised the importance of a zone of freedom in classroom inquiry, this does not mean a zone of escape. Respect for students’ freedom does not mean that anything that is likely to challenge or confront their thinking and values should be avoided; that would result in an ‘antiseptic’ curriculum, shielding them from any evaluation that might question their own views. A healthy personal education needs the dimension of personal challenge, but it needs to be respectful and not manipulative. It may well generate some internal dissonance, and this may or may not lead towards healthy personal change; but students will
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not be pressured to display any such dissonance. While their zone of freedom should always be respected, it is not a good idea for teachers to keep referring to their freedom (especially freedom of choice), because this can be misinterpreted as an ‘escape clause’ from adopting any moral stance and from evaluating stances with integrity and honesty. Overemphasising their freedom can also play into the hands of moral relativism – that morality is just a matter of opinion and that ‘because this is my own opinion it is therefore valid’. At the end of a unit of work that tapped into controversial issues, and that generated vigorous discussion, a teacher may surmise that some students have retained, perhaps even reinforced, their simplistic and bigoted views. The challenge to consider the implications that common values would propose seemed to have fallen on deaf ears. Perhaps the study exacerbated negative student attitudes in some, rather than challenging them. However, these indications have little to do with the ‘real’ success of the study. It may have been as successful as it could be; rather than failing, the teacher did a good job, and needs reassurance for so doing. The study challenged students’ thinking in a positive way. An accepting or an antagonistic response is not a matter over which the teacher has control. Hence the significance of being careful in determining what is to count as ‘effective’ teaching in a situation like this. A balanced, challenging approach can counter such relativism. Where issues are explored, the various stances and interpretations, including potential effects on people, need to be developed vividly so that it is but a short step for students to see how these views ‘out there’ might connect with their own, with possible consequences for their decisions. For example, an investigation of the problem of bullying would explore, among other things, why some people like having power over others, and to be able to humiliate and exclude them. It could look at ways in which this might be done in various contexts like workplace, school and home; those who bully others may feel some benefit or satisfaction even though others are compromised, but eventually they themselves are likely to suffer as their bullying nature becomes more widely acknowledged. People have choices regarding their behaviour, but they are not free to choose the consequences that are often beyond their control. This is an example of a ‘close to home’ issue for students. The topic is not ‘Are you a bully?’ But it confronts students to ask themselves this question; at least it could make a bully feel somewhat uncomfortable without having to acknowledge it publicly. So respecting students’ freedom does not mean the elimination of challenge to their personal views. Other issues not so ‘close to the bone’ will also challenge their thinking (for example the problem of unemployment or casualisation of work), but not in the same way as topics with immediate relevance to their everyday behaviour. A good education needs to include a judicious selection of both types of issues. Whenever sex education or values education is reported on television, almost invariably it shows a student discussion. These images reinforce the stereotype that personal learning occurs best in such interactions. It is easy to get the impression that ‘exchange of opinions’ is the most important personal learning activity and that any critical appraisal of information has a minor place, if any. In turn, this view can overrate the significance of discussions and underrate student research and reflection. It would be more helpful to make discussions into an ‘informed debate’ and not just an ‘exchange of opinions’; the former is a more accurate description of the component of critical inquiry and it helps avoid the impression that classroom discussion is just about swapping opinions.
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This approach also helps show why meaning, identity and spirituality were selected as key themes through which the spiritual and moral dimension of the curriculum could be addressed: they provide considerable scope for student inquiry. In addition, it explains the emphasis on personal and social issues that young people need to negotiate in their personal development. Intentionally, the focus should counter student concerns that the educational process is just an exhortation – telling them that ‘these are the values we want you to adopt’. A student-centred investigation of issues is the most realistic and effective way of studying beliefs and values in the classroom context. Often, talk about ‘teaching to communicate beliefs and values’ is unrealistic; it does not adequately take into account the complexities of belief or value development, the significance of student freedom, the natural limitations to educational processes for engendering beliefs or values, or the valuable contribution that education can make to understanding beliefs or values. Below, further attention is given to the type of learning that we consider most relevant to the classroom because it is the key to articulating the spiritual and moral dimension to the curriculum.
13.7 A rational ‘contextual emphasis’ to personal learning in the classroom The key question here is the nature of personal learning in the classroom. Our earlier working definition of the term proposed that it occurs when students are ‘engaged’ or changed at a personal level. Whether or not personal learning occurs depends on the response of the learner and not on the intention and pedagogy of the teacher. Teaching that is intended to affect students at emotional and values levels may influence some while having no effect on others. The intention to educate young people spiritually and morally requires builtin acknowledgment that ultimately a free personal response from the student is essential. Whether students consider a study has personal relevance is also determined by them and not by teacher intention. Hence personal learning is significantly different from the ordinary knowledge or skills learning; it is not so evident, but it can develop in and through ordinary learning – indeed in the classroom, that is where personal learning usually originates. Nevertheless, content and pedagogy are still important for fostering personal learning, particularly in presenting issues that challenge students to think. Generally, personal learning begins with experience (such as a significant event, an emotional experience, talking with a friend, watching television). But in the classroom, the potential for occasioning personal learning is limited to the usual range of teaching and learning procedures that are appropriate in that context; it can include aesthetic and innovative events. But if the classroom is mainly concerned with information and learning how to think critically (a basic ‘rational literacy’), then the normal channel to personal learning in this context will be naturally limited to working through the same process – rational inquiry. The learning environment in the classroom has a natural cognitive contextual emphasis, or ‘intellectual slant’. It provides a basic framework for, and orientation to, all learning in that context, no matter how personal it occasionally becomes. It is not a matter of wanting to exclude or limit the personal dimension, but to contextualise it in an appropriate and ethical way for the public forum. This does not apply in the same way to other settings,
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such as a voluntary group, one-to-one counselling or a therapy group. Learning experiences that trigger emotional and aesthetic responses, as well as reflection and consideration of possible personal change, can be included comfortably as intended additional layers to rational inquiry – but these would be inappropriate if they were manipulative. However, the intention does not guarantee that students will be engaged at a personal level. The students’ response determines the scope of any personal learning. There are both procedural and ethical questions about teaching that claims to engage students directly at emotional or values levels. The potential for emotional or beliefs/values learning needs to be embedded in content and process that set out initially to get students to think about the issues. The rational investigation of emotionally or values-charged content is psychologically safe for students; whether or not they wish to refer to their own feelings and beliefs publicly is something they need to feel both free and comfortable with.5 Thus we treat with caution claims about ‘emotional’, ‘affective’, ‘spiritual’ and ‘personal’ teaching strategies as if these were pedagogies that were clearly different in nature from usual classroom practice. Rather, we would classify them as strategies that it is ‘hoped’ will engage students at personal levels, while at the same time acknowledging that they carry no automatic guarantee that students will respond as intended. Also, we claim that ordinary classroom teaching across the curriculum has the potential to promote personal development – it is not something limited to particular so-called ‘personal pedagogies’. Rational inquiry has been proposed as the main pathway or channel for promoting personal change in the classroom. Hence it should be principally concerned with what young people need to know and understand as a basis for charting their own personal growth. As far as the school curriculum is concerned, the fundamental change it seeks to bring about in students is change in knowledge and understanding. This interpretation suggests that talk about affective or personal learning should avoid unrealistic presumptions about causal links between intention and outcomes. Such presumptions are at the heart of problems in the debate about ‘teaching’ values; they also result in unrealistic expectations associated with notions such as ‘holistic education’, ‘personal and social transformation’ and ‘spiritual development’. Language for articulating the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum needs to show that educators hope classroom teaching will provide educational experience that can occasion personal change and growth. The special interest that educators have in the affective, aesthetic and personal dimensions to education can incline some of them to dismiss the proposals above about a cognitive contextual emphasis to personal learning. Rather than providing the best conditions for enhancing their presence in the classroom, they may think that it compromises the affective and the personal, and they may see the cognitive slant as old-fashioned or as an unwelcome step towards ‘back to basics’. Such criticism does not appear to grasp the holistic dimension to our interpretation – that in a formal learning environment, the affective and the aesthetic, as well as the imaginative and the intuitive, are more ‘at home’ and effective, precisely because knowledge and understanding have a priority. The cognitive priority does not exclude or minimise these other dimensions, but gives them a stronger basis, integration and coordination, and protects against problems such as emotional manipulation, where emotional responses loom too large as outcomes of teaching. The cognitive priority is consistent with our view that schooling is primarily about handing on an intellectual culture.
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Our proposal no more compromises the affective or aesthetic dimensions than would any good ‘study’ of poetry, literature and art. We have underlined the fundamental importance of an overall rational orientation to learning and personal change in the classroom because this contextual emphasis is the most appropriate one for that formal, public setting. This view reflects the most realistic and ethically justifiable appraisal of the potential for educationally sponsored personal change in the classroom. Under these conditions, the rational, affective, aesthetic and volitional dimensions of learning can flourish; these are the best classroom conditions for the healthy operation of personal change dynamics in children and adolescents. Basically, the rational contextual emphasis constructs and preserves the situational freedom they need for considering personal change comfortably and favourably, as well as for being confronted in a challenging way by new ideas and community values. And it is precisely because of this freedom that the aesthetic and affective dimensions have more scope for enhancing personal change. In practice, where educators have tried to replace the cognitive contextual emphasis with excessive attention to the affective (for example emotional responses), we found that their efforts were often counterproductive; the students were amused and cynical about a pedagogy that seemed to achieve little beyond a temporary ‘feel-good’ experience that had little substance; and it appeared to them to be concerned not with their learning but with the emotional needs of the teacher – or it was perceived as manipulation. To show how the affective can be integrated within rational inquiry in a healthy way, we will expand on how the imagination figures in personal learning. (This builds on earlier material on imagination and intuition as dimensions of meaning in section 2.9.7; and it complements the discussion of imaginative learning in sections 15.4.10–15.4.12.)
13.8 How the imagination is involved in personal change and personal learning in the classroom Imagination, listed as process 9 in Table 13.1, is often involved as an affective component in the other personal learning processes.6 It functions like a bridge between knowledge and personal change – so an important link between education and personal learning. Rational inquiry can promote personal learning by engaging and enhancing the imagination. An active imagination is essential for appropriating knowledge; it makes connections between the content studied and the student’s perception and understanding of the world and it feeds into self-understanding. In addition, it helps students explore personal implications. Individuals can construe a great range of future possibilities; there are no restrictions or rules for the imagination. Sometimes the newly imagined may remain at the level of fantasy; sometimes it can be translated into reality. As regards the latter, imagination of innovative formats is a source of creativity and ingenuity. Imagining is like daydreaming, but with a more constructive and positive connotation; ‘dreaming’ can also be interpreted as thinking about new possibilities, about envisioning and creating. But what is of most importance here is the way that imagination often functions as the ‘precursor’ of personal change. Individuals can do an imaginative rehearsal of possible change, trying themselves out in new situations and testing the imagined possibilities in new ideas to see what the novelties might feel like and how they might work in practice; if comfortable
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and happy with the imagined change, individuals feel encouraged to take steps to achieve it. In this sense, imagination is influential in human behaviour and personal development. Imaginative identification is a natural and commonly used learning process through which individuals empathise with the situations of others; it involves imaginatively ‘standing in their shoes’, seeing things as they see them. It can lead to the acquisition of new attitudes and values; one can learn vicariously by identifying with others. If the individuals with whom one identifies are felt to be admirable, then there is more chance that they will be emulated; characters who are repulsive are less likely to be perceived as good role models. People’s own feelings in the imagined situation can help them understand the emotions and behaviour of others. Imagination can help with learning empathy and sympathy – and hence respect and tolerance. Imaginative identification is a part of character development. It is used by children and adults all the time; they can imaginatively test potential ‘new selves’, wearing the same characteristics as those with whom they identify. Role-playing is a technique that sets out to make imaginative identification into a more formal learning process. Children and adolescents (as well as adults) can learn about different behaviours, value positions and commitments by role-playing. Both imaginative identification and role-playing can contribute to the clarification of emotions and values.7 This consideration is sufficient to illustrate the imaginative life that needs to be activated as an integral part of classroom teaching and learning. And it suggests one basic psychological mechanism through which personal learning might at some stage be translated into personal change.
13.9 Articulating spiritual and moral outcomes for students, and the assessment of such outcomes In the 1970s, subject syllabuses began to include ‘attitudes’ along with the desired knowledge and skills. But little was said in the normative curriculum documents about what was understood by attitudes, or about how it was proposed that subject teaching could actually influence the development of students’ attitudes. Then values were included in the syllabuses; the same difficulty applied to their implementation. Without an adequate conceptual framework for addressing these aims, teachers tended to ignore them or consider that something along the lines of attitudinal and values development in students might occur incidentally to the regular teaching and learning process. Some state education authorities eventually made it clear that formal assessment should be kept to the knowledge, understanding and skills and that it was not appropriate to try to assess attitudes or values; but attitudes and values still remained in the syllabus documents. Consistent with the proposals for personal education outlined above, it is important to articulate hopes for the personal development of students to which their classroom learning can make a valuable contribution. It can give useful direction to curriculum planning. The specification of hopes is more appropriate than formulating values outcomes that presumably are measurable. Not having measurable performance outcomes for beliefs and values is appropriate for three reasons. First, it is not ethical for teachers to want to measure the values and beliefs of students. Second, teacher identification of values or beliefs in students and monitoring
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change is just short of impossible. In addition, applying outcomes measures to beliefs and values makes unrealistic assumptions about the links between education and personal change. So while there should be hopes for personal development, measurable outcomes for beliefs and values should be kept to knowledge and skills, as is the case for the key learning areas. In turn, assessment will be limited to these same knowledge and skills outcomes. In some instances where curricula specify values outcomes, on closer inspection the items are more about knowledge and awareness of values issues than about actual personal change. Thus it would be better to designate these as knowledge outcomes. The verb ‘appreciate’ is often used for stating attitudes and values outcomes. To appreciate means to be aware of and to understand; and it includes acknowledgment of value and respect, as well as some attachment. Hence to appreciate is to move in the direction of changed values, and it is understandable that this is why it has been used for articulating values outcomes – it is somewhere between knowledge and actual change in values.
13.10 Socialisation and education: Contrasting social processes for the development of beliefs, values and attitudes In the light of the above discussion, we can briefly compare and contrast the processes of socialisation, inculturation and education. These are derivative social processes that make use of combinations of personal change elements listed in Table 13.1. Socialisation involves learning by absorption of beliefs and values from the community. Individuals are usually socialised into the beliefs and values of their home, which serves as a type of primary values reference point for children until such time as they are able to learn from other groups in which they participate; family and group socialisation may be reinforced and appropriated consciously; it may be modified in the light of experience and education (education in the broad sense as being wider than schooling). Socialisation involves both conscious and unconscious identification. Increasingly, it is film and television that provide a significant socialisation of young people. Inculturation is like socialisation at the broader cultural level. It can include ethnic, local community and national identifications. Values and beliefs can also be drawn from popular culture through interaction with its complex mix of knowledge, stereotypes, propaganda, trends, fashions. Again, the prominence of film, television and music is noted. Education is contrasted with socialisation and inculturation because it is a formal and intentional activity that aims at changing children and adolescents through an ethically appropriate teaching and learning process. While primarily concerned with handing on an intellectual culture, and with developing knowledge and skills in the key learning areas, it is also concerned with education in beliefs, values and attitudes.
13.11 The place for teachers’ own views and commitments in the teaching and learning process An essential component for education intended to promote the spiritual and moral development of young people is a code of teaching ethics that highlights the respect needed for the freedom and integrity of students; it should also cover pedagogy to ensure that indoctrination and manipulation are always excluded.
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While specification of a code of teaching ethics is beyond our scope here, attention will be given to one particular aspect: the place that teachers’ own views, beliefs and commitments might have in the classroom. It is important for five reasons outlined in the following sections.
13.11.1 Accountability and safeguards in teaching about controversial issues Clarifying the responsibilities of teachers when dealing with controversial subject matter is part of the professional commitment of educators to accountability for the trust that the public places in them. It articulates safeguards intended to prevent teachers from insinuating their own personal views in a situation where the students are vulnerable. It counters indoctrination and the potential for emotional manipulation.
13.11.2 Institutional endorsement for teaching about values-related topics For a long time departmental handbooks required teachers to refrain from personal comments on controversial issues. This was intended primarily as protection for both students and teachers. However, it inclined teachers towards neutrality and could possibly indoctrinate by giving the impression that neutrality on moral issues was the appropriate stance to take. If teachers are to be involved in some aspects of values/beliefs education in a constructive way, then there is a need for public and institutional endorsement of the role; and it requires in advance a clear articulation of ethically sound ways in which teachers might refer to their own personal views in teaching transactions. If teachers are hesitant about referring to their own views for fear of indoctrinating the students, or for fear of complaints by parents or school authorities, they may wonder whether their own beliefs and opinions are irrelevant to the treatment of social issues in the classroom. They will be inclined towards a position of neutrality which not only stops them from commenting on issues but tries to eliminate all controversial issues from the classroom. To resolve these questions a distinction needs to be made between the personal views or commitments of teachers and their professional commitments in the classroom. Teacher privacy is both a right to be respected as well as a professional duty – their educative role is not about revealing or trying to communicate their personal value stance. Teachers’ personal views cannot be unconditionally regarded as appropriate subject matter for the classroom; only under certain conditions should they be disclosed, and then as additional resources for the student inquiry. A code of teaching ethics, part of which is proposed below, should regulate what personal views are referred to, as well as when and how they might be used.
13.11.3 Teacher confidence in handling controversial issues As a consequence of the above, teachers should no longer feel in an ambiguous situation where they see the need for engaging students in considering spiritual or moral issues, but have no institutional endorsement for the role. A proposed policy, as outlined below, does not give teachers a licence to try to align students with their personal views; rather, it describes the conditions needed for a responsible teacher contribution to the personal learning of students. Where these conditions are observed, teachers have a professional
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freedom that gives them confidence to conduct critical inquiries in the classroom and to handle controversial issues appropriately. The procedure is all about enhancing the capacity of students as critical interpreters of the culture and not about the teacher’s personal views; it has nothing to do with teachers having to ‘wear their values on their sleeve’; and it is professionally liberating. It overcomes one of the principal obstacles to teacher involvement in trying to promote the personal development of students.
13.11.4 Pedagogy in teaching about beliefs and values Working out a place for teacher personal input in lessons helps establish a valuable place for personal contributions generally, including those of students. This has significant pedagogical implications. While not be the principal content of teaching about issues, they have the potential to be a valuable component.
13.11.5 Debate about value-neutrality in public education As noted in 13.11.2, a relatively neutral stance for teachers had been proposed for controversial issues.8 It is related to claims made in community debates that public schools have a neutral stance with regard to values in education. If this impression is to be overcome, then articulating the responsible role for teachers would be one component in a scheme that showed the place of values in public education as well as the ways in which schools would engage in values education. A proposed policy for the place of teachers’ own views and commitments in the educational process is explained below. It should be part of a code of teaching ethics espoused by educators. While teachers’ own views should not have a prominent place in their teaching, they can be a valuable content resource if used wisely and educationally. The proposed stance of the teacher should be that of committed impartiality – as described in the ethical teaching scheme devised by Brian Hill.9 This ethical position lies between two extremes ‘partiality’ and ‘neutrality’, both of which are inappropriate. One of the extreme positions, partiality, is where the teacher’s personal views on issues occupy a dominant or relatively exclusive place in the teaching process. It narrows the content significantly, making it coextensive with the teacher’s own views; in fact it makes the term ‘content’ problematic as the lesson appears more like an exhortation than an exploration of content. Only one point of view is presented, and bias is evident. When this happens, the teacher will tend to omit anything about which he or she is uncertain, while overloading the content with material in which he or she is interested. Such an approach can be perceived by students as the teacher trying to make them think the same way the teacher does; it comes across as authoritarian and may evoke perceptions of moralising or ‘sermonising’. The other extreme is neutrality. Here, teachers never make known their personal views on issues, even if asked for their opinion by students. It is a safe position, but it can give the impression that neutrality is a suitable stance to take on moral issues. Also, it is somewhat incongruous if there is any expectation that the students might exchange personal views in the course of the study.
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The preferred position is committed impartiality. It presumes that it is appropriate and permissible for teachers to refer to their own personal views, beliefs and values as content along with other content, if and when this is judged to be capable of making an educational contribution to the study. The teacher’s views are then not accorded privileged status, but are to be examined critically alongside the other content. On the same grounds, students’ personal views can also contribute as content. But this does not regard the teachers’ or students’ views as the principal content for investigation. A significant place for objective content is essential for making the study an open, inquiring exploration of issues. It examines content on an issue and is not just an exchange of personal views; such exchanges are not necessary for the success of the study; if they do occur, they are valued. The ethical rules for teaching and learning in the classroom need to be clear to both teachers and students; no one should feel compelled to reveal their personal views. If a situation develops where some do talk about their own views, it can make a valuable contribution to the study; but the participants still retain the respected capacity to ‘pass’ if someone else asks them for their personal view. When there is an exchange at a personal level, it originates from a position of freedom (see the earlier discussion of a zone of freedom). Critical evaluative discussion of issues can take place vigorously as long as no one has to identify precisely their own personal value stance. Such discussions will often include a range of critical opinions, some personal, some theoretical in a complex mixture; but what is important is that the exchange is a critical debate and exploration of issues and is not seen as a session in which individuals have to identify their own values stance. This is what an educative discussion or debate is all about. If participants freely wish to contribute from their own personal stance, it should be respected and valued for its personal quality. But it should not be considered as a requirement, or written in as an objective for the lesson. Ironically, setting up these safeguards around the personal domain seems to create the very conditions within which students and teachers feel more comfortable about revealing personal views. But the purpose of the study remains the critical examination of issues, not the opportunity for personal testimony. Teachers need to understand that their role is more about professional commitment to a process of student inquiry than an exposition of their own personal commitment. They need to model for their students critical, impartial inquiry; while acknowledging that they have a particular value stance (this need not be disclosed unless it is judged educationally useful), they are able to undertake a respectful but critical appraisal of the issues being studied. In particular studies of issues, there may often be no need to make reference to their own views, but this is different from taking a neutral stance. They will not hide their values, neither will they advertise them. They will try not to let their own bias influence the impartiality that should be evident in a fair treatment of different points of view. But it may be helpful for them to alert students to their particular bias so that the students themselves can better interpret any personal input from the teacher. Such an approach strives for objectivity while acknowledging that perfect objectivity may not be possible; what is desirable is an open, respectful intersubjectivity. It is within such a healthy, inquiring environment that students can acknowledge that their teachers have their own established value positions on issues. Because these positions are not forced on them, the students can learn from the teachers’ personal views, just as they can from the principal content. Teachers may well have some personal influence on their students through such
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inquiries, but if all the safeguards are in place, then it can be acknowledged and accepted as a natural and valuable part of school education. When it comes to the point of teachers deciding whether or not to reveal their own personal views on a particular issue, there is a need for diplomacy and wisdom. For example, it could be expected that an ethical teacher who is an atheist should be able to help students respectfully examine aspects of religion without demonstrating prejudice. Also, a religious teacher should be able to teach the topic in the same respectful way without using the situation as an opportunity for religious witness or evangelising in favour of religious belief. It may well be diplomatic in such a situation for both of these teachers to invoke the ‘pass’ ethical rule if asked by students about their religious affiliation. The publicly stated reason would be to avoid any possibility of prejudice or indoctrination. What is important is that the inquiry is informative and challenging, where value positions are well identified. Teachers who know their classes well will be in a better position to make judgments about whether or not to make known their personal views; often, when the value stance is not too controversial, it will not be an issue; and if asked, teachers can explain their view without its coming across as the one students are being encouraged to embrace. Where the issues being studied relate to the common agreed values accepted for schooling (Chapter 11), there will be no difficulty for teachers showing how they are both professionally and personally committed to that value stance; also, in these circumstances, the students will be in no doubt about the teacher and school alignment with these values. In a healthy student inquiry into values issues in across-the-curriculum studies, the teacher’s personal value stance will not be a prominent feature. This approach makes for impartiality in the teaching and learning process; but it is not taking a neutral values position; neither is it proposing that all values stances are relative, and that ‘one opinion is as good as another’; one of the key points to values inquiries is precisely to find out what is the best and most humane view. When it comes to the moral values of teachers, the profession should have no hesitation in saying that it wants educators with the highest personal moral standards to carry the responsibility of educating children and adolescents. The profession of teaching wants good people. However, both in the job selection of teachers and in the school’s values charter and code of teaching ethics, it is more appropriate not to contemplate any evaluation of teachers’ personal moral values; rather, the emphasis should be on spelling out clearly the professional values and commitments that should be evident in the ways teachers deal with students and carry out their professional responsibilities. To these professional values, all teachers should be unconditionally committed. For example, as regards the role of teachers in promoting the spiritual and moral development of students, it is more important to have the professional commitment of teachers to an impartial student-centred study process than it would be to engage in trying to determine how spiritual or religious the teachers were, as if this was the criterion for judging whether or not they should have such an educative role. To summarise: the professional commitment of the teacher is about being • knowledgeable of the topic under investigation • fair and respectful in presenting content • able to show alternative points of view where these exist • able to lead student inquiry
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• able to facilitate student evaluation of issues • sensitive in managing students’ questions and discussion • wise and responsible in making reference to one’s own views.
Notes 1 M Buber 1965, Between man and man, p. 104. 2 TP Cross, www.college.columbia.edu/core/oasis/history6.php Accessed 5/5/05. 3 BS Bloom (ed.) 1956, Taxonomy of Educational Objectives: Cognitive domain; BS Bloom 1971, Handbook on Formative and Summative Evaluation of Student Learning; DR Krathwohl et al. 1971, Taxonomy of Educational Objectives: Book II Affective domain. 4 This issue is analysed in BV Hill 1989, The taxonomy of educational objectives; 1990, A time to plant and a time to uproot: Values education in the secondary school. 5 Our suggestions for handling the personal dimension to classroom interactions (as well as how to conduct discussions and to treat controversial topics) are presented in ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1985, Teaching Religion in the Secondary School: Theory and practice (Chapters 4, 6); 1988, Missionaries to a Teenage Culture: Religious education in a time of rapid change (Chapters 4, 5, 6, 10, 19, 20). 6 J Dirkx 2001, The power of feelings: Emotion, imagination, and the construction of meaning in adult learning. 7 A discussion of the use of these processes in classroom religious education is provided in Crawford & Rossiter 1985, Chapter 6. 8 This problem is discussed in BV Hill 1991, Values education in Australian schools. 9 Brian Hill’s ethical guidelines for teachers on how to make educational reference to their own views and commitments appear in ‘Teacher commitment and the ethics of teaching for commitment’, Chapter 10 in GM Rossiter 1981, Religious Education in Australian Schools. See also BV Hill 1982, The religious education teacher’s commitment. In P Slattery (ed.) Curriculum development in religious education, vol. 2.
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From theory to practice: Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
Hands better fitted for the plough and hoe are being taught to hold the pen. Where will all this end? Le Chatelet, 1759, one of the French philosophes, in a letter to Voltaire1
In the United Kingdom, after the 1988 Education Reform Act, spiritual and moral purposes for education were not only given more prominence in national curriculum documents. Schools were also required to show how their curriculum promoted the ‘spiritual, moral, social and cultural development’ of students (referred to as SMSC).2 Teachers had to give specific attention to the area, and government inspectors were challenged to work out what they would identify and evaluate as schools’ ‘provisions’ for fostering students’ spiritual and moral development. The spiritual-moral role of schools was taken beyond the listing of personal aims and common values into the domain of curriculum implementation – perhaps the next desirable step for Australian education. Not only were the British schools affected, but there was a considerable upturn in academic interest in the spiritual and moral dimension to education, as evident in many books, articles, research projects and conferences. However, despite the new momentum for spiritual-moral education that was generated, the need for an adequate conceptualisation of the personal dimension still remained a problem that hampered progress. There was still a significant gap between the spiritual-moral aims and how these were to be implemented in a realistic and effective way in the classroom, and this gap affected public expectations of schools as well as the intentions and pedagogy of teachers. Inevitably, this dimension of education remained controversial. For example, a national newspaper reported on the British situation in the early 1990s as follows:
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An outgoing curriculum boss and hordes of overworked teachers in Britain are girding themselves for battle in a new crusade for spirituality and moral values in the classroom. Just how much influence a teacher can expect to have on a child entrusted to his or her care is debatable … The chairman of the National Curriculum Council dared to suggest that teachers should act as ‘moral agents’ … ‘This is an attempt by us to ensure that the vital underpinnings of education are taken much more seriously.’ (Weekend Australian, April 1993)3
Under the headline ‘Teachers told to be spiritual guardians’, the newspaper’s Education Review looked at the role of teachers in the spiritual and moral development of children in times when ‘family life is weak and standards of society diverse and bewildering’. (These assumptions about the influence of family and social factors need appraisal in themselves, but this is beyond our scope here.) Underpinning the arguments were two beliefs: • In such difficult times, the ‘school is – for some children – the only stable environment in which to develop a well-grounded sense of moral responsibility’. • That if schools focus on trying to influence the values and behaviour of children, they can ‘make a difference’. The ire of British teachers was provoked by both the new authoritative requirements and public opinion. While they did not completely reject these two principles, they were resentful that too great an expectation was being placed on them to solve social problems and to account for young people’s personal growth. There was even a hint that so-called ineffective teachers were being made scapegoats for burgeoning levels of crime and juvenile delinquency. Despite differences between the situations in Australia and the United Kingdom, this episode is still relevant to education in this country. It showed that there was widespread ambivalence about the real possibilities and limitations of schooling for promoting personal change; and, even after many positive developments, this remains the case more than a decade later. While normative education documents in Australia have increasingly emphasised spiritualmoral aims for all subjects – the idea of a holistic curriculum – practice indicates that the personal intentions are not necessarily taking root in the schools. The personal dimension tends to be regarded by many practitioners as well-intentioned rhetoric. While the problem has been considered to some extent in the preceding two chapters, this chapter proposes a conceptualisation that can help advance both theory and practice. The conceptualisation will also try to address problems associated with a relatively uneven treatment of spiritual-moral questions across recognised key learning areas. For example, if issues are treated in one fashion in English, but differently in say History or Health and Physical Education, and perhaps omitted or ignored in other learning areas, then a lack of coordination and vagueness of purpose might compromise the school’s efforts to treat the spiritual and moral dimension in a coherent way.
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
14.1 The problematic gap between personal aims for education and practice A problematic hiatus between personal aims and educational practice stems mainly from unrealistic expectations of efficacy on the part of the school for changing students personally, and from an inadequate conceptualisation of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum. Personal aims for education have grown in prominence, without the corresponding development of a realistic conceptualisation of how such aims are to be realised.4 Consider for example, a list of personal aims and processes compiled from one particular curriculum document. [In addition to basic knowledge and skills, education seeks to promote development of the following:] social, aesthetic, attitudinal, moral and spiritual development; abilities and interests; imparting/inculcating values; family values; cultural values; student maturation; individual needs; self identity; personal fulfilment; self confidence; sense of self worth and self esteem; independence; critical thinking; moral autonomy; human relations; sexuality; leisure; equity; awareness of one’s place in the world; respect and consideration for others; access to cultural heritage and ethnic identity; cooperation with the educative role of parents; informed confident citizens; social and civic values; rights and responsibilities; communication skills; decision making skills for a democratic society; interpersonal skills; conflict resolution; problem solving skills; organisational ability; practical living skills; careers awareness; vocational skills; experience in the world of work; flexibility and adaptability for the future; community relations; awareness of and resistance to manipulation; awareness of pressure groups.5
Quite an imposing list! Most teachers are daunted and confused by such a wide-ranging, idealistic set of aims revolving in their heads when trying to work out what might be done about them in particular lessons. Trying to match content and methods directly with so many aims is not a productive way to proceed. The magnitude and complexity of the task of achieving these goals inclines teachers to give up on trying to do much about them specifically, presuming that something positive will happen ‘personal development-wise’ while they are attending to the knowledge and skills outcomes they know they can achieve. As a result, personal aims tend to be regarded as nominal and as educational rhetoric – no more than an attractive dream of the ideal citizen that the education system is trying to produce. And the gap between personal aims and practice is thus reinforced. The other issue that adds to the gap is an unrealistic expectation of the level of responsibility teachers have for the spiritual and moral development of their students. While the prominence that normative curriculum documents give to the aim of promoting student personal development is desirable, it has a down side. For example, reconsider the New South Wales educational aims statement (noted in Chapters 1 and 11): ‘The moral, ethical and spiritual development of students is a fundamental goal of education. It is clearly not confined to one area of the curriculum. All teachers, across all areas of the curriculum have
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a responsibility to inculcate in their students positive values and a capacity for moral and ethical judgment.’6 While endorsing a spiritual-moral dimension to education, the statement creates considerable problems for teachers. They are understandably concerned about the following: • Is it realistic to expect teachers to achieve this purpose in all learning areas? • Are all teachers required to add a layer of moral education to their work across the curriculum? • They have no specific training as regards spiritual and moral education. • Attending to spiritual and moral dimensions can distort subject teaching, compromising the integrity of the subject being taught. • What does ‘inculcate’ mean in the statement and what are the pedagogical implications? Can values be ‘taught’ in a relatively simple pedagogical fashion? • Who will decide what values are to be inculcated? • Are the inculcation of values and efforts to influence students’ capacity for moral judgment an appropriate responsibility of the ordinary classroom teacher? • What are the ethical constraints to teachers’ potential involvement in young people’s spiritual and moral education? This aim will never be accepted by teachers, much less implemented, until it is conceptualised in a realistic way that can win their professional support. It needs considerable qualification and development before it becomes a statement that can animate the spiritual and moral dimension to education appropriately and effectively. The rest of this chapter sets out a conceptualisation that reinterprets the New South Wales aims statement in a more constructive way. It will address the hiatus between personal aims and practice in three ways. 1 Realistic expectations for personal change: Goals will be proposed that are realistic and achievable – while nevertheless modest – acknowledging both the complexity of students’ personal development and the limited scope for schools to influence it. The first step in trying to bridge the gap is acknowledgment that many of the aims in the list above are really hopes for students’ personal development as a result of their overall schooling experience across a number of years. It is therefore unrealistic to think that progress towards these hopes can be readily observed; and it is not ethical to try to measure them as if they had performance outcomes. In this instance, the gap is reduced by changing inappropriate expectations. 2 Studying spiritual-moral content in the curriculum: Young people need opportunities to explore spiritual-moral content in the classroom, both in particular subjects and more generally in across-the-curriculum studies. Different curriculum structures and strategies for promoting student spiritual-moral development will be identified. 3 Ordinary teaching and learning contributes to personal learning: The ways in which ordinary teaching and learning activities are already contributing to young people’s personal learning need to be identified. As proposed in the previous chapter, generic learning activities have the capacity to ‘flow over’ into personal learning skills, and consequently into personal learning – helping young people develop a better capacity to learn from their life experience.
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
The first step was considered in Chapter 12, and the third was introduced in Chapter 13. The remainder of this chapter will develop a conceptualisation for steps 2 and 3. Before proceeding, it is helpful to recap from Chapters 11–13: • At the heart of the problem is an educational naivety about how classroom teaching is related to personal change in students. • It is not difficult to devise personal aims for education. But there is a significant, natural ambiguity about how they are to be put into practice. • There is a natural uncertainty and unpredictability in causal links between classroom teaching procedures and constructive personal change in students. • Personal growth is complex and somewhat mysterious; it is influenced by many factors, the most powerful of which have little to do with schooling. • Personal learning in the classroom grows out of a substrate of rational inquiry, the contextual emphasis to all learning in that context.
14.2 The place for ‘spiritual experience’ in the curriculum At this point, we refer back to the section 9.1.2 on spiritual experience. In the conceptual isation that follows, most attention is given to two matters: the ‘study’ of spiritual and moral questions, and ‘personal learning skills’. However, there is a need to see how direct spiritual experience of different sorts may fit within the scheme. In Chapter 8, two types of self-transcending spiritual experiences were considered: a sense of the divine in human affairs, and a sense of beauty in the world and in people. To make some contribution to the enhancement of young people’s capacity for such experience is appropriate for education – both in government and independent schools. But it does not mean endorsement of all attempts to give young people spiritual or mystical experiences in the classroom in an unqualified way. Even where they do have such experiences, and where it appears inappropriate to try to ‘reduce’ these to some form of learning or personal development, we still retain commitment to the principle elaborated in the previous chapter about an overall rational contextual emphasis to classroom activities. There should remain the intention to help young people understand spiritual experience. Some educators may consider that an intention to ‘contextualise’ spiritual experience does violence to it by ‘forcing’ it into logical (and scientific?) categories. We disagree; the aim of promoting understanding is fundamental to the public educational forum in the classroom and it applies to all teaching and learning experience – even if just having a particular experience is proposed as the principal educational justification for the activity. Our view of planning for spiritual experience in the classroom fits with the principles discussed in the previous chapter in relation to having intentional ‘emotional experience’, and in determining how it can be translated into ‘emotional learning’. Attending to the experiential dimension of spirituality is closely related to, and an integ ral part of, educational efforts to enhance young people’s artistic, musical and literary tastes; correspondingly, it is difficult to plan and program for these purposes. An experiential dimension is paramount; children need to have their personal and cultural horizons enlarged by the experience of art, music, poetry and literature – and they need to be not just as passive
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observers or receivers, but creative contributors, no matter how simple or naive their work may be. When it comes to experiences like meditation or personal reflection, there should be scope for an experiential dimension in the classroom. However, the fragmented daily school routine can make attempts to have ‘silent reflection’ for say twenty-five children at their desks a difficult proposition. Use of special places or excursions that are more conducive to reflection may make the experience more fruitful. Prayer experience is justified in a religious school which sets out to give young people direct experience of the spirituality of the tradition. In public schools, it would be more limited to a ‘participant observer’ role – for example, during a visit to a church, synagogue or mosque. Subjects such as English, Art and Music can lend themselves seamlessly to augmenting the students’ sense of the numinous. Fostering empathy with a protagonist, seeing through the eyes or mind of a writer, artist or composer can occasion special moments of insight, discovery, or ‘eureka’. While significant, these moments for the child are not always identified as transcendent. Rather, they are more likely to be affirmed by teachers as moments of understanding, perception and clarity. Identifying such learning as ‘transcendent’ would appear artificial to many teachers; hence it may be wiser not to use that word to describe the experience. But what is important is that teachers acknowledge that young people will occasionally recognise special moments of learning that have personal impact. They gain new insights that can make a difference. The following examples illustrate what can happen. In ‘This lime tree bower, my prison’, Coleridge’s point of enlightened transcendence comes when he ‘sees’ the glory of nature in the beauty of a leaf, through which the sun shines and the delicate veins can be seen. Earlier in the poem, and in many of his other poems, he spoke of ‘Nature writ large’ – the glories of nature. But through contemplation and meditation, the numinous can be seen in a single leaf – ‘to see the universe in a grain of sand’. For one Year 12 student, thinking about the poem, this was like a ‘revelation’. Reflecting on her own experience of the last two years of her life, she realised that in moments of stress she would go to the window of her bedroom, gaze onto a secluded park and just look at the trees and eventually this would help her feel calm. The Coleridge poem helped her put words to that experience; and it heightened the experience. The study of the poem was certainly ‘meaningful’ for this student, pointing her in the direction of transcendence. For another student in the same class who was a competitive surfer, reading Coleridge helped her to articulate the complex feelings she has always had about surfing; it had to do with feeling at one with beauty. With the cautions noted in the above discussion, we consider that the experiential dimension to the spiritual can be comfortably accommodated within the conceptualisation that follows.
14.3 Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum We propose that the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum needs to be conceptualised through a combination of three strategies. The first two are concerned with spiritual-moral content. The third is about the ways in which ordinary teaching and learning
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
processes across the curriculum can contribute towards the development of personal learning skills. Strategy 1: Explicit approach: Here, spiritual and moral questions are the explicit, formal content of study. The aim is to help students become well informed, critical thinkers about spiritualmoral areas. The approach takes two forms: 1A Whole subjects: Particular spiritual-moral subjects where most of the content is in one or more of the areas of philosophy, ethics, spirituality, religion, personal development, social justice, contemporary spiritual-moral issues. 1B Parts of study units: Particular parts of subjects or units of work where spiritual or moral or justice issues are specified as content for exploration, for example ethical issues for science; values issues in economics; issues related to the environment, globalisation and quality of life in various subjects. Strategy 2: Contextual approach: This can be used within any Key Learning Area (KLA) where spiritual and moral issues arise naturally in relationship with the substantive content of a unit of work (the spiritual-moral issues are not the formal unit content). Here, issues can be addressed briefly in a way that acknowledges their importance and is informative, while not compromising the integrity of the principal subject matter. For example, personal development issues may arise in the study of literature (as illustrated in chapter 1); questions about the ethics of business practice, political and ideological issues, and ecological sustainability may emerge in various subjects. In addition, students may ask questions spontaneously about contemporary spiritual and moral issues. Strategy 3: General skills and consciousness-raising: The regular teaching and learning processes in all KLAs can contribute in some way to the ‘personal’ learning of students. Educationally enhanced cognitive skills have a carryover into personal learning skills that can be applied to life, for example skills in self-directed study, research, problem-posing, data collection and analysis, interpretation, evaluation, appraisal of arguments, historical perspective and ecological perspective. Personal learning skills or life skills are a basic part of a lifelong education; they may contribute to young people’s becoming more critically aware of spiritual and moral dimensions; in turn, they may dispose them towards responsible, committed action.
14.3.1 Explicit approach to the spiritual-moral dimension of the school curriculum (Strategy 1) Here, spiritual-moral questions are the primary content for study, and not just secondary interests that emerge intentionally or accidentally within some other investigation. They stress the need for a formal subject and for parts of units of work in various other subjects, where spiritual-moral issues can be critically examined. However, it does not imply that attention given to values issues as secondary content in other subjects is an insignificant or unimportant part of values education. The investigation of spiritual-moral questions should be accorded a philosophically central position in the curriculum – even though this proposal conflicts with the current dominance of status subjects and employment-oriented competencies.
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1A Whole-subject mode: The need for a school subject for direct study of spiritual-moral questions
The following is proposed as an ideal. Inevitably, the real situation in schools may well preclude the introduction of such a subject. But it is still useful to articulate the ideal because some of its proposed content and process may be implemented within alternative structures. If the school curriculum is to take seriously a responsibility for educating young people in the spiritual and moral dimension to life, then it needs to include a credible subject in which such questions can be studied directly as its principal content. This would provide an appropriate forum for studying such matters and its existence would express the value position that ‘what it means to be human’ merits serious subject attention in the curriculum. Ideally, it should be a combination of religion, ethics and philosophy, plus personal development studies. It should not be labelled as ‘social problems’, because such a name is too narrow and negative, even though it should have scope for giving systematic attention to problems. It should include exploration of philosophy of life and of the answers to questions about meaning and identity that religion, philosophers and psychologists have offered. It should be organised, taught and assessed with the same academic rigour expected of other subjects. Ideally, a subject like this should be part of the curriculum core up to Year 10, and an option in the final years of schooling. It should not be conflated with pastoral care arrangements like peer support that have their own justification and purposes. It cannot be presumed that questions of value and meaning will be adequately explored within the general curriculum, unless it includes such a spiritual-moral subject. As mentioned before, students in government schools will be disadvantaged if it is not available. While it will always be important to address moral and spiritual issues in all subjects, this is not a desirable alternative to a subject where these issues are the main focus of study. Education needs both strategies. In addition, a values-centred subject provides a place where the purpose and value of students’ education itself can be examined and debated; it is in a pivotal position in the curriculum where students can try to get some perspective on their diverse school experiences and learnings. The idea of a subject like this is not new. Some are already in place in schools: Personal Development, Religion, and less frequently, Philosophy, Ethics, and Living Skills. However, no matter how prominent and important such explicitly spiritual-moral subjects may appear in a school’s prospectus or mission statement (even in church-related and religious schools where such subjects are compulsory), they are often more like ‘fringe dwellers’ than central subjects in the curriculum. And they are stressful for some teachers, who may even perceive them as ‘health hazards’. Questions may be raised about their effectiveness and their poor image in the eyes of students, parents and school staff. It is puzzling! We have pointed out the philosophical importance of subjects like this and have explained the valuable contribution they can make to students’ personal development. How is it that they can be poorly regarded by students, parents and teachers? The reason, one that needs to be well understood, has to do with the way the educational potential of personal subjects can be subverted by school structures and by what we call the ‘psychology of the learning environment’.
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
School structures and the ‘psychology of the learning environment’: Subverting the personal subjects in the curriculum
Certain subjects are seen by students as having high status and importance. Even if they do not like studying them, most students pay at least some attention to what is being taught, and in general try to understand the basics because success in these subjects can affect their future studies and employment. Also, when subjects are fully accredited (and examinable either by continuous or summative assessment) at Year 11–12 level, and when they count towards university entrance, students are more inclined to perceive them as important and are more ready to work at them. Students’ attitude to subjects becomes problematic where they do not have such credibility and mark status. This point is well illustrated by the history of subjects like non-elective Art and Music, Personal Development and Religion. This problem in the ‘psychology of the learning environment’ has also been one of the hurdles to be overcome in developing more equitable curricula in the post-compulsory years where the bias has traditionally been in favour of university-oriented students. To a great extent, student attitudes towards the study of personal or spiritual or moral subjects mirror society’s attitudes. For example, the study of religion in church-related schools is not always regarded by many students as a necessary or valuable pursuit, certainly not one that could make a difference when getting a job. Neither is it seen by many as making a major contribution to their quality of life, though interestingly, most of the same students will say that religion as such is important – perhaps the sort of nominal religion that is better to have than not to have, just in case! The attitude of many youth to religion is markedly different from what was traditional. They tend to see religion as an option, rather than a part of life that is taken on more or less unquestioningly, as was the case for earlier generations. Any teaching of religion – and values for that matter – that does not take this contemporary situation into account runs the risk of being dismissed without a proper hearing. Also, while Religion has a pre-eminent place in the mission of the church school and a prominent place in its core curriculum, there may be a discrepancy when it comes to staffing, resourcing and timetabling. If staff see it as a nominal requirement, then the negative views of students will be reinforced. How a subject is presented in the curriculum and how it is taught will affect its perceived status. Where it appears to be taught with a ‘low-grade’ pedagogy compared with that used in the ‘important’ subjects, the message is not lost on the students. For example, in British schools, Personal and Social Education classes were included with the admirable purpose of promoting students’ personal development. However, too great a reliance on group discussion, without the strong sense of content, study and assessment that were taken for granted in other subjects, undermined their credibility in the eyes of students. Just having supposedly ‘relevant’ personal content is not enough; the personal purposes of the subject were subverted by its poor image. Departmental Inspection reports showed that the same problem also occurred in Religious Education (a compulsory subject in British schools)�������������������������������������������������������������� . For example, the Report on Religious Education (1994) noted: At Key Stage 4 and in sixth forms, basic Religious Education, where it was provided, was usually confined to listening and talking rather than reading and writing. Content was usually appropriate and of interest to pupils, although on occasion it depended almost
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entirely on video recordings. Only in a few schools was learning in Religious Education at these stages linked with certification, such as Records of Achievement or general studies. Learning in examination classes was usually sound.7
School structures and community opinion that are not supportive of the personal/spiritual/ moral subjects will subvert their perceived value. Therefore, to make the study of religion, ethics, philosophy and personal development a valuable and effective exercise in the school, it needs to have well-defined and highly visible support structures that show its value to students. It also needs the support of the whole school staff. If spiritual-moral subject matter is to be taken seriously by students, it must be studied with the same rigour as in the ‘status subjects’; the critical study of these subjects needs to be endorsed in the school’s philosophy, together with some community validation. An example of this validation appeared in a publication in the United Kingdom which showed why the study of religion in public education was useful for jobs in tourism, medicine, nursing, law, education, police work and public service.8 The status problem with spiritual-moral school subjects has parallels in other contexts. Low status and ‘non-subject’ ranking also applies to similar subjects at university. For example, at one stage in a Law school in an Australian university, Legal Ethics was compulsory but non-examinable. As the lecturer noted, ‘This is the subject when the paper planes come out’. Another lecturer in a medical faculty faced a similar problem in her course on medical ethics. While the purpose of these courses was admirable, they were compromised by the psychology of the learning environment. The students tended to think that they could handle ethical issues without any need for help, and that the courses on ethics were of little importance compared with those that ‘counted’. The accreditation of spiritual-moral school subjects giving them parity with regular subjects can help with their perceived status. This does not mean that they will only be acceptable when and if they are fully accredited, and neither will accreditation solve their status problems. Any attempt to implement such studies needs to acknowledge the prevailing psychology of the classroom learning environment; something can be done to address the problem, though it is unlikely that it will ever be eliminated. This is not a statement of unquestioned support for the system of examination or assessmentgeared learning. It is an acknowledgment of the realities within schools and community that have the potential to undermine any program that is not alert to the problem and does not attempt to address it. If the development of any spiritual-moral subject does not take the problem into account, it will be quickly marginalised – along with the other fringe-dwelling subjects in the curriculum. The background to this problem is an educational environment and parental expectations that are apparently preoccupied with performance outcomes in the highstatus subjects – hence not likely to be fertile ground for subjects that are primarily concerned with students’ spiritual and moral development. It may well be that the same educational environment inhibits young people from considering a trade career because it too does not appear attractive or valuable in the light of the prevailing expectations of schooling. A number of these issues were illustrated in a study of student perceptions in a church school system conducted by Middleton in 2000.9 In one part of the survey, a large sample of both primary and secondary students were asked the following questions:
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
1 2 3 4 5
What are your favourite subjects? What subjects do you consider most relevant to your future lives? What subjects make you think the most? What subjects do you think that adults value most? What subjects make students feel the proudest?
For both primary and secondary students, Maths and English did not score well as favourite subjects; however, they were clearly regarded as the most relevant to students’ future lives and the subjects that adults thought were most important for them to learn. Art (and Industrial Arts) and Physical Education were the top favourite subjects for both groups of students, but they were at the bottom (or near bottom) of the list of subjects felt to be relevant to their future lives, and similarly they were at the bottom of the list of subjects considered to make them think the most. However, they were at or near the top again as subjects that made the students feel proudest (related to achievement). Maths particularly, as well as Science, English and LOTE (Languages Other Than English), were the subjects that were regarded as the ones that required students to think the most. What was difficult not to miss was the place of Christian Studies (or Religious Education) – near the bottom on all five lists. Also evident was a decrease in scores for Christian Studies from primary to secondary (with the changes for questions 1 and 5 being marginal.) It is unlikely that the students’ perceptions were determined solely by the quality of the teaching in the different subjects. What the results suggested is that cultural and family views of what subjects are important are certainly picked up by students. The subjects that brought students most enjoyment and engagement have low status in the subject hierarchy. While we have given special attention to the diagnosis of problems, we do not want to give the impression that all is doom and gloom as far as the spiritual-moral subjects are concerned. We are aware of the other side of the story where these subjects, in the students’ estimation, have made a valuable contribution to their education. It goes without saying that efforts are needed to address other factors that influence student expectations such as a comprehensive sequential program; appropriate content; enlightened, relevant student texts; and well-trained, competent, professionally committed teachers. In addition, subjects that purport to be about life and spiritual-moral issues have to be true to their name – in other words, they need to have perceived relevance. While there is no automatic recipe for relevant content and teaching procedures (see Chapter 17), efforts are required to address this need for different age groups of students. All this notwithstanding, it is our contention that school curricula, no matter how successful in achieving new target levels of equity, retention and measurable employmentrelated competencies, will remain flawed if they fail to give a prominent place to studies concerned with human meaning and values. While the above discussion claims a central place for a spiritual-moral subject in the curriculum, it would be unwise and inappropriate to try to channel all reference to value issues into such a subject – as if it could adequately carry the school’s responsibility for spiritual/moral education. The whole-subject strategy therefore needs to be complemented with others as described in the following sections.
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1B Parts of study units: Studying spiritual and moral questions as parts of units of work
For many reasons, historical ones among them, government schools in Australia are unlikely to implement the sort of spiritual-moral subject considered above. Religion Studies programs are approved in the various states, but few government schools are able to offer the courses; church-related schools make up practically all of the candidature in Years 11–12. However, the systematic exploration of spiritual-moral issues envisaged for such a subject can be taken up in a more limited way as segments within units of study elsewhere in the curriculum. Spiritual and moral questions should be written into units as an appropriate part of their content; how extensively will depend on the topic. Good examples were documented in the National Values Education Study.10 They included two commercially produced values education programs: Living Values and The Virtues Project. However, as Hill pointed out, an element missing from both programs was identification of the underlying belief systems that influenced values, and in particular, the religious perspectives that informed these programs.11 In addition to the topics listed earlier for this strategy, other potential areas of investigation could include: ethical issues related to bio-technology (such as in vitro fertilisation, surrogate motherhood, genetic engineering); ethical issues in business practice; the moral implications in globalisation policies; young people’s search for meaning; identity issues for youth; the religious dimension to multiculturalism; conflicts between religion and science; issues concerning work and quality of life. It would be a matter of seeing where it was appropriate to add specific values-related content that fitted within particular units of work. As with all attempts at integration in the curriculum, this strategy will work well only if it is properly organised and if there is good cooperation between teachers working in different key learning areas. A number of practical questions have to be resolved. What issues should be covered? In which subjects and at what year levels and in what detail? What methods need to be specified for handling issues, especially controversial ones? Are there useful resources for particular topics? How can spiritual-moral issues be explored while maintaining the integrity of the primary subject matter in the host subject? Some of these questions, particularly the last, are also relevant to the contextual strategy.
14.3.2 Contextual approach: Acknowledging and addressing spiritual-moral issues where they arise in across-the-curriculum studies (Strategy 2) The structure and content of the general curriculum itself are not value-free. Also, there is great scope for the treatment of spiritual-moral issues where they arise naturally in various subjects. While the approach described here does not have such questions formally written into the unit content, the study may well have a natural personal dimension; values questions can surface both in classroom interactions and in student research. The examples in the study of English literature in chapter 1 are good illustrations. The approach requires sensitivity and wisdom in the teacher. An appropriate and balanced position avoids the extremes of excluding all values questions on the one hand, and raising too many issues on the other. The ideal is to acknowledge, and draw students’ attention to, the spiritual-moral issues that inhere within the various topics being investigated. This may be all that can be done. In some instances, teachers can give more attention to the issues with
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
relevant information and resources as well as through discussion, while not compromising the integrity of the principal subject matter. At times, the attention may take the form of probing teacher questions that show students something of the complexity of the problem, suggesting directions for further clarifying thought and study. There are some similarities with explicit strategy 1B, the difference being that in the contextual approach, the spiritual-moral dimension is not formally identified as content, even though it can be an integral part of the study. Perhaps the most important aspect of the strategy is to register the spiritual and moral issues that are often there in topics being studied, but just beneath the surface. Not too much should be expected, however; the strategy should not carry principal responsibility for the spiritual-moral dimension to the curriculum. While unplanned and informal discussion of these issues can be valuable educationally, this is not an adequate substitute for a systematic, well-resourced study as envisaged in strategies 1A and 1B.
Principles considered important for teaching about spiritual and moral issues
1 Realistic intentions for promoting personal change in students by studying spiritual-moral issues: Classroom teaching on spiritual-moral issues can educate young people in possi bilities for personal change, acknowledging that it is neither appropriate nor realistic to think that the teaching itself brings about such change. There may be hopes that classroom studies will favourably dispose them towards the development of positive attitudes, values and beliefs. However, any authentic personal change needs to be freely chosen, and its context is their wider life beyond the classroom. 2 Information orientation: The prime purpose of the study is to help young people become better informed about personal, spiritual and moral issues. 3 Open inquiring study: The teaching should be an open, inquiring, student-centred, study; the provision of up-to-date information extends students’ horizons, challenging them to identify, analyse and evaluate evidence and arguments. Use of appropriate resource materials gives students access to the same information used by the teacher, and it helps with objectivity. ‘Teacher talk’ is not the primary or exclusive means of presenting information; students can be encouraged to learn how to find and sift information for themselves, encouraging individual research. 4 Place of discussion: Discussion of issues is an integral part of the learning process. Discussions should be conducted along the lines of informed debate (and should not be proposed just as ‘personal sharing’). Such an orientation helps avoid the problem where discussion deteriorates into little more than an exchange of uninformed opinions. 5 Respect for freedom and privacy: The privacy and freedom of students should be respected by focusing on rational inquiry, without expecting personal responses. Shared personal views are valued if students wish to contribute at this level, but it should never be a requirement. The approach does not preclude studies that challenge students to review their own thinking and values.
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6 Different views on controversial issues: Students need to be alerted to the controversial and contested aspects of issues. Both authoritative (normative) views as well as some conflicting views need to be considered when dealing with controversial issues; students need to understand why the issue is controversial. The teacher should be able to model responsible evaluation. 7 Emotional reactions: The potential emotional reactions of students need to be considered before the use of any experience, pedagogy and resource materials. If intended teaching and learning activities are likely to stimulate a show of emotion that cannot be comfortably handled in the classroom as a natural part of learning, then such activities should be avoided. Excessively emotional or any potentially manipulative process should be excluded. 8 Agreed common values: Where agreed common values for education are pertinent to an issue being studied, its value position can be appropriately stated. But the naming of the value stance is not an imposition, even though it is acknowledged as a desirable goal. 9 Identification of values and beliefs: A principal concern of the study is to identify explicit and implied values and beliefs, and ideologies In turn, it can lead into analysis and interpretation of the values dimension to an issue. It may also include evaluation of the issue in the light of community values. 10 Code of teaching ethics: Teachers need to adhere to the established code of teaching ethics for the school. In particular, the stance of committed impartiality (Chapter 13) should regulate the ways in which they can make educational reference to their own views in the teaching and learning process. 11 Variety of methods: A variety of teaching methods can be used for the student exploration of issues. Basically, critical methods that are already established in the KLAs will be used. Also available are some recognised approaches to values/moral education: exploration of moral biographies and of situations where moral decisions have to be made; appraising information and arguments about contemporary issues (including, for example, the potential influence of the media on the development of moral values in the individual); analysis of moral codes (for example from world religions); values analysis; values clarification; moral dilemmas; conflict resolution exercises; role plays; and simulation games. A critical appraisal of these diverse methods is needed before they can be used appropriately; teachers can then be more aware of the possibilities and limitations in various approaches, and critical selectivity and effectiveness can be enhanced. This will also help ensure that approaches are suitable for students at particular stages of maturity and intellectual development. It will also help avoid potential emotional manipulation through misuse of methods.12
14.3.3 General skills and consciousness-raising: The overall contribution of the curriculum to personal learning skills (Strategy 3) Strategies 1 and 2 (14.3.1 and 14.3.2) have been concerned with handling spiritual and moral questions in the classroom – in particular spiritual-moral subjects, in parts of units of work, and more generally where issues arise in various subjects across the curriculum. The
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
focus of this third strategy is different. It interprets the ways in which ordinary teaching and learning activities in all key learning areas make some contribution to students’ personal development. It is not as tangible as the explicit and contextual strategies. Some may think this is just putting a nice ‘spin’ on ordinary teaching by saying it has personal relevance; to some extent it is a ‘spin’, but if there are real links to personal learning skills, no matter how slender, then this needs to be acknowledged for the positive contribution it can make. The interpretation is about the overall impact of twelve years of school curriculum on the life capacities of young people. The general skills strategy is also a good starting point for conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension of across-the-curriculum studies. It is the basis on which the first two strategies rest. If this is what teachers have been doing in best practice, it needs to be articulated to give them a better understanding of what is their appropriate role in young people’s spiritual and moral education. It can bring a sense of realism and perspective to the iconic aims statement quoted earlier about the responsibility of ‘all teachers across all areas of the curriculum’ for the spiritual and moral development of students. While this role for teaching is an important one, it is inappropriate to label it as ‘values education’, because such a label would create a false impression about what processes are involved. It is about the net effect of schooling on young people’s ability to make sense of life. It is not possible to partition its impact out into subject-specific contributions. But it is important to show how all subjects are oriented in this direction. It is presumed that all subjects in the curriculum were included because they were considered to make a distinctive contribution to young people’s education. Particular subjects represent traditional academic disciplines; they impart specific knowledge and skills and help develop employment-related competencies. But this is not enough. In addition, studentcentred curriculum theory and the prominence of personal aims for education require that all key learning areas show how they can contribute to the overall personal development and wellbeing of students in both distinctive and general ways. This spiritual-moral role can be interpreted as the ordinary teaching and learning activities not only achieving their intended subject outcomes, but also contributing a flow-on effect in the personal domain, enhancing personal learning skills. Each learning area should be able to show how it is valuable for young people in the larger context of their lives; it should try to alert them to the meaning of their learning and not be content with outward proofs of learning as shown in the assessment of measurable outcomes. The general spiritual-moral contribution of a subject: Each subject fosters general skills for personal development. For example, there is some contribution to personal skilling in each of the various learning activities used in the classroom. The list that follows is of activities that make some contribution to personal learning skills. • Collecting, analysing and displaying data • Conducting individual and group research studies • Learning how to work collaboratively in groups • Developing explanatory interpretations • Identifying and evaluating arguments; putting arguments in order of priority • Learning how to articulate an informed point of view with logic and supporting evidence • Empathising with the situation and point of view of others
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• Developing basic skills in numeracy and literacy needed for life in contemporary society • Experiencing art, literature and music, thereby widening the students’ cultural horizons • Imaginative identification with characters in literature, and with the perspective and feelings of authors and artists • Identifying cultural diversity and becoming more aware of the potentiality and problems in multicultural democratic societies • Identifying moral, political and environmental issues • Differentiating facts from beliefs • Differentiating emotional and reasoned responses to an issue • Identifying both the explicit and implied values in a situation and making tentative judgments in the light of community values • Identifying and evaluating cultural meanings, stereotypes and identity resources • Identifying and evaluating ideologies • Identifying conflict and its sources with reflection on possibilities for non-violent conflict resolution • Speculating on short-term and long-term human consequences of particular actions • Speculating on the influence of culture on individuals, and on lifestyle and quality of life • Reflecting on implications for wellbeing, quality of life and respect for the environment • Developing historical perspective • Seeing how events in the past can help illuminate and interpret what is happening at present. To the extent that all subjects achieve student learning in one or more of these activities there is some possibility of carryover into personal learning skills. In addition to their general input to personal learning skills, each subject is distinctive in the way it contributes to students’ understanding of, and participation in, life. It demonstrates a spiritual (meaningful or personal) dimension by adding to the range of an individual’s access to physical and cultural inheritance, as well as to their capacity to participate in community life. For example, English studies can open students to a lifelong interest in literature; Mathematics can provide basic skills and computer literacy that are essential for participation in commerce; learning a foreign language enhances the capacity to enter into another culture and literature; Health Education can be a precursor to a lifelong sensitivity to health issues; a study of geology, geography and biology can enhance the capacity to ‘read’ the ecology of the environment; Religious Studies can contribute an understanding of the ways religious beliefs influence behaviour and how religions interpret the dilemmas of human existence such as life, joy, pain and death. Every now and again teachers should attempt to alert students to the long-term meaning and value in their current learnings, even if it seems to fall on uninterested ears. Whether or not they agree with it at this stage, it is important for students to know that educators have reasons for thinking particular studies ultimately valuable for their personal development; they are not just about achieving miscellaneous outcomes. Not to do this would disadvantage students by failing to highlight the spiritual and moral dimension of the subject; to do it too often would be counterproductive because it would be interpreted by the students as ‘preaching’. Figure 14.1 provides a summary of the discussion so far.
