Proto-Romance Morphology

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE General Editor E.F. KONRAD...

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PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE General Editor E.F. KONRAD KOERNER (University of Ottawa)

Series IV - CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY

Advisory Editorial Board Henning Andersen (Copenhagen); Raimo Anttila (Los Angeles) Thomas V.Gamkrelidze (Tbilisi); Hans-Heinrich Lieb (Berlin) J.Peter Maher (Chicago); Ernst Pulgram (Ann Arbor, Mich.) E.Wyn Roberts (Vancouver, B.C.); Danny Steinberg (Tokyo)

Volume 30 Robert A. Hall, Jr. Proto-Romance Morphology (= Comparative Romance Grammar, 3.)


ROBERT A. HALL, Jr. Cornell University

JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA 1983

The publication of Robert A. Hall, Jr.'s Comparative Romance Grammar has been aided by grants from the Hull Publication Fund of Cornell University.

CIP Hall, Robert A. Proto-romance morphology/Robert A. Hall. -Amsterdam [etc.]: Benjamins. (Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series IV, Current issues in linguistic theory, ISSN 0304-0763; vol. 30) Met index, lit. opg. ISBN 90-272-3522-8 geb. SISO roma 837.3 UDC 804.55 Trefw.: Romaanse talen; historische taalwetenschap; morfologie.

© Copyright 1983 - John Benjamins B.V. ISSN 0304 0763 / ISBN 90 272 3522 8 No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means, without written permission from the publisher.

To Phil, Sue, Rebecca, and Stephen

PREFACE

The present volume is the t h i r d in the series forming a Compar a t i v e Grammar of the Romance Languages. The f i r s t (Hall 1974) dealt with t h e i r "external h i s t o r y , " i . e . the conditions under which they developed, were used, and ( i n some instances) went out of use. The second (Hall 1976) treated the phonology of t h e i r common source, Proto-Romance, as i t can be reconstructed on the basis of the languages themselves and in comparison with Classical L a t i n . S i m i l a r l y , t h i s volume deals with the reconstructed morphology of Proto-Romance. I t i s hoped to present, in future v o l umes, the syntax of Proto-Romance and i t s lexicon. In t h i s f a shion, l i g h t i s cast, not only on Popular Latin speech by means of i t s surviving elements in the Romance languages, but also on the extent to which the comparative method can be regarded as v a l i d and useful in instances where no attestations are available f o r a language as closely related to the reconstructed proto-language as High Classical Latin was to Proto-Romance. In the preparation of t h i s , as of the two previous volumes of the s e r i e s , I have of course drawn upon the great mass of work done by over a century of our predecessors i n Romance l i n g u i s t i c s and philology, and above a l l on the great foundation l a i d by W. Meyer-Lübke in his Romanische Grammatik (1890-1900) and i n his Romanisches

etymologisches

wörterbuch

(191]; t h i r d e d i t i o n ,

1936). I am also indebted to reviewers of Hall 1974 and 1976 f o r positive suggestions, and to my wife Alice M. Colby-Hall f o r valuable discussion of the problems involved in Romance l i n g u i s t i c s and philology. R.A.H. Jr.

Ithaca, N.Y. February, 1983.

A NOTE ON TRANSCRIPTION

In this volume, as in the preceding two volumes of this series, our phonemic transcription differs somewhat from that which is cus tomary in Romance philological works. For typographical conveni ence, we use a free-standing circumflex /^/ following a vowelletter to indicate a phonological component of tenseness, and a free-standing raised dot /•/ for vowel-length. Indication of open ness (often made with a hook under the vowel-letter, e.g. e, 9) and of shortness (often made with a breve over the vowel-letter, as in ) has been omitted as unnecessary. Those who do not like the transcription used here are free to replace it with the customary dot under the vowel-letter or hook over it, and with the customary macron or breve, as shown in the following tables: Our transcription

Customary transcription

Tense vowels:

Our transcription

Customary transcription

Lax vowels:

i^

i

i

ł

e^

e

e

ę

o^

0

0

u^

u

u

Long vowels:

Short vowels:

i.

ī

i

e.

ē

e

a.

ā ō ū

0

o. u.

ų

ě

a

u

u

CONTENTS

I.

INTRODUCTION 1. Morphology in Linguistic Structure 1.0. The Rôle of Morphology 1.1. Types of Morphological Variation 1.2. The Reconstruction of Morphology 1.3. Morphology and Syntax 1.4. Morphophonemic Alternations 1.5. Classical Latin and Romance Morphology

II.

1 1 1 2 3 4 5

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION 2. Morphological and Syntactic C r i t e r i a 2 . 1 . Categories of I n f l e c t i o n 2.11. Gender 2.12. Case 2.13. Number 2.14. Person 2.15. Tense 2.2. D i s t i n c t i v e Syntactic Functions 2.21. Predication 2.22. Protagonism 2.23. A t t r i b u t i o n (Modification) 2.24. Complementation 2.25. Substitution 2.26. Introduction 2.27. Connection 2.28. Minor-Clause Function 2.3. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Forms

7 7 7 8 9 9 9 9 10 10 10 10 11 11 11 11 12

3. Form-Classes: Substantives and Pronouns 3.0. Structure of I n f l e c t e d Forms 3 . 1 . Substantives 3.11. Sub-Classes (Declensions) 3.12. Nouns

15 15 16 16 16

3.13. Adjectives 3.131. Descriptive Adjectives 3.132. Numeral Adjectives 3.14. Morphophonemic Alternations 3.2. Pronouns 3.21. Personal Pronouns 3.22. Demonstrative Pronouns

29 29 33 37 37 37 39

x

PROTO ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY 3.23. Relative-Interrogative Pronouns 4. Form-Classes: Verbs 4 . 1 . The Structure of F i n i t e Forms 4.11. Stems and Stem-Formants 4.12. Conjugations 4.13. Tenses 4.14. Tense-Markers 4.15. Personal Endings 4.16. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Verbs 4.2. Stem A 4.21. Non-Past A 4.22. Past A 4.23. Timeless A 4.24. Imperative 4.25. Future 4.3. Stem B 4.4. Stem C 4.41. Stem-Formants 4.42. Non-Past C 4.43. Past C 4.44. Pre-Past C 4.45. Timeless C 5. Form-Classes: Indeclinables

5.1. Morphophonemic Alternations 5.2. Classes of Indeclinables 5.21. Adverbs 5.211. Interrogative-Relative 5.212. Non-Interrogative-Relative 5.22. Adverbs Having Other Functions 5.23. Prepositions 5.24. Subordinators 5.25. Coördinators 5.26. Minor-Clause-Forms III.

42 47 47 47 49 49 51 51 51 51 51 62 70 70 71 72 72 72 76 76 82 88 101

101 101 101 101 101 103 106 106 107 107

PR0T0-R0MANCE DERIVATION

6. Types of Derivation 6.1. Affixation 6.2. Compounding 6.3. Endocentric and Exocentric Formations 6.4. Practical Considerations

108 108 109 109 110

7. S u f f i x a t i o n 7.0. Automatic Replacement of Phonemes 7 . 1 . Substantives (Adjectives and Nouns) 7.11. On Substantives 7.12. On Verbs

112 112 112 112 117

7.2. Adjectives 7.21. On Substantives 7.22. On Adjectives, Nouns and Adverbs

117 117 119

CONTENTS

xi

7.23. On Nouns 7.24. On Numerals 7.25. On Pronouns 7.26. On Verbs 7.261. Participles 7.262. Other Adjectives Formed On Verbs 7 . 3 : Nouns 7.31. On Substantives and Verbs 7.32. On Substantives 7.33. On Adjectives 7.34. On Nouns and Verbs 7.35. On Nouns 7.36. On Verbs 7.4. Numerals 7.5. Verbs 7.51. The "Supine"-Stem 7.511. Special Morphophonemic Replacements 7.512. Formation of "Supine" Stems 7.52. On Substantives 7.53. On Adjectives 7.54. On Nouns 7.55. On Verbs 7.56. On Adverbs 7.6. Adverbs 7.61. On Adjectives 7.62. On Adverbs

120 121 122 122 122 122 124 124 128 129 130 130 134 138 138 138 138 139 142 142 143 148 149 149 149 149

8. Prefixation 8.1. Verbs 8.11. On Substantives and Verbs 8.12. On Verbs 8.2. Adverbs

151 151 151 152 153

9. Compounding 9.1. Endocentric Compounds 9.11. Adjectives 9.12. Nouns 9.13. Numerals 9.14. Verbs 9.15. Adverbs . 9.2. Exocentric Compounds 9.21. Verbs 9.22. Adverbs

154 154 154 154 154 154 159 159 159 163

IV. FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE 10. I n f l e c t i o n a l Categories 1 0 . 1 . Nouns 10.11. Proto-Indo-European 10.12. Latin 10.120. From PIE to Latin 10.121. Automatic Replacements

.

164 165 165 167 167 167

xii


10.122. Noun-Classes 10.13. Proto-Romance 10.2. Adjectives 10.21. Proto-Indo-European 10.22. Latin 10.221. Automatic Replacements 10.222. Adjective-Classes 10.223. I n f l e c t i o n a l Endings 10.224. Morphophonemic Alternations 10.23. Proto-Romance Adjectives 10.3. Numerals 10.4. Pronouns 10.5. Verbs 10.51. Proto-Indo-European 10.52. Latin 10.53. Proto-Romance 11. Derivational Categories 11.1. Derivational Patterns 11.2. Derivational Processes 11.21. S u f f i x a t i o n 11.22. Prefixation

167 168 170 171 171 171 171 173 173 173 175 175 176 176 178 181 186 186 186 186 187

V. EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE 12. I n f l e c t i o n a l Categories and Morphophonemics 12.1. Loss of Contrasts 12.2. Development of New Contrasts 12.21. I n d e f i n i t e A r t i c l e . . 12.22. Definite A r t i c l e . 12.23. Morphophonemic Developments . . .

189 189 191 191 191 192

13. I n f l e c t i o n a l Classes 13.1. Nouns 13.2. Adjectives 13.3. Pronouns 13.4. Numerals 13.5. Verbs 13.6. Indeclinables

195 195 197 198 199 200 202

14. Derivational Elements 14.1. Suffixes 14.2. Prefixes 14.3. Patterns of Compounding

204 204 205 206

V I . APPENDICES I . Further Comparative Tables Abbreviations I I . L i s t of Proto-Romance Words

208 286 287

CONTENTS

REFERENCES Abbreviations Authors and Titles INDEX OF TOPICS

xiii

293 293 295 .' 303

I.

INTRODUCTION

1. MORPHOLOGY IN LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE

1.0. The Rôle of Morphology There are very few languages in which all words have the same phonological shape in every instance of their occurrence. In the languages with which most of us have regular contact — Indo-Euro pean, Semitic, Finno-Ugric, or even Basque or the Caucasian tongues — variation in minimum free forms ("words") is normal. In some instances, such variation does not convey a difference in meaning, as in, for instance, the alternation of English an before vowels with a before consonants. In others (perhaps the majori ty), a difference in form signals a change in meaning, as in wellknown instances like man

men,

sing

sang

sung.

These differences in form are the object of the branch of both descriptive and historical linguistics termed M O R P H O L O G Y . It is independent of (though not unrelated to) both phonology and syn tax. The former deals with the "articulation" of language which involves phonological units, meaningless in themselves but serving as the "building-blocks," as it were, of elements of the other, or meaningful, articulation. Morphological complexity varies from one language to another, but the rôle of such variation is always to signal one type of patterned difference in meaning or another within minimum free forms. In this, it is fundamentally different from syntactic variation, which signals semantic differences be tween longer combinations involving at least one free form plus either further free forms or else forms which are bound on the phrasal or clausal "level." Of course, in a great many instances one language will signal a given change in meaning by morphologi cal variation, whereas another will signal the same change by syn tactic means. Trite examples are Latin homo '(a) man" hominis 'of (a) man' (morphological variation), as contrasted with French un homme 'a man' d'un homme 'of a man' (syntactic variation). This well-known phenomenon does not, however, invalidate the basic distinction between morphology and syntax, nor the necessity of keeping them apart.1 1.1. Types of Morphological Variation In the Romance languages, as in the Indo-European family in gen eral, we may distinguish fairly sharply between two types of vari ation in linguistic form: I N F L E C T I O N and D E R I V A T I O N . 2 Inflection al variations serve to relate linguistic forms to each other in

2

INTRODUCTION

syntactic combinations, or else (as in vocatives) to indicate spe cifically the absence of further syntactic relationships. The form-classes of Romance, like those of other Indo-European langua ges, are determined by a combination of morphological and syntac tic criteria. Romance substantives, for instance, normally show variations for grammatical gender, number, and (in Proto-Romance and some of its descendants) case. At the same time, their syn tactic functions include (among others) those of acting as sub jects ( P R O T A G O N I S M ) and objects of verbs and objects of preposi tions ( C O M P L E M E N T A T I O N ) . These two types of criteria serve to establish Romance formclasses exhaustively. Derivational variations, on the other hand, play no part in the determination of syntactic relations or of form-classes. Rather, in conjunction with other linguistic el ements (bases), they act as formants for the derivation of further items, all of which belong to one or another inflectional formclass. Both inflection and derivation take place, in Romance, primarily through the grammatical processes of suffixation and prefixation, with morphophonemic alternation playing, for the most part, a secondary and non-significant role (cf. §1.4). 1.2. The Reconstruction of Morphology For us to set up a given form in a reconstructed proto-language, the following types of consistent correspondences3 must be discoverable (or clearly identifiable reasons, e.g. analogical re-formation, for the absence of correspondence must be given) between: A. Sounds; B. Morphological classes (parts of speech); C.

Syntactic functions;

D.

Meanings.

Only if all four of these criteria are met, can the existence of a reconstructed form be considered to have been plausible. We can ascribe a form to Proto-Romance if a consistent set of correspondences, of all four of the types just discussed, is pre sent either: a. In Sardinian and/or Roumanian, and one or more of the lan guages of the Italo-Western group (cf. Hall 1974:9-16); or b. In any one of the three groups just mentioned and in at tested Latin (whether Old or Classical). In either of the circumstances just mentioned, the presence of

MORPHOLOGY IN LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE

3

corresponding forms normally justifies the assumption that they must have existed, not only in our documentation, but also in intervening periods of popular speech. In determining the probable characteristics of the morphology of a reconstructed proto-language, we must proceed in a somewhat different fashion from that used in reconstructing phonological features. For the latter, it is possible to use primarily rootmorphemes in which little or not analogical fluctuation is present (see the comparative tables presented in Volume 2 of this series). Phonetic change over the centuries is, in general, the orime fac tor to be taken into account in phonological reconstruction. In morphology, however, and especially in inflection, the factor of analogy enters — often extensively — into the change of inflec tional and derivational elements and into their distribution throughout the system. Considerable caution is therefore advisa ble in ascribing to a proto-language any features of inflection which do not show wide-spread correspondences throughout the group of related languages. This is especially true for Romance verbs, which have a large number of inflected forms that are highly likely to influence each other's development. On the other hand, if a given form shows a particular irregu larity which is shared by corresponding forms in a group of rela ted languages, this is a good indication that the irregularity was present in the proto-language as well. 4 Thus, in Old North French, the word for 'man' was /όma/ in the oblique singular and /om/ in the nominative singular; and, similarly, Old South French (Provençal) had /ómne/ and / ό m / respectively. Italian, although it has no case-variation, has the form /uόmo/ 'man' in the singu lar, and /uόmini/ 'men' in the plural, corresponding exactly to Roumanian /om/, /oamenV respectively. These irregularities point back to the existence of a Proto-Romance word for 'man' having two stems, /όmo/ and /o'min-A the former serving as nomi native singular, and the latter occurring as a base in all other functions. This observation helps us, in turn, to interpret such forms as Spanish /όmbre/ (Old Spanish /omne/), Portuguese /όm / (Old Portuguese /όm e / ) , clearly from /o'min-/. We would be able to interpret the material in this way even if we were not able to "look in the back of the book," as it were, and discover that Latin had /homo-/ m.sg.nom., and /homin-/ as a base for other forms. 1.3.

Morphology and Syntax

In recent decades, there has been extensive discussion of the relation between morphology (especially inflection) and syntax. The proponents of one extreme position5 maintain that it is ne cessary to present a complete descriptionand analysis of mor pheme-classes (inflection) before proceeding to syntax, since (they argue) the latter depends on the former. At the opposite extreme, others6 reverse the argument entirely, considering syn-

4

INTRODUCTION

tax as primary and morphology as derived therefrom at a "lower" level of structure. Neither of these positions, in the extreme form, is tenable. In all probability, the appropriate order of description will be determined independently for each separate language or language-family, by its specific characteristics, ra ther than by abstract a priori considerations. For the more con servative Romance languages, as for Indo-European in general, the traditional order of inflection first, syntax later, is best, since so much of syntax is correlated with the form-classes in volved and is best described after these latter have been identi fied and expounded. For modern French, on the other hand, as for modern English, syntactical features are at least considerably more important than in more conservative varieties and must be given correspondingly greater weight. Since our discussion is concerned primarily with what can be reconstructed for Proto-Romance (by definition the most conservative of all Romance varie ties), we shall treat morphology in this volume and syntax in Vo lume 4. 1.4.

Morphophonemic Alternations

In many instances, elements which should be classified toge ther as variants of the same unit of linguistic form (i.e. as A L LOMORPHS of the same M O R P H E M E ) show a variation in their phono logical shape. Thus, in Spanish and Italian, the vowel / e / mani fest in, say, the unstressed verb-root /ten-/ 'hold' is replaced in certain stressed forms by /ie7, as in /tiene/ 'he, she, it holds'. Here we have an alternation between /e/ and /ié/, of the type termed M O R P H O P H O N E M I C , since it involves the relationship between phonemes in morphemes. A morphophonemic alternation can be formulated concisely by using the symbol 'alternates with' — e.g., in this instance, /e/ /ié/. The phonemes involved in such an alternation can be classi fied together as forming part of a single M O R P H O P H O N E M E , for which a single cover-symbol (such as a capital letter) can be used and enclosed between upright lines: in this instance, |E| = /e/ /ié/. This typographical practice enables us to use a single morphophonemic transcription for a morpheme inclusive of such variants as we care to include in our definition of the mor phemes involved, as in |tEn-| = /ten-/ /tien-/. Many orthogra phical "irregularities" in the conventional spellings of such languages as English or French are morphophonemic in nature. Thus, the "1iaison-consonants" -s and -t of modern French stand for alternations'of final / z / and /t/ respectively with zero, as in il dort = /ildor/ in /ildorbj / il dort bien 'he sleeps well' as opposed to /ildort/ in /ildortãkor/ il dort encore 'he is still sleeping'. Morphophonemic alternation can be either significant, i.e. con veying in itself a difference in meaning, or non-significant. In some languages, such as English, many such alternations are sig-

MORPHOLOGY IN LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE

5

nificant, as in sing (basic form of the verb) sang (past) sung (past participle) song (noun). In other instances in English, morphophonemic alternations are not in themselves signi ficant: thus |F| = /f/ /v/ is not significant in /najf/ knife (sg.) /nájvz/ knives (pl.). Most Romance morphophonemic alter nations are of the latter type, as in the example of |tEn-| just given. Modern Romance morphophonemic alternations have arisen from conditioned sound-changes in the history of the individual lan guages. The most wide-spread types of modern Romance morphopho nemic alternations will therefore be discussed in Chapter 12 ("Ear ly Developments in Romance"). Such morphophonemic alternations as are to be ascribed to Proto-Romance morphology (e.g. /a/ /eˆ in /fak-/ 'do', imperfective, versus /feˆk-/, perfective, are not frequent enough to warrant special symbolization, and will be treated under the individual forms in which they occur. 1.5.

Classical Latin and Romance Morphology

It has been maintained (e.g. by Mańczak 1977) that Romance is to be derived directly from Classical Latin, without our needing to set up any common ancestral stage for the Romance languages dis tinct from Classical Latin, whether we call it "Vulgar Latin," "Proto-Romance," or anything else. Such an extreme position is untenable, on both negative and positive grounds: A. The Romance languages show no trace of a great many fea tures that were very common in Classical Latin, such as the entire passive voice (and hence the category of deponents), the future tense, and most of the non-finite forms (infinitives, participles) — to limit our examples to verb-inflection and -derivation alone. B. The Romance languages manifest a number of features which were avoided as much as possible in Classical Latin, such as the noun- and adjective-forming suffix / áriu-/ '(person, thing) con nected with ... ', or the extreme ease of formation of first-con jugation verbs on noun-bases (cf. Cooper 1895, passim). That Proto-Romance as it can be reconstructed from the evidence of later Romance was closely related to Classical Latin seems (des pite the arguments of Leonard 1978) beyond question. The situation was undoubtedly similar to that of large modern speech-communities, involving what Hockett (1978:322-325) has termed an "L-complex," with moderate varieties in the middle being mutually intelligible, but with non-intelligibility prevailing between the extremes. Some concern has been caused by the term GRACCHAN L A T I N which I proposed (Hall 1974:16, 71) for the stage immediately preceding the first split between popular and literary Latin. Those who are un happy with the expression Gracchan Latin may perhaps be mollified if we use, instead, E A R L Y C L A S S I C A L L A T I N for the period from

6

INTRODUCTION

Plautus to Lucretius, and H I G H C L A S S I C A L L A T I N for that from Cae

sar and Cicero onward (abbrev. ECL, HCL respectively).

NOTES T O CHAPTER 1

1. For an over-all discussion of morphology in descriptive linguistics, cf. especially Matthews 1974. 2. Occasionally, the distinction between the two is slightly blurred, as when a derivational suffix is added after an inflec tional element, e.g. in German Kinderchen 'little children'. Such instances are, however, rare (cf. Bloomfield 1933:126). 3.

Reformulated from Kent 1932 (19453):15.

4.

As pointed out by Bloomfield 1933:318.

5. Especially G. L. Trager, in a series of pronouncements ranginq from Bloch and Traqer 1942:53 to Trager 1972:49-50: cf. also Z. S. Harris 1951:280-281. 6. As established by L. Tesnière (1959; cf. Guiraud 1971), and, in the middle of the twentieth century, in numerous works by Noam Chomsky and his followers. It would be impossible (and be side the point) to present even a partial bibliography of the latter here; but cf. Hagège 1976 (1983T) for an enumeration and critical evaluation of Chomsky's major works and tenets.

II. 2.

2.1.

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA

Categories of Inflection

In the Indo-European languages (and hence in Romance), the various form-classes or "parts of speech" are determined, as we have just seen, on the basis of both morphological and syntactic characteristics. The morphological characteristics involved fall into "categories of inflection," which, in some instances, convey distinctions in meaning by variation in form. In other instan ces, they are purely or partially formal, having no semantic cor relates1 or only incomplete ones. In Romance, there are six principal categories of inflection which serve to distinguish the several parts of speech: gender, case, number, person, tense, and mood. 2.21. G E N D E R . There is considerable confusion, in almost all grammatical discussion as well as in popular parlance, between the terms G E N D E R and S E X - R E F E R E N C E . In the latter, a variation in inflectional forms is correlated with variation in the physi 2 cal sex of the referent, as in the English pronouns he, she, it. Gender, on the other hand, is a purely grammatical phenomenon. It involves obligatory agreement, in one formal respect or ano ther, between the elements of a construction in which one element modifies another—usually, but not exclusively, an adjective and the noun it modifies. A grammatical gender is a C O N C O R D A N C E C L A S S , i.e. a group into which fall those forms which are requi red to vary in a given way when they are combined, as attributes or heads, with certain forms of another part of speech. From traditional grammar, we are accustomed to regarding the three grammatical genders of M A S C U L I N E , F E M I N I N E , and N E U T E R as normal. This division is valid for inflectionally conservative Indo-European languages such as Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, or Rus sian. In some non-Indo-European languages, e.g. those of the Ba ntu family, there can be as many as twenty or more concordanceclasses.3 For no Romance language (including reconstructed Proto-Romance), however, need we set up more than two grammatical genders. These might just as well be called "blue" and "orange," or "A" and "B"; but, since most (not all) terms referring to males fall into the one, and most referring to females fall into the other, we can retain the traditional terms M A S C U L I N E and F E M I N I N E provided we understand that the sex-reference involved is only partial and is not the essential factor in the distinction

8

PROTO-ROMANCE

INFLECTION

between the grammatical genders.4 The wide-spread use of the term N E U T E R for certain phenomena in Portuguese, Spanish, and Roumanian is unjustified. This category in Ibero-Romance is bet ter termed "abstract" (e.g. Spanish lo 'the matter, that which is ... ', esto 'this matter', eso 'that matter'), and does not derive historically from the Latin neuter.5 The Roumanian "neu ter" nouns are, from the inflectional point of view, simply A M B I GENES, i.e. they belong to one gender in the singular and to the other in the plural.6 2.12. CASE. Morphologically speaking, the term C A S E refers to a variation in form which signals the syntactic relation of an item to other items in a given type of construction.7 All Romance languages manifest distinctions of case in their pronominal sys tems (except for Romance-based creoles), and some (Roumanian, Old South and North French, together with relics in Old Sardinian, Rhaeto-Romance, and Franco-Provencal) in substantival inflection is well. The following case-distinctions are found: 1. N O M I N A T I V E , used primarily to indicate the protagonst ("subject," §2.22) of a predication (§2.21); as an attribute n a predicate (§2.23); as a citation-form, to tell what a person or object is called (whence the term N O M I N A T I V E or "naming-form"); and, when there is no separate vocative-form (cf. the next paragraph), to call or apostrophize some-one or something. 2. V O C A T I V E , used to call or apostrophize some-one or omething, and normally not modifying other elements of an utternce, but forming a separate minor clause. 3. G E N I T I V E (possessive), used in attributive relationhip (§2.23) to a noun — or, less frequently, as complement in a erbal phrase, §2.24), indicating a close relationship, especialy that of a possessor to a thing possessed, or (when modifying a erbal noun) the direct object of the action referred to by the erb-root; also as object of certain prepositions. 4. D A T I V E , normally used as complement in a verbal hrase (§2.24), indicating the person or thing to whom something is given or for whose benefit something is done ("indirect object"); or, on occasion, as object of certain prepositions such a PRom. /a(d)/ 'to'. 5. O B L I Q U E or "general" case, fulfilling on occasion the functions of the vocative, genitive, or dative (nos. 2-4 above), and also that of "direct object" complement of a verb (§2.24) and after many prepositions. 6. P A R T I T I V E , an inflection which certain Italian and ¡turian dialectal forms require us to reconstruct for Proto-Romance, derived from the Latin ablative and referring to substances (e.g. wheat, iron, etc.) viewed as masses rather than as sin-

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA gle units.8 The PRom. partitive could be used as subject (pro tagonist) in a clause, as direct object in a verbal phrase, or as object of a preposition. 2.13. NUMBER. In the earlier stages of the Indo-European lan guages, there were three numbers manifested in both substantival and verbal inflection: singular (referring to one), dual (two), and plural (more than two). The Romance languages, however, have only a contrast between singular (one) and plural (more than one), with no trace of a special dual inflection.9 The Ro mance singular normally refers to a single person or thing, but in a few instances it may refer to an indefinite number (as in Span. /d θe/ dice 'people say, it is said'. Similarly, the plu ral in Romance refers to either a specific number or an indefin ite number, but always more than one — never, as in modern Eng lish, to a single undefined person ("if somebody telephones, tell them ... " ) . 2.14. P E R S O N . This category refers to the distinction between the speaker, alone or together with others (first person singul ar and plural, respectively); the one or ones spoken to (second person singular and plural); and some person(s) or thing(s) which is/are neither the speaker nor the person spoken to (third person singular and plural). The third person singular, being unmarked for either person or number, is the natural form for impersonal reference, e.g. in verbs denoting meteorological phe nomena such as PRom« /piό it/ 'it rains', /tonat/ 'it thunders'. 2.15. T E N S E . In traditional grammatical discussion, this term corresponds to Fr. temps, Span. tiempo, It. tempo, etc. 'time', and refers to difference with respect to the time of the action (present, past, future). For discussing Romance phenomena, how ever, it is better to extend the meaning of the term T E N S E be yond simple time-reference, to include also the distinctions commonly termed M O O D and A S P E C T . A T E N S E , for Romance, is best defined as 'a set of verbal forms differing in their person- and number-reference but having the same reference to time, mood, and/or aspect'. Verbal forms belonging to tenses (hence, by definition, in flected for person and number) are called FINITE; those not hav ing such inflection are N O N - F I N I T E . The latter normally belong to other parts of speech than the verb-root on which they are based, and, descriptively speaking, their formation should be treated under derivation rather than inflection. It must be re membered, however, that in the course of linguistic change there are extensive cross-currents of influence between finite and non-finite forms (especially, in Romance, past absolutes and past participles). 2.2.

Distinctive Syntactic Functions The syntactic functions which serve to distinguish inflec-

9

10


tional classes are: predication, protagonism, attribution, com plementation, substitution, introduction, and connection. 2.21. P R E D I C A T I O N is the' function of making a statement con cerning a situation, and is normally fulfilled in Romance lan guages by a verb (usually, though not always, a finite one). The section of the utterance containing such a verb as its principal element is the P R E D I C A T E . In the more conservative Romance lan guages, the central element of the major or favorite clause-type is the predicate, with a finite verb whose person- and numberreference can stand alone (being made clear 10by the non-linguis tic environment), or can (in most instances ) be amplified by the optional addition of a subject (see the next paragraph). 2.22. P R O T A G O N I S M is the indication of the topic or P R O T A G O N I S T of an utterance on which a predicate comments and to which it refers minimally by the person and number of the verb. In the earlier-attested Indo-European languages and likewise in conser vative varieties of Romance, a predicate can stand alone with no further indication of its protagonist (normally when this latter is clear from the linguistic or non-linguistic context). The person- and number-reference of the verb can be further explica ted by a noun or pronoun, normally (where case-distinctions are present) in the nominative; the element which thus explicates the predicate, and whose person, number, and case are determined by it, is the S U B J E C T of the clause. 2.23. A T T R I B U T I O N ( M O D I F I C A T I O N ) is the function exercised by a form when it is combined with another in a construction and its position and/or grammatical shape is determined by the form with which it is combined, i.e. with which it A G R E E S . Thus, in Span./eipapéibiánko/ el papel blanco 'the white paper' and /lakasabiánka/ l a casa blanca 'the white house', the definite ar ticle /el la/ 'the' and the adjective /blanko -a/ 'white' are in attributive relation to the nouns /papel/ papel 'paper' (m.) and /kasa/ casa 'house' (f.) respectively, and their position, number, and grammatical gender are determined by this fact. Here, the definite article and the adjective are attributes of their respective nouns, and M O D I F Y them (DEPEND on them, are D E P E N D E N T on them). 2.24. C O M P L E M E N T A T I O N is the function exercised by elements at tached to a verb, which (in traditional terminology) C O M P L E M E N T it. The various types of verbal complements include: 1. Objects (nouns or pronouns), both direct (normally, when case-distinctions are present, in the oblique case [§2.12.5], and in some Romance languages introduced by a prepo sition 11 ); and indirect (marked by the dative case, §2.12.4). 2. Predicate adjectives or nouns, normally in the nomi native, and referring to the protagonist of the situation indi-

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA

11

cated by the verb, hence limiting protagonism to the number of the predicate noun or adjective and also to the grammatical gen der of the adjective, as in Old Sardinian /solusiokkísi/ solus l ' o c k i s i 'I [m.] alone killed him'. If a noun or pronoun sub ject explicating the protagonist is present, its number and gen der is similarly limited by the consideration just mentioned. 3. Other complements, usually termed ADVERBIALl. These may be either single forms (adverbs or other parts of speech functioning as adverbs), phrases (usually exocentric, introduced by prepositions) or clauses. Such complements indicate aspects of the situation which the hearer or reader is to take into con sideration as relevant to whatever the verb tells him. 2.25. S U B S T I T U T I O N . Certain forms act as S U B S T I T U T E S for others, thereby avoiding the necessity of repeating elements al ready known to the hearer or reader from preceding utterances or the non-linguistic context. The element replaced is the A N T E C E D E N T of the substitute-form, and the semantic reference of the substitute to its antecedent is termed A N A P H O R A . The best-known substitutes are of course the PRONOUNS (of various types: perso nal, interrogative, relative, demonstrative, indefinite). The Romance languages have also developed other types of substitutes. Among these are the P R O - P H R A S E S , which take the place of phrases introduced by certain prepositions (e.g. French /i/ y and /ã(n)/ en), and the P R O - P R E D I C A T E - C O M P L E M E N T , which replaces a predi cate adjective or noun, or certain types of adverbial comple ments (e.g. the invariable French /l(ə)/ le, Spanish and Italian /lo/

lo).

2.26. I N T R O D U C T I O N . The function of certain forms is to precede others (whether single or in longer sequence) and introduce them while indicating the way in which they are related, both gramma tically to the rest of the utterance and semantically to the si tuation. Forms which thus introduce phrases are P R E P O S I T I O N S (e.g. PRom. /a(d)/ 'to', /per/ 'for'; the element following a preposition is its O B J E C T . Forms introducing clauses are termed C O N J U N C T I O N S . If they introduce clauses which have an equal function with other clauses in the utterance, they are C O O R D I N A TORS or COORDINATING conjunctions. If, however, they introduce clauses which are included ("embedded") in larger constructions and which are thereby subordinate to some other element of an utterance, they are S U B O R D I N A T O R S or S U B O R D I N A T I N G conjunctions. 2.27. C O N N E C T I O N . Certain elements, which are not conjunctions in that they do not introduce only clauses, are used to connect two or more elements, normally of the same form-class and func tion, thus forming universal combination-types (e.g. PRom. /et/ 'and', /a t/ 'or'. These elements, often termed "coordinating conjunctions," are better termed CONNECTORS. 2.28.

MINOR-CLAUSE FUNCTION.

Certain forms are normally used

12


alone to form minor clauses, or are only rarely included in lar ger constructions. Of this type are, not only interjections (exclamations), but also vocatives and expressions used for greeting and leave-taking (e.g. modern Italian /cao/ ciao 'hi!; good-bye!') and indications of assent or denial. 2.3. Classification of Forms Using the criteria set forth in §2.2, we can establish the inflectional form-classes of Proto-Romance as shown in Table I. To emphasize the fact that these classes are to be arrived at purely inductively on the basis of their morphological and syn tactic characteristics, they are referred to in the table only by letters and superscript numerals. The equivalence of these letters and numerals with our generally accepted grammatical terms is as follows: A A1 A2 B C D D1 D2 D3 D4 D5

Substantives Nouns Adjectives Pronouns Verbs Indeclinables Adverbs Prepositions Conjunctions Coordinators Interjections and other minor-clause-forms

In our discussion, we shall use the traditional terms, but it must be understood at all times that we are defining them by the criteria discussed in this chapter and summarized in Table I, rather than by the.customary vague characterizations such as "a noun is the name of a person, place, or thing."

NOTES TO CHAPTER 2

1. A good example of a purely grammatical inflectional fea ture is the Melanesian Pidgin English adjectival suffix /-f l /, whose only function is to tell the hearer "the word to which

-

-

Attribution Complementation: + Object + Pred. Compl. Adverbial -

-

-

Minor-Clause Function

-

Substitution Introduction: Phrases Clauses Connection

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

+

+

+

-

-

+

+

+

+

C

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

TABLE I: PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTIONAL CLASSES

+

+

-

+

+

+

+

-

+

+

+

-

+

2

B

1 only

+

Predication Protagonism

Gender Case Number Person Tense

Criteria:

Form-Classes:

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

D

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA 13

14


this is attached is an adjective used attributively"; cf. Hall 1943a:25. 2. Cf. Hall 1951. English nouns and pronouns (pace Hockett 1958:231-233 and many others) have no grammatical gender; and we have the inflectional category of sex-reference in our thirdperson singular pronouns and possessives, and nowhere else. 3.

Cf. Gray 1939:190.

4. We need think only of the arbitrary assignment of grammatical gender to such nouns referring to living beings as French le lapin 'the hare' (m.), la souris 'the bat' (f.), la victime 'the victim', la sentinelle 'the sentinel' (f.), and corresponding words in other Romance languages. For non-animate things, the assignment of grammatical gender is, as is well known, completely arbitrary; the use of the "masculine" with, say, le fleuve 'the river' and of the "feminine" with la rivière 'the river' has no relation at all to sex. 5.

Cf. Hall 1965.

6. The only respect in which the term N E U T E R may be applied to the Roumanian ambigenes is semantic, in that they all have [ - observable sex] as a common feature, whether natural or ar bitrary (ascribed); cf. Hall 1972. We may disregard the unne cessary assumption of a "neuter" gender for Italian (as suggest ed by Bonfante 1961, 1964, 1977; cf. also the reply of Migliorini 1963). 7. I do not accept the theory of Fillmore (1968) and his followers that there is a category of case, whether marked mor phologically or not, in some kind of imaginary neo-Platonic ideal "deep structure." Fillmorean case-grammar confuses lin guistic relationships with those prevailing non-1inguistically between elements of the world around us. 8. Cf. Hall 1968; Messing 1972. The terms "neuter of mate rial" or "collective neuter," often applied to the Asturian and Italian forms, are misleading and should be abandoned. 9. Semantically, a few Italian noun-plurals in -a show tra ces of dual reference, as in /lelen¢uόla/ le lenzuola 'the bedsheets (counted by pairs)1 /ilen¢uόli/ i lenzuoli 'the bedsheets (not by pairs)'; a true dual never developed, however, from these few instances (cf. Hall 1956). 10. With certain verbs, however, such as the impersonals referring to meteorological conditions (cf. §2.14) when used in their literal meaning, no subject is possible; cf. Hall 1980a. 11. Notably in Ibero-Romance and Roumanian; cf. the discus sions of the Romance "prepositional accusative" by Müller (1971) and Rohlfs (1971).

3.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

In Chapters 3-5 we shall enumerate and describe the inflec tional characteristics of the several form-classes (parts of speech) of Proto-Romance, insofar as they can be reconstructed by comparison of the Romance languages or inferred with the as sistance of Latin (especially Popular Latin) attestations. The task of the grammarian, with respect to the inflectional system of a language, is to state the elements which enter into the combinations found in inflected forms, their distribution, and their meanings. 3.0.

Structure of Inflected Forms

Proto-Romance inflected forms, like those of the more con servative Romance languages down to the present day, were built on a STEM, which in its turn consisted of a ROOT plus a S T E M F O R M A N T . To the stem were (and still are) added I N F L E C T I O N A L E N D I N G S . Thus, such forms as PRom. and Span. /kas-a-s/ 'houses' show these three elements (here separated by hyphens, indicating breaks between inflectional elements): the root /kás-/, the stem-formant (for nouns of this declension, the stem-vowel /-a-/, and the ending /-s/, which in Proto-Romance marked case (oblique) and number (plural), but which in Spanish signals only the plural. In Italian and Roumanian /kas-e/ 'houses', the end ing /-e/ like-wise signals number, and has replaced the stemvowel (It. /-a-/, Roum. /-a-/) which appears in the singular (/kás-a/ and /kás- / respectively). Using the morphophonemic symbol A for 'replacement of the stem-vowel by ... ', we may symbolize the Italian and Roumanian plural-endings in this in stance as |-Δe|. For verbal forms, we must recognize the existence of more than one verb-stem (two in Proto-Romance, Sardinian, and Rouma nian; three in Italian and Western Romance). We must also iden tify, under the heading of inflectional endings, both T E N S E M A R K E R S and P E R S O N - A N D - N U M B E R - M A R K E R S . With both of these, the absence of an element can function as a marker, and, for book-keeping purposes, will be termed a ZERO-element.1 Thus, in PRom. /kant-a-ba-t/ 'he was singing', the stem is /kant-a-/, consisting of the root /kant-/ plus the stem-vowel /-a-/ ; the tense-marker of the past built on this stem (the "imperfect") is /_ba_/ ; and /-t/ is the third person singular ending. The first

16


person singular imperfect is constructed similarly, but has zero for the first singular ending in this tense: /kant-a'-ba/. In PRom. /kánt-a-t/ 'he sings', we have the stem /kant-a-/, zero as tense-marker of the present, and the 3.sg. ending /-t/; in /kant-o/ 'I sing', we have the stem /kant-a-/» the tense-marker zero, and the l.sg. personal ending /-Ao/. The position of the stress is to be stated separately for each tense. 3.1. Substantives Under the heading of substantives come N O U N S (which normally manifest only one grammatical gender; cf. §2.3 and Table I) and A D J E C T I V E S (which manifest both). Since the sub-classes of ad jectives are almost wholly combinations of those which are to be set up for nouns, we shall describe first those of the latter. 3.10. S U B - C L A S S E S ( D E C L E N S I O N S ) are determined by the stem-vow el manifested in the noun-forms. The stem-vowel and the gramma tical gender are, in most instances, the same in both numbers, but in certain sub-classes the sinqular has a different stemvowel and/or gender from that of the plural. 3.11. N O U N S . The following noun-declensions are to be set up for Proto-Romance: I. Stem-vowel: /a/, e.g. 203 /korda/ 'cord', 179 /kása/ 'house'. a. Declensional Endings: i. Singular: Oblique, Nominative, Vocative: zero. Stem + ending = /-a/.