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
Figure 14.1 Diagrammatic representation of the conceptualisation of the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum. All Key Learning Areas across the Curriculum VARIOUS EDUCATIONAL AIMS including a MULTIPLICITY OF PERSONAL AIMS
TEACHING AND LEARNING ACTIVITIES
Spiritual/moral dimensions addressed through 3 strategies: explicit; contextual; and general skills/consciousness-raising Besides meeting their subject-specific outcomes, ordinary classroom teaching/learning activities have carryover into personal learning skills
Knowledge, understanding, evaluative skills etc.
ENHANCED CAPACITY FOR PERSONAL LEARNING
Applied specifically to spiritual-moral content and questions through strategies 1 and 2
Some development in personal learning skills through strategy 3
Knowledge and understanding of spiritual/moral questions can occasion personal change
Depending on the individual, may eventually have some positive affects
USUAL RANGE OF KLA ACHIEVABLE OUTCOMES
DIMENSIONS of PERSONAL DEVELOPMENT
Personal meaning, identity, spirituality, beliefs, values, commitments. Fulfilment, self-esteem, moral autonomy, emotional maturity, responsible citizenship etc.
The interpretive scheme can give some overall perspective to the ways in which ordinary classroom teaching and learning affects students’ personal learning – with the hope that it can eventually translate into personal growth. It is a matter of seeing how teaching and learning activities (aspects of pedagogy) can ‘point’ students in the direction of personal development. While the direct study of spiritual-moral questions is fundamentally important, the conceptualisation shows how diverse teaching activities can be interpreted as having coherence in the way they contribute to students’ acquisition of personal learning skills. In turn, it can help give a sense of direction, integration and cooperation for teachers working in different learning areas who share common aims for students’ personal development. The scheme is an interpretation of what was intended in normative curriculum documents when they specified the personal aim for students: ‘to achieve maximum personal benefit from their educational experience … as a basis for understanding themselves and their world.’13
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14.4 Extending the conceptualisation: Locating and interpreting themes concerned with education for personal change The conceptualisation of the spiritual-moral dimension to the school curriculum has two principal poles: personal development aims or hopes, and classroom teaching and learning activities, together with three strategies for linking the two. So far, the conceptualisation was concerned with the spiritual-moral intentions in normative curriculum documents. In this section, the scheme will be developed further to show how a range of themes related to education for personal change can be located and interpreted within it. Referring back to the last section in Chapter 12, a number of personal development themes were signposted in three groups: 1 Issue-related educative themes: construction of knowledge and meaning; power, political meaning, ideology and cultural hegemony; empowerment; critical consciousness; emancipation; praxis; personal and social transformation; critical theory and critical pedagogy; cultural agency. 2 Learning and pedagogical theories: Theories of learning and pedagogy such as: multiple intelligences; right brain/left brain learning; brain-based learning. 3 Future of schooling themes: Theory about the future of schooling and the pedagogical needs of 21st-century learners. An initial reaction to this list of themes and perspectives may be ‘Yet more expectations! Yet more complexities!’ as if they were ‘additions’ to an already overloaded conceptual scheme. Rather, they should be considered as themes that are already embedded within both aims and teaching methods and that can be located ‘within’ the framework, depending on their particular points of focus and emphasis. In this way, educators can get some perspective on these educative themes and some practical control over them – they are like different lenses for analysing the educational process. Below we show how they can be identified within the conceptual scheme; and we will take only one example, ‘educating for wisdom’, to show how the identification can be applied to all of the themes. The themes can be interposed between the two poles of aims/hopes and teaching/ learning activities; they have two-way connections with these poles as shown in Figure 14.2 because they can be conceptually linked with both points of reference. The insertion of intermediate themes between aims and practice actually makes the conceptualisation more coherent and workable. For example, earlier we noted the natural ambivalence of teachers when confronted with the multiplicity of personal educational aims. Many of these aims should never be contemplated as particular lesson outcomes, but as long-term hopes for personal change and for the development of spiritual-moral learning skills that are acquired slowly and almost imperceptibly across many years of schooling. Rather than try to draw linear connections between particular personal aims and particular teaching or learning activities, the personal development learning process is more comprehensible if it has some intermediate goals as ‘bridges’ between personal aims and practice. All of the abovementioned themes could be used in this bridging role. We will use the notion of ‘educating in wisdom’ as an example. When interposed between the multiple, ‘atomistic’ personal aims and practice, such themes can help orient and integrate the diverse efforts to achieve these aims.
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
Figure 14.2 Interposing personal development themes as intermediate goals between personal aims and teaching/learning activities
PERSONAL EDUCATION AIMS/HOPES:
EDUCATIVE THEMES related to:
Comprehensive list of personal/ spiritual/moral aims/ hopes for education
Empowerment; Personal and social transformation; Ideology; Hegemony; Praxis; Citizenship; Wisdom; Learning pedagogies; Future of schooling, etc.
CLASSROOM ACTIVITIES:
Comprehensive list of pedagogical components (teaching and learning activities, methods)
POSSIBILITY OF OCCASIONING PERSONAL CHANGE IN studentS through a combination
of three principal strategies according to context
The idea of educating young people in wisdom can be broken down into a list of principles (characteristics of wisdom) and these can be used as intermediate goals to show how patterns of teaching and learning activities can translate eventually into the realisation of personal aims. Ambivalence about the multiplicity of personal aims can be resolved to some extent by clustering the aims around the particular characteristics of wisdom to which they are related. In turn, these same wisdom characteristics can serve to cluster different aspects of pedagogy – showing pathways between aims and pedagogy – as illustrated in Table 14.1 and Figure 14.3. Wisdom as an intermediate goal serves like a ‘filter’ or ‘clustering principle’ for the multiple personal aims, grouping them in a logical way according to the characteristics of wisdom; and it serves as a ‘selector’ of different aspects of pedagogy that appear related to the development of those same components of wisdom; it highlights plausible pathways between aims and practice.
Some of the characteristics of Wisdom that can serve as intermediate educational goals for clustering both personal aims and teaching and learning activities
• Well informed about issues. • Able to evaluate and judge in the light of values. • Involves choosing after reflection and weighing up of both reasoned and emotional responses. • Realistic and pragmatic.
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• Takes historical perspective. • Gives perspective to experience by looking at it in a larger context, trying to see its meaning and value. • Looks not only at the surface of events but tries to savour experience. • Owns up to mistakes and sees what can be learned from them. • Values heritage but is not antiquarian, knowing that flexibility is essential for facing the future. • Judges when it is appropriate to trust others, when to speak up and act and when to remain quiet and not to respond.
Aims related to acquiring information can be clustered around the wisdom characteristic of ‘being well informed’; and at the same time, this characteristic serves as a reference point for a cluster of teaching and learning activities like data collection, analysis, student research, display of results, all of which contribute towards ‘informing’ students. Similarly, the wisdom characteristic of evaluating and judging links evaluative purposes with evaluative classroom activities – and so on for the various characteristics of wisdom. Thus the theme ‘educating young people towards wisdom’, has a double clustering capacity for aims and pedagogy. The scheme shows how operationalising the wisdom theme not only contributes to information and evaluative skills, but how diverse teaching activities contribute to the development of personal learning skills. There will not automatically be a perfect fit between aims, pedagogy and the intermediate goals in the wisdom characteristics – for example, the idea of acknowledging mistakes and learning from them. When this occurs, both the list of personal aims and the aspects of pedagogy have to be expanded to include items that relate to this idea. Hence the whole scheme grows and is refined as different personal development themes are interposed between aims and practice, and as all three are linked interactively. Figure 14.3 shows how the three areas are related for the theme educating in wisdom. The clustering of aims and practices around wisdom characteristics is suggested and not clearly marked. The next step in spelling out such clustering in detail would engage educators in the conceptual task of bridging the gap between aims and purposes in a constructive and productive way. It is proposed that the same sequence can be used for interpreting the contribution of the various personal development themes noted above (and described briefly in Chapter 12). Our overall conceptualisation for the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum can thus accommodate various educative themes (as exemplified in ‘wisdom’) as ‘lenses’ for looking at the educational process from aims through to practice and hoped for outcomes; that is, to show how students’ personal development can be promoted through across-the-curriculum studies. These themes thus have an integrative function, filling in the middle ground between basic aims and practical methods. The conceptualisation validates the personal development significance of the general curriculum. One of the advantages of this conceptualisation is its focus on linking aims and practice, which help to address directly the major problem of the hiatus between aims and practice. It is precisely in trying to make more sense of connections between classroom teaching and students’ personal development that the problem is minimised. In turn, the listing of classroom activities helps keep the theory down to earth by underlining the real possibilities and limitations of the classroom. The scheme epitomises the traditional notion of praxis.
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
Multiplicity of personal aims for education
Figure 14.3 Linking personal aims with classroom practice by making use of an intermediate personal development theme like ‘educating in wisdom’
FILTERED & CLUSTERED THROUGH THE IDEA OF TEACHING WISDOM
CLASSROOM TEACHING AND LEARNING ACTIVITIES THAT ALSO HAVE POTENTIAL CARRYOVER INTO PERSONAL LEARNING SKILLS
Well informed
Collecting and analysing data; Learning to find information by oneself; Acquiring enough relevant information to become well informed; Knowledge and understanding of cultural and religious heritage; and of cultural and religious history; Interpreting data, interpreting experience; Appraising the reliability of sources of information; Identifying and evaluating arguments; Putting arguments in some order of priority; Learning how to articulate an informed point of view with logic and with supporting evidence; Identifying religious belief issues and differentiating belief from fact; Identifying moral and political issues; Identifying and evaluating life expectations pro jected by the mass media, especially television; Identifying and reflecting on the purpose and meaning of events and behaviour; Differentiating emotional and reasoned responses to an issue; Empathising with the situation and point of view of others; Showing how events in the past can help illumi nate and interpret what is happening at present; Identifying conflict and its sources with reflection on possibilities for non-violent conflict resolution; Speculating on short-term and long-term human consequences of particular actions; Reflecting on implications for quality of life and responsible stewardship of the environment; Identifying public stereotypes and evaluating their appropriateness.
Critical reflection Analysing, interpreting Aware of values and ideologies Making preliminary judgments according to values Sensitivity to others Looking for meaning in a larger context Historical perspective Learning from mistakes, etc.
14.5 Conclusion The conceptualisation of the spiritual-moral dimension to the school curriculum that we have developed does not introduce new elements to the already long list of personal aims for education. Rather, it is a way of interpreting the complicated process that may give more
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perspective and confidence to teachers in their role of promoting the spiritual and moral development of students. It can help them see more clearly points of contact between the high ideals of education, the many personal development themes in educational discourse, and what actually happens in their classroom teaching; it can give more coherence and integration to their educational intentions and pedagogy. In addition, it can be linked effectively with the three key personal development constructs elaborated in Part 2 (meaning, identity and spirituality), which provide content and issues for study, as well as an informed background for interactions with students. The approach helps keep in mind the natural ambiguity and uncertainty in using education to promote the spiritual and moral development of young people; it can serve as a useful moderation of any unrealistic expectations on the part of teachers, administrators and parents. While hopefully promoting the notion of holistic education, the conceptualisation can provide a reality check on educational rhetoric that shows little appreciation of the complexity and mystery in young people’s personal development. The clarification of the spiritual and moral dimension to the curriculum envisaged here needs to be reflected in the language used to talk about education and students’ personal development. Educational discourse should acknowledge the complexity of personal development as well as the tenuous links between teaching-learning processes and actual personal change in young people. It should deal more with ‘hopes’ for personal change than talk about them as if they were measurable performance outcomes. To illustrate the changes in perspective and language that should flow from this conceptualisation, we offer a rewrite of the earlier aims statement to which we have given so much attention. The reinterpretation proposes a more realistic view that can win the professional support of teachers as well as one that can be implemented with more confidence. Table 14.1 A reinterpretation of an iconic aims statement Original spiritual/moral aims statement for schools: Values and Education: NSW Ministry of Education, 1989
A reinterpretation in the light of the discussion in Chapters 11–14
The moral, ethical and spiritual development of students is a fundamental goal of education. It is clearly not confined to one area of the curriculum.
The moral, ethical and spiritual development of students is a fundamental hope of education. In subjects like personal development, religion and ethics/philosophy, spiritual and moral questions are the principal subject matter for student study and exploration. However, the concern to promote students’ personal development is clearly not confined to one area of the curriculum. Other strategies need to be employed for educating students in spiritual and moral questions across the curriculum.
All teachers, across all areas of the curriculum have a responsibility to inculcate in their students positive values and a capacity for moral and ethical judgment.
In addition to the above, as a natural part of their teaching activities, all teachers, across all areas of the curriculum, have a limited role in educating young people in personal development skills. All subjects can thus help students to appreciate the greater meaning and wise integration of their learnings at school. While it is acknowledged that education cannot automatically inculcate values, it is hoped that educating students in relation to the dimensions of meaning and value throughout the curriculum will foster their personal development. Hopefully this will enhance their values and their capacity for moral and ethical judgment.
Conceptualising the spiritual and moral dimension to the school curriculum
The purpose underlying all of the considerations in the last four chapters is not to introduce or inject a spiritual or moral dimension into school education. Rather, it presumes that this dimension is already there and is being addressed to some extent. The overview and interpretation may help enhance and integrate teaching aimed at the personal side of young people’s education. It may also help with current moves to reorient educational thinking to highlight more clearly the dimensions of value, purpose and meaning. In turn, this thinking may lead to practice that helps students look on their experience of education with a greater sense of its value; and thus help them develop as individuals who are proud of, and happy with, the knowledge and skills they have acquired and better able to see how their school learning can be integrated into their lives.
Notes 1 This information was supplied by Dr G Rummery (2005) from research on the schools of the De La Salle order in France in the 18th century. In his letter to Voltaire, Le Chatelet was referring to the impact on the rural poor of the education given in De La Salle schools. In his reply, Voltaire noted that the De La Salle Brothers ‘must be the successors of the Jesuits!’ He asked Le Chatelet if some brothers could be sent to him in Switzerland to ‘pull his ploughs and cultivate his fields’. 2 GM Rossiter 1996, The spiritual and moral dimension to education: Some reflections on the British experience. 3�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� L Oswald 1993, Teachers told to be moral guardians: Juvenile crime levels prompt push for moral values. 4 This problem was considered in an earlier publication: ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1993, The future of holistic education: The recession we had to have? In this article, the personal development thrust to schooling was considered under the label of ‘holistic education’. Today, the problem remains much as it was a decade earlier although there has been progress in the articulation of personal aims and values for education. 5 This list was compiled from one document on school aims: NSW ��������������������������������������� Board of Secondary Education 1989, Aims for Schools. 6 T Metherell 1990, Excellence and Equity: New South Wales curriculum reform, p. 65. 7�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Evidence of status problems with Religious Education and Personal and Social Education is noted in the inspection reports of Ofsted (Office for Standards in Education): Ofsted 1994, Religious Education and Collective Worship 1992–1993 (Report), pp. 5–6, 13–16, 20; National Curriculum Council 1993, Analysis of SACRE Reports 1993, pp. 4–7. 8 H Smith (ed.) 1987, The career value of religious education/theology: what can I do with a religious studies qualification?; Professional Council for Religious Education 1989, What is religious education?and what use is it? 9 M Middleton 2001, Lutheran schools at millennium’s turn: A snapshot 1999–2000 from slab hut to cyberspace, pp. 4–6. 10 Curriculum Corporation 2004, Values Education in Action: Case studies from 12 values education schools- for the National Values Education Forum (prepared for the Australian Government Department of Education, Science and Training); see also Living values, www.interfaithstudies.org/ethics/valueseducation.html; Virtues project, www.virtuesproject.com/virtues.html. 11 BV Hill 2004, Values Education in Schools: Issues and challenges. Keynote address given at the Forum of the National Values Education Study, p. 8. 12 An insightful and practical account of dealing with controversial issues in the classroom that complements the summary here is available in Appendix 3 of Hill 2004, Exploring religion in school, pp. 198–210. 13 NSW Board of Secondary Education 1989, p. 3.
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The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development: An educational exploration
The media’s growing influence has many benefits: informing, educating and entertaining people; increasing awareness of human rights and environmental impacts; breaking down dogma; promoting diversity. But the stories the media tell, which define modern life, are also often driven by the lowest common denominator in public taste. While most societies have taken great care of their stories, today’s media present, at one level, a cacophony of conflicting messages and morals; at another, they offer a seductive harmony of harmful influences, both personal and social. As one media critic warns: ‘The media claim they are only telling our stories, but societies live and die on stories’. Richard Eckersley et al., 2006 1
This chapter suggests an area in which the theory in the previous four chapters can be put into practice. It can be addressed through either explicit or contextual approaches or both; it is a social issue with implications for young people’s personal development, and it has links with meaning, identity and spirituality. It warrants the attention of professionals involved in the education and care of youth, while it also has relevance to the wider community. The title of the chapter shows how an issue can be turned into a topic for student investigation – a problem-posing approach. Helping students articulate the problem, investigate it, and theorise about it embodies a pedagogy. But this is not just a teacher’s pedagogy, it is a students’ pedagogy in which they do the teaching, that is, they teach themselves how to become enquiring, critical evaluators of culture. It is the student research process that is educative – and empowering. The enquiry may not result in clear-cut conclusions, but it is through the enquiring process itself
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that students can become better informed, more discerning and less naive about the shaping influence of film and television on culture, as well as on people’s values and behaviour. And hopefully, this same pedagogy can become a habit. To be effective, a problem-posing approach cannot be haphazard or just serendipitous. Educators need to provide some framework and guidelines for the investigation. Hence the chapter will look at the question in a sequence of steps; this not only provides a theoretical framework for exploring the problem, but gives a useful pedagogical sequence and a logic for the selection of learning resources.
15.1 Introducing the problem: How to investigate a complex question like the spiritual-moral influence of film and television For many children and adolescents, and indeed for adults, film and television can have a significant formative influence on their meanings, identity and spirituality. While they are primarily about entertainment, increasingly they serve as the most prominent and accessible spiritual and moral reference points in the culture. They also have considerable educational potential, in the broad sense of education as something broader than schooling. Their mechanisms of personal influence can be complex, and they can be as simple as a telling a story. Story is one of the most basic genres in film and television, even in the 30-second commercial. Stories pervade film and television, and the narratives are inevitably value-embedded. They carry images of life, presumed value systems and insights into human motivation. Thinking about the potential personal influence of film and television can be disconcerting for parents and educators. How to address the issue is problematic because film and television have become such a valuable and enjoyable part of modern life, as well as being ‘omnipresent’ – the television is often the first thing switched on in the morning and the last thing switched off at night. A direct empirical research-like approach to the problem is not very helpful educationally, for example looking for evidence of links between the watching of film or television and human behaviour. Rather, the approach taken here proposes an analysis based within film study: looking at the form and function of the media, and at the purposes of the film-makers. This is intended to inform student theorising about the potential influence on viewers. This theorising itself is a potent learning process, enhancing critical thinking about the issues. Through student engagement in critical interpretation, this sort of study can make some contribution towards more reflective, educated viewing; if so, this can help make film and television a more valuable resource for lifelong personal development. After an introductory discussion of why the metaphor ‘story’ is a useful theme for this exploration, a research sequence is proposed for investigating the spiritual and moral influence of the stories in film and television. While commercial feature films and television dramas and sitcoms do not have the same intended moral influence as propaganda films and documentaries, they can still serve as source material drawn on by children and adolescents in their construction of meaning and identity.
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15.2 Story: A central concept for contextualising the spiritualmoral influence of film and television ‘Story’ is like an international currency used in a number of the fields concerned with personal and spiritual development. Story is thought to be an important mediator in the psychological development of children and adolescents. Its role in transmitting meaning is also considered in areas as diverse as sociology, literature, history, anthropology, aetiology, hermeneutics, narrative theology, scripture and religion studies. Story is also prominent in educational theory and practice, especially in moral and religious education; and in socialisation and enculturation, as well as in the processes of home and traditional storytelling. Those concerned with the communication of cultural, ethnic and religious traditions often refer to their endeavour as ‘handing on the story’.2 Story fits within a cluster of related concepts: metaphor, narrative, fable, myth, symbol, image, analogy, and worldview. Reference to story is often made when looking at processes like explanation, understanding, interpretation and social reality. Given the prominence for story in personal and spiritual development, in all three parts of the exploration, the focus will be on the ways people construct meaning by threading together their own ‘personal story’ while drawing on various ‘cultural stories’. Traditional reference points like home, ethnicity, religion, school and nation might be expected to be basic sources for images of life and values; other no less significant sources can be peers, social and recreational groups. But often these influences are superseded by the ‘storying’ role of film and television. Their stories are vivid, meaning-embedded narratives about life that can eclipse the family or religious stories that have traditionally informed spiritual development and identity. This relativising of the religious story is part of the emerging pattern of a more secular spirituality in today’s youth.3 And film and television narratives can be communicated as much through image, symbol, visuals and music as through the verbal. This is very different from the way traditional religions have tended to rely on the stories in sacred texts. The film scholar Gerbner drew attention to the massive change in traditional patterns of storytelling that was enabled by film and television: ‘We have moved away from the historic experience of humankind. Children used to grow up in a home where parents told most of the stories. Today television tells most of the stories to most of the people most of the time.’4 Similarly, Australian scholars Eckersley and his associates considered that ‘��������� [w]hen a community abdicates the role of storytelling to the mass media, particularly commercial media, a focus on wellbeing or the good life is diminished to stories about feeling good. These stories can have a very individual focus.’5
15.3 Theorising about the spiritual and moral influence of film and television6 One of the aftermaths of shooting massacres (such as Port Arthur in 1996 and Strathfield in 1987), and especially those in schools (Dunblane in Scotland and Columbine High in Colorado) has been a marked increase in community concern about the association between
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
screen violence and violent crime (as well as expected concern about gun control). When it comes to addressing problems like this, parents and educators try to identify the negative and harmful influences so that remedial action can be taken. This usually focuses on two things: identifying causal links between the media and harm to young people; and exercising censorship. However, this approach has problems. It is more politically than educationally oriented; it is like trying to eliminate moral problems by making them illegal. Also, concentrating on the negative influences is likely to be counterproductive for young people who get much pleasure from films and television. In addition, there are difficulties in making an evaluation of film and television too dependent on identified causal links between watching the media and particular behaviour. For example: the debate about screen violence tends to presume that as long as there is no identifiable, direct, causal link, then violent films are appropriate for public consumption; and that if there is an identified link, then the material in question should be banned. Not surprisingly, considerable research along these lines has failed to demonstrate unambiguous causal links. Such research tends to neglect the more subtle influence on thinking and feelings, and on what people regard as culturally acceptable – effects that would be difficult to identify and measure in any case. An example of ambivalence about the personal influence of television was the decision to ban cigarette advertising. The ban presumed that the exposure of children to such advertising increases the probability of introducing them to smoking, which is bad for their health. The facts show that this is true. When the Joe Camel cigarette ads were introduced in the United States in the 1970s, they presented Joe as a fun, cool character who naturally appealed to older children. The Camel cigarette market share rose significantly and their sales to older children and young adults were proportionally much higher. What is interesting, however, is the argument proposed by the cigarette companies: if the censorship on cigarette advertising is based on the premise that exposure of children to such advertising is harmful because it influences their behaviour, then it is hypocritical to allow so much uncensored violence on television. If the smoking ads are harmful, how can the authorities be sure that screen violence is not? In contrast to such an empirical approach to the problem, what is proposed here is an educational exploration of the functions of the media, particularly under the genre of story. This is not concerned with trying to identify empirically the actual level of negative influence, but with educating teachers and other adults, and in turn, children and adolescents, to speculate about the possible ways in which film and television serve as influential cultural reference points that affect the ways people perceive, understand and value the world. This locates the exploration within a ‘critical’ education that seeks to increase awareness of the elements of culture that can have a shaping influence on people’s lives. Another description of this role is helping individuals ‘interrogate their cultural conditioning’.7 The overall educational aim, then, is to help people give more thought to the way that cultural elements in films and television enter into their life structure. This alerts them to the issues and can provide information to assist with the analysis of potential problems. We hope this can help educate people towards watching films and television with a more critical, discriminating eye – with the capacity for entertainment undiminished; it may help with the development of ‘taste’ in viewing habits.
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Three key principles in an educational approach to film and television
1 The study of film and television must be positive and give due attention to the valuable contribution that the media can make to culture, education, entertainment and personal development. Looking only at problems is too negative, and this will inevitably alienate young people, especially if they see it as an attack on their viewing and entertainment habits. A negative approach also plays to the stereotype of parents and teachers who seem to have a schizoid attitude to the media: they love it themselves, but fear it is having negative but undefinable effects on children (apart from its considerable child-minding capacity!). 2 The meaning/identity/spirituality-forming potential of film and television can be highlighted progressively through a study sequence. It begins by looking at instances where the intention to change people is more obvious, through to those where there is no such intention but where there may be unintended consequences. • Propaganda film, where the aim is specifically and unashamedly concerned with changing people by determining how they will think and act; • Documentary film� where the aim is to bring about change in thinking and action through an informed educational process; attention to the dynamics of propaganda and documentary films is a prerequisite for study of the more complex and subtle patterns of potential influence in feature films, television and in commercial advertising; • Commercial feature films: value-embedded narratives; • Television, which brings entertainment ubiquitously into every home; • Television advertising, which is concerned with promoting the image associations, thinking and behaviour that will sustain markets. (Note that the third and fourth of these items will be treated together. Apart from advertising, the programs on television can be broadly categorised as ‘film’ and include drama, sitcoms, comedy, current affairs, news, documentaries, cartoons, and so-called ‘reality’ programs.) 3 The centrality of the genre story (or narrative). Film and television have continuity with the role of storytelling (both verbal and literary) as an influence on spiritual and moral development; they have also enhanced and extended storytelling in major ways with instant accessibility in the homes of people in most countries; the value-embedded narratives from film and television can be used by children and adolescents as raw material for the building of meaning, identity and spirituality.
What is most noticeable by its absence in the sequence above is religious film or television. This includes three types. First, there are programs that are developed by religious groups as part of their mission: to nurture the faith of believing communities and to evangelise with the purpose of inviting people to faith and congregational membership. The second type includes programs on religion in culture that are not produced by the religious groups themselves and therefore do not have the same religious purposes; rather they have an educational or documentary focus. The third type is where religion enters into feature films, like other aspects of culture.8
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
Because our interest here is with the spiritual and moral dimensions of ordinary film and television, we have chosen not to consider specifically religious programs of the first type. To address that area adequately would go beyond the scope of this already extensive chapter. For example, the potential spiritual influence of this type of religious film or television depends on the belief position of viewers – whether they formally identify with the religious group or not. Nevertheless, our analysis of the psychological dynamics of film and television should be helpful in any further analysis of religious content. The research sequence outlined above has the potential to be extended into a number of other studies. For example: • How contemporary film and television change what is understood as history and how history is recorded. • Film and literature studies. • Film and television and the exploration of particular social issues. • Relationships with the interpretation of scripture: the modern familiarity with science and film tends to default towards a ‘documentary’ interpretation of the gospels. Such a mentality was foreign to the gospel authors and absent from their texts; applying it to the gospels yields incorrect literal interpretations and inhibits an interpretation that more accurately captures the symbolic and theological meanings. • The quest for the ‘cinematic Jesus’. The Jesus films, dating from the late 19th century, are like gospels, seeking to communicate an interpretation of what Jesus was like and what he meant to Christians. How do they compare with the gospels themselves and with the findings of contemporary scholarship on the historical Jesus?
15.4 The intended spiritual and moral influence of propaganda film A logical place to begin the study is with films that were designed deliberately to have a moral influence – propaganda. What follows can accompany an analysis of propaganda film, using a collection of clips readily built up from television and from video/DVD hire and sales. This section can inform about the nature and techniques of this genre. It furnishes a set of categories that helps with the detection of propaganda, showing how film content and presentation are selected for ideological purposes. The word ‘propaganda’ derives from the Latin verb propagare, to reproduce, transmit, spread or disseminate. It implies a systematic scheme to advertise and communicate a particular ideology, pattern of beliefs, values and behaviour. It is often misleading and manipulative; it appeals to the emotions, and resonates with fears and prejudice; and false information is transmitted to promote the cause. There is a long history of the use of propaganda film dating from the late 19th century when motion pictures were first brought to the public. It is interesting to note that the first intentional users of film for spiritual and moral influence were the Christian churches. Large numbers of early silent films were produced on the Bible and the life of Christ to extend the faith of Christians, to invite new believers and to stimulate devotion. While the churches would not think of these films as propagandist in the same sense they would apply, say, to classic Soviet or Nazi propaganda films, it remains an interesting question to consider where
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those early films stand within a contemporary analysis of what makes a film propagandist. The documentary Jesus Christ Moviestar (1994) shows footage of some of the earliest Bible and Jesus films. Popular thinking about propaganda film depends a lot on the propaganda from the early Soviet period in Russia and from Nazi Germany. Tracing its history shows that the format became more refined and subtle; it is not entirely lacking in some contemporary films – as Joseph Goebbels said, the best propaganda was where people were not aware that the film was propagandist. From the time of the Bolshevik revolution, Lenin came to regard film as one of the most important vehicles for promoting popular revolutionary ideology. He thought of film as the art-form of the masses. In 1917, a special Cinema Commission was organised in St Petersburg by the People’s Commissariat of Education; within two years the industry was nationalised under state control. Thence the cinema of the socialist state functioned as a medium of ideology, propaganda, enlightenment, and education. From that time (until fairly recently) no Soviet leader or film-maker ever pretended that film might serve any other purpose. It was national in form and socialist in content, and it was used by the state as a tool for social control and discipline. In his speech at the XIIIth Congress of the Party, Stalin said that ‘the cinema is the greatest means of mass agitation. The task is to take it into our hands’. Elsewhere he noted that ‘the cinema in the hands of … power represents a great and priceless force’. 9 Other leaders like Hitler, Mao Zedong and Winston Churchill also believed in the power of film to shape people’s thinking and behaviour. For them, film was an indispensable means of propaganda, a way to inculcate ideas and morality and to ensure social uniformity. Especially during times of war or economic hardship, it was essential that films conveyed the right kind of message. Goebbels considered that the view of the world that was first communicated to children would be the most influential and the most difficult to eradicate or change; his thoughts on the role of film in education flowed from this principle. The study of propaganda film should explore the possible psychological processes through which it works on people’s perceptions, imagination and feelings; it should try to identify the ways in which people are affected by what they watch. Viewing segments from some vintage 1930s–40s Nazi propaganda films, from American war films from the 1940s and 1950s, from Leninist and other Soviet films, and from Chinese films of the Maoist period readily exemplifies the intention to use film as a means of social control. However, the intention to use such films as a potent shaping influence is a long way from a film like the Wizard of Oz. Commercial feature films usually share none of the propagandist aims; they are made for entertainment and commercial gain and they are harmless. But not all agree with that judgment. For fundamentalist Muslims, especially in Iran, films and television produced in the United States are at the forefront of ‘the enormous appeal of Western culture [which] erodes Islamic customs and laws … [threatening] the very survival of Islam … America’s popular music, video games, comics, textbooks, literature and art reach throughout the Muslim world.’10 In Baghdad during the Gulf War air raids, people were still watching Disney cartoons on television. While from this perspective feature films are propagandist and subversive, this view is not shared in Western countries. But perhaps even in the West, the influence of entertainment films, and their omnipresent offspring television, which reaches the masses in the informality of their own sitting rooms (and
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
kitchens, dining rooms, bedrooms, hospital wards, hotels and workplace), is to some extent propagandist in the cause of global consumerism, though this is much more subtle and complex than traditional propaganda. So even at this first stage of the study, dealing with the characteristics of propaganda film, it is important to note that the boundaries between different film genres can be blurred in people’s perceptions. What is entertainment for one may be perceived as subtle propaganda by another. What was effective propaganda at one period of history in one particular community might be dismissed at a later stage as false and misleading – and perhaps even amusing. Today’s young people may feel immune to the sort of propaganda films produced during World War II – they can readily see the distortion of the truth; however, they may not have been so discerning had they been there at the time, and they may not be all that discerning of the propaganda in some of today’s entertainment films and television.
15.5 The educational function of documentary film The word ‘documentary’ derives originally from the Latin docere, to teach and documentum, a lesson, a proof, a written instrument or official paper. The verb ‘to document’ meant providing written material which served as proof or evidence, as an illustration or a certificate of verification that something had happened, that it was true. Consequently the adjective ‘documentary’ meant consisting of written documents, attested and verified historically with written evidence. The term ‘documentary film’ was coined to describe films that were primarily about scientific, historical, archaeological, industrial or travel topics. This distinguished them from feature or entertainment films that were usually fictional, or that took fictional liberties with historical topics. However, the choice of term may have been more propitious than was originally intended. It is not surprising that the adjective is now used mainly as a noun; a ‘documentary’ commonly means a documentary film. With the advent of film a new form of document emerged. It could be used as proof or evidence that something had occurred. Indeed viewers could see for themselves first-hand what really happened; they could judge directly from their own observation of the evidence. Photographs and film became key proofs or touchstones of truth. It has only been in recent times that digital creations, computer-generated images and digital enhancement have undermined this credibility. Neil Postman argued that the form and the medium of human communication shape the way people experience and describe the world, and thus the way they derive meaning and values.11 Since its origins, writing has had an enormous influence on culture; the proof and evidence of ‘having it in writing’ still remains forceful, especially from a legal and official point of view. But now film and television have changed what people think is ‘the news’; they have subtly changed people’s perception and understanding of what is real, of what ‘most people’ think, and even of what is the truth. Postman noted that the media had influenced the prevailing epistemology: for some ‘it must be true’ because ‘we saw it on television’. The contemporary experience of documentary film and television, greatly enhancing the changes brought about by science and technology, have changed people’s perception of what constitutes history and how it is to be recorded. They have a historico-scientific expectation of the recording of history that is primarily documentary – that is, through both documentary (written) evidence, and, since the advent of film, documentary film evidence.
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15.5.1 Objectivity, impartiality and advocacy in documentaries: The potential of documentaries for bringing about personal change A key problem to be overcome with a study of documentary film is familiarity – people tend to think they already know all about it. There is a need to look at segments of documentaries that raise critical issues about objectivity, impartiality and potential to distort the truth; to do this, we will refer to some examples from the 1990s.
15.5.2 Objectivity, impartiality and the making of an advocacy film The American film director Heather Macdonald was asked by an Australian reviewer if her documentary Ballot Measure 9 (screened in April 1996), about discrimination against gay and lesbian people, was biased and therefore constituted propaganda because it gave more attention to the ‘no vote’ cause than to those who were overtly supportive of discrimination. Should the documentary have given ‘equal air time’ to both sides to demonstrate impartiality? In her reply, she noted that it was virtually impossible for a film-maker to be completely objective and impartial, since every decision about what to include – even deciding the camera angles – represented a point of view or bias. She pointed out that many documentaries were ‘advocacy’ films: they set out to persuade people towards a particular point of view. She tried to inform and influence the band of people in the community spectrum who were open to change and to potential action on behalf of what she considered a just cause (the intended target audience); those who were strongly prejudiced against homosexuals would inevitably be untouched or angered by her film (it was not for them); and those who were opposed to the discrimination were already on ‘her side’ and did not need ‘conversion’, so to speak. Thus going to great lengths to appear impartial and objective (for example by giving equal time to protagonists and antagonists) would have been artificial, given the stated purposes of the film; also, such an approach would have taken the ‘cutting edge’ from the film, running the risk of losing the interest of the target audience. But, she argued, her presentation and technique were not subversive. She presented evidence that was there to be interpreted; her approach appealed to reason, evidence and human values; her own value position was made clear. The various documentaries of Michael Moore in recent years are examples of what we might call provocative advocacy films.
15.5.3 Documentaries, feature films and mythology: General Custer – the legend versus the truth Within a few days of the death of US General George Armstrong Custer in 1876 at the Little Big Horn, the Chicago Tribune newspaper was stirring up public opinion about the need for uncompromising government military action ‘to teach the savages a lesson’ and force them onto reservations. The Lakota Sioux and some other Native American bands had evidently ‘failed to comply’ with federal policy, even though it was the United States that had broken the treaties negotiated earlier. Something had to be done because ‘white men had been massacred’. The press drew on, and reinforced negative stereotypes about the Native Americans – they were the ‘last barrier to the development of the West’. Custer was hailed as a hero with bravery of the highest order; he was regarded as a ‘martyr for civilisation’.
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
Within a year, William Cody (aka Buffalo Bill) was packing audiences into his Wild West Show in New York where the star attraction and climax of the afternoon was a staged reenactment of what was called ‘Custer’s last stand’. In 1885, he was able to get Chief Sitting Bull himself – the Native American chief who was supposedly the architect of Custer’s death – to appear briefly in the show for a fee of $50. By the turn of the century, Custer’s last stand made its way into the cinema, eventually featuring in about a dozen films. They developed and reinforced the legend, and sustained the underlying worldview that went with it; and the legend became ‘reality’ (cf. Errol Flynn as Custer in He died with his boots on). Ironically, it was Mrs Custer, and not her late husband, who became rich and famous, widely patronised, living on Park Avenue, New York – as Custer had hoped for when writing his diaries. Then, about 120 years after the event, some documentaries were produced that presented a different view of what happened at the Little Big Horn. Letters, official cavalry records and interviews with Native Americans whose grandparents were involved showed a side of the general that was not flattering. Custer was reckless, harsh and ambitious, impetuous and unpopular with his men, and he did not always follow orders in his quest for personal glory as a famous ‘Indian fighter’. The documentaries also showed the story from the perspective of the Native Americans.12 Their statutory rights to the Black Hills of Dakota had been abrogated; some, particularly Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse’s band, were convinced that reservation life would mean ‘spiritual and cultural death’. They had avoided the soldiers for as long as they could; then they discovered that an armed ambush of their campsite (sheltering families and children) was about to take place. Custer’s plan was similar to the one he used in the 1868 ambush and massacre of Black Kettle’s band on the Washita River. Inevitably, and justifiably from their point of view, the Native Americans defended themselves and their families. Because these documentaries presented a more extensive and truthful account of what happened, they undermined the traditional Custer legend. They also highlighted the long prevailing negative attitude to Native Americans that had sustained the Custer myth. Their brave defence of family and home, while being repeatedly deceived as regards government treaties, made the indigenous attempts to defend their homeland and freedom more understandable and honourable. This example raises a series of interesting questions about relationships between history, myth, legend, worldview, prejudice and documentary film. These questions, pertinent to the Custer legend, have generic analogues relevant to other issues: • Is it likely that these critical, historical documentaries could have been made say in the 1930s or the 1950s? • If they were made during that period, would they have been ‘believed’ by many of the viewing public? • To what extent do historical documentaries like this help change public understanding, historical interpretations and attitudes? • To what extent does the acceptability and potential educational influence of a documentary depend on some change in public opinion having already occurred – in this instance, more public readiness to look at the indigenous point of view? • How do the messages in these documentaries relate to feature films about Native Americans? Have the feature films been influential in changing public attitudes towards them? Do they prepare the ground for, and work in harmony with, documentary films?
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For example, films like Little Big Man (1971) and Dances with Wolves (1990) showed the situation more sympathetically from the perspective of the Native Americans. • Has the educational power of documentaries gradually increased? Is their influence dependent on increased levels of general education, including a better public understanding of the informing role of film and television? • What proportion of the community are receptive to new information in documentaries that might change their attitudes? • What are the aspects of documentaries that have potential for bringing about change? Are the informational aspects or the emotional ones more important? • Has it been the growth of television that enabled the documentary industry? Would there be as many educational or political or social documentaries if they appeared only in cinemas on the ‘big screen’ in competition with feature films?
15.5.4 The ‘voice of God’ documentary: The ‘truth’ from the perspective of hindsight Documentaries like the Custer example attempt to reconstruct the truth from the perspective of hindsight. Historical research is usually prominent in their development; they try to recreate events as they happened by bringing to light what was ‘caught on film’ or reconstructed in the light of historical evidence. In addition, they try to highlight the original decisionmaking and motives, which may not have been clear at the time, or which were not publicly available or open to scrutiny; and they set out to interpret events within the sociocultural context of their time. The commentary, or voice-over, is like the ‘voice of God’ providing the wise, authoritative interpretation of ‘what really happened’. Often this documentary process does uncover what was not widely appreciated during the original events. But it is important to acknowledge that this is a later interpretation made with the aid of hindsight and incorporated into the commentary. The field of hermeneutics (noted in 2.10.14) is pertinent here. ‘Voice of God’ documentaries represent the considered views of experts and historians. Three significant educational implications are: 1 There is educational value in helping young people develop their own skills in historical or documentary interpretation; they can learn from analysing the documentary processes used in film, and this can flow over into critical interpretation of events in their own social sphere, as well as in their own personal history. This relates to the discussion of ‘narrative’ identity structure in section 6.3.2. 2 There is a need to recognise that while the interpretations from hindsight are valuable, they remain interpretations and as such may not show all of the truth; they can be revised and refined but never absolutised (for example, we now know who ‘Deep Throat’ was, but what happened on the grassy knoll in November 1963 may always remain a mystery). More scholarly interpretations can help show the bigger picture to past events, but they do not replace the idiosyncratic, personal interpretations of those ‘who were there’ – interpretations that show the personal meanings and emotions of participants. These two sorts of complementary interpretations are evident in documentaries of World War II (and others) that provide both ‘big picture’ interpretation and the recollections of those who experienced the events first-hand.
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
3 Documentaries are important for educating young people in history and in helping them appreciate the development of historical perspective.
15.5.5 Cinéma vérité (Cinema truth) documentary Some feature films take a historical focus, while including fictional elements and not trying to be too accurate in historical interpretation. They have a loose connection with the idea of documentary, and hence a problematic relationship with the truth. The French documentary notion of cinéma vérité records what is happening in real time, with little or no commentary from the film-maker, and at times limited editorial restructuring, so that the film tells the story as it happens in its own words. One English-language example of a film in this category is The War Room, documenting the presidential campaign of Bill Clinton. Cinéma vérité intends to present data in relatively ‘uncut’ form for viewers to draw their own interpretation. But even here, there is editorial direction behind what is filmed and what is included. One example of this format, The betrayed, by the English film-maker Clive Gordon, looked at the conflict in Chechnya through the eyes of the rebels, as well as from the perspective of Russian soldiers, and a group of Russian women whose soldier sons were lost in battle; each group told its own story. However, Gordon’s commentary on his film explained how he tried to highlight multiple layers to the theme of betrayal – on the part of those who did the betraying (Russian authorities, the army, and the Chechen rebels whose activities in a sense betrayed the security of their own families), as well as from the perspective of those who were on the receiving end of betrayal (the rebels, their wives and families, the soldiers, the mothers of the dead soldiers). While the film had no commentary, what was provocative was the selection of Russian rock music as a soundtrack (some critics referred to the film as a ‘rock-umentary’). Gordon did so because this was the sort of music that was blaring in the Russian tanks as they went into battle; for the filmmaker, this stark contrast between the music and the battle footage reflected the surreal, life-and-death situation of the soldiers and their personal ambivalence at being involved. What this and similar documentaries show is that editorial interpretation still enters into the film-making process even where it is trying to present reality as it was experienced; it is as if the film-maker is seeking to make the viewing experience more emotionally compelling. This relates to what was said above about advocacy films.
15.5.6 Documentaries and critical social consciousness: Educational implications If one looks at the history of documentary films in the English-speaking world (particularly the social, cultural and historical documentaries), the impression gained is that they have gradually become more impartial and less nationalistic, but more political, more valuesconscious, more subtle in their interpretation, less afraid of criticising authority and more ready to identify ideology and evaluate it – and as a result they have less tendency to be propagandist and therefore greater educational potential. This seems to have gone hand in hand with a better educated and politically more astute general public. Perhaps people today are better educated precisely because of documentary films they have seen on television. While it took about 120 years for a critical documentary on George Custer to emerge, the Falklands War and the Gulf War were critically ‘film documented’ within about ten and
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five years respectively (these documentary interpretations were different from the daily news reports which were shown during the actual wars and which did not give a complete picture of what was happening). In 1996, however, the documentary The death of Yugoslavia was reporting and interpreting the political background to very recent events, from some years to a few months before the film was released. This seems to suggest that both the art of making documentaries and the critical receptivity of the viewing public have developed over the years. In the 2003 US–British invasion of Iraq, journalists were ‘embedded’ in the military forces. Was this the ultimate – presenting documentaries in ‘real time’? Or were there also political reasons for this arrangement? Whatever the answers to these questions, one thing is clear: an education in media needs to give attention to the nature, purpose and educational influence of documentary films. Good, critical use should be made of documentary material at school, ranging from films on nature and the environment through to documentaries with a critical perspective on history, culture and politics like those discussed above. The characteristics of documentaries will be summarised later to highlight their educational value. There are other related questions about documentaries: • the appropriateness and reliability of oral history used in documentaries; • the use of narrative structures and interpretive frameworks in documentaries that raise questions about what constitutes history and how documentaries may serve as knowledge and evidence; • the ethics of the documentary film-maker; the ethics of current affairs television journalists: exposure of fraud and impropriety, ‘walk-up’ interviews and the pursuit of interviewees, confidentiality and right to privacy, and ‘cheque book’ journalism; • the relationships between documentaries and feature films with semi-historical narratives.
15.5.7 The contrast between propaganda and documentary films Table 15.1 reports an example of the contrasts that can be drawn between propaganda and documentary films as a result of a study by a group of teachers. Examining segments of film, discussing their purposes, format and techniques, and making comparisons can help develop critical skills in film viewing and interpretation. The table gives a preliminary range of analytic and interpretive categories, which helps develop alertness to the clues as to how and why a film is trying to influence viewers. As noted earlier, the differences between the two types may at times be blurred. Propaganda may now be more subtle and masked with the credibility and supposed educational purpose of the documentary; propaganda may lie concealed in the unarticulated assumptions and worldview that are embedded in a particular film. Some documentaries mimic the action genre in feature films by concentrating on the bizarre and the emotive to sway the audience to a particular interpretation, while remaining relatively superficial when discussing the important issues (this is also evident in some current affairs television programs). This ideas in the table can be applied to social documentaries, as well as to political campaigns, issues discussed on current affairs programs, and advertising.
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
Table 15.1 Perceived differences between propaganda and documentary films Characteristics
Propaganda films
Documentary films
General purpose of the film-maker
Seeks to present material with the intention of promoting a particular ideology. The content is not necessarily factual and historical.
Claims to present factual and historical materials from a critical perspective to promote a more informed public.
Relationship with ideology
Tries to promote belief in, and commitment to, a particular cause or ideology.
Through trying to promote the idea of being well informed about issues, it may attempt to expose ideologies and evaluate them from a particular value stance or perspective.
Relationship with what viewers might believe
Proposes particular values and principles to believe in.
Identifies what people believe about particular issues; increases the range of what viewers might believe, but does not usually prompt them to believe.
Relationship with critical dialogue
Tries to avoid critical dialogue, but will Tries to open issues up for debate and critical give arguments for its own ideology dialogue. as well as criticism of opponents.
Relationship with authority
Is usually produced by authorities to reinforce their power and social control; film is an agent of cultural hegemony; strongly supports the authority base; may be authoritarian and self-righteous in tone.
Level of objectivity and impartiality
Not objective or impartial, but may try Tries to be objective and impartial but may reflect to give the impression that it is. a particular value stance or bias that is often acknowledged; may acknowledge its intention in advocacy of a cause.
Concern for unanimity and uniformity
Intends to promote both unanimity and uniformity
Usually more concerned with a plurality of views; may seek to promote more consensus; may seek the best and most accurate interpretation available.
Level of advocacy
Strongly advocates a particular view.
May advocate a particular view; this is usually acknowledged (e.g. care for the environment).
Concern for rational persuasion
Tries to be very persuasive but may not bother with rational argument or logic.
Concerned with rational persuasion; may aim at pro moting change in thinking and attitudes based on an appeal to evidence, reason and common values.
Appeal to the emotions
Strong appeal to the emotions.
Usually more concerned with rational persuasion but may highlight emotive issues; may seek emotional identification from the viewers in support of people treated unjustly, and/or in support of the values being advocated.
Proposing of identity
Proposes a group identity over and against that of other groups, often with a feeling of superiority and selfrighteousness; clearly identifies other groups to be feared and watched; may prompt suspicion of, and action against, other groups.
Often tries to acknowledge and explore different identities and related conflicts but is not concerned with promoting any particular identity; tends to presume that any sense of identity needs to be well informed with some capacity for critical thinking.
Often (but not always) produced not by the authorities in the field; may call authorities into question or towards accountability. Usually open and non-authoritarian in tone.
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Table 15.1 (continued) Appeal to nationalism, ethnic identity, fear of other groups.
Often appeals strongly to nationalism and tries to reinforce it; similarly, appeals to ethnic identity and fear (and even dislike or hatred) of rival groups.
Usually no appeal to nationalism or ethnic identity; may seek to expose the influence of nationalism, racism, ethnic elitism, fear of particular groups etc; usually appeals to the values in cultural or ethnic plurality, equality and intercultural communication.
15.5.8 Concluding comment on the educational significance of documentary film It is interesting to note that film study in its own right has now become a recognised and important part of many Australian universities’ programs in Arts at undergraduate, postgraduate and research levels. In addition, some film study appears in units within disciplines such as English, History, Sociology and Law. It is time that more serious attention was given to film study by those concerned with values and religious education. At present, the film studies academics seem to have a better appreciation of the spiritual and moral significance of film and television than educators. For example, a prominent text on documentary film studies noted that: The pleasure and appeal of documentary film lies in its ability to make us see timely issues in need of attention, literally. We see views of the world, and what they put before us are social issues and cultural values, current problems and possible solutions, actual situations and specific ways of representing them. The linkage between documentary and the historical world is the most distinctive feature of this tradition … [It] contributes to the formation of popular memory. It proposes perspectives on and interpretations of historical issues, processes and events … Documentaries show us situations and events that are recognisably part of a realm of shared experience; [they] provoke or encourage response, shape attitudes and assumptions … [They] have a powerful, pervasive impact.13
This does not sound all that different from moral education. Hence the importance of film study for educators. Also, if film and television remain a central part of young people’s alternative, informal, experiential education, then their school’s formal education should give it special attention. In this way school education can help them learn how to derive more sense and value from this significant part of their informal education.14
15.6 Commercial feature films and television: Their potential for influencing the meaning, identity and spirituality of young people Feature films, in addition to their presence in cinemas, are now commonly watched at home on commercial videos and DVDs, as well as on broadcast and pay television. Access to films for entertainment is now at its highest level ever in most countries. The words ‘home cinema’ would have had little meaning for people in the 1940s and 1950s; they would have had no inkling of the prominence that film would come to have through its prevalence in home entertainment as well as in the public cinema. Film, and especially its progeny television and video games, would change patterns of social life significantly.
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Both propaganda and documentary films are intentionally concerned with personal change. However, this intention is usually disclaimed in commercial feature films and most television, even though they often have implied moral and political messages and, in television, a wealth of commercial ones. Hence the analytical categories built up in sections 15.4 and 15.5 for interpreting potential spiritual and moral influence may have limited applicability to this genre, and will not be enough to account for its effects on viewers. The personal influence of commercial film may be more of an unintended consequence. Any particular film may have little or no effect on people, apart from its entertainment function. But over many years, the combination of film and television may have subtle but significant effects. It is more likely to be the culture or atmosphere of entertainment films and television that is influential; it can insinuate attitudes and values, and it creates the most potent image of what constitutes the ‘good life’. And this influence is mediated mainly through its storying role. Television is more complex than feature film because while films are prominent in its content, television gives special attention to public information, news, sport, current affairs, education and advertising, as well as to its own varied entertainment formats. But, in the light of comments made about the primal storytelling role of film and television, it will be possible to bracket the two together for most of the following analysis; hence ‘film’ will be used generically to stand for both feature films and television. Then, at the end of the chapter, special attention will be given to television because of its omnipresence in the culture and its strong links with commercial advertising. Also relevant to this discussion is the educative function of film and television. While specifically educational programs are akin to the documentary genre considered earlier, entertainment-oriented film and television make an enormous contribution to people’s education. They occasion much new knowledge; they provide people with a vicarious experience of different cultures, ethnic groups and countries that would otherwise not be within their horizons; they show various perspectives on contemporary issues; and they help to develop historical perspective.
15.7 Sequence: Analysis of possible mechanisms through which film/television may affect spiritual and moral development What follows is in the domain of ‘exploratory theorising’. In an introductory way, it will consider various psychological mechanisms through which film and television might influence the spiritual and moral development of viewers generally, and young people in particular. This extends an earlier discussion of the role of education in overcoming ‘media naivety’.15 The section headings are listed below. 15.7.1 Relationships with documentary and propaganda film 15.7.2 The storytelling role of films and television: Emotional engagement of the viewer 15.7.3 Identifying and evaluating the spiritual dimension to life as portrayed in film and television 15.7.4 Osmosis of values from films and television? 15.7.5 The ‘social reality’ of film and television and ‘reality television’
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15.7.6 Meeting viewer needs and interests 15.7.7 Escapism and idealism through virtual journeys 15.7.8 The film as fable: Communicating moral messages 15.7.9 Television drama and sitcoms as 21st-century morality plays 15.7.10 Film/television and the imagination: Learning through imaginative identification and imaginative rehearsal 15.7.11 Story and imagination: The role of film/television in both enhancing and diminishing the imagination 15.7.12 Media-orchestrated imaginations: How film and television can affect behaviour and personal development 15.7.13 Film and television as sources of images, stereotypes and myths 15.7.14 Role modelling: Film heroes and heroines 15.7.15 The sensitivity of children to implicit messages in the media 15.7.16 Action films: ‘Cinematic adrenalin’ and the potential relationship between film violence and violent behaviour 15.7.17 The ‘evangelising’ purpose of particular film directors 15.7.18 An example film study illustrating issues in spirituality and identity
15.7.1 Relationships with documentary and propaganda film Commercial feature films are, in the main, different in character and purpose from propaganda and documentary films. Their purpose is to entertain and to be a commercial success. But all three types use the same basic filmic techniques, so interrelationships should not be ruled out. Historically or politically oriented feature films can have documentary and even propa gandist characteristics to varying degrees. For example, a film may be subtly propagandist if its unstated worldview reinforces a particular ideology, and this may depend on the cultural context of the audience (an example would be the Iranian interpretation of American films noted earlier). Also, the idea of evangelising for a cause is not unknown in movie producers and directors. Thus familiarity with the characteristics of propaganda and documentary films, as discussed earlier, is a prerequisite for a critical evaluation of feature films and television. Correspondingly, an understanding of the purposes and techniques of feature films can inform the evaluation of documentary films because documentary film-makers make use of narrative techniques and effects to enhance the impact of their films.
15.7.2 The storytelling role of films and television: Emotional engagement of the viewer Storytelling, in the view of many film-makers, is the basic fabric of films. It is central to their audience appeal and entertainment value. Storytelling was taken to a new level when television was introduced to the majority of homes in industrialised nations; limited but significant access to television also came to the so-called undeveloped countries. In addition, television advertising has a strong story component, and often depends on this for success.
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
What is known as the classic ‘Hollywood style’ of film-making, which has left a lasting impression on films made in the English-speaking world and beyond, has its principal emphasis on story. The structure, techniques and appeal of such films are built on the presumption that ‘everybody loves stories’. Understanding how films are crafted to make the narrative more effective for the audience is one track into speculation about their personal influence. Also, the appeal of films made in the United States, an appeal that cuts across many cultural and national boundaries, suggests that they have an international influence. Some commentators regard film and television as the principal means, along with popular music, by which there has been an ‘Americanisation’ of world culture. In this sense, the United States has conquered the world through its films and music. This influence is also evident in clothing fashions, consumer goods, language, and aspects of lifestyle. As noted earlier, some are conscious of this influence washing over their world, with its potential to erode traditional beliefs and practices. Constructing a story through film is a highly skilled art-form. Everything is done to make the film involve the viewer in the narrative. But the techniques for achieving this are intended to be invisible, except to the skilled eye. The aim is to get the audience so thoroughly involved with the story, so identified with the characters, that they do not notice the set design, the camera angles or the editing – the perfect style is invisible.16 Part of learning how to ‘read’ what is happening in films requires the development of skills in identifying the ‘artwork’ in the film’s construction and reflecting on its function. The American film director Martin Scorsese interpreted film storytelling as follows: Everything is at the surface of the story. Every decision is based on how to most efficiently and expressively drive the story forward for an audience. It is not what it seems – the actors’ expressions are designed to sweep an audience into the central drama of the story. It is the director on the set who orchestrates each craft’s contribution to the storytelling process: scripting, costume and production design, lighting, camera work, editing, acting – all supported by an army of experts and technicians working together to achieve the most emotionally compelling result.17
The soundtrack, especially the evocative music and the contrasting silences, contribute to this effect. The soundtrack is probably more potent when the audience is not specifically conscious of it, because the ‘emotion’ in the music matches the drama in the film; the music magnifies the emotions of the viewers caught up in the action of the film. The audience enters the world of the story; more precisely, the film draws them into the ‘worldview’ of the characters – seeing how they experience what is happening, feeling what they feel, identifying at some level with their beliefs and values. Special attention is given to the emotional point of view of the main characters; it is mainly through their eyes and feelings that viewers experience the story.
15.7.3 Identifying and evaluating the spiritual dimension to life as portrayed in film and television It has been suggested above that film and television provide resource material for people’s construction of meaning, identity and spirituality, even though this is not the intention of
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the film-makers or the media industry. But it is a potential unintended consequence that needs to be taken into account by educators and the wider community, and it warrants investigation by students at school. Some critics claim that much of what happens in film and television, in the drama and sitcoms as well as in advertising, gives the impression that life goes on without a spiritual dimension. The social reality they project often shows people giving little time to moral reflection. Also, the treatment of religion is often so stereotypical as to be negative. On the other hand, it can be argued that film and television are rich in portrayals of meaning, identity and spirituality, even though the moral content and implied values are not always positive. The spiritual and moral dimensions are certainly there, but they are embedded in the characterisation, just as they are in novels, and are not written in so explicitly that the narratives become homiletic or moral exhortations; to do that would render them inauthentic and unpopular as entertainment – as well as making any evangelising purpose counterproductive. Evaluation of the spiritual and moral dimension to film and television requires two levels of interpretation. First, there is interpretation of the film or program itself. It is not an instrument of moral education and does not have an inherent responsibility to project particular values or follow any intended moral pedagogy. As an artistic construction with its own integrity, whether or not it is a ‘good’ film should not be judged by the moral content of its story; many criteria would be involved in such a judgment, and many of these criteria would be subjective. For example, one could not expect a film about Hitler or Stalin to get a high ‘moral score’ on the basis of the morality of the principal characters. A second level of interpretation and evaluation is concerned with the moral and spiritual issues raised in the film. This evaluation is not concerned with the film per se, apart from reference to it as a vehicle for demonstrating moral stances that are judged positive or negative. Also, this interpretive activity is made with reference to some accepted set of values. For example, the values demonstrated by Hitler and Stalin in a film could be judged harshly. One could expect that most people are capable of seeing the difference between these two levels of interpretation and evaluation. Values and morals are as essential to the coherence of a film as they are to people’s ordinary lives; if not, the story would hardly be credible. If there were not minimal awareness of implied values in the film’s characters, it would be unlikely that a viewer could comprehend the story or empathise with the characters. What is important, then, for any ‘education in film’ is to enhance this ‘value sensitivity’ and make it more articulate through film analysis that develops skills in identifying implied spiritual and moral issues. This analytical work could be extended to include the identification of ideology, power, hegemony, cultural stereotypes and so on as considered in section 2.10.8.18 The potential for affecting people’s meanings, identity and spirituality usually cannot be related to one-off learning events; hence there is little point trying to judge whether one film could do this. It is more likely that the culture of film, to which people are exposed over a long period, has a more subtle influence than could be predicted from identifying spiritual-moral issues and value stances in particular films. It may not be the social reality of a particular film, but a more comprehensive social reality projected by the culture of film, television and advertising that affects people personally; this subtle, ‘global’, ‘atmospheric’ influence may be a source of meaning for some that is ultimately frustrating and damaging,
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contributing along with other cultural factors to anomie and distress; for others, they may have drawn on this culture in a healthy way, while for yet others their meaning may never be influenced by the social reality of film. The potential spiritual-moral influence of film operates through a number of different psychological pathways, some of which are considered in the sections below.