Genitive, Dative: /-Ae/. ii. Plural : Oblique: /-s/. Stem + ending = /-as/. Nominative, Vocative: /-Ae/. Genitive: /-ru/. Stem + ending = /-a'ru/. b. Gender: usually feminine. c. Examples: see Table II. d. Remarks: i. Roumanian has a separate vocative in /-Ao/, as in /soro/ soro! 'o sister!'; /mar o/ Mario! 'o Mary!, which is used with some (not all) feminines in /-a/; it is becoming obsoles cent. 2 By4some,3 it has been ascribed to a Slavic superstratum; by others, to the Latin nominative in /-a/ plus the ending /-Ao/ = the exclamation /oˆ/ '0!'. Decisive evidence is lacking.

kόrda

koárda; kásə

kόrda; kása

kόrda; kása

kόrd

kόrdə; kásə

kuéda; kásə

kόrda; kása

kόrda; kása

k(h)orda; kasa

Sard.

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

Obl-Nom-Voc Sg

k(h)orda s; kasa-s

kόrdas; kásas

kόrdas; kázas

kuérdas; kázas

kόrdəs; kázəs

kόrdəs

kόrdas; kázas

kόrdas

Obl Pl

k(h)orda rum; k(h)ordae; kasae

kasa rum

kordáru; kasáru

(-áro)

Gen Pl

kόrde; káse

kόrde; káse

koárde; káse

Nom-Voc Pl

TABLE II: NOUN-DECLENSION I (EXAMPLES)

k(h)ordae; kasae

korde; káse

či s

(pόrte)

koárde; káse

Gen-Dat Sg

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS 17

18


ii. The genitive-dative in /-Ae/ has been preserved as a regular feature of inflection, down to modern times, only in Roumanian. There are isolated survivals, however, in Old Ital ian and Old North French which confirm our ascription of this case-ending to Proto-Romance. The earliest attestations of Old Italian, the Placiti cassinesi of the 960's, have such forms as /partesantemar e/ parte Sancte Marie 'the party [i.e. the ab bey] of St. Mary', Similar genitives occur in Tuscan placenames, e.g. /víapo'rtesantemaríe/ Via Porte Sante Marie 'St.-Ma ry's-Gate-street'. There is no need to follow most commentators in seeing a Latinism in these and similar genitives (cf. also the discussion in section II, below). 5 Old French /čiaæs/ chiés 'at the house of' ( > Modern French /šeˆ Z / chez) clearly points back to a Proto-Romance dative-genitive /kase/ = Latin /kasae/ casae, dative. iii. The relation of the Italian and Roumanian pluralendings /-Ae/ to the Proto-Romance ending /-as/ ( = Lat./-a s/) has been the object of considerable debate. They are in comple mentary distribution with the ending /-as/ in the other Romance languages, and this fact has led some scholars6 to trace them back to that ending, as a phonetic development, thereby elimina ting PRom. /-Δe/ and Lat. /-ae/ from consideration. In favor of this position, it is urged that forms ending in /-a s/ are used in Old Latin and Late Latin in nominative as well as accusative function. Against this view, it can be pointed out 7 that there has obviously been a great deal of analogical fluctuation be tween endings in both Roumanian and Old Italian. Many first-de clension nouns in Roumanian have their plural in /-Ai/ rather than /-Ae/, e.g. /or i / ori 'hours' ( : /όrә/ oră 'hour), by ana logy with the /-Ai/ of the second declension (see below). Old Italian likewise had a number of first-declension plurals in /-Ai/, e.g. /lepόrti/ le porti 'the doors ', and also some in /-Aa/, e.g. Tusc, /lakapra/ la capra 'the goats', Lunigiana /dό^dόna/ 'two women'. These endings cannot all come from /-as/. The best solution is to regard all final vowels in Rou manian and Italian as coming from the corresponding vowels in Proto-Romance (with loss of a following / - s / where this conso nant was present earlier; cf. Hall 1976:80), and discrepant cor respondences as due to analogical replacements. iv. The ascription of a genitive plural /-aru/ to Proto-Romance rests on tenuous evidence, much less sure than that for a corresponding ending /-ό^ru/ in the second declension (see below). Old North Italian /paradisdeli¢iáro/ paradis deliciaro 'paradise of delights' (in Uguccione da Lodi) can fairly be sus pected of being a Latinism. In the place-name Monte de S p e i e n garu (attested in the Old Italian Codex C a v e n s i s 9 ) , however, we have a clear survival from a period when phrases introduced by /de/ in genitive function were replacing the no longer under stood inflected forms in /-a'ru/; in this instance, the two phrase-types were fused.

;

duéņo; iérro

duéņu; iérru

dόno ; férro

dόmnu; férru

dominu-; ferru-

Cat.

Span.

Astur.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1. 2.

;

;

;

dominus

dόminus; férrus domine

dόmne

doámne

Voc.Sg.

domini ; ferri

dόmini^; férri^

(pergoáldi)

Gen.Sg.

ferro (d)4

férroˆX

iérro

férroX

Part.Sg.

TABLE III: NOUN-DECLENSION III-A —

SINGULAR (EXAMPLES)

With discrepant /-a-/, probably due to the influence of 706 /dámnu/ '(power to do) harm; rule'. Old Sardinian. 3. Old Catalan. 4. Ablative, with /-d/ in Old Latin.

Notes to Table III:

dám 1 ; fér

ONFr. (ğuğa¢) 3

dόn¢; férs

dόn; fér

OSFr.

férra

dόn¢; férs

dό^nnu; fé^rru

SIt.dial.

;

;

dόnno; férro

Ital.

;

dόmn(u-); fiér(u-)

Roum.

(solus) 2

dόmnu; férru

Nom.Sg.

Sard.

Obl.Sg.


20


Stem-vowel s: /-u/ in obL., nom.sg., /-of elsewhere: e.g. 1094 /dόmnu/ 'lord', 117 /ferru/ 'iron'. a. Declensional endings: i. Singular: Oblique: zero. Stem-vowel + ending = /-u/. Nominative: /-s/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-us/. Vocative: /-Δe/. Genitive: /-Δi/. Partitive: /-Δo x /. ii. Plural: Oblique: /-s/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-os/. Nominative-Vocative: /-Δi/. Genitive: /-ru/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-óˆru/.

II-A.

b. c. d.

Gender: normally masculine, except for 235 /mánu/ 'hand'. Examples: see Tables III, IV. Remarks:

i. That the Proto-Romance oblique singular of this de clension had /-u/ rather than /-o/ is shown by the survival of /-u/ in Sardinian, Roumanian, and South Italian dialects and Asturian. 10 In the three last-mentioned varieties, there is a con trast between /-u/ and /-o/, as in Asturian /múču/ 'much' (adj., < /raúltu/) /múc / 'very' (adv., < /múlto/). ii. The nominative singular ending /-s/ is attested by its survival in Old South and Old North French, in both of which a two-case system contrasts this ending with zero ( < /-u/) in the oblique singular. iii. A special vocative in /-Δe/ is found only in Rou manian, where it occurs mostly, but not exclusively, with nouns referring to persons (proper names and titles): e.g. /doámne/ Doamnel 'Lord!'; /kolonéle/ colonelel

' colonel!'; /petre/ Petrel

'Peter!'. It can also occur with nouns that are followed by the "suffixed" definite article: e.g. /dόmnule/ domnule! 'Sir! (lit. The gentleman!)'; /dobitόkule/ dobitocule! 'eaglet!'. Even if, as some maintain, 11 there may have been Slavic influence in keep ing the vocative case alive in Roumanian, the /-e/ of the mascu line singular clearly corresponds to the same ending in Latin and hence must have been present in Proto-Romance.


21

iv. For the genitive singular, the same considerations apply as expounded above for the ending /-Ae/ of the first de clension (cf. §3.1.I.d.ii). The Placiti Cassinesi of the 960's have SUCh forms as Pergoaldi

'of Pergoald' and Sancti

Benedicti

'of St. Benedict'. In the latter we have Central Italian umlaut in the -i- of Benedicti.12 There are also certain Romansh pro per names whose final consonants point back to the previous pre sence of a final /-i/, e.g. /lorenc/ 'Lawrence' < /lauréntii/. v. Virtually all scholars have considered that the Latin ablative did not survive in Romance, except in a few individual words or phrases where it had lost its case-function, such as Port. /agora/ 'now' < PRom. /akόˆra/ : Lat. /ha k ho ra / 'in this

hour'. There is, however, in certain Central Italian and Asturian dialects, a contrast between distinct forms of some nouns, best interpreted as a difference between "mass-nouns" and "count-nouns". Thus, in Lena (Asturias), we find, say, fiérro 'iron' (as a col lective or mass-noun) fiérru 'iron' (as a single piece, e.g. a smoothing-iron); in Servigliano (Ascoli Piceno) lo péššo 'the fish' (collective) lu péššu 'the (single) fish'. In other dia lects, absence of palatalization or of umlaut points back to a PRom. /-o/, as opposed to its presence caused by a final /-u/. In Neapolitan and some other South Italian dialects, mass-nouns manifest syntactic doubling of their initial consonants after the m.sg. definite article, whereas count-nouns do not, e.g. Neap. o mmelә 'the honey' ( < PRom. / (il)loˆmméle/)

o kanә 'the dog '

( < PRom. /(il)lukáne/). These various phenomena point back to the presence of final /-o ˆ x / (i.e. /oˆ plus syntactic doubling) in Proto-Romance mass-nouns and their accompanying proto-articles, as opposed to /-u/ in corresponding count-nouns, e.g. /(il)loˆfferru/ 'the iron' (mass) /(il)luférru/ 'the iron' (count). This special form is best interpreted as a survival of the abla tive, originally with partitive meaning in phrases formed with /de/

'of'.

13

vi. With regard to the oblique and nominative-vocative endings, there is little or no problem. As evidence for PRom. /-i/, we may cite, not only the Italian and Roumanian endings listed in Table IV, but also masculine plural past participles and adjectives in Romansh, Franco-Provençal, Old South French, and Old Catalan: e.g. OSFr. pagadi 'paid , salvi 'safe', soli 'alone'. 14 vii. The genitive plural ending /-όˆru/ is continued in such Old South French forms as /an¢ianό^r/ ancianor 'of the an cients', /kompaņό^r/ 'of the companions', and in certain more or less set expressions in Old North French (e.g. la gent paienour 'the people of the pagans', al tems ancienour 'in the time of the ancients') and Old Italian le pene 'nfemor 'the pains of hell'. 15 There is no need to regard them as Latinisms; ra ther, they are fossilized survivals, in these set phrases, of earlier productive endings.

dónos; férros

dómnos; férros

domino s; ferro s

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

;

;

;

fér

fér

domini ; ferri

dómni;férri

dán;

dόn;

dónni; férri

doámni; féri

;

Nom.-Voc.Pl.

domino rum

domnó^ru

(anciәnóûr)

(an¢ianó^r)

(infernó^r)

Gen.Pl.

TABLE IV: NOUN-DECLENSION II-A — PLURAL (EXAMPLES)

duéņos; iérros

; férs

Span.

Cat.

dán¢; férs

ONFr.

dómnos; férros

dón¢; férs

;

;

OSFr.

Ital.

Roum.

Sard.

Obl.Pl.

22 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

; ;

Soan. ;

;

O u-; karru-; brakkiu-

Latin o a;

NOUN-DECLENSION II-B (EXAMPLES)

; brakkia

ό a; kárra; brákkia

čárrә; brá¢ә

;

uόva; (OIt.) kárra

όuә

Obl.-Nom.Pl.

TABLE V

ό u; kárru; brákkiu

PRom.

Port.

Cat.

;

čár 'cart'; brá¢ 'arm'

'cart'

;

ONFr.

;

uόvo; kárro

Ital.

OSFr.

όu

Roum.

Sard.

Obl.Sg.


úlpe-;

Lat.

Friulian.

Mallorcan

1.

2.

Notes to Table VI:

káne; frόnte

úlpe;

PRom.

kane-; fronte-

; kae 3 ; fr te

Port.

4.

3.

káni; frónti

ulpi-; kani ; fronti

úlpi;

Datives.

TABLE VI

4

vúlpi; k (i)ni ; frúnti

; ;

Gen.-Dat.

Old Portuguese; Modern Portuguese /kãu/.

ulpes; kanis; frons

kánes; frόnt(e)s

;;

;; úlpes;

;;

;;

;;

;;

frόn¢

frón¢

;;

; či n s ;

v ó ˆ l p s ; ká(n)s;

;;

;;

;;

;;

;;

Nom.-Voc.

DECLENSION III-A (SINGULAR): EXAMPLES

bólp1 ; či n; frόnt

ONFr.

; kán; frénte

vό^lp; ká(n); frόnt

OSFr.

Span.

vό^lpe; káne; frόnte

Ital.

; ká2 ; frόnt

vúlpe; k (i)ne; frúnte

Roum.

Cat.

gúrpe; káne; frόnte

Sard.

Oblique



25

II-B. Stem-vowel /u/ in obl., nom.sg.; replaced by ending /-Δa/ in plural. a.

Declensional endings: i.

Singular: as for II-A.

ii.

Plural: oblique and nominative-vocative: /-Aa/.

b.

Gender: masculine in singular, feminine in plural.

c.

Examples: see Table V.

d. Remarks: This is a small sub-class of nouns whose inflection is like that of II-A in the singular, but in the plu ral manifests but one ending, /-Δa/, for oblique and nomina tive-vocative. Such forms are often termed A M B I G E N E S . Table V shows this plural for 198 /6uu/ 'egg' and other forms which follow the same pattern. The gender of these nouns is normally masculine in the singular, feminine in the plural. Many of them show the ending /-uri/ in Roumanian, corresponding to /-6ra/ in Old Italian;16 the ending /-a/ has clearly been re placed by the /-i/ of declension II-A. Many of the Romance nouns which point back to the Proto-Romance declension II-B correspond to Latin neuters. There was, however, in Late Latin and mediaeval times, a great deal of fluc tuation and passage of individual nouns, in each separate Ro mance language, from declension II-B to II-A and vice versa. In no Romance language 17 can these ambigenes be said to consti tute a separate "neuter" gender, from the morphological point of view (cf. above, §2.11), and we must therefore reconstruct a special sub-declension, not a separate grammatical gender, for Proto-Romance. 18 III-A. Stem-vowel /e/: e.g. 712 / úlpe/ 'fox'; 1184 /káne/ 'dog'; 177 /frόnte/ 'forehead'. a.


Singular: Oblique: zero.

Stem-vowel + ending = /-e/.

Nominative-Vocative: /-s/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-es/ (or / - i s / ) . 1 9 Genitive-Dative: /-Ai/. ii.

Plural:

Oblique-Nominative-Vocative: /-s/. Stem + ending = /-es/. b.

Gender: masculine in some, feminine in others. 2 0

c.

Examples: see Tables VI, VII.

úlpe•s;

Note to Table VII:

Lat.

fréntes

kaes; fr tes

kánes;

frόn¢

; ;

káni; frόnti

; ;

; ;

; ;

TABLE VII

úlpi;

frόnt

; či n; frόnt

vό^lp; ká(n);

vό^lpi; káni; frόnti

vúlpi; kí( )ni ; frúnti

; ;

Nominative-Vocative

NOUN-DECLENSION III-A (PLURAL): EXAMPLES

1. Mallorcan.

kane s; fronte s

úlpes; kánes; frόntes

;

Port.

PRom.

;

Span.

káns 1 ;

ONFr.

;

OSFr.

Cat.

vó^lps; ká(n)s; frón¢

; či ns; frόn¢

; ;

; ;

gúrpes; kánes; frόntes

Ital.

Roum.

Sard.

Oblique



d.

27

Remarks:

i. The contrast between oblique and nominative singular in Old Gallo-Romance, with the nominative in /-s/, confirms the existence of such a contrast in Proto-Romance. In Old North French and Old South French, feminine nouns coming from ProtoRomance declension III-A were invariable in the singular, like those of declension I. In some instances, this phenomenon was the result of analogical levelling; in others, the Proto-Romance form may, like the Latin, have had no /-s/, e.g. OSFr. /mar/ mar, ONFr. /m r/ mer 'sea' < PRom. 490 /máre/ : Lat. /mare/ (neuter); OSFr. /fióˆr/, ONFr. /fióûr/ 'flower' < 1491 ,/fiόˆre/ ≠ Lat. /flo s/ (stem flo re/ ). ii. Roumanian /-Ai/ in the genitive-dative points back to the same ending in Proto-Romance, corresponding to the Latin dative in /-Δi-/. iii. For the plural, the Italian and Roumanian endings in /-Ai/ and the zero-ending in Old South French and Old North French would seem to point back to Proto-Romance /-Ai/ for the nominative-vocative plural. This was probably an analogical re placement of earlier /-es/ by /-Ai/ under the influence of De clension II-A, rather than a phonetic development.21 For the oblique plural, / - s / is clearly indicated, corresponding to Latin /-s/ in the accusative. III-B. Stem-vowel /e/, like III-A: e.g. 49 /omine/ and 230 /ómo/ 'man'; 1324 /pastóˆre/ and 500 /pastor/ 'shepherd'; 1407 /sorόˆre/ and 227 /sóror/ 'sister'. Unlike nouns of type III-A, those of III-B have a special shortened form of the stem in the nominative singular, normally with zero case-ending. The short ened form is often equivalent to the bare root; but in roots ending in /-n-/, this final consonant is absent in the nomina tive singular. For examples, see Table VIII. See §3.13 for a list of the nouns and adjectives of type III-B, of which certain can be reconstructed for Proto-Romance as having morphophonemic alternations in their stems, especially for the nominative singular. IV. Stem-vowel /i/. There are only three of these: 59 /síti-/ 'thirst'; 63 /turri-/ 'tower'; and 646 /tússi-/ 'cough'. The stem-vowel / i / is attested by its preservation in Sardinian /sítis/, /túrri/, and /tússi/. On the basis of scanty Latin attestations22 we can conclude that the nominative singular had /-s/ (of which the / - s / of Sardinian /sítis/ 'thirst' is probably a direct continuation 23 ), and the plural likewise had / - s / in both oblique and nominative, giving a paradigm:

όmә; pasto^r;

ómne 3 , ombre; pastor;

óm e; pastôˆr;

όmine; pastό^re; sorό^re

homine-; pasto re-; soro re

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

5.

6.

; sόr(ә)

sórre

;

; ;

;

; sόr8

7.

4.

Singular. 8. 'sister > nun'.

Old Spanish. Old Catalan.

Old Roman.

Old Italian.

2.

homo ; pastor; soror 3.

sόr 8

sόr 8

όrno ; pástor ; sóror

όm7;

όm; pástrә; suér

óm; pástre; sόˆr(re)

TABLE VIII NOUN-DECLENSION III-B (SINGULAR): EXAMPLES

Old Trevisan, Old Bellunese.

;

uόmo 4 ; pástre - o 5 ; suóro6

όm(u)-;

;

Nominative

Stem of pl. /uómini/.

όmә; pastóûr; sәroûr

ONFr.

1.

óm(n)e; pastόˆr; sorόˆr

OSFr.

Notes to Table VIII:

uómin- 1 ; pastóˆre; sorόˆre2

; pastόr;

Roum.

Ital.

όmine; pastόre;

Sard.

Oblique 28 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION


Singular

Plural

Oblique

túrri

túrris

Nominative

turris

turris

29

Even in classical Latin, there was considerable fluctuation be tween the "pure i-stems" of the third declension,24 and the "mixed i-stems," with plural /turre s/ alongside of /turri s/, and the same situation probably prevailed in popular Latin and hence in Proto-Romance. In some varieties of popular Latin, the roots /turr-/, /tuss-/, /sit-/ had already passed wholly to our Declension III-.A. V. Stem-vowel zero, in certain nouns whose singular ended in /-us/, e.g. 110 /kórpus/ 'body', 111 /péktus/ 'chest', 813 /tempus/ 'time'. Invariable in the singular, the /-us/ of these nouns /-or-/ before the plural ending /-a/, similar to the ending of nouns of Declension II-B. Like the nouns of that de clension, also, the singular of these three was masculine and the plural feminine. For examples, see Table IX. Remarks: These nouns corresponded, of course, to Latin neuters of the "third" declension. To this group belonged, in the singular, PRom. 197 /opus/ 'need'; the earlier plural /opera/ had, in Proto-Romance, become a collective meaning 'work' (PRom. 164 /όpera/).

VI. Some scholars 25 consider that the "pure u-stem" or "fourth" declension was continued in popular Latin and Romance, in the developments of such forms as 235 /manu-/ 'hand', pointing to their continuation with /-u/ in both singular and plural, e.g. in Italian dialects. In all such dialects, however, the development of /-o/ is also /-u/, so that it is impossible to tell whether a plural form like /lemánu/ comes from /mánu(s)/ or /máno(s)/. The Romance evidence, therefore, does not compel us to set up such a declension for Proto-Romance, although it may well have existed in some varieties of popular Latin speech. 3.13. A D J E C T I V E S in Romance, as already stated, manifest both masculine and feminine grammatical genders. The chief type of adjective is the DESCRIPTIVE; there is also the special sub-type of NUMERAL. (Demonstrative, relative, interrogative and indefi nite adjectives fit into the regular Romance inflectional pattern.) 3.131. I-II.

DESCRIPTIVE

adjectives are of two major types:

Stem-vowel /a/ in feminine, following noun-declension I; /u/ A V in masculine (patterned as in noun-de clension II): e.g. 583 /bland-/ 'soft'; 1093 /domes-

kόrpus; péktus; témpus; όpus

korpus; pektus; tempus; opus

PRom.

Lat.

Aromunian.

Old Italian.

'benefit'.

1.

2.

3.

Notes to Table IX:

; témprәs 6

korpora; pektora; tempora

kόrpora; péktora; témpora

; ;

'betimes'.

OIt. 'times'; Mod.It. 'ember-days'.

Old Spanish.

;;

TABLE IX NOUN-DECLENSION V: EXAMPLES

6.

5.

4.

(kόrpo); (péito); (t po)

Port.

péčos 4 ; (tiémpo);

uébos 4

(kuérpo);

Span.

;;

kόs;

Cat.

(pít); témps; όps

kόr(p)s; pí¢ ; tém(p)s; ués 3

ONFr. ;

kérs; piéj¢; térns; όps

OSFr.

;;

kόrpora ; péttora 2 ;

kόrpo; pétto; témpo; uépo 2

Ital.

témpora5

kόrpuri ; piépturi ; t mpuri

;

kόrp(u-); piépt(u-); t mp(u-); όp(u-) 1

;

Roum.

;

kόrpus; péttus; témpus; όpus

Plural

Sard.

Singular



31

tik-/ 'domesticated'; 1273 /retund-/ 'round'. a. Declensional endings: in feminine, as for noun-declen sion I; in masculine, as for noun-declension II-A. b.

Examples: see Table X.

c.

Remarks:

i. There may have been, in Proto-Romance times, some sur vivals (which would already have been archaisms) of adjectival endings of noun-type II-B (continuing the old neuter), with con structions like */(akku)íˆk iákent (ip)sa όssa súa/ 'here lie (pl.) his bones' (cf. none 22 to this chapter); but nothing of this kind has survived into even the earliest attestations of the Romance languages. ii. To this declension belong also past participles of verbs: e.g. 239 /fakt-/ ( : 388 /fak-/'do': 1492 /potúˆt-/ ( : 323 /pot-/ 'be able'). Inflectionally, such forms are adjec tives, with the meaning 'in a condition resulting from the action referred to by the verb-root' on which the past participle is based. Their morphological relation to the verb-root is to be described under derivation (word-formation). iii. In the Franco-Provençal dialect of the Mauri enne, in two languages closely related to Old South French (Romansh and Catalan), and in Old Sardinian, / - s / survived as a special ending for predicate adjectives, only in the masculine singular of adjec tives of the I/IIa declension (see § 3.121), as in Maurienne lo laez è frey 'the milk is cold'; 26 Romansh quei gat ei cat is white' ( in gat alv 'a White cat'), or el ei

is come'; 27 Old Sardinian solus

in solus

l'okkisi

him'; 28 Old Catalan gui no creurá ja es jutjaz

alvs vinius

'that 'he

'I alone killed 'he Who Will not

believe is already judged'. 29 Historians of the individual lan guages, not taking into account the situation in other Romance languages, are in general inclined to dismiss mediaeval attesta tions of / - s / in these instances as Latinisms, or in Catalan as Provençal isms. This particular use of the inflectional / - s / in m.sg. predicate adjectives has survived, however, in popular speech down to the present in the out-of-the-way areas of the Maurienne and Romansh, and is attested in the Middle Ages in all the Romance areas (Sardinian, Gallo-Romance, Ibero-Romance) where /-s/ was not lost. It is therefore clear that this construction, and hence the /-s/-ending, must be interpreted as a survival from Proto-Romance in popular speech, and not as a group of chance co incidences in Latinisms in the separate regions. III-A. Stem-vowel /e/ in both masculine and feminine: e.g. 717 /dúlk-/ 'sweet'; 76 /kmˆdéˆl-/ 'cruel'. a.

Declensional endings: as in noun-declension III-A.

blándas

blánde

blandáru (?)

Oblique

Nom.-Voc.

Genitive

Plural :

Vocative

TABLE X

dúlkes

dúlkis

dúlki

dúlke

Fem.-Mase.

/dúlk-/ 'sweet'

PROTO-ROMANCE ADJECTIVAL PARADIGMS

blandόˆru

blándi

blándos

blánde

blándus

Nominative

blándi

blándu

blándox

blánda

blánde

blánda

Masculine

Partitive

Dative

Genitive

Oblique

Singular:

Feminine

/blánd-/ 'soft'

meliό^res

mélior

melio^ri

melió^re

Fem.-Mase.

/melió^r-/ 'better'



b.

33


c. Remark: to t h i s declension belong also present p a r t i ciples of verbs, e.g. / k a n t á n t - / ' s i n g i n g ' ( : 831 / k a n t - / ' s i n g ' ; / d o l é n t - / ' h u r t i n g ' ( : 1091 / d o l - / ' t o h u r t ' ) . As with the past p a r t i c i p l e s , these forms are i n f l e c t i o n a l l y adjectives, with the meaning 'performing the action referred to by the verb-root' on which the present p a r t i c i p l e is formed. Their morphological r e l a t i o n to the verb-root is d e r i v a t i o n a l , rather than i n f l e c t i o n a l . III-B. Stem-vowel /e/ in both masculine and feminine, and having shortened forms in the nominative singular, with result ant morphophonemic alternations in their stems (cf. § 3.13): e.g. 274 /peiό^r-/ 'worse'; 900 /meliό^r-/ 'better'. a.

Declensional endings: like those of noun-declension

b.


III-B.

c. Remark: most of the adjectives of this type are compa ratives, with a derivational relationship to the adjectives on which they are based. 3.132. NUMERAL A D J E C T I V E S include only 1451 /ú^n-/ 'one', of adjective-declension I/II, and 364 /du-/ 'two'. For the second of these, in addition to adjectival endings of type I/II, we can reconstruct and invariable form, for both genders and used in the oblique and the nominative (presumably also the vocative), ending in /-o/: /duo/. A similar ending can also be reconstruc ted for 1493 /ámbo/ 'both'. Of the other numerals, the simple ones from '1' to '10' were indeclinable: 540 /tré's/ '3'; 224 /k áttoro/ '4'; 1494 /k ˆnk e/ '5'; 691 /sékse/ '6'; 143 /sépte/ '7'; 238 /ókto/ '8'; 1495 /noue/ '9'; 139 /déke/ '10', as well as 1474 /uí(i)nti/ '20'; 228 /kéntu/ '100'; and 1279 /m ˆlle/ '1000'.. Discussion of the morphological structure of compound numerals (e.g. 541 /tré^diki/ '13') belongs under derivation. Demonstrative adjectives in Romance overlap in their origin and form with the demonstrative pronouns ( § 3.22). 3.14.

M O R P H O P H O N E M I C A L T E R N A T I O N S are found in the stems of

certain nouns and adjectives of class III-B, in the shortening of the stems in the nominative singular, normally through the loss of the stem-vowel. Nouns with roots ending in dentals (/t/, /nt/, /d/, /n/) also lose their final consonant(s). The stress in the nominative singular is always on the penultimate syllable. These forms fall into several sub-classes:

34


1.

Roots ending in /-r/: a.

Nouns:

i. With no further change in the root: nouns ending in the agentive suffix / + όˆr-e/, including such forms as: Our No.

Meaning

Romance Examples

Oblique

Nominative

499, 'commander' 1496

imperató^re

imperator

ONFr. /emperәðóûr/, /empar ðrә/

500, 'shepherd' 1324

pastó^re

pastor

ONFr. /pastόûr/, /pástrә/

1036, 'lover' 1497

amató^re

amátor

OSFr. /amadó^r/, /amáire/

1498 'ancestor'

antekessó^re antekéssor

ONFr. /an¢eisóûr/, /an¢éistrә/

1499 'debtor'

debitó^re

debitor

OSFr. /deudó^r/, /devéîre/

1500 'tailor1

sartó^re

sártor

It.dial . /sartó^re/, It. /sárto/

1501 'senator'

senatóˆre

senator

It. /senató^re/, 0It. /senáto/

1502 'holder'

territόˆre

tenítor

Sp. ./tenedór/ 'fork'; OSFr. /tenéîre/

1503 'weaver'

teksató^re

teksátor

It.dial. /tesádro/

1504 'traitor'

tradi^tό^re

tradí^tor

ONFr. /traðítrә/; OSen. /tradíto/

1505 'hunter'

enatόˆre

enátor

ONFr. /vәnәðόûr/, /van ðorә/

and also such words as: 89, 'woman' 1506

muliére

múlier

ONFr. /moļér/; It. /mόˆļļe/ 'wife'

227, 'sister' 1407

soró^re

sóror

ONFr. /sәrόûr/, /suér/

1507 'marble'

mármore

mármor

ONFr. /márbrә/; It. /mármo/


35

1508 'father'

pátre

páter

ONFr. /p ðrә/; 0It. /páte/

549,

frátre

frater

ONFr. /fr ðrә/;

'brother'

1509

0It.

b.

/fráte/

Adjectives, with the comparative suffix /+ ό^re/:

1510 'fairer'

bellat ó^re

bellát or

1511 'stronger'

fort

fort

1512 'nobler'

gent

1513 'greater'

grand

1514 'younger'

un

ó^re

όˆre

όˆre

όˆre

OSFr. /bela ó^r/, /beláire/ or

ONFr. /for¢óûr/, /fórtrә/

gent or

OSFr. /gen¢όˆr/, /ğén¢er/

gránd or

ONFr. /graņόûr/, /gráņdra/

ún

or

ONFr. /ğoņόûr/, /ğόņdrә/

498, 'greater' 1515

ma

όˆre

má or

It. /mağğόˆre/; ONFr. /máirә/

900, 'better' 1516

mel

όˆre

mêl or

ONFr. /meļoûr/, /miéļdrә/

1517 ' l e s s e r '

minόˆre

m nor

OSFr. / m e n ό ˆ r / , /mé^nre/

nugál or

ONFr. /noaļόûr/, /noáļdrә/

1518 'less imnugal portant'

ó^re

274, 'worse' 1519

pe

όˆre

pé

or

894, 'older' 1520

sen ó^re

1521 'fouler'

sordid όˆre sord d or

sén or

Sp. /peόr/; ONFr. /p ra/ ONFr. /seņόûr/, /s ra/ OSFr. /sordeiόˆr/, /sordéier/

2.

Roots ending in dental stops. a. In /-t/. All of these have nominatives in /-s/:

150, 'nephew' 1522 1523 'companion, count'

nepόˆte

népos

kómite

kómes

ONFr. /nәvόûð/, /niés/ ONFr. /kóntә/, /kuéns/

36


b.

In /-nt/:

1524 'child'

infante

ínfas

ONFr. /enfánt/, /énfәs/

753, 'serpent' 756

serpente

sérp(e)s

It. /serpente/, /sérpe/ 30

é^res

It. /eréˆde/;

c.

In /-d/:

1525 'heir'

eˆréˆde

ONFr. /éîrs/ 3.

In /-n/: a.

Without further root-change:

1526 'herdsman'

abigόˆne

ábigo

OPort. /abigo/

551, 'thief' 1527

Iatrόˆne

látro

0NFr. laðrón/, /l ðrә/

598, 'glutton' 1528

gluttόˆne

glutto

ONFr. /glotón/, /glό^t/

1075, 'strong man' barόˆne 1529

báro

OSFr. /barό^(n)/, /bár/ 31

1530 'cock-sucker' felló^ne

féllo

ONFr. /felon/, /fél/ 3 2

1531 'lion' b. 49, 230

leόˆne

léo

OSFr. /leóˆ(n)/, ONFr. /leu/

όmo

OSpan. /όmne/; It. /uómo/

With root-change:

'man'

όmine

Remark: Certain words and formation-types have been intentio nally omitted from this listing, because, although they are widely attested in Italo-Western Romance, they have no correspondences in Balkan Romance, Sardinian, Classical or Old Latin, and are later formations dating, at the earliest, from Imperial times, largely introduced in connection with Christianity. They can therefore not be ascribed to any earlier stage than Proto-Italo-Western Romance. They include: A. Specific forms, SUCh as PItWRom. /abbáte/ /ábbas/ 'abbot'; /kompan όˆne/ /kompán o/ 'companion'; /brikkόˆne/

/br kko/ 'scoundrel'; and


37

B. The "hybrid" formation of (mostly feminine) nouns with oblique stem in /-áne/ and nominative singular in /-a/, e.g. /nonnáne/

/nonna/

'whore', /barbáne/ such as /bertáne/

'grand-mother; nun', /pu^ttáne/

/pú^tta/

/barba/ 'uncle', and a number of proper names /berta/ 'Bertha'; and

c. The application of the declension of type III-B to pro per names Of the type Of /ottó^ne/ /otto/ 'Otto', /burgund όˆne/ /burgúndio/ ' Burgundian ' , /karlόˆne/ /kárlo -us/ ' Charles ' . 3.15.

CLASSIFICATION O F SUBSTANTIVES.

For nouns, indication of

their classification should include gender and declension, as in: /rόˆsa/

'rose'

/fráksinu/ /brákkiu/

f/I

' a s h - t r e e ' m/II-A 'arm' m/H-B

/ g l a n d e / ' a c o r n ' m/III-A /dol όˆ re/ 'pain' /sartόˆre/

f/III-A

'tailor'

/ m u l i é r e / 'woman'

m/III-B f/III-B

For adjectives, indication of this fact (or of their status as participles, present or past) and their declension is called for, as in: /bona - u / 'good'

adj/I-II

/ f r ˆkta - u / ' f r i e d ' /forte/

'strong'

past

part/I-II

adj/III-A

/geménte/ ' g r o a n i n g ' p r e s p a r t / I I I - A /grandiό^re/ 'greater' 3.2.

adj/III-B

PRONOUNS

The basic function of pronouns, as their traditional gramma tical name indicates, is to serve as substitutes, replacing ei ther nouns or forms of other classes serving as nouns. For Proto-Romance, we can reconstruct the following types of pronouns: PERSONAL, DEMONSTRATIVE, RELATIVE-INTERROGATIVE, 3.21.

and INDEFINITE.

PERSONAL-PRONOUNS can be reconstructed, f o r Proto-Romance,

for the f i r s t and second persons (singular and p l u r a l ) and f o r the t h i r d person r e f l e x i v e (without contrast i n number). The t h i r d person non-reflexive, however, is not represented in the Proto-Romance i n f l e c t i o n a l system, since a l l third-person nonr e f l e x i v e pronouns i n Romance go back to demonstratives. The cases t h a t can be reconstructed are: OBLIQUE, D A T I V E , 3 3 and NOMINATIVE-VOCATIVE.

38


The comparative tables f o r 1100 /égo/ ' 1301 / n ό ˆ s / 'we, u s ' , and 1393 / s e 7 ' h i m - , selves' are given in Hall 1976. For /méˆ/ / m í ˆ / (/m b i / ) ' t o me', and / t í ˆ / ( / t í b i / ) 1532-1535, presented in Table X I . 1532 'me'

1533 'thee'

Sard.

me

te

Roum.

míne

tíne

It.

néˆ(ne)

téˆ(ne)

OSFr.

méˆ

ONFr.

méî

Cat.

méˆ

Port.

méˆ méˆ(ne)b

REW §

5449

ti,c

téˆved

téˆ

(mi)

me

méˆved

téî

a

Lat.

mi,c

1535 ' t o thee'

téˆ

Span.

PRom.

1534 ' t o me'

I ' , 1445 / t ú ˆ / ' t h o u ' , her-, i t s e l f ; them'me', / t e " / ' t h e e ' , ' t o t h e e ' , c f . §§

(ti) a

mi

ti

mí

tí

téˆ(ne)b

míˆ, míbi

tíˆ, tíbi

te

mi(h)i

tibi

téˆ

Notes to Table XI: a.

From dative /mi"/, /ti"/ respectively ( §§ 1534, 1535).

b.

Suffixed /-ne/ is of uncertain origin; perhaps through analogy with verb-forms like /tene(t)/ 'he has' (cf. Grandgent 1927: §§ 52, 171; Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§336).

c.

Unstressed.

d.

Old Cassinese. TABLE XI ROMANCE OBJECT PRONOUNS (FIRST, SECOND PERSON SINGULAR)

In Table XII (p. 39) is shown the inflectional pattern of Proto-Romance personal pronouns as a category.


First Person

Second Person

39

Third Person Reflexive

Singular: Oblique Dative

méˆ míˆ, míbi

tíˆ, tíbi

séˆ síˆ

égo

Nom.-Voc.

Plural : Obi.-Nom.

téˆ

nóˆs

túˆ

όˆs séˆ"

Dative

nóˆbis

όˆbis

TABLE XII PR0T0-ROMANCE PERSONAL PRONOUNS Remarks: A. As in the other Indo-European languages, personal pronouns in Romance show considerable i r r e g u l a r i t y in ther i n f l e c t i o n , so that the few observable p a r t i a l resemblances are insuff i c i e n t f o r establishing a symmetrical o v e r - a l l pattern. At most, i t is useful to i d e n t i f y the elements / m - / l.sg., / t - / 2 . s g . , / n o " - / l . p l . , and / όˆ-/ 2 . p l . , primarily because of t h e i r recurrence in derivation ( e . g . i n possessive adjectives). B. The plural ending / - s / f o r 1301 /noˆs/ 'we, us' and 420 / όˆs/ 'ye, you' i s attested in a l l the Romance languages that preserve f i n a l / - s / . The f i n a l / - i / of I t a l i a n and Roumanian has been interpreted by some34 as a phonetic development from / - s / . I t i s , however, more r e a l i s t i c to assume, as do o t h e r s , 3 5 that i t is the result of analogical s u b s t i t u t i o n , coming from the nominative-plural-ending of nouns of declension II-B. c. The pronouns l i s t e d i n Table X I I have a l l been shown i n t h e i r stressed forms. As i s well known, a l l the Romance languages have unstressed c l i t i c personal-pronoun-forms, f o r which Proto-Romance forms can be reconstructed. These a l l have the same phonemic shapes as the forms given i n Table X I I , minus stress. 3.22.

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS were formed on the stems 1536 /

st-/

and 677 / p s - / ' t h i s ' , and on 18, 1146, 1147 / l l - / ' t h a t ' . Their declension followed, on the whole, that of adjective-types I - I I , especially with regard to the stem-vowels, but with certain additional special features.

40


a.


Singular:

Oblique: zero.

Stem + ending = fem, /-a/, masc. /-u/.

Genitive: fem. / - Δ e / , masc. / - Δ i / . Dative: fem. / - e / or / - Δ é i / , masc. / - A o / or / - Δ ú ˆ i / . P a r t i t i v e : fem. / - x / ( ? ) ; masc. / - o x / . Nominative: fem. zero (stem + ending = / - a / ) , masc. / - i ˆ , / - e/. ii.

PIural:

Oblique: fem. /-Δe/, masc. / - s / (stem + ending = /-os/). Genitive: fem. / ru/ (?); masc. / ru/ (stem + ending = /-όˆru/.

Dative: fern., masc. / - Δ i ˆ s / . Nominative: fem. / - Δ e / , masc. / - Δ i ˆ / . b.

Examples: see Table X I I I .

c.

Remarks:

i. All the Romance languages have third-person pronouns which go back to these demonstratives. In Popular Latin (and hence in Proto-Romance), the demonstratives were undergoing a transition to their function as personal pronouns, but still con serving a certain amount of deictic meaning. ii. The nominative singular masculine ending /-Δiˆ/ is to be reconstructed on the basis of It. /(ku)éˆsti/ 'this one', /(ku)éˆlli/ 'that one'; of the umlauted Old South French / l/, / ļ/ 'he' and Old North French / l/ 'he', / st/ 'this one', and / s/ 'that one'. Spanish /este/ 'this one' and /ése/ 'that one' might come from forms with either /-i/ or /-e/: but Old Sardinian (e)custe 'this one', (e) eusse 'that one' and Modern Sardinian (Bitti) /ikú e/ 'that man' point clearly back to /-Ae/. 3 6 iii. The dative in /-ei/ (fem.) and /-uî/ (masc.) is attested in Late Latin. 37 There were also genitives written -aeius /-eius/ (fem.), -uius/-uˆ us/ (masc.), which did not sur vive in Romance and hence cannot be ascribed to Proto-Romance. The forms in /-Δe/ (fem.), /-Δi/ (mase.) are continued in Ital ian /le/ 'to her', Old Italian /ii/ 'to him', as well as in OSFr., ONFr. /ii/ 'to her, to him'.

sti -e

Nom.-Voc.

Nom.-Voc.

sti

istόˆru

Genitive

Dative

stos

Oblique

Plural :

stox

Partitive

istúî,

sti

Genitive

Dative

stu

Oblique

Singular:

m.

sti

ste

stas

psis

psi (?)

pse

psas

ipsáru (?)

psas

psa

psax

ipséi,

pse

psa

f.

'that'

TABLE XIII

psi

ipsό^ru

psos

psi -e

psox

ipsúî,

psi

psu

m.

ips-

PROTO-ROMANCE DEMONSTRATIVES

istáru (?)

stas

sta

sta X (?)

stéi,

ste

sta

f.

'this'

stis

ist-

lli

illόˆru

llos

lli -e

llox

illúî,

lli

llu

m.

lli

lle

llas

illáru (?)

llas

lia

lla X (?)

illéi,

lle

lia

f.

'that'

llis

ill-


42

PROTO-ROMANCE

INFLECTION

iv. The genitive plural /-όˆru/ is widely continued in Romance possessive pronouns and adjectives (e.g. OSFr. /lόˆr/, ONFr. /lόûr/, OSpan. /lúr/ 'their', as well as in the Roumanian /lόr/ 'their; [as definite article] of the, to the'. In Italian, /lόˆro/ has become a kind of Figaro among pronouns, being used as subject and object, dative, and possessive. Cf. also Sardinian /issoru/ 'their' < /ipsόˆru/.

v. The dative plural /illi^s/ is continued in Sardinian /lis/, and in the Italian use of /li/ as a plural form. 38 vi. All the Romance languages have a definite article, for which we can reconstruct Proto-Romance forms based on either /(il)l-/ or /(ip)s-/, 39 identical to the forms shown in Table XIII except for stress. On the basis of Late Latin evidence,40 it is clear that we are dealing with a kind of "pre-article," which still had a great deal of deictic force, and was not yet wholly transferred to the function of a definite article. The same may be said of unstressed forms of the numeral /uˆn-/ 'one', in their function as "pre-indefinite article." vii. Of the Romance indefinite adjectives (whose struc ture, insofar as they are compounds, is to be discussed under de rivation), 1033 /ált(e)r-/ 'another, some-one else' has forms in Italo- and Gallo-Romance pointing back to a Proto-Romance pronomi nal dative singular masculine /altrúî/ 'to some-one else' and to a nominative singular masculine /áltri/: Italian /altrúi/, /áltri/; OSFr. /autrui/; ONFr. /altrúi/ ( > Mod.Fr. /otrųi/. Cf. Grandgent 1907:§395. 3,23. R E L A T I V E - I N T E R R O G A T I V E P R O N O U N S . These had the same in flection, whether functioning as relative or as interrogative. They were formed on the stem A u - / . In the oblique singular and in the nominative, a distinction existed between forms re ferring to humans and those referring to non-humans (animals, things). a.

Declensional Endings: i.

Singular: Oblique: human /-ene/ 'whom'; non-human /- d/ 'which,

that'. Genitive-Dative: / - ú ^ i / ' t o , of whom, which'

Nominative: human / - í ˆ ; non-human /-íd/. ii.

Plural: Oblique: /-é/. Nominative: human / - í ˆ ; non-human /-é/..


43

b. Examples: Table XIV presents the comparative evidence for 912 /k ˆ/ 'who', 1537 /kúî/ 'whom, of whom, to whom', 461 /k éne/ 'whom', and 1538 /k d/ 'what, that'.

912 'who' Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1537 'to whom'

k —

461 'whom'

1538 'what, which'

kén č ne k ne

c

čé

k

kúi

k

kúi

kéˆ

k

kúi

kéî(ð)

k

kéˆ(d)

kéˆ

k

a

kién

ké

k

b

k

kéˆ

PRom. Lat.

k i

REW3 §

6953.1

k

ˆ

kúî

k éne

k

kui

k em

k id

d

6953.2

6953.4

Notes to Table XIV: a. Old Spanish. b. Old Portuguese. c. Dia lectal (Umbrian, Roman, Calabrian).

TABLE XIV PROTO-ROMANCE RELATIVE-INTERROGATIVES ***** NOTES TO CHAPTER 3

1. For discussion of the rōle of "zero" in linguistic des cription, cf. especially Haas 1957:33-53; Hoenigswald 1959. My own position is that Z E R O means 'nothing in contrast with some thing', and is simply a convenient book-keeping-device. 2. Cf. any grammar of Roumanian. The most extensive des criptions of current usage are those of Weigand (1918:65-67) and Lombard (1974:78, 80). 3. E.g. Meyer-Lübke 1890-1900:2. § 6; Densusianu 1901:1.244; Tiktin 1905:87; Gartner 1904:150; Sandfeld 1930:146-148; Graur 1967:25-26; Schaller 1975:141-143. 4.

E.g. Tucker (1944).

44


5. As suggested, for instance, by Pei 1941:70; Rohlfs 194954:2.§346. 6. E.g. Gerola 1950; revived by Aebischer 1971 and Gaeng 1971, 1972, and apparently accepted by Tekavcic 1972:2.§489. 7. As done, for instance, by Merlo (1952), Rohlfs 1949-54: §§362, 363; Hall 1961/62; Manczak 1973. 8. Cf. Grandgent 1927:§55; Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§§362, 363. 9.

Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§347.

10. Cf., for Central and South Italian, Rohlfs 1949-54: l.§§145, 147; for Asturian, Canellada 1944. 11. Cf. the references given in note 3. 12. According to this interpretation, the only Latinism in /benedítti/ Benedicti would have been ct for /tt/, a spelling which was wide-spread in mediaeval Italy; cf. Façon 1971:1.372. 13.. Cf. Hall 1968. Messing (1972) agrees with the deriva tion from the ablative, but considers that this use comes from phrases with cum. 14. Cf. Grandgent 1905:33. 15. For Old South French, cf. Grandgent 1905:87; for Old North French, Ewert 1933:§173 or Pope 1934:77; for Old Italian, Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§47. 16. The / ora/-ending was quite widespread in Old Italian, having been extended analogically to forms which originally be longed to declension II-A (e.g. /kámpora/ 'fields', /lókora/ 'places', /fόkora/'fires' (cf. Grandgent 1927 : § 151.1). The only one of these / ora/-plurals to have survived into modern Italian is /témpora/ (as an ėcclesiastical term, 'ember-days'), contrasted with the normal plural /tempi/ 'times'. 17. Pace Bonfante 1961, 1964, 1977; cf. also Migliorini 1963; Hall 1965, 1972. 18. At first glance, OSard. /sóssasúa/ sossa sua 'his bones' would seem to provide an instance of agreement between noun and adjective with a special adjectival ending /-a/ for the plural, which would constitute a true morphological neuter similar to that of Latin, Greek, or Russian. However, this Old Sardinian phrase is clearly shown to be singular, by the verb in the sen tence in which it occurs: I A G H E T C U G H E S O S S A S U A 'here lies his bones', in which /iáget/ 'lies' is singular, and /sόssasúa/ means something like 'his skeleton, the ensemble of his bones = Ger. sein Gebein1. Cf. Casini 1905:358 (inscription no. 62). The Sardinian singular /iáget/ contrasts with the Latin plural


45

in the inscription HIC SUNT OSSA [...] (Casini 1905:355, inscrip tion no. 58). Old Sardinian has no /-a/-plurals: forms like /lára/ 'lip' ( < PRom. /labra/; cf. ONFr. /l vrә/, Mod.:fr.

lèvre), /línna/ 'wood' ( < PRom. /ligna/) are all collective singulars: cf. Salvioni 1909:816-817. 19. Our written sources for Late Latin show confusion between -ēs and - s endings; cf. Väänänen 1960 (19813):§241. 20. Some third-declension nouns show up as masculines in cer tain Romance languages and feminines in others, such as the out comes of 825 /dente/ 'tooth' (feminine in South and North French, but masculine elsewhere, including Picard, Walloon, and Lorrain [cf. Meyer-Lübke 19363 :§2556]). In each instance, the question of the gender of the Proto-Romance etymon has to be decided sepa rately; that of /dénte/, for instance, would seem to have been masculine, with the French feminine as an innovation (which did not extend even to the outer edges of Gallo-Romance). 21. For the theory of /-es/ > /-i/ as a phonetic development, cf. Politzer 1952; Aebischer 1961; Gaeng 1972. For the "analo gical" theory, cf. Richter 1909; Bacinschi 1926; Grandgent 1927:§164; Hall 1961/62. Puşcariu (1927) ascribed the Italian and Roumanian /-i/ to the OLat. ending /-i s/ of the "pure istems." 22.

Cf. Kent 1946:§§260, 263.

23. M. L. Wagner's earlier opinion (1938:99) was that this -s was probably a Latinism. Later, however, he revised his opinion, considering (1960-64:2.421-422) that it was the sole survivor of an earlier situation in which many Sardinian nouns had a nomina tive singular in -s. 24. Cf. any fairly extensive reference-grammar of Latin, e.g. Allen and Greenough 1903:§§65-78. 25.

E.g. Rohlfs 1940; 1949-54:§367.

26. With frey < PRom. /fr gdus/, through an intermediate stage */fréyts/; cf. Vatel and Tuaillon 1956. 27.

Cf. Bourciez 1910 (1967 5 ) : §§ 526, 530; Schmid 1951.

28. Cf. Wagner 1960-64:2.425. 29. Cf. Badia i Margarit 1951:247 (§112.11). 30. Cf. Maner 1969a, 1969b; Hall 1969; Romeo 1969.

46


31.

Cf. Hall 1948b, 1978.

32.

Cf. Hall 1981.

33. The assumption of a dative case for Proto-Romance per sonal pronouns is based on (1) the Spanish forms /mí/ 'me', /tí/ 'thee', /sí/ 'himself, etc.', which cannot be traced back to /méˆ etc.; (2) the attestations in mediaeval Italian (especially the Placiti cassinesi of the 960's) of forms like meve 'to me', teve

'to thee', nobe

'to US', bobe 'to you (pl)'.

34. E.g. Grandgent 1927:§94; Pei 1941:192; and (somewhat more hesitantly) Rohlfs 1949-54:1.§ 308. 35.

E.g. Puscariu 1901; Hall 1961/62.

36.

Cf. Wagner 1938:126.

37.

Cf. Grandgent 1907:§390; Väänänen 1960 (19813) :§276.

38.

Cf. Wagner 1938:117-118; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. § 463.

39. Forms from /(ip)s-/ are found in a wide arc from the Abruzzi in central Italy to Sardinia, Gallo-Romance (to the present day in parts of southern France and Gascony), Catalonia, and Mallorca. Cf. Grandgent 1907:§392; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. §420. 40. Summarized in Väänänen 1960 (19813):§275. Cf. also the extensive discussions in Wolterstorff 1919; Trager 1932; Gamillscheg 1936; Lerch 1940; Aebischer 1948; Dauzat 1949; Pisani 1953; Ruggieri 1967; PiotrovskiT 1959, 1960, 1963; Ducháček 1961; Abel 1970, 1972; Douvier 1972; Orlandini 1981.

4.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

Romance verb-forms,1 as pointed out in §2.15, are to be di vided into two basic types: those which indicate, by their end ings, the person and number of the P R O T A G O N I S T of the situation (their S U B J E C T , in traditional terminology), and those which do not. The first type are normally called F I N I T E verb-forms; the second, N O N - F I N I T E . Only the analysis of the finite forms be longs under inflection. 4.1. The Structure of Finite Forms In every Romance language, the finite forms of verbs have the structure S T E M + T E N S E - M A R K E R + P E R S O N A L E N D I N G . The stem, in its turn, consists of R O O T + S T E M - F O R M A N T . The root carries the basic meaning(s) of the action, state, etc., referred to by the verb. In some modern Romance languages, the root may have a zero-allomorph, as in certain forms of the root /av-/ 'have' in French and Italian, e.g. French /(ž)eˆ/, Italian /ό X / 'I have' = root zero + tense-formant zero + personal ending /-eˆ/, /-ό X / respectively.2 All such forms are, however, the result of phonological reduction in the individual languages. There is no Proto-Romance verb for which we need reconstruct a zero-allomorph for its root. Phonological variation, on the other hand, has played a certain r le, throughout the history of Latin and the Romance languages, in the allomorphs of verbal roots, especially in the formation of the "preterite" stem or Stem C (see below, § 4.41 ), as in PRom. /fákit/ 'he does' /féˆkit/ 'he has done, he did', with /a/ in Stem A /eˆ in Stem C. The stem-formant, the tense-marker, and the personal endings can, in contrast to the root, all have zero-allomorphs — a phe nomenon found quite widely in mediaeval and modern Romance, and to be ascribed to Proto-Romance as well. The extreme case of such zero-allomorphs is found in such Modern French verb-forms as /(il)šãt/ '(he) sings', which consists of root alone, as con trasted with such a form as /(kәnu)šãtasjõz/ 'that we sang [past subjunctive]' = root /sãt-/ + stem-vowel /-a-/ + tense-sign /-sj-/ + personal ending /-õ z /. Similarly, in such a form as Italian, Spanish and Proto-Romance /kánta/ 'sing! [2.sg.]', the tense-sign and the personal ending are both zero. 4.11. S T E M S A N D S T E M - F O R M A N T S . For the present-day Romance lan guages as a group, we must set up a total of three possible stems on which the forms of a verb can be built. These are tradition ally termed the "present" stem (e.g., for Spanish /ae-/ 'do', the

48


root plus zero), the "future" stem (Spanish /ar-/, as in /aré/ 'I shall do'), and the "preterite" stem (Spanish /iθ-/, as in / θe/ 'I did'). However, since the basic meanings of these stems are related, not to time, but to reality, it is better to avoid the traditional terms, and to label them as shown in Table XV. LetterName

Traditional Name

Reference

Proto-Romance Examples

A

Present

reality, not com pleted

/kántat/ 'he sings' /fáket/ 'he does'

B

Future

probability (not completed or completed)

/kantáret/ '(that)

he might sing' /fákeret/ '(that) he

might do'

C

Preterite

non-reality, com pleted

/kantá( ) (i)t/ 'he

sang' /féˆkit/ 'he did'

TABLE XV ROMANCE VERB-STEMS As can be seen from the table, all three stems are to be set up for Proto-Romance. With Stems A and C, there is no difficul ty, since they are widely attested in Romance. Our justification for setting up a Stem B in Proto-Romance, however, lies in Portu guese and Sardinian. The Portuguese "personal infinitive" is usually considered, on syntactic grounds, as an infinitive plus personal endings, but it is, morphologically speaking, a tense.3 Sardinian also preserves a "subjunctive" built on the infinitive, i.e. on R O O T + T H E M A T I C V O W E L + /-re/. 4 These two, taken inde pendently of each other, would not justify our projecting a Stem B back into Proto-Romance, but together they afford evidence for such a formation.5 The "future" and "conditional" of Italo-Western Romance lan guages, on the other hand, is a later formation, derived from an initially phrasal sequence of I N F I N I T I V E + forms of /av-/ 'have'.6 In mediaeval varieties of Romance (e.g. Old Spanish), the fusion of these elements was not complete, and it still is not in cer tain conservative varieties such as literary Portuguese.7 Stem A consists, in all Romance languages, of R O O T + T H E M A T I C VOWEL,

i.e. with stem-formant zero. Stem B consists of R O O T +

T H E M A T I C V O W E L + /-re-/, and is therefore homonymous with the

infinitive. Stem C is formed either by the addition of further elements to the root (with or without thematic vowel), or by change in the phonological composition of the root itself (mor-

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

49

phophonemic alternation, shift of stress, or suppletion). In the later Romance languages, the processes of formation of Stem C are scattered and have to a certain extent disappeared.8 For ProtoRomance, however, we can assume a full representation of this stem for virtually all verbs. On occasion, we find S U B S T I T U T E thematic vowels, especially in the use of vowel-substitution as a tense-marker (cf. §4.13). A number of roots were extended, in Stem A, with the suffix / + í^sk-/ /+eˆsk-/, originally of Conjugation Illa. This suffix earlier had the meaning 'begin to ...', 'get into the condition Of ... ', as in Lat. /obdormi sk-/ 'go tO Sleep' ( : /dorm-/

'sleep'), or /kale sk-/ 'become warm' ( : /kal-/ 'be hot'). In Romance, this meaning was lost, but it is nevertheless customary to refer to such verbs as "inchoatives."9 The suffix was gener alized in various manners in the different Romance languages. For Proto-Romance, the most we can do is to set up the possibi lity of various roots having been extended with either / + é ˆ s k / or / ^ s k - / , i t h no change in meaning, e.g. /lu^ké^sko/ / l u k ^sko/ 'I Shine' (cf. Roum. /lučêsk/) , or/flo^ré"skunt/

/fio^rí^skunt/ + 'they flower' + (cf. Ital. /fior skono/). The dis tribution of / é^sk-/ and / í^sk-/ in the various Romance lan guages will be discussed in Chapter 14. 4.12. C O N J U G A T I O N S , for Proto-Romance as for Latin and the later Romance languages, are sub-classes of verb-roots determined by the thematic vowels which occur with them. The Romance conjuga tions, with examples, are shown in Table XVI. Conjugation

I II IIIa IIIb

Thematic Vowel

Example

a

/kant-a-/ 'sing'

i^

/dorm-i^-/ 'sleep'

e^

/ id-e^-/ 'see'

e

/batt-e-/ 'beat'

TABLE XVI PROTO-ROMANCE CONJUGATIONS 4.13. T E N S E S . For Proto-Romance, we must recognize four fully inflected sets of forms or T E N S E S (cf. §2.25), with the time-ref erences shown in Table XVII: N O N - P A S T , 1 0 P A S T , P R E - P A S T , and TIMELESS.11 In addition, there is an incomplete set of forms, the I M P E R A T I V E , which for Proto-Romance can be set up for only two persons, the second singular and second plural. 12 Since the meaning of the imperative is that of a command for something to be done at the present time or in the future, it excludes refer ence to wholly unreal or completed situations, and hence impera-

Not restricted to past

Restricted to past

Before the past under discus sion

Non-Past

Past

Pre-Past

doing'

fakéˆbat 'he was

singing'

kantábat 'he was

fáket 'he does'

kántat 'he sings'

Stem A

Imperative

Present or future

PROTO-ROMANCE TENSES

might do'

fákeret 'he

might sing'

kantáret 'he

Stem B

(2.sg.) fák(e) 'do!' (2.sg.) TABLE XVII

kánta 'sing!'

Time not relevant; kántet '(that) Timeless situation might ("Subjunctive") he sing' be different fák( )at '(that) he do'

Time-Reference

Tense

did'

féˆkisset '(that) he

he sang'

kantá( i)sset '(that)

done'

féˆkerat 'he had

had sung'

kantá( e)rat 'he

sang? fêˆkit 'he did'

kantá( )(i)t 'he

do'

feˆkerit 'he might

might sing'

kantá( e)rit 'he

Stem C


FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

51

tives are build only on Stem A. Lying wholly outside of the rest of the system is a set of forms referring to future time alone, only with the verb 'be', and reconstructible on the basis of survivals in Old South and North French (cf. § 4.25). 4.14. T E N S E - M A R K E R S can consist either of zero, of sequences of phonemes (as in /-ba-/, marker of Past A for "regular" verbs), or of the substitution of one thematic vowel for another (e.g. in /a/ /e(^)/ in the formation of the Timeless A of verbs of Conjugation I, as in /kantet/ '(that) he sing'). 4.15.

PERSONAL ENDINGS

occur as follows:

1. .sg.: /-Ao/ in "regular" verbs in Present A; /-iV in Past C; zero in other tenses. 2. 2.sg.: zero in imperative; /-iV in Past C; /-s/ else where. 3. 3.sg.: /-t/. 4.

.p .: /-mus/.

5.

2.p . : / - t e / i n imperative; / - t i s / elsewhere.

6.

3.p .: / - n t / .

4.16. C L A S S I F I C A T I O N O F V E R B S is determined by their conjugation and the relation of Stems A and C to the root. A verb which fol lows regular patterns in Stem A will be termed "regular" (abbrevi ated Reg.); in Stem C, "weak" (abbr. W ) . One 1 3 which shows varia tion in Stem A will be termed "irregular" (Abbr. Irr.); in Stem C, "strong" (abbr. S ) . For each verb, its conjugation and the forma tion of its Stem A and Stem C should be listed, as in: /kant-/ 'sing' I/Reg/W /d-/ 'give' I/Irr/S /dorm-/ 'sleep' II/Reg/W /par-/ 'appear' II/Irr/S /uid-/ 'see' IIIa/Irr/S /batt-/ 'beat* IIIb/Reg/W /fak-/ 'do' IIIb/Irr/S 4.2.

4.21.

S T E M A. NON-PAST

A, usually called "Present Indicative."

k±nt

kánto

kánt

cánt

kánt 1

kánto

käto

kánto

kanto*

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

kanta* s

kántas

katas

kántas

kántas

cantas

kántas

kánti2

kínjzí

kántas

2.sg.

Sit. (Lucanian) /kándasa/.

Sit. (Lucanian) /kándata/.

2.

3.

kanta-mus

kantámus

kätamos

kantámos

kantám

cantons

katä6

kätades6

kanta-tis

6.

5.

TABLE XVIII-A

OPort.

OSpan.

kantant

kántant

kántan

kantádes5

kantátis

kántan

cántant

kántan

kántan(o)

kínta

kántant

3.pl.

kantáu

cantad

kantám

kantáte

kintájzí

kantátis

2.pl.

4. Oit.; m o d e m dial. (non-Tuscan).

kantat

kántat

käta

kánta

kánta

cántao

kantám

kantámo

kánta3 kánta

kintám

kantámus

i.pi.

kínta

kántat

3.sg.

PROTO-ROMANCEPJON-PASTA (1 S T CONJUGATION)

Old Catalan.

1.

Notes to Table XVIII-A:

kánto

Sard.

Lsg. 52 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

dorm

dormid

dormim

dormon dormant dormán duermen

dormes dorméjzí dormíu dormídes 5

dprme^m dormons dormim

dorm dort dorm

dors

dors

dorms

ONFr. dorm

Cat.

dormiunt dormi*tis

dormí^mus dormi-mus

dormit

dormios

dormi* s

PRom. dormo

Lat.

Sit. (Lucanian) /dormoso/

Sit. (Lucanian) /dormata/

2.

3.

6.

5.

4.

TABLE XVIII-B

OPort.

OSpan.

Oit.; modern dial. (non-Tuscan)

PROTO-ROMANCENON-PAST A ( 2 N D CONJUGATION)

OCat.

1.

Notes to Table XVIII-B:

dormit

dórmunt -ent

dormí^tes

dormimos

dorme

dormes

Port. dormo

dormo*

dorme

dormídes 6

dormimos

duerme

duermes

Span. duermo

dorm

OSFr. dorm

dor mon (o)

dormite

2

dormimo

dormi

Ital. dormo

dorme

*

doárme

dorm

Roum. dorm

dormint

dormitis

dormimus

dormit

dormis

Sard. dormo

3.pl.

2.pi.

î.pi.

3.sg.

2.sg.

Lsg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

53

bá¿

bájzí

bât

bát

bat 1

bato

bato

bátto

battuo•

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

f

bátte3

bâtti2

bâtto

Ital.

Cf. Sit. (Lucanian) /spártasa/

1

thou dividest .

battuit

báttet

bate

bate

battent battuunt

battent 3 battuitis

baten

batédes5

bate

baton

b8téAu

baté^des

bâtant

baten

bátton(o)

bát

battene

3.pi.

batéjzi

bate"**

batté^te

batêV

battides

2.pi.

6. OPort.

5. OSpan.

4. Oit.; modem dial. (non-Tuscan).

battuimus

batte^mus

bateamos

batémos

baté^m

batons

baté^m

batté^mo 1 4

batem

battemus

l.pl.

TABLE XVIII-C PROTO-ROMANCE MON-PAST A (3 R D CONJUGATION)

3. Cf. Sit. (Lucanian) /spártata/ ?he divides1.

2.

1. Old Catalan.

Notes to Table XVIII-C:

battuis

battes

bates

bates

bát

bát

bát

bate

bájzí1

bat

Roum.

ba¿

báttet

battes

3.sg.

bátto

2.sg.

Sard.

Lsg,


sumus

est e(ste)

ses

éstï 1

séi

Sard. so

Roum. s±ntū1

Ital. so"(no)

OSFr. so"(n)

so"n son sé 2 sunt sunt

só"u sodés so áes^ éstis 7 estis

só"m somos so"mos sumus sumus

es ês ê(ste) ést est

éç£

eres

es

es

es

Cat.

Span. soi

¿2 Port. so^

PRom. sun

Lat.

1. 2. 3.

ORoum. OPort. Oit.; Sit. (lucanian) /suma/, /sima/.

Notes to Table XVIII-D:

sum

TABLE XVIII-D

PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST A (/ess-/ 'be')

8.

Probably also /sentis/, /sútis/. Macedo-Roum.

so"nt

éstos

sommas

est

es

ONFr. sui

7.

so"(n)

estes

ésmes, sé"m

ês

es

Probably also /sé"mus/. Oit. OSpan.

so"n(o)

sé"te 5

sé 3 se mo J

ex

so"

suntu 8

seti1

sém

3.pl. sunt

2.pl. sêtes

4. 5. 6.

l.pl.

3.sg.

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 55

Cf. a l s o S i t .

0 1 t . ; modern d i a l .

2.

3.

OSpan.

5.

OPort.

TABLE XVIII-E PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST A (/a -/ 'have')

(non-Tuscan).

(Lucanian) / s e t / .

Oit.

1.

4.

habent habe-tis

habe*mus

habet

habe•s

Notes to Table XVIII-E:

habeo

Lat.

á(u)nt

abe-tis

abé^mus

¿5

a

ave^des

avê^mos

á á(be)t

ás

Port. éi

án

án

abemos

abedes

(avjéû

ont

á(u)n

án(no)

áu

áen

3.pl.

á

a(vé^)m

avons

áð á

avê'V

aveAm

á avejzí

avéAte

ave mo 3

avecé

ates

2.pl.

á(e)s

ás

Span. é

á(i)o

ás

Cat. é

PRom.

ás

ONFr. ái

ái

ás

óx , áğğo1

OSFr. ái

Ital.

avem

áve

ái

Roum. ám áx2

ámus

á(e)t

áes

Sard. áppo

l.pl.

3.sg.

2.sg.

lsg.


FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

57

a. Reference: to r e a l i t y , but not l i m i t e d to the past, and therefore r e f e r r i n g to the present (temporal or gnomic), and also on occasion to the future or ( i n the " h i s t o r i c a l present") to situations e x i s t i n g i n the past. b.

Tense-marker: in general, zero.

The forms of this tense

c o n s i s t , t h e r e f o r e , of STEM + PERSONAL ENDING.

The stem-vowel

/ u / or / e / in the t h i r d person plural i n Conjugcation I I and with the root / a b - / 'have' (see below, Remark i i ) and / e s s - / 'be' (see below, Remark i i i ) . c. Stress: arhizotonic (on the penult) in the f i r s t and sec ond persons p l u r a l , rhizotonic elsewhere. d. Examples: c f . Tables XVIII-A, - B , and -C f o r the compara t i v e Romance evidence f o r s e t t i n g up the individual forms of the Proto-Romance paradigms of regular verbs, and Tables XVIII-D and -E f o r those of the roots / e s s - / 'be' and / a b - / ' h a v e ' , res pectively.

e.

Remarks:

i. A certain number of roots show, in varying distribution in the later Romance languages, evidence for the addition of a root-extension /-i-/ before a back vowel, in the first person singular and the third person plural on Non-Past A and before the substitute stem-vowel /-a-/ in Timeless A. We list them here with indication of their conjugations: II:

aper- -

'open'

fer- - 'strike' mor- - 'die' IIIa. ab- - 'have'

par- - 'appear' sal- - 'go up, out' en-

'come'

sap- - 'know'

de^b- - 'owe'

sol- - 'be accustomed to'

dol- - 'hurt, feel pain'

ten- - 'hold'

kad

' b e worth'

'fall'

kap- - 'get, take' pot- - 'be able' IIIb: fak- - 'do, make'

i d - - 'see' ol- - 'wish, want' po^n-i- 'put'

We can, therefore, set up such alternating pairs as / όlo/ ˜ /

/ 'I Want', /moro/ ˜ /mor o/

'I die', /poto/ ˜ /pot o/

'I am able' for roots of this type. The root-extensions /-ng-/ and /-ig-/,, present in such Ital ian and Spanish forms as /tengo/ 'I hold (have)', /salgo/ 'I go up (out)', are not to be projected back into Proto-Romance. they

cant vәs

kәntávәs

kantábas

katávas

cant v ә 3

kantáva

kantába

kâtava.

kantába

kanta•bam

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

ORoum.

Olt., dial.

1.

2.

Notes to Table XIX-A:

katáva

kantavas

kantáva

OSFr.

4.

3.

kanta-bat

kantábat

kantáva

cant vəð

kantáva

kantáva

5.

OPort.

kanta-ba-mus

kantabamus

kätavamos

kantabamos

kәntávәm

———

kantavám

kantavámo

kintám

kantabamus

1.pl.

katáva 5

katávades5

kanta. ba•tis

kanta-bant

kantábant

kantaban

kantábades4

kantabátes

kantávan

cant vant 3

kantávan

kantávano

kintá1

kantábant

3.pl.

kәntavәu

————

kantavá¢

kantaváte

k±ntá¢

kantabátes

2.pl.

TABLE XIX-A PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A (1 S T CONJUGATION)

OSpan.

Eastern OFr.

kanta-ba. s

kantábas

kantaba

kantavi

kantáva2

Ital.

kintá

kintai

kintá.1

Roum.

kantábat

kantábas

3.sg.

kantaba

2.sg.

Sard.

lsg.


dormíva 3

dormívas 3

dormívә3

dormía

dormía

dormía

dormí^(b)a

dormie'barn

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1. 2.

ORoum. Olt.

3.

dormie'ba-s

dormí^(b)as

dormías

dormías

dormías

dormie'bat

dormí^(b)at

dormía

dormía

dormía

dormie'ba'mus

dormi*(b)ámus

dormíamos

dormíamos

dormíam

dormiám

dormie'ba* tis

PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A ( 2 N D CONJUGATION)

TABLE XIX-B

4. OSpan. 5. OPort.

dormie* bant

dormí^(b)ant

dormía 5

dormíades 5 dormi^(b)átis

dormían

dormían

dormívant3

dormían

dormívano

dormí a

dormíant

3.pl.

dormíades

dormíau

dormiám

dormiváte

dormi á¢1

dormibátis

2.pl.

OLorr. Elsewhere, the endings of this conjugation in ONFr. were all replaced by /-ê"ia/ < /-é"ba/ etc.

Notes to Table XIX-B:

dormía

dormías

dormía

OSFr.

dormivámo

dormiva

Ital. dormíva

dormi ám

dormí a 1

dormí i 1

dormí a 1

Roum.

dormívi

dormibâmus

dormíat

l.pl.

dormías

3.sg.

dormía

2.sg.

Sard.

Lsg.


battue-ba* s

battue*bam

Lat.

OSard.

*

1.

"

4.

battue'bat

battê^(b)at

batêîaö

battê^va

batèâ

battéat1

3.sg.

battue*ba-mus

batte^bámus

bateîéns

battevamo

batearn

l.pl.

battue.ba.tis

batte^batis

bateîéjzi

battevate

bateau

2.pl.

TABLE XIX-C PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A ( 3 R D CONJUGATION)

was replaced by / i / in Past A of this conjugation.

In OSFr. and Ibero-Romance, the thematic vowel / e " /

Notes to Table XIX-C: .

battê^(b)as

4

baté"i9s

battê^vi

batté^(b)a

4

4

bateîә

4

batte^va3

PRom.

Port.

Span.

Cat.

ONFr.

OSFr.

Ital.

bateai

battêas

battéa 1

Roum. batea 2

Sard.

2.sg.

l.sg.

battue*bant

batte^(b)ant

bateîant

battë^van o

batea 2

battéant1

3.pl-


eras

eras

eras

eras

era- s

era

Cat.

Span. era

Port. era

PRom. era

Lat.

1 1

era-mus

i

era-tis

era(bá)tis

erávades

erábades

êrau

erá¢

eraváte

era¢1

2.pi.

TABLE. XIX-D PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A (/ess-/ 'be')

The modern Sardinian forms are built on the substitute stem /f-/.

5.' OPort.

ORoum. OSpan

*/erates/.

2.

erant

érant

era

eran

eran

(i )érant

éra(n)

érano

era'2

érant1

3.p1.

^

The only attested Sardinian form on the stem /er-/ is OSard. /érant/ (Wagner

erat

era(bá)mus

erávamos

era erat

erábamos

eram

eram

eravamo

eram

l.pl.

era

era

(i)éraö

era

era

era

3.sg.

1938/39:§117); presumably there were also */era/, */éras/, */érat/, A/êramus/,

1.

Notes to Table XIX-D:

eram

(i)eras

(i)era

eri

^ 3 era °

Ital.

ONFr.

erái

-2 era

Roum.

eras

1

1

Sard.

OSFr. era

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

61

62


are, rather, to be ascribed to Proto-Italo-Western Romance, hav ing arisen probably in back-formations at a time when /-n -/ and /-ng-/ before front-vowels had become /-nn-/, and /l -/ and /-lg-/ before front vowels -ad given /- -/, which were thus in alternation with /-ng-/ and /-lg-/ before back vowels, so that, say, PItWRom. / ./ could be equated with /tengo/ and /¡ " >/ With /salgo/. ii. The root /pot-/ 'be able' had a variant /poss-/,(coming, of course, from earlier /possum/ and /possunt/, respectively) in the first person singular and the third person plural, surviving in such forms as Ital. /pósso/ 'I can' and /possono/ 'they can'. iii. The root /ab-/ 'have' had a variant /a(i)/ in the first person singular, and /a-/, occurring with or'without stemvowel, in the other rhizotonic forms. These shorter variants were the source for the later developments in Italo-Western Romance, and especially for the endings in the so-called "synthetic" future and conditional. iv. The roots /fak-/ 'do' and /uad-/ 'go' had similar short variants, /fa-/ and /ua-/ respectively, in rhizotonic forms, giving: /fab/

or /fό/ 'I do'

/fas/

'thou

/fat/

'he does'

dost'

/fa(u)nt/ 'they do'

/ ao/ or /uό/ 'I go' / as/ 'thou goest' / at/ 'he goes' / a(u)nt/ 'they go'

v, The root /ess-/ 'be' here, as in other tenses (and, in general, in the Indo-European languages throughout its conju gation) had a wide variation in its forms, corresponding only par tially to the normal inflection of other roots in this tense. The root itself appears as /es-/ in the second and third per sons singular and in the third person plural, and as /s-/ in the other persons (probably also in the second person plural in some dialects). The personal endings appear as /-n/ in the first person singular, as zero in the second person singular, and in their regular form elsewhere. In the first person singular and the first and third persons plural, we find the substitute stemvowel /u/ (probably also / e V , / i V in some dialects). 4.22.

PAST

A, traditionally termed "imperfect."

a. Reference: limited to the past, to a situation for whose beginning no sharp onset, for whose cessation no sharp end is in dicated. From the semantic point of view, the Romance and Latin "imperfect" is a Past Non-Punctual. It is therefore approximate ly equivalent in meaning to English was ...-ing or used to ... .

čánjzf

ONFr. čánt

OIt.

OCat.

Eastern ONFr.

1.

2.

3.

Notes to Table XX-A:

kante-tis

kante-mus

kantet

Old Aquilan.

OPort.

TABLE XX-A

6.

5.

OSpan.

kanté^tis

kante^mus

kántet

4.

katédes

käte^mos

kate

kanteû kantédes

kanté^m kantémos

2

2

kantent

kántent

kate

kánten

kantan

čántant

cante í¢3

kánte

kant

cánt

kánten

kanté^m

kánt kanté'V

kanteno

kante mo

kántent

3.pl .

kánte kante te

kantétes

2.pl.

kínte

kantémus

l.pl.

kínte

kantet

3.sg.

PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A ( 1 S T CONJUGATION)

kante-s

kántes

PRom. kante

kantem

kates

Port. kate

Lat.

kántes

Span. kante

kant

kánjzí

kánjzí

OSFr. kánt

2

kante

Ital. kánte

„

kíngí

Roum.

Cat.

kántes

2.sg.

Sard. kante

l.sg.


dórmas

Sard. dorma

dórmas

dórmas

Port. dorma

PRom. dorma

OCat.

OSpan.

OPort.

1.

2.

3.

Notes to Table XX -B:

Lat.

dórmiat

duerma

dormía-mus

dormámus

dormámos

dormamos

dormarn1

(dormiéns)

dormarn

dormiámo

dormámus

l.pl. 2.pl.

dormán 1 duerman dórma 3 dormant dormiant

dormádes2 dormádes 3 dormátis dormía- tís

dormant

dormán

dormán(o)

doarma

dormant

3.pl.

dormáu1

(dormie¢)

dormá¢

dormíate

donnátes

TABLÉ XX J B PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A (2 N D CONJUGATION)

dórmía-s

dórmat

duermas

Span. duerma

dormiam

dórma

dórmas1

dorma1 dórma1

dórmaö

dórmas

ONFr. dorms

Cat.

dórma

dórmas

OSFr. dorma

dórma

dórma

doarma

dórmat

3.sg.

liai. dorma

Roum.

2.sg.

l.sg.


bata

bata

bátta

battuam

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

4. OPort.

bátan báta4

báttant báttuant

batádes3 batádes4

battátis battua-tis

batamos

battámus battua-mus

batamos

bátan1

batáu1

báta(n)

báttan(0)

bâtant

batáf¿

battiáte

bata

battant

3.pl.

(batiefá).

TABLE XX-C PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A (3 R D CONJUGATION)

Garfagnana (Tuscany).

2.

battuat

bátta

bâta

3. OSpan.

ba t. tua* s

báttas

batas

bâta

1, OCat.