15.7.4 Osmosis of values from films and television? Just how much people in general, and impressionable children in particular, can absorb in the way of values from identification with film characters and ‘film worlds’ is an open question and impossible to determine. It is nevertheless useful to consider a general process of personal learning in which individuals, even in a relatively unconscious way, can take on board the values and worldviews that are operating behind the scenes in films. As noted in the previous section, to understand and follow the story in film, viewers need to enter into the worldviews and value systems that form the fabric of the narrative; if they do not give the film’s implied worldview at least some plausibility as far as the story is concerned, then the story will have no perceived coherence – it will not be believable. Film worldviews or values systems are usually not articulated, but authors and film-makers presume that people can pick them up readily from the clues in their narratives. The capacity to make sense of stories (in film as well as in novels) is a basic human ability that quickly and almost unconsciously builds up an impression of the values out of which the characters operate. By entering vicariously into a story, the viewer in a sense ‘participates’ in its worldview and temporarily acknowledges the values in the characters so that they can make sense of the action as consistent with the characters’ motives. It is possible to absorb and ‘learn’ values from this experience, just as one can learn from exposure to values in real life; there may be an attraction for the particular values embedded in some stories, and there may be repulsion from others. When a film is over, viewers usually disengage from the story with their own worldview and values system remaining in a normative position. Almost intuitively, people will know that their values are different from many of those embedded in films, and they know when their values are the same as those displayed by particular characters. But if individuals do not have a reasonably well-developed set of beliefs and values (whether religiously motivated or not), or if there is a vagueness and fluidity in them, then perhaps they will be more vulnerable to influence from the value systems in which they are immersed when they watch films and television. Many years of exposure to the implied value systems and lifestyles in film might incline young people to a particular way of thinking and valuing. The values and worldviews operative in film are presumed background. If viewers deal with this dimension to a story in an unreflective way, they may not learn to identify and articulate the underlying values; the film’s worldview will then go largely unnoticed and barely scrutinised, but nonetheless it will be potentially influential; the more it remains unnoticed in the background, the greater its potential for spiritual and moral influence. For example, in many films the story presumes that casual sex is a natural and taken-for-granted part of a first date. The film is not arguing a case for this view; it is simply presenting it as ‘reality’. And reality is hard to argue against. If people have not clarified their own moral code on this issue, then it is probable that they could drift along with a film’s inherent values
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(or lack of positive values) to some extent. They can get the impression that most other people share that same view; it looks attractive, fun-filled and not harmful; and this seems to give a popular justification of casual sex that can in turn affect their behaviour. When they are in a situation where a decision about this is required, they may lean towards the film-reinforced view that ‘this is OK’. Thus the value systems from the film world can form individuals’ values by default. Sometimes the values matrix in film may not so much be the source of values for a particular viewer but a reinforcement of values he or she already has. For example, one 5year-old girl, whose personality was considerably more aggressive and boisterous than that of her siblings, said that when she grows up she wanted to become a gladiator like those in the television program. It could be that the Gladiators program was more of a cultural reinforcement and validation of her aggressive orientation than its cause. Screen violence could affect people in the same way. If screen violence has a cultural acceptability as public entertainment, then for some it could serve as a cultural validation of their inclination to violent behaviour (15.7.16). An educational response to the presumed worldviews in film would include efforts to help children and adolescents learn first how to identify the implied values in films and television programs and to see how the behaviour of the characters is meaningful and consistent with those values; then they can call into question how realistically that view represents reality; finally, the values can be appraised in the light of other standards – for example, the rights of people in democratic countries, human values and religious values, and the values espoused by the school. For study of film portrayals of casual sexual relationships, the following sorts of questions can be proposed: • Do all casual sexual relationships in the real world run as smoothly and without embarrassment or hurt to either party as they seem to in films? • Are one or both of the parties in casual sexual relationships personally compromised in some ways that are not shown in films? • What if one partner becomes more emotionally attached and committed than the other? • Is it realistic that questions about contraception are rarely raised before casual sex portrayed in films? • Does casual sex in films overrate the significance of sex in the personal communication and bonding between people? The activity of ‘deconstructing’ a film story (sitcom or television commercial) to highlight the presumed values is a useful one educationally. This is central to the skill of being able to ‘read’ film and television: subjecting them to the same type of evaluation that one might apply to a novel, identifying plot, characterisation and so on.
15.7.5 The ‘social reality’ of film and television and ‘reality television’ Another way of putting the above argument is to suggest that film and television have a spiritual and moral influence through their communication of social reality – what people think real life is about (15.7.3). The film and television images and stories can build
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expectations about lifestyle. For some, the social reality within their own home and school calls into question what is projected by the media. Those who do not have this support are more susceptible to the social reality they perceive on the screen. The emergence of so-called ‘reality television’ as a popular category raises further questions about the social reality projected by television. The following suggests one way of analysing the spiritual-moral dimension to this phenomenon.19 Analysing the spiritual-moral dimension to ‘reality television’: More than meets the eye
At first sight, a spiritual-moral dimension to reality television seems unlikely and hardly worth pursuing. Much reality television appeals to the ‘winners over losers’ mentality; viewers have a sense of participative power in voting the outcomes; there is criticism and humiliation in the sequential ousting of competitors; the raw emotion of participants is on show for all to see; even for a day, ordinary people can become celebrities; and celebrities can display their ordinariness as gardeners. The potential for spiritual-moral content seems limited, and what is there seems not worth recommending, especially when the driving commercial purpose of doing anything to achieve viewer ratings is taken into account. On closer inspection, however, reality television demonstrates a spiritual-moral dimension both in the onscreen participants and viewers, even if this is not particularly influential or novel. Nevertheless, part of an education that advances young people’s critical interpretation of television culture is learning how to discern the psychological and spiritual dynamics in what is consumed as public entertainment. There is a spiritual-moral dimension to ordinary life, even where this is filmed for broadcast television; tapping into this dimension is a part of what attracts viewers’ interest, even if superficially. There are both positive and negative spiritual aspects of reality television; both need identification and evaluation. It has been around long enough now to have subcategories. The ‘how to’ programs
There is an ever increasing number of popular ‘how to’ programs that focus on lifestyle, whether it be in gardening, renovation, house buying, cooking, travel and makeovers. This is the ‘softer’ side of reality television. Beneath the surface is the presumption that lifestyle, environment and personal fulfilment are linked. Having a specifically designed garden promotes a more ‘organic’ and ‘holistic’ lifestyle – in other words, making a living space more spiritual or bringing the spirituality of nature into the living space; the green and freshness of nature have a calming influence; time needs to be put aside for the relaxed enjoyment of an attractive ambience. The renovators are striving to make the most of their homes; they may want to create some tranquillity and symmetry that can impact on their lifestyle. Cooking an attractive and healthy meal is an art, with respect for the ingredients, and needs to be more than just functional; the eating thereof is a communal celebration. Travel is proposed to be more about enjoyment of other cultures and nature than about material pleasure. The makeovers show how good looks and designer clothes are important for success. While these ‘messages’ may end up trapping people to some degree in a slavery to externals, they do highlight people’s basic need for affirmation and acceptance.
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Many of the programs start with a bad situation that is to be made good. There is the dishevelled garden; the dreary, untidy room; the poorly dressed person; and the face and hair in need of a makeover. The wrong is to be made right, the ugly made attractive; assets are to be enhanced. Running through all of this is a common theme: ‘becoming a better person’ – like a spirituality of desirable change. It is ironic that the most common participants’ exclamation when they first behold the change is ‘O my God!’ All of these programs presume that enhancement of quality of life in all its dimensions is desirable. Their focus is not exclusively commercial, and their appreciation by viewers is not exclusively hedonistic. They highlight people’s spiritual and moral needs, even if the quality of what seems to satisfy these needs is sometimes questionable. In an age and culture that are materialistic and secularised, it is an important step to be able to identify a spiritual-moral dimension in action, since this can be a valuable starting point for enhancing this dimension in one’s own life. For people who are religious, it identifies the spiritual points where their beliefs can affect their behaviour. The reality competitions
Big Brother, Survivor, Temptation Island, Bachelor, Bachelorette, Idol, Wife Swap, The Fat Club, Hothouse, My Restaurant Rules, My big fat obnoxious fiancée, Amish in the city, Boy meets boy, Dancing with the stars, Australia’s next top model, Extreme makeover, What not to wear and the like offer a voyeuristic window on the behaviour of ordinary people put into an artificial ‘reality’ competition, or of celebrities put into an artificially competitive situation. These programs represent the ‘harsher’ side of reality television; they are what most people understand as ‘proper’ reality television. There are many variants: for example, The Weakest Link was a game show incorporating ideas from reality television. The participants are easy enough to identify with. They are not reading prepared scripts, but they inevitably display the motives and moral codes they operate out of (or the codes they would like to put on show). Watching a program develop over some weeks engages viewers in processes of identification and moral evaluation. In identifying more with one participant than another, or in hoping that one will succeed while others are eliminated, viewers are judging the appropriateness of behaviour and morals. Feeling an identification with a particular participant is like a gauge of who you are and what are your priorities. The longer their favourite survives, the more viewers’ personal valuation of the participants is validated. Expressing judgments and voting support for favourites is like a confessional statement. Viewers are articulating a moral point of view; they can enjoy kicking out the transgressors and they can delight that the ‘solid citizen’ wins. For this type of program, the very name ‘reality television’ creates spiritual and values problems. For example, twenty-five women engage in ‘behaviours’ that increase their chances of being chosen by the ‘bachelor’ – and this before cameras for public consumption. Or teams on an island are required to perform bizarre endurance tasks. This is contrivance and artificiality masquerading as reality, hardly a window on reality. And it is a values problem for viewers who think the ‘reality behaviour’ will give them some clues for their own experience. Also, this format takes what would normally be trivial matters in relationships and portrays them as if they were matters of life and death; in contrast, what are normally weighty matters in the formation of a relationship can be trivialised and devalued. In an episode of Bachelor,
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one woman is totally devastated at being eliminated; she says she has ‘nothing left’ identitywise because she had invested ‘her all’ in being successful in the competition. These programs display strange twists in values precisely because they make the valuation process into a sham for the pursuit of ratings. Implied meanings, identities and values are plentiful in these programs and they can be readily teased out. For example, many of the contestants themselves have used the phrase ‘survival of the fittest’ to justify the choices they make in eviction or elimination. This implies that hurt and humiliation are a natural concomitant to the advancement of some individuals at the expense of others – not all can be ‘winners’. This is also indicative of ‘economic rationalism’ where the painful discarding of some is just the natural cost-cutting needed for the economic advance of others. The ‘casualties’ are merely the unfortunate ‘collateral damage’ incurred while the ‘just cause’ of the successful and powerful is furthered. One of the dominant themes in these reality programs is criticism and humiliation. In programs like the Weakest Link and Shafted, the humiliation is ritualised in game show format. It is puzzling why viewers enjoy the constant experience of participant humiliation and its associated emotions. Perhaps it feels good to see others, and not themselves, being humiliated. Why people can be interested in, and take pleasure from, the pains of others, whether real or fictional characters, remains problematic, and hence a good question to ask in relation to analysis of the media. Perhaps the reactions triggered are so basic and visceral that it is difficult to classify them – like asking why people enjoy food or sex. The German language has a word that identifies this emotion: schadenfreude meaning ‘taking joy in the misfortunes of others’. Another aspect of the viewer appeal of these programs is the presumption that any ordinary individual could become a celebrity given the opportunity to participate. Perhaps this appeals to the secret desires of many who dream of becoming stars. In this way bored people can feel some sort of affirmation of their ordinariness when watching the evidently bored and boring Big Brother contestants on show in primetime television – with enough sexual titillation to keep up the ratings. Here you have ordinary people, not trained as actors or journalists, but who are prepared to give up privacy and expose a lot of their inner selves, becoming temporary television personalities whose lives in the ‘big house’ are discussed by viewers all around the country. The public evaluations
The talkback television programs span a range of taste and quality. They include Dr Phil, Judge Judy, the various talk show hosts like Oprah, through to Ricki Lake, Jerry Springer and Cheaters. They are all about moral behaviour and relationships. Dr Phil engages in a type of public moral counselling. With Socratic questioning and a gentle confrontational style, Dr Phil seeks to get participants to review their behaviour and motivation; better selfknowledge, acknowledging rather than obscuring behavioural consequences, and accepting responsibility for one’s behaviour are proposed as keys to personal growth. Viewers can test their own intuitions, interpretations and moral judgments with those they see on the program; they are engaged in the diagnosis of personal and social problems – a diagnosis that inevitably impacts on their own outlook. The Jerry Springer Show also evaluates behaviour, usually the more bizarre types; the displays of emotion, the aggressive confrontations between participants, accompanied by
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chanting from the studio audience, are hallmarks of its entertainment appeal. There is an interesting similarity between Springer and the imperial role at the ancient Colosseum; Springer deftly asks questions and makes comments that seem to guide the chanting judgments of the studio audience to either a ‘thumbs up’ or ‘thumbs down’ evaluation of participants. Perhaps it is not surprising that the title of Springer’s biography is Ringmaster! At the end of each program, Jerry sums up and delivers a short secular homily that includes personal advice on the problems displayed earlier in the show. An interpretation of the Jerry Springer Show is provided elsewhere.20 As will be noted in more detail later, exercises in public moral evaluation in medieval Europe were carried out in church homilies and morality plays. Now similar moral discourse has become part of public television entertainment, subject to the usual constraints of its ratings performance. Reality is stranger than fiction
This form of reality television is related to the cinéma vérité genre of documentary, where real life is filmed and presented without much commentary or explicit interpretation. In this stable are programs like Real TV, Cops, World’s wildest police chases, Police, camera, action, Worst drivers, Real sex in the city, Trauma: Life and death in the ER, as well as shows on disasters and other miscellaneous topics like ‘brides’ (perhaps Funniest home videos also fits this category). For example, Bridezillas traces people’s quest for the perfect wedding, even where this costs up to $300 000 or more. This taps into the need for affirmation noted earlier – the brides need to feel special and unique, even if just for a day. For programs like these, it is difficult to see what aspects of spirituality, if any, are involved. For their viewer appeal, they seem to rely on basic human curiosity about what is different, strange, and traumatic – as long as it is graphic and eye-catching. Perhaps this draws on the same curiosity and emotions like shock, sadness, sympathy and so forth that people feel when they witness some local traumatic event like a house fire or a car crash, or when they see disasters or crime reported in television news. Perhaps too, if television is always on the lookout for the new and the bizarre that might catch some viewer attention, it does not have to rely exclusively on fiction – there is more than enough bizarre reality that can be recorded and played back on the airwaves. Real TV or not TV – that is the question!
Learning how to ‘read’ television’s values-embedded content is an important skill needed by the discerning viewer. This is a more pressing issue the more that television becomes a touchstone for reality and a criterion for authenticity. Television is not acting as a spiritual or moral teacher; it does not claim spiritual and moral authority. But, to varying degrees for its different viewers, it serves as a publicly available practical guide for life. It provides life content that can be influential when it perceived as a window on reality. While reality television seems to have passed its zenith in Australia, it still retained a strong presence in 2006, even though eclipsed in popularity by the forensic crime genre – CSI and its relatives. In mid-2006, CSI Miami was rated the most watched television
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drama on the planet; it has English, French, Spanish and German versions, with subtitled formats in other languages.
15.7.6 Meeting viewer needs and interests Different sorts of story are used in films to meet the needs and moods of moviegoers: love stories, musicals, Westerns, comedies, murder mysteries, science fiction, action, thrillers, and horror stories. Some spiritual or moral influence may occur through meeting these needs, even if the level of influence is marginal.
15.7.7 Escapism and idealism through virtual journeys One of the attractive aspects of watching story films is the opportunity to take a virtual journey to a place and a lifestyle that are different from what people are used to. This can be pleasurable escapism. For some viewers, the greater the distance created between the world of the film and their ordinary situation, the more they like it. Alternatively, some of the appeal of film can be through its offer of a place and lifestyle that are merely attractive. Film-makers implicitly invite viewers to share the virtual reality they construct. Just how personally influential such viewing might be is difficult to estimate. At least, films give people the experience of virtual travel and provide them with initial information (and stereotypes) about other countries and other lifestyles.
15.7.8 The film as fable: Communicating moral messages Films can have a moral influence because they are like fables carrying moral messages. The messages may be overt; or they may be implied, like the unspoken, presumed worldviews that were referred to earlier. The messages may be positive or negative. Story films, like fables, have characters with whom people can identify. In this sense, popular Hollywood films have become the new international fairy tales of the 20th and 21st centuries. As such, they can contribute to the development of personal ethics.
15.7.9 Television drama and sitcoms as 21st century morality plays Elsewhere we described the public educational role of medieval morality plays.21 They were productions in the town square that helped medieval Christians sort out their moral identity. The various motives and moral pressures affecting them were often personified as characters in the plot. It was like ‘Medieval Kohlberg’! Given some familiarity with these plays, it is not difficult to see the similarity with many contemporary film and television dramas, sitcoms and talk shows. Comparisons with medieval morality plays can be a useful starting point for considering the de facto moral reference points that television provides for viewers. The TV talk shows have brought moral decision-making into the arena of public entertainment. People’s live are under review – in public. Viewers can vicariously join in, comparing their judgments with those of the program host and the audience. The shows range in style from the sedate, interview journalism of Michael Parkinson, to the evergreen Oprah, through Tyra Banks and on to programs such as Ricki Lake and Maury Povich,
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which seem to trade on the emotion generated from past hurts; here the participants tell their stories with much scope for confrontation or possible reconciliation. From the point of view of television spectacle, some of these programs, like the long-running Jerry Springer show, highlight confrontation and in-your-face comments from the interviewees and the audience; vigorous expression of emotion is common. By contrast, the Dr Phil show seems to have successfully mastered the televising of individual and family counselling. Then there are the popular host shows (Rove Live etc.) and the late-night hosts like Letterman, Leno and O’Brien where the diet is a mixture of interviews, humour, music and variety. The talk shows are good examples of what William Kuhns described as television apparently taking on functions that formerly were the province of religions and the churches.22 The talk show hosts are like contemporary high priests presiding over the moral discernment process. The Judge Judy program is like the old Catholic confessional. The penitent confesses sins – sometimes there is conflict in determining truth and justice – and the judge gives the penance; there may not be absolution but there is a sense of resolution. Ongoing soap operas and sitcoms can also be interpreted as contemporary morality plays. The characters personify various moral (or immoral) approaches to life. It is not improbable that to some extent they can serve as influential moral exemplars for individuals who are gradually working out their moral identity. This phenomenon also illustrates Postman’s theory that television is trivialising human discourse.23 An entertainment focus is now becoming important for perceiving and interpreting the proceedings of the law courts. The OJ Simpson televised trial, the video taped evidence of President Clinton before the Starr Grand Jury, and more recently the reconstruction of the Michael Jackson courtroom ‘drama’ are examples of television taking over human discourse for entertainment purposes. It is not surprising then that election campaigns have also become ongoing television drama (or sitcoms, soap opera – depending on how they are perceived).
15.7.10 Film/television and the imagination: Learning through imaginative identification and imaginative rehearsal In section 13.8, the role of imagination in learning and as a precursor to personal change was considered; this complemented what was said about imagination and intuition as components of meaning (2.9.7). That material is pertinent to theorising about the spiritualmoral influence of film because of its great potential for stimulating the imagination. Imaginative identification and imaginative rehearsal are important parts of children’s play, as well as of their learning through storytelling and reading novels. Film and television enlarge the scope for this learning significantly by extending the cultural territory that children and adolescents can explore vicariously. Enhancement of people’s cultural horizons is perhaps the single most important educational feature of film and television; they can make many emotional and value-laden issues more accessible. In turn, this can sensitise people to the values dimension in what they watch. In an educational setting, young people need to think about the nature and functions of imaginative identification and imaginative rehearsal so that they can be more conscious of their potential as personal learning processes that operate both in real life and when people watch films and television.
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
15.7.11 Story and imagination: The role of film/television in enhancing and diminishing the imagination When someone reads a novel, the comprehension process is in a sense ‘linear’ and ‘logical’, beginning with the reading of a succession of words. The author uses words that will draw readers into the story, imagining that they are close observers of what is unfolding. Their imagination is stimulated to construct images of the action as they follow the story; it is like a computer processor converting the words scanned off a page to mental pictures and emotions for the internal screening of the story. When a story is being read, the imagination does a considerable amount of this work. A certain level of basic literacy is needed for this function and for the ability to enjoy reading stories. When a story is told through film, the saying ‘little is left to the imagination’ is a good description of what happens. Not only do viewers not have to read the text, but they are presented directly with a wealth of visual images – the imagination does not have to work so hard. Does this stunt the imagination that would otherwise be exercised when a story is read? Perhaps. However, the images in a film also stimulate the imagination by giving it many images that can be recalled – usually more imagery than the individual could otherwise generate unaided. Perhaps it is through this effect on imagination, especially through em bedded, emotive images, that film exercises a subtle, relatively unconscious influence on people. This applies just as much if not more to television; the implanting of images seems to be a key psychological process in television advertising: it is not an appeal to reason, but to the attractiveness and desirability of images as an inducement to buy. The imagery in television stimulates emotions and insinuates itself into people’s life expectations, hopes and dreams. Warren described the media enhancement of imagination as follows: Since the 1930s or so, with the development of radio, film, and television, graphic depictions of ‘how things are’ have become both increasingly accessible to all and increasingly vivid. These developments change not only the means by which reality could be imagined; they make the imagination of reality more tangible and vivid. The way an imagination of life is communicated has shifted dramatically – and I use this adverb in its literal sense.24
When a book is read, a lot of active mental work and discipline are needed to convert the print into an emotionally engaging story. Film and television have a more direct, experiential way of doing this: viewers can become involved with much less effort, in a relatively passive fashion. This is why for most people it is easier to be captivated or distracted by film or television than by a book. All one needs to do is open one’s eyes and listen, and be drawn into a story.
15.7.12 Media-orchestrated imaginations: How film /television can affect behaviour and personal development This section develops the ideas introduced earlier on imaginative identification. As regards change in behaviour and personal development, the imagination functions like a pathfinder or trailblazer by which individuals imagine what they could be like and try
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this out in advance before they make any decisions about personal change. This can influence their idealism by helping them explore the best possible world. Imagination can show the way ahead for personal change – facilitated by favourable imaginations and inhibited by unfavourable ones. Active imagination is a continuing experiment in self-understanding and self-expression; hence it is an important part of identity development. While imagination is an intrapersonal function, its content is not completely determined by internal drives or emotions. Warren argued: Overlooking such [social construction] processes, some prefer to ascribe imaginations of the self to psychological processes arising from the conflicts and dynamisms within the person and the person’s emotional environment. Though one’s vulnerability to certain imaginations of the self may indeed be based in the psyche, the actual production of various imaginations is less a psychological than a social reality, the end result of networks of persons and agencies seeking to imagine the world for the young.25
This thinking has consequences for psychological theory about human behaviour and development, as well as for media studies. It complements the theories that ascribe power to genetically driven developmental tasks such as those proposed by Freud and Erikson, and to theories that stress personal interaction such as Rogerian theory or Transactional Analysis. The impetus for change in behaviour and personal development can be energised from within the individual, but it can also be subtly conditioned by external cultural elements like film and television, which are not always acknowledged as socially constructed agents of change. Imaginations of the self that originate from outside the person are important for identity development. Warren stressed the need for educators to look critically at the imaginations of life generated by film and television. He drew attention to the power wielded by those who construct these imaginations. The stories [from film and television] tend to have a taken-for-granted quality to them; people see them but are in general unable to think about how they see them. During the teenage years, young people try on various imaginations of themselves in an effort to find one that fits. These imaginations are part of a broader project in young people’s lives: they are trying to imagine the kind of person they wish to be, what their future life will be like, and the kind of person they wish to share it with. If the process of establishing an identity is in part a process of imagining for oneself possible forms of behaviour, possible attitudes and values, possible goals, and ultimately a possible future, then those who propose these imagined possibilities wield special influence.26
An educational response to this problem seeks to help students learn how to identify and evaluate not just the imaginations of life presented on television, but the ways in which these are developed and marketed.
15.7.13 Film and television as sources of images, stereotypes and myths Through their function as contemporary fables, but perhaps even more so through the images they provide, film and television have a great capacity for shaping popular myths and stereotypes. Through these, particular values and ideologies can be promoted almost
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
imperceptibly. A prominent example is the gender stereotyping that affects the people’s relationships. Attitudes towards homosexuality, premarital sex, marriage, divorce and oneparent families can be influenced just by the ways these are presented and ‘accepted’ on the screen – film reflecting ‘reality’ rather than a particular, constructed ‘social reality’? It is more common now to have divorced, single-parent and gay or lesbian characters in television programs than was the case in the 1960s. The interesting question remains: Is this just a reflection of what society is like? Or does it somehow contribute to the development of a more general acceptance of these differences as normal? Another example is the stereotyping of minority groups (see the discussion of Native Americans in 15.5.3). Over the last century, films have contributed to the development and maintenance of negative stereotypes, and they have also influenced the breakdown of negative stereotypes. The role of the educator here is to help young people identify the processes of mythmaking and cultural stereotyping in film and television, as well as the ways in which these processes support particular ideologies. If these functions remain unnamed, their existence is hidden and their potential influence is greater because their implicit, relatively invisible messages cannot be evaluated. The myths and stereotypes need to be brought out into the open where their so-called ‘reality’ can be appraised and their values scrutinised. This sort of critical analysis is also important for evaluating the marketing strategies behind television commercials (see 15.10 and the discussion of ‘branding’ in 7.2.4).
15.7.14 Role modelling: Film heroes and heroines Film and television have a capacity to influence children and adolescents through the heroes and heroines portrayed on screen. But perhaps the influence is even greater through industry promotion of the star status of actors off the screen. Other celebrities also acquire star status: royalty, sports heroes/heroines and entertainers. The personal lives of the stars can influence those who emulate them as role models. The stars can be perceived as larger than life, like icons of individuals’ own romantic hopes – or fantasy templates for their own aspirations. In one sense, identification with the stars can nourish narcissism or preoccupation with the self as centre of the universe. For example, numerous comparatively unimportant characters in action films are often killed while the hero or heroine remains somehow invincible, almost immortal. Viewers regularly take the emotional viewpoint of the main characters; hence the imagery of the indomitable hero or heroine can reinforce for viewers the importance of self and of preoccupation with their own concerns. What happens to others does not seem to matter so much – they appear less important and more disposable in the greater scheme of things. This imagery also supports a hope for immortality and protection from the misfortunes of life. It could be that this sort of identification is part of the reason people get upset if the star is killed in a film, and this is magnified when the star dies in real life. The death of a star we like or with whom we identify is a shocking reminder of our own mortality. These linkages may have contributed in some way to the widespread grief at the untimely death of people like James Dean, John Lennon, Kurt Cobain, John and Robert Kennedy, Ayrton Senna and Diana Princess of Wales. Considerable attention is given to ‘identification’ and ‘spectatorship’ in the academic field of film studies. These refer to how viewers identify with screen heroes and heroines and project their own hopes with reference to them. Films are constructed to maximise the
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effects of these processes. It seems essential then that educators have a basic understanding of these processes as part of the interpretive background they bring to teaching and learning. They also need to be aware of both positive and negative role modelling – depending on the moral value of what is being emulated. It is always difficult to address the situation where young people tend to identify with the film ‘bad guys’. While film and television provide children with ready access to a wide range of potential role models, this also probably helps them to become more discriminating about whom they see as worth emulating. A 1996 pilot survey by the British curriculum authority on values in education and in the community yielded data on the perceptions of different groups as role models for young people.27 Children from primary and junior secondary classes commented on the results of a survey of public opinion given below. In all likelihood, their perceptions were influenced by what they saw on television. Table 15.2 Survey of the community and of schoolchildren about role modelling Question: ‘How far do the following people set a good example for young people?’ Results from a survey of the general public (%)
Good
Neither good nor poor
Poor
Don’t know
Athletes
73
17
8
2
Politicians
17
26
55
2
Pop singers
15
25
57
2
Religious leaders
48
25
23
4
Teachers
78
13
8
2
Summary of school students’ comment on the above survey results
The written material by pupils was instructive: 337 students agreed with the results while 167 disagreed. They gave reasons for their opinions: 55 students thought that pop singers were better role models than the adult survey suggested, while 18 considered that religious leaders received a higher rating in the poll than they deserved. The 500 pupils who wrote comments about ‘setting a good example’ covered issues such as knowing right from wrong, and doing the right thing in life (150); responsible attitudes and good behaviour (122); influencing young people and acting as role models (104); being law-abiding and not taking drugs (80). The children regarded pop singers and politicians as setting bad examples for different reasons. From 644 comments: For pop singers: association with drink and drugs (150); bad reputations, living wild abnormal lives (136). For politicians: boring, greedy, untrustworthy and getting involved in scandals (122); arguing and fighting (75); liars (45). Thirty-four considered that both groups had a bad ‘media image’ which was not entirely of their own making; 389 noted that their information about politicians came from the media; 12
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
said it came directly from political parties; 193 thought the information they got was likely to be inaccurate.
15.7.15 The sensitivity of children to implicit messages in the media Any media education, whether formal at school, or informal in the home, will need to work out what level of critical analysis is appropriate to propose to young children. Critical methods in interpretation can more readily be used with older children and teenagers. Young children are more impressionable and their personal defences are not so well developed; however, educating them in media awareness cannot be postponed until they are older. One media skill that young children have to learn is called ‘adult discount’. This refers to the ability to differentiate the real world from the make-believe world of film and cartoon. Before they learn adult discount, children’s view of the real world can be populated by all the characters (animals and monsters) that appear on film and television. Adult discount does not come naturally; it has to be learned. By the time of midadolescence, most young people have enough experience and interpretive skills to be able to make the distinction easily. But this is not the case for young children, and they are much more susceptible to transferring values and behaviour from the screen to their real life. Especially if they have no other strong spiritual input, young children may learn some of their earliest and fundamental values from television. This is also a concern because it is difficult to change attitudes and values that are ingrained at an early age. The educational importance of addressing the situation of young children was emphasised in the following comments from a religious perspective: [E]nchanted by the instruments of social communication and [relatively] defenceless against the world and adult persons, children are naturally ready to accept whatever is offered to them, whether good or bad … they are attracted by the ‘small screen’ and by the ‘large screen’: they follow every gesture represented on them, and they perceive, quicker and better than anyone else, the emotions and sentiments which result. Like soft wax on which every tiny pressure leaves a mark, so the child is responsive to every stimulus that plays upon his/her imagination, emotions, instincts, and ideas. Yet the impressions received at this age are the ones destined to penetrate most deeply into the psychology of the human being and to condition, often in a lasting way, the successive relationship with self, with others, and with the environment … any pretence of maintaining a ‘neutral’ position [with regard to the influence of mass media] and of letting the child grow up in its own way merely disguises a dangerous lack of interest under the appearance of respect for the child’s personality.28
15.7.16 Action films: ‘Cinematic adrenalin’ and the potential relationship between film violence and violent behaviour In the past twenty years the genre action film has been become increasingly prominent in films made in the United States. Great sums of money are spent in their creation – often on sets that are exploded, crashed, burnt and destroyed in ever more spectacular ways. These are the ‘cinematic adrenalin’ films that appeal through the enjoyment of the vicarious experience
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of thrills, danger, excitement and violence – where viewers remain secure in the knowledge that they can walk away from the experience without physical harm. Such films draw on the same psychological mechanisms that operate when people ride a roller coaster or ghost train, watch spectacular movie simulations, or witness a car smash, a fire or some other disaster.29 One commentator (the producer-director Joel Silver) claimed that the structure of action films was stereotyped – a sequence of recurring ‘whammos’ and ‘zingers’. The whammo is the spectacular action (fights, car chases with multiple crashes, explosions, killings, eruptions, and monster appearances) that needs to come regularly and consistently during the film to keep the viewers involved and their adrenalin appetite on edge. In between whammos are the zingers – usually bursts of smart dialogue that make the viewer feel good or amused and help sustain the story line. The prominence of action films is a useful starting point for considering possible links between film violence and violent behaviour in real life. The ‘V Chip’ approach to the problem needs to be appraised (access to inappropriate programs is controlled by a programmable microchip in the television). This debate also includes issues related to film classification and censorship. As suggested in the introduction to this chapter, a different approach based on enquiry and theorising is considered to be more helpful in an educational context. In any case, it is likely that children would be better able to program the chip to their advantage than would many parents. In theorising about this problem, there is a need to investigate some fundamental questions: • Has the increased prominence of on-screen brutality come mainly from the initiative of the film-makers? Or are the film-makers merely reflecting and responding to the interests of the public? • Why is violence an acceptable and popular component of film and television? • Why can aggression and violence be inherently satisfying, both in reality and on the screen? • Does screen violence stimulate aggressive behaviour in young people? Or does it reinforce and give a sense of validation to a tendency that is already there in some? • Does the quantity and vividness of violence portrayed on screen dull people’s sensitivity to its presence in real life? • Does the prominence of screen violence breed a low level of public anxiety and fear for one’s own safety? • Does the constant screening of explosive damage decrease people’s care for property, vehicles and the environment? Does it stimulate people to take pleasure in seeing things smashed and destroyed? • Are action films relatively harmless, exciting experiences that can entertain people without any negative effects on them? Exploring questions like these can occasion wide-ranging reflection on aggression and hostility at personal, family, community, environmental and international levels. It is not likely that students will come up with convincing answers and consensus on all of the questions. However, their engagement in such theorising can help them become sensitive to the problems and more positive about potential solutions. What is said here is particularly pertinent to video gaming, which allows for a more ‘interactive’ engagement with screen violence (9.2.15).
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
15.7.17 The ‘evangelising’ purpose of particular film directors Having been brought up with film and television since birth, many young people today develop an affinity with them as their natural media; they make up an extended world populated by film and music stars which serves as a prominent cultural reference point. Young people can spend a lot of time not only in watching films and television and listening to pop music, but in thinking about the world of film and music; what the stars are doing is of great interest. For some, this interest in the media world goes further. They are familiar with the names of directors and producers; they know about Lucasfilm, Industrial Light and Magic, Pixar and other special effects companies that use high end workstations for cgi and digital effects; they are the ones who remain in the cinema at the end of films to watch the credits. Conversations with such young people show their familiarity with the evangelising purpose of film directors. For example, one such group of young Australians, after watching Arnold Schwarzenegger in Terminator II: Judgment Day in Berlin in 1991 (the German dialogue did not seem to impede their following the plot!) discussed James Cameron’s (the director’s) evangelising purpose. They pointed out his prominent feminist theme of the ‘strong woman’; the principal actress, who eventually overcame the bad terminator, wore sleeveless tops, showing her strong physique to advantage. The young people knew that she worked out in a gym for months before shooting the film to build up her arm muscles. This same strong woman theme was even more prominent in Cameron’s earlier film Aliens, in which Sigourney Weaver played the heroine. Then they drew attention to Cameron’s anti-violence theme: it was possible for the human spirit to overcome great evil – epitomised by the terminator as the supremely efficient high-tech killing machine – but humans have to use very aggressive methods to overcome this evil. The group then speculated on what the film might be like had it been made by other directors given freedom to recast the story according to their distinctive interests and styles. They proposed that Paul Verhoeven would have included male and female terminators having aggressive sex; Spike Lee would have made all the bad guys white and the hero and heroine black; Peter Weir would have had the terminator sit on a fence enjoying the view of wheat fields glistening in the sunset; and Woody Allen would have had the terminator say ‘I don’t think my mother would approve of this!’ While this discussion was evidence of a particular ‘film-savvy’ group of teenagers, it shows that there is educational mileage in promoting a more critical awareness of the intentions behind film plots. It may not be too difficult to enhance in young people the disposition they already seem to have to look more carefully into the purposes and processes of filmmaking. While this may be more effective with very intelligent students, most young people are still capable of preparing a reasonably good critique of film and television productions. Any film and television studies that help students learn how to evaluate productions from technical, artistic, entertainment and other perspectives – such as values – will be an important component of their education.
15.7.18 An example film study illustrating issues in spirituality and identity The New Zealand film Once were warriors (1995) has a level of graphic violence that would be grounds for caution about showing it at school – even though the novel has been studied in some senior classes. However, for adults, the harrowing story of the urban Maori family of
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Jake and Beth is a useful one for film study of identity issues. The approach to interpretation illustrated here can be applied to other films. The French sociologist Bourdieu wrote about ‘life structure’ as a way of looking at people’s lived-out identity. Observation of behaviour gives insight into people’s self understanding – there is congruence between the two. This principle is useful in the interpretation of film narratives. Characters’ identities are inferred from their behaviour and dialogue. Other identity principles are prominent in this film (cf. Chapter 6): • Individuals draw on various cultural elements (external identity resources) to shape and sustain their sense of identity. • Other identity resources are more internal and personal (values and commitments). • Healthy identity is firmly grounded in personal, internal resources. • Identity problems can occur when individuals are too dependent on external identity resources. This is particularly the case where the identity resources to which the individual turns are physically and psychologically damaging both to themselves and others. In Once were warriors, identity can be used as a lens for exploring the thinking and behaviour of the main characters. From this perspective, Beth and Jake, and their three eldest children Nig, Grace and Boogie, are all searching for personal identity in different ways, drawing on different resources as they do so. Jake the ‘Mus’: For Jake his self-understanding and self-expression seemed embedded mainly in interactions with his drinking mates. He liked to see himself reflected in the fear that other men showed when confronted by his aggression and awesome capacity to fight, and as the affable centre of attention when he hosted his hotel friends to after hours parties and sing-alongs in his home. The fearsome temper that was aroused when his macho image was questioned by his wife, Beth, suggested that no matter how much he might protest the opposite, he was not really happy or secure in the way he had become defined as ‘Jake the Mus’. When drunk and antagonised, he brutalised his wife, but he seemed to avoid any acknowledgment that ‘wife beater’ was a component of his identity – this he could choose to ignore when he thought of himself as a genuine family man. Beth: Beth appeared to love Jake and was happy when things were going well. But her experience of his brutality and his apparently greater commitment to his drinking mates than to his own children made her wonder whether she needed to break away from him and seek support elsewhere – perhaps within a traditional Maori community. Nig: Jake’s oldest son, Nig, found the social situation of the home revolting – particularly his father’s behaviour. He left to seek some self-definition away from the family. But he found it hard to break away from the image of being ‘the son of Jake the Mus’. He did find an alternative identity of a type, but it was with a tough fringe group called the Brown Fists, with their studded leather vests and highly tattooed bodies and faces; its identity was heavily invested in distinctive clothing, personal appearance and ritualised behaviour. His initiation ceremony involved a beating at the hands of the group and getting a ‘patch’ – a tattoo across his face. Jake is of course unimpressed with the tattoo. Grace: Jake’s 13-year-old daughter, Grace, came across as perhaps the most attractive personality in the family. She was gentle and friendly. She was traumatised by the brutality in the family but seemed to remain optimistic about life.
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
Boogie: Jake’s younger son, Mark (known as Boogie), was removed from the family into the custody of welfare – fallout from his seeking identity with youth involved in petty crime, stealing car radios. The failure of his badly beaten up mother to make a court appearance was the factor that influenced the juvenile court decision that nothing could be done to rehabilitate Boogie if he remained in the family home. Despite periodic fractious behaviour, Boogie learned something valuable from the supervisor of the remand home, who became a mentor for his troublesome young brood. He showed them that the future of the deprived ‘once were warriors’ Maoris lay in cultivating an internal warriorship of the spirit. He encouraged the boys to ritualise their interior strength and courage in fearsome hakas – war dances as impressive as any by the legendary All Blacks. But he insisted that their energy had to be channelled into ‘inner resources’, otherwise it would be wasted and misused in the spiralling violence that was already devastating the Maori community. This philosophy, drawing on the Maori heritage, gave Boogie some sense of worthwhile identity and something to believe in. It helped him interpret the frustration in which his own family was tragically caught. It helped him cope with trauma when Grace committed suicide. She had been sexually abused by her uncle, one of Jake’s regular drinking mates, during the all-night parties. Overwhelmed, she hanged herself from the tree behind the house before her mother returned from an unsuccessful search to find her. Heartbroken, Beth regretted not following earlier her intuition to leave Jake and take the family (including Poly, Abe and the baby Huata) to a Maori traditional community in the country where she felt there were the spiritual resources that would give them more dignity and purpose in life. Later, both Beth and Jake discovered the abuse of Grace, with inevitable recriminations. Beth then left Jake and with the remainder of the family set off for the Maori community. Jake remained unchanged in his established identity as ‘the Mus’. Mark identified with the emerging spiritual strength in his mother. When Nig suggested to him that he too should have his face tattooed, Mark replied with self-assurance in words which were like an icon for identity and the key principle, or climax statement, in the film: ‘I wear mine on the inside’. Inner strength was the belief or mantra that could give direction and meaning to his life. The film portrayed the struggle of individuals for a satisfying self-understanding, selfexpression and sense of self-worth in a subculture of brutality and oppression. The character Mark articulated one of the messages coming through the film: confronting moral degradation needs inner strength and values; like spiritual principles, they help with interpretation of the problem as well as providing the courage and motivation needed to take action to change the situation.
15.8 The culture of television: Its significance for the teaching and learning environment of the school The writer and critic Neil Postman has a long history of writing about education and the media. In 1969, he co-authored Teaching as a subversive activity, which explored the possibilities for cultural change flowing from a critical, inquiring education. Then, in Teaching as a conserving activity, written a decade later, he proposed that education had a thermostatic function in society and that it needed to compensate for rapid social change by emphasising cultural conservation – concentrating on the role of handing on the intellectual,
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literary core of culture. This meant complementing and compensating for television, which had become the de facto primary source of education – the ‘first curriculum’ as he called it – as well as evaluating it critically. In an earlier section (15.5), reference was made to Postman’s book Amusing ourselves to death. There he argued that television, as with earlier major changes in communication media like writing and the printing press, changed the ways people experienced and described the world, and consequently how they derived meaning and values. He proposed that the fundamental entertainment focus of television has trivialised human discourse; many areas of life are now perceived and interpreted mainly from the perspective of a television entertainment culture. ‘Whether we are experiencing the world through the lens of speech or the printed word or the television camera, our media metaphors classify the world for us, sequence it, frame it, enlarge it, reduce it, colour it, argue a case for what the world is like.’30 In a later book, Technopoly: The surrender of culture to technology, Postman proposed, along with other arguments, that there was a clash between the literary culture, which in the main still operates in school education, and the television culture in which children and adolescents are immersed. The former culture represents the world of the printed word with an emphasis on ‘logic, sequence, history, exposition, objectivity, detachment, and discipline’, while the latter emphasises ‘imagery, narrative, present-ness, simultaneity, intimacy, immediate gratification, and quick emotional response’.31 He went on to explain: Children come to school having been deeply conditioned by the world of television. There, they encounter the world of the printed word. A sort of psychic battle takes place, and there are many casualties – children who can’t learn to read or who won’t, children who cannot organise their thought into a logical structure even in a simple paragraph, children who cannot attend to lectures or oral explanations for more than a few minutes at the time. They are failures, but not because they are stupid. They are failures because there is a media war going on, and they are on the wrong side – at least for the moment.
Not all would agree with the epic proportions of Postman’s picture, but the point he makes is valid and the relationship between the two cultures should be given more explicit attention by educators. Postman’s interpretation is also useful for the distinctions it makes between teaching or learning styles: ‘Orality stresses group learning, cooperation, and a sense of social responsibility. Print stresses individualised learning, competition and personal autonomy. With computers the emphasis is on private learning and individual problem-solving.’32 He wondered what the extrapolation of these styles would lead to, hinting that computerbased learning might raise egocentrism to the status of a virtue. He considered that in addition to economic implications, film and television influenced the ways in which people perceived reality, and that these were central to understanding diverse forms of social and mental life. He also stressed the effects of new media on the overall ecology of the learning environment – that technological changes in education were neither additive nor subtractive, but ecological: one significant change generates total change. Surrounding every technology are institutions whose organisation – not to mention their reason for being – reflects the world view promoted by the technology. Therefore, when an old technology is assaulted by a new one, institutions are threatened. When
The shaping influence of film and television on young people’s spiritual and moral development
institutions are threatened, a culture finds itself in crisis. The crucial thing then is how new technology alters the nature of learning … New technologies alter the structure of our interests: the things we think about. They alter the character of our symbols: the things we think with. And they alter the nature of community: the arena in which thoughts develop … In conjunction with television, the computer is undermining the old idea of the school … [also] what is meant by religion, by church, even by God.33
New technology alters the structure of interests: what is thought about. It alters the character of symbols: the things we think with. And it alters the nature of community: the arena in which thoughts develop. ‘In conjunction with television’, Postman says, ‘the computer is undermining the old idea of the school’; we would add: what is meant by religion, church and even God. Postman’s hypotheses are stark. But they are helpful for confronting educators and the wider community with the changing circumstances of school students, and they can stimulate creative responses to the problems. Teachers who are more conscious of their students coming from a learning environment dominated by film and television will better address the different ways they perceive life, judge things to be important and seek entertainment. This has inevitable consequences for learning and teaching at school. Teachers cannot presume that all children and adolescents will fit comfortably into the school culture of literacy. But they should not sell the literary culture short because it is still regarded by many as the part of cultural heritage for which the school is particularly responsible – a valuable complement to the media culture and also a valuable position for critiquing the dominant media culture. So the school would not only represent, and help to hand on, some of the literary aspects of tradition – the intellectual culture – but it should provide the context and impetus for students to become cultural critics of other major sources of input to their meanings, identity and spirituality.
15.9 Cultural agency: Action based on critical reflection on the potential personal influence of media A critical evaluation of cultural elements like film and television can lead young people in the direction of becoming agents of cultural change – even in a small way that involves being more discriminating about the elements that they allow into their life-world for entertainment and education. In his book Communications and Cultural Analysis: A Religious View, Warren drew on the theory of the Welsh sociologist Raymond Williams for his evaluation of the personal influence of film and television. Warren considered that a principal problem with any evaluation of cultural elements like film and television is that they tend to be taken as cultural givens or products rather than as cultural processes. If accepted as givens, then they are taken for granted and not so accessible to analysis and evaluation. But if they are considered as socially constructed processes, then the production processes themselves are more open to analysis and critique. Hence those responsible for structuring the imagined possibilities of life as portrayed in the media need to have their work scrutinised. This does not mean that there is a subtle conspiracy in which media industry executives are deliberately moulding people’s expectations of life in a manipulative
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way to support their market purposes. However, he noted that ‘the specific imaginations are planned, produced and communicated, but the precise way they come together to create an overall sense of reality may not have been planned by any single person or group.’34 For educational purposes, students can be encouraged to track the ways by which media executives orchestrate contributions to the fund of imaginations projected in film and television. Judgments can be made about the meaning and value of the marketed imaginings. The process critiqued here is not the same as the propaganda considered earlier; however, the idea of a subtle ‘advertising propaganda’ is not all that inappropriate when one considers the purpose of swaying young people in the direction of purchasing particular brand items to meet needs and interests. As noted earlier in section 15.7.11 on imagination, Warren called for educators, and their students, to pay more attention to this process and to evaluate the media imaginations that are being offered for consumption. This also acknowledges that ‘needs and interests’ themselves can be subtly conditioned by the media (cf. Chapter 7 on youth identity development as affected by consumerism and advertising). Warren’s proposals imply that the personal influence of film and television on children and adolescents is neither inevitable nor inexplicable. ‘Whatever their complexities, they are social products whose production can be studied. From this angle, influences operating through media such as film, radio, television, advertising, music and fashion become visible and able to be analysed.’35
15.10 The potential spiritual and moral influence of television advertising In commercial feature films and television drama and sitcoms (as with most content programs on television), the intention to bring about personal change is usually disclaimed. The nature and purpose of this material are different from those of propaganda and documentary film. When it comes to television commercials, however, the story is different. Supported by all the techniques and formats available within the film industry, television advertising sets out quite deliberately to bring about personal change in viewers – to increase the probability that they will buy the advertised products. This is making use of the expertise of feature film production for propaganda-like purposes. Also, as the logical basis for advertising is to provide information that will inform people’s consumer buying, there are links with the information-oriented purposes of documentary film. One film critic referred to the successful 30-second television commercial as the pinnacle of achievement of motion pictures. Within that brief time-span there is a miniature film, with introduction, worldview, story and conclusion, that communicates a message to viewers. The cryptic four-line advertisement for a motor vehicle in the daily classifieds is crammed with relevant information. The format is poor literature, but it is functional. In television the formats for advertising vary, from the simple to the grandiose, from the literal to the highly symbolic. Also, television commercials are not limited to functional information about products. Experience has shown that functional information may have little to do with the success of a commercial – it may be more about selling lifestyle images such as being ‘chic’, ‘savvy’, ‘cool’ and so on, with the advertised product being linked with those images.36 What follows will look at television advertising from the perspective of its potential links with identity.
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15.10.1 Image and imagination: Retail links with the subconscious 15.10.2 Retail seduction: Some perspective on advertising psychology and market research 15.10.3 The culture of advertising 15.10.4 Retail identity 15.10.5 Television commercials and the projection of images of unattainable perfection 15.10.6 The ethics of television advertising
15.10.1 Image and imagination: Retail links with the subconscious As one advertisement stated, ‘Image is everything’. Much of the storyline and emotional appeal of effective commercials depend not on words and information but on image. The commercial may project an image – say, of the modern, attractive, sexy, smart, successful man or woman – and will link this image with a particular product. The attraction of the image is intended to initiate subconscious associations with that product. Similarly, the commercial may seek to link the image associated with the product with the romantic imaginations of self that viewers might have. Here advertising is more about selling desirable images than about the function of particular products – it is the images that have ‘retail potency’. No doubt each product has a mundane function. But highly advertised products have also added mystique and social cachet. Television advertising (also in magazines and newspapers) sustains the ‘designer label’, ‘superior brand’ industry (7.2.4). Buying the distinctive label or brand is an identification process – and this is retail enhancement of identity. ‘You pay for the name’ and you in turn are ‘branded’. As discussed earlier with reference to feature films and television, the appeal to the imagination is also a central part of television advertising. Images that are attractive to selfexpression and self-understanding can be embedded in the imagination where they can affect people – with retail consequences. It is not an appeal to information or reason, but to the inherent attractiveness and desirability of the images. There is often a good measure of humour in advertisements and they may try to flatter people’s intelligence, but this does not eliminate their play on the unconscious. This sort of critical analysis is important for evaluating the marketing strategies behind television commercials. In the commercial, within thirty seconds, there is an attempt to activate, and appeal to, images and emotions, desires and values that will be effective in prompting viewers to buy – and intelligently exercise their prerogative as well-informed consumers. The myths appealed to will range widely from a simple ‘enjoy’ to ‘look beautiful and irresistible’ to ‘caring’ and ‘environmentally friendly’. A study of the psychology of advertising is essential for critical media studies.
15.10.2 Retail seduction: Some perspective on advertising psychology and market research Educators wishing to explore the potential spiritual and moral influence of advertising, especially on television, should become more familiar with the psychology of advertising and the market research that supports it. It is built on the premise that advertising can change
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people, particularly their ‘retail’ habits. Such habits relate to values and identity – as Karl Marx wrote, ‘As individuals express their life, so they are’.37 One useful discussion of the topic is given by Warren.38 While the example is now quite old, it is still pertinent to consider here, particularly from the viewpoint of what a contemporary study of the same issues might reveal. Warren analysed the 1970s work of the Stanford Research Institute in California, where market-research analysts studied the purchasing habits of households to guide product development and advertising. Using what they called the ‘VALS’ typology (short for Values and Lifestyles Program), they divided the population into four main groups, which included nine lifestyles based on people’s selfimage, aspirations, and the products they bought and used. The surveys set out to document what people thought of themselves in society and the distinctive patterns of buying that helped reinforce that image. With this knowledge they could ‘anticipate’ consumer needs and wants. They had already recognised that many in the community – the market target – had negative attitudes towards ostentatious consumerism and money as a measure of a person’s life, even though such materialism was by no means dead; they were dealing with an increasingly environmentally conscious and politically correct marketplace. Because people’s values affected their spending habits, market research needed to know these values and how to appeal to them. In this light, they articulated the new ‘central problem in advertising’ as follows: The central problem in advertising will be how to sell to values increasingly geared to processes, not things. Sales appeals directed toward the values of individualism, experi mentalism, person‑centredness, direct experience, and some forms of pleasure and escape will need to tap intangibles – human relationships, feelings, dreams, and hopes – rather than tangible things or explicit actions.39
The VALS typology identified the following groups: 1 The Need-driven
This incorporates the nation’s marginal classes into two hand-to-mouth lifestyle groups com prising 11% of the population: 1A The Survivors: Those able to get by in life marginally and still maintain a certain dignity. 1B The Sustainers: An assortment of ethnically mixed gamblers and misfits living on the edge of society. 2 The Outer-directed
A category comprising the largest proportion of the population (68%): 2A The Belongers: Those strongly traditional and conformist, who make up the largest single subgroup in the VALS typology (38%). They get a job and tend to stay with it; they find a product they like and tend to stay with that. 2B The Emulators: They yearn to be achievers but they basically do not know how to make this happen; they tend to spend money on the assumption that one day things will work out happily for them (10%).
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2C The Achievers: This financially secure group is self-assured and able to exhibit gracious but savvy behaviour in varied situations. They appear to know their own place in the social order and their own motivations and ‘drivenness’. Marketing appeals must attend to their self-assured character (20%). 3 The Inner-directed
The Inner Directed, fall into three lifestyle groups comprising 19 per cent of the population: 3A The I-am-Me group: This includes the somewhat angry, rebellious and maladjusted members of the community. They are bent on ‘doing their own thing’, even if it might mean they could be misjudged in the process. 3B The Experientials: A wholesome group of inner-directeds seeking ‘highs’ from jogging and other fitness activities like backpacking; they are inclined towards holistic medicine and yoga. (3A and 3B together make up 8% of the population). 3C The Socially Conscious: These are aware of social issues and involve themselves in politics. Concerned about the environment, justice, and about the misuse of power for self-interest; their inner-directed energy, while coming from self-awareness, is focused outwardly. Self-centred marketing does not appeal to them (11%). 4 The Integrated
This group makes up but 2 per cent of the population. It represents the VALS ideal: at the same time creative and prosperous. Examples offered were writers and artists who also run lucrative retail businesses. Although somewhat dated, the VALS typology is a good example of the sophistication of market research and advertising psychology. Interestingly, it did not use the words ‘poor’ or ‘poverty’. It highlighted the link between lifestyles or attitudes and consumer spending. Related research was able to predict, on the basis of US postcode, an individual’s likely attitudes, probable household inventory, leisure-time activities, media habits, and consumption patterns for over 700 categories. It is unlikely that such research and market psychology are now less sophisticated than they were in the late 1970s.
15.10.3 The culture of advertising Particular television commercials in themselves may have negligible spiritual and moral influ ence. What may be influential is the overall culture of television advertising – its omnipresence and the way it washes over viewers continuously. Some of the built-in assumptions of the advertising industry are: consumerism, competition, the importance of image, meeting human needs through purchase of consumer goods – all these project a social reality of materialism and self-centredness. This can create and sustain the myth that externals are important for individuality and identity and that particular consumer goods can always enhance them. As considered in Chapter 7, promoting brand labels for distinctiveness of identity may be more concerned with economics and business progress than with human identity and welfare. Viewers’ wants, which may be more whimsy than anything else, can be appealed to as needs that must be met. Television advertising is synonymous with seduction. A credit
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card is touted as a key to a free and creative lifestyle – ‘with power to do what you want, and to be who you want to be’. In buying perfume a woman may be buying ‘hope’. In buying a deodorant a man may be buying ‘a powerful lure for women’. For the culture of television advertising, self-expression is all about consumerism; indi viduality is about particular brands; freedom is about a wealth of options in consumer choice; and power is about the capacity to buy. Shopping is even proposed as ‘retail therapy’.
15.10.4 Retail identity What is written here about television advertising needs to be linked with the discussion of youth identity development in Chapter 7, particularly with the notion of ‘the seduction of individuality’ and the commercial exploitation of young people’s ‘identity vulnerabilities’. The idea of ‘retail identity’ can be applied to individuals where a more than normal weighting in their self-expression and self-understanding is given to the purchase of particular consumer goods which have a high image loading. The driving force is their desire to participate in brand image and mystique. Retail identity is not so much a moral identity as a superficial one, coloured in with images projected by television; it is abnormally dependent on externals. The other abnormality is that the purchase of consumer goods has gone beyond meeting functional needs and has assumed a role in providing identity satisfaction. Television commercials extol the ideal of individuality while at the same time proposing that product purchase will give a ready-made identity solution – seducing them away from authentic individuality. In this sense identity has been ‘commodified’, along with so many other elements of culture, and it supports a ‘retail identity market’.
15.10.5 Television commercials and the projection of images of unattainable perfection One commentator suggested that anorexia nervosa is a television disease. She claimed that in pre-television times it did not seem to be such a problem. The culture of television advertising (and in other media, especially magazines) projects through its models an unattainable perfection in appearance that can never be reached by average people (see 7.2.11). For many women there may be a low level of frustration in not being able to look like the slim models with the perfect skin and hair. But it may incline them to buy cosmetic products that help them aspire to that perfection. But for a few, particularly adolescent girls, the love/ hate frustration with this imagery may drive them to excessive anxiety about their appearance and eventually to the condition of anorexia. While television imagery may not affect young men in the same way or to the same extent, it can cause other body image problems.
15.10.6 The ethics of television advertising When people think of ‘television advertising’, particular commercials come to mind. However, this is only a part of the advertising structure. To get a fuller picture, the question ‘What is being sold?’ needs to be considered. The most obvious answer is ‘Manufacturers pay a TV company to advertise their products’. This is true, but a more detailed answer shows that ‘The television company sells a statistically measured rating of viewing audience to the advertiser. It is ratings that are sold.’ In a sense it is potential viewers that are being
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sold to advertisers. Their viewing patronage, measured by regular ratings research, is the commodity of exchange. So while the perspective of the viewer is often ‘putting up with the commercials to get the program’, the perspective of the commercial television channel is ‘the programming is the mere overhead cost to secure commercial ratings.’ The responses of viewers thus have a significant place in the economics of television advertising. Viewer correspondence therefore has some power to bring about change. The following example illustrates how viewer complaints were taken into account by a television network through its ‘ethics committee’. In 1996, the head of the Viewer Services division of the CBS television network in Los Angeles explained to visiting educators the work of his section. It served as a watchdog over commercials and program content so that no inappropriate material was broadcast for public consumption. Members of the section were chosen to reflect different backgrounds (a teacher, a health professional, a parent). They were required to separate their own personal views and commitments from their professional role. The boundaries to what was considered acceptable on television were constantly changing. The section also took into account comments from the viewing public. Letters to the network about their advertising and programs numbered many thousands annually. A different section had oversight of news and public affairs programs. One apparent difficulty with the work of the section was the absence of any systematic set of values to guide their judgment. So in effect, the standards were set by what the viewing community seemed to be able to tolerate without making too many complaints. A frivolous comment was made that screen violence would be acceptable as long as it ‘did not make people sick or give them nightmares’. So the viewer services were not really an ethics committee for the protection of public standards, but more of a lookout group to protect the network from mistakes that might cost them ratings and hence advertising revenue. They would counsel against content that might hurt ratings or that might upset the advertisers who were paying for their ratings slots. Some examples of ‘ethical action’: The group reviewed content in an episode of Walker Texas Ranger in which the criminal shot two policemen in the police station before shooting an informer being detained in a cell. It was suggested that this involved too much gratuitous violence. The result: the edited version had one of the preliminary shootings cut. The violence was justified by the idea that the ‘bad guys’ had to be made look very bad so that, by contrast, the ‘good guys’ would look really good. Another example involved scenes from the soap opera The young and the restless. In one scene a woman said to another, ‘If sex were like fast food, then there would be golden arches in front of your bed.’ The script was checked with McDonald’s (an important advertising client) to see whether they would be offended. McDonald’s executives were not troubled by it – in fact they were pleased to think that the McDonald’s arches had achieved the status of national icons. However, in another scene, one actor threatened another with the words ‘If you do that again I’ll kick you in the McNuggets!’ This quip was judged too offensive and was deleted without any need to consult with McDonald’s. If these examples are typical of television generally, then the ethical effectiveness of selfregulation might well be questioned. It would then be up to public opinion in the form of letters to the company to set the moral tone. How ethical television advertising becomes will depend on the ethical sensitivity of its viewers and their preparedness to take action.
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15.11 Conclusion The desired outcome for both adults and young people’s investigation of the potential spiritual and moral influence of film and television is that they learn how to bring a more informed, critical background to their thinking about the media. This is not trying to protect them from the effects of the media, but helping them develop their own educated responses. While often superficially critical, many children and adolescents are relatively naive as regards both the overt and subtle capacities of film and television to affect their thinking, imagination and feelings, their liking for fashion and particular leisure pursuits, their potential spending targets, and ultimately their values and beliefs. This chapter resources theorising about the spiritual and moral influence of film and television. The first step towards a critical school education in media is to engage educators in this theorising as a prelude to various efforts on their part to help young people acquire more knowledge and skills for critical interpretation.
Notes 1 R Eckersley et al. 2006, Flashpoints and signposts: Pathways to success and wellbeing for Australia’s young people, p. 32. 2 The phrase ‘sharing our story’ has become a prominent theme in Christian denominational religious education, especially in the Catholic sector. This phrase, or a synonym, frequently appears in the titles of curricula, courses and books. See TH Groome 1980, Christian religious education: Sharing our story and vision; Catholic Diocese of Parramatta 1991, Sharing our story: Religious education curriculum (Guidelines for Religious Education in Secondary Schools). 3 ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1993, The spirituality of today’s young people: Implications for religious education in church-related schools; ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1996b, The secular spirituality of youth: Implications for religious education. 4 G Gerbner 1992, The challenge of television, quoted in M Warren 1992, Communications and cultural analysis: A religious view. 5 Eckersley et al. 2006, ������ p. 35. 6 This chapter was developed from three articles published by Rossiter in the journals International Journal of Children’s Spirituality (UK) Part 1: 1996, 1(1): 52–67; Part 2: 1996, 1(2): 21–35; Part 3: 1999, 4(2): 207–24; Word in Life/Journal of Religious Education (Australia) Part 1: 1996, 44(3): 3–9; Part 2: 1996, 44(4): 6–16; Part 3: 2000, 48(3): 2–16. Reprinted in the Religious Education Journal of Australia (Australia) Part 1: 1998, 14(1): 3–17; Part 2: 1998, 14(2): 14–23. 7 BV Hill 1993, Is value(s) added education in the national interest? (a discussion of the future of values education in the light of new employment oriented competencies movement in Australian education). 8 Usually, film-makers dealing with religious topics would want to disavow the purposes in the first two types, though this was not the case in Mel Gibson’s film The Passion of the Christ. But a blurring of the boundaries, especially between types 2 and 3, can increase the level of controversy surrounding a film, and if well orchestrated, this can increase its success at the box office. It is not unlikely that the makers of the Da Vinci Code took this into account in their marketing strategies. 9 We are indebted to Dr Rebecca Huntley for the information considered here. 10 D Pipes 1986, Fundamentalist Muslims between America and Russia. 11 N Postman 1985, Amusing ourselves to death: Public discourse in the age of show business. 12 A number of documentaries on George Armstrong Custer and the Little Big Horn, and on Chief Sitting Bull of the Lakota Sioux nation were produced in the 1990s. The most readily available example is a segment within the series The West, 1996, available on DVD. 13 B Nichols 1991, Representing reality: Issues and concepts in documentary. 14 Some examples of relevant writings in the area of film studies are: E Barnouw 1993, Documentary: A history of the non-fiction film (2nd edn); T Bennett (ed.) 1981, Popular television and film: A reader; J Corner 1986,
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15 16 17 18
19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36
37 38 39
Documentary and the mass media: D Cuthbert 1989, Film and propaganda in America: A documentary history; J Monaco 1981, How to read a film: The art, technology, language, history and theory of film and media (rev. edn); B Nichols 1981, Ideology and the image: Social representations in the cinema; B Nichols 1991, Representing reality: Issues and concepts in documentary. ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1988, Missionaries to a teenage culture: Religious education in a time of rapid change, Chapter 15. These ideas were drawn from the documentary American Cinema, screened in 1995. M Scorsese, comments made in the American Cinema documentary. In a school education that attempts to develop students’ evaluative skills, the activity described here may be as far into a moral evaluation in film study as the classroom education process needs to go, because the school itself already has a formal commitment to community values. This commitment carries through naturally with an implied judgment about the appropriateness or undesirability of any values identified in a film study, or any other study – as would be the case where values were identified in a novel or play. For example, there is no need for an exhortation to reinforce for students that the values of Hitler or Stalin were in strong conflict with the values upheld by the school and community. However, they would in all likelihood make value judgments about the issues, usually in their own thinking, but this could readily become part of an exchange of views in a discussion. In some individual cases, the study of a film, like that of a particular novel or play, could result in a significant personal learning experience for some students; but as noted in Chapter 13, this usually has to do with the particular disposition and situation of students, and it is not the sort of experience that teachers can and should plan for. This material is drawn from ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 2004, Spirituality and reality television: More than meets the eye. GM Rossiter 2001, The Jerry Springer Show and religious education. ML Crawford 1991, A history of Christianity: From St Paul to the Middle Ages, vol. 5 on medieval morality plays. W Kuhns 1969, The electronic gospel: Religion and the media. Postman 1985. M Warren 1992, Communications and cultural analysis: A religious view, p. 2. ibid., p. 3. ibid., p. 2. School Curriculum and Assessment Authority, 1996, Pilot survey on values returned by 569 school pupils from primary and junior secondary classes, SCAA, London. Pope John Paul II 1979, Children and the Media, p. 46. This is considered elsewhere in Crawford & Rossiter 1988, Chapter 15. Postman 1985, p. 10. See also N Postman & C Weingartner 1969, Teaching as a subversive activity; N Postman 1979, Teaching as a conserving activity. N Postman 1993 Technopoly: The surrender of culture to technology, p. 16. ibid., p. 17. ibid., pp. 17–18, 19, 20. Warren 1992, p. 3. ibid., p. 3. Some Australian television commercials show products are used for a variety of purposes other than that for which they are manufactured, e.g. sanitary napkins used for drying up blue ink, and blood after a shooting; toilet paper as a toy for dogs. For many cosmetics and deodorants the focus is on style and not function. Marx, The German Ideology, quoted in Postman 1993, p. 21. M Warren 1994, Life structure or the material conditions of living. J Atlas 1984, Beyond demographics, p. 51, quoted in Warren 1994.
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4 PART
Implications for religious education in independent schools (with special reference to Catholic schools) Part 4 examines the theory and practice of religious education in religious schools in the light of issues discussed earlier. The notion of education in meaning, identity and spirituality (Part 2) has implications for religious education in any school type; similarly, studying religion makes a distinctive contribution to the spiritual and moral dimension of the school curriculum (Part 3). Religious education in Catholic schools will be taken as a principal example in religiously sponsored schools, enabling us to attend to issues with a high degree of contextual specificity. We considered that the advantages in this strategy considerably outweighed those in restricting attention to generalisations across all types of religious school. Nevertheless, many of the issues are relevant to other religious schools in Australia, especially Christian church-related schools – with appropriate transposition according to context; estimating how their situations compare and contrast with that of Catholic schools can yield
useful analyses. In addition, there will be some implications for Jewish and Muslim schools, depending on their particular cultural, theological and educational orientations. To account for the distinctiveness of religious education in the different types of religious schools in the country is beyond our scope here. It will become evident that a number of the issues discussed here are closely related to those already examined in Part 3 on the spiritual and moral dimension to public education. The five-part arrangement of Chapters in this book has the potential to promote more mutual understanding and dialogue among educators in the public and independent sectors by having materials on the spiritual and moral aspects of education relevant to each in the same volume.
16
Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools: Towards a relevant religious education for the future
This chapter interprets the recent history of religious education in Australian Catholic schools, highlighting issues in contemporary theory and practice.1 It will provide the basis for identifying links with the questions raised in Parts 1, 2 and 3, as well as for comparisons with the practice in other types of religious schools.
16.1 Social and intellectual conditions that enable a critical historical interpretation The historian Jaroslav Pelikan considered that a wise understanding of history is the best starting point when planning for the future, especially in an era characterised by rapid social change and uncertainty.2 Present issues are best interpreted in the light of formative historical influences. But constructing an insightful interpretation of the past is neither easy nor simple. Our capacity to interpret historical developments in religious education – as for any aspect of culture – depends on the relative maturity of the social and intellectual climate in which we work. To illustrate, we will consider a recent documentary about the role of Paul Robeson in the African American civil rights and labour movements. The estimates of Paul Robeson as an African American leader during his own times (in the 1950s and 1960s) were not flattering. Because of his simplistic and sympathetic views of the quality of life in the Soviet Union under Stalin, leaders like Martin Luther King and Malcolm X distanced themselves from him; for a time he was not permitted to travel outside the United States because of his so called ‘un-American’ activities. He was not as widely appreciated then as he is now. It has taken many years before an evaluation of his leadership role emerged which acknowledged the social complexities that explained the successes and failures of his endeavours. Now we have a better understanding of the life work of this man who sang for the workers on the Sydney Opera house construction site in the 1960s and for Soviet workers in Moscow – the man who can be judged as an influential precursor of the Black civil rights movement in the United States. 371
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The point of this analogy is that a critical interpretation of rapid new developments within Australian Catholic Religious Education in the 1960s and 1970s required a maturity of vision that was not available at the time. More experience and historical perspective were needed before an interpretation emerged that better explained what happened – that is, an appraisal that acknowledged all the influences at work and that resisted the temptation to oversimplify; one that did not collapse the tensions, accepting the failures along with the successes, and acknowledging both strengths and weaknesses. We are now better able to put the development of Catholic religious education into perspective, interpreting the history in terms of a network of causal factors that makes sense of what happened and enables us to make wiser decisions about the future. Not all in the Catholic sector will agree with the interpretation that follows; there remain different estimates of what is the most appropriate content and method for religious education. But at least the discussion may raise issues on which a particular stance needs to be taken. It will presume that a common commitment to the advancement of religious education is greater than the differences, and that an opportunity to evaluate theory and practice is always important for advancing the profession.
16.2 An historical perspective on Catholic school religious education in Australia A first step is to compile a list of the factors that had a shaping influence on religious education. They affected the thinking of authorities which gave rise to the intentional curriculum; they also influenced what happened in the classroom – the actual curriculum – where the perceptions and responses of the students made an important contribution. Such an extensive listing (see box) is only a starting point for a critical perspective. What is needed is an interpretation of the interplay between these factors, making use of selected themes, as will be taken up in the sections following the box. Factors that have had a shaping influence on Catholic religious education in Australia since the 1950s
Theology
Impact of the emerging theology of the Second Vatican Council. Influence from particular movements in theology: Christological, ministry, social justice, liberationist, feminist. Scripture scholarship influenced understandings of biblical authorship with considerable impact on the interpretation of the gospels. Increasing theological sophistication of the adult Catholic community. Movements in Religious Education with different orientation
Changing emphases in movements such as the kerygmatic movement, also the experiential, social justice.3 Community-oriented student retreats which began in the late 1960s, changing from the silent retreats which had predominated.
Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools
Impact of Thomas Groome’s Shared Christian Praxis approach, which was adopted by a number of Catholic dioceses.4 Pursuit of religious literacy as a goal; the notion of ‘critical’ religious literacy.5 Change in curriculum format to stress outcomes.6 Education
The new prominence of ‘experiential’ education (for example Jerome Bruner); the emphasis on ‘process’ rather than content. The rise of ‘critical’ education: emphasis on analysis, evaluation and interpretation rather than on learning facts. 1990s emphasis on outcomes and employment-oriented competencies. Increasing interest in the personal and social dimensions of education. The new emphasis in the 2000s on education for spiritual and moral development, and for the acquisition of values. Social science
Humanistic psychology from the 1960s onwards. Great interest in how human relationships foster personal development. The rise of ‘psychological spirituality’ where insights from psychology have been blended with theology and traditional spirituality to give a language for spirituality that sought to articulate the religious tradition with more relevance and meaning for contemporary life (see 8.2). Social and cultural developments affecting the context of religious education; an interpretation of the social situation is taken into account within theory and practice of religious education
Secularisation of culture – less prominence for organised religion; decline in parish church participation; increasing numbers of students coming from homes with minimal connection with the local church. Social and cultural change as issues to be addressed: Changes in family life and social roles Social liberalism: more tolerance of diversity, but social conflict remains evident Changes in the workplace and employment Increasing levels of poverty and hardship Economic rationalism and the impact of globalisation, casual employment, downsizing More technological and computer-oriented society Anxiety about increasing levels of drug use and violence in the community Anxiety about racism and immigration, and about terrorism Environmental concerns and anxiety about deterioration in the quality of life The influence of film and television on life expectations and values. A more educated and critical adult and youth community – less ready to respect and believe authorities; more questioning; more critical of church teachings and less accepting of traditional views. Promotion of multiculturalism in a multi-faith society.
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Crisis of meaning arising from inability of people to find relevant and sustaining meaning and purpose in life (increase in suicide rates, depression, drug use, violence, boredom). Teaching religious orders
Provided the structural and personnel resources for Catholic schooling and religious education since the 1870s. The great interest of religious order personnel in Vatican II theology and in the psychological spirituality that emerged from the 1960s onwards; effects on theory and practice of religious education. The boom period for religious order vocations (1950s and early 1960s) followed by sharp decline. Minimal number of personnel from religious orders remain teaching in Catholic schools in 1990s. Lay personnel in Catholic schools
Gradually became the large majority of religion teachers in the 1980s and 1990s. The emergence of lay spirituality gradually taking the place of religious order-oriented spirituality as the norm for teachers in Catholic schools. Diocesan structures
The rise of Catholic Education Offices after funding was secured for Catholic school systems; consultants in religious education. Diocesan religious education documents and Vatican documents
Vatican documents on catechesis, evangelisation; and on Catholic schools. Diocesan guidelines Student texts
The new national Catholic school catechisms of the 1960s for primary and junior/middle secondary. The booklet series Come Alive for Year 12 in 1970, and conflict over its appropriateness. Aims, content and teaching strategies influenced by student texts; the use of American, British and Australian student texts and series of booklets in the 1970s and 1980s. The New Zealand religious education series Understanding Faith late 1980s and 1990s (cf. production and marketing of the Australian edition). The publication of the To know, worship and love series of texts for Kindergarten to Year 10 for use in Catholic schools; adopted by a number of Catholic dioceses from 2001 onwards. New state-based Religion Studies courses
Emergence of state Religion Studies courses, mainly in the 1990s. Religion Studies courses widely adopted and taught in Catholic schools at Years 11 and 12 levels. Religion Studies courses becoming the de facto formal religion curriculum for Years 11 and 12. Writers/theorists in religious education
Relative influence of American, British and Australian writers.
Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools
Professional development programs for religion teachers
Diocesan programs for teachers. Professional development of educators for Catholic schools in Catholic Teachers Colleges and subsequently in Catholic universities, at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Relative popularity of overseas religious education scholars who conducted professional dev elopment programs. Increasing numbers of educators engaged in postgraduate research in religious education. The perceptions of students and their responses
Criticisms of the lack of relevance of religious education by students in the 1960s and 1970s. Student satisfaction with retreats. Increasing acceptance of academically accredited courses. Teachers’ perceptions of the changing needs and interests of students. The spirituality of contemporary young people and how this was perceived by teachers.
There are a number of historical accounts of the evolution of Catholic religious education that trace the emergence of different approaches.7 They show that there has been a perennial quest to be ‘relevant’ and ‘effective’, involving trial and error and professional conflict. Also evident are the different estimates of what classroom religious education should be about. Given that this evolution has already been well documented, our interpretation will concentrate on what the developments mean for the future; it revolves around the interplay between six themes: 16.2.1 The experiential quest for personalism and relevance 16.2.2 The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ 16.2.3 The development of diocesan guidelines for Catholic religious education 16.2.4 Student resource materials 16.2.5 New state Religion Studies courses and the quest for academic credibility 16.2.6 The spirituality of contemporary youth
16.2.1 The experiential quest for personalism and relevance Perhaps the most notable change in Catholic school religious education after the Second Vatican Council was the emphasis on the experiential and a quest for personalism and relevance. It sought to make the classroom interactions tuned in to students’ life experience, needs and interests as well as being personal. The idea of ‘faith sharing’ was prominent. The new emphasis emerged from the coalescence of a number of movements. Whereas previously theology had been mainly the preserve of the clergy, it was opened to members of the teaching religious orders of sisters and brothers, and then to the laity. The religious personnel, who made up the majority of the religion teachers in Catholic schools at the time, joined the surge of interest in the new humanistic psychology (for example the work of Rogers, Maslow, Allport, May). Special attention was given to human relationships as a key aspect of personal and spiritual development. What emerged was a form of ‘psychological spirituality’ which sought to interpret theology and scripture in terms of their relevance
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to contemporary life (8.2). This development reinforced and magnified the changes in Catholicism that are often ascribed to the Second Vatican Council. While this gave useful insights into personal development, where it was overused and not kept in balance with other interests, it tended to result in a religious education that looked excessively individualistic. There was a danger that it could promote and reinforce self-centredness, aggravating problems of narcissism that might already be there in some individuals. Being able to relate sensitively in one-to-one relationships became a more prominent part of people’s religious spirituality. The counselling relationship assumed a wider significance beyond the therapeutic; it became like an ideal for religious ministry, and the often used words ‘being sensitive to people’ were iconic. This new interest in personalism not only affected the lives of educators, but changed their understanding of religious education. Efforts were intensified to make it an activity that overtly engaged students at a personal level; intimacy in discussions became a much desired goal. In senior secondary classes, ‘relationships’ and ‘personal development’ figured prominently as content, displacing more formally religious topics. This development made religion teaching easier for those who had little knowledge of theology or scripture – at a time when theological and scriptural understandings were changing quickly in any case. The spectacular success of the new style of community retreats which began in the 1970s reinforced this thinking, and teachers unsuccessfully tried to use retreat activities to transform their ordinary lessons into lively personal discussions. The research on Catholic schools conducted by Flynn (1975), following up that of Leavey (1972), stressed the importance of community and school climate. It was interpreted as a research justification of the quest for personalism. Religious education was thought of more as a community-building, ‘personal sharing’ activity than as a ‘study’ of religion. Teachers tried to ‘de-school’ religious education, making it into a more informal discussion activity (see Chapter 19). So, in the Catholic education sector, as the language of psychological spirituality came to dominate thinking about personal and spiritual development, the small-group discussion came to be regarded as the central process of religious education. Distinctions between religious education and personal development education were blurred. Informality in context and method, personal sharing, group dynamics, and process rather than content became prominent in teachers’ understanding of religious education, especially in the secondary school. Having students make personal revelations became the measure of effective religious education. Words like ‘students really giving of themselves’ were used by teachers to describe what they regarded as successful lessons. Even though much has changed in Catholic religious education since the heyday of the experiential approach, there remains lingering attachment to this personalist view of the process. A thorough, realistic interpretation of the place for personalism in Catholic religious education is still needed today. From the vantage point of hindsight it can be seen that the personal formula which appeared to have so much promise was inappropriate and unsuccessful. No doubt it made helpful contributions to young people’s personal and spiritual development, but as a comprehensive approach to the classroom study of religion it was too narrow in both content and method. However, it was not the quest for relevance and personalism in itself that was the problem – this is still important. The problem was in the unrealistic expectations for personalism, and inappropriate methods for pursuing personal interactions in the classroom; an inappropriate informality was not the key to personalism in that context. The same problem affected the
Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools
personalist movement initiated in British state school Religion Studies by Harold Loukes in the late 1960s (21.4.3).8 ‘Artificial’ informality did not engage the students; the activity was felt to be of little educational or personal consequence, even though many said that they enjoyed it. The intention of structuring informality into religious education led to practice that actually subverted both the desired personalism and the relevance; the students perceived religious education as unimportant (14.3.1). Reflection on implications
The problem was essentially about the place of a personal dimension to classroom teaching and learning. We consider that the conceptualisation in Chapters 13 and 14, and in other publications,9 offers the best solution. No new pedagogy needs to be invented; rather, what is needed is a wise perspective on historical developments that can affirm best theory and practice. Some Catholic educators look back on the experimentation in the 1970s and 1980s and judge the quest for personalism as a complete failure. Not so: the intentions were valid in the main, but the efforts were misdirected. Relevance and personalism remain the most important issues for Catholic religious education in the new millennium, more so now than was the case formerly (see Chapter 17). The particular content and pedagogy arrangement employed to achieve this goal was generally inappropriate and naive. It was successful in retreats, and especially in voluntary religious groups, and this remains the case, because there was congruence between the personalist formula and the voluntary retreat contexts. Such congruence was missing in formal classroom religious education. What was required for a natural and authentic personalism was a different content and pedagogy that were more at home in the classroom and were consistent with expectations and practice in other subjects. What happened pedagogically in other subjects was not static; it changed and evolved. The point being made here is that religious education needed to have substantial congruence with the teaching and learning processes experienced by students in other subjects, otherwise its perceived value as a subject would be fatally marginalised. More than most other subjects in the curriculum, religious education has been the arena where the quest for relevance and personalism has been explored and tested, with much experimentation, successes and failures over the years. An educational wisdom has emerged from this experience, with valuable implications for general education; for example, the substance of the proposals for the spiritual-moral dimension to public education in Chapters 11–14 was distilled from religious education. Much has been done within Catholic religious education to make it personal and relevant for students. But, as considered below and in the next chapter, problems remain, and continuing efforts are required to maintain and enhance these qualities. Progress has been made as regards challenging teaching and learning processes, including the subtle place of personal freedom. What often remains the principal difficulty is the need for more relevant content.
16.2.2 The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ Because of the prominence and influence of the concept ‘faith development’ in the history of Catholic religious education in Australia, it will be considered in more detail in Chapters 18 and 19. Only a summary statement of its significance will be made here.
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Promoting the spiritual development of young people has always been a central aim of Catholic schools. Not surprisingly, the term ‘faith development’ has come to dominate the language of Catholic religious education since the late 1970s, but there remains some ambiguity about its meaning and implications for the classroom. The significant issue here is the way that faith development came to be associated with the personal processes considered in section 16.2.1 above. It was like baptising the quest for personalism, identifying personal interchanges as instances of faith development. In turn, this sort of naive thinking about the nature and development of religious faith led to a false dichotomy: the apparently more personal activities like retreats, shared prayer, discussions and counselling were labelled as faith development; by contrast, the study of religion was regarded as something less than that (and hence less important), probably because its cognitive emphasis was thought to be less faith-intensive. This thinking became embedded in diocesan guidelines, in the writings of religious education theorists and in school programs, and no doubt it affected the thinking and practice of religion teachers. Reflection on implications
What Catholic religious educators have often talked about as faith development would be more appropriately described as an emotional or personal component of religious education. Vagueness in popular usage of the term faith development implies a questionable view of the nature of religious faith; it presumes too narrow a dependence on psychological processes (and more specifically, on emotional activity) as the core pathway for the development of students’ religious faith. Such thinking tends to devalue classroom religious education as if it were somehow less faith-intensive than intimate group processes; and it tends to obscure the complexity in links between religious education and students’ spiritual development. Examples of such problematic thinking are still evident in contemporary Catholic religious education. What is needed in Catholic religious education is a more discriminating use of the concept faith development – in particular, a use that does three things: 1 reflects the important contribution of classroom teaching and learning; 2 does not oversimplify the complexities of spiritual development; and 3 acknowledges the tenuous links between teaching and young people’s spiritual-moral development.
16.2.3 The development of diocesan guidelines for Catholic religious education A 1997 article on Catholic schooling noted that the guidelines produced by various Australian Catholic dioceses had contributed significantly to the support for Catholic school Religious Education.10 In terms of the personnel, time, funds, trialling, dissemination and inservice programs associated with these documents, their development represented an extraordinary commitment to religious education in this country. Many Catholic dioceses have their own guidelines, while some of the smaller dioceses have adopted or modified the programs used in metropolitan centres.
Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools
The ways in which diocesan documents have affected classroom practice in religious education have changed since the 1970s. Originally, they functioned as guides, with extensive school-based curriculum development being the norm; the school program was the focal point. While there has been little systematic research on the effectiveness of diocesan guidelines as a strategy for improving the quality of religious education, there were indications that in those early years they received little attention from teachers, the exception being those responsible for the school programming and resourcing of religious education.11 In some instances, the choice of student resources was more influential in shaping the curriculum than the diocesan documents. For example, in the 1990s, student materials originally developed for Catholic religious education in New Zealand (Understanding faith) were used extensively in Australian Catholic schools. An Australian edition was produced and marketed successfully. Where these materials were used, it would be difficult from classroom observation alone to determine which particular diocesan guidelines the teachers were working from. The student materials themselves had a significant influence on lessonplanning and classroom teaching. This raised questions about whether or not diocesan curriculum documents resulted in different and distinctive teaching styles and content selection for Catholic religious education around the country. However, as the 1990s progressed, and as school curricula generally became more cen tralised around authoritative documents that spelled out specific outcomes, the principal focus of attention shifted from the school religion program towards the diocesan guidelines. School-based curriculum development in religious education declined in the 1990s, even though the number of qualified religion teachers increased considerably. The more prescriptive and extensive diocesan religion documents included background theology and support material such as units of work, lists of teaching resources and directions for pedagogy. Internal and external evaluations of diocesan guidelines affirmed their role in support of religion teachers. Since their first publication in the 1960s, generations of diocesan documents reflected changes in thinking about the nature, purposes and methods of religious education. Both the quest for personalism and relevance and the centrality of faith development (16.2.1, 16.2.2) were evident; two aspects only will be considered here: values and faith outcomes; and the ‘relevance’ of content. Values and faith outcomes
In the 1990s, the outcomes format was adopted into various diocesan guidelines. With measurable products, evidence-based reporting and an emphasis on effectiveness and accountability, the outcomes-based religion curricula affected both teaching and assessment. The new system appeared to work well for knowledge and skill outcomes, but had difficulties when it came to the personal or values areas.12 The focus on knowledge and skills was beneficial in drawing attention to immediate and achievable educational goals; to some extent, these were neglected where excessive attention had been given to the aim of faith development. Also, the outcomes orientation helped keep religious education on a par with other key learning areas. But ambiguity remained about the use of values and faith outcomes – in particular, questions about their nature and educational appropriateness, and about whether or not they could be measured and reported in an ethical fashion.13
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Relevant content
It is ultimately the Catholic bishop in each diocese who approves the diocesan guidelines. The purpose of ‘handing on the religious tradition’ will therefore always be prominent and will affect scope and content. While this emphasis does not in itself make the material less student-centred, it contributes to the overall impression that the documents are primarily concerned with ‘conserving’ the tradition. This is not undesirable per se – giving young people access to their religious heritage. But considered from the perspective of developing curricula that are personally relevant, most diocesan guidelines are too tame. More issueoriented content is needed. Reflection on implications
Faith and values outcomes as ‘hopes’
Problems with the use of values and faith outcomes can be addressed by differentiating hopes from measurable outcomes. This solution is congruent with the conclusions in 16.2.2 above – acknowledging the intricacy of links between educational processes and desired spiritual development (see Chapter 13). While it is important to articulate hopes that give a valuable direction to religious education, to try to measure and assess them is ethically inappropriate. Relevant content
While more attention will be given to what constitutes ‘personal relevance’ in the next chap ter, at this point it is sufficient to note that it means content that is perceived to be important for the students’ lives: it has implications for life and is not just theoretical. While theological and scriptural content may well be taught in ways that highlight such implications, one could expect that personal and social issues would have more natural relevance. If this is the case, then it would be desirable to include an appropriate amount of issue-related content in the religion curriculum, giving it a prominent place alongside traditional religious topics. Given the origins and purposes of Catholic diocesan religious education documents, it is unlikely that their ecclesiastical and theological emphasis will change – even more the case in a time of religious conservatism. While many of the documents include social justice and morality, the bulk of their content would be perceived as traditionally religious because at heart the curricula are tradition-conserving. Such an emphasis leaves little place for personal and social issues.14 However, even a marginal increase in the proportion of issueoriented content would be helpful. Such a change could increase the perceived relevance of the religion curriculum without compromising the attention given to traditional religious content. Relevance could also be enhanced through pedagogy that taught religious content in a problem-posing way.
16.2.4 Student resource materials While diocesan curriculum documents have been prominent in the evolution of Catholic school religious education in Australia, it was the student resources that gave a better picture of developments. Apart from the catechisms of the early 1960s, some primary school programs in the 1970s, and the Year 12 Come Alive series in 1970, the Catholic dioceses did
Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools
not invest significantly in producing student materials; their interest was in guidelines that supported school-based curriculum development. Hence the writers and publishers who produced student resources had a de facto influence on the curriculum. This was evident as early as the 1960s when series of student texts and program booklets developed in the United States were used extensively in Australian Catholic schools; these gradually displaced the official ‘green’ and ‘red’ Australian catechisms used in primary and secondary schools. While there were some texts and series produced in Australia (for example the Move out program by Dove Communications and other programs at primary school level) materials from the United States were more prominent (together with some from the British Isles).15 The publication of the Year 12 program of booklets Come alive sponsored by the Australian Catholic bishops in 1970 met with mixed success. While the books became icons of the new experiential approach, they also prompted controversy because they were perceived by opponents as too non-traditional.16 This would be the last major set of student resources produced by Australian Catholic authorities for thirty years (with the exception of the Australian edition of the New Zealand texts, Understanding faith). Gradually more Australian texts were developed by individual educators and local publishers, a trend that continued into the 2000s.17 In 2000, at the initiative of Archbishop Pell in Melbourne, a series of religion texts (To Know, Worship and Love) was produced for K–10 students. After the Archbishop moved to Sydney, the texts were revised and introduced in that archdiocese; the new edition was also adopted in Melbourne and in a number of other Catholic dioceses. These texts represented a major development in Australian Catholic religious education. Also prominent during the 1990s and early 2000s were various commercial texts produced to support the new Religion Studies programs that were popular at Years 11–12 level in Catholic schools.18 More recently, texts have been developed in support of Catholic Studies programs in the senior school.19 Interesting questions now arise as to the status of authoritative diocesan student texts. Do they become the curriculum? How will they relate to diocesan guidelines? Will they be the exclusive resources to be used in the classroom? In addition, the texts have implications for pedagogy: How can set texts be used creatively? For inexperienced teachers, and for those with an inadequate background in the subject, the texts provided support for the students, giving them basic resources on the syllabus. A key purpose in providing texts was to take Catholic teachings directly into homes. Reflection on implications
Improvement in the quality of classroom religious education draws on a number of sources, especially the professional development of teachers, normative curriculum documents and student resource materials. The history of Catholic school religious education in Australia showed the prominence of all three. If the case for more issue-oriented content and teaching is accepted, then the challenge for student materials development is to give this aspect more attention. It is to be expected that authoritative student texts such as To Know, worship and love would not highlight this dimension, just as they do not have a strong place in normative curriculum documents; the initiative will then rest with teachers to incorporate more issue-oriented content into the school program and to find suitable resources.
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Every student resource makes an implied statement about the nature and purposes of religious education – hence their ongoing development needs to acknowledge and address conflicting views of what is appropriate content for religious education, and what constitutes good pedagogy.20 Further research is needed to inform dialogue about content and method; if a wide consensus is not achievable on this question, then at least there should be a tolerant pluralism. The same question about content and pedagogy is equally important for the next area to be considered: state-based Religion Studies courses.
16.2.5 New state Religion Studies courses and the quest for academic credibility One of the major problems faced by Catholic school religious education for many years has been its academic credibility, and its poor status in the eyes of students. Catholic schools have long claimed that a subject like religion, which deals with ultimate meaning, beliefs and values, should have a philosophically central place in any school curriculum. However, the very subjects concerned specifically with the personal and spiritual dimensions to life can have their credibility subverted by the ‘psychology of the learning environment’ (14.3.1). A number of factors have influenced the poor level of involvement of many students in religious education, even when they enjoyed it.21 Of particular interest here was its academic credibility – or what students called its ‘mark status’. Earlier, when the approach to Catholic religious education was experiential, informal and community-oriented, some attempts were made to increase its academic rigour at secondary level. This was a difficult task, not only because of student perceptions, but because it went against the grain of teacher thinking at the time; the ‘academic’ and ‘personal’ approaches were felt to be incompatible, and it was the latter that was in favour. By 1972, some Catholic school Year 11–12 religion programs had gained partial accreditation as ‘Other approved studies’ in New South Wales; religious education was included on the graduating students’ final certificate as a school-developed unit, but it did not count towards university entrance scores. Even though Tasmania had a fully accredited state Religion Studies course in the 1970s, it was not until the 1990s that these programs were introduced in the other states, with the exception of the Northern Territory (see Part 5). Catholic schools embraced the new state courses enthusiastically. Catholic religious educators from Education Offices, schools and the Australian Catholic University were key players in the development of the courses and in the production of student materials. The majority of the candidature of the Religion Studies (or studies of religion) courses came from Catholic schools. The courses were taken up for a number of reasons: • Their academic credibility helped religion to become more accepted as a regular, exam inable subject in the Catholic school curriculum. • The subject made a contribution to university matriculation requirements and entrance scores. • Religion was presumed to be compulsory in the senior classes in Catholic schools; with Religion Studies, there could be some academic recognition for their work. • The purposes of Religion Studies courses were considered appropriate enough to be accommodated within the purposes of Catholic religious education.
Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools
• The Religion Studies syllabuses tended to bypass ongoing debate about content and method in Catholic religious education by providing clear content with examinable outcomes; there is nothing like an examinable course to galvanise teachers’ efforts. • The educational purposes of Religion Studies seemed to some extent to avoid problems associated with the excessive attention that had been given to long-term religious goals like faith development and to ecclesial constructs like evangelisation and catechesis. The arrival of Religion Studies courses on the Australian educational scene, and the way in which they were embraced by Catholic schools, have made an invaluable contribution to Catholic religious education; they became the de facto religion curriculum for Years 11–12, along with religious activities like liturgy, prayer and retreats. They enhanced the academic credibility of religious education, and this had repercussions back through the junior secondary school. More importantly, they provided a context within which students could experience the study of religion with academic rigour. So in effect, Religion Studies added a crucial element to the formula for Catholic religious education: academic study and research, which had been difficult to achieve earlier because of the non-accredited status of diocesan programs. While currently Catholic school students make up the large majority of the candidature in state Religion Studies courses in Australia, some Catholic educators have doubts about their suitability – they would prefer more overt Catholic content and are not comfortable with so much attention given to world religions. In New South Wales, a diocesan program for Years 11–12 – like a Catholic studies course – is endorsed as an approved program by the state Board of Studies, without university entrance status. Some schools offer this and Studies of Religion as alternatives. It remains to be seen if there will be a significant movement away from Religion Studies programs towards Catholic studies.22 In schools that have both options it is evident that the selection of Catholic studies is often made by students who wish to do the minimum. This is not necessarily an antireligious gesture; it may be a way of balancing the competitive pressures in the final year of schooling. But for whatever the reasons, students in these classes have a recognisably different and noticeably poorer attitude to engagement in studying religion. It poses an interesting conundrum: the content in a school-based course may be more relevant than that in a state Religion Studies course; but the students may get less personal benefit from the former because they study it with ‘half a brain’; whereas the latter, with less relevant content, may be more beneficial because they study it with a ‘whole brain’. Reflection on implications
If Catholic and other religious schools are to implement state-based Religion Studies courses with confidence, there is a need for a good rationale to show how they contribute to the school’s traditional religious purposes. Catholic schools have embraced these programs with a general acceptance of their value both educationally and with respect to their students’ spiritual development. But in the long term, particularly when some oppose the adoption of such programs as compromising the school’s Catholicity, a more comprehensive and robust case justifying their adoption is required. As yet, this question has not been given the attention it warrants (cf. Chapters 21–22); at this point it is pertinent to note some of the issues.
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First, there is the question of harmonising the purposes of state courses with the school’s aims for denominational religious education – in other words, showing how Religion Studies are congruent with the school’s religious purposes. An analysis is required that acknowledges theological and educational issues, as well as political ones, and commonalities and differences between denominational religious education and Religion Studies courses need to be articulated. For example, the following early statement referring to the Victorian course gave the false impression that the two were incompatible: A phenomenological approach to the study of religious traditions has been adopted in the (Victorian) Religion and Society Study Design. This is intended to encourage open, critical and dispassionate study of religions throughout each unit in the Study Design. The approach taken to Religion should not be confused with religious education or Religious Instruction. These are two quite different methodologies, both requiring a confessional approach to the study of one religion only.23
The statement oversimplified relationships between the programs. Nevertheless, it highlights problems to be negotiated. On the positive side, the implementation of Religion Studies has helped resolve the problematic dichotomy between the academic and personal dimensions to Catholic religious education. As explained earlier, academic respectability seems to be an essential element for a healthy personalism in any classroom studies (see Chapters 13–14). However, as far as personalism and relevance are concerned, Religion Studies courses still have problems. In section 16.2.3 above, it was claimed that Catholic diocesan curricula were too tame, with not enough content that is issue-oriented and personally relevant. In general, state Religion Studies courses in Australia are also too tame in their content, but for different reasons; their content is too traditional – in terms of the world religions material in British school Religion Studies in the 1970s. The principles for content selection and methodology for the Australian courses relied too much on the dimensional analysis of religion derived from the work of Ninian Smart, and from typological phenomenology.24 This resulted in content that was mainly descriptive and factual, with little that was issue-oriented and personally relevant. While it would be a mistake to overload these courses with issues, the extent to which they are present in current courses could well be increased. One state education officer acknowledged that the Australian Religion Studies courses were politically constrained to stay with what he called ‘traditional religious content’; they could not afford to be controversial. In both Catholic diocesan religion curricula and in state Religion Studies, the content has a ‘political correctness’ about it that is influenced by their respective contexts, inhibiting the inclusion of questions that are likely to be controversial. In the former, the influence is primarily ecclesiastical, in the latter it is both political (to satisfy different religious authorities that the content on their traditions is accurate and adequate) and traditional (in tune with the 1970s world religions movement in British Religion Studies). Both types of course need to be more issue-oriented; but such a change has to be pursued diplomatically, because if the content is too controversial the move will be counterproductive with respect to public opinion. Also, a course overloaded with personal and social issues would be educationally unsound for students. It is a question of finding the right balance.
Historical perspective on religious education in Catholic schools
In an educational environment where spiritual-moral issues are increasingly becoming prominent across the curriculum, it would be ironic if such issues were being better handled elsewhere in the curriculum where there was more freedom to address them educationally. If issues are screened out of Religion Studies and religious education, this could compromise the integrity of religion itself, which has always been controversial; this also implies a narrow epistemological view of religion. In addition, this view tends to ‘domesticate’ religion and it could reinforce for many young people their feeling that much of religion is irrelevant to their lives anyway.
16.2.6 The spirituality of contemporary youth The detailed consideration of youth spirituality in Chapters 8 and 9 is pertinent here. At this point, it is sufficient to recall four key aspects: • It is often secular in tone and not so dependent on traditional religion. • It is eclectic, drawing on a wide range of resources, not the least significant of which is the world of film and television, and the entertainment and consumer industries that support it. • Seeking identity is a major developmental task; it is difficult to balance the polarity between the core personal need to have distinctive individuality and the feeling of a sense of belonging to groups. • Personal freedom is presumed to be an absolute – at least in Western countries; balancing freedom and responsibility is often problematic. From within their life-world, many young people do not have a traditional view of religion, and this affects the way they will approach its study. They start from the position that religion may well be of interest and even important for them – but not with the same sort of compelling importance that seemed to be the case for past generations. Many youth just do not have the time and mental space for serious attention to religion at this stage of their lives. While at times the search for meaning, identity and spirituality will be prominent and engaging for youth, for much of their time there is little need for it. And they can oscillate between these two states. Reflection on implications
Religious educators need to develop a good understanding of the spirituality of contemporary youth so that content and pedagogy take into account the ways in which young people forge meaning and purpose, recognising that this is often quite different in approach and emphasis from that of older generations. Hence, religious education in the church school should not proceed from the standpoint that the students are religious and want to immerse themselves in the study of religion and acquire a religious identity. Rather, it should begin from the position that any educated person needs to have a basic familiarity with their own religious tradition, as well as being proficient in understanding other religions and contemporary spiritual and moral issues. Understanding
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the role and psychological functions of religion is also pertinent, while educational endeavours in this direction should not aim at just a psychological reduction of religion. While it is unrealistic to think that every topic in religious education should be perceived by students as personal and relevant, there is good reason for trying to get a significant amount of the content into this category. Research on religious education in Europe shows why. In his 1998 study, the Belgian scholar Herman Lombaerts described the situation in Europe: ‘There are ever increasing efforts to have better, more relevant and more effective religious education, but increasingly, young people are choosing not to be part of a practising community of faith.’25 Formal religion itself is no longer regarded by many young people as a principal and relevant source for their spirituality and identity. It does have much to offer in this regard, but this is not acknowledged or appreciated by the majority of the young. The situation of youth in Australia is not all that different. Hence they are not at a spiritual starting point where the study of traditional religious content, in the traditionally accepted way, is going to engage them. Rather, they need to be educated in relation to issues in meaning, identity and spirituality that bring them to the beginning point of seeing that religion does have something valuable to contribute, and that it warrants study. Possible engagement in systematic study of theology is further down the track as an option; getting to the spiritual starting point is the task of the compulsory school religion curriculum. Empirical research on German youth by Nipkow in the 1990s found that if the teaching of religion did not focus in some way on what young people perceived to be the main spiritual and moral issues of the day, then they tended to regard descriptive content as religious paraphernalia, more concerned with institutional maintenance than with people’s search for meaning and values.26 Similar findings were returned in an extensive survey of students in Catholic schools in Italy in 1991.27 Teachers and scholars in the United Kingdom, Ireland and other European countries have verbally reported the same interpretation. It is likely that research would yield similar findings in Australia. Nipkow considered that religious education should follow a principle he called ‘elementarisation’; that is, it should focus on ‘elementary’ or fundamental spiritual issues that youth see as relevant to their life and world, so that whatever their formal religious affiliation or lack of it, the study of religion will be valuable for their spiritual life.
16.3 Other perspectives that should have a bearing on the further development of Catholic school religious education This chapter has identified key principles and issues that emerged in the historical development of religious education in Australian Catholic schools. However, there are other perspectives that have as yet had little impact on theory and practice. They will be signposted briefly as part of the future agenda, while not addressed in any detail.
16.3.1 The development of personal meaning and identity The last sections of Chapter 21 looked at trends in religious education in the United Kingdom and continental Europe which showed a range of new developments in theory and practice. They were presented as part of a spectrum of approaches that could be used for locating and evaluating Australian Religion Studies courses. They are just as challenging for denominational religious education. For example, they show that increasing attention has
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been given to the development of personal identity and meaning as a principal operation of religious education. In Australia, phrases like ‘helping young people in their search for meaning’ have been reasonably common in writing about religious education; but little has been done to expand on what this means in any detail – with even less written about what is involved in personal identity development. Hence, the agenda on meaning and identity taken up in Part 2 of this volume is pertinent. The final part of Chapter 6 examined British and European research and writings concerned with the role of education or religious education in promoting young people’s identity development. The references are listed in note 32 in that chapter.
16.3.2 Addressing questions raised by cultural postmodernity Until fairly recently, for most people in Western societies, their ultimate meaning was a religious belief system that strongly influenced their thinking and spirituality. This remains the case for some. But for others, the onset of what is called cultural postmodernity has changed the way they interact with religious traditions. There has been a radical shift towards a more hermeneutic consciousness of reality; there is a more widely accepted view that religious conceptions of reality are ‘interpretations’, and that reality is larger than any one religion can adequately grasp. Hence the traditional doctrines of religion do not have the same compelling power over what people believed as formerly. They themselves are now judging the appropriateness of beliefs, according to their own lights and experience. This has tended to rupture traditional patterns in the understanding of religion and ways of relating to it; while for others, the change is resisted as they take defensive refuge in the way they have always believed. Divisions between the religious and the non-religious aspects of life tend to break down, creating difficulties as regards the nature and function of spirituality. This new cultural situation creates problems for religious educators who are structurally located in a religious school with institutional sponsorship and loyalties, while they are trying to comprehend and address the problem of educating children to survive and flourish in a postmodern world (see relevant sections in Part 2).
16.3.3 The hermeneutic task of religious education Given a social context of postmodernity, the hermeneutic function of religious education becomes more prominent, as evident in British and European developments (21.4.9). While the educational implications in hermeneutics have been considered, little attention has been given to its significance for Australian religious education.28
16.3.4 Other trends in religious education in the United Kingdom and continental Europe Other aspects of British and European religious education that have potential implications in Australia include ideas about constructivist theory, cultural and religious plurality and contextuality, and ‘critical’ religious literacy (21.4.8).29
16.3.5 The spiritual-moral dimension to the school curriculum Church schools have often made use of the ‘permeation’ theory as regards their spiritualmoral influence on students. Gospel values are said to ‘pervade’ the school. However, such
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generalisations in mission statements need to be elaborated considerably to spell out what is actually entailed in school structures, curriculum and social life. The conceptualisation of the spiritual-moral dimension to the school curriculum in Part 3 may help with this clarification.
16.4 Conclusion This interpretation of the history of Catholic school religious education through the lens of six themes does not cover every historical detail. But it shows a spectrum of the intentions and practice that have developed over the years. Religion teachers can be located on this spectrum depending on the positions they take on each thematic. Thinking about religious education has changed principally in response to cultural changes in which people, and youth in particular, no longer look to established religious traditions as central reference points in their construction of meaning. Some significant adjustments in purposes and practice are needed if religious education is to be relevant – as considered further in the following chapters. Many of the authorities in Catholic education would not be positioned at the leading edge of this thinking; they retain more traditional assumptions about the role of the Church as an institution. Hence there remains a tension in expectations between educators who are trying to address the problems related to cultural modernity and those who do not see the current situation in the same light. What the former see as much needed changes in content and pedagogy to address problems will be regarded by the latter as unnecessary, because they do not diagnose the social situation in the same way, or at least not to the same extent. In the extreme, some of the former will be focusing on young people’s ‘quest for meaning’, while some of the latter will be more concerned with a ‘quest for orthodoxy’. In this instance they are not talking the same language of religious education. Nevertheless, debate and dialogue are needed between people at different points on the spectrum of intentions to see what can be done to make religious education within Catholic schools relevant to the spiritual-moral development of students. Part of the difficulty is that the great success of Catholic schools in the well-rounded educa tion they provide and in their popularity with students, parents and teachers can be misread as an indication that religious education must also be in ‘good shape’. It is not that Catholic religious education is in ‘bad shape’, but there is always room for ongoing refinement to make it more personally relevant for its students. There is some dissonance between prevailing understandings of religious education and a diagnosis of the cultural and psychological situ ation of many youth. This dissonance could be reduced, and the personal relevance of religious education enhanced by even a small shift towards a more issues-oriented approach. This is not a new trend that needs to be pushed to the limit; there already are content and pedagogy that satisfy the criteria. But what is needed is a greater proportion than there is at present. It may seem ironic that we regard ‘personalism’ and ‘relevance’ as key issues for Catholic religious education today; they were sought after vigorously in the 1970s and 1980s, but the structural and pedagogical formula then was too informal and artificially personal. Today the question is being asked again. But this time, with a wiser perspective on historical developments, it should be possible to make a more substantial and lasting improvement. While the chapter has argued the case for change, it is acknowledged that what is meant by ‘relevance’ ‘personalism’ and ‘issue-oriented’ content and pedagogy need further clarification; these questions will be taken up in the next chapter.
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Notes 1 The material on which this chapter was based was published earlier as GM Rossiter 1999, Historical perspective on the development of Catholic religious education in Australia: Some implications for the future. 2 J Pelikan 1984, The vindication of tradition, p. 65. 3 The following give accounts of the historical development of approaches to religious education in Catholic schools: Buchanan 2003, Survey of current writing on trends in religious education; ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1985, Teaching religion in the secondary school: Theory and practice; ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1988 Missionaries to a teenage culture: Religious education in a time of rapid change; MF Flynn 1979, Catholic schools and the communication of faith; BV Hill 2004, Exploring religion in school: A national priority; T Lovat 1989, What is this thing called religious education? (2nd edn); J McGrath 2005, Expanded frameworks for religious education and learning; GM Rossiter 1981, Religious education in Australian schools, Chapter 5; RM Rummery 1975, Catechesis and religious education in a pluralist society; M Ryan 1997, Foundations of religious education in Catholic schools: An Australian perspective; 2001, My way to God: The birth and early demise of the Kerygmatic renewal in Australian religious education; 2006, Religious education in Catholic schools: An introduction for Australian students. 4 Groome’s Shared Praxis: M Bezzina et al. 1997, Shared Christian praxis as a basis for religious education curriculum: The Parramatta experience; GM Rossiter 1997, The contribution of Thomas Groome’s Shared Christian Praxis to Catholic school religious education: Reflections by practitioners; M Ryan 1997, Shared Christian praxis: A response to the Parramatta experience. 5 G Barry 1997, Religious education: A key learning area in Catholic schools; P Goldburg 2005, Teaching world religions: Developing critical religious literacy. 6 See the references in note 12. 7 See note 3. 8 H Loukes 1961, Teenage religion; H Loukes 1965, New ground in Christian education; H Loukes 1973, Teenage morality. 9 The place of personalism in the classroom teaching/learning process is considered in the following titles: ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1985, Teaching religion in the secondary school: Theory and practice; ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1988, Missionaries to a teenage culture: Religious education in a time of rapid change; GM Rossiter 1986, The place of faith in classroom religious education; GM Rossiter 1987, The place of knowledge and faith in religious education since the Second Vatican Council; GM Rossiter 1988, A cognitive basis for affective learning in classroom religious education; GM Rossiter 1994, Religious education and the spiritual development of young people: A reply to Gideon Goosen; GM Rossiter 1998, The centrality of the concept faith development in Catholic school religious education. 10 R Keane & D Riley 1997, Quality Catholic schools: Challenges for leadership as Catholic education approaches the third millennium. 11 PM Malone 1990, Teacher approaches to the planning of religious education (unpublished PhD thesis, Macquarie University, Sydney). This study, though limited to a small sample, suggested that guidelines did not have a significant impact on the planning and teaching of religion in the school and it was usually only the religion coordinator who read them. 12 The following publications considered the impact of the outcomes movement on Catholic school religious education: G Barry 1996, Meditating on the decades: Guidelines for religious education; G Barry 1997, Religious education: A key learning area in Catholic schools; L Crotty et al. 1995, Reflections on an emerging religious education curriculum; L Crotty & S O’Grady 1999, Can outcomes transform the religious education curriculum?; M Ryan 1997, Foundations of religious education in Catholic schools: An Australian perspective; M Ryan 1998, An evaluation of outcomes based approaches in religious education curriculum guidelines. 13 This question is taken up in Chapter 18 in the discussion of faith development. 14 Of the various Catholic curricula in the Australasian region, it is the New Zealand Catholic curriculum (Understanding faith) that gives most attention to issues. 15 For example, the program of booklets Hi time, and series of texts from US publishers such as Sadlier, Bengizer, Paulist Press, Winston, WC Brown, Silver Burdett and St Mary’s Press; also used were some Irish and British programs from the publishers Veritas and Chapman. See GM Rossiter 1981, Religious Education in Catholic schools, in Religious education in Australian schools. 16 See Rossiter 1981.
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17 The following are a selection from a wide range of Australian student texts on religion: ML Crawford 1991, A history of Christianity: From St Paul to the Middle Ages; R Crotty 1993, The Jew called Jesus; B Dwyer & G English 1988, Catholics in Australia: Our story; M Ryan 1998, The Catholic Church in Australia; Also a number of series of student texts by Ryan published by Social Science Press. See also K Engebretson et al. 2003, To know, worship and love (a series of texts from Primary to Year 10, for particular use in the Archdioceses of Sydney and Melbourne, 2nd edn). 18 M Beck et al. 1997, Exploring religion; M Crotty et al. 2003, Finding a way: The religious worlds of today (2nd edn); K Engebretson & R Elliott 2001, Chaos or clarity: Encountering ethics (3rd edn); T Lovat & J McGrath 1999, New studies in religion; T Lovat et al. 2006, Studies of religion (3rd edn); P Mudge et al. 1993, Living religion: Studies of religion for senior students; P Rule & K Engebretson 1990, My story, our stories: Religion and identity in Australia; M Ryan & P Goldburg 2001, Recognising religion: A study of religion for senior secondary students. 19 K Engebretson 2004, Catholic ethical thinking for senior secondary students; PJ Elliott et al. 2006, Catholic studies for senior secondary students (To Know, Worship and Love series). 20 The 2000 second issue of the Journal of Religious Education devoted special attention to the production and role of student text books in religious education. For example: M & R Crotty 2000, Assessing the role of the RE textbook; B Dwyer 2000, Wanted: Textbooks with ‘hilaritas’; K Engebretson 2000, The Melbourne Archdiocesan textbook project: An innovation in Australian religious education; G English 2000, Looking back on writing an RE text; T Lovat 2000, The support text and the public syllabus: A case for integrity; GM Rossiter 2000, The qualities of an excellent student text in religious education; M Ryan 2000, Religious educator as curriculum resource maker. See also G English 2005, Highways, byways and dead ends: School textbooks in Australian Catholic religious education. 21 ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1991, Teaching wisdom: Religious education and the spiritual and moral development of young people. In B McManus (ed.) Education and the care of youth into the 21st century: Proceedings; ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1996, School education and the spiritual development of adolescents: An Australian perspective. 22 See, for example, the text for Years 11–12 Catholic Studies produced by the Archdioceses of Melbourne and Sydney: PJ Elliott et al. 2006, Catholic studies for senior secondary students (To Know, Worship and Love series); K Engebretson 2004, Catholic ethical thinking for senior secondary students. 23 Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Board 1990, Religion and society: Course development support material, p. 1. 24 See Chapter 21. N Smart 1968, Secular education and the logic of religion; BS Moore & N Habel 1981, When religion goes to school: Typology of religion for the classroom; BS Moore 1991, Religion education: Issues and methods in curriculum design (Texts in Humanities). 25 H Lombaerts 1998, The management and leadership of Christian schools: A Lasallian systemic viewpoint; H Lombaerts & D Pollefeyt 2004, Hermeneutics and religious education; R Roebben 1997, Shaping a playground for transcendence: Postmodern youth ministry as a radical challenge. 26 KE Nipkow 1991, Pre-conditions for ecumenical and interreligious learning: Observations and reflections from a German perspective, p. 3. 27 G Malizia & Z Trenti 1991, Una disciplina in cammino: Rapporto sull’Insegnamento della religione cattolica nell’Italia degli anni 1990 (An evolving enterprise: Report on the teaching of religion in Catholic schools in Italy in 1990). 28 On hermeneutics and education see S Gallagher 1992, Hermeneutics and Education, p. 21. On the implications for hermeneutics in Australian Catholic religious education see G English 1998, Participants in an unfinished church: Intercultural communication as a basis for religious education (unpublished EdD thesis, University of Sydney). 29 For notes on these trends see the final sections of Chapter 21. On critical religious literacy see also P Goldburg 2005, Teaching world religions: Developing critical religious literacy.
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The quest for personalism and relevance in religious education
Student-centredness is rightly judged to be a desirable quality of education; it has long been prominent in religious education in both theory and practice, with varying success. Within the last decade or so, new names have been coined for particular strands in traditional subjects – for example: Mathematics and Society, Contemporary English, People in History. The word ‘Society’ added to Mathematics illustrated the movement to try to make subjects more relevant. In some cases, an unintended consequence of the new terminology has been an implied labelling of these strands as ‘low grade’ for slow learners (for example ‘Vege maths’). Nevertheless, the introduction of such units showed that curriculum developers and teachers were trying to relate subjects to the perceived needs and interests of young people. However, there was ambiguity about what constituted relevance. What were the criteria? Who would judge on relevance – teachers or students? The quest for ‘relevance’ and ‘personalism’ has been an influential motif in Catholic religious education since the 1960s. In the past, efforts to engage students at a personal level and to be relevant to their lives were not widely successful because of unrealistic expectations, and inappropriate content and pedagogy. This chapter will argue that both personalism and relevance remain important goals, perhaps even more important now than they were forty years ago; and it proposes a different content/process formula. It begins with a clarification of the meaning of personalism and relevance as educational goals. In proposing how they can be accommodated within religious education, we draw parallels with principles elaborated in Part 3 concerned with the spiritual-moral dimension of the curriculum, and with ideas in Chapter 10 about education in meaning, identity and spirituality.
17.1 Personalism and relevance as educational goals The adjectives ‘personal’ and ‘relevant’ as applied to education are closely linked, but for analytical purposes, comments will be made about each separately. The distinction will help 391
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establish what it means to have a healthy, natural personal dimension to religious education, together with content and process that can be perceived by students as being useful in some way to their lives – and not just an academic exercise that appears to have little or no significance beyond the classroom. A ‘personal’ dimension to religious education can be identified both in content and process.
17.1.1 Personalism in content This takes two forms. Content is notionally personal where it reports the particular personal views of individuals – expressing their subjective accounts of feelings, beliefs and values. It is autobiographical by contrast with content that is more factual, historical or abstract. It may include contributions from teachers and students. Content has potential for personal resonance if it has the capacity to engage students’ thinking about implications for their lives – if it touches their emotions and they perceive that it has some personal significance for them. It may have perceived links with students’ experience; or it may alert them to new experience and new personal horizons. Various types of content can have this effect; it depends on the idiosyncratic responses of students (factual, abstract, historical, issue-related, value-sensitive, emotive, artistic). While strictly speaking, any content has this potential, teachers would rightly judge that some topics (for example value-related issues) would be more likely to be of personal interest than others (church history, description of religions). While it is desirable to have personal content, particularly in a subject that naturally deals with meaning and values, it would be a mistake to think that the whole religion syllabus should be like this.
17.1.2 Personalism in process This has to do with classroom interaction. It becomes personal when students and/or teachers express their own feelings, beliefs and values. The description is somewhat problematic because all classroom interactions are personal to some extent; and in many circumstances, it is difficult, and also artificial, to try to differentiate what is more ‘personal’ from what is ‘impersonal’. Participants may express views in intellectual debate that may or may not be held as personal values; they can contribute effectively without specifically identifying their own distinctive views. It is inappropriate to try to make judgments about how personal individuals’ verbal contributions are. To want to do this hearkens back to the problem of excessive personalism in 1970s religious education where too much attention was given to seeking ‘self-revelations’ or ‘faith responses’ from students as the touchstone of successful teaching. The approach to personalism in the classroom needs to be consistent with the principles and ethics pertinent to personal interactions in a public forum. It should be principally concerned with content and secondarily with process. The scheme proposed in Chapters 13–14 allows a valuable place for personal interactions, but protects students by not making such interactions a requirement or a specified outcome; students should never be pressured psychologically to contribute at a personal level. Their personal views are safeguarded from
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any manipulation within the zone of freedom created around academic investigation; whether or not participants make significant self-revelations is then their option. Thus the best way of fostering personalism in the classroom is not to focus on it directly; rather, the focus should be on informative learning. The most significant personal learnings are then usually worked out in private reflection. Sometimes in favourable circumstances personal views may be shared in class; and they may even become commonplace, helping students learn from the personal contributions of others and learn how to develop and express their own insights.
17.1.3 Relevance in religious education Content principally, but also process, are said to be relevant when they have perceived links with the experience, interests and needs of students; that is, when the activity appears to help them make sense of an issue, especially if it has potential implications for their lives. But the notion of educational relevance needs to be larger than what apparently ‘interests’ the students – loosely defined as any content not labelled as boring. Given the limited life experience of children and adolescents, they cannot be expected to always see the long-term significance of topics judged to be important by their teachers and curriculum authorities (and by parents); they are not in a position to make final judgments about what will or will not be relevant to their lives. They are naturally dependent to some extent on the wisdom of their educators, at school and in the home. Hence what appears to interest the students cannot be given exclusive or excessive consideration, while on the other hand their needs and interests should not be ignored. Some student say in negotiating their learning in spiritual and moral areas is essential. Balance is needed and research information required to inform professional decisions about curriculum content. One important dimension to relevance in religious education – content relevance – has to do with the teaching of issue-oriented topics, concerned with meaning and values. Pedagogical relevance is evident where good teaching strategies help students investigate the potential personal significance of content. For example, teachers may prompt students to see parallels between content and experience, and to consider implications at a personal level. History can be used to illumine contemporary events; similarly, contemporary experience can be a lens for interpreting the past. Such evaluative pedagogy highlights the meaning dimension of content.1 But here too, balance is essential. It would become artificial and counterproductive to try to find personal relevance for every element of content. Also, finding personal relevance can often be left to the students’ own reflection – it does not have to be publicly identified. In 1970s Catholic religious education, the interest in personalism and relevance was strongly associated with discussion. While well intentioned, it was too ‘low key’ to be taken seriously by students. While not discounting the value of discussions, personalism and relevance are appropriately fostered through content selection and a more ‘academic’ pedagogy; these goals will not be achieved in the classroom in an authentic fashion without academic credibility. For a long time, it was mistakenly thought that an academic approach to studying religion could not be relevant and personal. But components such as student research, investigative reading, interpretation and evaluation are not only central to religious education, but they create the very atmosphere in which class discussion becomes more focused, relevant and often personal.
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Negative student perceptions of religious education remain a concern for Catholic educators. Efforts have long been directed towards trying to improve its relevance to students’ needs and interests. But there will always be some discrepancy between what teachers and students estimate as relevant. Ongoing research should monitor young people’s perceptions of religion and religious education. Interpreting the results should take into account how the reported level of dissatisfaction with religious education may be masked to some extent by students’ overall satisfaction with their experience in Catholic schools; they have often indicated appreciation of the community spirit, friendships, quality of education and staff commitment to their education and personal development – as well as kindly acceptance of the goodwill behind religious education. These same students will point out that the religious education they experience is out of sync with their spirituality, but many of them will not complain, because they are not that interested. It is easy for teachers in these circumstances to mistakenly think that all is well. Students today are not as ready to complain about irrelevance as they were in the 1960s and 1970s.
17.2 Study of issues as a key to personal relevance in the religion curriculum At the end of the previous chapter it was proposed that more issue-oriented content was needed in curricula before most young people would see that religious education could be personally relevant. Such an approach is consistent with the needs and secularised spirituality of many youth as described in Chapters 8 and 9. In addition, much traditional religious content could be taught with an issues-oriented slant, for example the problematic interpretation of scripture, issues related to the historical Jesus studies, and changing interpretations of what is meant by Christian salvation. If this philosophy of religious education is accepted, attention then needs to be given to the following practical questions at the levels of curriculum development and school programming: • determination of the scope for spiritual-moral issues that is appropriate for different age groups • selection of particular issues for study • clarification of issues-oriented pedagogies. A more critically evaluative approach would be appropriate for middle to senior secon dary students. It would need simplification for use in primary and junior secondary classes; but even at these levels, children need to learn skills in the identification, interpretation and appraisal of issues. In the previous chapter, it was considered that both Catholic diocesan programs and state Religion Studies, for different reasons, did not give enough attention to contemporary spiritual and moral issues. In other words, they did not adequately mesh with the spirituality of young people – the points where they experience a spiritual-moral dimension to life. The syllabuses are too ‘domesticated’. They need to be more adventurous in allowing for a study of questions about meaning and purpose. It is not that they should be exclusively issueoriented, but the proportion needs to increase. Such a change could help make the study of
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religion more relevant to young people, especially those who are relatively indifferent, but not antagonistic, to religious education. The approach is also considered to be the best way of representing to young people the case for participation in the Church. While there remains a difference in professional opinion about where the balance should lie, it is unlikely that Catholic diocesan curricula will move significantly in an issuesoriented direction (16.2.3). If an increased emphasis on issues is to be included, then it will need to happen at the local level of school programming, as regards both content and pedagogy. Some educators may argue that the inclusion of contemporary issues for study in religious education compromises its nature and purposes by adding topics that might stimulate the interest of students, even though the content is not specifically religious. It would be like repeating the problematic formula followed by some in 1970s religious education where topics on ‘sex, alcohol and drugs’ (‘SAD’ religious education!) were included; it was claimed that this move was personal development education, but not religious education. We consider that religion has always been concerned with contemporary issues and that some attention to issues within religious education does not therefore compromise either the nature of religion or religious education (16.2.6). Increasingly, general education – particularly in English, history, social science and personal development – is focusing on values, questions of meaning and social issues. By contrast, Catholic religious education seems to be giving less attention to issues than was the case formerly; the change stems from the descriptive content in Religion Studies courses that have been adopted in Years 11–12, and it may also be affected by moves to increase the amount of overtly Catholic content. It is disappointing if the most exciting and creative studies of contemporary spiritual and moral issues are to be found not in religion but in subjects like English and social science.
17.3 Examples of issue-oriented content in religious education A good way of illustrating the formula proposed above is to look at particular topics that might be studied in the classroom. These could be of variable length and could be integrated with the study of more traditional religious content. It is not a whole curriculum, but the kind of topics that could well appear in the secondary school religion curriculum.
Critiques from a religious perspective
Appraising the values – or lack of values – that underpin economic rationalist thinking. Globalisation policies and free markets: whose interests are being served? How do film and television influence people’s meaning, identity and spirituality? What are the links between contemporary music and youth spirituality? Theological issues
Critical interpretation of scripture increasingly approximates to the intended meaning of the authors, which needs to be understood within the cultural framework of its time. The contemporary research on the historical Jesus: implications for the beliefs of Christians. The evolution of doctrines such as original sin, redemption and atonement.
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Current debates about the role of women in religion: the problem of patriarchy and gender bias in the Christian church. Psychological spirituality
The development of identity – secular, ethnic, and religious – and its influence on human behaviour. The possible links between identity (including religious identity) and problems like racism, violence and ethnic cleansing. The role of religion in providing answers to fundamental questions about meaning, purpose and transcendence in life. Science and religion
Analysis and interpretation of historical conflicts between science and religion. The new Physics: its impact on religion, and on people’s ideas of God and creation. An appraisal of Creation Science and Intelligent Design theory. World religions
Judaism: Understanding the meaning of the Holocaust for contemporary Judaism; Jewish con troversy over the religious and secular significance of the state of Israel; Controversy in Jewish views of out-marriage and homosexuality. Islam: Islamic teachings and terrorism; The interpretation of Jihad or holy war; Islamic fundamentalism. Sects and cults: Why do people join them? Are cult members attracted because of their psychological needs or because of their personality type? How harmful is membership for their psychological and spiritual health?