Notes to Table XX-C:

batám 1

bâta1

batas1

bata1

Cat.

batas

(batiéns)

bátao

batas

bata

batám

ONFr.

bâta

batas

bata

OSFr.

bátta

bátta

battamo2

battátes

battámus

báttat

báttas bâta

2.pl.

i.pi.

3.sg.

2.sg.

Itai. bátta

Roum.

Sard. bátta

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

65

áias

ázas

Span. áia

Port. áza

OSp.

3. OPort.

2.

ázam aiámos azámos

áza áia áza

TIMELESS A (/av-/ 'have")

TABLE XX-D

habea-mus

aiaéns

áieo1

habeat

aiám

abbiamo

appamus

l.pl.

áia

PROTO-ROMANCE

1. Earliest OFr.; later /áit/.

Notes to Table XX-D:

Lat.

habea•s

ázas

áza

Cat.

habeam

áias

ONFr. áia

PRom.

áias

OSFr. áia

ábbia

ábbia

ábbia

áppat

Ital.

áppas

3.sg.

áiba

áppa

2.sg.

Roum.

Sard.

lsg.

habeant

ázan3

azádes3

habea-tis

áian

ázan

áiant

áian

ábbian o

áiba

áppant

3.pl.

aiades

ázau

aiáé^í

aiájzí

abbiáte

appatis

2.pl.


si( )as

si(a-)s

PRom. si( )a

La.t. .si(.a ; >_

Instead of

OSpan. OPort.

TABLE XX-E

4.

3.

si(a)t

si(. )at

)amus

si(*)(a-)mus

si(

PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A (/ess-/ 'be')

as might have been expected.

OCat.

1.

2.

*/séîaö/,

se^zámos

seAza

seA zas

Port. s e A z a

Notes to Table XX-E:

seamos

sea

seas

Span. sea

siám 1

' 1 sia

sias

sia1

Cat.

seîaéns

se'it2

sepias

ONFr. seîa

siám

siat

sias

s i amo

siarnus

l.pl.

OSFr. sia

sia

siat

3.sg.

sia

sias

2.sg.

Ital. sia

Roum.

Sard. sia

l.sg.

sí( )ant ai(a)nt

si(-)(a-)tis

se A zä 4

sean

sían1

sériant

sían

sían(o)

sí(a)nt

3.pl.

)atis

si(

se^zádes

seades

siáu 1

seîáéjzf

siájzí

siáte

siátes

2.pl.


kínta

kánta

kánta

canto

kánto

kánta

käta

kánta

kanta*

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

5. OSpan.

habe-

es

sé- 3

éve3 abe

sé 5

(síos) 2

(sías)

é

(ážos)

TABLE XXÎ-A PROTO-ROMANCE IMPERATIVE (2.SG.)

4. ONIt.

OCat.

2.

battue

bátte

báte

báte

bát

bát

bát

(aías)

ábbi

bátte 4 síi

(fí)

aib

bátte báte

/ess-/ ?

/av-/ ?

Conjug. III

3. POrt.

dÓrmi•

dÓrmi

dÓrmi

duerme

dÓrm

dÓrm

dÓrm

dÓrmi

dÓrm

dÓrmi

Conjug. II

1. Dialectal.

Notes to Table XXI'-A

kánta

Sard.

Conjug. I


(siáte)

( s e ^ iáéjzí ) (siáu) sed sé~de2 site este

(abbiáte)

( a i ¢) (ážau) abed ave^de2 abé^te habe-te

batté^te (baté^¢) (bat ¿) (bateau) (batíd) 1 (batíde)1,2 batté^te battuite

dormite

(dormí¢ 1 )

(dorm ¢1)

(dormíu)

dormid

dormíde

dormite

dormi-te

Ital. kantáte

OSFr. ( k a n t á ¢ )

Span. k a n t á d

Port. k a n t á d e 2

PRom. k a n t á t e

1.

TABLE XXI-B

(aiá¢)

PROTO-ROMANCE IMPERATIVE (2.PL.)

With substitute thematic vowel /if.

Notes to Table XXI-B:

kanta-te

(kəntáu)

Cat.

Lat.

( c a n t ¢)

ONFr.

2. OPort.

(fí/)

avejzí

baté¢1

dormí¢1

(siá¿)

?

Roum. k i n t á ¢ 1

?

battête

dormite

/ess-/

Sard. k a n t á t e

/av-/

Conjug. I I I

Conjug. II

Conjug. I


70


b. Tense-Marker: i. For /ess-/ 'be', /-ss-/ /-r-/, with following vowel /a/; the resultant stem-form = /era-/. ii.

For all other verbs, /-ba-/.

c. Stress: on the next to the last syllable throughout. d. 4.23.

Examples: cf. Tables XIX-A through -D. T I M E L E S S A, usually called "present subjunctive."

a. Reference: to a real situation, but time is not relevant. Use of this tense indicates that the situation might in some way be different from what it is, and that the speaker has an emo tional attitude toward it. In independent clauses, it therefore served (as in Latin and the later Romance languages) to give a command or to indicate a wish or desire, e.g. / Iniat/'let him come', /kanté^mus/ 'let's sing!'. In subordinate (included, em bedded) clauses, its chief use was with verbs indicating wish, de sire, command, possibility, doubt, and other "iffy" situations. b. Tense-Markers: i. For regular conjugations, exchange of thematic vowel: in Conjugation I, /a/ /e^ (reduced to /e/ when not stressed), and in Conjugations II and III, /i^/, /e/, and /e^/ /a/. ii. For /ab-/ 'have' and /ess-/ 'be', use of thematic vowel /a/ and of special stem-variants (see below). c. Stress: arhizotonic (on penult) in first and second per sons plural, rhizotonic elsewhere. d.

Examples: cf. Tables XX-A through - C

e. Remarks: i. As in the Non-Past A, a number of roots (such as those listed in § 4.21.e.i) had, at least in some persons' speech, the root-extension /- .-/ before /a/ (and, therefore, in all six per sons of this tense): e.g. /fák(i)a/ '(that) I do'; /mór( )at/ '(that) he die'; /ten( )amus/ '[that) we hold'. ii. The root /ab-/ 'have' had a variant /a( ) - / , and /ess-/ 'be' had /si( ) - / , in all six persons. 4.24. I M P E R A T I V E , formed only (in accordance with its meaning) on Stem A (cf. § 4.13) and only in the second person (singular and plural).

FORM-CLASSES:

VERBS

71

a. Reference: to present or future time, f o r the giving of a command. b. Stress: arhizotonic in the p l u r a l , rhizotonic in the singular. c.

Examples: cf. Tables XXI-A and XXI-B.

d.

Remarks:

i. For /ess-/, the Romance evidence does not suffice to set up a second person singular imperative form. One would have been understood, probably, if one had used the Timeless A /síâs/. ii. For commands in other persons, the Timeless A ("present subjunctive") was used, as in Latin and the later Romance languages. 4.25. F U T U R E . This tense, as observed in § 4.13, is reconstruc tible only for /ess-/ 'be', and only on the basis of Old South and Old North French, and of sporadic survivals in Old North Ital ian. 1 7 a.

Reference: wholly to future reality.

b.

Stress: rhizotonic throughout.

c.

Examples: cf. Table XXII.

l.Sg. Lsg. 2.sg. 3.sg. l.pl. 2.pl. 2. pi. 3. pi. 3.pl.

ONFr.

OSFr. OS Fr.

ONIt.

PRom.

Lat. Lat.

iér

ér

ero

ero*

iérs

ers

éris

eris

iert

er

érit

erit

érimus

erimus erimus

*éritis

eritis eritis

erunt

erunt erunt

er

iérmas

ierant

érant

TABLE XXII PROTO-ROMANCE FUTURE (/ess-/ 'be') d. Remarks: i . I f i t were not f o r the evidence of L a t i n , we would not know whether to assign t h i s tense to Proto-Romance or not, and we might be i n c l i n e d to consider i t a Gallo-Romance and North I t a l i a n

72


innovation which had had only a very short l i f e . ii. In the absence of evidence from Romance languages which preserve f i n a l vowels other than / a / , we have to reply on Latin f o r ascribing / i / and / u / to the f i n a l s y l l a b l e of these forms i n Proto-Romance. For the f i r s t person singular, we might guess at a f i n a l / - o / on the analogy of the Non-Past A; here, t o o , however, we are r e a l l y dependent on the Latin evidence. 4.3.

S T E M B.

This stem, consisting of R O O T + T H E M A T I C V O W E L + S T E M - F O R MANT /-re-/ (§4.11), was by definition equivalent to the infini tive: e.g. /kantare-/, /dormi^re-/, /teksere-/ 'to Weave', /essere-/ ' to be', /uide're-/

' to See', /abe^re-/ 'to have'.

For Proto-Romance, we can set up only one tense on this stem, a TIMELESS B, with reference, not to reality, but to a possible or probable situation. Stress was arhizotonic in the first and sec ond persons plural of all conjugations and in the other persons of all conjugations except IIIb; in this latter, it was rhizotonic in the other persons. Examples are given in Table XXIII (using, for Sardinian, the forms attested in Wagner 1938-39:§§119125, including those of /téksere/ instead of our usual /báttere/). 4.4.

S T E M C.

4.41. S T E M - F O R M A N T S . In Stem C, in Proto-Romance as in Latin, we find a number of different elements used as formants:18 a.

In weak verbs: i. Conjugations I, II: A.

e.g.

In Past C: /-u-i-/ (

/kanta(u)i-/,

B.

/-u-e-/ before /r/) ~ zero:

/dormi~(u)i-/.

In other tenses built on Stem C: zero: e.g. /kanta-/,

/dormi^-/.

ii.

Conjugation III:

A. In Past C: /-u-/ in third person singular and first person plural ~ zero in other persons: e.g. /batte u -/. B. b.

In other tenses built on Stem C: zero: e.g. /batte-/.

In strong verbs: /-i-/ ( i. /-u-/ (formant = /-ui-/):

/-e-/ before / r / ) , preceded by:

katár

kantáre

kanta-rem

dormiré

dormir

dormí^re

dormi-rem

téssere

te¢é^r

teksere

tekserem

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

Sard.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

Sard.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1.

kantares

2.sg.

teksere-s

tekseres

te¢é^res

tésseres

dormi-re-s

dormi^res

dormires

dormires

kanta-re-s

kantáres

kätares

Cf. Wagner 1938/39:§§119-125.

Notes to Table XXIII:

kantáre

Sard.

l.sg.

teksere- tis

teksere tis

te¢é^rdes

tesserétes

dormi-re-tis

dormire^t

dormirdes

dormiretes

kanta-re-tis

kantare^t

katárdes

kantaretes

2.pl.

PRom. /téksere/, Lat. /teksere/ 'to weave'.

teksere-mus

tekseré^mus

te¢e^rmos

tesserémus

dormi-re-mus

dormiré^mus

dormírmos

dormiremos

kanta-re-mus

kantare^mus

katármos

kantaremus

l-Pl -

TABLE XXIII PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS B

2.

tekseret

tékseret

te¢é^r

tésseret

dormi-ret

dormí^re

dormir

dormiret

kanta-ret

kantaret

katár

kantaret

3.sg.

tekserent

tékserent

te¢e^rë

tissèrent

dormi-rent

dormí^rent

dormiré

dormirent

kanta•rent

kantarent

katarë

kantarent

3.pl.


74

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION A.

Conjugation

Added directly to such roots as: Root

Stem C

Meaning

II

1458

Illa

1021

ab-

353 323 307

de'b†pot-

'be able'

†sap-

'know'

1414

†tak-

'be silent'

1420

†ten-

'hold'

1431

†toll-

'take'

479 348 291 840

†uol-

'wish, want^

Illb

'ome'

uen-

'Have' 'owe'

•drink'

†bib„

†mou-

'move'

†uink-

' conquer'

B. With a change in the root, in such verbs of Conjuga tion IIIb as: 348 213

ii.

'drink'

†bibkogno^sk-

'know'

751

kre^sk-

'grow'

1540

nask-

'be born'

/-s-/ (formant = /-si-/):

A. Added directly (with voiced consonant automatically voiceless consonant), to such roots of Conjugation IIIb as: 1541

de^stru^g-

de^stru^k-si-

'destroy'

361

di^k-

di^k-si-

'say'

71

du~k-

du^k-si-

'lead'

1542

fing-

fink-si-

'pretend'

1543

fi^g-

fi^k-si-

'fix, fasten'

855

iung-

iunk-si-

' join'

22

king-

kink-si-

'gird around'

1544

leg-

lek-si-

'read'

356

plang-

plank-si-

'weep'

1545

re^g-

re^k-si-

'govern'

75

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

1546 1547 1414

skri^bstringttak-

skri^p-si-

'write'

strink-si-

'squeeze'

tak-si-

'be silent'

543

trag-

trak-si-

'pull, draw'

1424

ting-

tink-si-

'dye,

858

ung-

unk-si-

'smear, anoint

840

B. I lib as:

'conquer'

With change in the root, to such verbs of Conjugation 781

ard-

ar-si-

515

1

burn'

•kill'

1548

de^fend-

de^fe^-si-

'ward off'

1121

find-

fe^s-si-

'split'

1549

ke"d-

ke^s-si-

'yield'

510

1

911

'ask for, s
PRom. 897 /folia/ 'leafage > leaf (sg.)'. The process is still going on in modern English Latinisms, such as media and data, which are often treated as singulars. 17.

Cf. Hall 1980c.

18.

As suggested by the majority of Romance linguists.

19. As suggested by such "idealistic" philologians as Karl Vossler. 20.

Cf. Havet 1891.

21.

Cf. Politzer 1947.

22.

Cf. Väänänen 1950; Hall 1961/62.

23. Especially in Old Italian, where feminine plurals in -a and -ora were extended to many ordinary nouns of declension m/II-A. 24. These can hardly be considered as forming a M O R P H O L O G I C A L neuter, pace Bonfante 1961, 1964, 1977. Semantically, the Roumanian "neuter" refers only to things or to beings [ - sex ] (cf. Hall 1972); but this observation cannot be extended to ItaloRomance. 25.

Cf. fn. 16, above.

26.

Cf. Väänänen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 263.

27.

Cf. Väänänen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 275.

28.

Cf. Bonfante 1934.

29.

Cf. Kent 1946: § 316.11.

30. illaei

Cf. Väänänen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 276, c i t i n g attestations of ' t o that person [ f . ] ' .

31. The last-mentioned meaning is the chief distinguishing feature of the so-called "perfect" or "past absolute" i n Romance.

11. DERIVATIONAL CATEGORIES

Unlike those of inflection, patterns and processes of deriva tion are subject to relatively rapid replacement in the course of linguistic history, being in this respect intermediate between in flection and lexicon. This chapter will be devoted chiefly to those aspects of suffixation and compounding which did not survive directly into Romance. 11.1.

Derivational Patterns

In the development of Latin from Indo-European, several wide spread derivational processes ceased to be productive, and sur vived only in fossilized morphological relations. The two most important processes of this type, both of them in verbal morpho logy, were reduplication and infixation ( § 10.51). The latter was important in Indo-European for forming continuative verbs with an infixed nasal, e.g. /iung-/ 'to be yoking' : /iug-/ 'to yoke'. Such Latin verbs as stilî retained these relationships were re latively few, e.g. /tang-/ 'to touch' (imperfective stem) : /tag-/ in /tetig-/ (perfective) ( < */tetag-/)• The only such verb to survive into Romance with this relationship was 2005 /níng -/ 'to snow' III-B/Reg, but it was in general replaced by forms'based on 2006 /ní -/ or /ní ik-/ I/Reg/W except in certain Umbrian dialects.1 11.2.

Derivational Processes

11.21. S U F F I X A T I O N . Both High Classical and Popular Latin were rich in suffixes, of which a fair number (at a rough estimate, perhaps half) survived directly into Romance.2 As will be seen in Chapter 14, some suffixes which cannot be ascribed to Proto-Romance but were used in High and Late Classical Latin were later re-introduced into popular or semi-popular usage, e.g. /+íû-/ '-ive'. 3 The loss of productive suffixes was most evident in nouns, verbs, and adverbs, but somewhat also in adjectives, as can be seen in the following selected items: 1. Nouns: such suffixes as/ + mo-n˙a/ f/I and / + mo-n u-/ n/II 'collective', as in /k erimo˙n a/ 'complaint' ( : /k er-/

'to complain', /testimo˙n um/ 'testimony' ( : /test-/ 'to wit ness'); / + tu˙t-/ f/VI '-ness (abstract), as in / irtu˙te-/, nom. /uirtu˙s/ 'manliness'; or the "supine" (n/II) formed on the "suine"-stem of verbs, e.g. /di˙ktum/ 'the act of saying' ( : /di˙k-/ 'to say'.

DERIVATIONAL CATEGORIES

187

2. Adjectives: the post-verbal derivatives in / + t u ˙ r - / 'about to . . . ' a d j / I - I I ("future active p a r t i c i p l e " ) and / + n d - / 'to be . . . -ed' ("future passive p a r t i c i p l e " ) a d j / I - I I , e.g. /moritu˙rus °a °um/ 'about to die' ( : /mor-/ 'to die'); /amandus °a °um/'to be

loved, loveable' ( : /am-/ 'to love'). 3. Verbs: especially the entire process of derivation of the medio-passive verb-forms by the addition of certain suffixes to the active forms, as in /ama˙tur/ 'he is loved' ( /amat/ 'he loves' + / + u r / ) , /ama˙mur/ 'we are loved' ( /ama˙mus/ 'we love', with /-us/ replaced by / + u r / ) , or /ama˙ri˙/ 'to be loved (infini tive)' ( /ama˙re/ 'to love', with /-e/ replaced by / + i % From a paradigmatic point of view, the loss of the passive derivation knocked out almost half of the verb-forms which were still avail able to users of High Classical Latin; from a semantic point of view, it eliminated the morphological expression of the passive and hence the category of voice from Romance verb-structure. A certain number of individual verbal suffixes, also, were either lost or transmogrified. The suffix / + sk-/, which had ear lier indicated the inception of an action — as in /labe˙sk-/ 'to begin to totter' ( : /labe--/ 'to totter') — lost this meaning and (as will be seen in Chapter 13) passed to the realm of inflec tion as a stem-formant. Other suffixes such as the intensive / + ess-/ IIIb (e.g. in /kapess-/ 'to lay hold on' : /kap-/ 'to take') disappeared with the obsolescence of the individual verbs containing them. 4. Adverbs. Of major importance for the later history of adverb-formation in Romance was the total loss of the suffix / + Aiter/ (as in /ina˙niter/ 'emptily' [ : /ina˙n-/ 'empty']), which formed adverbs on adjectives of the Latin declensions IIIb and VI, and the almost total loss of / + e˙/, which func tioned similarly for adjecives of declension I /II. The only di rect survivors of the latter in Romance seem to have been 1600 /longe/ 'distantly' and 1607 /pú^re/ 'purely, indeed' ( § 7.62). 11.22. P R E F I X A T I O N , interestingly, was not an extensively used process of word-formation in Indo-European or early Latin. The specifically prefixoidal elements which survived into Romance were only two: /re + / 'again' ( § 8.11) and /dis + / 'dis-, un-' ( § 8.12.1). To these was added /es + / ~ /eks + / 'out of ..., ex-' ( § 8.12.2) when that form ceased functioning as a preposi tion. Other elements which seem to us to be prefixes (e.g. /ad/ ~ /a×/ 'to', /per/ 'through', etc.) were in both Latin and ProtoRomance simply the first elements of compounds, since they were still independent prepositions. 11.23. C O M P O U N D I N G was a fairly wide-spread process in Latin, but mostly according to patterns which did not survive into Romance. The most wide-spread of these was that involving a combination of + S U B S T A N T I V E + / i/ (substantive stem-vowel) + V E R B - R O O T + the

188

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

endings of either n/II or adj/I-II. Thus, from /pan-/ 'bread' + /fik-/ ( : /fak-/ 'to make'), we have /panifikium/ 'the making of bread; baked goods' n/II; from /ina˙ni-/'empty' + /lok -/ 'to speak', /ina˙nilok us °a °um/ 'speaking emptily' adj/I-II. On the other hand, the compounding of adverbs or prepositions with verbs (cf. § 9.14) and of prepositions with nouns, adjectives or numerals to form parasynthetic verb-compounds (cf. § 9.21), which was very common in Latin, survived extensively into Romance.

N O T E S T O C H A P T E R 11

1. Cf. Hall 1962a; di Pietro 1963. 2. For an extensive listing of the word-formations of Popular Latin, cf. Cooper 1895. 3. 1941.

For a careful, detailed study of this suffix, cf. Malkiel

4. Cf. the extensive listing of Popular Latin compounds in Cooper 1895:246-314.

V. 12.

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOPHONEMICS

The earliest developments in the gradual divergence of the different varieties of Romance undoubtedly took place under the Roman Empire, although by no means causing wide enough splits to justify our projecting the later standard languages back on them. (In other words, what was spoken in Gaul in, say, 500 A . D . was hardly "French" or even "pre-French," and similarly for the other Romance-speaking areas.) The relative break-down in interregional communication from the fifth century onwards undoubtedly speeded up the process, at least somewhat. In this section, we shall pre sent some of the salient developments in early Romance, primarily between the earliest reconstructible stage (which we have been calling Proto-Romance) and those which can best be termed ProtoBalkan-, -Italo-, -Gallo-, and Ibero-Romance. 12.1.

Loss of Contrasts

Among the morphological categories which we have to set up for Proto-Romance, those of grammatical gender, number, person, and tense have shown themselves fairly resistant, on the whole, as long as the phonological base on which they rested have remained firm, or as long as an adequate substitute was available. Thus, in Eastern (Italo- and Balkan) Romance, the loss of final/-s/ and /-t/ did not seriously weaken the distinction between singular and plural. These phonological losses affected only certain forms, and other endings (especially /-i/) could be extended to take the place of those in /-s/, while zero (in contrast to one or more phonemes elsewhere in a paradigm) was sufficient to mark those forms which had earlier been distinguished by /-t/. Thus, the nominative plural ending /-e/ for f/I and /-i/ for m/II-A and m or f/III easily replaced /-as/, /-es/ and /-os/ respectively in Italian1 and Roumanian, in such forms as /káse/ 'houses', /boni/ 'good (m.pl.)' or /omini/ 'men'. Similarly, /kánti/ 'thou sing est' was as good as /kántas/ to distinguish the second singular from other persons, and similarly /kánta/ 'he sings' replacing /kántat/.

Case, on the other hand, was far weaker, and gradually disap peared, to the point where it is no longer represented (except in fossilized forms) in our earliest Romance texts except in Balkan and Gallo-Romance (North and South French and Rhaeto-Romance). But why should the case-system have disappeared almost wholly in the very regions where we might perhaps have expected it to sur-

190


vive most extensively, Ibero-Romance and Sardinian? We may sus pect that its loss was due, paradoxically, to the fact that those were the areas where both / - s / and the vowel of the final syllable was preserved. The latter phenomenon meant that noun- and adjec tive-stems were clearly marked; the former, that / - s / served very clearly as a plural-marker, due to its occurring far more fre quently in the plural than in the singular. In the dative-abla tive plural, the ending /-i˙s/ (which would have become /-es/ in Central and Western Ibero-Romance) was much less distinctive, for the identification of the class of any noun to which it was added, than were the endings /-as -os -es/, corresponding to stems in /-a -u -e/ respectively. In Italo- and Balkan Romance, with the loss of /-s/, the onus of distinguishing between singular and plural fell on the alterna tion of final vowels: /-a/ ~ /-e/ for the first declension, /-u/ ~ /-i/ for the second, as contrasted with (at the out-set) /-e/ ~ /-e/ in the third. In this latter absence of contrast, we find the reason for the substitution (wide-spread but not complete2) of /-i/ for /-e/ in the plural-ending of the third declension, by analogy with the second. In Italian, /-i/ as a plural-marker spread to the /a/-stems in the masculine, and, in Old Italian, even to some feminines.3 We are to ascribe a similar origin to the /-i/ of a great many feminine plurals in Roumanian, particu larly those of the "ambigenes" in /-uri/ < /-ora/.4 Conditions were thus favorable to a partial preservation of case-markers in Roumanian and (at least in fossilized traces) in the earliest Old Italian. In Gallo-Romance, on the other hand, the vowel of the final syllable was lost (except for / - a / ) , whereas / - s / was, for some centuries at least, preserved. In this situation, the first de clension was the only one in which / - s / was an unambiguous plu ral-marker. In the others, the presence of / - s / in most m.sg. nominatives was frequent enough to serve as a case-marker, as was its absence in m.pl. nominatives. Evidence of this is found in the wide-spread analogical extension of / - s / to m.sg. nominatives which originally had none, e.g. ONFr. /b rs /≠/br/ 'hero' ( PRom. 1075 /báro/), and also the analogical loss of / - s / in m.pl. nominatives of the third declension, e.g./či n/ ≠ /ci ns/ (as was to be expected from PRom. 1184 /kanes/). There was, however, enough confusion throughout the ONFr. and OSFr. period for a great deal of analogical shifting to develop, so that when the condi tioned sound-change of / s / > zero took place in pre-consonantal position, it served as a catalyst for word-final / - s / to be lost analogically elsewhere, in pre-pausal position and finally, in Modern French, even in pre-vocalic position as well. As a re sult, present-day French and Provençal seem to be as wholly devoid of case in their substantives as are the Ibero-Romance varieties, Sardinian and Italian, but they have arrived at this stage by a different route.


191

Modern Romance forms have developed, in short, not out of one single case (as is often assumed 5 ), but out of a gradual fusion of the various non-nominative cases into a more or less generalized "oblique" stem. This latter then became the only form to serve, in most of the vocabulary, in Ibero-Romance and Sardinian, and (later) in Italo- and most (but not all) of Gallo-Romance. De Dardel (1964) was undoubtedly on the right track in hypothesizing an intermediate stage, which he considered to have manifested three cases, between the earlier syxtem of six cases and the la ter, caseless stage. We must, however, go even farther and postu late a gradual decline of the case-system, which fell apart at va rying rates and with different results in various parts of the Ro mance territory. It is perhaps not excessively fanciful to com pare the linguistic situation with that which prevailed in postImperial use of the inherited monuments of Roman architecture. The successors of the Roman Empire lived, to a large extent, in. buildings which were gradually falling apart, and whose remaining rooms were used for purposes which were often quite different from their original functions, eked out with fragments of other parts of the same building or of other edifices brought in an adapted to aims for which they were not originally intended. In each in stance, the process was gradual, lasting centuries and even mill ennia. In Romance linguistic structure, it is not over yet (and presumably never will be). 12.2.

Development of New Contrasts

In certain instances, however, new categories or sub-categor ies of inflection arose. These included the beginnings of the indefinite and the definite article, as well as those of an inde finite pronoun based on 230 /6mo/ and 49 /omine/ 'man'. 12.21. INDEFINITE ARTICLE. Neither Latin nor Greek, as is well known, Liad an indefinite article.6 In popular speech, 1451 was used to mean 'a certain ... ', as in unus servus indoientissimus 'a certain man [who is] a most indolent slave'. 7 From this use to the function of an indefinite article is only a very short step. In the "Vulgate" (St. Jerome's translation of the Bible, fourth century A . D . ) , one finds such expressions as accessit ad eum una ancilla 'there came up to him a serving-maid' (Matt. 26.69). The decisive step in this process was the loss of stress, when /u^n-/ stood in pre-tonic position and became unstressed, thereby coming to constitute a new form-class. The presence of this usage in the Latin of the Vulgate invalidates the suggestion8 that it originated, not in popular speech, but in the learnèd language of mediaeval Neoplatonism. On the other hand, the use of /ú^n-/ in the sense of 'a certain person' continued at least down into Boccaccio's time, as evidenced in his use of the expression una sua madre, which is certainly to be taken as 'a certain woman, his mother' (not 'a mother of his'!). 9 12.22.

DEFINITE ARTICLE.

Although Greek had a definite article,

192


ò /ho he˙ ton/, Latin had none. In Popular Latin, there ex isted a situation similar to that prevailing with regard to /u^n-/, in that a kind of pre-definite-article was in process of formation. Two demonstratives, /ill-/ 'that' and /ips-/ 'the same, the very one', were used in such expressions as ille opulentissimus 'that man [who is] very rich', and (speaking of apples, mela, n.pl.) illa acida 'the ones [which are] sour'. 10 Here, too, as with the development of the indefinite article ( § 12.21), the decisive step in the establishment of a new form-class was the loss of stress in pre-tonic position. At first, the pre-definite-articles /ill-/ and /ips-/ were in nearly free alternation, as in this sequence of sentences from the Late Latin Peregrinatio Sanctae Aetheriae'. Requisivi de eo quam longe esset ipse locus. Tunc ait ille presbyter ... 'I

asked of him how far away the place was. Then the holy elder said ...'.10 Later, forms developing from /ips-/ became localized in Sardinia, parts of southern France, and Catalonia, whereas forms based on /ill-/ prevailed elsewhere. In Balkan Romance, the definite article came to occupy the second slot in the nounphrase,11 but the first slot elsewhere. 12 12.23.

MORPHOPHONEMIC DEVELOPMENTS.

Such morphophonemic alterna

tions as can be set up for Proto-Romance served primarily to dis tinguish inflectional functions, e.g. in such contrasts as that between imperfective and perfective verb-stems (as in 338 fák-/ 'to do' ~ /fé^k-i-/; cf. § 4.41.b.iii.A), Other, non-functional alternations were present sporadically, in such pairs as the as similation of a final consonant to a following one in sentencesandhi or derivation, e.g. 375 /ad/ 'to' ~ /a×/ or1555/aut/ 'or' ~ /a ×/ ( § 5.1). Even in the earliest stages of Romance, however, phonemic splits resulted in the development of new morphophonemic alter nations: 1. The first of these splits was probably that of /k/ into /k/ and /c/, and of /g/ into /g/ and /ğ/, due to palatalization before front vowels.13 In the varieties in which this change took place or to which it spread (eventually virtually all except the most conservative dialects of Sardinian), substantive- and verb-roots ending in /-k-/ and /-g-/ developed palatalized alter nants before front vowels. Thus, for Proto-Continental Romance (PCRom.), we have to set up such forms as /pórku/ 'pig' ~ /pórči/ 'pigs'; /doméstika/ 'domestic' f.sg. ~ /doméstiče/14

f.pl.; /díko/ 'I say' ~ /díčit/ 'he says'. For roots ending in /-g-/, likewise, we must set up, say, PCRom. /fágu/ 'beech' ~ /fáği/ 'beeches', and /fíngat/ 'that he pretend' ~ /fínğet/ 'he pretends'. The resultant two morphophonemes may be symbolized by /K/ and /G/, respectively, and the roots cited above may be re-written as PCRom. /pórK-/, /doméstiK-/, /díK-/, /fáG-/, /fínG-/

respectively.

This alternation was and still remains very wide-


193

spread in all Romance languages whose palatalized consonants com ing from /ĉ/ and /ğ/ have either remained at the stage /ĉ/, /ğ/ or have developed farther to / ¢ / , and then gone to /G/, or to /s/ and /z/. 2. Umlaut 15 gave rise to alternation between umlauted and non-umlauted vowels in various instances of differentiation in ad jectival, pronominal and verbal paradigms. Thus, we find plurals distinguished from singulars in some dialects where a final /-i/ raised a preceding stressed /á/, e.g. Piedmontese /kér/ 'carts' ( < PRom. 670 /kárri/) ~ /kár/ 'cart' ( < PRom. /kárru/). Neapotan distinguishes masculine from feminine in some adjectives by the presence of a closer vowel in the former versus a more open vowel in the latter, as in /bó^nə/ 'good' (m.sg.) ( < PRom. 118 /bonu/) ~ /bona/ (f.sg.) ( < PRom. /bona/). In Old North French, the presence of a final /-i/ in Proto-Gallo-Romance raised a pre ceding stressed / e V , as in the pronouns /íl/ 'he' ( < PGRom., PItWRom. /é^lli/ < PRom. 18 /ílli/ ) ~ /é^lə/ 'she' ( < PGRom. /é^llə/ < PItWRom. /é^lla/ < PRom. 1146 / í l a / ) . Similarly in verb-forms: ONFr. /prís/ 'I took' ( < PRom. /pré^si/) ~ /prən-/ as in /Prən /¢ 'you take'. 3. Diphthongization16 gave rise to similar alternations, whether conditioned by final vowel (often as an extension of um laut) or by stress. Old North French and Italian had fairly ex tensive alternations of this type, as in ONFr. /pruef/, OIt. /pruovo/ 'I try' ( < PRom. 354 /probo/) ~ ONFr. /prov r/, It.

/prováre/ 'to try' ( < PRom. /probáre/). Many of these mediaeval alternations have been ironed out in later times, especially in Modern French, as in Fr. /(zə)pruv/ je prouve (which would have been, in the normal development, */ prøv/ je preuve). Castilian had and still has a great number of such alternations in forms which contained a lax mid vowel, due to these vowels having diph thongized under stress whether in free or checked syllable: e.g. Spanish /siento/ 'I feel' ( < PRom. 155 /sénto/) ~ /sentir/ 'to

feel' ( < PRom. /sentí're/j. For these alternations, also, appro priate morphophonemic symbols can be used as needed, e.g. ONFr., Olt. /prOv-/ 'to try', Span. /sEnt-/ 'to feel'. 4. A number of other types of morphophonemic alternation arose in the various Romance languages as they gradually became differentiated and new conditioned sound-changes took place. Rou manian and Old North French were perhaps the richest in such pho nological and hence morphological developments. Roumanian, for instance, manifests such alternations as /a/ ~ /á/ in a great many forms, e.g. /kətá(re)/ 'to earn' ( < PRom. 1197 /kattáre/ 'to get') ~ /kátə/ 'he earns' ( < PRom. /káttat/). Old French had a number of such special developments, often giving rise to alternations of not only two, but three or even more vowels depending on their phonological environment: e.g. /manéîr/ 'to stay' ( < PRom. 458 /mané^re/) ~ /máint/ 'he Stays' ( < PRom. /mánet/) ~ /mé^s/ 'I

stayed' ( < PRom. /mási/) ~ /m s/ 'stayed [past part.]' ( < PRom.

194


/masu/). Similarly, there arose such consonant-alternations as /v/ ~ /č/ in, say, /sav-/ in /savéîr/ 'to know' ( < PRom. 307 /sapé^re/) ~ /sac-/ in /sáčəө/ 'that he know

( < PRom. /sáp a t / ) .

Many of these alternations have been ironed out analogically in Modern French; many fewer in Modern Roumanian. Their detailed enumeration and development is of course part of the history of the individual languages. N O T E S T O C H A P T E R 12

1.

Cf. Hall 1961/62.

2. Old Italian had some third-declension plurals in /-e/, as do some modern dialects, e.g. Old Paduan i dente 'the teeth', Tus can le chiave 'the keys'. Cf. Grandgent 1927: § 55; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. §363. 3. spin!

Cf. such Old Italian forms as porti 'doors', veni 'veins', 'thorns'; cf. Grandgent 1927: §55; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. § 362.

4. Through the stages /- ure/ < /- ore/, with /-e/ analogically from the plural of the first declension; cf. Puscariu 1943:290. 5. E.g. by Sundstedt 1896, Merlo 1911, and even as recently as Orban 1972. 6. If Greek had had an indefinite article, Plato would not have needed to hypothesize his ideal archetypes. 7. Cited by Väänänen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 263, as is also the ex pression from the Vulgate in the following sentence. 8.

Made by Mancinelli 1969.

9.

Cf. Hall 1956/57.

10.

Cited by VäänSnen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 275.

11.

Cf. Hall 1969b.

12. For detailed discussions of the development of the Ro mance definite article, cf. Aebischer 1947; Ruggieri 1957; Piotrovskii 1960; Abel 1970, 1972; Orlandini 1981. 13.

Cf. Hall 1976a: § 4.32.

14. This alternation must be projected back into Proto-Continental Romance because of its all-pervasive presence in Rouman ian. Italian forms in /-ke/ (e.g. /doméstike/ domestiche) are the result of analogical levelling, as emphasized rightly by Mañczak 1973. 15.

Cf. Hall 1976a: §4.21.

16.

Cf. Hall 1976a: §4.22.

13.

INFLECTIONAL CLASSES

The later Romance languages have, by and large, continued the fundamental class-structure of Latin and Proto-Romance. Sardin ian, Italo- and Ibero-Romance have perhaps been the most conserva tive, Balkan Romance rather less so, and Gallo-Romance least of all — to the point where, according to some observers, Modern French has, in its typology, moved quite far away from its Romance congeners. Even so, the basic form-classes have remained the same. 13.1.

Nouns

Especially in the intermediate (mediaeval) stages, nouns deve loped in two main directions, depending on the maintenance or oth erwise of word-final vowels. In the languages where final vowels were, on the whole, retained, the major noun-declensions have not changed. For Sardinian, Roumanian, Italian, Spanish, and Portu guese, we can still set up the three main declensions, character ized by the stem-vowels /a/, /u/ or /o/, and either /e/ or zero, and can still assign them the same numbers, I, II and III respect ively. In certain languages, one sub-declension or another has had a special development. The most striking of these is declension II-B, of the "ambigenes," which has had a tremendous expansion in Roumanian, being extended even to a very large number of modern loan-words from French and other languages. We find, just to cite two instances out of many hundreds, such forms as /bombón/ 'piece of candy, bonbon' m.sg. ~ /bomboáne/ 'bonbons', f.pl., and /endokárd/ 'endocardium' m.sg. ~ /endokárduri/ 'endocardia', f.pl. In Old Italian, also, there was a notable extension of the "ambi genes" in /-a/ and /-ora/,1 to such words as /kámpo/ 'field', m.sg. ~ /kámpora/ 'fields', f.pl. In certain instances, these Italian forms began to be specialized in reference to two objects of a.kind forming a pair, as in /len¢uóio/ 'bed-sheet', m.sg. both /len¢uola/ 'bed-sheets (in pairs)', f.pl., and /len¢uoli/ ~ 'bed-sheets (without reference to pairs) , m.pl. Further develop ment to a revived dual number2 did not take place because of homonymy with first-declension nouns and adjectives. In Old North French, there were only scattered survivals of such plurals, such as /bra¢ə/ 'arms' (also in the personal name /fierəbr¢ə/ 'StrongArms') or /čarrə/ 'carts'. Ibero-Romance did not continue any ambigenes.

196


In Gallo-Romance, however (and presumably also in pre-literary Catalan), final vowels except /-a/ dropped in most instances, with a resultant re-arrangement of substantival declensions. That cha racterized by /-a/ (or its later development to /-ə/ or /- /) re mained, in general, as such. In the others, though, the determin ing characteristic of declensions became the distribution of in flectional / - s / in the two remaining cases, oblique and nomina tive. Taking Old South French as an example, we can set up the declensions shown in Table XL, using as examples /dómna/ 'lady', /mur/ 'wall', /lívre/ 'book', /ka(n)/ 'dog', and /nás/ 'nose. La ter, when word-final /-s/ was almost wholly lost in Gallo-Ro mance, the category of case went with it (as mentioned in § 12.1). Sg. Decl.

Obl.

Pl. Nom.

I IIa

-s -s

Nom. -s

dómna ~ dómnas

-s

IIb III

Obl.

Examples

múr ~ múrs

-s -s

lívre ~ lívres

-s

-s

ká(n) ~ káns

IV

nás TABLE XL OLD SOUTH FRENCH NOUN-DECLENSIONS

For the development of noun-declension to Old South French, we can set up the graphic representation shown in Table XLI. 3 Simi lar tables could of course be set up for the other Romance lan guages as well. Examples 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

dómna > mátre > múru > líbru > násu > káne >, túrri > kórpus >

dómna 'lady' máire 'mother' múr 'wall' lívre 'book' nás 'nose' ká(n) 'dog' tó^r 'tower' kór(p)s 'body'

TABLE XLI DEVELOPMENT OF CASES FROM PROTO-ROMANCE TO OLD SOUTH FRENCH

INFLECTIONAL CLASSES 13.2.