This proposal remains controversial and it needs further consideration and debate. One might be inclined to think that scripture and theology could be taught much as they were before. However, scripture and theology are problematic in contemporary Western culture; it would therefore be inappropriate not to acknowledge theological issues in religious education, especially with senior secondary students. Clearly there needs to be balance in content selection. However, the overall credibility in the representation of the Catholic tradition may be jeopardised if Catholic school religious education is perceived by students as too concerned with maintenance of the institution, and not sufficiently interested in addressing the spiritual and moral issues of the day. Religious education should both resource and enhance young people’s spirituality, whether or not this eventually involves participation in a parish community. Issue-oriented religious education requires theologically well-educated teachers who are able to identify and explore questions at an appropriate level for students of different ages. The example topics above would not be suitable content for primary and junior secondary classes where acquiring a basic knowledge and understanding of religion is one of the main goals; but some evaluative study of issues is still important at this level. Also, teachers’ knowledge of the complexity of doctrinal development will affect the way theological concepts are taught to younger students – avoiding the need to ‘unteach’ some naive interpretations at a later stage.
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17.4 The relevance of religious education and the relevance of the Church As well as their educational role, church school religion teachers carry an additional responsibility in that they stand at the interface between young people and the Church. To some extent, they represent the Church and their role is interpreted theologically as a ministry; it acknowledges and accepts the aims of handing on the religious tradition and contributing to the evangelising mission of the Church. We consider that these responsibilities are best honoured when teachers are thoroughly educational in their approach, which means unconditional respect for the freedom and privacy of students while giving them good access to their religious heritage. However, because of the desire to commend church membership to the young, there is often a feeling of discouragement in religion teachers because their students seem uninterested. Even though they know they are not responsible for young people’s acceptance (or rejection) of the Church, they may still feel that somehow they are not successful. Hence they may look for ways of improving religious education in the hope that this might result in winning more young people over in favour of the Church. These feelings need to be put into perspective because they can not only be a source of distress for religious educators but can affect classroom delivery negatively. Teachers should acknowledge that young people’s participation in the Church will not be determined exclusively by the quality of the religious education they experience. No amount of religious education can generate faith or bring about committed participation in a parish. Hence it is not a matter of thinking ‘If we can present the Church in a relevant light, more students will embrace it’. Teachers may well be able to improve the perceived relevance of the religious education process, but this does not automatically affect the perceived relevance of the Church; the latter is a much larger question influenced by many factors. So the discussion of relevance in religious education needs to take this distinction into account: it is about making the classroom process more supportive of the emerging spirituality of young people, and this may or may not contribute to their view of the relevance of the Church. Correspondingly, when Catholics are thinking about improving the image of the Church, they should not expect that this can be brought about by religious education. It is to be hoped that young people will see that religious and moral education can help them learn how to identify and address a spiritual and moral dimension to life, and that the quest for relevance in this endeavour is authentic, and not an institutional trick to help make religion teaching more palatable to uninterested youth. Its educational process should be regarded as valuable for students whether or not they are formally religious. While our concern is with the relevance of religious education, some comments are made about the perceived relevance of the Church.
17.5 Religious language and the perceived relevance of the Church As noted in the discussion of secularisation in earlier chapters, many young people do not have a high regard for the Church and they do not value its potential contribution to their lives. Adult Christians know, in a more tolerant way than youth, that the Church is a human organisation that inevitably has human faults and limitations. The perceived relevance of
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the Church for people today, including both adults and young people, is a multifaceted question. We draw attention to one aspect, the relevance of religious language. In an address late in 1998, author Morris West identified the problem as follows: Our primal interest is to survive. It is only later that we count the cost of survival and the damage our decisions may have caused to ourselves and others. It is for this reason, I believe, that many good Christian folk find themselves alienated from the Church, which almost inevitably in today’s world has evolved into a highly centralised, imperial institution … whose language has become more and more juridical and less intelligible to the ears and understanding of ordinary men and women.2
Some religion teachers echoed West’s interpretation. The language of the Church in its doctrinal expressions do not mesh sufficiently with most people’s experiences of the main issues in life. They are not likely to listen when the Church apparently has nothing to say. The Church is in the meaning-making business; it has enormous resources in spirituality – 2000 years worth. But if this is not directed to the points where people are struggling to find meaning in their lives, then these resources will remain museum pieces of interest only to the initiated few.3
These comments suggest that one critical factor in the perceived relevance of the Church is whether or not its language seems to correspond with ‘real life’ as people experience it. If not, then they will have no time for official religion, believing that they can get by well enough without it. This was not always the case in Catholicism. Before the 1960s there was a relatively strong cohesiveness. How and why things have changed need consideration. The following are words from a hymn that was prominent in Australian Catholic piety at that time. Soul of my Saviour sanctify my breast Body of Christ be Thou my saving guest. Blood of my Saviour bathe me in Thy tide. Wash me with water, flowing from Thy side. Deep in Thy wounds Lord, Hide and shelter me. So shall I never, never part from Thee.
Most churchgoing Catholics today would have little difficulty seeing the lack of congruence between this religious language and contemporary experience or spirituality, so they would regard this type of hymn as inappropriate and irrelevant. They could think: ‘Fortunately we do not have that problem now.’ But they are wrong. While the current language of Catholic theology used in parish churches is nowhere near as sentimental as was the case in ‘Soul of my Saviour’, its perceived lack of relevance to the experience of many young people remains a fundamental problem. In church circles there does not appear to be enough awareness of the radical extent to which a lack of relevance in religious language remains a problem for
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youth and adults. And what compounds the problem is that this perceived lack of relevance is not a concern to them – they do not expect religion to be helpful. While this problem has no easy, quick answer, it would certainly be beneficial to find and use more relevant religious language. Change in religious and theological language and concepts in tune with social and cultural development have always been evident in the history of Christianity (and in other religious traditions). But this has become much more of a problem in recent times because rapid social change has outstripped the capacity for evolving relevance in religious language. In the 1960s, teachers reported some angry student reactions against religion. This is no longer evident; but what is more prominent now is a distinct lack of interest. A cool response is more difficult for teachers to deal with. For example, comments about particular beliefs like the Immaculate Conception and the Virgin Birth of Jesus – ‘You mean, some people still believe that!’ – show a type of detached, clinical anthropological interest in religion. It is there, people believe it, and it may have some interesting aspects – but it appears to be an outmoded belief structure of older generations, and of little consequence for life today. Hence many youth have little expectation that religion should be meaningful. Theology faces a considerable challenge in addressing this problem. Religious and theological language can become more relevant if it makes greater use of the constructs meaning, identity and spirituality. These seem to be more attuned to the contemporary social situation; they can function like a new religious language in secularised culture. Making use of a language of meaning would articulate messages for human development within a framework of reasons for living. For a long period of its history, Catholic theology was expressed mainly in Thomistic and Aristotelian language (we do not want to debate here its relevance for any of that period). But what is needed now is expression in language and concepts that have more purchase on the problems in modern life. This proposal does not mean abandoning traditional theological constructs in favour of vague secularised ones that have more popular appeal, but it suggests that the faith tradition will increasingly lose its potential for inspiring people’s lives if it does not try to express its religious messages within interpretations that are more evidently connected with the spiritual-moral issues people experience today. This is not just trying to be trendy, but seriously engaged with the content and processes through which people draw on cultural elements in their search for a meaningful human life. A good example of healthy movement in this direction of ‘re-languaging’ Catholic theo logy was considered in sections 8.2 and 16.2.1 – psychological spirituality. It is concerned with the interplay between people’s personal development, religion and the complex social environment. While focused on self-development, at its best, it fostered a healthy spirituality while avoiding potential excesses in individuality by emphasising community and social jus tice. It provided intellectual tools for learning how to hold in creative tension the challenges in religious faith, expectations of freedom and individuality, and the security and respon sibilities derived from group identification. It also provided input into the critical evaluation of culture from a religious perspective (taken up later in the chapter). Psychological spirituality was one of the most important developments in Catholicism since the Second Vatican Council. The quest for relevance in spirituality is even more crucial now than it was earlier, because at present many young people (and adults) seem to be questioning the basic
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spiritual competence of the Church. The language of psychological spirituality assists in translating gospel values and theology into contemporary psychological principles, and in relating the Christian gospel to people’s lives. This approach has helped Catholics and other Christians retain their confidence in the Church at a time when a significant decline in mainline Christianity has been evident because the words the churches have traditionally used to encapsulate Christian teachings have lost much of their force. However, the benefits of psychological spirituality have been more or less limited to those who have studied Social Sciences and Theology/Scripture (and related spirituality) from this perspective. It has not yet made its presence felt widely in the homilies in parishes, although the situation is still changing. It is interesting to note that the movement called Spirituality in the pub in Australia in recent years is an example of this development, along with the programs in adult religious education and counselling institutes. The earlier discussion of youth spirituality (Chapter 9) may have appeared unsatisfactory to some Catholic educators because it concentrated on the problem areas where young people’s spirituality is secularised and out of phase with the Church, even though there is a more positive side to the spiritual life of young people that we did not have the space to address. But it is precisely the problem areas that need to be explored in religious education; this will not solve all of the difficulties, but it does acknowledge that for many young people the Church – and to some extent religious education – is at a crossroads as far as perceived relevance is concerned.
17.6 Religious education and the pursuit of a language of relevance for religion Because exploration of the nature and psychological function of religion is such an important topic for religious education, it is inevitable that pursuit of a relevant religious language will be one of its principal tasks. While the perceived relevance of the Church is not the responsibility of religious educa tion, it is a good topic for investigation in the classroom. This is an appropriate forum for appraising the place of the Church in society and its influence on people’s lives; the relevance of religious language is part of this topic. However, if not investigated in a transparent fashion, the topic could be perceived by students as just an attempt to promote church membership. If it is not open to critical evaluation, then religious education in a committed context can readily (and deservedly) be labelled by some students as too identified with the authoritative position – and therefore closed to considering change. Maintaining such openness does not mean denying identification with the aims of the sponsoring church. In addition, this evaluation needs to look critically at the stereotypes of religion because they can be a source of unjustified criticism. Teachers need to avoid falling into the trap of assuming and adopting, rather than questioning, stereotypes about the irrelevance of religion. The language in syllabuses (topics and units of work), student resources and classroom interactions needs review to ensure there are connections with contemporary spirituality. If not, then youth – even those who are not antagonistic – may feel that religious education (and religion itself ) has little consequence for their search for meaning and values. It is this search that is now a crucial matter for young people; many of them no longer accept that their own religious tradition will automatically satisfy their spiritual needs. Acknowledgment of this search should be evident in the purposes and practice of religious education. Otherwise
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there will be problems in student perceptions because they sense that the more or less exclusive emphasis in their teachers’ purposes is: ‘How can we more effectively communicate the Catholic tradition?’ This framework is too institutional; it needs to be more strongly referenced to students’ personal development. A framework more in tune with their spiritual starting points is: ‘How can we better help young people explore the spiritual and moral dimensions of life?’ Within the latter, the case for Catholicism can be better presented; and it can enhance the scope and pedagogy for studying religious traditions. It can help them see how the Church and its theology have tried to respond to the perennial search for ultimate meaning in life. This orientation is consistent with the aim of religious education to enhance religious literacy, especially a critical literacy.4 It helps young people develop a relevant religious language in which they can not only frame their own questions of meaning and purpose, but also achieve better access to Catholic theology, as well as to the wisdom of other traditions.
17.7 The prominence of the theme ‘search for meaning and identity’ in Catholic school religious education First, a comment about the changing cultural context of Catholic religious education and the extent to which ‘search for meaning’ figured in the deliberations of religious educators: The 1950s: The idea of search for meaning was not prominent in religious education at this time. The ecclesiastical climate was such that teachers might have asked: ‘Why search for meaning when you already have absolute truth?’ Meaning would have been thought to reside primarily outside the individual; one believed what the Church proposed, whether or not it seemed plausible. The focus was on saving one’s soul; this life was a preparation for the next. If you wanted to do something special for God, you could join the many young people entering the priesthood and religious life. The late 1960s and 1970s: A significant shift was occurring in religious meanings. Religion needed to make sense of this world, and not just the next. Religious truth came to be perceived by many Catholics as less absolute (particularly in matters of Church discipline). Meaning became more existentially focused and revolved around social justice and the quality of human relationships. This resulted in a shift in emphasis towards religious meaning inside the individual rather than in the institution. Gradually the expectation grew that religion needed to be relevant to experience. The dominance of priestly and religious order-style spirituality began to diminish. Hence it was understandable that ‘experience’, ‘personalism’ and ‘relevance’ emerged as desirable qualities for religious education – with content and pedagogical implications as described in Chapter 16. The notion of searching for meaning was not explicit. 1980s to 2000s: Along with rapid social and political change, together with a generally more frenetic pace to consumer-oriented lifestyle, came a more conscious acknowledgment of increasing uncertainty about meanings and values. A pervasive questioning eroded the credibility of traditional sources of meaning.5 Religious responses to this cultural postmoder nity were various. Conservative religious people reaffirmed their beliefs – with an emphasis on certainty and orthodoxy; in the extreme, this involved authoritarian and fundamentalist meanings, together with condemnation of whatever appeared to be in opposition to their views. Others adapted their religious meanings to make better sense of the new cultural and lifestyle situation; this contributed to the differentiation between religiosity and spirituality.
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Many remained puzzled by the ongoing dissonance between their life experience and traditional religious meanings, sometimes with harmful consequences. Still others got on with their busy lives with little or no attention given to spiritual or religious meanings, and with a feeling that this aspect did not need much attention anyway. In this cultural climate, experience and relevance became even more important as touchstones of authenticity for personal meaning; meanings became more private and individualistic, often with tenuous links to traditional community meanings. Questions about meaning and purpose became more prominent in public discourse, while at the same time secularisation diminished the prominence of religions. Meanwhile, ‘commercial spirituality’ and psychology contributed to the ‘meaning market’ along with religions. Because contemporary questioning seemed to know no limits, it led to cynicism about the chance of finding any worthwhile meaning in life. What was thought to be the ‘truth’ seemed less absolute and more a question of contextual interpretation. There has been a cultural shift from ‘false certainties’ to ‘true uncertainties’,6 and this signalled a move from absolute truth to interpretations that increasingly approximate to the truth. Questioning is no longer just about relevance (How can we improve life and make it more enjoyable?); increasingly there is concern about fundamental meaning (Is there any worthwhile meaning at all? What are the reasons for living?). In these conditions, it was not surprising that the role of education generally, and of religious education in particular, was now more explicit about helping young people identify and evaluate meanings. There was a sequential change in emphasis from religious knowledge (1950s), to experience and relevance (1970s) to meanings and interpretations (1990s and 2000s). Both the content and pedagogy of religious education need to address the new situation; if not, there is a risk that for many young people their sense that religious education is not relevant to meaning in life will be further reinforced. Therefore it is proposed that the construction of meaning and identity should become more prominent focal points for Catholic school religious education, together with acknowledgment that religious education is essentially a hermeneutic activity – where dealing with questions of interpretation is central to the process.7 The school as an educational agency can help, but its input is naturally limited. Schools, and particularly religious education, may well seek to be more influential because of the decline in the relevance of other agencies which traditionally give support for meaning and purpose in life. But schools cannot solve the problem – they are not a substitute for the community and its various agencies. What school religious education can do is give young people access to the wisdom of their own religious tradition (and other traditions) as well as skills in the identification and evaluation of meanings. It can thus make a valuable contribution to what was described in Chapter 10 as an education in meaning, identity and spirituality. Thus Catholic school religious education has two principal responsibilities to its students: provision of access to their religious traditions – to which they have a right; and help in learning how to explore spiritual-moral issues that are prominent in the culture and that have a bearing on their personal development. Young people are comfortable with the idea of being given access to their traditions, which may be of value to them at some future stage. This appeals to their sense of freedom and lessens the likelihood of a negative reaction to any perceived pressure to conform. This interpretation has significant pedagogical implications. Respect for students’ freedom is also freeing for teachers; they can concentrate energies in devising rich studies of traditions without being locked into a mentality that is too timid about serious study of traditions because of a fear that this will not interest the students or
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will not be perceived as relevant. While committed to the ideals of achieving personalism and relevance, religion teachers should not be handicapped by unrealistic expectations. A good balance is needed in the way these two dimensions are reflected in content and classroom practice: tradition – attention to religious traditions; and meaning – questions more directly related to young people’s meaning and identity. The two dimensions are not exclusive – meaning can be pursued both in and through the religious tradition. But if the former is over-emphasised, a negative student reaction is likely (see 16.2.6 on Nipkow’s interpretation of religious education perceived as ‘institutional maintenance’). If the latter is over-emphasised, the process becomes excessively individualistic, fostering students’ personal meanings while disconnecting them from community meanings. It is inappropriate to expect individuals to forge a complete meaning system by themselves; they need some reference to a community of shared beliefs and meaning as a baseline. While young people should learn that individuality and personal autonomy are valued, it is also important for them to understand that divisiveness and alienation can flow from individualism which is not tempered by community, responsibility and a sense of the transcendent. It is not that Church maintenance and communicating Catholicism are undesirable hopes for religious education, but that these concerns need to be balanced with more evident attention to students’ personal development. An imbalance between these two responsibilities occurs (at the levels of syllabus, resources and teaching) when there is a presumption of active, committed Church membership on the part of students, and where insufficient attention is paid to their relatively secular spirituality. On the other hand, when there is acknowledgment of pluralist, secular, consumer-oriented influences on youth spirituality, the approach is more likely to be relevant – and that means more likelihood that it will promote young people’s spiritual development. Thus classroom religious education in the church-related school should be able to help confirm and challenge the faith of the youth who are actively involved in the Church, and at the same time help foster the spiritual development of those who are ambivalent about Church membership. We have long maintained a special interest in the role of religious education for this latter group, because it can make a valuable and at times crucial contribution to their lives by helping them learn to deal with the spiritual and moral aspects of life in an increasingly complex society. Our experience suggests that if this is done well, then at the same time it provides the most relevant religious education for inviting them to consider the option of active participation in the life and worship of the Church. From the Church’s perspective, this approach to religious education can have an evan gelising dimension for secularised youth because it may be one of their few points of formal contact with Catholicism. Also, an approach aimed specifically at those who are not interested in drawing much spiritually from their religious traditions will not necessarily be irrelevant for the youth who are religious, because they too need a spirituality that is relevant to the times. Much contemporary writing on youth spirituality seems to presume a starting point from within the Church and a spiritual practice that is Church-oriented and theological.8 While this may be appropriate for committed adults and youth involved in parish life, it may not help much in understanding and fostering the spirituality of those who may never enter a zone of voluntary catechesis; Catholic school religious education retains a commitment to this group. This discussion highlights the bridge-building role that religious education has in trying to link the culture of youth with the culture and spirituality of the Church. A plurality
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of belief styles needs to figure in the process because what nourishes the spirituality of various groups is different; the key role of religious education is to resource the spiritual development of students. Educational efforts to communicate particular religious meanings and identity do not need to be ‘unilateral’ in tone, as if trying to impose a package deal that precludes individuals’ growing involvement in a more autonomous, reflective process of spiritual development. There can be the hope that young people might later affirm, embrace and enhance their religious identity; but they will decide what happens. From this discussion there arise many implications for both content and pedagogy. It justifies further the need for a study of spiritual-moral issues in an open-ended, researchoriented way as noted earlier. Just as the teaching of history has changed significantly from the older emphasis on facts and dates to interpretation of primary and secondary sources, so religious education needs to become more concerned with appraisal of theories and interpretations of the meaning of life. This approach enables the study of religion under themes that appear more relevant in the secularised mood of contemporary Western cultures, and more in tune with young people’s spiritual starting points. Not all Catholic religious educators feel comfortable with this proposal because it appears to question the presumptions out of which some of them work; they may feel, mistakenly, that the teaching of religion is being secularised, compromising the comfort they took in what was felt to be a strong presentation of the Church. On the contrary, we consider that this is the more appropriate and effective route for giving the large group of secularised young people satisfying access to the spiritual traditions of the Church. And it does not hold back the students who are more strongly identified with a parish. Religious educators need an understanding of spirituality and identity issues that will serve as an interpretive background to their educational work and personal interactions with youth. They need to be more aware of contemporary youth spirituality and of the complex life-world within which young people seek meaning and identity. This can provide insight into what is happening in the lives of individuals and groups, and it can inform comments made in class, as well as a range of transactions from silent, knowing empathy to personal advice. They need to show through their language that they are sensitively aware of the questions and issues that young people are dealing with. They should also be role models as the wise, adult ‘searcher for meaning’ and ‘critical interpreter of culture’.
17.8 Religious education as the critical interpretation of culture Religion and culture are inextricably connected. Each affects the other. Both are fundamentally important for religious education, particularly their interaction. Critical evaluation of culture has long been a core concern of Catholic religious education. This emphasis was central to the encyclical Evangelii nuntiandi (Evangelisation in the modern world) by Pope Paul VI in 1976,9 and has remained prominent in religious education in various contexts (schools, youth ministry, adult education, theological education) ever since. Integral to the evaluation of culture is hermeneutics or interpretation; understanding cultural dynamics is a prerequisite for making judgments and considering possible social action. As noted in section 12.4.1, much has been written about education itself as a process of critical interpretation of culture. Critical theory and hermeneutics, including philosophical and sociological perspectives, have stressed the need for interpreting what is going on in
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culture; and in turn, this is proposed as a task to which public education can contribute. Hill described this role as the ‘interrogation of one’s cultural conditioning’.10 Critical evaluation of culture addresses the following: • exploration of the shaping influence of culture on people’s thinking and behaviour; • identification of the influences on decisions and events; uncovering the historical, ideological and political forces at work, identifying who stands to gain or lose; • ‘deconstructing’ the components of writings so that they can be understood within their original contexts; this will inform potential meanings in different contexts; • searching for the underlying economic and commercial interests that affect a situation; • highlighting justice and environmental issues; • calling ideologies to account. The critical evaluation of culture is an integral component of the ‘issue-oriented religious education’ referred to earlier; it needs to enter into classroom practice across all year levels, while content and method need to be adapted to suit the maturity of students. Also, as stressed earlier, a balance with other content and approaches is essential. Making judgments about situations in the light of stated values, and even the consideration of potential action that needs to be taken to address social problems, are part of the process. This is what is meant by the phrase ‘evaluation from a gospel perspective’. The teacher should help students learn these evaluative skills, while at the same time modelling the process. This approach has also been described within Catholic religious education as ‘raising critical consciousness’ or ‘conscientisation’ – a phrase that was prominent in the discussions of catechesis by South American Catholic bishops in the 1960s and 1970s. Their documents had a wide influence within ministry and religious education.11 It paralleled the impact on education by Paulo Freire’s ideas on ‘praxis’ (shared reflection and action) and the ‘pedagogy of the oppressed’ (12.4.1). These themes were reflected in Thomas Groome’s approach to religious education called Shared Christian Praxis.12 Through these and similar influences, Catholic religious education today retains prominent motifs of liberation and social justice. Interpretation of culture in the classroom involves social analysis. It can help young people become more discerning of what is happening in politics and culture. They are naturally very critical, but may be somewhat naive as regards the political, manipulative and exploitative aspects of culture. Critical interpretation is a starting point for what Warren has called ‘cultural agency’.13 Drawing on the work of Welsh sociologist Raymond Williams, he proposed that one of the aims for religious education is to encourage and skill young people to go beyond being ‘passive consumers of culture’ to become ‘active constructors of culture’, with greater social engagement in the community. This acknowledges that culture is socially constructed and open to evaluation, not something that is a given and hard to change (15.9). Religious worldviews are sustained by social interaction within the faith community. Thus Warren considered that the faith community could be one important reference point where beliefs and values were used to question the authenticity of media-conditioned imagi nations of the world and of human development that have such a strong influence on young people. He quoted the following passage from Pope John Paul II as a challenge, encouraging them:
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to develop your culture with wisdom and prudence, retaining the freedom to criticise what may be called the ‘cultural industry’ remaining all the while deeply concerned with truth … faith will ask culture what values it promotes, what destiny it offers to life, what place it makes for the poor and the disinherited with whom the Son of Man is identified, how it conceives of sharing, forgiveness and love.14
Many of these same concerns are woven through the religious education theory of prominent European Catholic religious educators. Lombaerts and his colleagues, for example, stressed the hermeneutic role of religious education because cultural postmodernity has changed radically the way people regard religious traditions as potential sources of meaning and values.15 Pajer emphasised the development of individual identity as influenced by cultural identities in a pluralist secularised society.16 Because of the close relationship between meaning and religion, below we look at implications for the evaluation of cultural meanings.
17.9 The identification and evaluation of social meanings Religion as a provider of meaning has always done this at three levels: personal, social and transcendent. It gives believers personal psychological meaning and social meaning – how they understand themselves and how they interpret what is going on in their community and society. The third level has to do with the ultimate mysteries of life: God, death and the afterlife. Formerly, religious meanings were mediated through the comprehensive worldview of the religion. People were prepared to accept the interpretations given to them on the basis of religious authority. They accepted ‘the faith’ in a relatively unquestioning way. Also, they may not have fully understood the teachings; they may have had misgivings about how appropriate some of them were, but they still tended to accept them obediently. Thus they subscribed to a lot of religious teachings, whether or not they seemed useful or relevant. Today, in secularised Western countries, many people, but not all, do not accord that same level of respect for, and faith in, religious authority and teachings. They are more questioning and more ready to judge for themselves whether they will believe something and be committed to it or not. For these people, there has been a significant change in the role of religion as a source of life meaning. This applies especially to young people. In the secularised situation, individuals are often not prepared to accept religious teachings unless they themselves sense that the meanings are appropriate and useful at personal and social levels. As far as the transcendent dimension is concerned, they feel that they do not have the capacity to judge the appropriateness of religious beliefs about God or life after death (unless they are too extravagant and implausible), but they remain hopeful; life would be harder without these beliefs. They hold onto beliefs about transcendence, while being more choosey about religious teachings related to their personal and social life – here they are more likely to be critical and selective. While previously they may have accepted the whole religious belief package on authority, now they tend to select according to subjective views and felt needs. In their sort of world, with its fast pace to life and its expensive lifestyle, they do not have much time for beliefs for which they see no significant or useful function. If religious teachings do not seem relevant, if they have little perceived connection with life, or if they cut across people’s own personal views and lifestyle, they may be ignored; people
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feel that they can get by well enough without them – when you are already busy and stressed with life, why burden yourself with beliefs that do not help? Or, it may be that the beliefs do have relevance, but they are expressed in language and concepts that have no substantial meanings for particular people. If they have no meaningful access to those beliefs, they will be less likely to look to them for life guidance. Or, if they have little respect for their religion, or if they are disaffected or alienated, they will hardly look to religious teachings for life interpretations and inspiration. If religious traditions are going to be beneficial to these people, they will need to give special attention to communication at these personal and social levels. These principles have much significance for religious education in the church-related school. It should pay attention to personal and social meanings at two levels: First, access to church theology and teachings will be more helpful to youth if they use a relevant language of psychological and social meanings; study of explicitly religious material needs to make use of ideas that mesh with their understandings and experience. Second, a study of meanings is important for young people in its own right, and not just as a vehicle for trying to make theology more interesting. Religious education should investigate social meanings, their generation, history and psychological functions. As well as making the subject more relevant, this approach has wider significance in helping make young people’s whole education more meaningful. Students can take their exploration to another level – not necessarily then and there in the classroom – enhancing their own interpretation of life. However, their aspiration to become critical interpreters of culture is not likely to be fostered by teachers who are unsure about the importance of this dimension to education. Educators do not need to have perfect answers for all the students’ questions, but they too should evidently be engaged in that same searching and questioning activity as the students. In practice, many teachers model these characteristics, helping students learn how to enquire for themselves and how to think critically. What we are suggesting is that this role be more clearly articulated as a fundamental dimension to education with specific content and pedagogy, and not just left as a desirable but vague part of the process. For their part, teachers need to hone their hermeneutic and evaluative skills, and to acquire a better understanding of the topography of culture that affects young people’s meaning and identity. Greater familiarity with the pertinent issues, language and concepts will filter through into their interactions with students both inside and outside the classroom.
17.10 Conclusion This chapter has revisited the 1970s quest for personalism and relevance in Catholic school religious education, suggesting that these goals remain valid and important today. But it has proposed a reinterpretation of what this means in terms of issue-related content and evaluative pedagogy. While the discussion has been concerned mainly with the relevance of religious education as such, in the Catholic school context this inevitably has some links with the question of the relevance of the Church. The perceived relevance of Catholic theology and religious education in these times remains in crisis as far as many youth and adults are concerned. They will quietly ignore the Catholic faith tradition – and its religious education – unless they sense that something serious is being said about issues in contemporary personal, social, and political life. This
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also applies to practising members of local faith communities; increasingly, Catholics will be less inclined to remain active members of a parish out of cultural inertia. If the presentation of theology and spirituality does not engage sufficiently in the real spiritual and moral issues that people experience, then they will get used to the expectation that their faith tradition remains only marginally relevant to their lives. While religious education cannot be expected to resolve the problem, it can endeavour to make the study of religion a more life-enhancing experience for students. And this requires an approach – in content, language and pedagogy – that is in tune with young people’s spirituality; in short, a religious education that is concerned with reasons for living. The next chapters deal with the place of religious faith which has long been central to Catholic thinking about religious education, but which has also been a source of problems both in expectations and practice.
Notes 1 A discussion of pedagogical strategies that draw students’ attention to meaning appears in D White et al. 2003, Into the deep; K O’Brien & D White 2004, The thinking platform; D White 2005, Discerning religious meaning; D White 2006, DEEP thinking. 2 M West Dr Newman’s Toast, Lecture at Australian Catholic University, Strathfield NSW, 15 November 1998. 3 Comments by two Masters course students, Australian Catholic University, Strathfield, 1998. 4 P Goldburg 2005, Teaching world religions: Developing critical religious literacy. 5 The climate of cultural postmodernity is illustrated in the following: A Year 1 student answered her teacher’s statement that ‘Mary is the Mother of God’ with the question ‘But how do you know?’ While perhaps not conscious of the epistemological and hermeneutical implications of her question, this young child was participating in the popular cultural meaning of these times, which calls most things into question. There is widespread suspicion of all institutions and groups, including the Church and politicians. With substantial secularisation, people know they can live satisfying lives without much contact with organised religion. Increasing numbers of Catholics maintain few formal links with the Church, becoming what has been described as: ‘Four wheeler Catholics’: pram for christening, taxi for marriage, hearse for burial. Or the ‘hatch, match and dispatch’ role of the Church. As noted in some adolescents’ comments: ‘You get your values from your parents, and that gets you through life. You don’t need organised religion.’ ‘I have my own religious beliefs that I don’t think anyone else shares. I don’t believe that any organisation speaks for God and I live my life in a totally free and unreligious way. I am extremely spiritual’ (second quotation from a Religious Education symposium paper, by K Engebretson, Sydney, 19/04/01). 6 The problem of meaning in cultural postmodernity is considered in more detail in section 4.2.1. 7 H Lombaerts & D Pollefeyt (eds) 2004, Hermeneutics and religious education. 8 M Strommen & R Hardel 2000, Passing on the faith: A radical new model for youth and family ministry. 9 Pope Paul VI 1976, Evangelii nuntiandi. 10 BV Hill 1990, A time to plant and a time to uproot: Values education in the secondary school. 11 M Warren 1983, Source book for modern catechetics. 12 TH Groome 1980, Christian religious education: Sharing our story and vision; TH Groome 1991, Sharing faith: A comprehensive approach to religious education and pastoral ministry; TH Groome 1998, Educating for life: A spiritual vision for every teacher and parent. 13 M Warren 1992, Communications and cultural analysis: A religious view. 14 Pope John Paul II 1984, Homily, University of Laval Stadium Quebec City. 15 Lombaerts & Pollefeyt 2004; H Lombaerts 1998, The management and leadership of Christian schools: A Lasallian systemic viewpoint; R Roebben 1997, Shaping a playground for transcendence: Postmodern youth ministry as a radical challenge. 16 F Pajer 2003, School‑based education and religious culture: A European approach to the problem of teaching religion in school.
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The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ in Catholic school religious education
The development of students’ religious faith within the context of the Catholic faith tradition has long been, and rightly remains, a fundamental aim of Catholic school religious education. However, interpretations of what this means in practice have been problematic, especially with reference to use of the construct ‘faith development’. After a brief introduction to show how the construct entered into Catholic religious education, the chapter will consider how it enhanced religious education while at the same time creating difficulties for theory and practice.
18.1 Faith development: Coming to prominence in Catholic religious education In 1976, Dove Communications in Melbourne published Will our children have faith? by the United States Episcopalian religious educator John H Westerhoff III.1 It became the first major vehicle for publicising James Fowler’s structural-developmental theory of faith development. It caused chagrin for Fowler, because Westerhoff presented a summary of Fowler’s stage theory (with some simplified names for the stages) before Fowler himself had published his own book on it.2 While ‘faith’ had always been an important word for Catholic religious educators, from this time, ‘faith development’ became prominent; arguably, it became a dominant metaphor that would have an enduring influence on the thinking and language of Catholic religious education. While there is no need to duplicate already available descriptions of Fowler’s theory,3 it is summarised below in Table 18.1 to show how it relates to other developmental theories such as those of Piaget, Kohlberg and Erikson. Fowler’s theory of faith development refined and extended earlier understandings of spiritual development across the life cycle in terms of the dynamics of the believing process. It showed different patterns of psychological operation at different stages of faith. Like the other developmental theories, it highlighted the stage progression from more self-centred 409
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PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT (Erikson)
AGE
Infancy
1 Oral sensory
Childhood 3–6
2 Anal muscular
Sensory motor
Autonomy vs Shame/doubt
(Will)
Intuitive or pre-logical (preoperational)
Initiative vs Guilt
(Purpose)
Adolescence 12–15
4 Latency
Industry vs Inferiority
(Competence)
Concrete operations
5 Puberty and Adolescence
Identity vs Role Confusion
(Fidelity)
Formal operations
Good is simply what is liked and wanted 1 Punishment and obedience orientation: follows rules to avoid trouble
7 Adulthood
Aged 60–
8 Maturity
(Love)
Generativity vs Stagnation
(Care)
Ego-integrity vs Despair
(Wisdom)
5 Social Contract, utilitarian orientation 6 Universal ethical principle orientation
5 Community faith 6 Universal faith
Interdepen- Faith with dent faith no bounds
Middle Age 30–
Intimacy vs Isolation
4 Personal faith Autonomous Morality
6 Early Adulthood
(Searching faith)
Independent faith
3 Approval seeking orientation; interpersonal concordance or ‘good boy–nice girl’ orientation; avoids disapproval
2 Affiliative faith 3 Conventional faith
2 Personal usefulness orientation: conforms to obtain rewards
4 Law and Order orientation; respect for authority and social order Adulthood 19–30
1 Imitative faith
0 Instinctive self-centred orientation:
Conventional Morality
Young Adulthood 15–18
FAITH DEVELOPMENT (Fowler)
Dependent faith
(Hope)
MORAL DEVELOPMENT (Kohlberg)
Pre-Conventional Morality
Trust vs Mistrust
3 Genital locomotive Pre Adolescence 7–11
COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT (Piaget)
Reasons for Living Part 4: Implications for religious education in independent schools
Table 18.1 Fowler’s theory of faith development compared with other developmental theories
The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ in Catholic school religious education
awareness and behaviour, through interpersonal and then community- and institutioncentredness, and finally towards a more universalist orientation. Along with other theories, it provided a model for personal and spiritual development. Some would argue that Fowler’s theory was principally concerned with adult development, even though the early stages were characteristic of children and adolescents (for example mythic literal or imitative faith and conventional faith, and its transition through a searching faith to the next stage). While the theory showed how different faith ‘competencies’ developed, there still remains a question of whether a ‘higher’ stage of faith development necessarily means being closer to God and a better, more sensitive human being. The next chapter will consider how the theory was applied to research on the spiritual development of adolescents together with implications for the ‘sponsoring’ of young people’s faith.
18.2 Problematic use of the construct ‘faith development’ in religious education We consider that the term ‘faith development’ became so prominent and influential that it resulted in unrealistic interpretations of what Catholic religious education was about and of what it should achieve. As its popularity increased, so did vagueness about its meaning. As it became an accepted part of the culture of Catholic religious education, it was used in school mission and vision statements, and was included or implied in diocesan religious education documents and school programs. While there is no real difficulty in proposing faith as a key long-term goal for religious education, use of faith development language did not help clarify the complex links between faith and educational processes. These problems will be explained under the following headings. 18.2.1 Metaphors for spiritual development 18.2.2 Faith development as a ‘hope’ for religious education 18.2.3 The association of emotionality with faith development 18.2.4 Use of the concept ‘faith development’ to differentiate activities in religious education 18.2.5 Use of the term ‘Faith Development Coordinator’ 18.2.6 Religious education and faith development outcomes 18.2.7 Faith formation and religious education 18.2.8 Faith development and ‘transformative education’ 18.2.9 Expansion of the notion of ‘knowing’
The chapter considers that there is a need to revise the way that faith development language is used in Catholic religious education. It argues that religious knowledge and understanding, together with evaluative skills, are the aspects of faith development that are most naturally and effectively promoted by school religious education. There are parallels with issues considered in 13.5 about education for personal learning. While looking at relationships between pedagogy and faith, this chapter will not include a comprehensive review of the nature of religious faith.
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18.2.1 Metaphors for spiritual development While educators can usually explain at length what they understand by ‘faith’, when asked about ‘faith development’, they have difficulty with what ‘developing’ or ‘growing’ faith actually means, as well as ambiguity about how teaching activities bring about such change. Some responses indicate that it has to do with Fowler’s stage theory – facilitating students’ transition from one Fowler faith stage to the next. Others make use of metaphors like ‘growth’ of faith, and ‘deeper’, ‘stronger’ or ‘more committed’ faith, all of which give the impression that faith is quantitative. Surprisingly, what is commonly absent from such replies is reference to the knowledge dimension to faith. Difficulties with faith development seem to arise from the connotation of the metaphor ‘development’. As used in psychology in terms like ‘personal growth and development’, and also with reference to the spiritual life, the word ‘development’ carries meaning derived from Western economic thinking – it is interpreted as a psychological ‘increase’, not unlike growth in individual wealth or in the national economy. Moran explained the problem in his book Religious Education Development, in which he questioned the relevance of the metaphor ‘development’ with reference to personal and spiritual life.4 He drew attention to the popularity of developmental theories that have stages of improvement or ‘success’ – questioning the appropriateness and utility of notions of personal development that imply that it must be an ‘increase’, or ‘bigger’, ‘better’, ‘more advanced’. Having steps or scores for measuring progress gives tangible indications of achievement. It could have been expected that EQ (emotional intelligence) and SQ (spiritual intelligence) would inevitably be followups to IQ (intelligence quotient).5 This sort of thinking could affect ideas about how faith is to be changed – like improving one’s IQ and becoming spiritually successful. It would be inaccurate and unfair to propose that this interpretation is the main meaning that educators ascribe to the term ‘faith development’. However, these problematic undercurrents need to be identified, even if their presence and influence are minimal. Moran’s remedy for the influence of economic thinking was to increase the breadth and diversity of the metaphors for describing spiritual development; variety in metaphor was needed to account for the range of spiritual changes that occur across the life cycle. For example, the Gospel of Mark and other Christian writings suggest that spiritual growth usually involves suffering. ‘Gethsemane’ experiences and a ‘theology of the cross’ can be important phases in the Christian spiritual life; these images do not fit comfortably with the idea of moving further up the ladder of perfection; rather, they give the impression that some spiritual progress may well appear to be ‘downhill’ and painful. Another remedy for the problem is to acknowledge the many dimensions to the Christian notion of faith.6 Of special significance is people’s relationship with God and the quality of their interaction with others. The transcendent and interpersonal dimensions are not something that can be readily changed intentionally by educational processes.
18.2.2 Faith development as a ‘hope’ for religious education How faith development is understood affects the statement of aims and objectives for religious education, and it influences teaching strategies and student resources. As for any key learning area, religion needs achievable outcomes; that is, tangible goals towards which teachers can direct their endeavours. But if their goals are expressed more or
The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ in Catholic school religious education
less exclusively in terms of faith development, which involves high order, personal change that is not open to scrutiny by observers, then teachers will be planning lessons on a day-today basis while their objectives are ‘over the horizon’, and not able to give immediate practical guidance. Elsewhere in the curriculum, the equivalent would be writing the outcomes for English or History in terms of ‘committed citizenship’. Faith development is too distant from classroom activities to serve as a useful, immediate, functional goal; and because it is so strongly influenced by personal and social factors, teachers would be unrealistic if they thought that their lessons were the principal means of fostering it. Teachers caught up in such thinking can neglect the sorts of purposes and learning opportunities that are most appropriate for the classroom. Hence it would be better to regard faith development more as a hope than an aim. Hope that the classroom experience will, over time, enhance the development of students’ faith complements the more immediate aims and objectives. It is important to have such hopes because they give a valuable orientation to the process, but a preoccupation with these hopes can confuse teachers’ purposes and create unrealistic expectations. One way of addressing the problem is to identify the aspects of faith development that are most pertinent to the classroom. This steers teachers away from vague purposes like ‘more faith’, ‘deeper faith’, ‘more ready to believe’, ‘committed faith’ while directing attention to the cognitive dimension. Students need good knowledge and understanding of their reli gious tradition, as well as an understanding of what faith is in all its aspects. Teachers should be concerned with the aspects that are ‘educatable’; in other words, the purpose of religious education is to help young people acquire an educated personal faith. If reference is made to the more personal dimensions of faith, then the meaning should be made clear enough to avoid ambiguity. For example, the idea of promoting a ‘deeper’ faith means the hope that young people will develop a stronger sense of personal and emotional attachment to God, paralleling the way one would talk about enhancing a personal relationship – with it becoming more personal, more exclusive, more faithful and more communicative. The idea of faith development as becoming ‘more committed’ needs further consideration. Commitment is a key dimension to religious faith, and so is committed social action. However, the scope for the school, and especially its religion curriculum, to bring about change in commitment is limited. Such change is a long-term process affected by many factors and is unlikely to be caused exclusively by classroom teaching. Also, it would be difficult, as well as unethical, to try to measure changes in faith commitment as a result of such teaching. How would one know if an individual was more committed or not? How would one get an indication or a measure of commitment? Perhaps by observation of behaviour both inside and outside school over a period? Individuals who are more committed would go to greater lengths to honour their commitments. The further one ventures into this thinking the more it becomes obvious that trying to measure or assess its development is inappropriate. Nevertheless, it remains important for the school to try to model committed social action, and to use community engagement and social service activities to give young people practical experience in these areas. The school’s own value commitments need to be evident in its organisational and social life – hopefully with impact on the students. These sections suggest that if religious educators are to use the term ‘faith development’, they need to think through the metaphors that will make the concept more realistic and useful both for themselves and their students.
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18.2.3 The association of emotionality with faith development A strong but usually unacknowledged emotional component affects the way faith dev elopment is interpreted by religious educators. It relates back to the 1970s influence of humanistic psychology and existential thinking on understandings of spiritual development (see Chapter 8). Humanistic psychology, as evident in the work of Carl Rogers, Abraham Maslow, Rollo May and others, highlighted the importance of interpersonal relationships for personal change and maturity.7 Developing ‘sensitivity’ came to be regarded as an important part of spiritual development. In turn, there was a tendency to think that faith development implied improved human relationships and communication, and that it would occur best within an intimate group – or in one-to-one relationships. And because in these contexts emotion and euphoria were prominent, they too became notionally associated with spiritual development; to become more emotionally expressive was considered to be a goal for maturity. Hence in community-oriented retreats and then in classroom religion lessons, group discussion was increasingly regarded as the main process for promoting spiritual development. Talk about feelings and revealing comments about the self became the measures of success. Ever since, evidence that students liked or enjoyed religion lessons was interpreted as an indication of ‘effective’ religious education. The tendency to associate faith development with emotionality was like ‘baptising’ the quest for personalism and relevance. The association had two consequences – first, for implied views of the nature of faith, and second for classroom teaching and learning. Nature of faith: Linking of emotionality with faith tended to distract attention from other dimensions to faith like knowledge and commitment. Emotion, euphoria and the sharing of personal views were regarded as ‘faith responses’. This implied a false dualism, as if religious knowledge and faith were more distinct and separate than they need be. Teaching/learning: The dualism also presumed that different processes were required to enhance knowledge and faith. The spiritual ‘results’ from personal discussions and expressions of feelings were overrated. Consequently, the spiritual potential of knowledge acquisition, understanding and evaluative skills were underrated. Educators need to be cautious when talking about what they think is ‘faith-effective’ religious education. It would be more accurate and realistic to refer to emotion, euphoria and personal conversations for what they are in their own right, without implicitly labelling them as indicators of faith development. Also, there is a need for further clarification of the important emotional component of spiritual development.
18.2.4 Use of the concept ‘faith development’ to differentiate activities in religious education The problematic view of faith development described above led to an artificial dichotomy in teaching and learning activities. Some activities (such as liturgy, prayer, retreats, discussion groups) were linked with faith development; ordinary classroom religious education was concerned just with knowledge and understanding – and so not with faith.8 Activities in religious education were being differentiated according to the perceived strength of their connection with faith development. This thinking presumed the classroom was less faithintensive than a retreat, and it tended to conflate the words ‘emotional’ and ‘personal’ with faith. The retreat may well be more personally and emotionally intensive, but not necessarily
The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ in Catholic school religious education
more faith-intensive. Another way of putting it is that faith might be given a more emotional and personal expression during a retreat. In ‘peak’ or ‘mountain top’ experiences (as used by Maslow),9 the emotional aspect of faith could be intensified, and felt more palpably. But the idea that emotionality itself should be regarded as constituting faith development needs to be questioned. In addition, this problematic thinking led to the misunderstandings associated with use of the descriptive terms ‘education in faith’ and ‘education in religion’.10 From the 1970s onwards, the problems described above were evident in diocesan documents, school programs and in the language teachers used to describe religious education, as well as in journal articles and texts for teachers. The following is a typical example. In the Guidelines for Religious Education in the Archdiocese of Brisbane, the educational aim of promoting religious literacy was emphasised as the principal concern of the formal religion curriculum, while other contexts and activities (retreats, school life, parish groups, and so on) were said to have a ‘faith development focus’.11 In another example, some books on religious education used the words ‘faith-forming’ or ‘enfaithing’ to distinguish denominational approaches from others like the phenomenological – which were presumed to be non faith-forming or non-enfaithing.12 Such problematical language inevitably leads to equally problematical pedagogy. It gives the impression that by intention teachers can change gears during lessons, moving at will from non faith-forming instruction to active faith-forming activities. As well as implying a simplistic view of religious faith, this thinking seems to presume supernatural powers on the part of teachers; the links between education and changes in young people’s faith are much more complex than it admits. Distinctions between different types of teaching and learning activity, as well as the differentiation of contexts, are important in religious education. But the terminology used here implies an artificial division between religious education and faith development. It is too narrow in its dependence on psychological processes as the core of faith development and it neglects the significance that formal classroom religious education has for faith development. The contrast is also inappropriate because the two nouns are of a different logical order. Religious education is an intentional educational activity; Faith development is a change in the believing activity of the individual. Faith development is a personal process of great complexity, most of which is not open to scrutiny by others; it is influenced by a variety of factors, only one of which is religious education. Hence it is an inappropriate criterion for differentiating types of educational activities – as if one sort does not affect faith while another does. Classifying activities according to the presence or absence of faith gives the impression that religion teachers would need an inbuilt faith meter! It is more realistic and less presumptuous to acknowledge that all types of activities in religious education, as well as the religious and social life of the school, have potential to contribute to the development of students’ religious faith. Some of these activities are more formal and instructional. Others may be more informal, more personal, emotional, silent, and reflective. This description is a more appropriate and precise way of talking about different activities than presuming that one can know which type is more effective in producing faith development. There is also another reason for questioning the use of faith development language to differentiate processes. The Christian interpretation of faith presumes that the Holy Spirit
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is involved in any invitation to a response in personal faith. If the image of teachers needing faith meters highlights the problem of presumption, then the incongruous image of teachers requiring Holy Spirit detectors should make the inappropriateness of such language even more obvious.
18.2.5 Use of the term ‘Faith Development Coordinator’ It has long been recognised that the educator charged with the responsibility of coordinating religious education in the Catholic school has been overloaded with responsibilities. Hence it has been valuable to divide the role so that two or more people might share the workload. For example, in some instances a liturgy coordinator has taken on the role of promoting better liturgy, relieving the religion coordinator of a very time-consuming task; also, such a division acknowledged the need for specialist skills in liturgy and music. In other situations, responsibility for the organisation and planning of retreats through the school has been devolved to year coordinators or others. Another arrangement involves a campus minister with responsibility for pastorally oriented tasks, leaving the religion coordinator with more time for attending to the classroom religion program. In some dioceses, the religious education coordinator is named Assistant Principal Religious Education (APRE), and the position carries membership of the school executive. The pros and cons of the arrangement need more consideration than will be given here. But one thing is clear: while it enhances the status of the position, it increases responsibilities and adds new administrative tasks that are not necessarily connected with the religious mission of the school. Devolving the religious education coordinator’s role has been valuable. But the division in some schools into the positions of religion coordinator and faith development coordinator creates misunderstandings of the nature and purposes of religious education as well as a dubious, dualistic notion of faith. While the division of labour is not in question, the named roles are in effect a structural endorsement of the problems described above in sections 18.2.3 and 18.2.4. The division is based on the supposed ‘varying faith intensity’ of different aspects of religious education – as if activated in the more expressive personal activities, and absent in the classroom study of religion. It reinforces a false dichotomy between the cognitive and personal aspects of spiritual development, as if religious education and faith development are different processes, requiring separate responsibilities; and it undervalues knowledge and understanding as the main focus of religious education and as the ‘natural channel’ for the classroom in promoting students’ spiritual development.
18.2.6 Religious education and faith development outcomes As noted in sections 12.2.4, 13.9 and 16.2.3, over the last two decades the outcomes movement has impacted strongly on curricula, teaching and assessment in Australian schools. The emphasis has been on measurable outcomes and on benchmarked performance to assess effectiveness and provide accountability. The system works better for knowledge and skill outcomes, but it is problematic as regards outcomes in the personal and values areas.13 The idea of documenting religious education in the same way as state education authorities document key learning areas is significant for the public recognition of religion as an important learning area in Catholic schools. The outcomes format has been adopted in
The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ in Catholic school religious education
a number of diocesan religion curricula.14 The use of knowledge and skills outcomes should be beneficial by drawing attention to achievable goals which may have been neglected. But reference to values and faith outcomes remains ambiguous, especially where they are couched in the same language as for knowledge and skills. Paralleling what was said earlier, it is proposed that a language of hopes (or hoped-for long-term outcomes) be used rather than outcomes written in faith development language. This has implications for assessment and reporting.15
18.2.7 Faith formation and religious education Some educators prefer to use the term ‘faith formation’ to describe religious education. When this happens, an impression is given that they are emphasising actual changes in faith; formation sounds more effective and forceful than education. Use of the word ‘formation’ in this context echoes its traditional connotation from the process of forming new members of religious orders and new priests. What was done in the ‘houses of formation’ (juniorates, novitiates, seminaries and scholasticates) was renowned for its effectiveness in changing behaviour and piety and in producing uniformity. So when the words ‘spiritual’ or ‘faith formation’ are used, one gets an impression that what is implied is more than just religious education (perhaps an industrial strength version). The emphasis is directly on personal change – especially in attitudes and behaviour. It was illustrated by the comment of one diocesan director who stated: ‘What we want is not just a religious education but a faith formation.’ Similar thinking underpins the naming of departments and projects in Catholic Education Offices where faith formation and spiritual formation have been chosen in preference to religious education. Formation language is specifically concerned with increasing faith; and like the use of the term ‘faith development coordinator’, it implies a narrow understanding of faith that tends to overrate the affective, and undervalue knowledge and understanding. Trainor, in his book Nurturing the Spirit: Faith Education within Australian Catholicism,16 exemplified Catholic religious education’s preoccupation with the construct faith development. He preferred the term ‘faith education’ to religious education. While his main interest was in parish religious education, he did not distinguish the important difference that context makes. He talked about school religious education as if it was identical with parish education; and misinterpreted theory about relationships between ‘education in religion’ and ‘education in faith’ as described in note 10. The concept of faith formation, like other terms (evangelisation, catechesis, ministry, witness, mission, inculturation) can be used as a lens for analysing the processes of church ministry and religious education. When used in this way, it takes a particular viewpoint on the activity being analysed: the possible ways in which teaching and learning processes occasion change in religious faith. While it is legitimate and useful to look at religious education from this point of view, it gets out of perspective if given excessive attention at the expense of other dimensions. Talk about how activities are intended to change the level of students’ faith development is often no different from that used to describe gains in knowledge and cognitive skills. This is to fail to acknowledge the complexity in spiritual development while creating unrealistic expectations.
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In his book What is this thing called religious education?,17 Lovat used the descriptor ‘faith-forming approaches’ (involving what he called ‘enfaithing’ processes) to differentiate denominational religious education from the phenomenological, multi-faith versions. It helped him articulate an ‘educational identity’ for Religion Studies (in both state and religious schools) according to ‘intentions’ – where the aim of promoting personal faith in a particular religious tradition was said to be inappropriate. But by claiming that religion studies were not faith-forming, Lovat still participated in the problem described above where it was presumed that there were distinct faith-forming and non-faith-forming approaches, and that these could be chosen by teachers and implemented with consequences for the religious faith of students. Similar to Lovat, Moore (also an influential figure in the development of Religion Studies courses in Australia) in his classification of denominational religious education, used the descriptor ‘faith development approaches’.18 The issue will be revisited in section 22.2 when discussing relationships between denominational religious education and Religion Studies. While in the Catholic sector there is a tendency to overrate the influence of religious education on personal faith, in state-based Religion Studies, the tendency has been to underrate the potential for personal influence.19 As explained in Part 5, this has to do with the political need to differentiate state courses from denominational religious education. But the fact that the schools in Australia that offer Religion Studies are almost exclusively religious schools creates an interesting twist to the argument. The problem with using faith development language for differentiating purpose revolves around a number of issues, one of which is the relationship between educational intentions, processes and outcomes. At the level of intentions there are grounds for distinguishing between purposes, especially with respect to long-term hopes. Catholic religious education hopes to enhance faith development; state Religion Studies does not. But the distinction at the intentional level breaks down or becomes blurred at the level of practice. When students are engaged in learning activities, the potential consequences for personal faith are so distant (and shrouded in mystery) that it is not possible for the teacher to know whether or not the activity will affect them – either there and then or in the long term; in both denominational and Religion Studies contexts, there is the potential to affect students’ faith – or not. As noted in Chapter 13, there is an inherent uncertainty about personal outcomes that is natural because of the very complexity of personal development. The Religion Studies teacher (in state or religious schools) may not have faith development intentions, but this does not stop the educational process from having unintended consequences over the long term. Teachers in both camps need to acknowledge the potential for catalysing personal change through their teaching, even if modest; they are making an educational contribution towards personal change. They need to acknowledge that as regards promoting spiritual and moral development in students, there is not the same order of causality in relationships between intentions, processes and outcomes as there are for educating in knowledge and skills. This applies to any education intended to bring about personal change. For example: the chain of causality between processes that teach children mathematics and the outcomes of such teaching can be mapped with logical precision and this can be demonstrated with empirical measures. But personal and spiritual change are of a different order, and potential causal links with educational treatments will be overshadowed by a network of other factors, not the least of which is the freedom of individuals to determine to some extent their own beliefs
The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ in Catholic school religious education
and values. The empirical and ethical problems in trying to measure faith development outcomes were noted in 16.2.3. The interpretation above was confirmed in an interesting, and eventually humorous discussion by young student teachers. They were quick to bristle at the terminology because they were conscious that the purpose of faith development meant trying to change people personally. They sensed the agenda – it was not just about education, but about ‘getting the “right stuff ”’, ‘becoming devout Catholics’; they felt that an institutional intention was predominant. One complained: ‘They should be more honest, and call it “faith conformity” rather than “faith development”.’ Another who disliked the word ‘enfaithing’ preferred to call it ‘enforcing’. From here the group proposed the phrase ‘faith enforcement’ as an indication of the problem. Finally, emphasising concerns about potential manipulation, the group wit suggested that there should be a new Arnold Schwarzenegger movie to be called ‘The Enfaithinator: Being on the right side at Judgment Day’.
18.2.8 Faith development and ‘transformative education’ The notions of ‘effectiveness’ and ‘capacity to actually bring about personal change’ that have been associated with the word ‘formation’ have been carried over into the use of ‘transformative’ as an adjective describing education. When these words are used, one gets an impression that it is a new educational recipe that ‘really works’ – by contrast with a more mundane pedagogy that must be non-transformative. We have already registered at length our suspicion about such language because it fails to acknowledge complexity in either personal development or in the links between teaching and personal change (see above and Chapters 13 and 14). And it undermines rather than enhances education designed to resource personal change. Another element that is prominent in thinking about transformative education is the presumption of a high level of personal interaction in the teaching and learning process, and that the interaction itself brings about change in values and attitudes. Transformative education talks about the dynamics of personal change as if teachers were in control of the variables – rather than seeing teaching strategies as laying down infrastructure for potential change in the future. At best, the classroom works with ‘precursors’ and ‘preconditions’ for personal change. Even if the words ‘transformative education’ were not used, such thinking has long been problematic in religious education, as explained in the previous sections. Below we refer to a scheme presented to religion teachers in a professional development program that illustrates the problem. We refer to the scheme, which at the time seemed attractive to religion teachers, because of its emphasis on fostering students’ faith development and its use of the word ‘transformation’ to describe pedagogy. It shows the tendency to oversimplify expectations of how teacher interventions in the classroom affect young people’s spiritual development. It was disconcerting that there seemed to be a relatively unquestioning teacher acceptance that the processes suggested in the scheme were uncomplicated, easy to identify and implement. The scheme proposed that teachers of religion should operate at three different levels – informational, formational and transformational – and it indicated the proportion of time that should ideally be devoted to each. It also suggested pedagogical characteristics for each level.
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Table 18.2 An example scheme illustrating the notion of transformative pedagogy20 Level
Focus
Approach
Content of lessons
Desired % of teaching time
Informational (fact)
mind (scientist)
impersonal (objective)
cognitive (grade)
30
Formational (value)
heart (poet)
personal (subjective)
affective (clarify)
30
Transformational (faith)
soul (prophet)
interpersonal (inter-subjective)
volitional (invite)
40
The scheme is based on a number of questionable assumptions: • that teachers can achieve a recognisable degree of religious conversion in students in the classroom; • that a very personal atmosphere can readily be created in the classroom; • that eliciting student testimonies of personal faith and values is a principal activity in religious education; • that mentoring or counselling-like activities are appropriate in classroom religious education (see Chapter 19). The problem with schemes like this, and with talk about transformative education generally, is the impression it reinforces in teachers that they have, or are expected to have, the power to change at will the level of student personal or spiritual engagement in a lesson. It seems to presume that it is primarily the teacher’s intentions that change the nature of the classroom interactions, and that there are simple pathways between pedagogy and personal change in students. It suggests also that personal change will then flow into the transformation of society (contrast this with the conceptualisation of education for personal change in Part 3).
18.2.9 Expansion of the notion of ‘knowing’ The attractiveness of faith development as the dominant metaphor for religious education was in its rich meaning; it was multifaceted. Educators could feel unhappy with a description of their role as teaching just knowledge and skills. Faith development was thought to be connected with the affective domain, religious experience, beliefs, values, the aesthetic, prayerfulness, sensitivity to social justice, and committed action. But excessive reliance on this metaphor ran the risk of the problems described in sections 18.2.1–18.2.8 above. One way of addressing the dilemma is to expand the notion of ‘knowing’ as the principal goal for religious education by drawing on theory from theology, the social sciences and education. For example, the theology of Bernard Lonergan developed the idea of ‘authentic knowing’.21 Paulo Freire elaborated on the liberational component to knowledge;22 critical literacy and freedom from oppression were linked. Knowledge, particularly about values issues, ideology and power was crucial to the individual’s interpretation of social reality and thus it had consequences for judgments about social justice. Knowledge could become a fundamental part of convictions that motivated individuals and groups to social action.
The centrality of the concept ‘faith development’ in Catholic school religious education
Freire proposed a praxis way of knowing. This theme was taken up by Groome in his writings about shared Christian praxis.23 Boys (in Educating in Faith)24 also considered an ‘enlarged’ interpretation of knowledge and understanding. She referred to Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences as a way of expanding the notion of knowing; it enriched the variety of teaching strategies to meet the diverse needs of learners. Boys also argued the case for a feminist way of knowing. It is, however, interesting to note that both Groome and Boys, as evident in titles and chapter headings in their books, gave a priority to faith development language. Another key dimension to knowing that needs further exploration is the aesthetic. It includes a prominent role for the imagination in personal learning.25
18.3 Summary This chapter considered that the quest for a religious education that is ‘faith-effective’ is problematic, particularly since the notion of ‘faith development’ has become something of a Holy Grail in Catholic education circles. Excessive and non-discriminating use of the term has led to ambiguities in both expectations and practice, especially as regards its relationship with emotionality. The problems can be addressed by giving more attention to the aspects of faith that can be most appropriately enhanced in the classroom, and they are mainly in the cognitive domain. Writers and curriculum developers in Catholic religious education need to provide leadership in the ongoing endeavour to clarify purposes; a review of its language should begin in theory and in diocesan guidelines, and thence move into school programs and teaching. Perhaps a more balanced use of faith development language will come when complementary attention is given to ‘hope development’, ‘love development’ and ‘justice development’. Because the handing on of the faith tradition and the development of personal faith remain such central purposes in Catholic education, the next chapter will explore these purposes further.
Notes 1 JH Westerhoff 1976, Will our children have faith? 2 JE Fowler. 1980, Stages of faith: The psychology of human development and the quest for meaning; 1986, Becoming adult, becoming Christian; 1986, Faith and the structure of meaning. in C Dykstra & S Parks (eds) Faith development and Fowler; JE Fowler et al. 1993, Stages of Faith and Religious Development: Implications for church education and society. 3 The references in note 2 give Fowler’s own account of his theory. Useful summaries are available in the following. Hill’s recent summary is succinct, also illustrating other developmental views of personal development. BV Hill 2004, Exploring religion in school: A national priority; GM Rossiter 1981, The beliefs of young people. In Religious education in Australian schools; MF Flynn 1979, Catholic schools and the communication of faith. 4 G Moran 1980, Religious education development; see also G Moran 1990, No ladder to the sky. 5 D Goleman 1996, Emotional intelligence; D Zohar & I Marshall 2000, SQ: Spiritual intelligence, the ultimate intelligence. 6 See for example the detailed summary of thinking about faith in A Dulles 1994, The assurance of things hoped for, especially the chapter on the Development of Faith. 7 One prominent example is in Carl Rogers’ book, which also proposed educational implications: CR Rogers 1969, Freedom to Learn: What education might become. 8 GM Rossiter 1986, The place of faith in classroom religious education.
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9 A Maslow 1970, Religions, values, and peak experiences. 10 GM Rossiter 1994, Religious education and the spiritual development of young people: A reply to Gideon Goosen. In 1981, in Religious Education in Australian Schools, Rossiter sought to promote more exchange between denominational religious education and the new state Religion Studies courses designed for teaching by state school teachers in the government schools. He proposed that any school religious education needed to be interpreted from both of two different perspectives, a faith-oriented one and an educational one, to show that both dimensions were important. However, the terms he used to do this – Education in Faith and Education in Religion – were widely misinterpreted as actual approaches for classifying different types of religious education, rather than perspectives that were closely related. Unfortunately, this reinforced divisions rather than prompting greater understanding of how the two dimensions were interwoven. In hindsight, it would have been better to use less ambiguous terms such as faith-oriented perspective and educational perspective and avoid problems where educators described some approaches as education in faith, and presumably others that did not educate faith; such usage implied a misunderstanding of faith – it could not be ‘added’ to or ‘subtracted’ from religious education by the teacher. 11 Archdiocese of Brisbane, 1997, Guidelines for Religious Education (consisting of curriculum Statement, Profile and Syllabus). See also G Barry 1997, Religious Education. 12 TJ Lovat 1989, What is this thing called religious education; BS Moore 1991, Religion education: Issues and methods in curriculum design (Texts in Humanities). 13 ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1993, The future of holistic education: The recession we had to have? 14 Barry 1997. 15 Over the years, articles in the journals Word in Life (now Journal of Religious Education) and Catholic School Studies have considered assessment and reporting in religious education, including the contentions issue of assessing spiritual development. While in practice most religious educators do not try to assess spiritual outcomes, there remains some ambiguity about these issues in Catholic religious education. Chapter 12 in Hill’s 2004 book Exploring religion in school: A national priority considers the relevant issues. 16 M Trainor 1991, Nurturing the spirit: Faith education within Australian Catholicism. 17 TJ Lovat 1989, What is this thing called Religious Education?, pp. 1–13. See also Moore 1991. 18 Moore 1991. 19 This difference is evident in the evolution of religious studies in government schools in the United Kingdom (1950–90) as will be described in Part 5 of this book, as well as in the evolution of such courses in Australia where developments closely followed the British pattern. Part of the process of establishing an educational identity for religious studies was to make it look different from denominational religious education – hence the claim that it was not concerned with the promotion of personal faith in a particular faith tradition. The fundamental question to be clarified here is the way in which any education (denominational or nondenominational) can promote or catalyse changes in students’ beliefs. 20 Seminar conducted in Sydney, 1990, by Fr Mark Link SJ, a visiting lecturer and author from the United States. 21 Some introductory ideas on Lonergan’s authentic knowing and its implications for religious education were presented in T Jones 1987, Authentic Knowing and Religious Education. 22 P Freire 1971, Pedagogy of the oppressed; 1980, Education for Critical Consciousness. See also the comments on Freire and critical pedagogy in Chapter 12. 23 TH Groome 1980, Christian religious education: sharing our story and vision; 1990, Sharing faith. 24 MC Boys 1989, Educating in faith. 25 Some preliminary ideas on these issues can be found in the following: M Harris 1987, Teaching and Religious Imagination; G Durka & J Smith (eds) 1979, Aesthetic dimensions of religious education; G English 1989, Imagination: The past and the future of religious education. See also the comments on education and imagination in Chapters 13 and 15.
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Religious education and ‘sponsoring’ the development of faith in adolescents
This chapter looks further into the relationships between classroom religious education and young people’s spiritual development.
In 1992, the Catholic Institute for Religious Studies published Sponsoring faith in adolescence.1 It reported research on the spiritual development of Year 11 students in Catholic girls’ high schools, using Fowler’s scheme of faith development for its conceptualisation (the principal researcher was Carmel Leavey). The high-quality research compiled an interesting picture of the faith competencies of young women, consistent with a number of the conclusions drawn about youth spirituality in Chapter 9. The study, which reinforced the already strong position of Fowler’s faith development theory in Catholic circles, was well received. Its principal recommendation was to promote ‘sponsoring of faith’ (or ‘faith mentoring’) in adolescents; it emphasised the relationships between adults and young people. While the process of faith sponsorship or mentoring was evidently relevant to spiritual development, there was difficulty in determining its implications for religious education. The Leavey research reactivated the same issues that arose in 1976 when the Australian Catholic education community first learned of Fowler’s theory through the publication of Westerhoff ’s book Will our children have faith? (see the introduction to Chapter 18).2 To revisit the response at that time is instructive for understanding the relationships between religious education and young people’s faith development. Westerhoff questioned the relevance of what he called a ‘schooling/instructional paradigm’ for Protestant church Sunday schools in the United States. He considered that it was the local Christian community in its celebrative ritual which was principally responsible for developing the personal faith of children. He believed that in this context, community experience, especially liturgy, was much more influential than formal instruction. He thought that religious socialisation rather than religious instruction or religious education was the most relevant process. In response, Catholic religious educators in Australia in the 1970s and 1980s sought to apply Westerhoff ’s ideas to compulsory religious education in day schools – even though the 423
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context and purposes were different from those of voluntary Sunday schools. The paradigm of ‘community/inculturation’ was thought to be more relevant than ‘schooling/instruction’, and it motivated experimentation to make religion lessons more informal and personal, and more discussion-oriented. This view was also consistent with the community orientation of retreats and with research findings on the importance of social climate in Catholic schools. As a result, there was a tendency to focus on community and interpersonal relationships rather than on knowledge and skills (see the relevant sections in Chapters 16 and 18). Westerhoff considered that improvement of the Sunday school required a deschooling of its structures. Following this lead, Catholic religion teachers thought that deschooling of classroom religious education would also be productive – moving away from formal, academic study towards something more low-key (not that what they were moving away from was all that academic). It took a long time for Catholic religious educators to understand this confusion of contexts, purposes and processes; and it is still not yet adequately resolved in the minds of all religion teachers and administrators. This thinking was partly responsible for the long opposition to a more academic study of religion in Catholic schools. Teachers were unlikely to move in a direction that appeared contrary to the dominant motif of faith development, thus sustaining an artificial dichotomy between the academic and the personal.3 The response of Catholic religious educators in the 1970s and 1980s, as far as the school implications in Westerhoff ’s ideas were concerned, was not as discriminating as it should have been. Westerhoff ’s proposals were appropriate for his context: he was dealing with a voluntary church activity. But the compulsory school context was different, where other factors came into play. So the efforts to make religion classrooms less ‘school-like’ and less ‘education-like’ did not in the long term prove relevant or successful. The problematic reaction to Westerhoff ’s book, as well as to faith development theory generally, was lack of an adequate differentiation between religious socialisation and religious education; and consequently, between community/personal and classroom contexts. As a result, there was ambiguity about the ways in which education, counselling, personal interaction and group processes might contribute to the development of faith. A relatively simple ‘either/or’ solution predominated at the time, without sufficient understanding of the relationships between socialising and educational processes. By 1992, progress had been made towards resolving the Westerhoff-related problems. State Religion Studies courses had been newly adopted and the acceptability of a more academic religious education had improved, although there was still ambivalence about the place for a personal dimension. It was likely that the problems related to the 1970s confusion of contexts would not be repeated. Nevertheless, reviews of the Leavey publication Sponsoring faith in adolescence showed that there was still a lingering remnant of the earlier problematic thinking about the role of religious education in fostering faith development.4 Before looking at possible school implications for faith sponsoring or mentoring, the differences between socialisation and education will be considered.
19.1 Comparing and contrasting religious socialisation and religious education Socialisation is different from education. It refers to the way in which people absorb attitudes, values, beliefs, patterns of behaviour and ways of looking at life from their immediate social environment – the family and various other groups in which they participate. Socialisation
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can be interpreted as learning from culture by osmosis. While the family is the prime location for socialisation, and while peer groups are always important, increasingly, television is subsuming this role; for some children, families become modifiers of the primary socialisation mediated through film and television. For adolescents, their peers, especially their own circle of friends, may become the dominant reference group that governs their lives. It can even serve as a ‘multiplier’ of influences from the consumerist/advertising/entertainment bloc; where the popular opinion of the group endorses a consumerist lifestyle and determines what is ‘cool’, young people are conditioned to go to considerable expense to conform. This is why marketing experts are so keen to implant the mythology of consumerism within the thinking of the ‘texting community’ – and to exploit it commercially (9.2.6). By contrast, education in schools is a formal instructional process. It is concerned primarily with helping young people learn how to think critically; and to become familiar with the intellectual culture; and to acquire certain academic, technical and interpersonal skills that will be valuable for their future lives and employment. Table 19.1 Contrasts between religious socialisation and religious education Categories
Religious socialisation
Religious education
Degree of formality
Low. Can occur at any time; especially in family, peer groups and through the media.
High. Usually in a formal school classroom setting; expectations related to the aims for schooling.
Degree of informality
High.
Low.
Use of instructional curriculum materials
Nil.
Strong. Of fundamental importance for learning in this context.
Personal nature of the learning environment
Usually personal and interactive.
A public, structured learning environment. Personalism is limited but not inappropriate.
Intentional learning process (set aims and objectives)
Usually No. Mainly informal, personal learning; not formally directed.
Yes. Standard educational aims.
Relatively ‘unconscious’ informal learning processes
Yes
No. However, attitudes and values may be affected.
Learning of attitudes, values and beliefs by example and imitation
Yes. The main process of personal learning.
Minimal. Main emphasis is on cognitive learning, although personal learning may be a hope.
Learning of knowledge; development of understanding and skills
Yes, but the emphasis is usually on personal learning.
Yes. The main emphasis in education at school.
Scope for critical evaluation and appraisal of arguments
Yes, but in an informal way; not usually systematic or involving study.
Yes. Special attempt made to develop skills for critical analysis and evaluation.
Despite the differences, education and socialisation overlap; for healthy personal development, complementarity between the processes is desirable. A young person’s school religious education makes some contribution to his or her overall religious socialisation. Similarly,
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aspects of religious socialisation can make a contribution to their religious education. The differences in emphasis need to be acknowledged, otherwise the responsible adults may be trying to achieve the wrong things in a particular context. The classroom cannot produce the sort of socialisation that can be delivered by family, peer groups or local faith community. Similarly, classroom study of religion can make contributions to young people’s overall education that are not possible within a family or parish. One of the reasons efforts to improve the effectiveness of religious education have not been successful has been the blurring of distinctions between religious socialisation and education, and blurring of the boundaries between different contexts. Ministry and religious education require different configurations of processes to be relevant and effective. Each has a distinctive ‘channel’ or style of contribution to the development of faith. For religious education, too great a store had been placed on the faith-developing potential of personal interactions, and not enough on educational activities.
19.2 The faith-sponsoring or faith-mentoring process The sponsoring of faith development envisaged by Fowler and Carmel Leavey is, in the main, a personal one-to-one process. A classic example is where parents, with a close relationship with their children, are able to talk with them about issues significant in their lives at the time. Another example is where a teacher or significant other has a supportive relationship with a young individual in which aspects of their lives such as ‘master stories’, ‘centres of power’, and so on are shared. The value of such sponsoring or mentoring activities is not in question. But from a classroom perspective, they are not processes usually associated with the teaching of religion. They may operate at the level of teacher–student relationship, but they would not be regarded as a pedagogy. This is not to say that religion teaching is less important than faith sponsoring: it is different, and makes a different contribution to the young person’s overall spiritual development. Hence it is more appropriate to develop the metaphor of religious education than faith sponsorship to describe what happens in religion lessons. We are reminded here of the amusing comment of one teacher at a seminar at which ideas about faith mentoring or sponsoring were being proposed for religious education: ‘I have a fair chance of making some progress in meaningful dialogue with Jack the Ripper on a oneto-one basis. But when you have twenty-five youngsters before you in a classroom, trying to arrange one-to-one personal contact is ridiculous. The classroom is about something else – educating.’ The classroom is not a counselling situation, even though some counselling skills will be helpful for the teacher. No doubt the idea of faith sponsoring has implications for other contexts like counselling, youth ministry and personal relationships because it involves listening, empathising, advising, exhortation, learning by example, and identification. It is a matter of community concern that too few people – many parents included – seem to have the time and inclination to develop the emotionally supportive relationships with youth that might help them in their search for meaning and values. Also it is important to note that at times even the availability of the best personal support will not guarantee success in guiding them through troubled times or in developing their faith. We have in mind instances where one or both parents provide the right sort of emotional
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availability but where one or more young persons in the family respond favourably while another – given the same, and often more, opportunities and consideration – responds not at all. Alternatively, the response can be uneven – for example, the young person may develop a sensitive social conscience, but this can coexist with selfishness and intolerance in the way that individual treats other members of the family. Personal development does not always fit neatly within the structural stages of various developmental theories, even though these theories provide helpful interpretations of the process.
19.3 Classroom religious education and the sponsoring of faith in adolescents The conclusion above is that faith sponsoring or mentoring is not a useful metaphor for religious education. Rather, the notion of educating young people in their religious faith tradition in ways that will resource their spirituality is more appropriate. This does not deny that the Catholic school has some limited role in faith sponsoring. Religious education should try to take into account the needs and interests of young people, and their spiritual starting points, making a helpful contribution to the spirituality of all in the class, both the religious and the non-religious. The apparent lack of interest that many show for religion lessons, while yet being interested in spiritual and moral issues, is a point in question. One way for teachers to acknowledge this problem is to construct a notional typology of students in the class, regarding their varying interest in religious education:5 some have an explicit religious background and are naturally interested; others with a similar background are not, while some with no religious background may be responsive; some will be antagonistic and/or apathetic; some will not be difficult in class, but are just indifferent to proceedings as if religion had nothing to offer them. The Leavey research confirmed this typology: religion classes were likely to include such a range of interest. In addition, it showed that a proportion of students who were antagonistic did so partly as a reaction to the strong religious background in their homes. Adverting to such a typology can help teachers be mindful of their students’ attitudes to religion and religious education, and can help them avoid making unrealistic assumptions about their spirituality. More importantly, it can help them see that educating young people religiously needs to be larger than trying to appeal to the minimal level of student interest. Attending to student needs and interests is important in any area of curriculum, but this should not be an exclusive emphasis in content selection and pedagogy. The Leavey research considered that the young people surveyed were theologically illiterate because, among other things, they could not talk coherently about ‘Kingdom of God theology’. Perhaps a fair comment, but it did not give the complete picture. If theological literacy is to be defined in such terms, then most young people will have illiterate scores. Other research showed that young people often have a well-developed social conscience – perhaps more sensitive to social issues at that age than were earlier generations. However, as noted in Chapters 9 and 17, today’s young people are secularised; they do not look to organised religion or to its theological language for leadership. Many feel that organised religion not only has little to offer in relation to social issues, but is only marginally relevant to their everyday living – for them, religion has to do with large background concerns about evil, death and the afterlife where it offers security, so for most of their lives they can get by without it. Nevertheless, the aim of developing theological literacy remains a valid aim for church school
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religious education. Whether or not they are particularly interested in religion personally, to become educated, young people need to have access to the basic theological meanings of their religious tradition. The educational goal is to be pursued through an enquiring study, without the presumption that all in the class will consciously incorporate these meanings into their faith development. This interpretation was evident in a statement on religious education made by the German Catholic bishops in the 1990s. It proposed that religious education met different needs for different students: for those who were already actively involved in a parish, it would consolidate and enhance their faith; for those who were not practising Catholics, it would give them a basic understanding of their religious heritage; for those who were antagonistic or uninterested, at least it would give them some knowledge of what they were rejecting, as well as some experience in thinking about spiritual-moral issues.
19.4 Religious education and the development of religious identity Chapters 5–7 explored identity development as the process in which individuals drew on cultural traditions when fashioning their self-understanding and self-expression. Before the Second Vatican Council, there appeared to be a well-defined religious identity in which all Catholics participated; it was more like accepting a ready-made model rather than developing your own version from the available resources. What it means to be a Catholic today is more varied, and there is a much stronger individual component in its construction. Young people’s emerging spiritual/religious identities draw on the Church’s theological traditions differentially, often minimally. Nevertheless, they need basic access to these traditions to know what spiritual resources are there in the first place. Provision of educational access to this heritage is a central purpose of Catholic religious education. As noted in earlier chapters, social change, particularly in Western countries, has resulted in a breakdown in the traditional patterns for handing on a religious heritage and sense of religious identity. While a proportion of young people still have a fairly traditional Catholic identity, others retain a loose connection with Catholicism; still others appear to have lost a sense of what it means to be specifically Catholic or even Christian – and they do not feel that they are missing anything. What it means to have a religious identity is not a question to which a lot of young people give serious attention. Their identity requirements may be so well catered for in a consumerist lifestyle that there is little need to acquire distinctively religious components; they are so busy they have no spare time for religion in any case. Personal identity – let alone religious identity – often remains a problematic question for young people. In tune with the general notion of education in identity (Chapter 10), religious education can contribute to identity development in two ways.
19.4.1 Identity resources and the development of a religious identity Young people have a right to basic knowledge links with their cultural religious traditions because these may at some stage serve as helpful identity resources, though the extent to which these religious identity building blocks will eventually figure in an individual’s personal identity will vary. What is fundamental to religious education is provision of access to these resources, while acknowledging that it cannot determine how these will be used.6
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The notion of access takes account of young people’s right to a religious heritage, while acknowledging their sensitivity to having a religious identity ‘imposed’ on them (17.7); it also respects students’ freedom while at the same time freeing the teacher to provide a systematic exploration of religious traditions without the unwanted pressure of feeling that the process is about effectively producing practising Catholics. Educational access to religious traditions refers mainly to theological meanings. However, a crucial factor in identification is the feeling of belonging, and no amount of theology can mediate this. Young people are not always made to feel ‘at home’ in the Church. Some who identify as church members are angry that little scope is given to them to have a say in the conduct of church life; they feel it is the one organisation in their lives that does not seem to treat them with a sense of valued participation. Some young people feel a comfortable identification with their Catholic school, but this does not always extend to identification with a parish. Religious education can acquaint young people with the theological meanings needed for religious identity. All students, whether religious or not, have a right to such an education. While they may not at the moment be interested in becoming active church members, they should still be given enough information, history and experience of their tradition to acquire a minimal sense that there is a religious dimension to their cultural heritage. In addition, the school can provide influential experiences of community; this is often done well, with students acknowledging a strong sense of belonging and an experience of being cared for individually. But in the long term, the development and maintenance of a religious identity will depend a lot on the quality of the religious life of local communities of faith. Thus Catholic school religious education can assist the development of a recognisably traditional religious identity in some students. Also, it can affect identity development in others who do not participate in the Church, but this identity enhancement will not be so evident. Helpful meanings and spirituality may be absorbed into individuals’ selfunderstanding and self-expression, though this may not be as identifiably Catholic as might have been the case formerly.
19.4.2 Exploration of the nature and psychological function of identity Identity development is an important process that should be investigated in religious education. It often has personal ramifications, even if these do not surface in the study. Also, religious identity is controversial because of its links with nationalism, multiculturalism, migration, racism, violence and terrorism. In students’ study of identity development, there is some danger that the focus on self may implicitly affirm self-centred values. Because it is concerned with ‘self-development’, caution is needed to ensure that it does not unintentionally encourage narcissism. Correctives could include: • Studying identity development in a larger context that emphasises a place for transcendence and responsibilities, as well as rights and freedom, a commitment to social justice, and a need for critical interpretation of cultural influences on human development. • Stressing the importance of internal identity resources does not have to imply selfcentredness. Individuality does not have to exclude altruism; autonomy does not have to exclude interdependence.
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• Christian spirituality has much to offer in its emphasis on fidelity to others. It states parabolically that individuals may find ‘themselves’ best in the very process of giving themselves away for others. • Social justice is central to Christian spirituality, and service is central to Christian ministry. • Modern society’s preoccupation with individuality and also its materialism can be called to account. • The ‘languaging’ of identity is essentially spiritual; it can draw on ‘psychological spirituality’ (see Chapters 8, 16 and 17), highlighting core gospel values of love, inner truth, fidelity to commitments, social justice and identification with the marginalised. What is crucial for enhancing identity development is the perceived relevance of cultural ele ments (including narratives) for making sense of life. There has been a deterioration in the significance of religious identity, because the language in which religion has been traditionally expressed seems to have little relevance for people today (17.5) — they do not see it coming to grips with the issues and questions about life that are of most immediate concern. When prin ciples and stories help people make sense of their current experience and of the world they live in, then they will ascribe relevance to these elements. For youth (and adults) the credibility of both religion and education is now dependent on their perceived relevance to today’s issues. As well as an obvious interest in religious identity, religious education is also concerned with fostering a healthy moral identity in young people. Either consciously and/or as illustrated in their behaviour, they will have a moral profile of values, beliefs and commitments that gives direction to their lives and colours their interaction with others; the conscious moral identity may not always coincide with the lived, operative or implied moral identity. These and other questions suggested in note 7 are the sorts of topics students could explore.7
19.5 The problematic notion of religious identity Research on the attitudes of German youth by Nipkow in the early 1990s showed up some of the ambiguities in their notion of religious identity.8 Nipkow set out to test traditional assumptions about religious identity. Developing ‘ecumenical’ and ‘interreligious’ dialogue are aims proposed for religious education. They tend to presume that individuals begin with an established denominational religious identity before they can develop a more general ecumenical Christian identity; then, with some specific sense of Christian identity, they may be able to learn from dialogue with other religions. His research showed that many German youth had little sense of either a denominational or an ecumenical identity. Traditional religious identities were eroded. Furthermore, the youth were not interested in acquiring either of these identities. Neither were they interested in ecumenism; they felt that the churches and religions in general had little to offer them in the living out of their lives. They tended to have a relativistic outlook on religion. One religion seemed as good as another; all religions appeared to have similar concerns and the differences and conflict seemed to be just a matter of opinion anyway. One could get an impression from this research that perhaps identity itself was not such a prominent concern for youth. But this is not sustained by other findings that show how identity is an important dimension to young people’s psychology. Personal identity, national identity, fashion/retail identity – even component identities related to sporting teams and heroes/heroines – are as significant for youth today, if not more significant, than formerly.9
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But many do not seem to have much time or space for a distinctively religious component to identity; or it may be a different type of religious identity from the traditional. These findings raised questions about the pursuit of ecumenical and interfaith learning as goals for religious education. Nipkow considered that this could be wishful thinking, because it did not take into account the radically changed world situation and young people’s response to it. The aims for such dialogue are not in question for adults who have a sense of denominational identity and who are disposed to learning from other religious traditions. This may well be a long-term goal for school students as well, but it is unrealistic to set high standards for what might be achieved. Developing knowledge and understanding of other religious traditions is a valued aim for religious education, but outcomes more appropriate for committed adults should not be expected.
19.6 Religious identity and the development of faith The spirituality and identity of many young Catholics do not relate to Church theology in the same way as for older generations. The faith development process is therefore likely to be different. The sort of faith intended in traditional religious education aims is not the same as the sorts of faith typical of many youth graduating from Catholic schools. The differences may not be radical, but they will be significant enough to affect content and procedure in religious education. This was not a problematic question in the past, but it is today. The discussion in Chapters 8 and 9 shows that there is such flux in contemporary spirituality that the notion of personal faith too will also be undergoing mutations, resulting in more variety in types of personal Catholic faith than before. They will range from the very traditional to a more secularised, individualistic faith that is not so institutionally centred. Fowler’s theory is helpful in interpreting such change because it makes a distinction between the process and content of faith. It maps changing faith competencies. In this regard, religious education could aim to enhance the believing process, to some extent independently of the content of an individual’s faith. For example, it could be belief in the same God, but expressed in new ways. However, a change in the content of faith – say a different understanding of God – could also affect the style of believing (for example a more autonomous, adult relationship with God rather than a childlike one; a more trusting and less fearful relationship). In some instances, progress through Fowler’s structural stages could be interpreted as the development of a personal Catholic faith with an accompanying sense of Catholic religious identity. Others, however, may well pass through Fowler’s stages but not into a recognisably traditional Catholic faith; it may be more diffuse, relativistic and eclectic in its style of believing, though believing in the same God nevertheless. While the concept of faith development presumes that change in faith is desirable, when it comes to considering possibilities like the above, the notion of change in faith becomes more problematic. Religious education intended to develop a theologically literate personal faith in young people does not appear to be ‘successful’ because fewer young people are participating in local communities of faith when they leave school. For some youth, there will be such an overt religious identification. But it is inappropriate to judge that they represent ‘successful’ outcomes of religious education, while those who do not so identify are ‘failures’. Parish performance is not an adequate measure of successful religious education. Religious education has been helpful for both groups, but in different ways. Something spiritually valuable has been contributed to the latter youth, but it does not show up on the traditional religious scorecard.
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This interpretation is helpful for many educators because they know religious education has been beneficial for their students even if they do not become regular church attenders. Others may not accept it because they feel it waters down the objectives of religious education: ‘if it does not result in churchgoing habits then something must be wrong’. For them, it appears to be giving in to secularisation and accepting a vague religionless spirituality as a satisfactory outcome. The ideal implied in religious education aims is a committed personal faith that draws extensively on Catholic theology and scripture. It is expressed in a spirituality that is in touch with the wisdom and prayer traditions of the Church; and it is a faith that takes justice responsibilities seriously. It is actively involved in the local community of faith. Faith cannot be measured. But the last-mentioned note – parish participation – is often regarded as not only an indicator of religiosity but as a sign of faith, even if it cannot give an accurate or comprehensive account of it. There are Catholic youth who are socialised into what might be called a ‘conventional’ religious faith, particularly where there is a strong climate of Catholicism in the home with parish affiliation. But this group is a minority. While the religious education aims of the Catholic Church are not equivocal about wanting to promote young people’s personal faith, their type of faith is often different in many ways from what has been regarded as conventional – especially in scope and expression. This is part of the privatisation of religion that is now common in Western countries. Whether or not this is a desirable trend needs to be considered, but not at this point. For many young people, their faith is evolving in a secularised direction. They are still spiritual and are still believers, and they retain a Catholic identification, but religion itself has a different function for them. They derive values and beliefs from various cultural sources, including their own tradition, to form an idiosyncratic interpretation of life. Religions and denominations are seen as relative, as if they were similar in nature with a common psychic origin. They are aware of the psychological functions that religions serve in giving meaning and purpose. Consequently, the exclusive truth claims of particular religions, and doctrines that seem more esoteric, are not taken so seriously. Differences and doctrinal conflict between traditions are much less significant for them, unless the differences are abused as a basis for violence. When they do take special interest in the teachings of their own religion, it tends to be those concerned with spiritual and moral issues, and with the ultimate dilemmas of life, such as death and what lies beyond. Comparable with the notion of conventional religious faith is the idea of a conventional Catholic religious identity. This too is an ideal implied in the aims of Catholic religious education. It begins with the individual’s formal self-identification as a Catholic. Because of the overlap between spirituality and identity, the above description of a conventional Catholic faith also describes identity – it utilises Catholic liturgy and piety in self-expression, and Catholic theology, culture and history in self-understanding. Identification with the local church is an essential element and a key indicator of an authentic Catholic identity. The idea of change in religious identity is usually accommodated more easily than change in faith. Faith is regarded as a more fundamental process, ultimately concerned with one’s relationship with God, whereas identity has more to do with personal and institutional expression of the self.
Religious education and sponsoring faith in adolescents
What was said above about changing expressions of faith could just as easily be used as an account of change in religious identity – the same dynamics viewed from a different perspective. Depending on the interpretation, the change in young people’s religious identity might be regarded as a decline, or, alternatively, as the emergence of a different form of religious identity. Just as for questions about young people’s faith and spirituality, there is angst among educators about changing religious identity. It is difficult to analyse and it can be painful for some because it seems to indicate that their cherished aims and best efforts as religious educators have been unsuccessful. We do not judge the new situation so negatively. What constitutes success in trying to hand on a religious tradition and foster personal faith is complex; it cannot be understood just in traditional terms. Some insight into this complexity suggests that educators have been doing a good job, but the situation of contemporary youth is so different that spelling out what is entailed in a relevant religious education will remain a challenging task. A perfectly relevant approach is an impossible dream; at the same time it is possible to discern directions that will be more beneficial for youth and more satisfying for teachers. The interpretation offered here remains controversial, but there is no doubt that it taps into issues that are fundamentally important for Catholic school religious education.
Notes 1 C Leavey et al. 1992, Sponsoring Faith in Adolescence: Perspectives on young Catholic women. See also C Leavey & M Hetherton (eds) 1988, Catholic beliefs and practices. 2 JH Westerhoff III 1976, Will our children have faith? 3 Examples of this problematic thinking are considered in GM Rossiter 1986, The place of faith in classroom religious education; GM Rossiter 1994, Religious education and the spiritual development of young people: A reply to Gideon Goosen. 4 See for example the extended review of the research in CEO Religious Education Newsletter, Sydney Catholic Education Office, August 1992, pp. 5–11. 5 ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1988 Missionaries to a teenage culture: Religious education in a time of rapid change, Chapter 3. 6 The religious education theme of ‘access’ to traditions is strongly developed in the writing of Mary Boys in the United States: Boys 1989, Educating in Faith. 7 Examples of other questions about identity development that might be studied were noted in Chapters 8 and 9. The following is a summary list: how theories of identity development can be used to explore human potentiality; the strengths and weaknesses of religious identities; the ‘erosion’ of religious identity in secularised society; possible links between religious identity and violence; possible dangers to humanness in the quest for authentic identity; the potential for ‘identity seduction’: how an identity can be subtly constructed and ‘imaged’ as a marketable package by power, economic, advertising or media groups in society; ‘retail identity’: how marketing preys on people’s identity vulnerabilities; film and television as the most prominent contemporary source of identity building resources; ‘stars and heroes’: possibilities and problems in identification with, and hero-worship of the stars (e.g. in film, television, music and sport). Normative principles and value judgments would be involved in studying these topics, especially with respect to what ‘authentic identity’ might mean. While educators themselves may take different value positions on these questions, the differences do not excuse them from undertaking the task – articulation of value assumptions is an essential part of a critical evaluation. 8 KE Nipkow 1991, Pre-conditions for ecumenical and interreligious learning: Observations and reflections from a German perspective. 9 Cf. the considerations of identity in Chapter 5 and on youth identity in Chapter 7.
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Developing staff spirituality: A key component of the identity of religious schools
Complementing the earlier discussion of spirituality and education (Chapters 8, 9, 10, 18 and 19), this chapter looks at the role of school staff in creating an appropriate environment of spirituality that is beneficial for themselves and students, as well as consistent with the traditional mission of Catholic education.1 This task is central to the specifically religious character of the church school as a learning community, and thus important for its identity. Many of the issues raised are relevant to other types of religious schools.
20.1 Clarifying the identity and mission of Catholic schools It is not uncommon to find that questions about ethos, identity and Catholicity are con sidered at staff development seminars. No one is likely to deny their importance. But what is said by visiting speakers and participating staff often remains unconvincing. While heads may nod in agreement, staff are reluctant to acknowledge that they feel uncomfortable with the discussion without being able to articulate why. The theory does not seem to make sufficient contact with the reality of school life as they experience it; the language may be too idealistic or too ‘pious’. Members of staff may not feel it is their place to press for greater relevance in addressing the issues. For most of their history, staffed by members of religious orders, Catholic schools had a built-in religious identity. With this era now gone, the specifically religious character of the school requires more conscious construction. A concern about identity is a common symptom of difficulties experienced by institutions trying to adapt to change. Usually, an understanding of change and creative responses lag behind the way ordinary practice manages to adapt to the new situation. Part of the process of adaptation involves putting the practice into theory. This has happened in the articulation of the mission of Catholic schools, which have increasingly become more diverse as regards the religious affiliation of staff and students.
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It therefore remains an important task to continually clarify the identity and mission of the Catholic school in a pluralist community. It needs to be done in a way that is realistic, that has the professional support of teachers, and the acceptance of students and parents. As a publicly funded school, there is also a responsibility to the Australian community to have a rationale that is appropriate, honouring both its religious and its public commitments.
20.2 Spirituality in practice within the school community As part of their contract to teach in a Catholic school, staff are expected to give professional support to the school’s ethos. This means public participation in school liturgies and prayers, affirmation of the values that underpin the school’s operation, and acceptance of the various ways in which religion enters into the life and curriculum of the school. Staff endorse the school’s spirituality infrastructure. But there is something of a step from this professional responsibility to the idea of dev eloping staff spirituality. For staff, as for many secularised students (see Chapters 8 and 9), the word ‘spirituality’ is ambiguous, and they are unsure of the personal implications in the idea of staff spirituality – it may conjure up a range of feelings both positive and negative. Hence it needs to be handled carefully in an inviting and not an intimidating way. While there are few members of religious orders still teaching in Catholic schools, the congregations often try to ensure that their history and distinctive style of Catholic schooling continues on in their institutions. The words ‘charism of the religious founder’ are often used to convey this meaning. As regards staff spirituality, care is needed in the translation of religious order traditions so that they are relevant to the staff.
20.3 Personal and corporate spirituality A constructive approach to enhancing staff spirituality that takes into account the tentative ness that some staff feel about this topic begins by differentiating between ‘corporate’ and ‘personal’ spirituality. While personal spirituality is the pattern of thinking and spiritual practice chosen by the individual, corporate spirituality refers to the patterns of prayer, liturgy, and public references to religion and spiritual matters that are organised for community participation; it is designed to nourish personal spirituality as well as to state the religious aspirations of the school as a type of community of faith sponsored by the Catholic Church. Corporate staff spirituality is evident when teachers share willingly in particular spiritual exercises that express their sense of partnership in serving the needs of students and fellow staff members. This will overlap to some extent with, and draw on, their personal spirituality; however, the latter remains basically private and is usually outside the scope of general disclosure. It is important to acknowledge this distinction because it respects the freedom that is crucial for personal spirituality, while highlighting the need for staff involvement in, and professional support for, the school’s corporate religious practices. These are structured to serve as resources that we hope will nourish the individual spirituality of students and staff. The ambiguous (and at times negative) response of staff when spirituality is being discussed
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often has to do with a perception that the school is trying to change them personally, rather than involving them professionally in building up the school’s spiritual resources. Engagement at the professional level is the appropriate strategy because all staff have a responsibility to contribute positively to the social and spiritual environment of the school just as much as for other aspects of school life such as pastoral care and discipline. First, this means public endorsement of the school’s corporate religious practice. Take for example the sacrament of Reconciliation, about which there is much uncertainty in the wider Catholic community. No matter what a teacher’s own stance is on this question, he or she has a responsibility to support the school’s efforts to give its students encouraging access to this sacrament. What long-term place any element of Catholic religious practice will have in a young person’s spirituality cannot be determined by teachers or the school. However, the school needs to give their students an adequate introduction to the basic practices of the tradition – and in particular, a positive experience of liturgy, sacraments and prayer. Generally, Catholic schools do an excellent job in the celebration of Eucharist and Reconciliation. The decline of overall Catholic religious practice needs explanation in terms of other factors – the schools are not the problem. If the school is an authentic learning community, then its corporate spirituality should not only be geared to help the students but also to enhance the personal spirituality of teachers. This means the construction of activities that are intended specifically for the benefit of staff.
20.4 Enhancing corporate staff spirituality Before examining matters that influence the development of corporate staff spirituality, some of the characteristic views of teachers are listed. An article on the spirituality of school administrators reported the following:2 • The term ‘spirituality’ is not common in the vocabulary of lay teachers (though this is changing). • Spirituality is rooted in reality. • Spirituality is exhibited in the quality of relationships between people. • Spirituality is exhibited in the service of others, particularly in work, school or family settings. • Spirituality is difficult to define for lay people who do not engage in significant discussion of the term. These show a pragmatic approach to spirituality and a realistic grasp of the difficulties in implementing programs and structures in a setting that does not readily adapt to a contemplative lifestyle; the sort of withdrawal that one tends to associate with spirituality is not attuned to the routine, bells and movement of bodies typical of any school. So what is needed first is a redefinition of spirituality as it applies to those teaching in schools. Attempts to promote a corporate spirituality suitable for teachers needs to give attention to developing among the staff a climate that helps foster a sense of spiritual identity. This can be assisted by the following:
Developing staff spirituality: A key component of the identity of religious schools
• an informed and caring leadership • staff sharing in the decision-making process within the school • individual teachers feeling acknowledged and valued as members of staff • staff having empathy with, and giving professional support to, the stated aims of the school • staff actively contributing to the realisation of the school’s aims • periodic staff prayer or paraliturgies with the emphasis on shared professional commitments rather than on personal beliefs • the celebration of significant events together (special school events and attainments, individual and group contributions and achievements, as well as some social events like birthdays and the birth of a child) • special professional development opportunities that are designed for the personal benefit of staff (complementing the focus on enhancing students’ spirituality).
20.5 Empathy with and professional support for the stated aims of the school The ideal of having good corporate staff spirituality is implicit in the aims and purposes of Catholic schools. However, the significant changes in the school’s role over the last thirty years have naturally influenced expectations of staff spirituality. Before the Second Vatican Council, the role of the Catholic school was clearly defined and it seemed to be understood unambiguously – even though there were some exceptions. There were striking cultural differences; for example, it was unlikely that Italian Catholics in Australia would have made much sense of the Australian Catholic experience as seen through Irish eyes. At that time, the main purpose of Catholic schools was the handing on of the Catholic faith. What was offered was a tightly defined spiritual and educational package. While its religious purposes have remained the same, social change and the differences in Catholicism since the Council have necessitated revisions of the purposes and rationale for Catholic schooling and religious education (8.2 and Chapter 16). Mission or vision statements and similar documents have been written by schools and diocesan authorities to articulate the evolving aims of Catholic schools. These statements identify the philosophy and aspirations of those involved in the school community and as such are valuable. However, one aspect that is important, but usually absent, is an acknowledgment of the difficulties that achieving such aims will entail. This does not imply cynicism, but states the obvious and acknowledges the failures that accompany all human endeavours. It is refreshing to see that writers of mission statements also have their feet on the ground. A good example of this is evident in one Jesuit mission statement which noted that ‘obstacles are numerous, well-documented and uniformly discouraging’. But it remained important for the mission statement to embody the ideal. Despite the difficulties in developing a good mission statement, a school staff can realistically strive to achieve what all can agree is a common and laudable task. When the role of the Catholic school is no longer so easily defined as it once was, the philosophy that underpins the school’s existence needs to be periodically revised and articulated anew.
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While the line of argument that ‘we are different from public schools’ needs to be handled carefully and with restraint to avoid self-righteous rhetoric, the real differences, particularly in relation to the role of religion in the life and curriculum of the school, need to be spelled out clearly and realistically. If not, then the school runs into ambiguity over its raison d’être.
20.6 Periodic staff prayer and liturgies/paraliturgies There are problems associated with having a regular time for staff prayer and liturgies. For many staff, before school or after school are difficult times. In an already crammed timetable, when are these prayerful times going to be slotted in? Furthermore, not all staff may feel comfortable with or wish to participate in regular liturgy and prayer. Some members of staff are not Catholic – should they be included or excluded? When staff liturgies and prayer groups are organised out of school time they are often poorly attended. Should something so central as the development of corporate staff spirituality take priority over other important commitments? What are the likely responses to the argument that attendance at staff liturgy and prayer might be made compulsory – a mandatory part of the job, like the supervision of a sport or an extracurricular activity? Possible but hardly viable. It is unlikely that this form of coercion would bring about the sort of spiritual enhancement that a school would want for its staff and it would be likely to stifle the sort of personal climate that is essential for a healthy corporate spirituality. If there is to be time set aside for staff prayer then the activity must be well planned and relevant. To be relevant, prayers and readings must have some readily accessible meaning for those who are participating. It is not good enough to have a reading that is so distant from the experience and interests of teachers as to make it irrelevant; or a reading that sounds impersonal, and that has little application to the common mission of those assembled. Staff prayers need to be brief and should reflect the concerns and needs of the school community and its reasons for celebrating – things like: • prayer for a difficult or troubled student (no names need be mentioned) • prayer for a class that may be having a difficult time • prayers that reflect on the specific and demanding role of the educator • prayers for members of staff and their families • prayers that reflect on the passage of time and seasons, which are all too often ignored or taken for granted • prayers that are inclusive and make all members of staff, no matter what their religious affiliation, feel comfortable and accepted • useful readings from biographies or other texts, and not just from the scriptures. Often the experience of staff prayer has been of the rubber stamp variety, lacking in authenticity – something that should be seen to be done because ‘we are a Catholic school’. Either that or a painful striving for deep relevance with a clutter of candles and symbols punctuated with ‘deep and meaningful’ pauses; most of these experiences reveal more about the specific personal needs of the presenter than any consideration of the sensitivities of
Developing staff spirituality: A key component of the identity of religious schools
others. Staff prayer should not be dominated by any particular person (Religious Education Coordinator, the ‘last’ member of a religious order on staff, or someone who thinks he or she has a monopoly on spirituality). There is a danger that as the number of personnel from religious orders in Catholic schools dwindles, some of the remaining religious feel a need to prove that they still have a ‘special charism’ (read ‘superiority’) in spiritual matters. Another problem is ‘honeymoon spirituality’ where presenters are so attached to their own idiosyncratic spiritual experience that they naively believe everyone else should share it and they try to make others endure the same experience, with the expectation that they emote on cue. Presenters always need to be respectful of the emotional or prayerful responses of participants and should avoid any potential manipulation, leaving people as free as possible while retaining the sense of corporate prayer. When there are a number of people together whose personal spiritualities and prayer lives are varied, it is better to present a service that is simple and matter-of-fact, leaving participants free to have their own private reflection together with simple public responses, rather than one that is too specific in its objectives – for example avoiding exercises in ‘emo tional engineering’ where participants are encouraged to feel joyous or grateful. In suggesting simplicity and respect, this is not advocating institutionalised boredom or suffocation of the imagination. What is advocated is prayerful relevance and sanity.
20.7 When is it appropriate to pray as a staff? 1 The beginning of staff meetings should be one focal point for staff prayer. A few minutes spent in prayer can bring a sense of purpose and serenity to the proceedings. The long drawn out spectacular shows or personal performances are unlikely to be as effective. 2 Staff spirituality days and retreats devoted to furthering an understanding of the role and purposes of Catholic education; another topic for such days can be the place of prayer in the life of individuals. The choice of venue and speakers are crucial for the success of these events; both should be vetted carefully. These topics are delicate and must be handled sensitively; staff can easily be alienated if speakers are too dogmatic, or too ‘pie in the sky’ and ‘everything around us is loverly’.
20.8 Teachers in Catholic schools as spiritual leaders One of the activities that occupies a great deal of children’s time is watching adults. School students do it all the time. They get to know what each teacher is like both as a professional and as a person. As a class, they replay teachers’ idiosyncrasies to perfection. In role plays and end-of-year concerts the characteristics of teachers have often been played back to an appreciative, discerning audience. Students see teachers as leaders even though they may not always be able to articulate this. They may learn more from the way teachers treat them than from what the school tries to teach about spirituality, prayerfulness, good behaviour and appropriate manners. Young people will first learn about spirituality and prayerfulness through their personal interaction with parents and significant others. This is in keeping with the Gospel of John:
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Anyone who says ‘I love God’ and hates other people, is a liar, since a person who does not love the others they can see, cannot love God, who is invisible … anyone who loves God must also love others. (John 4:20–1)
These words also appropriately identify the most fundamental element in a healthy staff spirituality. More than anything else, there must exist a commitment to care for each other’s wellbeing. However, life experience tells individuals that it is easier to care for some than it is to care for others. No statements like the above, inviolate as they are, can turn dislike into like – besides, is it part of the teacher’s brief to like all other staff? What is required is liking with the head and not necessarily with the heart. School staff who genuinely respect the dignity of others do not circulate gossip, backstab or sit in judgment of others. There is a distinction between constructive analysis or critique of teaching styles and comments that reflect negatively about a person’s character and professional behaviour. It is within the context of a group of committed people working together, aware of tensions and disagreements, that the basis of respect and support needs to be established. Teachers need to acknowledge that they have not chosen this or that particular person to work with, and that they may dislike particular staff members more or less strongly. Developing a sense of professional, educational Christian community does not mean that they have to like these people. But it does mean that they should be accorded respect and gracious cooperation so that together the school staff can discharge its corporate responsi bility to maintain an environment that is truly educational and personally affirming for students in particular, but also for staff. This sort of thinking is also relevant to the aim of developing a corporate spirituality. ‘The effective teaching community embraces diversity: in opinions, in cultures, in ages, in viewpoints, in experiences, in beliefs, in expressions.’3
Notes 1 An earlier version of the material in this chapter was published as ML Crawford & GM Rossiter 1993, Developing staff spirituality, a key component in the identity of Catholic schools. 2 AJ Pistone 1990, The administrator as spiritual leader (quoting the research findings of RM Hoatson). 3 C Glynn 1990, Not by manuals alone.
5 PART
Implications for state-based Religion Studies courses in Australian schools State government reviews of education in the 1970s paved the way for the development of accredited Religion Studies courses that were in place in most States by the mid-1990s. While in their origins, nature and purposes these courses were different from denominational religious education in independent schools, they were taken up almost exclusively by the religious schools, especially Catholic schools. Part 5 explores the relationships between these two forms of religious education. It includes a historical review of developments in the United Kingdom, because this is needed to provide a framework within which Australian programs can be located and evaluated.
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Pedagogical background to the development of Religion Studies courses in Australia
The purpose of the chapter is to provide historical perspective on the approaches followed in state-based Religion Studies courses in Australian schools. This background is needed for evaluating the content selection and pedagogical principles in these courses, and for proposing how they might best contribute to young people’s education in meaning, identity and spirituality. While practically all religion studies in Australia are taught in religious schools, it is important to understand that the origins, nature and purposes of the programs are essentially based within public education.
21.1 Two formats for studying religion in Australian public schools In most Australian States there has long been provision for two forms of religious education in public schools: we refer to them here as denominational religious education and general religion studies.1 The most commonly practised format is denominational religious education where classes are conducted weekly (or less frequently) by representatives of various religions for children from that faith tradition whose parents endorse their attendance. Variations include: interdenominational classes; full-time chaplains responsible for pastoral care and interdenominational religion classes in some Victorian and Western Australian schools; and periodic seminars for secondary students. The purposes of this form of religious education are the same as those considered in Part 4 for religious schools: the handing on of a particular religious faith tradition. Hence there is no need to elaborate on it here. A systematic account of denominational religious education in public schools is available in an earlier publication.2 Technically, general religion studies (or simply Religion Studies) is where State departmental teachers (and not denominational representatives) teach religion as part of the ordinary curriculum. The context requires that the purposes of the study are based on the contribution 443
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that studying religion makes to the general educational process, and not on the intention to hand on a particular religious faith tradition or to develop young people’s religious faith. According to purposes and context, these arrangements create two distinct forms of religious education. While it is important to acknowledge the differences in purpose, the adequacy and usefulness of the distinctions break down when it comes to the level of classroom teaching and learning. An analysis of the greater complexity in practice is needed so that both the real differences and relationships become more evident. For example, denominational religious education makes a useful contribution to students’ general education, and Religion Studies contributes to their knowledge of their own religious tradition. Historically, those involved in the different contexts have tended to give more weight to the differences than to the commonalities. However, a significant opportunity for exploring the overlap between the two occurred when fully accredited senior school Religion Studies programs were introduced in most States in the early 1990s, and the majority of students who took these subjects were from religious schools, especially Catholic schools; state school enrolments were so few as to be insignificant. The implication: for religious schools, the purposes and practices in Religion Studies seemed to contribute to, or be consistent with, denominational aims for religious education. While there is a substantial Australian literature on school Religion Studies, not a lot of attention has been given specifically to relationships with denominational religious education.3 For the purposes of comparison, we will stay with the term ‘Religion Studies’ to contrast this format with denominational religious education, even though the usage is cumbersome.4 We are not proposing that the terminology be used universally, because there is no inter national agreement about such use – for example, in British county schools the standard term is ‘religious education’. Words are needed to differentiate contexts and formats; but at the same time, questions can be raised about this terminology because it tends to make presumptions about differences in nature and purposes that can be contested.
21.2 The development of Religion Studies courses in Australian schools The real impetus for the development of contemporary Australian Religion Studies came from a series of State Government reviews of religious education in public schools in the 1970s. It is well documented in the book Religious Education in Australian schools (Rossiter 1981). During this period, the educational justification and theoretical basis for the courses were developed; both were heavily dependent on the experience and literature of religious education in British state (county) schools – so much so that an analysis of British developments is essential for interpreting what happened in Australia. For this reason, we will summarise the evolution of Religion Studies in the United Kingdom as the framework within which the contemporary Australian programs can be located and evaluated. While there were some State departmental curriculum development projects in Religion Studies in various Australian states in the 1970s, these gradually wound down and were eventually discontinued. The reason was not because of lack of quality in the projects, which were almost exclusively concerned with teaching at primary and junior secondary levels, but because the curriculum context in government schools was not favourable for sustaining religion as a subject.5 Hence there was no role for specialist Religion Studies teachers.
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
While there were few further developments in the 1980s, real progress was made in the early 1990s with the introduction of Religion Studies syllabuses at senior school level (Years 11–12); they became available in all states but not the territories.6 There was a strong uptake by religious schools. They usually committed substantial resources to the teaching of religion and the adoption of the new courses meant that religion became a fully accredited subject for the Year 12 final certification, as well as for university entrance scores. As noted above, the substantive, formative literature for Australian Religion Studies was written in the 1970s, complemented by syllabus development in the 1990s and early 2000s. In our opinion, the bulk of the theory underpinning contemporary Australian courses – principally in normative state documents and to a lesser extent in the writing of theorists – remains 1970s vintage, focused mainly on a phenomenological approach and descriptive content from world religions (very British-looking courses with some distinctive Australian content). Following the lead from the extensive UK resource bank was valuable, but it also included making the same mistakes as the British, usually a decade or so later. The Australian literature has provided a solid theoretical basis for Religion Studies, but it has not yet taken into account the significant theoretical and practical developments that have emerged in the United Kingdom (and in continental Europe) over the last twenty-five years.7 Three exceptions to the trend are evident in the work of theorists Lovat and Hill and the Queensland Religious Education Curriculum Project (RECP; see note 3). Lovat proposed that a critical, evaluative dimension be added to the dominant phenomenological approach; Hill proposed a broader evaluative pedagogy, a content less oriented to the world religions and with special attention given to the ethics of teaching. The Queensland Project proposed a more integrative student-centred approach drawing significantly on the work of Michael Grimmitt and the British Westhill Project (see 21.4.6). In Australian religious education, most of the theory has been concerned with the deno minational context, which is evident in the extensive supporting literature.8 Much less has been written specifically about state-based Religion Studies by comparison with the volume of writings in the United Kingdom where there is a large religion teaching force in public schools, and where there are extensive supporting resources: teacher education programs, many university academics concerned with school Religion Studies, a number of substantial research and development projects, teacher associations, conferences and periodicals. The most prominent recent Australian writings on Religion Studies have been a range of student texts supporting the Years 11–12 programs.9 In what follows we will trace the historical development of the theory for school Religion Studies as it evolved in the United Kingdom. We will highlight issues that need to be taken into account in reviewing the purposes, content selection and pedagogy in the Australian courses. While not an exhaustive analysis, it will provide some panoramic perspective, an indication of the geography of British Religion Studies. Some links with Australian dev elopments will also be noted, together with reference to issues raised earlier in Part 5.
21.3 Historical background to the theory for school Religion Studies in the UK: The quest for an educational identity There are a number of good accounts of the historical development of Religion Studies in British state schools.10 Our purpose here is to pinpoint key changes in the passage from an
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overtly Christian orientation in 1944 when the Education Act made religion a compulsory subject, through to the present. The quest for an educational identity is a useful theme for interpreting developments because it has been the driving force of change – to establish Religion Studies as an integral part of general education and to divest it of a denominational identity. It affected both content and pedagogy. In the process of differentiation, what Religion Studies is not often appeared to be as important as what it is, and this tended to create problems by defining Religion Studies over and against denominational religious education. The dichotomy it created limited the exchanges between professional educators in the two interest groups. And it meant that attention to relationships between the two would be minimal. (It is not unlike a similar division that existed between university Religion Studies and more traditional Christian Theology and Scripture.) Most European countries have not followed the same path as the British, but there are interesting contrasts and similarities.11 In the United Kingdom, the responsibility for Religion Studies in the state schools lies with the Local Education Authorities and regular departmental teachers – and not with church representatives. Religion is an integral part of the curriculum, even if it does not enjoy the same status as the subjects that form the National Curriculum. The teacher’s role is not to develop students’ personal faith, but to give them a general religious education about the role of religion in society. Once the exclusive preserve of the churches, religious education (Religion Studies) acquired an independent educational identity and rationale. In tracing the process, we draw attention to three key issues: 1 how political and educational factors shaped a new identity for Religion Studies; 2 how relationships with denominational religious education have been obscured; 3 how phenomenology became a principal method for content selection and pedagogy, and how the over-emphasis on a descriptive approach limited the scope and educational value of the study – in particular, by not paying enough attention to young people’s spiritual-moral development. These same issues were prominent in Australian developments. Although the idea of universal compulsory schooling dates from the time of the Reformation, the actual practice in Western countries is little more than a century old. Because the Christian churches had a long tradition in conducting schools, it was to be expected that they would also see public schools as having a role in young people’s religious education. Thus the tradition was established: initially, religious education in the state school was a church concern; its aims were to hand on the Christian faith and to nourish the spirituality of young people within the context of the church. In the United Kingdom, and other countries where the state was not unfavourable to a particular religion (or denominations), a church-oriented religious education was allowed to continue in the new state school systems. Either it was under church auspices and taught by church representatives, or the state school teachers taught a church-approved curriculum. This accounted for the situations in countries like the United Kingdom before the 1960s, Scandinavia, (West) Germany, Italy, Australia and Canada. (There are parallels for synagogue and mosque religious education in Israel and Muslim countries respectively.) In the United States, the strong constitutional separation between church and state effectively stifled any study of religion in the public school curriculum.
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
21.4 Phases of UK development 1944–2000s: From agreed Christian syllabuses to multi-faith studies 21.4.1 Christian religious education syllabuses (1940s and 1950s) When the 1944 Butler Education Act made religion the one compulsory subject in the school curriculum, it formalised the teaching of Agreed Syllabuses in the county schools; they were explicitly Christian in content and orientation, concentrating on the Bible and core Christian teachings.
21.4.2 Student-centred, experiential life themes (1960s– ) In the 1960s, there were changes in emphasis with the use of ‘life themes’, which were thought to be a more appropriate way of introducing children to biblical concepts. The research of Ronald Goldman was a catalyst for making religious education more child-centred.12 He popularised the idea of ‘readiness for religion’. These developments paralleled the growing educational interest in experiential and discovery learning. (There was a similar development in Catholic religious education, where the focus on life experience was informed by the theological view of continuing revelation through human experience.13)
21.4.3 Existential, issue-oriented, experiential (1960s– ) Another influence in favour of ‘life relevant’ religious education during the 1960s was the work of Harold Loukes. He took a special interest in what he called ‘teenage religion’. He proposed that Religion Studies should include a study of personal and social issues.14 Loukes’ concern for taking into account the distinctive spirituality of youth is not unlike the argument presented for a more issue-oriented religious education in Chapters 16 and 17. While the Goldman and Loukes influences moved Religion Studies in the direction of student-centredness and life-relevance, the overall Christian aims remained the same – to promote the understanding of, and initiation into, the Christian tradition. A more educa tional identity was still to emerge. Also of note was the aim for Religion Studies to ‘foster the development of religious concepts’. This aim could be retained in any new educational identity or rationale because it was not as denominationally specific as ‘developing faith’. Perhaps too it reflected the prominence of ‘developing rational skills’ in the educational thinking of that time. In the history of British Religion Studies, Loukes’ contribution often seems undervalued. While there were difficulties with his proposals, his ideas about a ‘relevant’ education remain pertinent today; from this perspective, it is interesting to consider why his ideas were not more enduring and influential. Perhaps it was not a fault in his thinking, but the way in which his approach was implemented – in other words, problems with methodology and the status of the subject. There was too much unstructured discussion, it was too low-key, and it probably did not give students adequate, up-to-date information on the issues. It was a good recipe for discussions that amounted to little more than recycling uninformed opinions. This is not an unfamiliar experience for Catholic and other denominational religion teachers who unsuccessfully tried a discussion-oriented, problem-centred pedagogy. Trying to make Religion Studies ‘relevant’ just by discussing questions that may be pertinent to the life
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experience of students is likely to be counterproductive, especially if the subject is not rated highly by students, and if the study methods are not as challenging and demanding as are presumed to be normal for other subjects. A greater range of teaching and learning methods and content resources were needed to make an issue-based approach not only relevant, but a credible academic study that could be respected by students. The problem, as some of Loukes’ contemporaries saw it, is illustrated in the following comment made on a 1979 British radio program. The days of strict Bible teaching have gone in all but a few denominational schools, to be replaced by the study of ‘life-stances’ (Marxism etc.) and snippets of comparative Religions. In the sixties they invented ‘life-themes’ for primary schools and ‘problemcentred discussion’ for secondaries. We heard a believable spoof of a primary class project on sheep … ‘We’re doing sheep, children, because they are mentioned in the Bible. No, Alistair, we are not going to do a project on boils.’ They didn’t need a secondary school spoof. Instead they had a young RE teacher, gloomily teaching a syllabus that started with astrology and werewolves (‘Things in their own experience’) and probably ended with those lessons described by one pupil as being ‘discussions of drugs, sex, violence and world poverty’. The Bible has been replaced by a 4,000-book resource centre and teachers are so anxious about offending anyone, or imposing anything, that the pupils are learning less and less about more and more.15
While making its point in a colourful way, and while showing that any approach will appear ridiculous if exaggerated, this comment does not do justice to the issue-oriented approach as proposed by Loukes. Choosing bizarre content is not an appropriate way of making Religion Studies relevant. Issues that are considered to be personally and socially relevant need to be studied seriously and informatively, with a student research orientation; also, as noted in Chapter 16, this is the most appropriate classroom climate for healthy personal interactions about social issues.
21.4.4 Secular, educational identity: phenomenology, world religions, multi-faith (late 1960s– ) By the mid-1960s, changes in the religious composition of the community and changes in educational thinking led to a review of the role for Religion Studies in county schools. As a result, a multi-faith study of world religions gradually became the dominant approach. There were three aspects to the development of a more secular, educational identity for the subject: 1 Rationale: A non-religious rationale was needed so that Religion Studies would not have denominational, faith-oriented aims. It came to be justified on educational grounds. 2 Method: Phenomenology (an objective, impartial, descriptive study of religions that was prominent in universities) became the principal method. It involved classifying reli gious phenomena and it was non-evaluative. Phenomenology was regarded as a more appropriate (less denominational) ‘parent discipline’ for school Religion Studies than the traditional Christian disciplines.
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
3 Content: Content was drawn from world religions rather than from traditional denomi national sources (the Bible and Christian practice) or life-themes. 1 Rationale
The philosophy of Paul Hirst helped provide an educational rationale for the place of religion in the curriculum.16 The idea of a liberal education was central to the thinking of Hirst and co-author Richard Peters; it stressed initiation into the academic disciplines and concept formation. Hirst proposed that religion was one of the forms of knowledge and experience into which education should help initiate students. Consequently, an education that neglected this dimension was to that extent defective. In addition, questions were raised about the role of the state school in Religion Studies. It seemed inappropriate that state schools might formally promote the Christian faith; but it was argued that schools should provide a general education in religion. It would help students learn about the various religions represented in the culture. Also, recognition of the multicultural, multi-faith nature of British society made it seem incongruent for school Religion Studies to be concerned just with Christianity. 2 Method: Phenomenology
The phenomenological method recommended for Religion Studies drew heavily on the work of Ninian Smart, Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Lancaster and author of several popular books on world religions. Smart proposed that to get an integral picture of a religion the study would need to cover all of six basic aspects or dimensions. Underpinning this approach was a basic principle of phenomenology that students would temporarily put aside their own commitments and study the content impartially, trying to see how believers thought and felt about their religion. They could then move from the description of phenomena to comparisons and contrasts of common features in religions, and further to a conceptual grasp of the analytical categories.17 A big advantage in phenomenology was that it seemed to be a ‘neutral’ and relatively non-controversial method. And it could easily be applied to world religions. In a later book,18 Smart expanded his categories to seven dimensions: practical and ritual; experiential and emotional; narrative or mythic; doctrinal and philosophical; ethical and legal; social and institutional; and material. The seventh dimension was added to include buildings, works of art and other creations such as icons. Natural phenomena such as the Ganges and Uluru (sacred sites) would be included in this category. While Smart’s dimensional scheme for analysing religions emphasised an integral study of a religion as a living entity, its application to school Religion Studies tended towards compartmentalism. At times, studying the analytical dimensions became more prominent than using the dimensions to get insight into a religion as a whole. Teaching the ‘dimensions of religion’ rather than teaching ‘religion’ as such was a politically correct way of showing that Religion Studies was not biased in favour of religion. 19 The need to be different from denominational religious education affected content selection and pedagogy. An impression was given that content from two or more religions was needed before the study became ‘educational’ – and in student resources, that a roughly equal number of pages was required
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for each religion. Studying one tradition was regarded as ‘un-educational’ or ‘biased’ (despite the long tradition of academic study of theology). While the value of drawing on material from different religions is not in question, having a range greater than one does not of itself make the approach educational; neither does the study of one tradition necessarily make the pedagogy biased or confessional. The phrase ‘teaching about religion’ was used as a shorthand for this descriptive approach. The phrase also implied a relatively neutral role, not concerned with teaching students how to be religious, which was seen as a denominational activity. Being ‘objective’, ‘impartial’ and ‘impersonal’ seemed to dispel any suggestion that Religion Studies might be evangelising. While concentrating on the analytical dimensions of religion is appropriate for Religion Studies at university, where students can appreciate the intellectual subtlety and abstraction in such an analysis, questions can be raised about how appropriate it is to organise the school religion curriculum exclusively around such a system. On the other hand, the dimensions could serve as a useful checklist that content covers key aspects of religions. What is needed is balance. Excessive attention to the classification of religious phenomena could compromise the nature and the integrity of the religions being studied; in addition, it could provide a successful recipe for student boredom. The phenomenological approach needed to be tempered with student-centredness in both content and pedagogy. Grimmitt concluded that ‘the level of understanding of which pupils may be capable means that the study of religion may rarely move beyond the descriptive level; this raises a query about the value of choosing and structuring content solely by reference to phenomenological principles.’20 Other scholars pointed out that a phenomenological religion curriculum compromised the ‘meaning construction’ and ‘relationship’ aspects of student learning. ‘The predominantly descriptive character of phenomenological inquiry, when translated into the context of religious education, has tended to accentuate the importance of knowing the subject of study rather than the reflexive character of engagement.’21 In turn, Australian Religion Studies would reflect the same problem. For example, the purposes of the new Victorian (1990) course stated: A phenomenological approach to the study of religious traditions has been adopted in the [Victorian] Religion and Society Study Design. This is intended to encourage open, critical and dispassionate study of religions throughout each unit in the Study Design. The approach taken to Religion should not be confused with religious education or Religious Instruction. These are two quite different methodologies, both requiring a confessional approach to the study of one religion only.22
A non-evaluative description of religions was proposed, but it was contradicted by the requirement that the study be ‘critical’. Then followed a further contradiction – that it should be ‘dispassionate’. The cliché definition of denominational religious education as ‘confessional’ tended to dismiss it as not being educational. Such thinking effectively closed down the discussion of relationships with denominational religious education at the very point where the debate needed to be opened and extended (see Chapter 22). In any type of school, the study of religion should be impartial, open and critical – including both descriptive and evaluative elements. It should not be ‘dispassionate’, if this means being artificially neutral or minimising attention to personal, emotive and controversial issues.