197

Adjectives

The Romance languages have continued the basic pattern of hav ing two main sub-classes of adjectives, of which one distinguishes morphologically between feminine (normally with an ending derived from Proto-Romance /-a/) and masculine (with a different ending or none at all), and the other does not so distinguish. The first type of course continues the Proto-Romance class adj/I-II, and the second continues adj/III. Table XLII shows the Old South French adjective-declensions in relation to the noun-classes, and Table XLIII represents graphically their development from Proto-Romance. The examples given are listed, with numbers and glosses, alongside Table XLII. Decl.

Endings

Examples m.

f. sg.

pl.

sg.

pl.

obl. nom. obl. nom. obl. nom. obl. nom. I-IIa

-s

I - IV

-s

-s

-s

-s

-s

bóna, bó(n), bó(n)s fáusa, fáus; dóusa, dóus

III-IIa I-IIb

-s

-s

-s

-s

-s

-s

-s

léu

-s

meļó^r

TABLE XLII OLD SOUTH FRENCH ADJECTIVE DECLENSIONS Examples 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

bóna ~ bó(n) 'good' fáusa ~ fáus 'false' dóusa ~ dóus 'sweet' léu 'light, easy' meļó^r 'better' (nom.sg.m. mieudre)

TABLE XLIII DEVELOPMENT OF ADJECTIVE-DECLENSIONS FROM PROTO-ROMANCE TO OLD SOUTH FRENCH Example 3, with the feminine /dóusa/ PRom. 717 /dúlke/, is typical of a number of adjectives which have been influenced by the much larger class adj/I-II, in this instance taking over the final /-a/ of the feminine, as happened also in a number of ONFr.

198


adjectives, e.g. /dó^l¢ə/ 'sweet' or /grande/ 'large' ( ≠ PRom. 1137 /gránde/). 4 In other instances, adjectives have shifted their entire declension, as in the case of Olt. /trísto °a/ 'sad evil' ( ≠ PRom. 2 /trí^ste/ 'sad'). In the mediaeval and modern Romance languages, there have ari sen, on occasion, new declensional classes of adjectives when words have been introduced from outside sources. On occasion, aimilar formations may be of radically different origin. Both Ital ian and Spanish, for instance, now have adjectives with stem-vowel /i/. Italian /pari/ 'equal' is an indeclinable learnēd loan-word from Latin /pari-/ adj/III-A, of the same meaning. Spanish /kúrsi/ 'cheap, vulgar, "campy"', on the other hand, is a borrow ing from Maghrebian Arabic /kúrsi/ 'prestigious > arrogant > ped antic, presumptuous', and is (in at least some speakers' usage) variable, forming a plural /kúrsis/. 13.3.

Pronouns

The personal pronouns in the various Romance languages have remained, in general, quite faithful to their prototypes so far as their inflectional relations were involved. The use of the second person plural forms related to PRom. 420 / ó^s/ 'ye, you' as a manner of courteous address is considered to have arisen in Roman Imperial times, starting with the emperors' habit of refer ring to themselves as /nó^s/ 'we' and their courtiers' replying to them using the plural for 'you'. Later customs, wide-spread in Renaissance and modern Romance, involved the use of various third-person noun-phrases or related pronoun substitutes to ad dress some-one held in reverence ('your Highness, your Lordship, your Excellence'), e.g. Roumanian dumneata 'thy Lordship', dumneavoastra 'your Lordship'; various Italian formulas replaced by the third-person pronouns Ella, Lei 'she > you [sg.]', Loro 'they > you [p].]'; Spanish usted 'you [sg.]', ustedes 'you [pl.]'. 5 The details of these developments belong to the later history of the individual languages. Spanish and Portuguese have developed a form of the third-per son pronoun which refers, not to a specific person or thing, but simply to some situation as a whole or to some aspect of it. Spanish /ló/, Portuguese /ó/, as in Spanish /ló de mi tío/ 'the matter of my uncle', /ló buéno/ 'that which is good'. (In this last example, contrary to the dicta of virtually all traditional grammars, /lo/ is not a definite article modifying the adjective; it is a pronoun modified by the adjective). This form is usually termed lneuter', and considered to be a continuation of the Latin neuter demonstrative /illud/, with a special treatment of the fi nal syllable due to its ending in /d/. However, as I have argued elsewhere,6 this is a development restricted to Ibero-Romance, with no relation (semantically or phonologically) to /illud/, and better termed the 'abstract'.


199

A phenomenon which might have led to the development of an in definite pronoun meaning 'people in general, "one"' in all of Italo-Western Romance was the wide-spread use,in the mediaeval and early Renaissance vernaculars, of forms meaning 'man' and coming from PRom. 230 /ómo/, 49 /ómine/.7 Among the forms used in this way were Old Italian /uóm(o)/, , Old French (North and South) /óm/ from /ómo/; Catalan /ómə/, Spanish /ómbre/ ( < /ómne/), and Portuguese /óm / from /ómine/. In Imperial times, philosophical and religious writers used Latin homo in the sense of 'man in gen eral, man-kind'. Words from this source and in this meaning.were, until the seventeenth century, a feature common to Italo-Western Romance. However, they were largely used with the definite arti cle, and were, with the exception of North French /om/, 8 always stressed. They therefore remained homonymous with the correspond ing common count-noun for 'man'. In the later Middle Ages and the Renaissance, they were subject to increasing competition from syn onymous and less troublesome expressions for an indefinite prota gonist, such as the numeral for 'one' and the reflexive. North French was the only Romance language in which the to-be-expected development into a true indefinite pronoun took place. This was because the Old North French word for 'man', alone of the ItaloWestern Romance languages, had two declensional forms, /ómə/ ob lique, and /om/, nominative, which diverged in their phonemic shape due to sound-changes. The oblique /ómə/ became /om/ homme, and was used as the ordinary caseless count-noun for 'man', where as the nominative /om/ became /õ/. The last-mentioned form was now set adrift from its phonological relation to /om/ homme 'man', and was thereby enabled to develop the true indefinite pronominal function which it now fulfills in Modern French. 13.4.

Numerals

Most of the Romance languages have continued the Latin and Proto-Romance numeral-system fairly faithfully, for the numbers from 'one' through 'sixteen', for the 'tens',9 and for 'hundred' and 'thousand' respectively. Between 'seventeen' and 'nineteen', no Proto-Romance etyma can be set up. The Italo-Western languages agree on having the numeral for 'ten' followed by those for 'seven', 'eight', and 'nine'; but they differ in the conjunction (if any) used to connect the numerals. Ibero-Romance uses / i / 'and'; Italo-Romance, /a×/ (probably < / a k / ) ; Gallo-Romance, zero. The two chief exceptions to the above generalizations are found in Gallo- and Balkan Romance. In the former territory, Old North French made extensive use of the vigesimal system, i.e. reckoning the 'tens' from 'forty' onwards by scores, using the numeral /vínt/ 'twenty; a score'. 10 Thus, 'forty' was /dóûsvín¢/ 'two twenties, two-score'; 'sixty' was /tréîsvín¢/ 'three twen ties, three-score', etc. Modern standard French preserves relics of this system in /katrəv t quatre-vingts '80', and the reckoning of the numbers from '81' through '99( by the addition of the ap propriate terms from 'I' through '19', as in /katrəv trez/ qua

tre-vingt-treize

'93',

/katrəv

nœf/ quatre-vingt-neuf

99 , etc.

200


Another relic of the vigesimal system in modern standard French is the addition of /dis/ dix '10' through /diznœf/ dix-neuf '19' to /swasãt/ soixante '60' to form the numerals for '70' through '79', as in /swasãtkatorz/ soixante-quatorze

'74'.

In

certain dialects and also varieties of regional standard French, Speakers use /septãt/ s e p t a n t e , /uitat/ huitante

or /oktãt/ oc-

tante '80', and /nonãt/ nonante '90', with numerals from '1' to '10' added to signify the intermediate numbers, e.g. /septãtsis/ septante-six

'76'

instead of /swasãtsez/ soixante-seize.

In both

Belgium and Switzerland, many speakers use these more 'logical" numerals as a form of (minor) assertion of linguistic independence from the linguistic hegemony of metropolitan France. Roumanian went much farther than French in departing from the inherited Romance pattern for numerals beyond '10'. The system of counting by 'tens' was preserved, but with new phrasal combina tions from '20' through '90', consisting s imply of M U L T I P L I E R + 'TEN': /dóuəãzéči/ 'two tens = twenty', /tréizéči 'three tens = thirty', etc. The number for '100' is of Slavic origin: /suta/ '100', /douəzeč1 / '200', and so on. Those from '11' through '19' consist of phrases with the semantic pattern N U M E R A L + 'ON' + 'TEN': /unsprezéce/ '11', etc. These formations all follow Slavic patterns, and are among the features which give Roumanian the ap pearance of having grown out of a moderately, but not thoroughly well learned Popular Latin in the mouths of speakers of Slavic. 13.5.

Verbs

Romance verbs, like the other parts of speech, continue in ge neral the inherited organization of conjugations and stems. The basic pattern of three conjugations, with stem-vowels going back to /a/,/i^/,and/e/ or /e^/, respectively, is still recognizable in every non-creolized Romance language.11 The /a/- or "first" conjugation is still the most productive, to which new formations are normally assigned, as in twentieth-century Italian /allunáre/ 'to land upon the moon' ( : /luna/ 'moon'), or French /batike^/ batiquer

'to

do batik-WOrk' ( : /batik/ b a t i k ) , /šãpwine^/ cham-

puoiner 'to shampoo' ( : /šãpw / shampooing). The distinction be tween stems in PRom. stressed /é^/ (conjugation III-A) and un stressed /e/ (conjugation III-B) is in general preserved except in Ibero-Romance, where Spanish and Portuguese roots with stem-vowel /e/ have all been given the infinitive-ending /-ér/, going back to /-é^re/. Through special conditioned phonological change, Rouman ian has developed an added stem-vowel /i/, thus forming a new con jugation related to Proto-Romance II, as in /kobor-i-/ 'descend', /omor-i-/ 'kill'. 12

The chief new development in Romance verb-inflection which took place in early times (roughly during the Imperial period) was the extension of the stem-increment /-sk-/. 13 This element lost its "inchoative" force and came to be simply a sequence of pho nemes whose main function was to bear the word-accent in forms


201

which would otherwise have the stress fall on the root-syllable, as in PCRom. /flo^re^re/ 'to flower', say, but /flo^ré^sikt/ 'it

flowers', as opposed to an earlier /flo. ret/ in Latin. The suffix / + sk-/ could, in Latin, be used after a stem-vowel /a-/, /e. /, or / i . / , as in /inuetera.sk-/ 'to grow older', /kuie.sk-/ 'to rest', /obdormi.sk-/ 'to fall asleep'.14 Later, it became limited, in the lateral regions of Balkan and Ibero-Romance, to following /e^/, and in the central areas of ltalo- and Gallo-Romance to following /i/. In most regions, those verbs which added /sk/ to their roots came to belong to a special sub-section of Conjugation II (stemvowel /i/ or developments thereof). In this conjugation in Bal kan, ltalo- and Gallo-Romance, some roots (such as /dorm-/ 'to sleep') did not take the /sk/-increment, whereas others, such as /fin-/ 'to finish' did. The latter may, therefore, be given a special label, II-isK, with a special morphophonemic symbol //K// to represent a A / which is palatalized before a following front-vowel ending (or development thereof, including zero). Thus, Italian /fin-/ 'to finish' has /finísko/ 'I finish' and /finískono/ 'they finish', but /finíssi/ 'thou finishest' and /finisse/ 'he finishes'. Similarly, Roumanian /mul¢zum-/ 'to thank' has /mul¢umésk/ 'I thank, they thank', but /mul¢uméšte/ 'he thanks'. Old South French had /finísk/ 'I finish', /finískon/ 'they finish', but /finises/ 'thou finishest' and /finís/ 'he fin ishes' . In Ibero-Romance, however, verbs with a /sk/-increment passed into the /-er/-conjugation, and the / ¢ / which developed out of /sk/ before a front vowel was generalized, replacing the /s/ in forms like Old Spanish /meré¢o/ 'I deserve' (modern /meréθko/) ~ /meré¢e/ 'he deserves'. The Ibero-Romance verbs of this type have extended the / ¢ / (or its later developments to /e/ or /s/) to all forms of the verbs concerned, e.g. Spanish /mereeía/ 'he deserved', /mereeér/ 'to deserve'. As a result, these verbs do not form a separate conjugation in Ibero-Romance, and the /k/-increment is simply an element forming special allomorphic variants, as in /mereθk-/ ~ /mereθ-/.

The development of conjugations for each Romance language can be shown graphically, as in Table XLIII, again for Old South French. In the history of each language, individual verbs have of course shifted from one conjugation to another, a phenomenon which needs to be treated separately by language. Likewise, the history of the development of Stem C differs from one language to another, and can best be treated separately in individual histories. In some instances, the phonological de velopment of the stem-formant / / led to the extension of the re sultant /k/ or /g/ to entire tenses, as in Old South French /ak/ (morphophonemically //ag//, as in the Timeless C /ages-/ '(that) he had', and thence analogically to other verbs.

202


Old South French Examples 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

kanta- 'to sing' da- 'to give' dorm- 'to sleep' fin- 'to finish' ten- 'to hold' diz- 'to say' bat- 'to beat'

TABLE XLIV VERB-CONJUGATIONS FROM PROTO-ROMANCE TO OLD SOUTH FRENCH ''''''''''

13.6.

Indeclinables

There is little to say about indeclinables, since the chief classes remained pretty much the same from Proto-Romance onwards; what developments took place in the rise of allomorphic variants were conditioned by phonological changes in the individual lan guages. In the instance of the forms for 'behold' (coming from PRom. 1561 /ekke/ or 119 /ékku/), such as Old Spanish and Old French (South and North) /é¢/, Sardinian /ékku/, Italian /ékko/, their use with enclitic pronominal forms caused their development into a kind of "verbaloids", non-inflected but behaving syntac tically like imperatives. 15


1.

Cf. § 3.11, s.v. declension II-B.

2.

Cf. Hall 1956.

3.

The tables in this chapter are adapted from Hall 1980b.

4. ONFr. /grant/ f.sg. has continued in such Modern French compounds as /grãmer/ 'grand-mother', formerly spelled grand'mere (as if the final -e of grande had been omitted through some "cor ruption" or disobedience to the rules of grammar). Nowadays, how ever, through a gracious dispensation from the Académie Française, i t iS p e r m i s s i b l e t o

write

grand-mère.


203

5. Spanish usted is usually considered to have been a con traction of sixteenth-century vuestra Merced 'your Mercy', but it is more likely a borrowing into standard Spanish, through Andalucian, of Maghrebian Arabic /ustà:ð/ [us'tæ:ð] 'master' (cf. Krotkoff 1963/64). 6.

Cf. Hall 1965, 1968.

7. Cf. Brown 1931, 1936; Schlaepfer 1933. Unfortunately, Brown never pulled his findings on this topic together into a mo nograph.. 8. Stressed /6mo/ > ONFr. /uém/, which, if it had continued in use, would have become modern /æ/, homonymous with the numeral /æ/ un 'one'; cf. Pope 1934 (1956 3 ): § 870. 9.

Cf. Jud 1905; Almeida Lucas 1940-42; Schmid'1964.

10. Cf. Rösier 1910; Spitzer 1925; Rohlfs 1943; Reichenkron 1952. Some ascribe the use of the vigesimal system to a Keltic substratum, others to a Germanic superstratum; but adhuc sub judice lis est. 11. The inherited Romance conjugations are still recognizable in the derivational patterns of some Romance-based creoles, such as Haitian Creole; cf. Hall 1953: §2.141. 12. The occurrence of /i/ or /i/ after a root ending in /r/ cannot be predicted by phonological or morphological criteria, and therefore stems in / - ¿ - / must be considered as constituting a sep arate conjugation. 13. Cf. above, § 7.54.2, and Maurer 1951; Iliescu 1959; Blaylock 1974/75; Manoliu Manea 1976. 14.

Cf. Väänänen 1963 (1981 3 ):§ 316.

15.

Cf. Hall 1952/53.

14.

DERIVATIONAL ELEMENTS

Romance continued the two basic patterns of affixation by the addition of suffixes and prefixes to derivational bases, with a considerable number of new elements from various sources. The formation of compounds, on the other hand, followed several new patterns, especially in the passage of syntactic combinations to the status of single words. 14.1.

Suffixation

To the suffixes enumerated in Chapter 7 were added others, in Imperial and post-Imperial times, from such sources as the fol lowing: 1. Greek, as in the verbal suffix / + ídi-/ '-ize' I/Reg/W, from / 4 ízein/ -iselv, in such words (principally of Christian origin) as/baptidi-/ 'to baptize' ( < /baptizein/ (βαπτíζειv 'to dunk'), or/skandalídi-/'to Scandalize' ( < /skandalizein/

oxavoaaiselv 'to cause to stumble, give offence'). This suffix became and has remained very productive in mediaeval and modern times, in Spanish / + é - / , French / + w a j - / , Italian / + egg-/, all of conjugation I, even in such nonce-formations as Italian mariiynmonroeggiare 'to act like Marilyn Monroe'. Another suffix of Greek origin formed abstract nouns in / + ia/ f/I ( < Greek / + i a - / ) , as in /melodía/ 'melody' ( < /melo-idia ./

μελφδiα 'a singing'), or in /mania/ 'madness' ( < /manía . / μ α v í α ) . This suffix, likewise, became very productive in the mediaeval Romance languages, as in Old French /fәloníә/ 'felony', Italian /gelosía/ 'jealousy', Spanish /alegría/ 'cheerfulness', or Roumanian /avu¢íә/ 'riches'. 2. Learned usage, bringing back into every-day usage a number of elements which had survived in High and Late Classical Latin. Among these were such suffixes as / + íuu-/ '-ive' adj/I-II, espe cially through grammatical and medical vocabulary, 2 or / + antia/, / + entia/ '-ance, -ence' f/I, formed originally on present parti ciples and then becoming independent suffixes in their own right. 3 In this way, such adjectives as /affirmati. uu-/ 'affirmative' and /aborti . uu-/ 'abortive' served as starting-points for the use of this suffix to form both adjectives and nouns (of both f/I and n/II in Latin or m/II-A in Romance) in both Latin and the verna culars. For the latter suffix, such forms as /essentia/ 'essence'


205

became frequent in philosophical and religious writing. In popu lar or semi-popular usage, we find such forms as Roumanian /stiín¢a/, Italian /sién¢a/, French /siãs/, Spanish /¢ićn¢ia/, all

'science'. Later, the ending / + án¢a/ was often extended to ele ments of Germanic origin, as in Italian /baldán¢a 'boldness' ( : /bald-/ 'bold, daring'. The process of borrowing Latin and Graeco-Latin words, with their suffixes, has continued uninterruptedly down the centuries, through the Middle Ages and the Renaissance to modern times, and is still going on. Even in the earliest vernacular texts with any literary pretensions, we find such Latinisms as Old North French /redemp¢zió^n/ ' r e d e m p t i o n ' , / s a k r әm e n t / 'sacrament' or / o s p i t á l /

'hospital', or Italian /ğustí¢ia/ 'justice'. We have chosen these examples so as to illustrate the creation of pairs of doublets. In these instances, the words cited took their place beside the popular developments /rәðen¢ón/ (later /ran¢on/, modern /rãso/ rançon) 'ransom', /særment/ 'oath', /ostæl/ 'hostel', and /ğústé^¢¢a/ 'rightness' respectively. In this way, a number of suffixes of learned origin re-entered Romance usage, such as French/ + al/or Italian / + í¢ia/ just exemplified. 3. Various other sub- or adstrata, often unidentified, con tributed suffixal elements, such as / + í(^)tt-/ diminutive, adj/I-II and noun f/I and m/II-A, very widely used in ltalo-, Gallo-, and Ibero-Romance, in such forms as Italian / + é^tt-/ (e.g. /licen¢iose^tto/ 'rather irresponsible' (A. Fogazzaro), French / + é ^ t / m., / + é^tә/ f. (as in /blance^tә/ 'whitish' f.Sg.,

/ricardé^t/'little Richard, Dick' 4 ), or Spanish / + ít-/ (e.g. /karríto/ 'little cart'.

4. Germanic languages contributed certain derivational ele ments to Romance, especially where there were lengthy periods of bilingualism (e.g. with speakers of Visigothic in Castile, of Langobard in northern Italy, and especially of Frankish, i.e. a kind of pre-Dutch-Flemish, in northern France). Such Germanic suffixes as / + áld-/ are found in, say, Old North French /rәnált/ Renaît and Italian /rináldo/ Rinaldo (proper names); / árd-/ in ONFr. /ricárt/ Richart, Italian /rikkárdo/ Riccardo, Spanish /rikárdo/ Ricardo; Or / + i n / in ONFr. /flamé^nk/ 'Fleming' ( >

modern /fiama d / flamand, with change of morphophonemics in the final consonant), Italian /fiammíngo/ id. In some instances, these suffixes were also added to Romance bases, as in ONFr. /cambrәié^nk/ 'chamberlain', /vielárt/ 'old man', and probably also /bastárt/ (Ital. and Span. /bastardo/) 'illegitimate child', formed on /bást-/'burden', through the semantic development 'beast of burden > mule > of mixed origin' (cf. Span. /muláto/). 5 14.2.

Prefixation

A number of elements which had, in Latin and Proto-Romance, been prepositions and had formed compounds, especially with verbs

206


(cf. §§ 8.1, 9.14, 9.21) ceased to be used as free forms and came to occur only as bound forms before other words, i.e. as prefixes. Among these were 1530 /pro^ + / 'for, pro-', 1632 /su x / ~ /sub/, and 1651 /kon/ 'with' (in those regions where it was replaced by other prepositions such as ONFr. /avuék/ < /abok/ 'with this'). To these prefixes were added others of Germanic origin such as /mis + / 'mis-, wrongly' and /for + / 'wrongly', as in ONFr. /mesdírә/ 'to speak evil of, to curse', Ital. /miskon6^ssere/ 'to refuse to re cognize, disregard', or ONFr. /forveîær/ 'to take or send on the wrong way'. This latter prefix was, in North French, homophonous with and became confused with /fors/ < PRom. 261 /fóri^s/ 'out side'. 14.3.

Patterns of Compounding

Certain patterns of compounding are clearly very old, al though they do not seem to go back as far as Proto-Romance times, since they are not present in Roumanian or Sardinian. The most wide-spread of these is the combination of V E R B - S T E M 6

+ NOUN,

with the latter having the meaning of a direct object, and with the compound meaning 'person or thing who does x to y'. Such compounds are very frequent and easily formed in Ibero- and Italo-Romance, and only somewhat less so in Gallo-Romance, as in Spanish /botafuego/ 'person or thing which throws fire; matchstick; irritable person', Italian /pòrtabagálli/ 'man who carries luggage; porter', or French /esuime/ 'that which dries hands, hand-towel'. No single specific combination can be reconstructed, even for Proto-Italo-Western Romance; as Leonard Bloomfield said of a similar situation in the Algonquian languages, "the meaning is modern, but the habit of formation is old." In other instances, phrases were fused together to form single words, especially in place-names like Italian /altavilla/, Old North French /hàltәvílә/ (modern French /'o^tvil/ Hauteville < /áltauí^lla/ 'high town'. The history of these formations, like that of the other derivational patterns discussed in this chapter, belongs in the story of the individual languages.


1. The elements and exemplifications here are intended to be illustrative, not exhaustive. 2.

Cf. Malkiel 1941.

3.

Cf. Malkiel 1945.

4.

This suffix was so common in Old French proper names as to


207

be extracted and used humorously as a nonce-formation by Henry of Andely in his La Bataille des sept arts in the expression les etz 'the " - e t s " , the men whose names ended in -et'; cf. Jenkins 1933:44-45. In exactly the same way, we can speak in modern Eng lish of a girl in her teens, taking up all kinds of isms and ologies.

5.

Cf. Hall 1962b.

6. That this element in these compounds is a verbal stem, not an imperative, is shown by such phenomena as the use of substitute stem-vowels in formations like Italian /fàčidánno/ 'evil-doer, mischief-maker', with /faciV ≠ the imperative /fá x /; cf. Hall 1948c. 7.

Bloomfield 1946:106, fn. 13.

VI, 15.

APPENDICES

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

This appendix fulfills a function parallel to that of the si milar list appended to Volume 2 of this series (Hall 1976:a:207265), in that it contains tables showing the material on which are based our comparisons leading to the reconstruction of a further series of Proto-Romance etyma. We have followed the same basic scheme, that of listing the number assigned to the etymon, the available forms in the eight major Romance languages (with dialec tal variants where relevant), 1 the reconstructed Proto-Romance form, the corresponding Latin word where there is one, and the lemma in the third edition of Meyer-Lübke's Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch under which related forms are gathered. The ear liest available forms are normally cited. The sets are not in al phabetical order. NOTE 1. As in the previous volumes, Rhaeto-Romance (Friulian, Ladin, and the various dialects of Romansh) is regarded as belonging to North Gallo-Romance, and hence available for comparative purpo ses when no related North French form (standard or dialectal) is available.

1495

No.

4305

REW 3

5968

imperatô^re impera. to. re- 3

imperató^re emperedo^r empereooûr emperadó^r emperador emperado^r

'emperor'

PRom. noue Lat. nouem

Span. nuébe Port. nove

OSFr. nou ONFr. nuéf Cat. nóu

Roum. noua Ital. nuove2

Sard. noe

M'ng: 'nine'

8315

32

REW 3

1496

istríngere stringere

PRom. akkólgere Lat. akkolligere

akkollere akolír akuelír akulír akogér akolê^r

istríngere stringe re stríngere estré^ner estreîndra estrener estrenir

939

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

724

'to squeeze'

No.

M'ng: 'to collect'

407

amátor4 ama. tor4

amaire4 amierrә 4,

'lover'

1497

3382

flo^re flo . re-

flore floare fio^re flo^r floûr fló^r

'flower'

1491

5

ambo.

1498b

411

ambo

ambo(s) ámbi ambo ám ám ám ám(os)

'both'

1493

496

antekesso^re antekesso.re-

ancesoûr

antekessor4 antekessor4

anczestre 4

'predecessor, ancestor'

1498a

potu^tu

potut(u-) potu^to pogut peouo pogut

'been able'

1492

1. The only Span. verb with past participle in /-údo/ is /hodér/ 'to have sexual in tercourse with': /hodúdo/. 2. Olt. 3. 'commander'. 4. Nominative. 5. Old Poitevin.

Notes

6966

kui^ntu kui .ntu-

kuínto kínt kínt kínt kínto kíto

'fifth'

1494

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 209

dәtór debitó^re deudó^r detóûr deut^ór deudór

1499a1

1502a

2492

de . bito . re-

dé^bitor, de^bítor de.bitor

1502b

'tailor'

1500a

1503a

7614

sarto.re-

sartó^re

sartó^re2 sartó^r3

devedó^re

devéîre

'debtor'

1499b1

1503b

sartor

sártor

sastre sastre

de^trә

sárto sártre

1500b

sena . to . re-

senató^re

senató^re

'senator'

1501a

Notes

sena.tor

senátor

sártrә sástrә

senáto 2

1501b

teksitó^re

tenítor

PRom. tenitó^re

Lat. REW3

3. te¢edó^r

tjsoûr

teneîre

tessito^re

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. tenedór Port.

Ital.

forms traceable to a PRom. n o m i native. t e v S ә d o ^ r 4 2. OIt. Dauphinois. 4. 'penis'. 5. North Italian. teksítor °átor

teisier

tesádro5

M'ng: 'holder; fork' 'weaver' 1. In ## 1499 to 15 31, the column Sard. --------- --------- --------- --------- with the numeral + suffix "a" Roum. lists caseless or oblique forms,

No.

REW

3

Lat.

PRom. de^bitó^re

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard.

M'ng:

No.

210 APPENDIX I

No.

1504a

traidor traidó^r

traitóre trәdәtór traditó^re traidó^r

REW 3

5368

PRom. mármore Lat. marmore-

marmore

márbra marbra

mármore1

mármaru

mármor marmor

mármol

mármurә mármo márme

6289

pátre patre-

para pádre padre

2. 3. pátre 4 páire

1508a 'father'

1507b

9188

uenató^re vena . to . re-

venador 2

vәnәtór venató^re venadó^r vәnәðóûr

'hunter'

1505a


1507a

No.

tradí^tor traditor

traítrә

tradito1

1504b

M'ng: 'marble'

8830

REW 3

PRom. tradi^tó^re Lat. tradito.re-

Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M'ng: 'traitor'

pate(r) pater

1.

Notes

OSpan.

OIt.

5730

muliére muliere- 3

moiere mo^lléra moler moler muļér mugér moler

'wife'

1506a

. Latium, CamPania. pæðrә 5. OTusc., Umbr., Latium, Campania.

'woman' páte 5 4.

1508b

uenátor uena.tor

venáire vәnæðrә

1505b

múlier muiier 3

mó^ļәr

moļļe mo^ļer

1506b


'brother'

M'ng:

1512a

No.

Lat. REW 3

—

PRom. gentió^re

Cat. Span. Port.

OSFr. ğen¢ó^r ONFr. gen¢óûr

Sard. Roum. Ital.

M'ng: 'nobler'

3485

REW3

PRom. frátre Lat. fratre-

Span. Port.

Roum. frátro 1 Ital. frátre 2 OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Sard.

1509a

No.

—

géntior

ğén¢er

1512b

fráter frater

fráte fráte 2 fráire fræðrә

fráte

1509b

grandió^re

graņóûr

'greater'

1513a

bellatió^re

belazó^r bәlaizóûr

1510b

grándior

gráņdrә

1513b

bellátior

beláire

'more beautiful'

1510a

1. Vegliote. 2. OIt., dial.

Notes

fortio^re fortio.re-

for¢ó^r for¢óûr

'stronger'

1511a

fortior fortior

fórtrә fráirә

1511b

212 APPENDIX I

1514b

Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

mәnó^r menór menó^r mino^re mino .re 5592

OSFr. menó^r ONFr. mәnóûr

Sard. minore Roum. Ital. minó^re

4

M'ng: 'lesser'

minor minor

mé^nre méîndrә

'less

5989

nugalió^re

noaļoûr

1515b

nugalior

1518b

máior maior

máğğo máior 2 máirә

mere

'greater'

important'

3.

1518a

1517a

No.

1517b

5247

4623

1515a

REW 3

'younger'

mağğó^re maió^r maióûr megó^r maiór maór maió^re maio . re

1514a

Ital . ğiņņó^re1 OSFr. ONFr. ğoņóûr ğóņdrә Cat. Span. Port. PRom. iunió^re iúnior Lat. iunio .reiunior

Roum.

Sard.

M'ng:

No.

4.

2.

1.

OIt.: 'appren-

Notes

tice', OIt., dial. Franco-Provencal: 'swineherd' noáļdrә 'little1.

5479

miļļó^re meļó^r meļóûr miló^r megór meļó^r melió^re melio. re-

'better'

1516a

mélior melior

—

miêldra

mêļļo 3

1516b


pәğó^r peor peo^r

peğğó^re peğó^r

nepó^te nepo . te-

5890

Span. Port. PRom. Lat.

REW 3

Cat.

népo^s nepo .s

niévo néps niés

2078

konde kode kómite komite-

kónte kónte kóntә

'companion;

1523a

'nephew'

1522a

senió^re senio.re-

siņņó^re seņo^r senóûr sәņó^r seņór seno^r

siņņo^re

367

1522b

péior peior

1520b

kómes komes

kóndә

kuéns

count'

1523b

sénior senior

sener sírә

'older man; lord'

1520a

5890

Sard. nepote 2. Also 'grandchild'. Roum. nepót(u-) Ital. nipo^te2 OSFr. nebó^t ONFr. nәvóûð

M'ng:

No.

REW3

PRom. peio^re Lat. peio . re-

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Roum.

peğğo

1519b

péğğo 1 péier pírә

'worse' (adj.)

M'ng:

Sard. peğğo^re

1519a

No.

1.

Notes OIt.

7821

sordidió^re sordidio.re-

sordeió^r sordeióûr

'fouler'

1521a

sordídior sordidior

-

sordéîer

1521b

214 APPENDIX I

1524a

3

REW3

PRom. Lat.

4931

latró^ne latro.ne-

ðrә

látro latro .

l

ļadró^

látrә láire

Cat. Span. ladrón Port. ladro

l. lairó^

ONFr. laðron

I ta OSFr.

SIt.

3808

gluttó^ne glutto.ne-

ļádrә

glotón

giottó^ne greedy'

—

—

—

— — — 3.

1528a

Sard. — Roum.

1527b 'glutton'

1527a

No.:

4115

M'ng: 'thief'

4393

REW 3

ínfas infa . ns

eréu

eré^de here.de-

eré^de

PRom. infánte Lat. infante-

eré^

'heir'

1525a

erél1

énfәs

1524b

Ital. (in)fánte OSFr. enfán ONFr. enfánt Cat. enfánt Span. Port.

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'child'

No.

glútto glutto .

glotó^

gló^t

1528b

éres heres

é^r éîrs

1525b

Notes

ábigo abigo .

ábugo 2

1526b

gió^tto 4 glotó^

Old Portuguese. Aragonese :'boor ' .

dial.

l. 2.

27

abigó^ne abigo . ne-

— abego

'herdsman'

1526a


1529a

baró^ne1 baró^ 2 barón 2 baró^ 2 barón 3 varó 4

1532

No.

REW3

5449

Cat. mé Span, ( m í ) 1 2 Port PRom. me^ ne 1 3 Lat. me.

ONFr.méî

Sard. Roum. mine I t a l . mé^, me^-ne 1 1 OSFr. '

M'ng: 'me'

1038

REW3

PRom. baró^ne 5 Lat. baro . ne- 8


Roum.

Sard.

M'ng: 'strong m a n '

No.

mé^ te^

ne 1 3 te.

(tí)12

té

mé tíne té^, té^ne11 mé

'thee'

1533

báro

báro 7 bár 2 b r2

—

1529b

------------mí tí mí mí^, míbi mi(h)i

teî

— —

'to me'

1534

1535

féllo

féllo9 fél 8 fél 8

1530b

-

4984

leó^ne leo. ne-

león

lión

leó^ne

leóne

'lion'

1531a

Notes

leo leo.

origin.

leó

leo^

leó^

leu

1531b

6. tí tí^, tíbi tibi

-------------

1979. 14. 'lout' 15. Old 7. 'card-sharp'. 8. 'wicked m a n ' 9. Adjective, 'wicked' .

Unstressed. Cassinese.

'thee; to thee' 1. 'nobleman; 10. Cf. Hall scoundrel'. 1980d. te 2. ' n o b l e m a n ' . 11. OIt. 3. 'nobleman; 12. From d a t i v e . mi,14 m e ^ b e 1 5 ti, 14 té^be15 13. Suffixed /ne/ té^ 4. 'husband'. of u n c e r t a i n 5 Cf. Hal1 1948b,

felló^ne 10 baro.

fell6"ne 8 feló^ 8 fәlón8

'cock-sucker'

1530a

216 APPENDIX I

1542

No.

1544

ļәğír leer lé^r légere legere 4970

fi^gere fi.gere 3289

fe^ņdrә

ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. fingere Lat. fingere REW 3 3313

léğğere

leğír

hizeáre 4 fíğğere

'to fix, fasten' 'to read'

1543

6953.4

id

ké^

OSFr.féņer

Roum. Ital. fínğere

Sard.

M'ng: 'to pretend'

4553

REW 3

kuíd k

PRom. ístu, íste °i Lat. istum °d, iste

kúî ku(^)i

ké

kí čé ké^(d) kê^ kéî(ð) ké

'what'

1538

Span. é s t o , é s t e Port. e ^ s t o , é ^ s t e

íst

kúi kui

é^st,

(of, to) whom'

1537

Sard. Roum. ast Ital. ê^sto OSFr. é^st ONFr. Cat.

1536

M'ng: 'this'

No.

lírә

3.

1540

ré^gere re.gere 7168

ré^ğğere

reqere

aguzár

'to govern'

1545

163

ade^skáre ade . ska . re

ade^skáre aze^skár2

iskái1

agizi r 5 aguír aguzar aguzár akutiáre aku . tia . re 134

'to agu¢¢áre

akutare

'to sharpen'

1546

5832

náskere naski.

na¢ér na¢é^r

náskere nášte(re) 3 náššere náiser náistre náišer

' to feed, entice' 'to be born'

1539

feed oneself' beget. Macedo-Roum. /g/.

5. With semilearnèd

4.

Notes 1. Campidanian. 2. Refl.: 'to

2606

de^strúgere de.struere

destruir destruir

struggere destruire destruirә destruir

'to destroy'

1541


1547

1548

2517

119

1553

REW 3

No.

akorrer akorré^r akkúrrere akkurrere 89

Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3 X

akorre r

Cat.

(d)ab, (d)aX d(e .)ab 1

o

Sard. akkuirrere (d)ava °e 2 Roum. Ital. akko^rrere da x OSFr. akó^rre da ONFr. akó^rrә da6

o ou a t, a aut 810

'or' a au o (d), o X o(z) o^

M'ng: 'to run up, help' 'from'

1555

1798

ké^dere ke .dere

čé^dere

'yield'

1549

i e et, e x et 2919

i

ex e e(d), e x e(z) e ð

'and'

1556

1

ab ab

ax a a

ava,

'from, by'

1550

2.

ke ke k e(d), k e X k ia 6954

ka

3. ke(d), ke x ke ka(ð) 5.

ki

Notes 1. Olt.

115

akrú^me

ave2 akrum5 akrume1 agrúm aigrúm agrúm

'bitterness'4

1552

6. Rhaeto-Rom.

Osard. Ospan. 4. Also bitter fruit' 'scrurvy of the mouth

'that' (conj . )

1557

8663

tergere tergere

terzér 3

térğere térzer têrdra

'wipe off'

1551

"

1554

de^fendere de.fendere

agó^kkia, agú° diféndere aguļa deféndre agúļә déféndra aguja daféndra aguza defender aguja def de^r

PRom. aku ^ kula Lat.


M'ng: '(little) needle''ward off'

No.

218 APPENDIX I

'over here'

M'ng:

'

ONFr. Cat. ¢á ---------- aki 8. Rhaeto-Romance. Span. aka Port. PRom. (ek)kiáx akkua x9 Lat. (ek)ke ha .k REW 3 3965 3965

íči

'over here'

Roum. 4. < /kuo^m(o) e t / . Ital. 5. OSFr. ¢á

Sard.

1564

No.

1565

6972

°e X4

7892

ko kúm kó'mo 3 ko^m koma 4 ko^m komo kó^mo

2

REW 3

si se 1 se(d), se x si so, s i si si se


1559

'how'

k ó^mo k o. mo (do.)

'if'

M'ng:

PRom. si(^), sit 2 Lat. si-, sit

1558

No.

1561

in

(ek)kuí^x (ek)ku(m) hi.k 4129

ikí

aíči

'here'

1566

169

adiaké^re adiiake.re

ağğače^re 3 agazé^r agezír agauro6

which

3.

(ek)keí^X (ek)ke hi.k 4129

(i)¢í

'here'

1567

2822

ékke ekke

e¢ es es

'to lie next to' 'behold'

1560

Notes

aici way' . ai¢í 6. 'to lie down' 7. In /aki/'here' etc.

OIt.

1. ORoum. 2. Cf. de Dardel 1978.

3965

(ek)kuax ekku ha.k

kuá x e¢ ká8

'over h e r e '

1563

X aki 9. =1562/akku/+/a / . aki (Lat. /ha /). akkui^ X 1 1 10. Unstressed. 11. = 1562 /ákku/ + / i x / 4129 (Lat. /hi.k/).

'here'

1568

4129

akku

ak°7 ak°7 ak°7 ak°7

'behold'

1562


No.

1569

ala

aoáce la x lá(i) lá °

1575

0

ļá.

ke 1

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. avuonda4, Cat. Span. Port. PRom. abunda Lat. abunde REW3 52

M'ng: 'enough'

No.

PRom. allá x Lat. REW 3 4265

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

M'ng: 'over there1

adipsu ad ipsum

adieso'

— — ades6 ade^sso ade^s 5 ade^s

'at once'

1576

allí^ X (il)li-k 1570

alí

(a)lí2 aļí

lí x

'there1

1570

aļá

'here'

1572

a.ļí

adiungere adiungere 171

aiungere agunge re aggungere agoîndre ago^ndre ag^ner

'to join to'

1577

aduíks ad uiks 224

— — abes

abea

'hardly'

1578

(ek)ku(i)stí^ aí^ x (ek)ku(m) isti.ka(d) hi.k 4129

'over there'

1571

3.