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
Lovat has given an account of how phenomenology might be used in Australian school Religion Studies.23 Moore and Habel, in their book When religion goes to school: Typology of religion for the classroom (1982),24 developed typology as an extension of the pheno menological method for Australian Religion Studies; it focused on ‘types’ or groups of similar religious phenomena across world religions, with a more extensive list of types than Smart’s seven dimensions (for example sacred spaces, sacred objects, sacred persons, writings, rituals, sacrifices). The attention they gave to religious types within the ‘home tradition’ of students helped make the approach more attractive to denominational religious education. Typology was concerned with classification of religious phenomena and it leaned towards a dualistic sacred/secular perspective on religions; it was like a taxonomy of religions. Lovat acknowledged the excessive descriptive/non-evaluative characteristics of phenomenology and typology and he sought to develop a more critical, evaluative dimension by borrowing from Groome’s Shared Praxis model. However, while phenomenology and typology came to dominate Australian Religion Studies curricula, Lovat’s proposal was not taken up. 3 Content: the Study of World Religions
Given the rationale and method described above, it was natural for world religions to become the content for the new Religion Studies in the United Kingdom. This was evident in the iconic Birmingham Agreed Syllabus of 1975.25 From the 1970s onwards, world religions became the most prominent content (and in Australian Religion Studies courses, the same pattern was followed).
21.4.5 M Grimmitt, 1973: Balancing descriptive and student-centred approaches In the 1970s, a complex mixture of the above approaches was evident in British schools; but the descriptive study of world religions was the most common. In his popular book What can I do in RE (1973), Michael Grimmitt called for balance between descriptive and student-centred and evaluative approaches.26 He proposed a dual approach: first the dimensional, which covered phenomenological material organised according to Smart’s dimensions; and second, the existential, which dealt with spiritual issues in contemporary life, especially the way in which dilemmas about human life figured in the search for meaning. Grimmitt’s proposals had a strong influence on curriculum dev elopment and teaching. It implied that Religion Studies was not left with a choice between alternatives – phenomenology and a student-centred approach. A balanced mixture of the two became more widely accepted. However, while Grimmitt’s ideas were attractive to teachers, the content of official syllabuses remained predominantly descriptive and based on world religions; and again, Australian Religion Studies followed suit.
21.4.6 Focus on students’ personal and spiritual development (Grimmitt 1978– ); Enhancing student learning through constructivist theory and pedagogy (Grimmitt 1994– ) Grimmitt’s thinking developed beyond the conception set out in his 1973 book. In his lectures in Australia in 1978 and in subsequent publications,27 his dual approach (dimensional and existential) was superseded by a more unitive one, emphasising the role of the study
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of religion in fostering the spiritual self-awareness of students. It gave more attention to relevance and to evaluation. A systematic critique of the overuse of phenomenology was prominent in his thinking.28 Central to his approach was the notion of students learning from religion: that is, the study of religion was more than just learning about religion. It helped students learn about their own personal development, and it fostered their own indi vidual meaning and identity, helping them to ‘evaluate their understanding of religion in personal terms and evaluate their understanding of self in religious terms’.29 It meant using the study of religion to explore what it meant to be human. Grimmitt considered that the study of religions should promote awareness and understanding of the nature and purpose of the religious or spiritual quest within different religions, and promote reflection, on the part of the pupil, on the implications that the adoption of a religious view of life would have for his/her own understanding of self and for consequent development as a person … permitting the possibility of the pupil’s discerning a religious or spiritual dimension within his/her own experience of self.30
This meant relating ‘adolescent life-worlds’ to ‘religious life-worlds’. These ideas were developed from the time of commencement of the Westhill Project in 1977 and were extended into the Religion in the Service of the Child Project in 1991.31 Their wide acceptance in the UK was evident in their incorporation into the Government’s Model Syllabuses in 1994. While the questioning of an overdependence on phenomenological method and descriptive content became more widely accepted in British religious education circles, the phenomenological pattern still tended to dominate the content of most courses and student texts. Only gradually did the emphasis on student interests and needs become more prominent. More recently, Grimmitt proposed the use of constructivist learning theory as an effective way of prompting students to enter imaginatively into the religious thinking and experience of believers; it could help them to develop interpretive skills and to reflect critically on their own beliefs and values, enabling them ‘to participate consciously and critically in the process of meaning-making as a characteristic activity of being human’. 32 It also addressed the social and cultural contexts affecting religious interpretations, and it helped show how religious knowledge could be problematised and deconstructed in ways that were consistent with the ‘emancipatory’ functions ascribed to critical pedagogy (Chapter 12).
21.4.7 The new Education Act, 1988: Reasserting the place of Christian heritage; and the influence of the outcomes/competencies movement The year 1988 proved to be a significant one in the history of British school Religion Studies. From about this time four developments began to have a strong influence. 1 The 1988 Education Act – a renewed prominence for Christianity 2 The emergence and universal application of outcomes/competencies-based curriculum
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
3 Special attention given to the spiritual-moral dimensions of the whole school curriculum 4 A series of influential research and development projects in British school Religion Studies. In this section, the first three of these developments will be considered. The new Education Act of 1988, as part of its reform program, revised the 1944 provisions for Religion Studies. Religion remained a compulsory subject even though not in the National Curriculum. When Religion Studies was considered together with the National Curriculum, the combination was called the ‘Basic Curriculum’. The earlier, more general reference to Religion Studies and worship, which allowed flexibility for the evolution of content and method, was replaced by a more specific curriculum statement that indicated both should be concerned mainly with the Christian heritage: ‘Any agreed syllabus … shall reflect the fact that the religious traditions in Great Britain are in the main Christian whilst taking account of the teaching and practices of the other principal religions represented in Great Britain.’33 This development grew out of concerns about the erosion of Christian heritage and identity in the United Kingdom, and worry about the potentially confusing effects of the study of world religions. It created difficulties particularly in schools where there were large numbers of children from the Muslim, Hindu and Sikh faiths. Generally the argument was carried by conservative religious groups and it resulted in considerable public and academic debate about content and method in Religion Studies.34 At the same time, changes following on from the Education Act gave a new emphasis to the role of schools in promoting the ‘Spiritual, Moral, Social and Cultural Development’ of students (as noted in Chapter 14); it referred to the whole curriculum and life of the school, and not just to Religious Education and to Personal/Social Education classes. The nature and role of Religion Studies needed formulation within this context.35 Religion teachers and departmental advisers felt embattled by a conservative ‘religious right’; they were concerned that advances made over the last twenty-five years in developing syllabuses and materials that took into account the multi-faith nature of British society might be compromised. There were other problems too: for example, referring to the Jewish community, which had been in Britain since the 10th century, as one of the ‘represented religions’ was derogatory. Moves to reassert Christianity were regarded by religious educators as a retrograde step, narrowing the base for Religion Studies in county schools. However, the multi-faith Religion Studies that had become well established in British schools were not changed radically or replaced by Christian content. Some years later, the government developed two Model Syllabuses that were to be taken as guides for the construction of various Local Education Authority syllabuses.36 While intended as models, they eventually had a prescriptive influence as all Authorities brought their syllabuses into line. The major religious groups were invited to advise on the content relevant to their tradition. This tended to reinforce the prominent place of descriptive content. In addition, the Religion Studies syllabuses were structured in terms of outcomes and competencies – as for other subjects – and it further consolidated the dominance of descriptive content. (Questions about the educational value of this style of curriculum were considered in 12.3.4, 13.9 and 16.2.3, particularly as regards spiritual and values outcomes.) Grimmitt
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considered that the application of outcomes and competencies to Religion Studies caused ‘the traditional language of learning and teaching [to be] absorbed and lost’;37 it resulted in a ‘domestication’ or ‘captivity’ of Religion Studies because it changed the emphasis even more towards content rather than process. Concern for the syllabus integrity of religious traditions seemed to take precedence over the educative function of studying religion to resource young people’s spirituality. Not surprisingly, the same pattern is evident in the Australian programs. Thus, through its legislation, the Model Syllabuses and the outcomes format, government initiatives increased centralisation and uniformity in Religion Studies and reinforced the emphasis on descriptive content; this occurred even though the notion of learning from religion was one of the proposed outcomes of the Model Syllabuses. Grimmitt considered that the trend would also have limited the extent to which teachers would draw on different pedagogies such as those considered below.
21.4.8 Pedagogies that emerged from research and development projects from the late 1980s What marks another significant difference between school Religion Studies in the United Kingdom and Australia is the high level of research and academic infrastructure in the former. Complementing normative documents and extensive teacher professional dev elopment programs, there have been a number of substantial research and development projects working at the level of both theory and resources for teachers and students. In Australia, good student texts were commercially produced to cater for the senior school Religion Studies market, but these were not as extensive in scope, theory or methodology as the outputs from the research based projects in the UK. These projects offered practitioners a range of rationales, approaches and resources for their work in implementing local area syllabuses. For our summary purposes, the most helpful introductory access to these projects is provided by Grimmitt’s Pedagogies of Religious Education: Case studies in the research and development of good pedagogic practice in RE (2000). With the construct pedagogy as the theme, the leaders of nine projects explained how their approaches fostered student learning through the study of religion. While it is difficult to estimate how influential the projects have been, they contribute significantly to the educational discourse of British Religion Studies by providing a considerable range of pedagogical options that attempt to address key issues in cultural context, curriculum orientation, content selection, young people’s spiritualmoral development and student learning. In turn, the wide spectrum of approaches provides a comprehensive perspective from which to review the present situation and possible future developments in Australia. In his book, Grimmitt proposed eight distinct contemporary approaches to Religion Studies in the United Kingdom, and the nine research and development projects are located within seven of these categories. Grimmitt’s analysis is illustrated in Table 21.1. In addition we have added two categories at the bottom of the table that pick up on other approaches and issues that are more prominent in continental Europe; there is some overlap with the British categories, but these additions make the spectrum more comprehensive.
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
Table 21.1 Summary of major contemporary approaches to school Religion Studies in the UK (Grimmitt 2000), and current emphases in continental Europe Major contemporary approaches to school Religion Studies in the UK
Particular examples of the major approaches, including the nine ongoing research and development projects (The nine projects described in Grimmitt’s book are listed in italics; other examples already noted above are designated by section number.)
1 Liberal Christian theological, experiential, implicit models
21.4.2: Goldman, Life themes. 21.4.3: Loukes, issue/problem-centred.
2 Phenomenological, undogmatic, explicit model
21.4.4: Phenomenological. The Chichester Project 1982 – A world religions approach to teaching Christianity.
3 Integrative experiential and phenomenological models
21.4.5: Grimmitt, combination of existential and dimensional. The Religious Experience and Education Project, 1990– .
4 Human development, instrumental, learning about and learning from models
21.4.6: Grimmitt, personal development orientation and learning from religion. The Westhill Project, 1977 – personal development and learning from religion. Religion in the service of the child project, 1991– .
5 Ethnographic, interpretive, multi-faith model
The Warwick Religious Education Project, 1993– .
6 Revelation-centred, Christianityoriented, concept-cracking model
The Stapleford Project, Christian theology-centred, 1993– .
7 Religious literacy-centred, critical realist and critical pedagogy model
The Spiritual Education Project, 1997– .
8 Constructivist models of learning and teaching
The Children and Worldviews Project, 1994– . The Constructivist Pedagogies of RE Project, 2000– .
Additional approaches more prominent in school Religion Studies in continental Europe
Key characteristics of these approaches and relationships with the eight categories proposed by Grimmitt describing contemporary approaches in the UK
9 Contextual approach (The contextual and hermeneutic approaches are concerned with similar issues and are not always clearly differentiated)
Acknowledges postmodern interpretation of knowledge as contextual and relative; emphasis on varying cultural contexts; focuses on the development of religious competence – that is, student construction of identity and meaning; tends to use religious traditions instrumentally for student learning.
10 Hermeneutic approach
Special emphasis on the hermeneutic (interpretive) function of the study; acknowledges the different role of religion in pluralist, multifaith, secularised cultures; focus on students’ identity development.
Below we will comment briefly on approaches not already covered in the earlier listing from 21.4.1 to 21.4.7, highlighting key principles in the projects, each of which has its own distinctive and usually extensive literature. The analysis will help identify pedagogical issues raised by the projects, while not attempting any systematic evaluation.
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The Warwick Religious Education Project
Ethnographic study of world religions emphasising the development of the capacity to interpret meaning
The project, directed by Professor Robert Jackson,38 acknowledged the importance of local context for religious groups which were not always well described by the stereotypical picture of a world religion as a belief system. It focused on the way individuals constructed their own personal interpretation of the interaction between local group and total faith tradition, also taking into account the way in which the student’s own spirituality figured in the learning process. Jackson called his method an ‘interpretive approach’. He used an ethnographic enquiry which figured prominently in the student materials. Implications for students’ personal development (learning from religion) were sought, helping them in their negotiation of personal meaning and identity. Thus the interpretive approach broadened the basis for the phenomenological study of world religions through its contextual emphasis and its student-centredness, while it retained a strong interest in religious plurality. It was more evaluative and less descriptive than the world Religion Studies of the 1970s. The Stapleford Project
Emphasis on a Christian theological basis for concept development
The project, directed by Dr Trevor Cooling,39 set out to develop student resources that provided a more theologically based study of Christianity – one component within the study of world religions. While acknowledging student-centredness and the need to foster spiritual development whether or not young people were religious adherents, the approach focused on conceptual development related to the major ideas and themes in Christian theology, particularly those related to the Bible – it was termed ‘concept cracking’. By contrast with projects that concentrated on student negotiation of personal and contextual meaning, the Stapleford project structured content around the key concepts of Christianity, considering that this was more appropriate than using religion instrumentally for idiosyncratic student learning. The approach set out to probe the ‘meaning’ of Christian ideas and hence was not intended to be purely descriptive – ideas rather than just information. It presumed that the teachers first needed to become familiar with Christian meanings before they could lead students in a profitable exploration of these meanings. The project tried to redress the current overemphasis of descriptive content and provide for a more systematic study of Christianity, and it sought personal relevance for the students. The Spiritual Education Project
Critical evaluative pedagogy stressing the development of religious literacy
Directed by Dr Andrew Wright,40 this project was not specifically concerned with the dev elopment of student resource materials like the other projects. It was based on a critical evaluation of contemporary approaches with the intention of developing a reconstructed theory that was more critical and evaluative.41 Wright’s critique of contemporary liberal Religion Studies considered that it was more concerned with students’ subjective experience
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
and feelings than with religious truth and reality – and it implied a type of relativistic theology that all religions were much the same apart from varied cultural expressions. His proposed study of religions gave special attention to religious truth claims and the building up of ‘religious literacy’ – that is, a competent knowledge and understanding of religions that included awareness of distinctiveness and conflicting claims. Spirituality was a key construct for Wright. He considered that it needed to be more than inner experience and subjectivity, defining it as ‘the developing relationship of the individual within community and tradition, to that which is – or is perceived to be – of ultimate concern, ultimate value and ultimate truth’.42 His theory looked at ways in which students’ spirituality might be addressed across the whole curriculum and in school structures and organisation; the subject Religion Studies was a key element in this wider strategy.43 Wright’s view of Religion Studies regarded it more as a rational, philosophical enquiry than was evident in other approaches that were experiential and expressive in orientation. Opposing the postmodern, constructivist view of knowledge emphasised in other approaches as too relativistic and subjective, his case was based on a critical realist epistemology. This implied a critical pedagogy, but the extent to which he would identify with the range of principles in critical pedagogy listed in Chapter 12 is not clear. There remain subjective diffi culties in Wright’s notion of ‘realistic religious truth’, although he does note that it means ‘a model of language in which words function in a critically realistic manner to engage with external reality’. 44 The Children and WorldViews Project
A narrative, student-centred, personal approach
The Children and Worldviews Project gave special attention to the questions about meaning and identity that children bring to their education. It suggested an approach to Religion Studies that ‘listens’ to the narratives of children and responsively helps them negotiate their own personal meanings, drawing to varying degrees on religious and other traditions. It acknowledged that many children come with little sense of connection with religion, having a relatively secular worldview; hence the very notion of a religious tradition is problematic for them and this questions the relevance of traditional religious content such as description of belief systems. An inquiring process is regarded as more important than religious content. Such an approach is in tune with the postmodernist trend to discount absolute religious claims, and draws on religious traditions in so far as they can contribute to young people’s construction of quanta of meaning that help them interpret and make sense of their experience. Knowledge is presumed to be socially constructed, relative, subjective and relational. For this project, fostering children’s own personal meaning supersedes the study of belief systems.45 Without doubt, the sensitivity to children’s perspectives and questions that this approach calls for is a highly desirable quality for teachers to develop. Also valuable is its intention to support children’s personal construction of meaning and identity. But it is very psychological and interactive. It is the sort of teaching/learning that a parent or guardian might want to engage in with their children but it may be problematic to plan for too much interaction of this type in a class of twenty-five youngsters. While the emphasis on process rather than formal religious content gives the approach more opportunity to be ‘content-relevant’ and
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to avoid excessive descriptive material, it may have gone too far in apparently dismissing the value of some study of religious traditions in their own right – and not just as instrumental sources of raw material for young people’s personal construction of meaning. General comment about the UK research and development projects
While there is variety in the theory underpinning these projects, and while there is debate and even some conflict about their appropriateness, some generalisations may give a per spective on evaluation of school Religion Studies in Australia. The projects exhibit a range of innovations and developments that could usefully be taken into account in planning a future for Australian Religion Studies. Relevance
All of the projects were concerned in some way or another with making the study of religion more relevant for students. Methodologically, this involved helping students find and explore links or bridges between their experience and the content. The Children and Worldviews project also pursued relevance through content selection, proposing topics directly related to children’s needs and interests. The quest for relevance in Religion Studies can be related back to the discussion in Chapter 17. It is an area where denominational and state-based courses share common concerns. What constitutes appropriate religious content
Efforts to improve relevance raise questions about what constitutes authentic content in Religion Studies, because personal and social issues are not regarded by some educators as proper ‘religious’ content; these questions tap into debates about the contemporary nature and function of religion. The place for contemporary issues vis-à-vis traditional religious content remains an ongoing problem, with the point of balance being crucial (see pertinent sections in Chapters 16–18). For the Stapleford project, at one end of the spectrum, learning was to be structured around the key theological ideas in a religion (for example in Christianity); while at the other end, the Children and Worldviews Project structured learning so strongly around students’ personal construction of meaning that, by implication, religious traditions served like random and instrumental sources of content in the service of a personal search for contextual meaning. A different position again was taken by the Spiritual Education Project, which stood by the more abstract philosophical notion of the pursuit of religious truth claims (as applicable in all religions) as a basis for structuring content. It took a more ‘realist’ philosophical position epistemologically, compared with the postmodern view in the Children and Worldviews Project. Search for meaning and identity
Contrasting with the more traditional objective of knowledge and understanding of religion, the operational concern in a number of the projects was enhancing young people’s capacity to construct or negotiate their own personal meaning and identity (and worldview). The relative emphasis on this process varied; all the projects sought to contribute in this direction, but some made it such a central concern that the religious traditions seemed to take a back seat in the pedagogy.
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
While the progression of students’ meaning and identity remains an important objective, we consider that in some cases a process that was too adult-oriented was being projected onto children – as if they were being expected to take on the role of constructing a comprehensive personal meaning system at too young an age. This projection may be justified by arguments about student-centredness and ideas about the emergence (or even the ‘liberation’) of young people’s spirituality; but it still seems not down to earth enough for children. They need simple, basic information about community meanings as an initial baseline for the personal spirituality they will eventually form; and these meanings need to mesh with the questions about life that the children are asking. But too much descriptive material would be counterproductive. A balance is needed between basic information and an introduction to critical evaluation suited to their capacities that can set them on the track towards becoming more autonomous in managing their own spirituality. The personal meaning-making functions that educators themselves have learned to value as adults, and which have changed their relationships with religion, should not automatically be transferred to children as if they were equally responsible, sharing the same adult per spective on the construction of meaning. Giving students educational access to traditional religious meanings is a basic step in resourcing their spirituality. The notion of developing personal identity is common in the projects. However, just what personal identity means remains somewhat vague (cf. our concern to clarify the relationship between personal and cultural identities in Chapters 5–7). The latter part of Chapter 6 examined British and European research and writings concerned with the role of education and religious education in promoting young people’s identity development. For the references see note 32 in that chapter. Promoting students’ spiritual and moral development
Whether or not students were affiliated with any faith tradition, the study of religion should contribute to their spiritual and moral development. This principle in all of the projects acknowledged the extensive secularisation in Western society but considered that an educated individual needed a basic familiarity with the religious pluralism of their culture. Also important was the aim to help students learn how to identify and evaluate contemporary spiritual and moral issues (17.8). Another key aspect of personal development was the focus on meaning and identity already noted. Interpretation/hermeneutics
All of the projects stressed that interpretation of the meaning of religion was more important than descriptive knowledge; thus skill development in interpretation was a prominent aim. The projects that leaned more strongly towards a constructivist epistemology not only saw the hermeneutic process as central to Religion Studies, but sought to engage students in questions about the nature and reliability of religious knowledge as it related to personal meaning and identity. Religious plurality and cultural context
Jackson’s work in particular (the Warwick Project) gave special attention to religious plurality. He highlighted the variations in religions according to local cultural context, as well as the interaction between individuals and community religious groups in the construction
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of personal identity. Intercultural communication and interreligious dialogue thus become desirable objectives. Religious literacy
Wright considered that ‘only when pupils learn to engage in informed conversation about their beliefs, and the beliefs of others, can authentic religious literacy emerge’.46 While this definition stressed interreligious dialogue, it shared with other notions of religious literacy a basic understanding of the key ideas and themes in religions together with competence in religious language. Such thinking reasserted the importance of studying religious traditions in their own right, and not just as a source of raw material for students’ idiosyncratic meaning systems. Hence the idea is likely to appeal to denominational religious education authorities, who are usually concerned about the integrity of tradition in religious content. The notion of ‘critical’ religious literacy also has potential links with critical pedagogy.47 Critical pedagogy
Some of the projects set out to help students become more critically aware of ideologies and the exercise of power in the community, and of how this occurs in religions. There were parallels with the concerns of critical pedagogy (12.4.1).
21.4.9 Relationship with trends in continental European religious education: Contextual religious education and religious education as a hermeneutic process In this section we comment on two approaches in contemporary religious education in continental Europe that aim to enhance the spectrum of approaches already developed and to point towards other literatures relevant to the issues raised in the chapter (cf. items 9 and 10 in Table 21.1). These approaches overlap with aspects of the nine British research and development projects, even though both the contextual and hermeneutic approaches have been applied to denominational contexts. While some European countries have Religion Studies as in the UK, others have denominational religious education taught by departmental teachers or visiting church representatives. Contextual religious education
The term ‘contextual religious education’ has in recent years been used loosely to describe the work of a collection of mainly European (and some British) educators who set out to formulate an approach to religious education that addressed the situation of cultural postmodernity.48 The key underlying assumptions of the approach were: Religion in culture
1 Responding to the challenges of cultural and religious pluralism, particularly as experienced in Europe; 2 Acknowledging widespread secularisation from the traditional religious perspectives in European history;
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
3 Acknowledging that spiritual plurality includes secularised religious as well as nonreligious spiritualities; 4 Addressing questions raised by relativism and globalism; 5 Presuming that religion as a lived reality is a more appropriate focus of religious education than traditional religious belief systems. Human development
1 Presuming a holistic view of human development that includes religious competence: the capacity to construct one’s own personal meaning and identity, drawing on spiritual and religious traditions; 2 A focus on students’ life-worlds as a local, personal context for the individual; this may compensate for problems created by relativism and globalism; 3 The notion of spiritual/religious/cultural identity presumes a relational understanding of the development of the self; it involves personal reflection (and personal narrative) in an ongoing relationship with others (community, the natural world, and acceptance or rejection of some form of transcendent reality); and it may compensate for problems arising from excessive attention to individualism, self-centredness and subjectivity. Changes in emphasis compared with earlier approaches to religion and religious education
1 A move away from the descriptive emphasis of the earlier phenomenological approach, as well as from the strong focus on one tradition within denominational religious education. 2 The intention to be ‘transformative’ in order to promote personal change in students and not just to be concerned with transmission of knowledge; the encouragement of holistic and transactional reflection on everyday life; 3 Working with problematic notions of personal knowledge as evident in cultural postmodernity. Core processes in religious education presume that religious contextuality, spiritual/religious competence and spiritual/religious/cultural identity are the core concerns of religious education
1 Religious/spiritual contextuality: • Exploring religious and spiritual practice rather than belief systems as such; • Exploring the religious and the spiritual in its plurality within local contexts (rather than studying whole belief systems like world religions); • Exploring life-worlds (religious, spiritual, non-religious) of people to help enhance the students’ life-worlds; interested in students’ experience as a reference point; • Studying the interface between the diversity of religions and culture at the local level; may enhance intercultural and interreligious dialogue. 2 Spiritual and religious competence: • Enhancing the individuals’ religious literacy (familiarity with cultural expressions of religion and spirituality) and their capacity to negotiate their own personal meanings interactively.
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3 Spiritual/religious/cultural identity: • Enhancing the development of a personal identity that may include spiritual, religious and cultural components; • Presuming that teachers take account of students’ personal responsibility for processes in their own spiritual development; for example, students should be able to deal with their own spirituality and religiosity, their life-world and life-history in a responsible way, while learning to appreciate the spiritual or religious views of others. Some questions about contextual religious education that need further consideration
• As with all approaches to religious education that have a strong psychological and sociological focus, as well as being student-centred, a balance is needed with respect to the treatment of religious traditions. The extremes to be avoided would be focusing too much on either religious traditions or students’ experience and interests. • We have already noted above a concern about potential difficulties arising from too high an expectation that children and young people can easily construct their own personal meaning system. • The psychological/sociological and ethnographic emphases may tend to eclipse the value in historical, theological, scriptural and philosophical pedagogies. • The focus on students’ life-world is a short step from ‘lifestyle’. All approaches to religious education need to acknowledge the problematic nature of the construct spirituality, which includes personal, communal and cultural dimensions as well as the transcendent and the religious; without a critical evaluative approach to spirituality, there is a danger that the concerns will be only about feel-good and consumerist aspects (Chapter 8). Religious education needs to do more than help students reconsider their lifestyle in the light of other options. • There is a need for more attention to contemporary issues (Chapter 16). Religious education as a hermeneutic process
In 2004, the European educators Lombaerts and Pollefeyt published the handbook-like volume Hermeneutics and religious education, which gave a comprehensive picture of relationships between the two. They considered that hermeneutics, ‘[t]he art of interpreting the traces of communication is a specifically human quality. It is the alphabet of the human search for understanding the self, the interaction among people, the meaning of life and for establishing the truth’49 (see the brief summary in section 2.10.14 highlighting the relationship between hermeneutics and meaning). Initially, hermeneutics was concerned with the interpretation of biblical texts within a framework that assumed that the true and ultimate meaning of life was embedded in Christianity. But the social and intellectual context changed so much during the passage through the Enlightenment, the scientific revolution, modernity and on to postmodernity that hermeneutics became detached from this normative theological basis and diversified; it even addressed the situation where the notion of universally valid statements about human meaning was rejected and religious meta-narratives were no longer accepted as comprehensive belief systems, thereby raising fundamental questions about truth as an interpretation, as subjective, contextual and contingent. It was as if the signposts for direction in human life
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
were set adrift; whereas initially religious interpretation focused on seeking contemporary relevance from an unchanging, revelatory deposit of truth, more recently it has also been concerned with finding quanta of meaning that can be applied existentially to a particular context. It meant that the contributions of religion to both community identity and personal identity were changing significantly. Lombaerts and Pollefeyt referred to this change as follows: The worldwide political consolidation, economic globalisation, the democratisation of society and education, open communication and intercultural contact, scientific and technological innovations lead to a different kind of self-consciousness as a new basis for personal autonomy. The simultaneous diversity and plurality among people illustrates the extent of opportunities that the open society offers for positioning oneself distinctly towards the assumed and established social, cultural, religious and ethical traditions.50
Hermeneutics is concerned with the process of repositioning individuals and communities with respect to the puzzling contemporary social situation. Inevitably, the developments in hermeneutics had significant implications for religious education, both where it was concerned with the handing on of a particular religious tradition and in Religion Studies. The first implication is where the different forms of hermeneutics and the issues they raise need consideration within the theory and practice of religious education. The second implication has to do with religious education as a hermeneutic process itself, because of its essential concern with the quest for meaning, purpose and truth – the task of interpretation is an inescapable and always active element of religious education. Our purpose here is to signpost the importance of developments in hermeneutics for religious education rather than try to document all of the issues; nevertheless, many of the topics considered in Part 2, as well as key aspects of the British research and development projects examined earlier, have a strong hermeneutic component.
21.5 Conclusion: Towards a review of Australian school Religion Studies programs The task of this chapter has been to set the stage for a review of Australian school Religion Studies courses by providing a background picture of principles and issues that have emerged in their historical development. To give a more comprehensive perspective we focused on patterns in the United Kingdom that have been the principal models for Australian Religion Studies; we did not have the space to undertake a systematic critique of the British developments. As well as its relevance for Australian Religion Studies, the analysis also makes it easier to see comparisons and links with the earlier discussion of denominational religious education in Part 4. We will conclude with brief comments about what we think are the areas within the Australian Religion Studies courses that need further development, even though a thorough evaluation is beyond our scope here. The problems that need to be addressed parallel those that occur in church school religious education. In Chapter 16 we argued that the content in both denominational religious education and state-based Religion Studies courses in Australia was too ‘tame’ – tame because it was
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dominated by descriptive or factual content without enough attention to contemporary issues which young people see as the real areas of spirituality and morality today. The Religion Studies courses have extensive content on world religions, but the main problem is ‘too much boring content’. In other words, a more problem-posing, critical, evaluative dimension is called for – and it needs the ‘right fuel’ content of relevant issues. It is needed particularly at senior school level (while it could be applied differentially across the school years according to the age and maturity of students). This is not to say that the Religion Studies curriculum should consist exclusively of issues and problems, which would be a distortion at the other end of the spectrum. What is required is a better balance between issue-oriented and more traditional content, as explained in Chapters 16 and 17, and a more problem-posing way of approaching traditional content. Such an approach would not guarantee relevance for the students, but it would be a positive step in this direction. This proposal would help address the problem in Religion Studies we refer to as ‘pheno menological overkill’ – a problem identified in developments in the UK which was mirrored in Australian courses. Grimmitt referred to the problem in the late 1970s, noting that it caused just as much student boredom and uninterest as did the teaching of large masses of biblical material in the 1950s and 1960s. [W]ith the adoption of what is sometimes mistakenly and misleadingly called ‘an objective approach’ to the study of religion, religious education has become content-centred. The heavy concentration of Biblical content characteristic of Agreed Syllabuses in preGoldman times have often been replaced by equally heavy concentrations of content drawn from the world’s religions.51
Grimmitt claimed that an over-emphasis on phenomenology as a method has resulted in making school Religion Studies too antiseptic – too restricted to descriptive processes and data and to a study of topics that are often irrelevant to the interests and educational needs of students (even though these topics may be of interest to tertiary scholars of religion). He labelled the problem as phenomenology’s ‘domestication of religions’. Australian Religion Studies bought into the same problem strongly – all of the Year 11–12 courses (listed in note 6) show that phenomenology and typology have dominated content selection. While other approaches to study (such as sociological, historical, feminist) are recommended for use in some programs, this does not appear feasible given the extent of descriptive content. All of the programs include religious ethics, and this does present opportunities for a study of issues; but even here, there are traces of Smart’s phenomenologi cal categories ‘ethical and legal’. The Victorian program Religion and Society uses heading such as ‘search for meaning’ and ‘identity’, but under these titles the breakdown of content gives off a strong flavour of typology. The content of the Tasmanian programs, called Religion and Philosophy, allow for a large proportion of issues; in one course, three of its five topics were Contemporary issues in religion and philosophy, Christian perspectives on religious issues, and Ways of knowing. These are the most problem-posing of the Australian programs, in keeping with their objective that ‘Students will develop their own reasoned and critical responses to various religious, philosophical, ethical and social issues’. When considering denominational religious education in Chapters 16 and 17, it was reported that young people perceived excessive descriptive religious content as useless
Pedagogical background to the development of Australian Religion Studies courses
paraphernalia.52 That argument is equally pertinent to Religion Studies. The lead taken by the Tasmanian programs could well be applied in other States. For example, it seems more appropriate for the clientele of Religion Studies to engage in a study of issues like ‘relationships between psychology and religion’ and ‘problems related to scriptural/historical studies insights into the historical Jesus and to political, religious and artistic portrayals’. Such topics in the Tasmanian courses could well replace less relevant ones (for Australian students) in other state programs (such as Shinto, Taoism). At this point we take leave of the review of Australian Religion Studies programs as a research task that remains to be undertaken, and instead, we will in the next chapter address the question of relationships between these courses and denominational religious education. This task will try to clarify the links between the two and show how the discussions in Parts 4 and 5 of the book are related.
Notes 1 The meaning of basic terms remains a problem in religious education, especially when contrasting denominational and secular contexts. Educators will use terms like ‘religious studies’, ‘religion studies’ or ‘religion education’ as opposed to ‘religious education’, to make distinctions. While we have chosen to use the phrases ‘religion studies’ and ‘denominational religious education’ for convenience, we draw attention to the inevitable difficulties associated with the use of contrasting terms because presumed distinctions and differences may not always be accurate or may not operate at the level of practice. 2 Although dating from 1981, this publication still gives one of the best available accounts of denominational religious education in public schools: GM Rossiter 1981, Religious Education in Australian Schools, Chapters 2 and 5. 3 The relationships between denominational religious education and state-based Religion Studies courses were addressed briefly in Rossiter 1981, Chapters 1–4. Examples of books and articles concerned with Australian Religion Studies in schools are listed in the Bibliography. Most of these publications were also concerned with enhancing denominational religious education. But little was included that addressed relationships between the two at any depth; a significant relationship was usually presumed but seldom articulated. 4 We wish to call into question the divisions and to explore the relationships between church and state school religious education. But, at least initially, we have gone along with the different terms ‘religion studies’ and ‘denominational religious education’ as one available format to enable us to talk about the two without confusion. We do not want to engage in debate about which terms are the most appropriate; we consider it valuable to retain terms like religious education which can apply to any context, because of its currency as a general umbrella term, and because of its usage for state school religious education in the United Kingdom. 5 An account of these Religion Studies curriculum development projects is given in Rossiter 1981, Chapters 1, 2 and 5. 6 Below is a list of contemporary syllabuses at Years 11–12 level. New South Wales: Board of Studies NSW 2004, Studies of Religion, Stage 6. Queensland: Queensland Board of Secondary School Studies 2001, Study of Religion Senior Syllabus. South Australia: Senior Secondary Assessment Board of South Australia (SSABSA) South Australia, 2004, Studies of Religion Curriculum Statement. Tasmania: Tasmanian Qualifications Authority 2004, Religion and Philosophy 2, 3 4, Senior Secondary (Tasmanian Certificate of Education; Tasmanian Qualifications Authority 2004, Religion and Philosophy 2, 3 4, Senior Secondary, Syllabus Supplement (Tasmanian Certificate of Education; Tasmanian Qualifications Authority 2005, Religion and Philosophy 5C, Senior Secondary (Tasmanian Certificate of Education; Tasmanian Qualifications Authority 2005, Religion and Philosophy 5C, Senior Secondary, Syllabus Supplement (Tasmanian Certificate of Education. Victoria: Board of Studies Victoria 1999 (2005), Religion and Society Study Design; Board of Studies Victoria 1999 (2005), Texts and traditions Study Design Y 11-12.
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Western Australia: Curriculum Council of Western Australian 2004, Beliefs and Values Year 11, 2004–2005 D689; Curriculum Council of Western Australian, 2004, Beliefs and Values Year 12, 2004–2005 E689. Churches Commission on Education Western Australia, 1986, Beliefs and Values Manual, Churches Commission on Education, Perth. 7 Religious education in Australian schools (Rossiter 1981) gave a detailed account of the documents resulting from the state government reviews of religious education in public schools in the 1970s. Complementing these normative documents was a core of writing by Australian theorists about school religion studies since that time; these are listed in the Bibliography under Religion Studies. 8 An extensive literature concerned with denominational religious education in Australia is evident in the journals Journal of Religious Education, Religious Education Journal of Australia, Journal of Christian Education, as well as in teachers’ books, professional development programs and student texts. 9 M Beck et al. 1997, Exploring religion; M & R Crotty et al. 2003, Finding a way: The religious worlds of today (2nd edn); K Engebretson & R Elliott 2001, Chaos or clarity: Encountering ethics (3rd edn); T Lovat et al. 2006, Studies of religion; T Lovat & J McGrath 1999, New studies in religion; P Mudge et al. 1993, Living religion: Studies of religion for senior students; P Rule & K Engebretson 1990, My story, our stories: Religion and identity in Australia; M Ryan & P Goldburg 2001, Recognising religion: A study of religion for senior secondary students. 10 We have found the accounts given by Grimmitt to be the most helpful interpretations of the history of religion studies in British schools. His most recent work (2000) used the construct ‘pedagogy’ for contrasting a number of research and development projects. See MH Grimmitt 1983, Religious education and humanisation: A consideration of the contribution of religious education to personal development and its implications for curriculum decision-making; MH Grimmitt 1986, Contemporary issues in religious education in England; MH Grimmitt 1987, Religious education and human development: The relationship between studying religions and personal social and moral education; MH Grimmitt (ed.) 2000, Pedagogies of religious education: Case studies in the research and development of good pedagogic practice in RE. See also LP Barnes 2003, World religions in British religious education: Critical reflections and positive conclusions; D Bates 1994, Christianity, culture and other religions: The origins of the study of world religions in the English tradition. 11 While religious education in European countries has not been unconcerned about an educational rationale and identity, it is of interest to speculate why a pattern similar to the British one did not emerge. The political and educational contexts were different – often with denominational religious education in the public schools. 12 RJ Goldman 1965, Readiness for religion. For an evaluation, see MH Grimmitt 1983, World religions and personal development. In GM Castles and GM Rossiter (eds) Curriculum theory and religious education. 13 See Rossiter 1981, Chapter 6; and Chapter 16 of this book. 14 H Loukes 1961, Teenage Religion; 1965, New ground in Christian education; 1973, Teenage morality. 15 From a 1979 radio broadcast by Val Arnol-Foster, quoted in J Sealey 1985, Religious education: Philosophical perspectives, p. 57 – quoted in S Eversden 1994, Integrating systemic and school-based priorities into a curriculum model for secondary religious studies, Unpublished PhD thesis, Murdoch University, Murdoch WA. In her account of the historical development of religious education in British schools, Eversden gave special attention to the contribution of Harold Loukes. He proposed an issue/problems-based religion studies that related to the perceived needs of youth in the construction of their spirituality. 16 PH Hirst & RS Peters 1970, The logic of education; PH Hirst 1974, Knowledge and the curriculum. 17 Phenomenological typology – the study of types of religious phenomena – is another analytic system that has been used. See for example, B Moore & N Habel 1980, When religion goes to school: Typology of religion for the classroom. 18 N Smart, 1989, The world’s religions: Old traditions and modern transformations. 19 This problem was evident in the rationale and student materials developed in the South Australian Religious Education Project in the late 1970s. The idea of teaching the ‘dimensions of religion’ rather than ‘religion’ was proposed as a way of disclaiming possible denominational bias. Cf. Rossiter 1981, Chapter 2. 20 Grimmitt 1983, World religions, p. 22. 21 C & J Erricker 2000, The children and worldviews project: A narrative pedagogy of religious education. In Grimmitt 2000, p. 192. 22 Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Board 1990, Religion and society: Course development support material, p. 1.
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23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34
35 36 37 38
39 40
41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48
49 50 51 52
Lovat 2001, 2002. Moore & Habel 1979. Birmingham Education Committee 1975, Agreed syllabus of religious instruction. Grimmitt 1973, What Can I do in RE? Grimmitt 1983a, 1983b, 1987. Grimmitt 1987. Also MH Grimmitt 1991, Theoretical and practical perspectives on the use of religious phenomena in schools to further the spiritual development of primary and secondary pupils. Grimmitt 1987, p. 213; 2000, p. 15. Grimmitt 1983b, p. 26. See also Grimmitt 1987. MH Grimmitt & GT Read 1977, Teaching Christianity in RE; MH Grimmitt et al. 1991, A gift to the child: Religious education in the primary school. Grimmitt 2000, Chapters 1, 2, 11, especially pp. 222–5. UK Government 1988, Education Reform Act, section 8.3. For example, the editorial in the British Journal of Religious Education, 1990, 12, 3, 121–5 by Professor John Hull; the issues are discussed in more detail in JM Hull 1989, The Act unpacked: The meaning of the 1988 Education Reform Act for religious education; JM Hull 1991, Recent changes in religious education in England and Wales. An example of this recent thinking about religious education and spiritual development is evident in J Rudge 1993, Religious education and spiritual development. School Curriculum and Assessment Authority 1994, Model syllabuses for religious education. Grimmitt 2000, p. 9. R Jackson 2000, The Warwick Religious Education Project: The interpretive approach to religious education. In Grimmitt 2000. See also R Jackson 1997, Religious education: An interpretive approach; 2004, Rethinking religious education and plurality: Issues in diversity and pedagogy. T Cooling 2000, The Stapleford Project: Theology as a basis for religious education. In Grimmitt 2000. A Wright 2000, The Spiritual Education Project: Cultivating spiritual and religious literacy through a critical pedagogy of religious education. In Grimmitt 2000. See also A Wright 1993, Religious education in the secondary school: Prospects for religious literacy. A Wright 1998, Spiritual pedagogy: A survey, critique and reconstruction of contemporary spiritual education in England and Wales; 1999, Discerning the spirit: Teaching spirituality in the religious education classroom. Wright 1998, p. 88; 2000a, p. 175. A Wright 2000, Spirituality and education: Master classes in education series. Wright 2000, Spiritual Education Project, p. 172. C & J Erricker 2000, The children and worldviews project: A narrative pedagogy of religious education. In Grimmitt 2000. Wright 2000, The Spiritual Education Project, p. 183. The issue of critical religious literacy is taken up in P Goldburg 2005, Teaching world religions: Developing critical religious literacy. Our introductory summary is drawn from the following: A Wright 2003, Review Article: On ‘context, competence and cultural diversity: religious education in a European setting’; H-G Heimbrock et al. (eds) 2001, Towards religious competence: Diversity as a challenge for education in Europe; S Miedema et al. 2004, The European Network for Religious Education through Contextual Approaches (ENRECA): Its policy and aims; R Jackson (ed.) 2003, International perspectives on citizenship, education and religious diversity. H Lombaerts & D Pollefeyt (eds) 2004, Hermeneutics and religious education, p. vii. ibid., p. 4. Grimmitt 1983, p. 21. KE Nipkow 1991, Pre-conditions for ecumenical and interreligious learning: Observations and reflections from a German perspective; G Malizia & Z Trenti 1991, Una Disciplina in Cammino: Rapporto sull’Insegnamento della Religione Cattolica nell’Italia Degli Anni 1990 (An evolving enterprise: Report on the teaching of religion in Catholic schools in Italy in 1990).
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Relationships between state-based Religion Studies courses and denominational religious education
The previous chapter provided perspective on the development and scope of state-based Religion Studies courses in Australia, not by detailing their history in this country but by sketching the developments in the United Kingdom that have always been the principal source of Australian theory. The result was a spectrum of approaches and issues within which current Australian programs can be located and evaluated. While it was beyond our scope to undertake such an evaluation, we did make some preliminary judgments about issues that need to be addressed in future revisions. This chapter will explore relationships between state Religion Studies courses and denominational religious education. The two diverged as an educational identity for Religion Studies developed in the United Kingdom; and the separation flowed over into Australian developments, especially in the formative years during the 1970s. The division remains embedded in the theory underpinning Australian programs in the 2000s, even though, ironically, Religion Studies courses have been taken up almost exclusively by religious schools. While the courses met the need for a fully accredited religion subject in the senior school, there is still a gap in the thinking about relationships with denominational religious education. Addressing this gap is in the best interests of religious education in both state and denominational contexts. It involves articulating the assumptions and purposes that are usually unstated by church schools that have adopted Religion Studies. It should contribute to the background needed for the evaluation of Religion Studies programs. It will also be helpful in clarifying issues debated by denominational educators who consider that Religion Studies are inappropriate in church schools. In addition, it will help show what is involved in the transition that church schools make to state religion syllabuses in the final years of schooling; often there is no substantial or robust account of why the change is considered beneficial for students or consistent with the schools’ purposes. Finally, it will contribute to debate about relationships between the two forms of religious education currently available in Australian public schools. We begin with further reflection on the origins of the divisions between the two, because many of the problematic relationships are rooted in faulty theory at that stage. 468
Relationships between state-based Religion Studies courses and denominational religious education
22.1 Reflections on the emergence of an educational identity for state school Religion Studies in the UK and Australia 22.1.1 Problems resulting from a separate identity That there was a need for an educational identity rather than a denominational one is not in question. But the tendency to define this over and against the earlier Christian identity meant the creation of a division and a closing of communication between the two. As happened again later with similar developments in Australia, there seemed to be an overreaction to the possibility of being labelled ‘confessional’ or ‘denominational’.1 The new Religion Studies certainly looked different. But its wholesale movement into phenomenology seemed to bypass the spiritual needs and interests of the students. This does not mean that denominational religious education was always ‘more’ relevant (see Part 4). Neither is it saying that Religion Studies should become more denominational, though its role in the development of a religious identity needs further consideration. Consequently, religious educators in the United Kingdom tended to separate into denomi national and state groups. The language used by each sustained the difference, even though it remained somewhat unclear. For example, ‘state’ language gave the impression that educational concerns were secondary for denominational religious education, and ‘denominational’ language gave the impression that state programs were irrelevant to young people’s religious development. While there were borrowings, particularly from Religion Studies by church school religion teachers, a separation of the two streams became well established and few if any substantial efforts were made to see where the two might be related. The problem was evident in the search for a terminology of difference. In Australia, it was illustrated by the move from ‘religious education’ to ‘religious studies’, ‘Religion Studies’, ‘studies of religion’, ‘religion education’ and just ‘religion’, together with accompanying arguments justifying why one term rather than others was thought to be more appropriate.2 It is understandable, but it created problems when the use of such terms made faulty assumptions about underlying educational processes, when it inhibited communication between groups, and when it obscured the similarities that exist between different contexts and approaches. The contrasting terms represent different, legitimate points of view that need to be taken into account when theorising about religious education. But when inappropriate assumptions are made, these should be identified and questioned. For example, the following quotation from the South Australian state schools Religious Education Project3 in the 1970s illustrates the problem.
Table 22.1 What is religious education? (From the South Australian state schools Religious Education Project, 1978) The philosophy of religious education in state schools can be summed up in the following set of statements: The school may sponsor the study of religion,
but should not sponsor the practice of religion.
The school may expose students to all religious views,
but may not impose any particular view.
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Table 22.1 (continued) The school’s approach to religion is one of education,
not one of indoctrination.
The function of the school is to educate about all religions,
not to convert to any one religion.
The school’s approach to religion is academic,
not devotional.
The school should study what all people believe,
but should not teach a student what he [sic ] should believe.
The school should strive for student awareness of all religions,
but should not press for student acceptance of any one religion.
The school should seek to inform the students about various beliefs,
but should not seek to make them conform to any one belief.
The school can provide opportunity for a discussion of religious questions
but should not impose religious answers.
The school’s approach to religion must open up the issue,
not close down the discussion.
In summary, teaching about religion in the State schools is educationally valuable when it is a part of the academic program, when it does not give preferential or derogatory treatment to religion in general or to any single religion.
Statements like the above tried to articulate an appropriate approach for Religion Studies in a pluralist and secular setting. However, the definition seemed to imply that in the state school the process was educational while in the church school it tended towards indoctrination – as if a genuine education in religion was not possible in a committed context. There seemed to be political reasons for maintaining the separation. Some educators on both sides were perhaps so invested in maintaining the divisions that they did not want to bridge the gap. Perhaps the differentiation and ‘counter-definition’ were needed initially to establish an educational basis for studying religion within Australian public education; it applied specifically to the teaching of religion by departmental teachers. Once the educational legitimacy of Religion Studies was established in the government reports of the 1970s, and after courses were more widely introduced in the early 1990s, it was ironic that the only substantial and enduring implementation occurred when the church-related schools adopted them at Years 11–12 levels – a less controversial development than religion taught by state departmental teachers. In the formative 1970s, there was little interest in bridging the gap. But in the 1990s, when church-related schools (especially Catholic schools) implemented Religion Studies, one could readily get the impression from those who adopted Religion Studies that there never were any gaps between the two. While this is still the case, looking more carefully at relationships remains important, particularly as regards a critical evaluation of the appropriateness of content and method in Religion Studies. Where some Religion Studies courses were developed for the primary and/or junior secondary school, there was negligible uptake in both state and religious schools. For the church schools, Religion Studies at these lower levels were either presumed to be inappropriate or thought to have no structural advantage. Nothing was ever said publicly about why they were not implemented.
Relationships between state-based Religion Studies courses and denominational religious education
22.1.2 The terminology ‘confessional’ versus ‘non-confessional’: Inadequate concepts for analysing the teaching process These terms need clarification because, initially, they were commonly used – and misused – to differentiate Religion Studies from denominational religious education. Confessional is derived from the phrase ‘confessing the faith’. It presumes that all present are, or should be, of one faith and that commitment to and expression of the faith is to be openly encouraged. The concept non-confessional is intended to have none of these connotations; no particular faith is promoted or commended. The distinctions between confessional and non-confessional religious education are not always useful because they remain at the level of broad intentions and stereotypes. Because they are not defined precisely or applied critically, they do little to help debate about the nature and purpose of religious education. The terms are more useful for describing contexts: a church school is a confessional context where public prayer and liturgy are a normal part of the corporate spiritual life; this would not apply in the non-confessional context of a government school. But the terms are not sufficiently refined to address adequately the complexities of the teaching process. What is described as ‘non-confessional teaching’ might be quite appropriate in a confessional context. And what is thought to be ‘confessional teaching’ – the presumption of faith in all present and the commending of personal faith responses – is not always accepted as appropriate in a church school because the classroom remains a public forum, where respect for the freedom and privacy of the students requires that the teaching be open, nondogmatic and impartial. Particular church teachings can be presented clearly, but this does not include attempted imposition or a pressure to agree or signify belief. Applying the term confessional to religious education in church-related schools gives a false impression of what is happening, as if an attempt was being made to ‘inject’ faith into students; and a further wrong impression: that it is appropriate to try to do so. When critics applied the term confessional to religious education, they have usually done so in a pejorative manner as part of the identity definition of the new Religion Studies. Greater clarification of what might be ‘faith commending’ teacher behaviours and ‘impartial’ methods would be a more helpful approach for differentiating the two. It is of interest to note that one of the state school departmental religious education projects from the 1970s challenged the confessional/non-confessional division, claiming that the nature of religious education was constant, irrespective of the context. The Queensland Departmental Religious Education Curriculum Project (RECP), set up in support of denominational teachers in public schools, called the confessional/non-confessional labelling of teaching into question.4 It proposed that the approach to teaching religion in schools should be the same whether it was state-based or denominational. This theory, which had a significant affinity with the work of Grimmitt and the Westhill Project (Chapter 21), suggested that the possibilities and limitations of the classroom as a public learning forum cut across the apparent boundaries, giving an approach that could be implemented appropriately in any school type. While not all would agree with its claim, the RECP is important because of its challenge to the supposed major divisions in religious education.5 Concepts such as indoctrination and evangelism or evangelisation have also been misused to describe the teaching of religion in a church-related school. Much greater precision is called for in the use of such terms; otherwise, so-called differences between Religion Studies
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and denominational religious education may be based on political interests and stereotypes, obfuscating rather than clarifying the nature of the activity.
22.2 Exploring the relationships between state Religion Studies and denominational religious education6 The first step in exploring relationships is to revise the notion of difference between the two as regards context, nature, purposes and educational process. There are significant differences in context and purposes, but when nature and process are examined more carefully, key similarities emerge. What happens in any religion teaching context can be analysed from various perspectives. One pertinent perspective is educational; that is, an analysis that looks specifically at educational purposes and practices, explaining how the study of religion contributes to young people’s education and personal development. In Religion Studies, this is the perspective from which the subject is justified as having an appropriate place in the school curriculum – for example reasons why such a study is valuable for all young citizens, irrespective of any or no religious affiliation. In the state school context, it is not the responsibility of departmental teachers to transmit a particular religious faith, or to commend personal faith to students. In this context, however, indeed in any context, the study of religion may contribute to young people’s understanding of their own particular tradition and it may affect their religious beliefs. Here, the change is a natural but unintended consequence of their education. From the perspective of young people’s spiritual-moral development, personal change resulting from their study of religion is rarely evident then and there in the lesson; it is more likely to emerge in the longer term, in complex interaction with other formative factors. The purpose of promoting their religious development within a particular faith tradition is an ‘over the horizon’ goal or ‘hope’ (as for values outcomes as explained in Chapters 13 and 14, and for faith outcomes, Chapter 18). The most prominent differences between the two formats are in terms of long-term purposes or hopes, and these differences are remote from the actual teaching/learning that is going on in the classroom. Hence the extent to which these hopes are achieved cannot be determined. Neither is there any need to try to measure spiritual-moral progress; indeed, it is not ethical to do so, even if it were possible. In the denominational context, where a school is sponsored by a particular church or religion, it is to be expected that institutional and religious development perspectives will be emphasised. Here the school will be more explicit about its hopes. An excessive emphasis on hopes can obscure the more immediate, practical, educational purposes of the study; also, such a view can make unrealistic assumptions about how effective religious education is in changing young people’s religious faith; the potential for personal change can be overestimated (Chapter 18). On the other hand, the rationale for Religion Studies, in eschewing denominational purposes, has tended to underestimate the potential for catalysing personal change by claiming to be concerned only with knowledge or understanding of religion (the reason for coining the phrase ‘learning about religion’, which was different from ‘learning to be religious’). But this is tantamount to compromising the basic purposes of education concerned with promoting holistic personal change (Chapters 11–13). Such
Relationships between state-based Religion Studies courses and denominational religious education
thinking reinforced the selection of descriptive content, especially in the early days of development both in the UK and Australia, because it was felt to be safe, and not lifechanging. The discussion in the previous chapter shows how British Religion Studies has moved beyond the impasse, explaining how it can promote personal spirituality while not espousing denominational purposes (cf. use of the phrase ‘learning from religion’).7 But the notion of promoting spirituality still remains problematic – even more evident in Australian than in British programs. It would be more realistic to acknowledge the possibility that Religion Studies, in enhancing young people’s spiritual-moral development generally, may affect their religious faith. Certainly this is a basic assumption of those who teach Religion Studies in denominational schools.
22.3 Comparison of purposes between state Religion Studies and denominational religious education Table 22.2 Comparison of purposes: State Religion Studies and denominational religious education (compiled from the relevant literatures) List of generalised aims for state-based Religion Studies
List of generalised aims for denominational religious education in religious (church-related) schools
Religion in culture
Faith tradition
1
To develop knowledge and understanding of the different religions represented in the multicultural community, and of the religions of Australia’s Asian neighbours.
2
To develop knowledge and understanding of the place of religions in culture; to understand how religions influence culture and how in turn religions are influenced by culture.
3
To initiate students into religion as a mode of knowledge and awareness. (Derived from the philosophy of education of Paul Hirst.)
4* To develop religious literacy (familiarity with religious concepts and language). Also ‘critical’ religious literacy involving evaluation.
1
To hand on the religious faith tradition of the sponsoring church or religion.
2
To develop knowledge, understanding and appreciation of the history, teachings and practices of the Church. (Aim 1 in greater detail).
3
To develop religious/theological literacy (familiarity with basic religious doctrines and ideas).
Personal faith development 4
5** To become more knowledgeable about one’s own cultural, spiritual heritage. 6
To develop knowledge and awareness of non-religious world views (like humanism, Marxism, existentialism) to show how people without formal religious affiliation construct some philosophical system of meaning and purpose. In this sense, non-religious worldviews perform a similar function to religions.
Personal development: Meaning, identity and spirituality; and relevance 5
To develop a loving, prayerful, personal relationship with God.
6
To develop a sense of religious identity (e.g. Catholic identity) by acquiring access to the Church’s tradition and cultural/spiritual heritage.
7
To develop personal meaning that draws on the religious traditions of the sponsoring church.
Personal development: Meaning, identity and spirituality 7
To explore the ways in which religions can help individuals find meaning and purpose in life (drawing on the philosophy of education of Philip Phenix and on Paul Tillich’s notion of religion as ‘ultimate concern’; dealing with the ultimate dilemmas in human life).
To develop personal faith in the context of the Church’s faith tradition; often referred to as promoting faith development.
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Table 22.2 (continued) 8
To understand how religious beliefs can have a shaping influence on the life and values of individuals.
9* To foster personal development through exploration of the ways in which religions model what it means to be human, and by exploring links between the study of religions and individuals’ personal experience. 10* To help young people construct their own personal meaning. 11* To understand how religions help give individuals a sense of religious identity and to promote the development of personal identity. 12* To develop the individual’s own personal spirituality. Tolerance and interreligious dialogue 13 To promote religious tolerance within the limits of the law 14* To promote interreligious dialogue. Morality 15 To understand how religions can serve as a source of and reinforcement for moral values. 16 To become aware of and to develop skills in the processes of making moral decisions – becoming better able to identify moral issues, more widely informed about the issues, aware of religious influences on thinking about moral issues, aware of alternative views; rehearsing the implications of possible moral decisions that might be taken. Critical evaluation 17 To develop skills in the evaluation of religious claims – identification of truth claims and of conflicting claims. 18 To become aware of religious conflict and of ways in which religions may be judged to have a negative effect on people’s lives. 19* To evaluate religion in personal terms – that is, as regards its relevance to students’ life experience and needs.
8
To develop a religious spirituality.
9
To be relevant to the needs and interests of students; links with their experience and personal development processes.
Religious experience and practice 10 To experience and to learn how to participate in religious practices like liturgy and communal prayer. 11 To participate in a religious retreat – a special opportunity for personal reflection/prayer, liturgy, discussion and community activities. Religious ethos 12 The school’s religious ethos through demonstrating gospel values (in structures and organisational life) tries to enhance the spiritual-moral development of students. Moral development 13 To develop a code of religious moral values that inform a moral life. Social justice and critical evaluation of culture 14 To develop an informed awareness of social justice issues and a capacity to judge issues in terms of gospel values and a propensity to undertake social action. Includes ‘critical consciousness’. 15 To become critical evaluators of the culture. Tolerance; ecumenical and interreligious dialogue 16 To promote awareness of, respect for and communication with Christian denominations. 17 To promote awareness of and respect for other religions.
Note: Items marked with an asterisk, while evident in the UK, are not yet prominent in Australian courses. Items with a double asterisk do not yet feature in current course documentation in both countries.
The aims in the left-hand column are educationally based since it would be inappropriate in the state school context to presume denominational purposes. Because the purposes of religious education in the church-related school are also educational, there is in principle no contradiction in all of the educational aims in the left-hand column being applicable
Relationships between state-based Religion Studies courses and denominational religious education
in the denominational context. However, some denominational educators would have difficulty with aim 17 as regards the evaluation of religious truth claims. The applicability of the educational aims of Religion Studies in church-related schools is at the basis of their implementation in that context. It is not so straightforward when it comes to relationships between aims in the reverse direction. It would be inappropriate to commend religious faith and practice in Religion Studies taught by departmental teachers. Aim 9, concerned with religious practices, is justified by the religious sponsorship of a school but inappropriate in government schools. However, while the notion of handing on the faith is foreign to the aims of Religion Studies, it is possible that the teaching of Religion Studies will make some contribution to a young person’s knowledge of their own tradition (their spiritual heritage), and over time this learning may affect their personal identity and religious faith (referred to in more detail later). As regards particular denominational aims such as 4 and 5 (as well as others to a lesser extent), they cannot be directly compared with educational aims because they are really long-term hopes. By nature, they cannot be used as measurable objectives for lessons – just as would be the case for educational hopes like responsible citizenship and altruistic virtues. Hence, when comparing Religion Studies and denominational aims, it is helpful to differentiate the latter into hopes and more immediate teaching and learning goals. Then, the teaching and learning goals in each become more comparable and the apparent differences diminish. Another argument that draws the two formats closer together was considered in Chapters 13 and 14. It has to do with the freedom of enquiry that is part and parcel of the classroom learning environment in any Australian school, government or non-government. The open enquiring atmosphere is now taken for granted in all subjects. In the past, but less frequently now, some denominational religion teachers appeared to forget this principle and made assumptions about students’ personal religious responsiveness that were inappropriate and counterproductive. The discussion above points towards commonality between state Religion Studies and denominational religious education. The sections below signpost other areas of overlap.
22.4 Non-evaluative and evaluative dimensions to studying religion The new Religion Studies needed to avoid being seen as favouring religion. For this reason a non-evaluative method like phenomenology was attractive initially. It stressed description, objectivity, and temporary suspension of beliefs or commitments as one tried to understand the subjective experience of others. With content selection favouring safe, descriptive topics, it was easy to omit what might be considered relevant or even controversial. However, an evaluative dimension is essential in both denominational and Religion Studies formats – in both content and method – which justifies the inclusion of issues. It complements an empathetic, non-evaluative study, and it fosters the development of critical, evaluative skills for informed decision-making. Both aspects are needed at different phases in the study of religion. If not present, then studying religion will be out of sync with the rest of the curriculum, which is increasingly geared towards a questioning, values-related and relevant education. If studying religion does not follow suit, then students can justifiably feel
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that something is missing, that perhaps religion cannot sustain critical enquiry; and it can even reinforce the view that religion is not worth studying. In reading and project work (including interviews) young people can learn to become more tolerant of, and open to, views and experiences different from their own. By asking questions about the internal consistency of the beliefs and values, and through questions about possible personal and social implications, they can learn how to critique religion in a responsible way. They can become more aware of their own prejudices, stereotypes and ignorance as they become more informed. Reason is not being opposed to belief, as if the latter were irrational; but it can help young people identify and judge irrational aspects in the beliefs and practices of religion. Students should be able to see that in some circumstances religions do not foster human development: they can inhibit it and distort it; they can support neurosis, prejudice and fanaticism. Teachers need to be explicit about content and approach because not all educators and parents will be happy about what is involved in a critical evaluative study. Genuine accountability is required as for any controversial content in the curriculum, for example in sex education. The other key factor in accountability is the code of ethics that should guide teachers’ presentations and conduct of discussion. Presentations require a range of viewpoints, impartiality and objectivity in teaching, and responsible, diplomatic reference to teachers’ own personal views when judged to make a valuable educational contribution to lessons (see the approach of committed impartiality proposed by Hill, as explained in 13.11). What was written in earlier chapters about the critical evaluation of culture is pertinent here.
22.5 Relationships with the academic disciplines: Phenomenological method and academic bias It was noted in the previous chapter that there was political correctness in the new Religion Studies’ seeking an affinity with phenomenology as a university ‘parent’ discipline, eschewing a relationship with Christian theology and scripture. No parent discipline was really needed. School Religion Studies is multidisciplinary and should be open to the academic study of theology and scripture, both of which have a long academic history (evident in the Victorian state course Texts and traditions). Links with various disciplines, including psychology and sociology, enhance both Religion Studies and denominational religious education – another commonality. If they are to be attuned to contemporary youth spirituality, however, both need to avoid having content justified too exclusively on the grounds of disciplinary purity. A strong issue-oriented component is justified in terms of its relevance to youth, even if it creates problems for ‘traditional’ ideas about what constitutes appropriate religious content.
22.6 The contribution of Religion Studies to the development of personal identity Education in meaning, identity and spirituality (Chapters 2–10) is proposed as a major area of commonality between Religion Studies and denominational religious education. Here, we will limit attention to identity.
Relationships between state-based Religion Studies courses and denominational religious education
The aim of promoting the development of students’ personal identity is prominent in European religious education (in both forms), and to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom, but is generally absent in their Australian counterparts. The absence is probably because the idea of developing identity by studying religion sounds like promoting a particular religious identity, and in turn, this sounds too ‘confessional’ in the pejorative sense. However, there is another way of looking at the issue. Giving young people some access to their cultural religious heritage should have a valid place in Religion Studies whether or not they ever become members of a local community of faith, because one of the key purposes of education is to communicate the intellectual tradition of the culture, and religion is an important part of that heritage. Providing for educational access to that heritage is not about recruiting young people to the Church. In the past, a contribution to personal and cultural identity was acknowledged as acceptable for the education of Aboriginal children, but there was a reluctance to apply the same principle to other spiritual or religious cultures. Indigenous education in various countries stressed the importance of encouraging the people to embrace their own cultural and spiritual traditions. To help heal the social and psychological damage that resulted from the clash between their cultures and the dominant Western culture and lifestyle, they have been urged to deepen familiarity with their spiritual heritage and to repair the links between the land and personal and social identity. The eroded sense of identity and cultural dignity of indigenous peoples needs to be restored by nurturing cultural and spiritual self-esteem. In Australia, the study of Aboriginal culture is now presumed to be important not only for the Aborigines but also for other Australians. A study of Aboriginal spiritual beliefs is understandably prominent in Australian Religion Studies courses. The value in affirming the identity and culture of indigenous people should also apply to the religions of other ethnic groups. But such an affirmation has not been forthcoming because there was concern that it could be interpreted as the state fostering religion. However, it is in the interests of the national community, and in accord with accepted principles of multicultural education, to educate children in the culture and spiritual traditions of their group. Religion Studies can contribute to such purposes. As well as informing cultural identity development in students, Religion Studies has scope for a critical exploration of the process of identity development itself. Students can learn about the ways in which religion affects identity – both positively and negatively. Some educators claim that studying one’s own tradition is necessarily partial – and therefore not educationally justified in Religion Studies. However, there are grounds for proposing that students can examine their own tradition with the same objectivity they bring to their study of other religions. It is impossible to be completely objective; people always have some bias, but in endeavouring to be intersubjective, personal background and bias can at least be acknowledged. Identifying the bias they may have towards other traditions can be a helpful part of the learning process. Also, they can often look at their own tradition more critically than for other religions because, as insiders, they are more aware of the problems. People bring more experience, background knowledge, particular beliefs, commitments, biases, stereotypes and criticisms to the study of their own religious tradition. The challenge for the educator is to help students to become more informed and to help them learn how to think logically, critically and respectfully about religions.
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This issue is the more important where Religion Studies courses allow flexibility for students to study particular religions in detail – presumably the religions with which they most readily identify, even if only nominally. In most of the Australian courses, the requirement that two or more religions be studied prevents students from studying just their own tradition. How many religions should be studied will remain contentious, because the majority of students come from church-related schools, and it would seem inappropriate for the syllabuses not to take this clientele into account. It would be educationally more sound to allow students to include options that are more relevant to their cultural religious backgrounds, satisfying the concern of religious schools to cover their tradition in a substantial way, while not precluding the need for the state to provide for a balanced study of religions and contemporary religious issues. In some courses, it appears that requiring students to study additional religions rather than religious issues or topics within their own tradition runs the risk of appearing irrelevant. Religion Studies should be more than just gaining descriptive knowledge about more religions – as if such content were the only educationally appropriate type, or a strategy to prevent them from spending too much time on their own tradition. In concluding Part 5 we refer back to earlier discussions about the complex relationships between education and identity (10.3, 19.4). For many of today’s secularised youth who forge meaning and identity in different ways from those of older generations, and who see little role for organised religion, the opportunity to study the construct identity and how it is influenced by culture is an important educational opportunity within both formats for religious education (see Chapter 6, note 32, which lists European and British writings concerned with education in identity).
22.7 The implementation of Religion Studies in denominational schools We affirm the option of denominational schools to go with academically accredited Religion Studies in Years 11–12. But it appears that many have followed this path without a thorough appraisal of their adequacy both as general educational courses and as regards their contribution to the denominational schools’ overall purposes for religious education. Catholic educators, among others, have been prominent in writing the new Australian Religion Studies courses, and in resourcing and promoting their implementation. But more work needs to be done in two areas: 1 showing how Religion Studies courses are an appropriate expression of denominational purposes at senior school level; 2 working towards content revision of Religion Studies in a more relevant direction for students. A Religion Studies that is issue-oriented and evaluative is more appropriate in the current educational context than those that remain dominated by phenomenological and typological content. Units that are almost exclusively about beliefs and practices of world religions need to be replaced by more issue-related topics (as has happened to some extent in the Tasmanian courses). However, increasing the scope for evaluative study may not in itself be enough to sway the decision of a Catholic school to choose state Religion Studies rather than
Relationships between state-based Religion Studies courses and denominational religious education
an accredited Catholic studies option, even though the former would have more academic status. While the aim of having a relevant religious education has long been claimed, there may be such a strong tendency to want to reinforce Catholic identity with ‘more recognisably Catholic content’ that Catholic studies seems preferable.8 Or, Religion Studies would be more acceptable if it allowed for a larger proportion of Catholic content. As noted in Chapter 16, Catholic diocesan religion syllabuses are traditionally oriented – issue-oriented content is not their strong suit. Hence the relationships between Religion Studies and Catholic religious education remain uncertain, depending on the direction that each takes over the next decade.
22.8 The understanding of Religion Studies from the point of view of different religions The most prominent and widely accepted views of what Religion Studies should entail are not acceptable to some groups in the community. This applies more to what might be taught by departmental teachers in public schools than it would to the relatively noncontroversial question of Religion Studies taught in religious schools. For example, the Muslim community does not always accept the values presumed to underpin a modern critical, evaluative education – particularly when applied to religion. Similarly, members of the Jewish community may consider that a study of religion should concentrate on their own tradition, without any need to give detailed attention to other religions; however, they may agree that a general study of religions in public education is desirable. Some Christians also consider that Religion Studies is too broadly based and too liberal, operating out of an ideology of relativism; they prefer a religious education that is authoritative and that keeps strictly to the teachings of their church. Given such debates, the origins of Religion Studies within public education, the educational assumptions on which they are based, and their purpose to educate all young citizens irrespective of religious affiliation are fundamentally important. These define the underlying values base for the study and prevent it from becoming an operation that serves the exclusive interests of particular groups. But, as noted earlier, balance is needed because public education should contribute to students’ knowledge of their cultural heritage. It is not likely that complete community consensus will ever be achieved about the form and content for school Religion Studies courses. Some people will approve of a critical evaluative study, others will not; both groups will have educational and theological justifications for their views. Hence aims, content and methods need to be articulated clearly so that there is accountability to the community. If there is disagreement and a clash of values, then there is an advantage in having the issues clear and not ambiguous.
22.9 Conclusion It is probably inevitable, and not undesirable, that achievement of the proposed educational aims for Religion Studies will contribute positively to the spiritual development of some students, and it may affect their religious practice. Any potential personal influence does not compromise the impartial, objective nature of the course itself. Hence there is no need to be concerned about the possibility that Religion Studies may enhance young people’s spirituality and may contribute to their familiarity with their own religion. This concern, which had
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its roots in the debates in the 1970s, is more an issue in state schools. For religious schools, the possibility of promoting students’ spiritual and moral development is essential to the justification of their decision to implement Religion Studies – they endorse the educational aims with the additional hopes that they will contribute to young people’s religious development and to their response to the option of being part of a community of faith.
Notes 1 This is described in detail in GM Rossiter 1981, Religious education in Australian schools. 2 See for example B Moore 1991, Religion education: Issues and methods in curriculum design, Texts in Humanities, University of South Australia, Adelaide. 3 South Australian Education Department, 1978, Religious Education syllabus, R–12, p. 11. This statement was a modified version of that originally prepared by JV Panoch for the US Public Education Religion Studies Centre at the University of Dayton, Ohio. Ironically, there were no significant developments in US public schools. See also N Piediscalzi & WE Collie (eds) 1977, Teaching about religion in public schools. 4 IG Mavor and others, 1977, Religious education: Its nature and aims, Queensland Department of Education, Brisbane. IG Mavor et al. 1982, The RECP model for religious education. 5 Lovat proposed an approach that could be followed in both state and denominational contexts, but he did not match the RECP claim that the nature of religious education was independent of the context. Lovat’s approach (a modified typological method with an evaluative dimension) was proposed as suitable in public education, hence also applicable to independent schools. T Lovat 2002, What is this thing called RE: A decade on? 6 Attention is drawn to two earlier attempts to explore relationships between state Religion Studies and denominational religious education (Rossiter 1981 and 1983). Rossiter devised a scheme made use of two related constructs Education in faith and Education in religion to highlight commonalities. However, a popular misreading of the scheme resulted in its being used more frequently for differentiating the two. This classification was unsuccessful and has caused problems with the interpretation of the aims for religious education. The following describes what happened. In 1981, in Religious Education in Australian Schools (developed further in a doctoral research study in 1983), Rossiter sought to promote more harmony and mutual exchange between church school religious education and the new Religion Studies courses. He proposed that school religious education needed to be interpreted from a combination of two different perspectives, a faithoriented one and an educational one, to show that both dimensions were important. However, the terms used (‘Education in Faith’ and ‘Education in Religion’) were widely misinterpreted as ‘actual approaches’ for classifying different sorts of religious education, rather than as perspectives that were closely related. Unfortunately, this reinforced divisions rather than prompting greater understanding of how the two dimensions were interwoven. It would have been better to use less ambiguous terms such as ‘faith-oriented perspective’ and ‘educational perspective’ and avoid the problems created when educators described some approaches as ‘education in faith’, and presumably others that did not educate faith; such usage showed a misunderstanding of the complex nature of faith that cannot be added or subtracted from religious education by efforts of the teacher. Later, some educators used the problematic term ‘faith-forming approaches’ as if by intention and method they could change gear from ‘non-faith-forming’ methods to ‘faith-forming’ ones (Chapter 18). Rossiter only used this construct of two perspectives when looking at relationships between religious education in church and state school contexts, and not when looking at Religious Education in Catholic schools. Despite the problems with the scheme, Rossiter proposed how Religion Studies and denominational religious education might be more closely related. This task was extended in a doctoral research project that analysed similarities and differences between the two in theory and in normative curriculum documents (cf. GM Rossiter 1983, An interpretation of normative theory for religious education in Australian schools). See also Chapter 18, note 10. 7 The difference between spirituality and religiosity (Chapter 8) has been helpful for Religion Studies because the notion of promoting students’ spirituality does not necessarily mean promoting their religious faith in the context of a particular religious tradition. 8 Two examples of student texts produced in support of Catholic Studies in the senior secondary school are: PJ Elliott et al. 2006, Catholic Studies for senior secondary students (To Know, Worship and Love series); K Engebretson 2004, Catholic ethical thinking for senior secondary students.
Bibliography
Within the alphabetical list of publications, there are separate groups of references under the following categories. Each group will be demarcated within a box: Future of schooling literature (Chapter 12) Identity: Writings on psychological and sociological theories of identity (Chapter 6) Identity and Education: Examples of European (and some British) writings on education and identity (Chapters 6 and 16) Learning theories: Examples of writings on learning theories (Chapter 12) New Age spirituality (Chapter 9) Religion Studies: Australian Year 11–12 Religion Studies syllabuses (Chapter 21) Religion Studies: Writings by Australian theorists (Chapter 21) Religion Studies: Examples of Australian student texts supporting state-based programs (Chapter 21) Spirituality: Example writings that informed Catholic psychological spirituality during the 1970s (Chapter 8) Adiga, A et al. 2004, Hanging by a thread: Textile factories throughout Asia face extinction as a longstanding global trade pact is set to expire. Time 1 November, p. 38. Archdiocese of Brisbane 1997, Guidelines for Religious Education (Consisting of curriculum Statement, Profile and Syllabus), Catholic Education Office, Brisbane. Atlas, J 1984, Beyond demographics: How Madison Avenue knows who you are and what you want, Atlantic Monthly October, 49–58: 51. Quoted in Warren 1994. Australia Institute 2005, The wellbeing manifesto, Australia Institute, Canberra. Australian Education Council (& MYCEETYA) 1989, Common and agreed national goals for schooling in Australia (the Hobart Declaration) Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs, Canberra. —— 1999, The Adelaide Declaration on national goals for schooling in the twenty-first century (the Adelaide Declaration), Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs (MCEETYA), Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs, Canberra. Babin, P, & Zukowski, A 2002, The Gospel in cyberspace: Nurturing faith in the Internet age, Loyola Press, Chicago. Baird, J 2004, A life lived for business purposes, Sydney Morning Herald 9 April, p. 29. Barna, G 1994, Baby busters: The disillusioned generation, Northfield, Chicago. 481
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Future of schooling literature (Chapter 12) Sample of recent education literature concerned with the future of schooling. This list has been selected from a larger bibliography (and content analysis) developed by our colleague Joanne Hack. Ancess, J 2004, Snapshots of meaning-making classrooms, Educational Leadership 62(1): 36–40. Beare, H 2001, Creating the future school, RoutledgeFalmer, London. Bottery, M 2000, Education, policy and ethics, Continuum, London. Carneiro, R 2000, On knowledge and learning for the new millennium, Education 2000 Conference of Australian College of Education, http://www.det.nsw.edu.au.aceconf 2000/papers/roberto.htm Retrieved May 2001. —— 2003, On meaning and learning: Discovering the treasure. In S Dinham (ed.) Transforming education, Australian College of Educators, Canberra, pp. 12–24.
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Hoge, DR, Dinges, WD, Johnson, M, & Gonzales, JL 2001, Young adult Catholics: Religion in the culture of choice, University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame. Hoge, DR, Johnson, B & Luidens, DA 1994, Vanishing boundaries: The religion of mainline Protestant baby boomers, Westminster/John Knox Press, Louisville, Ky. Howe, N, & Strauss, B 1993, 13th generation, Vintage Books, New York. —— 2000, Millennials rising: The next great generation, Vintage Books, New York. Hughes, P, & Bond, S 2001, Youth spirituality: A summary of published research relating to youth spirituality, religiosity and values, Uniting Church Education, Melbourne. Hughes, P, Bond, S, Bellamy, J & Black, A 2003, Exploring what Australians value, Openbook, Adelaide. Hull, JM 1989, The act unpacked: The meaning of the 1988 Education Reform Act for religious education. Birmingham Papers in RE, No. 1, CEM and the University of Birmingham. —— 1990, Editorial in the British Journal of Religious Education 12(3): 121–5. —— 1991, Recent changes in religious education in England and Wales, Journal of Christian Education, Papers 101: 5–16. —— 1994, Religionism and religious education. Paper presented at the International Conference on Religion and Conflict, Armagh, Ireland, May. Huntley, R 2006, The world according to Y, Allen & Unwin, Sydney.
Identity: Writings on psychological and sociological theories of identity Related to Table 6.1, Chapter 6. Some references additional to those noted in the table are included. Baumeister, RF 1986, Identity: Cultural change and the struggle for self, Oxford University Press, New York. Brandstädter, J & Rothermund, K 1994, Self-percepts of control in middle and later adulthood: Buffering losses by rescaling goals, Psychology and Aging 9: 265–73. Bruner, J S 1986, Actual minds, possible worlds, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. Cohler, BJ 1982, Personal narrative and life course. In PB Baltes & OG Brim (eds) Life-span development and behaviour vol. 2, Academic Press, New York, pp. 205–41. Engedal, LG, 2006, Homo viator: The search for identity and authentic spirituality in a postmodern context. In K Tirri (ed.) Religion, spirituality and identity, Peter Lang, Bern. Erikson, EH 1963, Childhood and society (2nd edn), Norton, New York. Gergen, KJ 1991, The saturated self: Dilemmas of identity in contemporary life, Basic Books, New York. —— 1994, Realities and relationships: Soundings in social construction, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. Gergen, KJ, & Gergen, MM 1988, Narrative and the self as relationship, Advances in Experimental Social Psychology 21: 17–56. Giddens, A 1991, Modernity and self identity: Self and society in the late modern age, Polity Press, Oxford. Hermans, HJM 1996, Voicing the self: From information processing to dialogical interchange, Psychological Bulletin 119: 31–50. —— 1996, Opposites in a dialogical self: Constructs as characters, Journal of Constructivist Psychology 9: 1–26.
Bibliography
Hermans, HJM, & Kempen, HJG 1993, The dialogical self: Meaning as movement, Academic Press, San Diego. Hermans, HJM, Kempen, HJG, & Van Loon, RJP 1992, The dialogical self: Beyond individualism and rationalism, American Psychologist 47: 23–33. Higgins, ET 1987, Self-discrepancy: A theory relating self and affect, Psychological Review 94: 319–40. James, W 1980, The principles of psychology, vol. 1, Macmillan, London. Kihlstrom, JF, & Cantor, N 1984, Mental representations of the self, Advances in Experimental Social Psychology 17: 1–47. Lash, S & Friedman, J (eds) 1996, Modernity and identity, Blackwell, Oxford. Levin, JD 1992, Theories of the self, Hemisphere Publishing, Washington, D.C. Markus, H, & Nurius, P 1986, Possible selves, American Psychologist 41: 954–69. Marsh, HW 1986, Global self-esteem: Its relation to specific facets of self-concept and their importance, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 51: 1224–36. McAdams, DP 1993, The stories we live by: Personal myths and the making of the self, William Morrow, New York. Rhodewalt, F, & Morf, CC 1995, Self and interpersonal correlates of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory: A review and new findings, Journal of Research in Personality 29: 1–23. Rosenberg, S, & Gara, MA 1985, The multiplicity of personal identity. In P Shaver (ed.) Self, situations, and social behaviour: Review of personality and social psychology, vol. 6, Sage, Beverly Hills, pp. 87–113. Sarbin, ThR. 1986. The narrative as a root metaphor for psychology. In ThR Sarbin (ed.) Narrative psychology: The storied nature of human conduct, Praeger, New York, pp. 3–21. Sheldon, KM, & Emmons, RA 1995, Comparing differentiation and integration within personal goal systems, Personality and Individual Differences 18: 39–46. Taylor, C 1989, Sources of the self: The making of the modern identity, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. Thomae, H 1988, Das Individuum und Seine Welt (The individual and his world) (2nd edn), Hogrefe, Göttingen. Tirri, K (ed.) 2006, Religion, spirituality and identity, Peter Lang, Bern. Tomkins, SS 1987, Script theory. In J Aronoff, AI Rabin & RA Zucker (eds) The emergence of personality, Springer, New York, pp. 147–216. Triandis, HC 1989, The self and social behaviour in differing cultural contexts, Psychological Review 96: 506–20. Woodward, K (ed.) 1997, Identity and difference, Sage Publications, London.
Identity and education: Examples of European (and some British) writings on education and identity (Chapters 6 & 16) Alma, H & Zock, H 2002, I and me: The spiritual dimension of identity formation, International Journal of Education and Religion 3(1): 1–15. Altena, P, Hermans, CAM & Van der Ven, JA 2000, Towards a narrative [identity] theory of religious education: A study of teachers’ aims in Catholic primary schools, International Journal of Education and Religion 1(2): 217–47. Carr, D 2001, Moral and personal identity, International Journal of Education and Religion 2(1): 79–97.
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Cooling, T 1994, A Christian vision of state education: Reflections on the theology of education, SPCK, London. —— 2000, The Stapleford project: Theology as the basis for religious education. In MH Grimmitt 2000, Pedagogies of religious education: Case studies in the research and development of good pedagogic practice in RE, McCrimmons, Great Wakering. Erricker, C & Erricker, J 2000, The children and worldviews project: A narrative pedagogy of religious education. In Grimmitt 2000. Erricker, C et al. 1997, The education of the whole child, Cassell, London. Grimmitt, MH 1987, Religious education and human development: The relationship between studying religions and personal social and moral education, McCrimmons, Great Wakering. Heimbrock, H-G 2001, ‘Religious identity’: Between home and transgression. International Journal of Education and Religion 2(1): 63–78. Heimbrock, H-G et al. 2001, Towards religious competence: Diversity as a challenge for education in Europe, Lit, Münster. Hermans, CAM 2000, Analysing the dialogic construction of identity of religiously affiliated schools in a multicultural society, International Journal of Education and Religion 1(1): 133–65. —— 2001, A three dimensional model of identity of religiously affiliated schools, International Journal of Education and Religion 2(1): 1–26. Jackson, R 1997, Religious education: An interpretive approach, Hodder & Stoughton, London. —— 2004, Rethinking religious education and plurality, RoutledgeFalmer, London. Larsson, R & Gustavsson C 2005, Towards a European perspective on religious education, Artos & Norma, Stockholm. Meijer, W 1991, Religious education and personal identity: A problem for the humanities, British Journal of Religious Education 13(2): 89–94; —— 1995, The plural self: The hermeneutical view on identity and plurality, British Journal of Religious Education 17(2): 92–9. Miedema, S 2004, Religious identity formation for all students and in all schools: A private or/and public role for religion and the positioning of the school, Panorama: International journal of comparative religious education and values 16, Winter/Summer: 50–5. Pajer, F 2003, School-based education and religious culture: A European approach to the problem of teaching religion in school, MEL Bulletin 6, Brothers of the Christian Schools, Rome. Ploeger, A & Sterkens, C 1998, Search for meaning: Education into realms of meaning in a plural society, Kok, Kampen. Schmalzle, U 2001, The importance of schools and families for the identity formation of children and adolescents, International Journal of Education and Religion 2(1): 27–42. Tirri, K (ed.) 2006, Religion, spirituality and identity, Peter Lang, Bern. Vermeer, P & Van der Ven, J 2001, Religious identity formation: An educational approach, International Journal of Education and Religion 2(2): 107–25. Watson, B 2004, Spirituality in British state education: An alternative perspective, Journal of Beliefs and Values 25(1): 55–62. Wright, A 1998, Spiritual pedagogy, Culham College Institute, Abingdon. —— 2004, Religion, education and post-modernity, RoutledgeFalmer, London.
Bibliography
Jackson, R 1997, Religious education: An interpretive approach, Hodder & Stoughton, London. —— 2000, The Warwick Religious Education Project: The interpretive approach to religious education. In M Grimmitt 2000, Pedagogies of religious education: Case studies in the research and development of good pedagogic practice in RE, McCrimmons, Great Wakering, pp. 130–52. —— (ed.) 2003, International perspectives on citizenship, education and religious diversity, RoutledgeFalmer, London. —— 2004, Rethinking religious education and plurality, RoutledgeFalmer, London. James, W 1985, The varieties of religious experience, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. Jones, T 1987, Authentic knowing and religious education, Word in Life 35(2): 10–13. Jung, GC 1964, Man and his symbols, Picador, London. —— 2000, Psychotherapists or the clergy, Collected works vol. 11 (referred to in D Zohar & I Marshall 2000, SQ: Spiritual intelligence, the ultimate intelligence, Bloomsbury, London, p. 166). Keane, R & Riley, D 1997, Quality Catholic schools: Challenges for leadership as Catholic education approaches the third millennium, Catholic Education Office, Brisbane. Kegan, R 1982, The evolving self: Problems and processes in human development, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. —— 1994, In over our heads, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. Klein, N 2000, No Logo, Flamingo, London. Klinger, E 1998, The search for meaning in evolutionary perspective and its clinical implications. In TP Wong & PS Fry (eds) 1998, The human quest for meaning: A handbook of psychological research and clinical applications, Lawrence Erlbaum, Mahwah. Kohlberg, L 1984, Essays on moral development: The psychology of moral development, Harper & Row, San Francisco. Kohn, A 1994, The truth about self-esteem, Phi Delta Kappan 75: 272–83. Krathwohl, DR, Bloom, BS & Masia, BB 1971, Taxonomy of educational objectives: Book II affective domain, Longman, London. Kuhns, W 1969, The electronic gospel: Religion and the media, Herder & Herder, New York. Labich, K 1991, Can your career hurt your kids? Fortune 20 May: 34. Larsson, R & Gustavsson, C 2005, Towards a European perspective on religious education, Artos & Norma, Stockholm. Lazarus, RS 1991, Emotion and adaption, Oxford University Press, New York.
Learning theories: Examples of writings on learning theories (Chapter 12) Vygotsky
Vygotsky, LS 1962, Thought and language, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, Cambridge, Mass. —— 1968, Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. http://www2.cddc.vt.edu/marxists/archive/vygotsky/index.htm http://www.psy.pdx.edu/PsiCafe/KeyTheorists/Vygotsky.htm Constructivist learning theory
Brooks, JG, & Brooks, MG 1993, In search of understanding: The case for constructivist class rooms, Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, Alexandria, Va. Grimmitt, MH 2000, Pedagogies of religious education, McCrimmons, Great Wakering.
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http://www.exploratorium.edu/IFI/resources/constructivistlearning.html http://www.learningandteaching.info/learning/constructivism.htm http://www.educationau.edu.au/archives/cp/04c.htm http://www.my–ecoach.com/idtimeline/constructivism.html http://www.cdli.ca/%7Eelmurphy/emurphy/cle3.html Multiple intelligences
Gardner, H 1991, The unschooled mind: How children think and how schools should teach, Basic Books, New York. —— 1999, The disciplined mind, Simon & Schuster, New York. —— 1999, Intelligence reframed: Multiple intelligences for the 21st century, Basic Books, New York. Emotional intelligence and spiritual intelligence
Goleman, D 1996, Emotional intelligence, Bantam Books, New York. Levin, M 2000, Spiritual intelligence: Awakening the power of your spirituality and intuition, Coronet Books/Hodder & Stoughton, London. Zohar, D & Marshall, I 2000, SQ: Spiritual intelligence, the ultimate intelligence, Bloomsbury, London. Brain-based learning theory
Armstrong, T 1998, Neurological underpinnings of teaching and learning. Brain topics: A handbook for teachers and parents, Ch 3, retrieved 5 May 2001 from Idaho Virtual Campus, http://ivccourses.ed.uidaho.edu/ Caine, R & Caine, G 1995, Reinventing schools through brain-based learning. Educational Leadership 52(7): 43–7. Hardiman, MM 2001, Connecting brain research with dimensions of learning, Educational Leadership 59(3): 52–5. Jensen, E 1998, Teaching with the brain in mind, Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, Alexandria, Va. —— 2000, Brain-based learning: A reality check, Educational Leadership 57(7): 76–80. Scherer, M 2001, Perspectives: The brain and learning, Educational Leadership 59(3): 5. http://www.funderstanding.com/brain_based_learning.cfm http://www.funderstanding.com/vygotsky.cfm http://www.jlcbrain.com/truth.html http://eduscapes.com/tap/topic70.htm http://www.teach–nology.com/litined/brain_learning/ Left-brain, right-brain learning theory
Deutsch, G & Springer, SP 1997, Left Brain, Right Brain: Perspectives From Cognitive Neuroscience (Series of Books in Psychology), Worth Publishers. Ornstein, R 1998, The right mind: Making sense of the hemispheres, Harvest Books, USA. Williams, L 1986, Teaching for the Two-Sided Mind, Touchstone Books, USA. http://www.angelfire.com/wi/2brains/ http://brain.web–us.com/brain/LRBrain.html De Bono six thinking hats
De Bono, E 1992 (1985), Six thinking hats for schools, Hawker Brownlow Publications, Cheltenham, Vic.
Bibliography
—— 2000, Six thinking hats, Penguin, Harmondsworth. http://www.edwdebono.com/ http://www.edwarddebono.com/Default.php http://www.debonoonline.com/ DEEP pedagogical framework
This framework, developed by White, makes use of brain-based learning theory to develop a pedagogical sequence for religious education that stresses the personal construction of meaning. DEEP is an acronym for four movements: Discernment: the generation of personal meaning and understanding; Enrichment: catering for individualised learning; Engagement: a personal choice to be involved in learning; Participation: the communal dimension of learning. White D, 2003, Pedagogy: The missing link in Religious Education, Journal of Religious Education 51(3): 17–27. White, D, O’Brien, K, & Todd, S 2003, Into the deep, KD Publications, Marayong, NSW. Leavey, C & Hetherton, M (eds) 1988, Catholic beliefs and practices, Collins Dove, Melbourne. Leavey, C, Hetherton, M, Britt, M & O’Neill, R 1992, Sponsoring faith in adolescence: Perspectives on young Catholic women, EJ Dwyer, Sydney. Lesser, E 2000, Insider’s guide to 21st century spirituality, Spirituality and Health Spring: 46–51. Levin, M 2000, Spiritual intelligence: Awakening the power of your spirituality and intuition, Coronet Books/Hodder & Stoughton, London. Levine, SV 1984, Radical departures: Desperate detours to growing up, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, New York, Lipsky, D, & Abrams, A 1994, Late bloomers: Coming of age in America, Times Books, New York. Loeb, P 1994, Generation at the crossroads, Rutgers University Press, New Jersey. Lombaerts, H 1998, The management and leadership of Christian schools: A Lasallian systemic viewpoint, Istituto Salesiano Pio XI, Rome. Lombaerts, H & Pollefeyt, D (eds) 2004, Hermeneutics and religious education, Leuven University Press/Peeters, Leuven. Loukes, H 1961, Teenage religion, SCM Press, London. —— 1965, New ground in Christian education, SCM Press, London. —— 1973, Teenage morality, SCM Press, London. Lovat, T 1989, What is this thing called Religious Education? (2nd edn), Social Science Press, Wentworth Falls, NSW. —— 2000, The support text and the public syllabus: A case for integrity, Journal of Religious Education 48(2): 33–6. —— 2002, What is this thing called RE: A decade on? Social Science Press, Sydney. Lovat, T & McGrath, J 1999, New studies in religion, Social Science Press, Katoomba, NSW. Lovat, T & Smith, D 1990, Curriculum: Action on reflection, Social Science Press, Wentworth Falls, NSW. Lovat, T et al. 2006, Studies of religion (3rd edn), Thomson/Social Science Press, Melbourne. Lumby, C 1997, Bad girls: The media, sex and feminism in the 90s, Allen & Unwin, Sydney. Lunn, J 2006, Nice romper, but will it go with the couch? High-end baby gear, Sydney Morning Herald 17 June, Spectrum, p. 26. Mackay, H 1997, Generations: Baby boomers, their parents and their children, Pan Macmillan, Sydney.
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—— 1999, Turning points: Australians choosing their future, Macmillan, Sydney. McCrindle, M 2003, Understanding Generation Y, Prime focus, May. McGrath, J 2005, Expanded frameworks for religious education and learning, Journal of Religious Education 53(2): 52–9. McLaren, P 1989, Life in Schools: An Introduction to Critical Pedagogy and the Foundations of Education, Longman, New York. —— 2003, Revolutionary pedagogy in post revolutionary times: Rethinking the political economy of critical education. In A Darder et al. 2003, The critical pedagogy reader, RoutledgeFalmer, New York. pp. 151–84. McLuhan, M 1967, Understanding the media, Sphere Books, London. Mahedy, W, & Bernardi, J 1994, A generation alone: Xers making a place in the world, Intervarsity Press, Chicago. Majors, R & Billson, JM 1992, Cool pose: The dilemmas of black manhood in America, Lexington Books, New York. Malizia, G & Trenti, Z 1991, Una Disciplina in Cammino: Rapporto sull’Insegnamento della Religione Cattolica nell’Italia Degli Anni 1990 (An evolving enterprise: Report on the teaching of religion in Catholic schools in Italy in 1990), Società Editrice Internazionale, Torino. Malone, PM 1990, Teacher approaches to the planning of religious education: A study of a sample of teachers in Catholic secondary schools in Sydney. Unpublished PhD thesis, Macquarie University, Sydney. Martin, B & Pluck, R 1977, Young people’s beliefs, General Synod Board of Education, London. Maslow, AH 1968, Toward a psychology of being (2nd edn), Van Nostrand, Princeton, N.J. —— 1970, Motivation and personality (2nd edn), Harper & Row, New York. —— 1970, Religions, values, and peak experiences, Viking, New York. Mason, M, Webber, R, Singleton, A & Hughes, P 2006, The spirit of generation Y: Summary of the final report of a three year study, Australian Catholic University, Melbourne. Mavor IG et al. 1977, Religious education: Its nature and aims, Queensland Department of Education, Brisbane. Mavor, IG, Kelly, GM, Munro, JA & Nolan, EH 1982, The RECP model for religious education, Queensland Department of Education, Brisbane. Meijer, W 1991, Religious education and personal identity: A problem for the humanities, British Journal of Religious Education 13(2): 89–94. —— 1995, The plural self: The hermeneutical view on identity and plurality, British Journal of Religious Education 17(2): 92–9. Metherell, T 1990, Excellence and Equity: New South Wales curriculum reform, NSW Ministry of Education and Youth Affairs, Sydney. Originally appearing in NSW Government, 1989, White Paper on curriculum reform in schools in NSW, NSW Government, Sydney, October 1989. Middleton, M 2001, Lutheran schools at millennium’s turn: A snapshot 1999–2000 from slab hut to cyberspace, Lutheran Education Australia Office, Adelaide. Miedema, S et al. 2004, The European Network for Religious Education through Contextual Approaches (ENRECA): Its policy and aims, Panorama: International Journal of Comparative Religious Education and Values 16, Winter/Summer: 10–14. Miller, JA 1977, Index, J. Lacan, Ecrits: A selection (transl. A Sheridan), Tavistock, London. Miller, JL 1990, Creating spaces and finding voices: Teachers collaborating for empowerment, State University of New York Press, Albany, N.Y.
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Monaco, J 1981, How to read a film: The art, technology, language, history and theory of film and media (rev. edn), Oxford University Press, New York. Moore, BS 1991, Religion education: Issues and methods in curriculum design (Texts in Humanities), University of South Australia Press, Adelaide. Moore, BS & Habel, N 1981, When religion goes to school: Typology of religion for the classroom, South Australian College of Advanced Education, Adelaide. Moran, G 1978, What now? What next? In P O’Hare (ed.) Foundations of religious education, Paulist Press, New York. —— 1980, Religious education development, Religious Education Press, Birmingham, Ala. —— 1990, No ladder to the sky, Religious Education Press, Birmingham, Ala. Moses, A 2005, Princess power: A nation of Princesses; the favourite fantasy of Australian women; From theatre to reality TV, the myth of the princess has ever been more popular, Sydney Morning Herald (Spectrum) 6 August: 5–7. Mudge, P, Morrissey, J et al. 1993, Living religion: Studies of religion for senior students, Longman Cheshire, Melbourne. Myers, DG 2004, Happiness. Excerpted from Psychology (7th edn), Worth Publishers, New York. National Curriculum Council 1993, Analysis of SACRE Reports 1993, National Curriculum Council, York. Nelson, B 2002, Schools must teach values, The Age 23 September, p. 13.
New Age spirituality Carey, H 1996, Believing in Australia: A cultural history of religions, Allen & Unwin, Sydney. Carey, K 1982, The starseed transmissions, HarperSanFrancisco. —— 1991, Starseed: The third millennium: Living in the posthistoric world, HarperSanFrancisco. Fox, M 1988, The coming of the cosmic Christ: The healing of Mother Earth and the birth of a global renaissance, Collins Dove, Melbourne. Hanegraaff, WJ 1998, New age religion and western culture: Esotericism in the mirror of secular thought, State University of New York Press, Albany, N.Y. Heelas, P 1996, The New Age movement, Blackwell, Oxford. Houston, J 1987, The search for the beloved: Journeys in sacred psychology, Jeremy P Tarcher Inc., Los Angeles. Kemp, D 2004, New Age: A guide. Alternative spiritualities from Aquarian conspiracy to next age, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh. Kohn, R 2003, The new believers: Re-imagining God, HarperCollins, Sydney. Lewis, JR & Melton, JG (eds) 1992, Perspectives on the New Age, State University of New York Press, Albany, N.Y. Millikan, D 1991, Religion and the new age, St. Mark’s Review 144: 6–9. Millikan, D, & Drury, N 1991, Worlds apart? Christianity and the new age, ABC Books, Sydney. Ormerod, N 1994, New age: threat or opportunity? Australasian Catholic Record 71: 74–81. Saliba, JA 1999, Christian responses to the New Age Movement: A critical assessment, Geoffrey Chapman, London. Sutcliffe, S & Bowman, M (eds) 2000, Beyond New Age: Exploring alternative spirituality, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh.
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Woodhead, L 2004, The spiritual revolution: Why religion is giving way to spirituality, Blackwell, Oxford. Nichols, B 1981, Ideology and the image: Social representations in the cinema, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, Ind. —— 1991, Representing reality: Issues and concepts in documentary, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, Ind. Nicolussi, C 2005, Sydney racing’s day of embarrassment, Daily Telegraph 8 December: 76–7. Nipkow, KE 1991, Pre-conditions for ecumenical and interreligious learning: Observations and reflections from a German perspective, Australian Catholic University Curriculum Research and Development Project in Religious Education, Sydney. Noddings, N 1993, Educating for intelligent belief of unbelief, Teachers College Press, New York. NSW Board of Secondary Education 1989, Aims for schools, NSW Board of Secondary Education, Sydney. NSW Committee Appointed to Survey Secondary Education in New South Wales, 1957, Report of the Committee appointed to survey secondary education in New South Wales (The Wyndham Report), NSW Government Printer, Sydney. NSW Department of School Education 1991, The values we teach: The New South Wales public school system, NSW Department of School Education, Sydney. NSW Government 1989, White Paper on curriculum reform in schools in NSW, NSW Government, Sydney. Nye, R 1996, Identifying children’s spirituality: How do you start without a starting point? British Journal of Religious Education 18(3): 144–55. O’Brien, K & White, D 2004, The thinking platform, KD Publications, Marayong, NSW. Ofsted (Office for Standards in Education) 1994, Religious education and collective worship 1992–1993 (Report), Ofsted, London. O’Murchu, D 1997, Reclaiming spirituality, Gill & Macmillan, Dublin. Oser, FK 1993, Toward a logic of religious development: A reply to my critics. In Fowler et al., Stages of faith and religious development: Implications for church education and society, SCM Press, London. Osmer, R 1989, Challenge to youth ministry in the mainline churches: Thought provokers, Affir mation 2(1). Oswald, L 1993, Teachers told to be moral guardians: Juvenile crime levels prompt push for moral values, Education Review, Weekend Australian 24 April, p. 43. Pajer, F 2003, School-based education and religious culture: A European approach to the problem of teaching religion in school. MEL Bulletin 6, Brothers of the Christian Schools, Rome. Pargament, K 1997, The psychology of religion and coping, Guilford Press, New York. Pastva, L 1986, Sects and cults. In Great religions of the world, St Mary’s Press, Winona, Minn. Pelikan, J 1984, The vindication of tradition, Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. Phenix, P 1964, Realms of meaning: A philosophy of the curriculum for general education, McGraw-Hill, New York. Piccinotti, E 2004, in Nova: Keeping body and soul together 10(12): 40. Piediscalzi, N & Collie, WE (eds) 1977, Teaching about religion in public schools, Argus Communications, Niles, Ill. Pipes, D 1986, Fundamentalist Muslims between America and Russia, Foreign Affairs, 939–61. Pistone, AJ 1990, The administrator as spiritual leader, Momentum 21(2): 12.
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Pitman, S et al. 2003, Profile of young Australians: Facts, figures and issues, Foundation for Young Australians, Melbourne. Pleck, J, & Sawyer, J 1974, Men and masculinity, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Pope John Paul II, 1979, Children and the media, Origins 9(3): 33–47. Pope John Paul II, 1984, Homily, University of Laval Stadium Quebec City, Canadian Catholic Review October: 323–5. Quoted in M Warren 1992, Communications and cultural analysis: A religious view, Bergin & Garvey, Westport, Conn. Pope Paul VI, 1976, Evangelii nuntiandi (Evangelisation in the modern world), St Paul Publications, Sydney. Postman, N 1979, Teaching as a conserving activity, Delacorte Books, New York. —— 1985 Amusing ourselves to death: Public discourse in the age of show business, Heinemann, London. —— 1993, Technopoly: The surrender of culture to technology, Vintage Books, New York. —— 1996, The end of education: Redefining the value of school, Alfred A Knopf, New York. Postman, N & Weingartner, C 1969, Teaching as a subversive activity, Penguin, Harmondsworth. Pountain, D & Robbins, D 2000, Cool rules: The anatomy of an attitude, Reaktion Books, London. Price, S 2004, Christianity is fine, but please don’t mention the church, Sun-Herald (Sydney) 12 September, p. 28. Prime Minister’s Science, Engineering and Innovation Council 2001, Developmental health and well being: Australia’s future, www.dest.gov.au/science/pmseic/documents/Child_health Professional Council for Religious Education 1989, What is religious education? and what use is it? Christian Education Movement, Derby, UK. Quart, A 2003, Branded: The buying and selling of teenagers, Arrow Books, London. Queensland Committee for the Review of the School Curriculum 1994, Report of the Review of the Queensland School Curriculum: Shaping the future, vol. 3, Queensland Government, Brisbane. Reed, S 1991, Spirituality: Access guides to youth ministry, Don Bosco Multimedia, New Rochelle, Refshauge, A 2004, Values in NSW public schools: a Ministerial statement, NSW Department of Education and Training, Sydney.
Religion Studies: Australian Year 11–12 Religion studies syllabuses (Chapter 21) New South Wales
Board of Studies NSW 2004, Studies of religion, Stage 6, Board of Studies NSW, Sydney. Queensland
Queensland Board of Secondary School Studies 2001, Study of religion senior syllabus, Queensland Board of Secondary School Studies, Brisbane. South Australia
Senior Secondary Assessment Board of South Australia (SSABSA) South Australia 2004, Studies of religion curriculum statement, SSABSA, Adelaide. Tasmania
Tasmanian Qualifications Authority 2004, Religion and philosophy 2, 3, 4, Senior Secondary (Tasmanian Certificate of Education), Tasmanian Qualifications Authority, Hobart. —— 2004, Religion and Philosophy 2, 3, 4, Senior secondary, syllabus supplement (Tasmanian Certificate of Education), Tasmanian Qualifications Authority, Hobart.
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—— 2005, Religion and philosophy 5C, senior secondary (Tasmanian Certificate of Education), Tasmanian Qualifications Authority, Hobart. —— 2005, Religion and philosophy 5C, senior secondary, syllabus supplement (Tasmanian Certificate of Education), Tasmanian Qualifications Authority, Hobart. Victoria
Board of Studies Victoria 1999 (2005), Religion and society study design, Board of Studies Victoria, Melbourne. —— 1999 (2005), Texts and traditions Study Design Y 11–12, Board of Studies Victoria, Melbourne. Western Australia
Churches Commission on Education Western Australia 1986, Beliefs and values manual, Churches Commission on Education, Perth. Curriculum Council of Western Australia 2004, Beliefs and values Year 11, 2004–2005 D689, Curriculum Council of Western Australia, Perth. —— 2004, Beliefs and values Year 12, 2004–2005 E689, Curriculum Council of Western Australia, Perth.
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21st-century trauma 214 2nd Vatican Council 174, 375 accountability 297 accreditation 307 across-the-curriculum studies 5, 15, 250 action films 353 Adelaide Declaration on goals for Australian Schools 12, 244 adolescence, prolongation of 146 advertising 139 and identity 166 and television 360–66 culture of 363 ethics in 364 market research 361 Princess campaign 139–42 psychology of 362 spiritual and moral influence of 360 advocacy documentary film 330 aesthetics, and spirituality 196 affective objectives 279 aims for education, gap between theory and practice 301 personal 301 Allport, G 27, 375 attitudes 279 Australian Catholic Bishops Conference 11
Bonhoeffer, D 189 Borg, M 71 Boumer, F 189 Bourdieu, P 117, 356 Boys, M 421 branding 136 Brennan, T 115 Buber, M 277 Campbell, WK 243 Carr, D 272 Carr-Gregg, M 142 catechism 192 change, in culture 53 personal 231, 278–86, 302 chaplains, in public schools 443 character, development of 258 charismatic spirituality 177, 211 Chief Sitting Bull 228, 330 Children and World Views Project 457 children, and media messages 352–3 Churchill, Winston 328 cinéma vérité 333 Clark, R 255 code of teaching ethics 295, 312 coercion 281 Coleridge, ST 304 Coles, R 209 Come Alive, student texts 380 commitments 280 personal 295 professional 296 role of teachers’ views in education 293–8 committed impartiality 295 community 216 Internet 216–17 confessional religious education 471 conscientisation 405 consciousness raising 312, 405 constructivist learning theory 269 consumer spirituality 181, 192 consumerism, targeted 156
Baum, G 210 Beare, H 49, 272 behaviour, and meaning 32 Behe, M 75 beliefs 280 religious 28 belonging, to groups 216 religious 429 Berger, P 114 Biblical scholarship 70 Bloom, B 279 body image 150 Bogle, E 6 Bok, S 222
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contextual approach, spiritual/moral pedagogy 310 Contextual Religious Education 460 controversial issues, teaching of 297 cool, identity 137, 155–66 and violence 166 defensive identity function 158 meaning 45 projective identity function 156 Cooley, C 114 Cooling, T 455, 456 Cooper, A 172 Coopersmith, S 119 coping, and meaning 42 core values for schooling 247 Cox, H 212 Creation Science 74 credentialling 246 crisis of meaning 233 critical consciousness 266 critical interpretation of culture 230, 238, 404 critical pedagogy 266, 460 critical theory 55, 266 and identity 114 Frankfurt School 55 cultural agency 267, 359, 405 cultural change 53 cultural inheritance 54 culture, and traditions 229 critical interpretation of 230, 238, 404 curriculum, spiritual and moral dimension of 4, 241–51, 299–321 Custer, George Armstrong 330 Danesi, M 156 Darwin, Theory of Evolution 26 De Bono, thinking hats 269, 271 de Botton, A 52, 95, 266 De Lors, J 272 de Ruyter, D 272 DEEP pedagogical framework 267, 271 Delaney, B 142 Dembski, W 75 denominational religious education 369–440 aims 473 deschooling 423 developmental theories 234 Dewey, J 264, 266, 277 dimensions of religion, (N Smart) 449 diocesan guidelines for religious education 374, 378 discussion 311 Dobzhansky, T 26 documentary film 329–36 advocacy 330 ‘voice of God’ 332 Do-it-yourself (DIY) generation 215
Eckersley, R 3, 41, 43, 61, 106, 114, 129, 146, 202, 213, 221, 228, 322 ecumenical identity 430 education and socialisation 293 for resistance 267 holistic 16, 244 ideological 266 in identity 233 in meaning 54, 232 in spirituality 236 in meaning, identity and spirituality 16, 18, 228–39 public 243–321 Education Reform Act UK 299, 452 emancipation 266 emotion 279 and meaning 41 and spirituality 193 emotional intelligence 269, 412 emotional learning 284 emotionality, and faith development 414 employment, casualisation of 102 empowerment 265 enfaithing 415 Engedal, L 129 English studies 18 epistemology 30, 76 Erikson, E 27, 89, 107, 409 Erricker, E & Erricker, J 457 ethnicity 123 evaluative study of religion 475 evangelisation 403 evangelising, role of film directors 355 evolution, theory of 26 exhortation 281 experience, and spirituality 181 spiritual 205, 303 experiential, in religious education 372, 447 explicit approach, spiritual/moral pedagogy 305 fable, film and television as 347 faith development 377, 409–21, 423 sponsoring of 423–33 faith, formation 417 mentoring 426 nature of 414 film 322–68 documentary 329–36 feature 336–60 propaganda 327–29 religious 326 film and television, embedded values 341 social reality 342 spiritual dimension of 339 spiritual/moral influence of 323
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Reasons for Living
Fisher, J 200 Flynn, M 376 Foucault, M 265 Fowler, J 83, 107, 409, 432 Francis, L 76 Frank, R 144 Frank, T 156 Frankfurt school of critical theory 55 Frankl, V 3, 24, 27, 53, 61, 80 freedom, of inquiry 286 Freire, P 68, 266, 405 Fromm, E 27 Fuller, R 171, 188 fundamentalism 69 Gadamer, H 57 Galileo 73 Gallagher, S 57 Gaugin, P 27 generational identity 118 Gerbner, G 324 Giddens, A 165 Gilgamesh, Epic of 26 Gilman, S 151 Giroux, H 55 Glasser, W 116 globalisation 104 Goldman, R 75, 447 Gordon, C 333 gospels 45 Gramsci, A 52, 265 Grimmitt, M 114, 451, 453, 464, 471 Groome, T 373, 405, 421, 451 groups, belonging to 216 Habermas, J 55 Hack, J 271 Harajuku 144 Hare Duke, M & Whitton, W 211 healthy meaning 86 Hebdige, D 153 hegemony 52, 265 Heidegger, M 57 Hermans, H 110 hermeneutics 32, 57, 459 and religious education 387, 462 Hill, B 248, 295, 310, 445 Hirst, P 449 Hirst, P & Peters, R 264 Hobart Declaration on Goals for Australian Schooling 245 holistic education 16, 244 holistic movements 188 Hollywood style, in film editing 339 hopes, for education 14 for spiritual development 380
humanistic psychology 174, 414 humour, and meaning 44
idealism 281 identity 89–169 and advertising 166 and consumerism 132 and critical theory 114 and education 120 and externals 132 and glamour 139–47 and lifestyle 142, 144 and logos 135 and marketing 154 and terrorism 98 and violence 97 and youth rebellion 152 civvies day 138 components of 92 cool 137 deficiency in 121 development of 476 economic 101 ecumenical 430 education in 233 emotional dimension to 91 ethnic 123 evaluation of 8 gender 92 generational 118 health 124 in advertising 361 in film study 355 narrative 114 national 103 of Catholic schools 434 of young people 29, 129–69 personal 89 politics 153 projective and defensive functions 94 psychological and social functions 89–105, 429 psychological theories of 107–13 religious 89, 96, 428 resources 125, 235, 428 retail 134, 361 school formal 138 schoolies week 138 search for 132 spiritual 154 validation of 142, 143 vulnerability 133 ideological education 266 ideology 51, 265 image, in advertising 361
Index
imagination 280, 291 and meaning 35 and spirituality 195 influence of film and television 348 role in personal change 291 imaginative identification 292, 348 imaginative rehearsal 36, 348 impartiality, in documentary film 330 inculcation of values 302 inculturation 293 individualism 115 individuality, seduction of 134 indoctrination 291, 470 intelligence 412 emotional 269 multiple 269 spiritual 269 Intelligent Design 74 Internet community 216–17 interpretation 459 intersubjectivity 297 intuition 280 and meaning 35 issue-oriented, content in religious education 395 pedagogy 286, 289, 394 issues, study of 394 Jackson, R 456, 459 James, W 185 Johnson, P 75 Jung, CG 27, 53 Keats, J 45 Kegan, R 88, 107 Kerygmatic movement, in religious education 372 Klein, N 135, 137, 147 Knight, P 162 knowledge, construction of 264 Kohlberg, L 107, 409 Kohn, A 120 Kuhns, W 348 Lacan, J 55, 115 Lake Mungo 25 language, religious 397 Lazarus, R 42 Le Chatelet 299 learning affective 278 brain-based 269, 271 emotional 284 left brain/right brain 269, 271 personal 5, 18, 278–86 social and emotional (SEL) 269, 285 theories 269–71
Leavey, C 376, 423 Lenin 328 Levin, M 187 life structure 117 lifestyle, and identity 142, 144 and meaning 50 and spirituality 215 life-world 207 literacy, religious 460 Little Big Horn 330 liturgies, school 438 Living Values 310 Living Values Education 249 logos and identity 135 Logotherapy 27, 67 Lombaerts, H 386, 406 Lombaerts, H & Pollefeyt, D 462 LOTE (Language Other Than English) 309 Loukes, H 376, 447 Lovat, T 418, 445, 451 Luckmann, T 114 Macdonald, H 330 Majors, P 156 makeover, and identity 154 managerialism 263 Mao Zedong 328 market research, in advertising 361 marketing, and identity 154 Marx, K 38, 87 Marxism 265 masculinity, and identity 167–9 Maslow, A 27, 375 master story 40 May, R 27, 375 McGraw, ‘Dr Phil’ 46 McLaren, J 55, 267 McLuhan, M 117, 129 meaning 5, 23–87 and epistemology 85 and power 67 and reason 27, 84 and religion 38 and social justice 68 and theology 39 articulated personal 33 as beliefs 37 as explanatory construct or theory 29, 32 as interpretation 44 as life-goals 40 as values 37 change in 63 communities of 6, 46, 54, 81 construction of 24–8, 62 contextual framework 64 crisis of 6, 53
515
516
Reasons for Living
cultural 46–59 deficiency in 54, 65, 83, 231 education in 232 emotional 35, 41 evaluation of 8, 406 genetic capacity for making 26 healthy 86 in human relationships 65 in institutions 69 in theology 70 inner resources 44 maturity of narrative structure to 40 of young people 28 personal 30–46 political 51, 68 psychological development of 62–78 psychological function of 24–59 role of psychiatry 27 role of psychology 27 role of religion 26 scientific 72 search for 5, 24–6, 80–8, 399, 401, 458 structural components 36 typology of 3–86 ultimate 37 media 104, 325 Meijer, W 122 mentoring, of faith 426 metaphysics 30 Metherell, T 12, 246, 320 Middleton, M 308 Millikan, D 24 mission, of Catholic schools 434 Moore, B 330, 418 Moore, B & Habel, N 451 moral reasoning 279 morality plays 347 Moran, G 109, 412 Moses, A 142 motivation 32 multiple intelligences 269 music, and spirituality 219 heavy metal 223 myth-making 47–9 mythopoetic, mythopoeic 46 myths, and meaning 40–1 in film and television 350 narrative, in film and television 324 National Values Education framework 245 National Values Education Study 12, 245 Nelson, B 246, 258 neutrality 297 New Age 222 Nichols, B 336 Nietzsche, F 23
Nike 136, 162 Nipkow, KE 386, 403, 430 non-confessional religious education 471 non-evaluative study of religion 475 objectivity, in documentary film 330 obscenity 221 occult 223 Oser, F 107 outcomes 263 faith 379, 416 spiritual 292, 418 values 379 paraliturgies, school 438 parents, expectations of schools 254, 259 partiality 295 pedagogy, critical 266, 460 issue-oriented 286, 289, 394 of the oppressed 266 spiritual and moral issues 311 transformational 271 Pelikan, J 371 Pentecostal/charismatic spirituality 177, 211 person, nature of the human 229 personal change 4, 231, 278–86, 302 education for 5 expectations of 264–74 processes 280–83 personal development 244 constructs for 9 personal learning 5, 18, 278–86 personal meaning 30–46 implied 34 personal teaching 283 personal transformation 269 personalism, in content 392 in process 392 in religious education 375, 391–408 Phenix, P 264 phenomenology 448, 476 physics, new physics 100 Piaget, J 107, 409 Piccinotti, E 172 Pleck, J & Sawyer, J 167 political meaning 51, 68, 265 Pope John Paul II 405 Pope Paul VI 404 Postman, N 329, 348, 357 Postman, N & Weingartner, C 261, 273 postmodernity 52, 84, 182, 191, 387 post-structuralism 191 Pountain, D & Robbins, D 157 power 265 praxis 266, 405 prayer 39 staff 438
Index
Princess campaign, advertising 139–42 privatisation of beliefs 180, 190, 211, 432 process philosophy 186 propaganda film 327–29 psychiatry 27 psychological spirituality 174, 373, 399 psychology 27 humanistic 414 psychology of the learning environment 308 public education, 243–321 public schools, religious education in 443 Qld Religious Education Curriculum Project (RECP) 445, 471 Quart, A 147–53 reality television 342 reason, and meaning 27 reasons for living 3, 11 reflection 281 relativism, and spirituality 210 relevance, content 393 in religious education 375, 391–408 in theology 399 of the church 397 pedagogical 393 religion coordinator, in schools 416 Religion Studies 181, 382, 443–80 aims 473 identity of 445, 469 in denominational schools 478 in UK schools 445–60 relationship with denominational religious education 468–80 religion, and meaning 26, 38 and social science 28 and spirituality 238 origins of 26 religions, world 237 religious, beliefs 28 belonging 429 competence 461 religious education, Christian 447 contextual 460 contrasted with socialisation 424 denominational 7, 443, 371–440 general 7 in Catholic schools 371–440 religious identity 89, 96 religious literacy 460 religious orders 374 religious plurality 459 resilience, and meaning 42 retail identity 361 Ricoeur, P 57, 122, 126 Robeson, P 371 Rogers, C 27, 375
role models 63 in film and television 351 Rossiter, G 444 Rudolf Steiner schools 261 schools, future of 271–74 expectations of 256–63 spiritual and moral role of 256–63, 272 Schrödinger, E 72 scientific rationalism 181 Scorsese, M 339 scripture 46, 70 search for meaning 5, 24–6, 80–8 sects and cults 223 secularisation 180, 189 and youth 207 seduction, in advertising 361, 364 self-esteem 118 self-harm 66 self-improvement 149 self-transcendence 205 Seligman, M 82 semantics 57 Shakespeare 45, 106 Shared Christian Praxis 405 Shields, P 104 Silver, J 355 Smart, N 449 SMS texting 216, 217 social and emotional learning (SEL) 285 social justice, and meaning 68 and spirituality 206 social sciences, and religion 28 social transformation 269 socialisation 293 in faith 424 South Australian Religious Education Project 469 spiritual, and religious 179, 207 outcomes 290 spiritual and moral dimension, to teaching 17 spiritual competence 461 Spiritual Education Project 456 spiritual experience 205 spiritual intelligence (SQ) 24, 269, 412 spirituality 171–225 1970s Catholic 173–7 and connectedness 200 and consumerism 181 and emotion 193 and experience 181 and identity 131 and imagination 195 and music 219 and relativism 210 and social justice 206 and values 198 corporate in school 435
517
518
Reasons for Living
Do-it-yourself (DIY) 196 education in 237 evaluation of 8 generational 26 healthy 198 non-religious 187 of youth, profile 224 Pentecostal/charismatic 177, 211 psychological 174, 373, 399 religious 173 resourcing 427 staff in Catholic schools 434–40 youth 202–5, 385 sponsoring faith development 423–33 Springer, Jerry 46, 285 St Anselm 81 St Exupery, A 23 Stalin 328 Stapleford Project 456 status anxiety 95 Stearns, P 156 stereotypes, in film and television 350 story, and imagination 349 in film and television 324 story-telling 324 in film and television 338 strategic planning 263 Strauss, A 41 suicide 67 youth 28 symbolic interactionism 114 Tacey, D 24, 183 taxonomy of educational objectives 279 Taylor, C 41 teachers, understandings 16 teaching, of values 13 personal 283 rational context for 289 spiritual and moral dimension to 17 television 83, 322–66 religious 326 terrorism, and identity 98 and Islam 98 The Virtues Project 310 theology 399 and meaning 39, 70 Catholic 432 in religious education 372 therapy 285 To know, worship and love, student texts 381 Trainor, K 417 transcendence 185, 205 transformation, personal 269, 271, 273 social 269 transformational pedagogy 271
transformative education 419 trauma, in 21st century 214 truth claims 76 of religion 39 typology of meaning 3–86 typology of religion 451 ultimate meaning 37 unbranding 147 Understanding Faith, student texts 379 VALS advertising typology 362 values 280 and education 12, 320 and spirituality 198 core 247–8 inculcation of 302 nature of 251 teaching 13, 249, 251, 258, 278 values education 249, 258 national framework for 245 video games 218 violence 221 and cool 166 and identity 97 in film and television 353 virtues 280 Virtues Project 249 volition 279 Vonnegut, K 145 Warren, M 349, 359, 362 Warwick Religious Education Project 456 Weber, M 116 wellbeing 212 and meaning 42 manifesto 43 West, M 398 Westerhoff, JH 409, 423 Westhill Project 445, 471 Williams, R 267, 359, 405 wisdom 14 teaching of 315–19 world religions 237, 451 worldview 194, 207 Wright, A 456 Wyndham Report 244 young people, and identity 29, 129–69 and meaning 28 youth, spirituality 202–26 spiritual development 459 suicide 28 Zohar, D 101 Zohar, D & Marshall, I 24, 25, 39, 53, 171, 197