349

ael al — al 9 ale

-

Notes

abínke ab hink 21

aí aí

kostíx

avínke

1. = /ak(ku)/ /(il)la.ke/. 2. Friulian. OSard 4. Rhaeto-Romance al 5. Plus Romance verb-forms based on 358 /abund-/. 6. often'. 7. Ospan. 8. OCat. 9. OPort.

'other(wise)'

1579

abínde ab inde 28

d° navént4

avínde3

-------

1574

'away from there' 'from here'

1573

220 APPENDIX I

1580

1586

No.

antan

antano antaño ant(i)ánnu ante annum 495

Lat.

Span. Port, PRom. Lat. REW 3

atras atrás attrás ad trans 202

atras

dabíntus de ab intus 30

9.

------dave n£

— atrás antán

'from inside'

1588

esteris

!

343

alió^re

inúri 4 a^ó^r(s) aloûrs

8

still'

antiannu

M'ng: 'the year before' 'behind, beyond

1587

344a

338

REW 3

alguánto

alkuánto alkán alkánt

alikuántu alikuantus

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. antán ONFr. Cat. antan

1582

'to some extent' 'yet,

1581

PRom. al(i)kúbe Lat. alikubi

Roum. arkuó1 Ital. OSFr. ONFr. invalgó2 Cat. Span. Port. algúres 3

Sard.

M'ng: 'elsewhere'

No.

estêrius eksterius 3089

esters

estiers

aster^ estiérs

'outside'

1589

347

aliube aliubi

enlóûro alu(m)bre5

aiurea

'elsewhere'

1583 still'

Macedo-Roum. Rhaeto-Rom. (Ladin). OPort. 4. NIt. 5. OSpan. Under influence of /hink/ 'hither1.

Notes

4176, 9051

ankó^ra hanc ho.ram

ankó^ra enko^ra6 enkó^ro6

'yet,

1585

ONIt.

lso Rhaeto-Rom. /davains/. 8.OSard.

7. Old Walloon, Old Picard; cf.

1. 2. 3. 6.

348

aliunde aliunde

alio^ndre

ainde

'elsewhere'

1584


1590

ió^so deo. rSum

2567.1

REW 3

go^s

qosso qos go so' go~s

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.

2567.2

iu.so

gus agus 8

gu(so)

190

adoperáre adopera.re

adoperare azovrár aoovr r

'to use'

1598

'downwards'

1597

1596

No.

M'ng: 'downwards'

4518

4465

4252

REW 3

e^nc

etoce4 intúnk(e) in tunk

entón,2

---

'then'

1592

insémel °ul in semel 3

ensiémo2 eto,

insiéme enséms ensémbla

'together'

1591

PRom. ibi Lat. ibi

Ital . (i) v i OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard. bi Roum.

1

M'ng: 'there'

No.

6937

káize kuási kuasi

kuasi káis

kasi

'as if, almost'

1599

4520

íntus intus

°ces

enc

é n t (o)

'inside'

1593

5

5116

longe luéne 2 loge longe longe.

. lungi luen,

lon

'far away'

1600

4129

i^1 hi.k

i i i i i

'here, there'

1594

6.

Notes

OCat. lo^n

3. 'in once' . 4. OPort.

1. Unstressed. 2. OSpan.

191

ado^ráre ado . ra . re

ado^ráre azo^rar ao^r r aorár aorár aorár

'to pray to'

1595

222 APPENDIX I

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

áre a•re

1608

5551

met pse °o metipse

motéš

rétro retro•

7269

6858

riédro 8

riétro10 réire riéðrə

pú^re pu•re•

púre púr pýr7

'purely; indeed'' 'backwards'

1607

361

alle alle

allebbiáre 1 aleu ár ale iáér aļeu ar2 aliviár aliviar

562

8080

tánto at±t tánto tán tán tánt tán(to) tá(to)

'so much'

1610

tánto tanto•

(adv.)

5995

núnk a num° nunk am

sό^lo so•lo•

sόlo8

sóûl

só^lo sό^n

'only'

1609

5630

modo modo •

nó^nka nónkə(s) núnka núnka núka

nínkə5

(kό ) mo mút3 mό4

metéiš

'never'

'only ; n o w '

' likewise'

allebbiáre

'to lighten'

1604

1603

1602

1601

akkaptáre akkapta re

akkattáre akaptár ačət r

8983

túnk tunk

tonka 9

'then'

1611

65

1606

10.

6. 7. 8. 9.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Notes

puéîš

Pisan. OCat. Vegliote. OSpan. Macedo-Roum. : 'nought' OSard. Rhaeto-Romance. OSpan. Old Paduan; Poschiavo. Olt. (Jacopone)

6687

pόst is postea*

pόšša pόišas, púis pú is pués pόis

pustis

beg, buy' 'afterwards'

akkattáre 6

'to get,

1605


génus genus

3738

1619

únk a un° umk am

9051

1618

'outside (of)'

No.

M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

1620

5559

m ^ka mi ka

m ga

ko3 ka ga a

davé^ntro9

abíntro ab intro

29

avéstra 8

abéstra ab ekstra

20

a ntru

51b

abúltra ab ultra

a(v)últra 10 avútra11

'from inside of' 'beyond'

éno é(n)s iéns

m m m m

'crumb', neg. 'not at all'

'kind' , neg. 'not at all'

'ever'

2

1614

1613

1612

únkua1 ό^nkas ónk(əs)

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

No. M'ng:

1937

kírka kirka

érka é^rka

čérka 1 2

'near'

1621

5740

múlto multo

múlt mόîto mόût mό^lt mó^lt múčo múito

'much; very (adv.)'

1615

Notes

2795

dunk e °as 7

dúnkue adó^nk dónk dónkəs dónkas 6

dúnkas

'well then'

1617

1. Olt. 2. Romanesco. 3. 'minute1. 4. Cabranes, contrasting with /múču/ adj. 'much'. 5. Vegliote. 6. OSpan. 7. = /de nik e/ 'finally' X /tunk/ 'then'. Cf. Hall 1939. 8. Calabrian; also Sicilian /ab(b)éstra/ 'except' 9. Aquilano; also Abruzzese, Molisano /davé^ndrə/. 10. Old Milanese. 11. Dauphinois. 12. Old Venetian.

6303

pá ko pa ko

páko páuk 5 pόko páuk pόu pόk pόko póuko

'a little; not very (adv.)'

1616

224 APPENDIX I

ultra 2 όltre ό^ltra ό^ltro ό^ltro

pruόvo prόp pruéf prόp

prope °o prope

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3 7936

6762

4644

4410

8344

sub (su , sus) sub

se s ne8 sine

sob + 9 so 7 sob

su

'under'

1632

sens sene 7 se

pro^ pro*

por por

po^r

sina 6 se (ne)s

sene

iústa °o iuksta

řó^sta ğó^stə

pro

'without'

nfra infra

fraX é^nfra

jústo

'next to, in ac 'for' cordance with'

1631

Notes Olt. Vegliote. OSard. 4. Lombard. Also /ğo^ ğuska/. Istrian. OSpan. With /se°/ under influence of 990 /sént a/. 9. Minorcan.

1. 2. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8.

'among, under'

1630

1629

1628

No.

M'ng:

3967

47

9038

6781

1

de ú(^)skua de u'skue

áttenu ha ktenus

ásk a °e abskue

ab, aX ab, a*

ultra ultra

'as far as'

1627

dó^ °duska5 ğúsko

áska4

'so far' ántinu

'except (for)'

e3

'with'

'beyond'

'near' (adv.) ava

1626

1625

1624

1623

1622

a

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3 FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 225

61

6934

6928

1639

No.


akkadé re

k ár(e) k a re 3

k an k am

6048a

ói

ói

454a

i ra

í^ra

ra ra rə rə

όi+7

ói

'anger'

1640

kár kár kár

'oh!'

ka 1 ka 2

kan

172

a ú^ta

aiúto8 aiúda aiúðə aiúdə aiúda aiúda

'help, aid'

1641

kjáde4 akáurə 5 akae íér ake e^r

akkadé^re

'to b e f a l l '

'therefore'

'that' (conj.)

ka ka

1635

1634

1633


9

1668

kápite kapite

čiæft+11

kápitu10

kápute

'head'

1642

se se

səu

'either, or'

1636

Notes

2832

é( )a e a

éa éia

éa a iéia6 éia és

'eh ! hey !'

1638

OSpan. 2. OPort. 'for which reason'. Rhaeto-Romance (Ladin, Val di Non). OCat.: 'to be near'. Sicilian. In /oime^ X / 'alas'. With gender-change. 'New Year's song', with /u/ from 1190 /kapu/. 10. Latium: 'young vine-shoot'. 11. In / čiæftáin/ 'captain', etc.

1. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

674

árri °e

árri árri

árre árre

'giddap!'

1637

226 APPENDIX I

amarikáre ama rika re

401

aggra áre aggra a re

279

1650

'laughed'

No.


kon ko

kon, kum

2385

rísu rís(u-) 3 ríso rís3 rís3 rís3 rrízo3,4 rrízo3

rí^su ri su-

7336

kun 7780

séd a °u

sieð

'seat' séiu + sež+5 sédia

'with'

1652

kun ku kon

1651

amáta ama ta

amargár amargár amargár

2

amáta amáda am ðə amádə amáda amáda

9249

értere °í^re ertere

vertir vərtír bertír vertir

vertere 6

'to turn'

1653

fi^ní^ta fi ni ta

finíta finída fəníðə finídə finída finída

finíta

amáta

amarikáre amargár

'finished'1

aggraváre agravar agrəv r agravar agrabár agravár

1647

'loved'1

'to embitter'

'to make heavy'

1646

1645

1644

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

226

a okáre ad oka're

abogár8 avogár 8

avvokáre7

'to call to'

1654

futtú^ta futu ta

futútə fo^ttúta fotúda fotúðə fotúdə hodúda fodúda

'inseminated'

1648

Past part. , f. sg. Past part.,m.sg. 'laughter'. OSpan. In /asežatoáre/ 'spinning-room'. 6. Also OLomb. /vertire/ 'to suffer, endure'. 7. 'to go to court'. 8. 'to plead'.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Notes

dí(^)kta di kta

dé^tta díta dítə dít< díča díta

dítta

'said'1

1649



Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

No. M'ng:

1656

1658

tradí^re tradere 8828

pόrku pόrku6666

7039

5604

traír

tradíkere tradá(re)11 tradíre traír, tradár traðír traír

rankí•re ranke•skere9

ran ír

rančíre4

pόrku pόrk(u-) pόrko pόrk pόrk pόrk puérko pόrko

mískere miskere

me ér° me é^r

meaštíre6 mé^ššere méîser méîstrә 7

'to betray'

'pig,

' to be rancid'

'to mix' 10

1664

1663

1662

1661 hog'

9443

1982

1980

3810

5205

279b

1. Vegliote. 2. Spelled machina. 3. Cf. also Welsh /glúd/. 4. Olt. 5. 'to gird around'. 6. Macedo-Roum. 7. Old Norman. 8. OSpan. 9. ' to become rancid ' . 10. Under influence of /di^kere/. 11. With change of conjugation, per haps influenced by /dare/.

Notes

όl ere ol ere

klí^nu kli n-

+

kli^náre kli na re

gluttu 3 gluttu-

vόlvere vόlvre vόldre vogír 5 bolbér volvé^r

'to turn, roll over'

'inclined'

kíno klín klín

1660

1659

makina makina2

kináre klinár klin r

giό^tto glό^t glό^t glό^t

'throat; greed(y 'to lean' person'

1657

aggreuiare aggreuia re

agreu ár agre i r

múkna1 máčina

'to make heavier' 'mill, grind stone'

1655

228 APPENDIX I

'unimportant'

nuáļ no l

nu^gále nu ga le-

5989

'to wander off'

aerrár

'noble' (adj.)

ğén(t) ğént

génte gent-1

3735

1671

'of a stag'

kervínu

No.

M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3 ab(b)orrí^re abhorre skere

aberrare aberra re

19

ker í^nu ker i nu-

1847 23

ab(b)orríre aborrír aborrír aborrír aborrír e ér aborresé^r

'to abhor'

1673

87

akkré^skere akkre skere

'to go'

'outside'3

ír ír ír

gístara4

3095

Notes

i re

4545

éstra ekstra

í^re

6 (ğ)íre 7 ir-

éstra éstrә

i-5

1670

1669

4185

' to be horrified' 1. 'people' (n.) 2. Burgundian. 3. Adv., prep. 4. OSpan. 5. In Istro-Roum. yid 'ye go'; urí(re) ORoum. ímu 'we go'. 6. OIt., dial. (SIt.) 7. As allomorph of /va-/ 'to go'. 8. 'light bay- or cream-colored'. 9. Varro (Cooper 1895:142). 10. Also Lyonnais /avorrí/. 11. Also OCat. /avorrír/. orrí^re horre skere

1674

8096

sórdidu sordidu-

šúd2 só^rd

akkré^ššere akréîšer akréîstra akres ér akres é^r

'dirty, foul'

1668

'to increase'

1667

červino

1672

1666

1665

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3 FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 229

1675

372

REW 3

5004

allu^menáre

PRom. lé e Lat. le e-

alumbrár alumiár

386

altít a altitia

alté alteza alté^ a

408

amatrí^ke ama˙tri˙ke-

427

amoόˆre amo˙re-

amo r amor amόˆr

ļéu

1680

1.

351

3. 4.

OSpan.

olt.

Minorcan: 'a lot of ... ' .

Notes

allaktáre allakta˙re

alaiti r alatár

allattáre

allattáre

2.'to close off'

ә

—

'love'

Cat. Span, liébe 4 Port.

-^

'lover' (f.)

1685

328a

amčˆre

—

'height'

1684

324

albú^me(ne) albu˙mene-

amatríče5

'to light'

1683

286

albό^re albo˙re-

albún

albúme

Ital. liéve 3 allumináre alté^ a USFR. léu alumenar autéˆ a amair amόˆr 5. Central Italian ONFr liéf alum r alté ˆ ә amoðréˆә amόû place-name.

Roum.

M'ng: 'light' Sard bard.

1681

No.

1682

1630

4190

REW 3

agn ^le agni˙le

albor albó^r

kabestrár kabrestár

kapistráre kapistra˙re

orroûr orrόˆr1 orrόr orrόˆr

orrόˆre

1679

'whiteness,dawn' 'white (of) egg' 'to suckle'

1678

alboáre albóˆre albό^r albôûr

ann le

'lamb-fold'

1677

kәpastrá(re) 2 : — kabestrár

'to hitch'

1676

PRom. orrόˆre Lat. horro˙re-

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port.

M'ng: 'horror'

No.

t—i

o t—i x

Z

>

K> O» O

No.

'to hang onto'

1693

485

annua˙le-

apparáre aparár

3.

'to get ready'

1695

486

REW

3

523

543

534

áinsə

1696

510

anksia˙re

anksiáre

ansiar

anšáre aisár

ansáre

'to pant'

1690

liéta léda

4848

550

appod a˙re

apui r apuiár

appoğğáre apoiár

6.

'happy' (f.sg.) 'to support, lean on'

1695

509

anksia

ONFr. apéndra apar r lié a Cat. abélo Span, abéža apendér9 aparár léda apoiár 9. OSpan Port. abé^ļa apende^r aparár léda apoiár 10. 'to protect' PRom. apíkla appéndere apparáre léta appod áre Lat. apikula appendere appara˙re laeta

Sard Roum. apərá(re)10 5. 'Yearly mass for souls'˙ Ital. (a)péˆkkia appéndere OSFr. abé^la apéndre

M'ng: '(little) bee'

1692

REW3

annoti˙nu-

angula˙re-

464

Lat.

ánksia

ann ále

annotí^nu

PRom. angláre

ansia6 áisa ansia ansia ansia

anvél 4 anoál 5 anv l

'anguish'

'yearly1 ansa

1689

1688

annotínu 3 noatín 3 annotíno

'of t h e p r e v i o u s year'

1687

anğáre1 ungiér angier 2 anglár angl r

'Corner-stone'

Sard, Roum. Ital . OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1686

No.

M'ng:

Notes

7. Aretine 8. 'bee-master'.

Semi-learnéd.

1. Campid.: 'stake'. 2. Triest.: 'hook'. 'Yearling'.

521

apii˙riu-

apiáriu

apiáio 8 apiér aci r

'bee-hive'

1691


1697

1698

ltal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port, PRom. Lat. REW

rastár rrestár rrestár restáre restare 7248

restáre restár

Sard, restáre Roum.

1700

714

assal( )í"re

713

2.

'assault'

1705

595

araniólu araneolu-

araņuélo

raņuólo aranόl araņόl

ran ólu

assikuráre asegurár asəur r asəgurár asegurár asegurár asseku^ráre asseku˙ra˙re 720

'to assure'

1706

600

aratόˆre ara˙to˙re

aratόre aratόr aratόˆre aradόˆr arəðόûr arədó^r aradόr aradó^r

'little spider ' 'plowman'

1699

assálto asáut asált əsált asálto asálto assáltu

assal re asaļír asaļír asaļír asalír

'to assail'

1704

1703

No.

M'ng: 'to remain'

560

551a

REW 3

abrigár evriéˆ2 abrigár3 abrigár abrigár

apri^káre apri-ka-re

apportáre aportár aport r aportár aportár aportár

aprikáre1

PRom. apportáre Lat. apporta-re

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

M'ng: 'to bring up, to' 'to shelter, protect'

No.

assikkáre assikka˙re 727

asseˆkkáre ase^kár ase^či r

'to dry out'

1707

602a

aratúˆra ara•tu•ra

arəðúrə arədúrə aradúra aradúra

aratúra arətúra aratúra

'plowing'

1701

Notes

Lorrane. 3. 'to sun oneself',

1. 'to cover oneself'

673

arrestáre arrestare

arrestáre arestár arrest r arestár arrestár arrestár

'to stop'

1702

232 APPENDIX I

1708

1709

1714

ban ató^re balnea˙to˙re-

914

PRom. ban áre Lat. balnea˙re

REW 3

913

baņņatόˆre baņadόˆr baņəðóûr bəņədόˆr baņadόr baņadόˆr

'bather'

1715

attángere (attingere)2

atán ere 1 atáņer atándrə atáņər

reach'

Roum. Ital. baņņáre OSF-r. baņár ONFr. baņ r Cat. baņár Span. baņár Port, baņár

Sard.

M'ng: 'to bathe'

No.

REW 3

PRom. astáre Lat. astare

Roum. astá (re) Ital. astáre OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard.

M'ng: 'to be present' 'to

No.

915

994

battáklu battua˙kulu-

bətál badážo

baņuélo ban ólu balneolu-

battákkio batá\

1713

1718

auarít a a arit a

avaréˆ a3 avaréˆ a avəréˆә4

2.

1. Old Genoese.

1002

bukkále bauka˙le-

brokkále

Presereved in Roum. /ət nğərə/, Italian bokkále7 attingere bokál 3 OJt 4 OCat batáļ 5. Place name brokál6 6. Influenced by 1719/brόkka bokál bokál 7. Also Sit. /vukále/.

6

Notes

auáru a á˙ru-

abáro aváro

aváro avár av r

'avarice, greed' 'miserly'

1712

'club, clapper ' 'jug, jar'

1717

attrá(g)ere attrahere

atraər atraír

atráğe(re) attrárre atráire atráirə

'to draw to, attract'

1711

baņuόlo baņόl5°

'little bath'

1716

atti^tt áre

atáj á(re) a t t i áre ati ár ati i r atiár ati ár ati ár

'to set alight'

1710


'pitcher'

1719

seethe'

PRom. kal t a Lat. kal it a REW3 1531

Itai. kalvéˆ a OSFr. ONFr. čalvéˆ Cat. Span. kalbé a Port. kalvéˆ

kámera kamera 1545

kámera kámera ә čámbrә kám әrә kámara kámara

'wine-press'

1723 'to heat'

1724

'rustic'

1728

1484

kalaméllu °a maramellu-

'gray'

1729

1493

1507 Notes

kalfáre (kale˙fakere)

(of hair) 1. Masculine. 2 - Greek ßρόXις. 3. 'to disturb'.

kalkató^r u kalka˙to˙riu-

kameráio kampé strek á n a l 04.'tobudge,move'. kameriér kampéstre kánes 11 5. 'bushel, bundle'. čambri r čampéstrә či n ә s 1 16."rung(ofladder)' . kampéstrә 7. 'scion' kamaré ro kampéstre k á n a s 1 18.OLorr9SIt kamaréîro kãpéstre k o12 10. Agnone (Abruzzi) old woman . kamerár u kampéstre kánu 11. PI.: 'gray hair'. kamera˙r ukampestrekanu12. OPort. 1547 1560 1621

'room-servant' _____

1727

'room, chamber'

1726

1725

No.

M'ng: 'baldness' Sard Roum'.

1485

1388

1320

kálamu kalamu-

REW3

r4

'little pipe, shawm'

1722

karamélla kalkatόîo kalfáare9 karamél(a) kaukadόîra kalfár čalәmél(ә) čaučόîr8 čalf r bәļugár4 kәrәméļә karamíļo

kálarnu5 kárami6 kálrno7

'pipe'

1721

bullikáre bullika˙re

bul(l)ikáre bo^legár bo^lği

buliáre 3

'to

1720

PRom. brόkka 2 Lat.

Port.

Sard. Roum. ltd!, brόkka OSFr. brόk 1 ONFr. brόk 1 Cat. Span.

M'ng:

No.

234 APPENDIX I

'little

a1 -" kannélla kanéla2

kәņélә kaníļ a 3 kané ^la 4

kannélla kannella

1602

M'ng: 'gray hair'

Sard. kanné Roum. Ital . OSFr. ONFr. čәnéˆ Cat. Span. kané a Port.

PRom. kan t a Lat. kanit a

1595

1736

REW 3

No.

ә

1632

REW 3

1629

reed'

k

11

a12

11

1701

karnák u karna˙keu-

—

rná u

Notes

1627

kapillatúra kapilla˙tu˙ra

kapellatúra kabeladúra čәvәlәðúrә kәbәlәdúra kabeļadúra kabeladúra

'hair [covering]'

1735

1. 'shuttle-tube'. 2 . Modern South French. 3. ' s p i g o t ' . 4. 'cinnamon'. 6. Noun. 5 - vegliote.

1628

kap llu kapillu-

kapéi5 kap é^llo kabé^l čәvéˆl kәbél kabéļo kabé^lo

'hair ]one]'

1734

1701a

karnále karna˙le-

karnuál 13 karnále7.'cattle' karnál 8 Adjective: e x c e l l e n t ' . čarn l 9. 'sausage' 10. Sicilian. kәrnál 11. 'meat-room' karnál12.'sideofmeat;bacon' karnál 13. Vegliote: 'wheater'. 10

'carnal, bodily'

1739 flesh'

1738 'of

1619

kant ó^ne kantio˙ne-

kan (i)όn kanj õ

kan ό^ne kan όˆ(n) ό^n

'song'

1733

1603

u9

kančόˆ

kanné^tu kanne˙tu-

kaņédo

čan

kanné^to

kannétu

'reed-bank'

1732

kapitále6 karná Kapdál7 karná čat l6 — kәbәlúdә kaudál 8 karná kaudál 8 karná

kapitále kapita˙le-

kabeļúda kabelúda

kapellúta kabelúda čәvәlúðә

PRom. kapillú^ta Lat. kapillu˙ta


M'ng: 'hairy' (f.sg.) 'capital' Sard,

1637

1731

1730

No.


1-740

1741

1704

1747

1702

1746

'chaste' (f.sg.) 'room; storehouse'

REW 3

NO.

M'ng:

-

Span, Port, PRom. Lat. REW 3

kásta kásta kásta kasta 1751

ə

iiļa4

---

čélia sére 3 élә

a

kélla kella 1802

_

1743

čelláio

iļéro eléîro kelláriu kella-r u - 7 1804

—~

eliér eli r

— — čelár5

'store-room; cellar'

1748

1705

karnú^ta karnu˙ta

6

ke~páriu ke˙pa˙r u1818

— - čepár

1746a Notes

kastitáte kastita˙te-

kastitá x kastedát častәð kastәdát kastidáõ kastidáde

1820

ebóļa ebóˆla ke'púlla

8.

1895:151) Dalmatian

әbó^ļә 7. Plautus(cooper

'(little) onion' 1. Campidanian: 'grave'. 2. A d j . : 'stinking'. kipú a 3. Nearnese: 'stall ' . kapúla 4. 'grain-room'. čipόˆlia 5. ORoum. , Transylebόˆla vanian. 6. 0It

1749

1719

karrikáre karrika˙re

kar(i)káre kargár čarği r karrәgár kargár karregár

'onion-dealer'

1749

1707

karó^n a

karrόņa karro^ņo2

karόˆņņa karό^ņa čaro A ņә

karóņa

1745

'to load (on 'chastity' a cart, etc.)

1744

APPENDIX

Sard. ké Roum. Ital. kásta OSFr. kásta ONFr. částә Cat k ás t

karnó^sa karno˙sa

karnόza karnó^za

karnár u karna˙r u

karnúta karnúda čarnúðә kәrnó^zә karnúda karnuda

PRom. Lat.

karnáio karniér čarni r

karnéro karnéîro

kәrnoása karnό^sa karnó^za čarnóûszә

1742

(f.sg.) 'fleshy' (f.sg.) 'carcass'

Sard, Roum. Ital . OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port.

karrážu 1

M'ng: 'meat-room, 'fleshy' charnel-house'

NO.

2 36 I

1946

REW3

1939

kirkláre kirkula re 1950

kísta kista

éstә ésta é^sta

erčár17 cerčár

ar íļo

P R o m . kirkellu L a t . kirkellu-

čé^sta é^sta

n irkļáre16 če^rkiáre e^lklár erkl r

'to ring around ' 'basket'

'little ring'

M'ng:

čerčél(u-)13 čirčedda14 e^r +15 er әl+15

1759

1758

1757

No.


1895

1839

1895

Notes

5926

níktu niktu-

néč12

'little basket' 1. Vegliote. 2. Vegliote; m.sg. 3. OIt. 4. 'marrow'. 5. Neapolitan. 6. Rhaeto-Rom. (Ladin, Val Gardena). 7. 'fodder'. 8. Neapolitan. čestélla 9. 'low-grade flour'. 18 tistére 10. 'vegetables'. 11. Old Rhaeto-Rom.: 'food for Al pine hut ' . 12. Valtellinese. 13. Also ODalm. /kerkélli/. 14. Sic. 15. In derivatives. kistélla 16. Macedo-Roum. kistella 17. 'to plant a grape-shoot'. 1950a 18. Bearnese.

1760

1894

kibár u kiba•r u-

kibáre kib a•re

kíbu kibu-

ibéra7

ebár

ébo7

čiváia 10

kivár u9

čivéra11

čevá 8

1756

'wet weather' 'related to food"

1755

ćáif 6

čé^vo 5

kíu4

'to feed'

'food1

1841

čertáin2 čertána3 ertána ertáinә әrtánә

1754

1753

REW3

čiárt1 čérto ért ért ért iérto érto


'sure' (f.sg.)

1752

kertána

'sure' (m.sg.)

M'ng:

P R o m . kértu L a t . kértu-

1751

No.


1763

2053

REW3

2036

kóllu kollu-

kóllo kól kól kóļ kuéļo kólo

'neck'

P R o m . ko^l ó^ne L a t . ko•leo•ne-

koļļó^ne koļó^(n) koļó^n koļó'(n+) ko ón

'testicle

M'ng:


1767

NO.

1768

1959

1959

REW 3

1

ki (i)tatánu

PRom. ki (i)táte L a t . kiuitate

iudadáno idad o

četa eán(u-) čittadíno2 iutadán itæð n

2042

kolláre kolla•re

kol ri kolláre kolár kol r koļár koļár kolár

'collar'

1769

1961a

klamó^re klamo•re-

klamó^r klamóûr

1762

Sard. R o u m . četáte I t a l . čittáX1 O S F r . iutá O N F r . it ð iutát Cat. S p a n . iudáθ P o r t . i áde

1761 'cali' (n.)

No.

M ' n g : 'city; fortress' 'city-dweller'

1771

1977

kla éllu klauellu-

2020 Notes

koktú^ra koktu•ra

kočúra

koptúrә kottúra koitúra kuitúrә

2091

komú^ne kommu•ne-

2090.1

komu^nikáre kommu•nikare

'common' (adj.) ' to communicate' 1. OIt. /čittáde/, Calabr. /čitáte/. kumóne4 2. With sufiixchange. komúne 3. With analogical + komú(n ) /t/. komún 4. 'herd owned in komú(n+) common'. komulgár komun komungár komu

1770

1974

kla sú^ra kla su•ra

klostúrә3

kiusúra

kiavéllo klavél klavél klәvél

'cooking' (n.)

'little nail'

'(en)closure' klausúra

1766

1765

1764

238 APPENDIX I

2104 1781

2103 1780

kompiángere komplangere

2100

1779

P R o m . kommó ere L a t . kommo e•re

2089

1778

REW3

No.

M'ng:

kompó^nere kompo•nere

komponér kõponé^r komportáre komporta•re

komportáre komportár komport r komportár komportár kõportár

1782

2105

kompósto kompositu-

kompuésto

kompóst 1

kompósto

2108

2108

REW3

kónto kómpte kóntә kóntә kuénto k to

kómp(u)tu komputu-

komputá 2 kontáre komptár kont r kontár kontár kotár konkakáre konkaka•re 2110

skonkigáre3 konkagár konči r konkәgár

2113

2121a

kondí^kere kondi•kere

konde ír6

kónča k ča kúnkula konkula

kondík-5

kó^nkola

kúnkula4

'to count, tell' 'account, tale ' 'to defecate on' 'little mussel' 'to agree'

PRom. komp(u)táre L a t . komputa•re


komóurә komobér komové^r

kompó^nkompó^ndre kompó^ndrә

kompiánğere kompláņer kompláņdrә kompláņәr

kommuóvere komóure


1776

'to bring, bear 'put together' with; suffer' (past part.)

' to put to gether '

'to pity, complain'

M ' n g : 'to move (emotionally)'

1775

1774

1772

1773

No.

Notes 'mulch'. Vegliote. Old Venetian. Campidanian. OIt.: 'to be fit ting' (refl.) 6. Salamanean.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

2106

kompré^ndere komprehendere

kuprínde(re) kompré^ndere kompé^ndre kompréndrә kompéndrә komprendér kõpr dé^r

'to grasp, include, understand'

1777


1783

2150

REW3

2141

kon úngere kon ungere

kofó^ndre konfó^ndrә konfó^ndrә kohondér 10

P R o m . ko(n)fúndere L a t . konfundere


kon ún ere kon ó^ņer kon o^ņdrә

'to create, be 'chalk' get; educate'

'to join to gether'

2305

kreáre krea•re

kreáre kreár kri r kriár kriár kriár

kriáre

1791

1790

M ' n g : 'to confound, confuse'

1789

No.

2319

kré^ta kre•ta

kré^ta gré^da krêîðә glédә gréda gré^da

1792

2138

2128

2127

konfortáre konforta•re

konfortár kohortár7 kõfortár

konfortáre konfortár

2123

konduktu konduktu-

kondó^tto kondúč kondúit kondúit4 kondúčo5 kõdóîto6

REW3

kondúkkondúire kondúiro konduír kondu ír kõdu ír

'to strengthen'

1786

kondú^kere kondu•kere

kondíre kondír kundír2 kondír kundír 3

kundíre1

1785

'to bring along, 'conduit' lead'

1784

P R o m . kondí^re L a t . kondi•re


M ' n g : ' to season'

No.

2242

kornú^ta kornu•ta

Notes ' to poison water '. Rhaeto-Romance. Salamancan. 'to prepare food'. OCat.: 'food'. 'food'. OPort.: 'sidedish'. OSpan. Bienio, Valmaggia. 9. In Tras-os-Montes /esfourá/ 'to have d.' 10. OSpan.

3438

fó^r a fo•r a

fóûr +9

fóira8 fóîra fóîrә

'diarrhoea'

1788

'horned' (f.sg.) 1. 2. 3. korrúta kornútә 4. kornúta 5. kornúda 6. kornúðә kornúdә 7. kornúda 8. kornúda

1793

2137

ko(n)forí^re konfori•re

kufurí(re)

'to have dia rrhoea'

1787

240 APPENDIX I

krepatú^ra krepa•tu•ra

2314

P R o m . fo^r áre Lat.

REW3 2139

konfríngere konfringere

konfréîņdrә

2246

koro^náre koro•na•re

kununá(re)6 koro^náre koro^nár koro^n r koro^nár koronár koroár

'to crown'

'to smash'

'to have diarrhea'' 'crack'

M'ng: kufrín e(re) 5

1803

1802

1801

1800

No.

krepatúra krәpatúrә krepatúra krebadúra krәvәðúrә krәbәdúrә kebradúra kebradúra

2179

2176

2173

2170

REW3

Sard. Roum. Ital. O S F r . foîrár O N F r . foîri r Cat. Span. Port.

kos(u)tú^me(ne) kos(u)tú^ra kons e•tu'dine-

ko(n)stríngere konstringere

kostúra kosdúra kostúrә kostúrә kostúra kostúra

'sewing' (n.)

1797

P R o m . kostáre L a t . konstare

kostúmene

'habit, custom'

1796

kostúrne kosdúmna kostúmә kostúm kostúmbre kostúme

kostáre kustá(re) l kostáre kostár kost r kostár kostár kustár


1

kostrín ere kostré^ņer kontréîņdrә kostréņәr kostreņír kostran é^r

'to stand still; 'to force to cost*

M'ng:

1795

1794

No.

2327a

krispáre krispa•re

kre^spáre kre^spár kre^spár krespár krespár krispár

'to crinkle'

1804

2214

koki^náre

kuizin r kuinár kozinár kozinár

kučináre

'to cook'

1798

Notes 1. 'to live'. 2. Pistoiese. 3. Asturian: 'in testines ' . 4. Neuter plural. 5. Transylvanian. 6. 'to wed'.

2220

koráta kora•ta4

koráda3

koráta2 kuráda kor ðә

'giblets'

1799


1813

2346

1812

2345

1811

'to curve, bend' 'curved' (f.sg.) 'skin'

krubái 3

REW3

No.

M'ng:


2423

REW3

2422

kurua kurua

P R o m . kur áre L a t . kur a•re

korbá4 ko^rbár ko^rb r ko^rbár korbár5

kó^rba kó^rbә kó^rbә 6 kórba 5

2354

krustó^sa krusto•sa

PRom. krústa L a t . krusta

2432

kútis kutis

kútis kútә 7 kúti 8

kúbitu kubitu-

krostó^sa krostó^za krostóûzә krostó^zә kostróza krostó^za

kró^sta kró^sta kró^stә kró^stә kóstra kró^sta

rústa

1807

'crusty1 (f.sg.) 'elbow'

1806

kúitu kót ugó'vito2 kóîde kó'dә kó^ldә kódo kó^vado


'crust, rind'

M'ng:

1

1805

No.

1815

2418

eskurtáre

skurtá re sko^rtáre esko^rtár esko^rt r

'to shorten'

1809

2418 Notes

kurtáre kurta•re

kortár kortár

'to shorten, cut '

1810

2467

2486

'to damage, harm' 'die [for gaming]' 1. 'bed-bug'. 2. Tuscan. dátu 3. Campidanian: 'to mow' . dádo dannáre 4. Comasco. damnár dát 5. OSpan. d ð 6. Noun: 'hunch dәņár dáu back' . daņár dado 7. 'wrinkle'. danár dado 8. 'Sicilian. damnáre dátu damna•re

1814

2411

kú^ra ku•ra

kúra kúra kúrә kúrә kúra kúra

'care'

1808

242 APPENDIX I

S a r d . dékere Roum. I t a l . diéče1 OSFr. O N F r . dežér2 Cat. Span. Port.

2618

2630

de^ttáre de^čár 9 diti r 1 0

déstro déstre déstrә déstrә diestro déstro

REW3

dittáre 8

déstru


di(^)ktáre dikta•re

'day'

'speech'

'to dictate'

'right(-hand)'

P R o m . déstru L a t . dekstru-

1825

1824

1823

1822

No.

M'ng:

2631

di(^)ktátu di•kta•tu-

dečádo 13 ditádo 10

dettáto 11 dečát 1 2 diti ð12

2632

í díe14 dí dí díә día día díê di•e-

díe

2547

2501

2500

de^mandáre de•manda•re6

REW3

+

dekíbile

Notes

2602

de^spol áre de•spol a•re

ispo áre despoiá(re) spoļļáre despoļár despoļ r despuļár despožár

' to despoil, un clothe'

1821

1. Old Venetian. 2. Rhaeto-Romance. 3. In 1548 /de^féndere/ 'to ward off, defend'. 4. 'to arrange'. 5. 'to beg'. 6. 'to entrust'. 7. 'to send'. 8. 'to belong to'. 9. 'to say, poetize'. 10. 'to poetize'. 11. 'proverb'. 12. 'poem'. 13. 'prescription, example'. 14. Tuscan.

5286

mandáre manda•re

mandáre7 mandár mand r mәnár mandár mãdár

'to order'

'to ask'

dimindá(re)4 domandáre demandár dәmand r dәmәnár5 demandár demãdár

182U

1819

P R o m . dékere °ê^re L a t . deke•re

féndere3 fendere3

dekívile

M ' n g : 'to be fitting'

+

' to drive away'

dičé^vole

1818

' 'fitting'

1816

1817

No.


diskénte

Sard. Roum.

deˆņņáre deˆņar deîņáér deņár deņár

2641

2639

1832

REW 3

NO.

2681

REW 3 2682

dispo^nere di spa.. nere

displake^re (dispike* re)

PRom. disparti^re Lat. disparti.re

2679

dispoˆndespo^nre despondra

despune(re) 6

(di)spiaČe^re despla e^r desplaizir dəsplaurə despla er despla ^r

despar jdi (re) spartire despartir despartir dəspartir despartir despartir


to arrange'

displakere

2719

. __.

dolato^ria dola. to. ria

dartoare7 dolado^ra8 doladoîra dolaðoîra

'axe'

2676 Notes

(di)spendere dispendere5

spéndere despéndra despêndra daspéndra

ispéndere

'to spend'

1831

2725

'painful ' (f .sg.) 1. Deponent. 2. NIt. 3. Pied. 4. Modern SFr. 6 dururosә 5 . 'to weigh out ' doloró^sa (Varro; Cooper doloró^za 1895:276). dәloiróûza 6. ORoum. doloró^za 7. Megleno-Roum. : dolorosa 'little hat chet' . doloˆróˆsa 8. Old Venetian. dolo. ro. sa

1836

1835

1834 1

2670a

disiúngere disiungere

2672

disligáre

deslegá(re) sle^gáre3 desle^gár desli r

2654

diskénte diskente-

Sard.

M'ng: 'to separate out' ' to displease'

1833

dígnu dignu-

PRom. dignare Lat. digna. ri-

Port. —

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span,

démn(u-) dé^ņņo déˆņ dәzgúnze dezgóûn desgóîndra dezgunәr dezunzír dezgungir.

' to unyoke'

desént

1830

T

to unbind'

1829

'learner1

1827

1828

1826

M'ng: ' to deem worthy' 'worthy'

"No.

244 APPENDIX I

1837

1845

1844

1843

No.

ənəgár anegár anegár

annekáre (e.neka.re)

2873

Span. esmuӨír 8

PRom. esmúlgere Lat. eksmungere9

REW3

Port.

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

2864 2897

e° arí^kiu erikiu-

ərí erí o ourí o

ineká re annegáre anegár

Roum. zmúğlge(re)6 Ital. smúnğere 7

(e)ríttu aríČu ríČČo arí

Sard.

M'ng: 'to milk'

' to kill, drown' 'hedge-hog'

2752

2806

2745

REW 3

dormitare dormita. re

duˆrítia du.ritia

durmitá(re)

PRom. dómu Lat. domu-

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1840

1847

2800

dupláre dupla* re

do^ppiáre do^blár do^blaér do^blár doblar do'brár

'to double'

1841

2801 Notes

duplikáre duplika* re

¿nduple£a(re) 2 dobiga do^blegá*4 doblie^ do~blagar

'to fold together'

1842

'to stand on end' 'food-container' 1. With/jzí/ from 717 /dulke/ 'sweet'. iskárû 2. 'to persuade'. 3. Ticinese. arriccáre 4. Bearnese:'double erizar fold'. erijzíiáér 5. Ladin. aricar esker 6. 'to pull out'. ri/¿ar 7. 'to suck, dry out'; erizar 8. Asturian. 9. Plautus (Cooper e~skáriu e° arri^kiáre 1895:278). e* ska*riuL0. In /erijzíón/, 2915 with suffix. 2897.2 LI. 'craw'.

1846

2793

dulkoáre dulko* re-

dolgíór1

dol/zíó^r1 doljzíóûr1

dulkoáre

' to go to sleep' 'sweetness'

1839

duréˆ a duréˆ a dureˆ a duréˆə duré a duré^ a

'hardness'

1838

Ital. duómo

Sard. dómu Roum.

M'ng: 'house'

No.


3039.3

2870

1854

REW 3

No.

stréžiri11 stérğe(re) astérğere estér er estérdrə 12 əsterğír estar ír

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

3088

REW 3

3073

e° astergere ekstergere

PRom. eksu^káre9 Lat. eksu ka r e 1 0

assukáre uská(re) aššugáre eišugár esui r ašugár enšugár enšugár

'to wipe off'

M'ng: 'to dry out'

1855

astektáre (ekspekta re)

setá4

PRom. eskitáre Lat. ekskita re

Cat. Span. Port.

Ital. še^táre1 OSFr. eisidár ONFr.

Roum.

'to wait'

usettáre asteptá(re) stettáre3

1849

Sard.iskitáre

1848

M'ng: 'to awaken'

No.

1857

1856

3050

esplanáre ekspla na.re

esplan r

spianáre

Notes

3057

esprímere eksprimere

espremé^r

spriméare spré^mere espré^mer espréîndrə esprémər

'to press out'

1853

2263

2988

'bark [of tree] ' 'tode-bark, flay' 1. Neapolitan. 2. OSard. 3. Olt. 4. Rhaeto-Rom. (Friulian): 'to kórtike look'. 5. 'to see'. 6. 'to anger'. skortikáre 7. 'to embitter'. eskorgár 8. Macedo-Roum. : 'to be in labor'. eskorjzíiaér 9. With various prefix-substi eskorjzíár tutions . eskorcár * 3 10. 'to de-juice'. 11. Campid. 12. 'to sweep out'. 13. Aragonese. kortike eskortikáre kortikeekskortika* re

2597

de^soektáre de spekta re

despetá(re) 6 dispettare° despečár despiti r daspitár despečár7 despeitár6

3039.2

aspektáre ekspekta re

espeitár

aspettáre aspeitár

'to look down on' 'to level put'

'to wait'

1852

1851

1850

246 APPENDIX I

'strange'

M'ng:

fabuláre fabula ri

3125

PRom. fá(b)ula Lat. fabula

REW3

3124

hablar 6 falár 6

OSFr. fáula5 ONFr. fáblə Cat. Span. Port.

Ital. fóla5, fávola

Sard, fáula Roum.

favoláre2,6 faulár fabl r

7

3134

faktó^r u fakto r u-

fattóîo

3197

fari^náriu fari na-r u-8

fárre fárre3186

harinéro fariņéîro

fárro

fárro

fárro

fainár(u-) farináio fariniér farini r

'flour-dealer'

'spelt' [grain]

'oil-press'

'to tell'

5

fárre

1868

1867

1866

1865

1864

No.

M'ng: 'tale'

3121

esuoláre 3115

3112

3098

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Notes 'to reprimand'. Old Italian. Rhaeto-Romance. Old Roumanian. 'a lie'. 'to speak'. Deponent. Adj.: 'made of meal'.

3122

fabrikáre fabrika re

fábrika fabrika

frága frágua

3098

esuentáre

svolér3

fábbrika fárga fórgə fárgə

REW3

estraņár1 estraņár1

estraņár1 estrangi r

'to manufacture'

1863

fraikáre fərekáre4 fabbrikáre fargár favərği r fargár fraguár fraguár

'smithy'

1862

estran áre

estráņ(e) estrange əstráņ estráņo estráņo

zburá(re) svoláre

'to fly out'

'to air out'

'to estrange' izventáre zvintá(re) sventáre esventár esvent r esventár desbentár

1861

1860

1859

PRom. estrán u Lat. ekstra neu-

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

Roum. Ital.

Sard, istrán u

1858

No.


1875

NO.

3262.1

3257

REW3

fero

fiéro fér fiér fé^r

feru feru-

ferér 5 ferrér herréro ferréîro

fierár uferráio

'wild; proud'

PRom. ferrár u Lat. ferra-r u-

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

M'ng: '(black-)smith' Sard.

3219

3209

REW 3

1876

fáta fa ta 2

fáta fáda f ðə fádə háda fáda

PRom. fask áre Lat. fask áre

Span. Port.

faskáre nfəšá(re) faššáre faišár faisi r 1 fəšár

fata

1870

Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

1869

'fairy'

No.

M'ng: 'to tie up'

3270

fe^táre fe ta re

hedár 8

fedá 7

3285

fíde fide-

fé^

'faith' f de fáid9 fé^de fé^ féîð fé

' to give birth'

1878

3220.a

fetáre fatá(re) fe^tá 6

1877

3220

fati^gare fati ga re

fadigár

fadíga

fatí^ga fati ga

fatigáre fadigár

fatigáre

'to weary'

1872

fatiga3

'weariness'

1871

3283

fidé^le fide le-

fedé^le fezé^l fəðé'il feél

fidele

'faithful'

1879

3234

féle fel(le-)

féle fiére fiéle fél fiél fé^l hiél fél

'gall'

1873

Notes 1. 'to plait, bind together'. 2. Neuter p1.: 'things spoken, fate'. 3. Old Italian. 4. Mallorcan. 5. Rhaeto-Romance. 6. Abruzzese. 7. Friulian. 8. Santander. 9. Vegliote.

3236

felí^ke feli ke-

felíu4

feríče felíče

'happy'

1874

248 APPENDIX I

3406

3400

REW 3 3407

3410

3422

folle follefetó^re foeto re-

feté^re foete^re

fédu foedu-

PRom. fóku Lat. foku-3

fuéļe fóle

hedor fedo^r

hedér fedé^r

hédo féio

fuégo fógo

fédu4

Span Port

'bellows'

'stench'

fó e foále fólle8 fól 8 fól 8

1890

1889

3373

flokkó^su flokko su-

'to stink'

3298

filikár a

fluekózo

1888

3294

fílike filike-

félža2

fít 5 fetíri 6 héde 7

'ugly'

fédu

fóku fók(u-) fuóko fók fuék fók

1887

Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

1886

No.

3293a

fi^latú^ra

M'ng: 'fire'

3284

REW3

PRom. fide^litáte Lat. fide lita te-

Cat. Span. Port.

feugiéra felği rə fəlgé^rə helgéra felgéîra

flokós(u-) fiokkó^so

fílike féreče fé^lče féû e 1 fyóže

filatúra

Sard. Roum. Ital . fedeltáx OSFr. fezeltát ONFr. fəðelt ð

filatúra filadúra filəðúrə filədúrə hiladúra fiadúra

'river'

'flaky'

'fern'

'fern'

'spinning; web'

M'ng: 'faithfulness'

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Notes Dauphinois. Mozarabic. 'hearth'. Corsican. Vegliote. Sicilian. Bearnese. 'foolish'.

3388

flú^me(ne) flu mene-

fiúme flúm flúm

flúmine

1885

1884

1883

1882

1880

1881

No.


1893

Sard. forástiko

3437

REW 3

3432

forfíkula forfikula

forfé^kkia11

PRom. forástiku Lat.

Cat. Span. Port.

ONFr. forásčə

OSFr.

Ital. forástiko10

Roum.

3439

forikuláre

forroiáre

'to rummage in'

1899

1898

1897

No.

'little shears'

3425

3418

3417

fónte fonte-

fónte fón(t + ) fónt 6 fónt fuénte f te

REW 3

folčél3 fol él 4 fouzél5 fol él

follikellu

M'ng: 'foreign'

1894

3446

formi^káre formi ka re

formii r

furnikáre formikáre12

'to itch'

1900

3426

fontána fonta na

funtána f ntínə fontána fontána fontáinə fontánə hontána fõtán +8

'little bellows' 'spring, source' 'fountain'

1892

PRom. follikáre Lat. follika re

Span. holgár2 Port. folgár 2

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Roum.

nfuleká(re) l

'to move like a bellows'

Sard.

1891

No.

M'ng:

Notes

3430

foráre fora re

hor+9 furár

1. 'to devour greedily'. 2. 'to bat around, take it easy'. 3. ORoum. 4. Rmilian. 5. Languedocian. 6. Friulian. 7. OSpan. 8. In /fõtaíņa/. 9. In /horakár/ 'to bore through'. 10. Olt.: "unsociable'. 11. 'earwig'. 12. Olt.

3427

foráme(ne) fora men-

horámbre forám

foráre forár

'to bore'

'hole'

foráme

1896

1895

250 APPENDIX I

No.

1901

'leaves'

'cold' (n.)

3530

3515

REW3

3514

frõde fronde fronde-

frí^gus fri·gus

PRom. fri^go^ró^sa Lat. fri·go·rO·sa

frínd5

Cat. Span. Port.

fronda

OSFr. freguró^za ONFr. friló'uzə

fríus4 fríg

1909

1908

Roum. Ital. —

Sard. frigorósə

No. 1907 M'ng: 'cold' (f.sg.)

3502

3468a

REW 3

3447

frikatú^ra frikatu·ra

fraktú^ra fraktu· ra

PRom. formi^kó^su Lat. formi•ko•su-

Port.

3530

frond a frond a

frún a frúnzə fróna

'foliage'

1910

3509

fri^gere fri·ge·re

friğğere2

freiәðúrә

'to be cold'

frikatúra frekәtúrә fregatúra

1904

'rubbing'

1903

fregadúra esfregadúra

fretúrə

frintúrə1 frattúra fračúra

'break' (n.)

1902

Span, hormigózo


Roum. furnikós(u-)

M'ng: 'antsy' Sard.

3548

fú^ga fúga

fú(g)a6 fuga fúga

'flight'

1911

3512

frí(~)gida fri-gida

fré^dda frê^ğa fréîdə fréda fría, fréda3 fría

frítta

'cold' (f.sg.)

1905

Notes 1. With /n/ from /frinğ-/ 'to break'. 2. Garfagnana: 'to get goose-flesh'. 3. OSpan. 4. Campidanian. 5. Friulian. 6. 'speed'.

3513

fri^gó^re fri·go·re-

friór3

freióûr

'cold' (n.)

1906


1912

3692

1918

REW 3

No.

1919

3717

3705

REW3

ğiét 8 ğéliu

ğélt 7

gélidu gelidu-

gáušə 5 gáuč ğói góič góo

6 Port. góivo PRom. gá d u Lat. ga d u-

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.

Sard. Roum.

3724

gémitu gemitu-

3735

génte gente-

ğénte ğén(t+) ğént ğént iénte9 gete

3839

granar u grana· r '.u-

grənár granáio granêr grəni r granar granéro

'granary'

'people'

' groan' (n.) génte

1922

1921

1920

fu^gáre fuga·re

fugáre2 fugáre3 fugár fui r

3549

ğeámət (u-) ğémito

1917

Notes

i^re

1. OSard.: 'landlaw'. 2. Macedo-Roum. 3. OIt.: 'to flee' . 4. Vegliote. 5. Cerignola. 6. OPort. 7. Lombard. 8. Rhaeto-Romance. 9. OSpan.

3702

ga dé^re ga de·re

gouvír

gaudár 4 godé^re gauzír ğoðír galdír

'to put to flight''to snjoy'

1916

3579

fundamêntu fundamentu-

fondaménto fondament

fundaméntu1

1

3531

frondó^sa frondo·sa

furnár u furna·r u-

frondó^sa

frondóza frõdó^za

3601

1915

'leafy' (f.sg.) 'foundation

1914

fornáio forniér fo^rni r fornér hornéro fornéîro

'baker'

1913

M'ng: '(en)joy(ment)' 'frosty'

garlár garlár garlár garrulare garrula·re

Cat. Span. Port, PRom. Lat.

M'ng: 'to gabble' Sard. — Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

No.

252 APPENDIX I

'heaviness

1923

1

1929

No.

4172

4171

REW3

ono^ráre onorár ondrér 2 onrár onrrár onrrár

ono^ráre hono·ra· re

onáur 1 onó^re onó^r onóûr onó^r onór onó^r

'barley-corn'

'to honor'

4179

ord .ólu hordeolu-

ursól ord uélo tor ól

orĝuél

olğóru3 ulčóru or l4 or ól

1931

3914

guló^su gulo· su-

goláus1 goló^so goló^s go^lóûs goló^s golozo

'greedy'

1925

1930

3880

gross a

gróisa gróisә grúisә

'fatness'

1924

PRom. onó^re Lat. hono·re-


Sard.

M'ng: 'honor'

3856

REW 3

PRom. gra itáte Lat. gra ita·te-

Cat. Span. Port.

Roum. greutáte Ital. gravitá x OSFr. ONFr. greut ð

Sard.

M'ng:

No.

4199

ospitáre hospita·re

ospedár ospedár

ospətá(re)

'to be host to'

1932

4072

asta hasta

asta asta

asta asta ástə

'lance; pole'

1926

4259.2

é^like (i·like-)

é^lče éû e

élike

'holm-oak'

1933

4072a

astí^le hasti·le

astil astil

astíle

'lance-haft'

1927

1. 2. 3. 4.

Notes Vegliote. Rhaeto-Romance. Bittese. Lombard.

4111

erbó^sa herbo•sa

iarbó^sə erbó^sa erbó^za erbóûzə erbó^zə erbóza erbó^za

'grassy' (f.sg.)

1928


1934

1940

No.

4302

REW3

4294

impinnáre

pe^nár

4308

impikáre impika·re

empegar empegar

empe^gár

impikáre

4366

inkur áre inkur a·re inkapistráre inkapistra're 4342

enkorbár korbár

inkrabistáre inkəpəstrá re inkape^stráre enkabe^strár enčəvestr r enkabestrár enkabastrár kabre^stár

inkrubái4

'to bend'

'to put a halter on'

mpәná re impe^nnáre empe^nár empen r empe^nár

1944

1943

'to tar'

4298

impedíere impedi•re

empe er 2 pe é^r

impedíre

'to hinder'

1938

1942

4287

immérgere immergere

immergere

imbérgere

'to dip in'

1937

'to feather'

5535

mérgere mergere

mérğe(re)1 mérğere

'to dip'

1936

1941

4285

imbukkáre

embokár bo^kár

embo^ci r

mbuká(re) imbo^kkáre

'to put in one 's mouth'

1935

PRom. impartí^re Lat. imparti·re

Port.

Span, impartír

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Roum. :mpər¢í re Ital. impartíre

Sard.

M'ng: 'to impart'

4263

REW 3

PRom. e^liki^na Lat. (i·liki·na)

Ital. elčína OSFr. ONFr. Cat. al ínə Span. en ína Port. ína

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'holm-oak'

No.

1. 2. 3. 4.

Notes 'to go'. OSpan. OIt. Campidanian.

4295

impedikáre

pelgár

impiedeká(re) impedikáre3 empedegár empәðәči'r

'to hinder, prevent'

1939

254 APPENDIX I

inimíku

Sard.

embestír

REW3

4531

PRom. in esti^re Lat. in esti·re

Port.

Span.

4635

u^stít a u·stit a

ğusté a ğusté^ a

ğusté^¢ə

ğusté^¢¢a

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Sard. imbestíre Roum. ínves¢í(re) Ital. investíre

4878

lánk a lankea

lanár u la·na·r u 4876

lánča lán¢a lán¢ә lán¢ә lán¢a lá¢a

4879

lan¢ár lã¢ár lank are lankea·re

lančáre lan¢ár lan¢íi r an¢ár

l a n θá r e 5

'to throw'

1955

1954 'lance'

7839

4456

ºíre

sek ere sek i·2

insek ere

°íre

seguíre ségre, segír suivra səgír segír segír

'to follow'

1949

inseguíre ensegír ensuívrə ənsəgír

laniér lani r 3 ané^r4 lanero

1 nár(u-)

'wool-dealer'

1953

'rightness'

1952

1951

No.

M'ng: 'to clothe'

4445

4462

4435

REW3

inno^dáre inno·da·re

eno^zár

nodá(re)

insignáre

nsemná(re) 1 inse^ áre ense^ ár enseî r ənsə: ár ense ár sinar

'to p u r s u e '

'to k n o t '

'to teach' insékere

1948

1947

1946

PRom. inimí^ku Lat. inimi·ku-


nemíko enemík enәmí әnәmík enemígo inimígo

'emeny'

M'ng:

Roum.

1945

No. in'

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Notes 'to m e a n ' . Deponent. 'weaver'. 'a kind of falcon'. OSard. ' t o h i t ' .

4505

intorkere intork e·re

entór¢er tór¢e^r

entórdrә

ntoárče(re)

'to twist

1950


la-ta

4935

Lat.

REW3

M'ng: 'broad' (F.sg.) Sard, l á t a Roum. látә I t a l . láta OSFr. láda ONFr.lðә Cat. Span. Port. PRom. lata

4998

l e áme(ne) l e a·me(ne) 3

leváme levám ləváin

2

5022

ligáme(ne) liga·me(ne-)

legáme liám liáin igám

ligámen ә5

5072.1

líntiu linteu-

én¢

lín

línθu4

5070

lintiolu linteolu-8

len¢úl6 len¢uólo len¢ól len¢uél en¢ól len¢uélo 7 l ¢ól

' s t r i p of l i n e n ' ' s h e e t '

1966

1965

'string,

tie'

1964

4921

lássu lassu-

lәsár lasár lasár lassáre lassa·re 4920

lassáre1 lasár lasa'r

'leaven'

1962

No.

4912

largítia

lásso1 lás lás lás láso láso

1963

4907

4880

REW3

lə¢ár la¢ár

laččáre 1 la¢ár la¢ir larğé^¢¢a larğé^¢a larğé^¢ә lәrğé^¢ә larğé¢a larğé^¢a

Notes 1. OIt. 2. OVen. 3. ' s o l a c e ' . 4. OSard.: ' s t r i p of l a n d ' . 5. Neapolitan: 'hem'. 6. Vegliote. 7. 'handkerchief'. 8. Plautus (Cooper 1895:133).

4929

latrátu la·tra·tu-

ladrado

lәtrát(u-) latráto

'barking'

' t o weary'

'weary'

' b r e a d t h ; ge nerosity'

'to

tie'

1961

1960

1959

1958

1957

lakkiáre lak e a · r e

lančáio lan¢iér lan¢i r lan¢é^r lan¢éro l ã ¢ é^ i r o

'lancer'

1956

PRom. lank ár u Lat. lankea-r u-


Roum.

M'ng:

No.

256 APPENDIX I

1967

5186

5145

1973

'little hammer'

REW3

No.

M'ng:

PRom. mall olu Lat. malleoluREW3 5267

Span. mažuélo 12 Port. ama v ó 1 3

Cat.

ONFr. — -

Ital. ma uólo 1 2 OSFr. ma'ól 12

Roum.

Sard. mallóro 11

lutó^sa luto·sa5

PRom. lukráre Lat. lukra·ri·4

5298a

manuélla

manoélә

manovélla

manue< a14

'handle'

1974

lodóza lodó^za

lutosa lutoso lotó^sa

'miry' (f.sg.)

1968

Span, lográr3 Port, lo^grár3

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Roum. lukrá(re) 1 Ital. lo^g(o)ráre2

M'ng: 'to win' Sard.

No.

5313

mas onáta

mazná16 maisnáda maisnisaéða

masonáta 15

'house-hold'

1975

5200

makellár u makella·r u- 6

mačelláio ma eliér maizali x

'butcher'

1969 1971

5361

mari^táre mari•ta·re

maritá(re) maritáre maridar marið r maridar maridar maritár

'to marry'

1976

487

annáta

an ә anada9

annáta anáda 8

annáta7

1. 'to work'. 2. 'to wear out'. 3. 'to attain, succeed in ... '. 4. Deponent. 5. Cato (Cooper 1895:127). 6. Varro (Cooper 1895:72). 7. 'poor harvest'. 8. Niçois: 'olive-harvest'. 9. Asturian: 'harvest'. 10. 'maquis'. 11. Campidanian: 'steer'. 12. 'mallet-sheet'. 13. Galician: 'mallet-sheet'. 14. 'crank'. 15. 'troop of children'. 16. Piedmontese: 'child'.

Notes

5213

makláre makula-re

má a mákla makula 5212

mancar

makkiáre

' to bespot, defile '

1972

mákkia má a má ә má ә máa

máia

10

'a year 's yield' 'mesh; spot'

1970


257

1977

mí^kula mi·kula

5564

PRom. mí^ka

mi·ka

5559

REW3

miévla 13

Lat.

Port.

Span. míga

Ital. míka OSFr. ONFr. mía Cat.

10

íkurә 11 mígla 1 2

Sard.

Roum. míkә 9 mәnuðá a17

5596

5596

minu^tál a mi^ll ár u 18 mi· ill a· r u-14 minu·ta·l a

mi i r mižéro mi! éîro

mi áio meiér

mәruntáie 15 minuta a 1 6

'mince-meat'

1986

'group of 1000'

1985

'little crumb'

1984

1983

No.

M'ng: 'crumb'

5544

5541

5461

5450

messó^r a messo·r a7

messáre messa·re

REW 3

mesória6

mәsóirә 5

'sickle'

1980

mesár4

messáre

'to mow'

1979

medietáte medieta· te-

metá x °te 2 meitát meiti ð meitát meatáð 3 mitáde

'half' (n.)

1978

PRom. konmé^ku Lat. (kum)me·kum

Span. konmígo Port. kõmígo

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Roum. konmáik1 Ital. konmé^ko2

Sard.

M'ng: 'with me'

No.

Notes

5556

méa mea

(f.sg.)

1. Vegliote. 2. OIt. 3. OSpan. 4. 'to tear out hair'. 5. Pied. 6. Asturian. 7. Adj.: 'pertaining to reaping' (fsg) 8. Walloon: 'to reap grain'. 9. 'a minute'. 10. 'not at all'. 11. Meglenitic. 12. Bergamasque. 13. Rhaeto-Romance. 14. Adj.: 'containing 1000'. 15. 'intestines'. 16. 'junk, rabble'. 17. 'small change'. 18. Adj.: n.pi.ace. or nom.

5550

métere metere

mietere méire míra 8

'my, mine'

'to harvest' mea miéa mía miéa méîә mévә mía m a

1982

1981

258 APPENDIX I

1987 1989

1995

1994

1993

No.

5719

REW 3

5720

mu^gí^re mu·gl·re

muíre muğí(re) muğğíre

5736

mulsó^r u °a

molsóîra

mussor u

'to low, bellow' 'milking-pail'

PRom. mú^gitu Lat. mu·gitu-

Sard. múidu 7 Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M'ng: 'lowing'

2532

5665a

5648

REW 3

5737

mulsú^ra mulsu·ra

mulsúrә

'milking' (n.)

1996

5690

morsikáre morsika·re

de^lektáre de·lekta-re

mó^stru mo^nstru-

PRom. mollikéllu Lat. mollikellu-

morsikáre mosegár zmorseá4 mosegár mosegár

dile^ttáre deleitar deliti ¡r delitár

morsikáre

'to nibble'

1990

móstro

móstru3 mó^stro

'wonder, monster''to delight'

1988

Cat. Span. Port.

ONFr. morğéi 2

OSFr.

Roum. moličél(u-) Ital. moueséllo

Sard.

M'ng: 'softish'

No.

5782

mustó^su

mustó^s(u-) mostó^so mostó^s8 mosto^s 9

'like must'

1997

5711

mú^kidu mu·kidu-

míš5

múčed(u-) múčido

'mouldy'

1991

Notes Old Trevisan. Friulian. Macedo-Roumanian. Rhaeto-Romance. Surselvan. Alavan (NSpan.) Campidanian: 'whistling'. 8. 'dirty'. 9. Friulian: 'dirty'.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

5710

muké^re °í^re mu·ke·re

muzir6

mozé^r moizír

' to grow mouldy'

1992


259

mó^tto mó^t mó^t mó^t

Roum. mutí(re) Ital. OSFr. mudír ONFr. Cat.

2002 'nest-egg'

5926

REW 3

5916

nínguere ninguere

PRom. nigéllu Lat. nigellu-

Cat. Span. Port.

ROUm. negêl 8 Ital. OSFr. niél 9 ONFr. neél

nínge re né^nguere 10

5930b

ni áre ni a·re

nevar nebár ne^vár

ne^Vár

5978

nukár u °a

nogéîra

nokiéra11 nogéra12 nogiér noii r nogér

'nut-tree'

'to snow' niáre

'to snow'

Sard. nié u 7

M'ng: 'blackish'

'ninth' (f.sg.) I. 'poem'. 2. 'race'. 3. 'guilt'. 4. OIt., Aretine. 5. Asturian. nó^na 6. Tras-os-Montes. 7. 'black'. 8. 'wart'. 9. 'enamel'. nóna13 10. Abruzzese. 11. Vegliote. 12. Venetian, Comanó^na sco. no·na 13. OSpan.

Notes

2008

2007

2006

2005

2004

5908

NO.

5901

5849

5847

ni^dále

niál 5 niál 6 nial

nizál

nidále

5795

neke neke-

néče4

néke 3

2003

5786

natí^ a nati· a

natía nadía naðívә nәdíә

nadía

2

'native' (f.sg.) 'murder'

2001

REW3

natató^re nata· to· re-

nәdәdó^r nadador nadadó^r

inotәtór(u-) nuotató^re nadadó^r

'swimmer'

2000

múttu

1

PRom. mu^tí^re Lat. mu·te·skere

Span. Port.

múttu

Sard.

1

'to become mute' 'mutter; word

M'ng:

1999

1998

No.

260 APPENDIX I

oleu

6054

Lat.

REW 3

ordin áre

Sard. ó ;u Roum. — Ital. ó .o6 OSFr. — ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. ól u

6091

ordin áre

orde ár7 orde^ tár7

'implement, device'

'to prepare'

8

o

6092

ordín u

urdé

ordí

ordin ;u

2017

2016

2015

No.

M'ng: 'oil'

6038

6038

5961

REW 3

okláta

okl áre

o fáda

u áda

okkiáta

PRom. nostru Lat. nostru-

nóstru nóstru nóstro nóstre nóstrә nóstrә nuestro nóso

okí(re) 1 okkiáre o ár volgá 2 u ár ožár u ár3

2011

'to eye, look at' 'glance'

2010


2009

M'ng: 'our'

No.

áio

6163

paliár u

pa éîro

pajé^9 pa'ér

pa

pa ár¡ i

'heap of straw'

2018

6043

offerere °íre offerre

fós 2

offrír afo^gár ahogár5 afo^gár

affo^káre afo^gár

affokáre

'to suffocate'

2014

6114

ossaménta12

osaménta osaménta

osaménta osәment11

osәmíntә 10

'bones [col lective] '

2019

3225.2

Notes 'to aim'. Friulian. Galician. 'river-mouth'. 'to drown'. Every-day pron. 'to milk; to pick olives'. 8. Rhaeto-Romance. 9. Liégeois. 10. Plural. 11. Masculine. 12. Plural; sing. /ossamentu/ (m/11-B).

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

6046.2

fó^ke affo^káre fo·ke- (fa ke-) (offo·ka·re)

hó¢ fó^¢

fó^če4

fóke

'gullet, mouth'

2013

off(e)ríre

offérrere

'to offer'

2012


261

2020

2022

6308

REW 3 6316

pá u pauu-

pausa pausa

PRom. pastináre Lat. pastina·re

6276

pábo pavo

p za

páu

Cat. Span. Port.

pastәná 10

pastináre pasnúr9 pastináre

6324

pekkó^su

pekkó^su pekó^zo

6325

pékora pekora

pékora12

pása

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

pósa páus 11

'sheep' (p1.)

'spotted'

'pea-cock'

'rest, pause'

M'ng: 'to break up (soil)' pekkó^su

2030

No.

6259

6127

2026

REW 3

o í^le o i·le

2029

oue-

Lat. 6127

espartí^re

spartír1

6125

o í^nu

uín4

spartíre

ispartíre

2028

ovíl 2

ovíl 1

oínә

3

Rhaeto-Romance. Place-name. 'mutton'. 'sheep's milk'. 'newly tilled vineyard'. 6. Old Dalmatian. 7. South Italian. 8. In /pasnáğә/ 'swine-pasture '. 9. Vegliote. 10. Friulian: 'to graft'. 11. Masculine. 12. P1. in Mod.It.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Notes

pástinu pastinu-

pasn + 8

pástinu5 pásno6 pástino7

'freshly tilled ' to set aside, field' separate out'

'pertaining to sheep'

2025

2024

2023

2027

ovê^ a ové^ a ové.a

ovíle

'(little) sheep' 'sheep-fold'

2021

obéža ové^ a ouíkla ouikula 6124

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. ó e

Roum. oáie

Sard.

M'ng: 'sheep'

No.

262 APPENDIX I

2031

2039

6417

6373

REW 3

6416

peddáRIu10 ————— ————— pielar(u-) prelúng(u-) ————— 11 pellaio perlongo ————— peliér ————— permané^r ————— ————— permáindrə Pe ér ————— pərmənéšər ————— ————— permane¢er peléîro ————— permane¢é^r pelláriu perlóngu permané^re pella•riuperlongupermane•re

'to remain'

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat Span. Port. PROM. Cat.

'very long'

2038

2037

No.

M'ng: 'furrier'

6358

6336

6337

REW 3

pé^ditu pe•ditu-

peku^liare peku•lia-re

PRom. peku liu Lat. peku•l u-

pídu 6 ——— pirata 7 pe^t pe^t pét peto 8 —————

'fart'

2033

pekuiare 3 ——— ——— ————— ————— ————— pegužál4 peguļal 5

"pertaining to property'

2032

Sard. ———— Roum. pikulu1 Ital. ————— OSFr. ————— ONFr. ————— Cat. ————— Span. ————— Port. pegúļo 2

M'ng: 'privete property'

No. 'furs, skins'

2036

6372 Notes

pelláme(ne) —————

6489

6523

11.

OGen.: 'lanky ' .

1. Macedo-Roum.: 'savings' Píru ————— 2. Alemtejano: —————— Per(u-) ,sheep given as peíame pe ro wages' pelám ————— 3. OSard.: 'property' pəláin ————— 4. 'small farm'. — — ————— 5. 'herd * . 6. Campid. pelambre ————— 7. Neap. 8. Arag. ———— —————— 9. 'peon'. píláme (ne) píru 10. Barbagia: 'skin—————— pirucovered gran-

'pear-tree'

2041

6361

pedukló^sa —————

————

'lousy' (f.sg.)

2035

peddámine pәdukioásә ——— pidokkió^sa pelláme ————— pelám pәðo^lóûzә pәláin ————— palam ————— ————— ————— peláme

'hair' [coll.]

2040

6359

pedó^ne pedo•ne-

———— ——— pedó^ne pezó^(n+) piðón peó^ peón 9 peo 9

'pedestrian'

2034


263

2042

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

pulgar polegár pollikáre pollika•re 6638

—————— —————— porkí^na porki•na 6663

—————— purčínә 6 porčína —————— polči polči r purčína 7 —————— ——————

—————— pulikár(u-) 6 —————— polqár

Purrír —————— porgere porrigere 6667

r —————— ——————

pórrere —————— porgere porzer

'to reach'

2052

'day after to- 'to plunder' 1. ONIt. morrow' _ 2. Neuchâtelois. predare9 . —————— prәdá(re) .3. Pied., Ven. 4. S.E.French. 8 poskrái predáre 5. 'finger' —————— preár purčína7 6. Macedo-Roum. —————— prәð r —————— —————— 7. Ladin (Val Gardema): 'bacon-rind'. —————— —————— 8. OIt., dial. (cf. —————— —————— Hall 1943b). pos(t)krás predáre 9. 'to take away'. post kra*s praeda•re 6686 6715

2051

6642

Notes

2050

'pork'

2049

2048

No.

M'ng: 'thumb'

6595

6637

6568

po^mé^tu po•me'tu-

6567

ple^nitáte ple•nita•te-

6531

planáre pla•na•re

REW 3

'thumb'

2047

póllike pollike-

'fruit-orchard'

2046

plana pla•na

'fullness'

2045

PRom. piskí^na Lat. ——————

'to l e v e l '

2044

póddike5 —————— póllice pól¢ pól¢ pól¢ә —————— ——————

'plane'

2043

Sard. piskína prána —————— —————— Roum. —————— —————— plinәtáte pomot uItal. p e s s í n a 1 piána3 pianáre —————— pomé^to OSFr. —————— plana4 planár plendát —————— ONFr. p w a s í n ә 2 pláinә plan r plent ð —————— Cat.' —————— plánә —————— —————— —————— —————— Span. —————— —————— —————— —————— —————— Port. —————— plána —————— —————— ——————

M'ng: 'fish-pond'

No.

264 APPENDIX I

No.

2053

'test, proof'

2054

6764

6717

2059

REW 3

No.

Ital. ———— OSFr. ———— ONFr. ———— Cat. ———— Span. pulgár 1 Port. ———— PRom. pu^likáre Lat. pu•lika•re REW 3 6817

Sard. pulikàre ————2.Campidanan. Roum. pureka(re)

poluastro3 . pollástra ———— ———— ———— ———— ———— pullástra pullastra 6818a

puddàstra2

M'ng: 'to catch fleas' ''young hen'

2060

proba ————

PRom. predató^re Lat. preda•to•re-

Sard. ———— próba Roum. prәdәtór(u-) ———— Ital. predató^re prova OSFr. prezadó^r Próa ONFr. ———— pruévә Cat. ———— Span. ———— prueba Port. ———— prova

M'ng: 'plunderer'

pulčíno po^l ín po^l¢ín ———— ———— ———— pullikí^nu (pullike^nu-) 6820.2

————

puddikínu

'chick'

2061

6765a

pro^ké^dere pro•ke•dere

———— purčéde(re) pročé^dere ———— ———— próә ———— ————

'to go ahead'

2055

plәmíno 3. polmó^ne po^lmo^n polmon ———— ———— ———— pulmó^ne pulmo•ne6833

prumóne

'lung'

2062

6775

pro^míttere pro•mittere

promittíre ———— promé^ttere promé^tre prome^tra ———— prometér prometé^r

'to promise'

2056 'plum-tree'

2058

ide^re ide•re

pulpó^su pulpo•su6835

poipó^zo

polpó^so ———— ———— ———— pulpózo

pulpos (u-)

pruposu

'fleshy'

2063

6793a

pro^ pro•

Notes

Vegliote.

1. Asturian: 'to clean trees'.

6800

prú^nu pru•nu-

———— ———— ———— prún(u-) provve^dé^re prúno °ņo prove^zé^r ———— porvәðéîr ———— prométrә ———— ———— probeer pruno prové^r ————

'to provide'

2057


No.

2064

2070

No.

Sard. raiósu Roum. Ital. rabbió^so OSFr. rabió^s ONFr. —— Cat. —— Span. rabióso Port. raivó^so PRom. rab ó^su Lat. rab o•suREW3 6981

M'ng: 'mad, raging'

6848

6845

REW3

'root'

radi^kí^na radi•ki•na 6995

7000

radikína rәdәčínә radična 3 ra ína ra¢ínә

—— —— ——

——

'to rot'

2068 'rotten'

2069

2073

6885

putrí^re (putre•skere)

7007

rágere ragere

ráirә

ráğe re

7009

ragláre ragula•re

raggiáre3 raļár4 raļ r 4 rәļar5 raèar6 raļár

'to bray'

2074

6886

putrikáre ————

Notes 1. Varro (Cooper 1895:61). 2. In Salamancan /podrikáio/, Galician /podrikáļo/ 'rottenness'. 3. OIt. 4. 'to mock'. 5. 'to entertain'. 6. 'to boast'. 7. 'to yelp'.

6887

putridu putridu-

———— putrikáre ———— ———— ———— pútred(u-) ———— ———— ———— poîrír apoirigár ———— po^ðrír———————— pudrir ———— ———— podrir podrik+2 ———— apodre¢zíé^r podrik +2 ————

'tobe rotten'

2067

'(little) root' 'to bellow'

2072

6870

putató^re puta•to•re-1

———— ———— potato^re podadó^r ———— podadó^r podadór podadó^r

radí^ke radi•ke-

raí¢ raí¢

——

radíče raí¢ raí¢

——

—— —— ——

———— ———— puntúra poncura ———— ———— puntúra ————

2071

2066

puncture' 'pruner'

punktú^ra punktu•ra

po^n¢áre ———— ———— punšár pun¢ar pun¢ar

———— ————

2065

'prick,

PRom. punktiáre Lat. punktia•re


M'ng: 'to stick1

266 APPENDIX I

2075

2076

2077

2081

No.

rileváre relevár rәlәv r rәlәvár rrelebár rrelevár

Lat. REW3

rele a•re 7192

PRom. rele áre


Sard. ———— Roum. ————

——

———— remi(n)tere5

——

rimé^ttere reme^te^r reme^trә

————

remíttere remittere 7197

remané^re remane•re

7194

reno a•re 7212

reno áre

rәnovár rrenobár rrenovár

————

rinnováre renovár

———— ————

—— —— ——

7149 Notes

redú^kere redu•kere

——— әrәdúče(re)3 ridúčere4 redúire rәdúirә rәduír rredu ír rredu ír

'to lead back, return'

2080

repa sa•re 7218

repa sáre

'to rest, repose'1. .E., S.E.Fr. 2. Deponent. ———— 3. 'to compare'. rәposá(re) 6 4. OIt. riposáre 5. 'to sow for the se repauzár cond time'. rәpoz r 6. 'to die'.

2085

'to renew'

2084

2083 'tosend back1

7138

rekúrrere rekurrere

——— ——— riko^rrere rekú^rre rәko Arrír rәkorrér rrekorrér ———

'to run back'

2079

7129

rekordáre rekorda•ri•2

rekordáre ——— rikordáre ——— ——— ——— rrekordár rrekordár

'to remember'

2078

7081

rasú^ra ra•su•ra

rasúra rasúro rasúra razúra razúrә rәzúrә rrasúra rrasúra

rremitír rremanír °e¢ér rremane¢é^r ——

rәmineá(re) rimané^re remánre rәmáindrә

M'ng: ' to raise again1 'tostayback'

2082

7045

7031

REW 3

——— ——— ranó^kkia ranúi1 rәnú^ a ——— ——— ———

ranúkla ———

——— ramó^sa ramó^za ramó^zuzә rәmó^zә rramóza rramó^za

ramosa

PRom. ramó^sa Lat. ra•mo•sa


M'ng: 'branching' (fsg) ' (little) frog ' 'scraping'

No.


267

2086

——

rәpúne(re) ripó^nrepóndre2 rәpóndrә

—— retórkere

7284

REW3 7355

ró^bore ro bore-

re ól ere re ol ere

PRom. re érsu Lat. re ersu-

7277

ró^vere róûre ró^vrә róûra rrôble rró^ble

revórs ravórs rәvé^s 9 rreviéso 10 rrevéso 11


——

rivólgere revólver rәvoldrә rәvólvәr rrebolbér rrevolve^r

—— ——

Roum. Ital.

Sard, rebersu

arroli

7351

——

ro^boré^tu

rroblédo rroblé^do

——

ro^vréîðә

——

roveré^to

—— ——

'oak-grove'

'oak'

'to turn over'

—— ——

2095

2094

2093

2092

No.

M'ng: 'turned back'

7265

7252

7227

retorkere retorkuere

retór¢әr rretor¢ér rretor¢é^r

——

ritórčere retor¢er

——

7225

restríngere restringere

—— ——

ristrínğere restré^ er restréîndrә rәstrénәr

—— ——

'to twist back

2089

REW3

—— —— ——

ripré^ndere repré^ndre rәpréndrә

—— ——

' to bind back, restrain'

2088

repré^ndere reprehenderé

1

'to take back'

2087

PRom. repó^nere Lat. repo-nere

Span. rreponér Port, rrepo^r

Cat.

ROum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

Sard.

M'ng: 'to put back'

No.

10. 11. 12. 13. re ertere °i^re re ertere

rivértere12

——

rrebertér 13

——

rәvertír

——

—— ——

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Notes ' to conquer , kill' . 'to bury'. 'to warn'. 'to buy back'. 'to pour out'. 'to pour over'. 'to turn around'. 'to surrender'. 'complicated, difficult'. 'clumsy'. 'refractory'. Old Italian. 'to overflow'.

7276

reuersare reuersa* re

rәvәrsá(re)5 riversáre5 reversár rәvers r 6 rәvәsár7 rrevesár 8 rreversár

——

' to turn around, reverse'

2091

' tQ turn back'

2096

7268

retrá(g)ere retrahere

ritrárre retráire3 rәtráirә4 rәtréurә3 rretraer3

—— ——

'to draw, pull back'

2090

268 APPENDIX I

ro^dár rrodár rro^dár

ro^táre ro•ta•re

7388

2103

PRom. Lat.

REW 3

No.

salín7 salí(n+)8

salí^nu sali'nu-

7538

PRom. Lat.

REW3

Cat. salí 9 Span. Port.

Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

Sard. Roum.

'saline'

ro^táre ro^ldár


M'ng:

———— ——

'to rotate'

Sard. Roum.

2097

No.

M'ng:

7539

salí^re sali•re

salíre әnsarí (re)

u

7572

sanguín u sanguineu-

sangueņo sãgué^ņo

sanguíņņo

sambín

7379

rós u roseu-

róš(u-) róšә12

'rosy'

'blood-colored'

'to salt' 11

2106

7488

2105

7487

2104

10

saburráre saburra•re

sabúrra saburra

ro^télla ro•tella

7389

so^rrér

saurráre

——

só^rra saórra sabó^rra

—— savo^rráre

saúrra

'to ballast'

2100

savó^rra saó^rra 4

'ballast'

'little w h e e l '

arrodédda 1 aruteáuә rotella ró^ldela 2 ro^ðelә rodéļa2 r r o d i ļa 3 rrodéla2

2099

2098

7375

rosa rosa

rozo rroza rroza

rósa ruósa 1 3 rósa roza

'rose'

2107

7509

sagittáre sagitta•re

sitá5

sәğetá(re) saettáre

——

'salt-works'

2102

Notes 1. Campidanian. 2. ' knee-cap '. 3. ' knee '. 4. 'sand'. 5. Rhaeto-Rom.: 'to attack'. 6. P l . 7. Pied., Lomb.: 'salt-cellar'. 8. 'salt-vessel'. 9. 'salt-deposit'. 10. Meglenitic. 11. 'spindle-tree'. 12. Abruzzese: 'red'. 13. Vegliote.

7535

salí^na sali•nae 6

salína salína salínә salínә salína salína

——

'to shoot with arrows'

2101


269

2108

2114

No.

7

7896

REW3

7888

sίkkita sikkita's

séğda8

PRom. séksta Lat. seksta

Cat. sesta Span, siesta7 Port, sésta 7

ONFr. sίstә

Ital. sésta OSFr. sesta

8089

sonitu sonitu-

súnet(u-)

Sard. Roum.

séčәtә sé^ččәtә2

'sound'

2116

M'ng: 'sixth' (f.sg.) 'drouth'

2115

7704

7581a

REW3 7771a

konsé^ku (kum) se-kum

iskoláre skola-re-

Lat.

PRom. sanitó^su

konsé^ko4

'to follow'

'with himself'

8151

8197

spú^tu spu.tu-

spút 12

spinél 10

ispinále spi. na.le-

spoit11 sputo

'spittle'

2118

7783

sedi^le sedi.le

seίza6

sedίle sezίl

'seat'

2112

spináre9

' of the spine'

2117

7778

seku^táre

sekutare5 segudár

sekutáre

2111

2110

konsίgo kÕsίgo

skulár(u-) 3 skolare eskolár eskoláér eskolár

'scholar'

2109

eskolar


Sard, sanidozu Roum. sәnәtos(u-) Ital. sәnәtúsә 2

M'ng: 'healthy'

No.

1. Campid. 2. Neap. 3. Dalmatian (Ragusa): 'teacher'. 4. OIt. 5. Calabr., OMarch. 6. Fem., from neuter pl. /sedi-lia/. 7. 'sixth hour > siesta'. 8. Rhaeto-Rom. 9. 'spine'. 10. Rhaeto-Rom.: 'spine'. 11. Vegliote. 12. Friulian.

Notes

7835

séptimu septimu-

sédmә

settimo

'seventh'

2113

270 APPENDIX I

2120

'to caulk'

'oakum'

M'ng:

stúpa stó^ppa estó^pa estó^pә әstó^pә estopa estó^pa

REW 3

8332

PRom. istuppa Lat. stuppa

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

8333

istuppáre

estopár esto^pár

esto^p r

astupá(re) sto^ppáre

' to go up'

' to eat lunch'

2127

2126

No.

Sard, istúppa

2129

2128

8221

REW 3 8196

8353

sukke^náre subke.na.re

sukkenáre

8234.1

istat stat o'

istamín ia staminea

PRom. ispu^táre Lat. spu.ta.re

8364

subí^re subi.re

sobír 5

subí (re)

8234.2

istat ó^ne stat o'ne-

sti¢ún3

әstәmeņә estameņa estamé^ņa

Cat. Span. Port.

stá¢¢o

1

stasáun2 sta¢¢ó^ne

'stopping (-place)

'stopping (-place)' istáttu

2123

2122

stamiņņa estame^ņa

'strainingcloth'

2121

Ital. sputáre OSFr. espudár ONFr. espuð r

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'to spit'

No.

8373

suble áre suble a.re

sobťevár6

solleváre

'to raise'

2130

8252

isternú^tu sternu'tu-

Notes 1. Old Italian. 2. Vegliote. 3. Rhaeto-Romance: 'shop'. 4. 'to dine'. 5. Old Spanish. 6. Minorcan: 'to be angry'.

8262

istíngere ekstinguere

stínğe(re) stínğere esté^ņer estéîņdrə

'to put out, extinguish'

'sneeze' (n.)

sternuto esternút esternuð әstәrnút estornudo

2125

2124


271

2131

8408

REW 3

8398

su eni^re sub eni're

* 7 sovenir

PRom. supti^l are Lat. subti*lia#re

Cat. Span. Port.

ONFr. sotiĮi r

OSFr.

Roum. Ital.

sowenire sovenir sovanir

'under'

'to refine'

sup¢iá(re) sottiĮĮare

2139

2138

'to come to help; to remember'

2137

No.

M'ng:

Sard.

8382

5525

8380

REW 3

Só^¢ sóto só^to8 súptus subtus 8402

súpt só^tto Só^¢

summittere submittere

summérgere submergere

PRom. Lat.

someter someté^r

sUméte (re)4 sommé^ttere somé^tre

'to let d o w n , submit'

2133

somerğír

mergere mergere

merge(re)2 mergere3

'to dip, sink'

2132

Port,

Cat. Span.

ONFr. s o m e rž i 1

OSFr.

Ital. sommérğere

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'to submerge'

No. 'to move away'

2135

8412

sukkúrrere sukkurrere

sokko^rrere sekó^rre səko^rír səkó^rrer

to succor'

' to run under;

2140

8383

8413

sukkútere sukkutere

sakudir

sekóîre . səkó^ðra

sykydi

10

sukkutíre 9

'to shake'

2141

8383a

7.

5.

summónere °í^re summóuere °é^re sub° summone*re sub° summoue*re

semonír5 sommuóvere semonír °móndre somové^r səmóndra somóura somober 6

'to remind, warn'

2134

Notes

°

6.

8.

°P0rt.

0 S p a n .

9. Nuorese: 'dislocation of [horse' s] rear foot . 10. M i l a n e s e , 11. Lucretius (Cooper 1895.288).

Cat.

0 V e n .

1. Friulian. 2. 'to go'. 3. OIt. 4. 'to bend back'.

8394

sustáre substare

sustár

so^stáre so^star

'to stop'

2136

272 APPENDIX I

2142

8469

8468

2148

REW3

No.

REW 3

8610a

PRom. konté^ku Lat. (kum) te.kum

Ital. kontê^ko1 OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, kontígo Port, kôtígo

8620

teláriu

taler telar tear

teláio teliér

Sard, kontekus

Roum.

'loom'

telárzu

M'ng: 'with thee'

2149

suppó^nere suppo-nere

soplagár

supúne(re) soppó^n-

' to put under, suppose'

2143

PRom. supplikáre Lat. supplika•re

Span. Port.

Cat.

ONFr.

OSFr. soplegár

Ital.

Sard. Roum. supleká(re)

M'ng: 'to beg humbly'

No.

tenáklu °a 3 tenakulu8637

tanáļ a tenáļa tənáļə tanáļəs

tenáiu

'pliers, clamp'

2150

8470

supportáre supporta.re

sopportáre so^¢portár2 so^¢port r2 soportár soportár soportár

'to support, bear '

2144

8658

tepó^re tepo're-

tәvóûr

tepo^re

'lukewarmness'

2151

8477

surrí^dere subri-dere

sonreír sorrír

so^¢riðrә2

sorrídere

'to smile'

2145

8746

tínia tinia

tínna té^ņa téîņa tiņa tiņa tiņa

tínza

'scurf'

2152

suspendere suspendere 8486

sospéndere sospéndre sospéndra sospéndra

'to hang up'

2146

Notes 1. Old Italian. 2. With substitu tion of /soé^¢/ 'under' ( < 2139 /suptus/). 3. Plural (m/H-B) .

8490

sustené^re sustine.re

sostené^re sostené^r sostanír sostanír sostener sosté^r

susténnere

'to sustain'

2147

APPENDIX I 273

2153

2154 'transverse'

'to change'

REW3

Lat.

trauersa trans ersa

8859

8858

8919

tri^stítia tri-stitia

traversa

travers r trәvәsár trabesár (a)travesar

trabiésa travésa

tristé^¢¢a tristé^¢a tristé^¢ә tristé^¢ә tristéza tristé^za

traversa

PRom. traversáre

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

traversáre

traessa

Sard, traessáre

Roum.

'cross-beam'

M'ng: 'to cross'

8955

trúnkulu

tronco

trúnkiu

'little trunk'

trasí^re transi*re

8990

turba turba

tó^rva8

to^rba tó^rbә

truva

'unruly crowd; uproar'

2163

2162

2161

2160

2159

No. 'sadness'

8855d

8855

8852

8824

Notes ' to prepare food'. O I t . : 'very 'behind, after'. ' to b e astounded'. A p u l . , Calabr.: 'to enter'. 6. Morvand, Jura: ' to come forth' . 7. ' to move herds'. 8. 'disorder'.

1. 2. 3 4. 5.

8860

tra érsu transuer.su-

tramu^táre transmu. ta.re

8748

trečár 1

REW3

Port, tiņó^zo

trezí 6

trás(e) trans

tramutáre

trasíre5

traktáre trakta-re

tiņņó^so teņó^s teiņóûs tenó^s

Span, tiņózo


PRom. tin ó^su Lat. tin ó'su-

travérso travérs travérs travé^s trabiéso travesO

attramutáre

7

2158

2157

trasíre

' to go across '

2156

tra+2 trás traes trás3 trás3 trás3

'thru, across'

2155

trattáre traitár traiti r

Sard, tinžósu Roum.

M'ng: 'scurvy' (adj.) 'to treat'

No.

274 APPENDIX I

2164

urk ólu urkeolu-

9079

PRom. úrk u Lat. urkeu-

REW 3

9080

ONFr. ó^r¢ә Cat. Span. ór¢a Port.

Ital . ó^rčo OSFr. ó^rsa 4

'little jug'

určór(u-) orcuolo or¢ól or¢uél

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'jug'

2170

No.

2171

8994

8992

REW3

turbio

túrbidu turbidu-

to^rbár turbar torvár3

to^rbár

9089

ursa ursa

úrsa ursoáe ó^rsa ó^rsa ó^rse ó^rs9 ósa ursa

'she-bear'

2172

(f.sg.)

9109

uakkáriu

bakkárZu vəkár(u-) vakkáio vakier vači r vaké^r bakéro vakéîro

'cow-herd'

2172

9020

tua tua

turturélla (turturilla) 9010

tea tú tévә

tortolíļa

tortәrélә

turtureá tortorélla

'disquieted '

tó^rbido

'thy'

'turtle-dove' toa tá tua tóa

2167

2166

2165

PRom. turbáre Lat. turba-re

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

Ital.

Sard, truváre Roum. turbá(re) 2

M'ng: 'to disturb'

No.

9120

uadó^su uado-su-

badóso vadó^so

vados(u-) guadó^so

'shallow'

2174

9035

ulmé^tu °a ulme*tu-

ulmét(u-) olmé^to olmê^da orméîðә olmeda olmeda olmé^do

'elm-grove'

2168

1. 2. 3. 4.

Notes ' to drive animals'. 'to become angry' . 'to hinder'. Old Gascon.

9054

unkí^natu unki. na.tu-

uncináto

unkinátu

'hooked'

2169


275

ake. tu-

ašáid7

2181

No.

REW 3

PRom. Lat.

ONFr. Cat. Span, Port.

9355

i^no^su i.no.su-

vinóûs vinó^s binozo vinó^zo

OSFr. vinó^s

Roum. vinós(u-) Ital. vinó^so

M'ng: 'winey' Sard.

9179

REW 3

17

abellánu abella-nu-^

abellána abella.na

17

abeļáno

alun(u-) avellano

(a)vәļánә abeļana avela

oddana alunә avellana avelána

3

'hazel-bush'

2183

2182

'hazel-nut'

9267

berbe^kár u-

berğiér berği r

9128

ue^ritáte ue.rita.te-

PRom. Lat.

e^lare e.la.re

berdaθ verdáde

—

veritá x °táte1 verdát vert ð

94

akérbu akerbu-

ğárve 5

acerbo

kêrvu

98

ake^tu

aketu akáit6 aéč^to azé^t

'vinegar'

2185

2184 'bitter'

9311

iki^nitáte uiki'nita-te-

be¢indáθ

ve¢inatáte vicinitá xl

9285

uestí^tu uesti.tu-

vestíto vestít vistít 2 vәstít bestído vestido

Notes 1. OIt. 2. Friulian. 3. Campidanian. 4. Adj. (m.sg.): 'of Avella'. 5. Rhaeto-Romance : 'fresh cheese'. 6. Vegliote. 7. Rhaeto-Romance.

9331

i^llánu i.lla-nu-

villano vilá(n ) viláin vila(n ) biláno vilao

'of a villa; rustic'

'neighborhood'

'clothing'

'shepherd'

'truth' bervekarzu berbekár(u-)

2180

2179

2178

2177

2176

Span, belár Port, ve^lár

Cat.

ONFr. veîlaér

OSFr. v e n á r

Ital. ve^láre

No. 2175 M'ng: 'to veil' Sard. Roum.

276 APPENDIX I

'heat'

M'ng:

6260

1503a

2192

' faint, weak'

REW 3

No.

M'ng:

3560

3562

REW3

4890

fulláre

fo^lón

fulló^ne fullo·ne- 13

Cat. Span. Port.

PRom. láng idu Lat. lang idu-

'to full»

'fuller'

fo^lláre fo^lár fo^l r fo^lár hoļár

2195

2194

2193

4891

lang ó^re langu o·re- 11

langóûr

lingoáre10 languó^re

' faintness'

2190

Notes

4889

lang í^re lang i·re

languíre

lambríre 12

' to be faint, weak '

2191

felláre fella·ri· 15

fallárə14

3. OSard. 4. ODalm. 5. In /par¢onéro/ 'glass-worker'. 6. In /par¢éîro/ 'sharer'. 7. Plautus (Cooper 1895:6). 8. OPort.: 'rape'. 9. Terence (Cooper 1895:5). 10. 'typhus'; in Macedo-, MeglenoRoum., 'sickness'. 11. Plautus, Terence (Cooper 1895:26). 12. 'to be hungry'. 13. Plautus (Cooper 1895:66). 14. Neapolitan. 15. Deponent.

'to do f e l l a t i o ' 1. Abruzz. 2. Varro (Cooper 1895:27).

7062

7049

folló^ne

Sard. lámbidu Roum. línčed(u-) Ital. lánguido OSFr. ONFr.

rapt ó^ne rapt o·ne-9

rapi^ère rapi·re

part o^ne part o·ne-7

PRom. kaldó^re Lat. kaldo·re 2

8

rou¢

ravír

rəpí(re) rapíre

par ¢ + 5 par¢ +6

par¢ó^ n par¢ón

parøóne par¢óņa4

3

' to rob, ravish' 'robbery'

'separating'

2189

2188

2187


Ital. kalló^re1

Sard. Roum.

2186

No.


2202

No.

REW

3

3558

PRom. fu^lí^gine Lat. fu·li·gine- 12

OSFr. ONFr. fulín 11 Cat. Span. Port.

Roum. funínğine Ital. fulíğğine

M'ng: 'soot' Sard.

73

69

REW 3

6780

3268

festú^ka festu·ka 16

festúka festúga festú15

'straw, stalk'

2204

5185 17. Campid.

lutáre luta·re 18

loð r

lo^táre1

ludái 1 7

15. 16.

13.

8. 9. 10. 11.

1. 3. 4. 5. 6.

1653

' to mire, muck up''

2205

1246

OIt. 2. OSpan. Plautus (Cooper 1895:60). 'to advance'. Neap.: 'to take ill' (refl.) Plautus, Terence (Cooper 1895: 26). 7. Dauphinois. Cato (Cooper 1895:79). Varro (Cooper 1895:79). Vergil (Cooper 1895:79). Rhaeto-Rom. 12. Plautus (Cooper 1895:81). Salamancan. 14. Lucretius (Cooper 1895:81). As if from /festú^ku/ (m.). Plautus (Cooper 1895:112).

Notes

3244

fe^ní^le fe·ni·le 10

bo ílle bo i·le 8 kaprí^le kapri·le

boíl

errór erró^re erro·re-6

henil

buíl 7

f (i)eníle feníl faníl

'hay-loft'

2201

erróûr

kapríle

kapríle

'goat-fold'

2200

bovíle

'cow-stall'

2199

erró^re

'error'

2198

18. Cato (Cooper 1895:230)

pro^páqine pro·pa·gine-14

probáņa

13

propağğine probáğe prováin

propáina

'shoot, sucker'

2203

akkepí^re akkipere

a¢tó^r a¢tó^r adtór 2 a¢ó^r

aččapírə5

akkipíre

4

'to take'

2197

PRom. akkettó're Lat. akkepto.re-3

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

aččttó^re 1

'taker; hawk'

Sard. Roum.

2196

No.

M'ng:

278 APPENDIX I

2206

2212

NO.

287

1654

kaprínə 15 kaprína 16 kabrí(n+ ) čəvrín

REW 3

12

kaprí^nu kapri·nu- 17

aņņíno ' aņín 1 2 — aņínə 1 3 aņíno 13 aņíno 13

11

'of goats'

2213

3662

2064

kolumbí^nu kolumbi·nu-17

kolombíno 18

'of doves'

2214

2211

Notes

125

akul átu °a akulea·tu-9

əguļádə agižáda agiļída

aguğá 8 aguļat

127

akuliu akuleu-

góio 1 0

'pointed (adj.); 'sting' goad (n).'

2210

1. 'grape; branch' (f.). 2. March.: 'twig, switch'. 3. 'screw'. 4. Adj/I-II. 5. Varro (Cooper 1895:117). 6. Plautus (Cooper 1895:118). 7. Cato (Cooper 1895:127). 8. Venetian. 9. Plautus (Cooper 1895:135). 10. Old Bergamasque. 11. OIt. 12. 'sheep's wool'. 13. 'sheep-skin'. 14. Plautus (Cooper 1895:142). 15. Macedo-Roum.: 'goat's hair'. 16. 'goat's dung'. 17. Cato (Cooper 1895:142). 18. In /sássokolombíno/ 'river-gravel'.

morbó^su morbo· su-7

morbó^so

'sickly, dis eased '

'sickness'

morbo

2209

2208

galli^nák u °a4 mórbu mórbugalli-na-keu6

gaļiná¢ə gaļiná a galiná a

galiná¢a

gəiná¢(u-)

'of poultry; chicken-dung'

2207

PRom. agní^nu Lat. agni·nu- 14


Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'of lambs'

9388

i·teu- °a 5

Lat.

REW3

í^t u °a4

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom.

ví¢¢a 2 ví¢ 3 ví¢3

Roum. ví¢ə 1

Sard.

M'ng: 'of the vine'

No.


279

'sieve'

5170

8244a

3774

REW 3

3198

isterkoráre sterkora· re

lupí^nu lupi·nu-10

glandár u glanda·ru 1 0

PRom. fari^nár u Lat. fari·na·r u - 1 0

sterkoráre

esterkolár esterkár

ļo^bí(n-)

lupino

'to dung'

2224

glәné^r 13

gindár(u-)11 giandáia 12 aglandie^r13

'of wolves'

2223

1679

kárkere karkere-

med ánu med ánu5452

kar¢el kar¢ere

kárčere kár¢er čártrə

'jail'

2218

miánu4 meiáo

me * áno me a(n-) meði n

'middle' (adj.)

2217


Ital. farnáro9

Sard. Roum.

2222

2221

NO.

M'ng:

'of acorns'

2884a

2066

REW 3

egín 2

ek í^nu ek i,nu-3

kolómba kolóm(ә)

egín

'equine'

2216

PRom. kolumbu a Lat. kolumbu- a

Span. Port.

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

kolúmbә1 koló^mba

'dove'

M'ng:

Sard.

2215

No.

Notes

2915

e^skáriu e·ska·r u- 8

eské^r7

iskár u 6

'food-container'

2220

I. Istro-Roum. 2. Mallorcan. 3. Lucilius (Cooper 1895:142). 4. Asturian: 'hub'. 5. Plautus (Cooper 1895:151). 6. 'crop [of birds2'. 7. 'bait'. 8. Plautus (Cooper 1895:151). 9. Tarentine. 10. Adj.: Cato (Cooper 1895:152). 11. 'acorn; jay'. 12. 'crow'. 13. 'oak'.

1680

karkerár u karkera·r u- 5

kar¢eléro kar¢eréîro

kar¢eiér čartri r

'jailer'

2219

280 APPENDIX I

2225

1950

439

REW3

¢éstə ¢esta ¢é^sta

čé^sta ¢é^sta

kísta kista

ánede ana ánet 1 6 ánade áde

PRom. ánate Lat. anate-

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

Sard. Roum. Ital.

3241a

fe^nár u fe·na·r u-9 1364 Notes

bukkula bukkula 12

bókla bó^klə

búkkulu

'little mouth; buckle; hair'

2229

anatíkla anatikula 12 440

natíkkia 13 anadíļa14 ané^ļə 1 5 nədíļə 1 4

'duckling; bolt'

2230

1950a

2. OSpan. 3. OPort. 'little basket' 1. OLomb. 4. Plural of 738 /isterk-/ m / H - B . 5. 'milk-cake'. 6. milk-man'. 7. 'sponge'. 8. Varro (Cooper 1895:152). čestélla 9. Cato (Cooper 1895:152). tístere17 10. 'sickle'. 11. 'hay-rick'. 12. Plautus (Cooper 1895:173). 13. Sicilian: 'door-knocker'. 14. 'door-, window-bolt'. 15. 'crutch'. 16. Valencian. 17. Bearnese. kistélla kistella 12

2233

'basket'

2232

2231

No.

M'ng: 'duck'

6645

4827

8244a

REW 3

po^már u po·ma· r u- 9

pomiér pomi r pomé^r

laktár u lakta· r u- 8

laiti r 6 ļeté^ra 7 lečéro6

fenáia feniír11

10

'of hay'

'apple-tree'

'of milk'

laptáre 5 lattáio6

2228

2227

2226

PRom. istérkora4 Cat. sterkora

Ital - stérkora1 OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. estiérkore2 Port. estérkora3

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'dung'

No.


'little

M'ng:

2240

No.

table'

shelter'

si^biláre si·bila·re9

7890

PRom. rekeptáre Lat. rekepta·re8

REW3

šuerá(re) zufoláre siulár

8885

7439

8886

trí^bulu tri·bulu-

tri^buláre tri·bula·re 10

rúmike rumike-7

tríbbio 11

'flail'

2244

3998

alare ha·la·re

alare 6

9377 Notes

i^sitáre i·sita·re

vizd r

visitáre

'to see of ten, visit '

2239

1. Lomb.: 'kneadingtrough' . 2. Lucretius (Cooper 1895:175). 3. Macedo-Roum. 4. S i c : 'contented'. 5. Neap. 6. Roman, Neapolitan. 7. Plautus (Cooper 1895:212). 8. Terence (Cooper 1895:213) 9. Plautus (Cooper 1895: 229). 10. Cato (Cooper 1895:230). 11. Old Italian.

'to breathe'

2238

tríļo tríļo

triuláre trierá(re) tribbiáre

'to thresh'

2243

7622

saturare satura·re

saturá(re) satorár ə5

'to saturate'

2237

triļár triļár

ró^miče ró^n¢ə rón¢ə

'sorrel;blackberry-bush'

2242

2241

'to whistle'

7621

sáturu saturu-

sətúr(u-) 3 sátru4

9230

ermíklu ermikulu2

vermé^ļ vermé^ļ verméļ berméžo vérmé^ļo

siulár silbar silvár

7111

2236

'little red worm' 'satiated'

2235


Ital. ričettáre

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'to take up,

5501

REW 3

PRom. mé^sula Lat. me·nsula


Ital. m é z l a 1

Sard. Roum.

2234

No.

282 APPENDIX I

No.

2245

—

karmenáre karmina·ri·3,4

1698

PRom. bu^kináre Lat. bu·kina·re

REW3

1369

karmenár karmeár

Cat. Span. Port.

Roum. buciná(re) Ital. bucináre OSFr. bo" enár 11 ONFr.

satulla·re 7620

satulláre

sato^lláre sado^lár səðo^l r 14 sedo^lár

' to card (wool) ' 'to sate'

karmenáre skarməná(re) 1 2 karmináre

Sard.

2253

2252

2251

No.

M'ng: 'to blow a horn'

37, 38

5202

8490a

REW 3

abortáre °i^re (abori·ri·) 3 '4

mákru makru-

PRom. su^surrare Lat. su·surra·re2

aortáre abortír avort r

aortíre

Port. susurár

mákru mágro mágre

8208

istabuláre stabula·re

estrabár

stabbiáre 15

'to stable'

2254

248.2

estí^ are aesti· ·re3,7

estiár6

estivár5

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 11. 12.

Notes

1368

búkîna °í^na bu·kina

bo ína bu í o 1 0

bučin(u-) bučine 9 bo^ ína bui íne

'horn'

2250

'to grumble, slander'. Terence (Cooper 1895:230) Varro (Cooper 1895:231) Deponent. 'to become dry'. 'to clear off'. 'to pass the summer'. 'summer-clothes'. 'fish-net'. 10. 'trumpet-snail'. 'to buzz'. Old Genoese.

248

estí^ u aesti· u-

estíu estío estío

stío 8 estíu

istíu

'to abort'

'thin'

2249

2248 'to become summer' 'summery'

2247

2246

mágra mágro mágro

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.

Ital. susurráre

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'to whisper'


2255

2256

REW3

7599

PRom. sarkí^re Lat. sarki.re

Span. Port.

Ital. sarčíre OSFr. sar¢ír ONFr. Cat. sәrgír

2258

7895

sikkato. r u7882

séssu sessu-

3329

físsu fissu-

fé^Sә11

sés sés siéso seso

sәkadó^r sekadéro

sikkatô^r u

fé^sso

sésso 10

asséssu

sikkadrozu3

'split'

2264

displikáre displika.re6 2680

spie^gáre desple^gár despleîaér desplegar

se^kkatóîo

'seat, hunkus'

2263

2262

2261

No.

'drying-place'

1581

321

7480

M'ng: 'to sew' Sard. Roum.

4

kandikáre kandika.re5

kaņiká

REW3

albegár

albikáre

albikáre albika . re 3

sakár sač r sakár sakár sakár

arbigái2

1

' to become white 'to unfold'

2257

PRom. sakkáre Lat. sakka . re 1


Sard. Roum. Ital.

M'ng: 'to strain, take 'to whiten' out'

No.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 11.

Notes

6402

perkútere perkutere

perkudír perkudír perkudír8

perkuótere

'to strike (through)

2260

Lucretius (Cooper 1895:231). Campidanian. Ennius (Cooper 1895:240). Velletri: 'to blench'. Varro (Cooper 1895:240). Varro (Cooper 1895:276). 'to wear out'. 'to wound mortally'. Campidanian. 10. Old Italian. 'buttocks' ( < /físsa/, as pl. of noun m/II-B).

8687

testú^ggine (testu.dine-)

testúğğine

testugine

'tortoise'

2259

284 APPENDIX I

2272

batúda

REW3

Lat.

PRom. battú^ta

Span. Port.

Cat.

ONFr. batúoa

Roum. batuta Ital. battúta OSFr. batuda

Sard.

M'ng: beaten

1

No.

2271

6481b

REW3 6512

2052

kollokáre kolloka-re6

korkáre kulká re kollokáre kolgár kolči r kolgár kolgár5

4004

alitáre ha-lita-re 8

alәtáér

alitáre

alidái

7

(f.sg.) ' to lay, lie down' 'to breathe'

2273

6482

pinktú^ra (piktu. ra)

—

pinktó^re2 (pikto . re-) 3

Cat. Span. Port.

PRom. pingere Lat. pingere

piándro1 pínğere pe^ner péîndra

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

'painting'

'painter'

pencura peiņtúra pintúra pintúra pĩtúra

'to paint'

M'ng:

2267

2266

pintó^r péîntra pinto^r pintor pïtó^r

2265

No.

5875

nek u . nu-

nekú^nu

ningún ningúno

9

negnegún

nencóin

'no-one'

2274

6489

pignora.re

pignoráre

peņņoráre pe^ņorar pendrér4 peņorár

'to pledge'

2268

7165

refu^táre refu.ta-re

refudá 11

rifutáre 10

refutáre

'to refuse'

2275

abú^ta

avútә avәta avuda әuða aguda

'had' (f.sg.)

2269

Notes 1. Vegliote. 2. Nom. /pínktor/ ( > OFr.) 3. Nom. /piktor/. 4. Rhaeto-Romance. 5. 'to hang'. 6. 'to put in place' . 7. Campidanian. 8. Plautus (Cooper 1895:212). 9. OVen. 10. OIt. 11. Friulian.

3414

folĩó^sa folĩo.sa

fuļó^za hozoza fojo'za

fozósa foioásә foļļó^sa foļó^za

'leafy' (f.sg.)

2270


285

286

APPENDIX I

ABBREVIATIONS The followinq abbreviations has been used in the Comparative Tables: Abruzz[ese]

Ital[ian]

Port[uguese]

Apul[ian]

Lat[in]

Rom[anee]

Calabr[ian]

Lomb[ard]

Sard[inian]

Campid[anian]

Lorr[aine]

Sic[ilian]

Cat[alan]

Neap[olitan]

S[in]g[ular]

Dalm[atian]

N[orth]

Roumfanian]

E[ast]

Nom[inative]

S[outh]

Fr[ench]

0[ld]

Tusc[an]

Gen[oese]

Pied[móntese]

Umbr[ian]

It[alian]

Pl[ural]

Ven[etian]

APPENDIX II LIST OF PROTO-ROMANCE WORDS

This section, like the corresponding appendix in Hall 1976a, provides an alphabetical list of the Proto-Romance words recon structed in this volume (nos. 724, 939, 1491-2275). In the alpha betical listing, vowel-letters follwed by / V come after the simple vowel-letters without /^/; thus, for example,/kúî/ comes after /kúte/. In like manner, /ĩ/ follows both /i/ and /i^/, and /u/ follows /u/ and /u^/. ab 'from' 1554 ab 'with' 1624 abellána 2182 abellánu 2183 aberrare 1671 abestra 1618 ábigo 1525 abigó^ne 1525 abínde 1573 abínke 1574 abíntro 1619 aborrí^re 167 3 abortare °i^re 2247 abultra 1620 abunda 1575 abunde 1575 abu^ta 2269 addormí^re 1550 ade^skáre 1538 adípsu 1576 ad ake^re 1560 ad úngere 1577 adoperáre 1598 ado^ráre 1595 adu^náre 1601 aduíks 1578 affo^káre 2014 aggrauáre 1644 aggreuiáre 1655 agní^le 1677 agní^nu 2212 aí^× 1572 a ú^ta 1641 akérbu 2184

ake^tu 2185 akkadé^re 1635 akkaptare 1605 akkettó^re 2196 akkipé^re 2197 akkré^skere 1667 ákku 1562 akkúrrere 1553 akk á x 1565 akkuí^ X 1568 akrú^me (ne) 1552 akú(^)kula 1547 akul átu 2210 akúl u 2211 aku^t áre 1546 aláre 2237 albikáre 2256 albó^re 1678 albú^me(ne) 1679 ale 1579 al(i)kube 1580 alik ántu 1581 alitáre 2279 al ó^re 1582 al úbe 1583 al únde 1584 alláke 1569 allaktáre 1690 allá x 1569 alle iare 1601 allí^x 1570 allu^menáre 1682 altítia 1683 amarikáre 1645

amata 1646 amátor 1497 amatrí'ke 1684 ambo 1493 amó^re 1685 ánate 2231 anatíkla 2230 angláre 1686 ankó^ra 1585 ánksia 1689 anksiáre 1690 annátal970 annekáre 1844 annotí^nu 1687 ann ále 1688 antánnu 1586 antekéssor 1498 antekessó^re 1498 antiánnu 1586 apíkla 1692 ap áriu 1691 apparáre 1694 appéndere 1693 appe^sáre 1695 appod áre 1696 apportáre 169 7 apri^káre 1698 araniólu 1699 aratóîre 1700 aratú^ra 1701 arí^kiu 1845 arrestare 1702 árri 1637 ásk a °e 1625

288

aspektáre 1850 assal( )í^re 1704 assáltu 1705 asseku^ráre 1706 assikkáre 1707 asta 1826 astáre 1708 astektáre 1849 astergere 1855 asti^le 1927 attángere 1709 áttenu 1626 atti^t áre 1710 attrá(g)ere 1711 attrás 1587 a arítia 1712 a áru 1713 á t 1555 a uokáre 1654 á × 1555 a× ( : ab) 'from' 1554 a x 'with' 1624 ban áre 1714 ban ató^re 1715 ban ólu 1716 báro^ 1529 battáklu 1717 battú^ta 2271 bellát or 1510 bellat ó^re 1510 berbekáriu 2177 bo í'le 2199 brókka 1719 bukkale 1718 búkkula 2229 bullikáre 1720 bú^kina 2250 bu^kináre 2251 (d)ab 1554 dabíntus 1588 (d)ax 1554 damnáre 1814 dátu 1815 dekere 1816 dekíbile 1817 déstru 1822 dé^bitor 1499 de^bítor 1499 de^bitó^re 1499 de^fenderé 1548

APPENDIX II

de^mandare 1819 de^spektáre 1851 de^spoliáre 1821 de^stru^gere 1541 deusk a 1627 deu^sk a 1627 dignare 1826 dígnu 1827 dis úngere 1830 diskente 1828 disligáre ;829 dispartí^re 1832 (di)spendere 1831 displake^re 1833 displikáre 2258 díê 1825 dí(^)kta 1649 di(^)ktáre 1823 di(^)ktátu 1824 dolató^ria 1835 dolo^ró^sa 1836 dómu 1837 dormitare 1839 dulko^re 1840 dúnkue °as 1617 dupláre 1841 dúskua 1627 du^rítia 1838 dú^sk a 1627 e(i)a 1638 ekke 1561 ekkeá x 1564 ekkeí^ x 1567 ekk uá x 1563 ekk (í)sti~x 1571 ekk í^ x 1566 eksu^káre 1854 ekuí^nu 2216 erbó^su 1928 erí^kiu 1845 erró^re 2198 eskortikáre 1857 eskurtáre 1809 esmúlgere 1843 espart^re 2024 esplanáre 1852 esprímere 1853 estergere 1855 estérius 1569 esti are 2248 estí^ u 2249

éstra 1669 estran áre 1859 estrán u 1858 es entáre 1860 es oláre 1861 et, e x 1556 e^like 1933 e^likí^na 1934 é^res 1526 e^ré^de 1526 e^skár u 2220 fábrika 1862 fabrikáre 1863 fábula 1864 fabuláre 1865 faktó^r u 1866 fari^náriu 1868 fárre 1867 faskiáre 1869 fédu^1887 felí^ke 1874 felláre 2195 féllo 1530 felló^ne 1530 + fendere 1818 ferráriu 1875 féru 1876 festú'ka 2204 feté^re 1888 fetó^re 1889 fe^náriu 2228 fe^ní^le 2201 fe^táre 1877 fíde 1878 fidé^le 1879 fide^litáte 1880 filikária 1883 fílike 1882 fingere 1542 físsu 2264 fi^gere 1543 fi^latú^ra 1881 fi^ní^ta 1647 flokkó^su 1884 fló^re 1491 flú^meCne) 1885 fóku 1886 folióla 2270 folie 1890 fonte 1893

LIST OF PROTO-ROMANCE WORDS

foráme(ne) 1895 foráre 1896 forástiku 1897 forfíkula 1898 forikuláre 1899 for a 1788 for are 1800 formi'káre 1900 formi^kó"su 1901 fórt or 1511 fórt ó^re 1511 fó^ke 2013 fráte 1509 frikatú'ra 1903 frí^gere 1904 frí ^ gidu 1905 fri^gó^re 1906 fri^go^ró^sa 1907 frí^gus 1908 fronde 1909 frondia 1910 frondó^su 1914 fulláre 2194 fulló'ne 2193 fundaméntu 1915 furnárju 1913 futtú^ta 1648 fú^ga 1911 fu^lí^gine 2202 galli^nákiu 2207 gaude^re °í~re 1917 gá diu 1918 gémitu 1920 gente 'noble' 1665 gente 'people' 1921 géntjor 1512 gentió^re 1512 genus (adv.) 1613 glandárju 2222 glutto 1528 glúttu 1657 grand or 1513 grand ó^re 1513 gra itáte 1923 guló^su 1925 ibi 1590 imbukkáre 1935 immergere 1937 imparti^re 1940 impedikáre 1939

impedí^re 1938 imperató^re 1496 impikáre 1942 impinnáre 1941 infante 1524 ínfas 1524 í n f r a x 1628 inimí^ku 1945 inkapistráre 1943 inkur áre 1944 inno^dáre 1947 insék ere °i^re 1948 insêmel °ul 1951 insignáre 1946 intórkere 1950 intúnk(e) 1592 íntus 1593 in estí^re 1951 iskoláre 2109 ispi^nále 2118 ispu^táre 2120 ispú^tu 2119 istabuláre 2254 istamínja 2121 istát o 2122 istatió^ne 2123 íste 1536 isterkora 2225 isterkoráre 2224 isternú^tu 2124 istíngere 2125 ísti^ 1536 ístu 1536 istuppa 2126 istuppáre 2127 í^ra í^re

1640 'to go' 1670

ió^so 1596 únior 1514 unió^re 1514 usta °o 1629 ú^so 1597 u'stítja 1952 kalaméllu 1722 kálamu 1721 kaldó^re 2186 kalfáre 1724 kalkató^rju 1723 kal ít a 1725

kámera 1726 kameráriu 1727 kampestre 1728 kandikáre 2257 kanít a 1730 kannélla 1731 kanné^tu 17 32 kant o^ne 1733 kánu~17 29 kapillatú'ra 1735 kapíllu 1734 kapillú'ta 1736 kapistráre 1676 kapitale 1737 kápite 1642 kaprí^le 2200 kaprí^nu 2219 karkerárju 2219 kárkere 2218 karmenáre 2252 karnákju 17 38 karnále 17 39 karnárju 1740 karnó^sa 1741 karnú^ta 1742 karó^nja 1743 karrikáre 1744 kásta 1746 kastitáte 1745 ke 1557 ked 1557 k e á x 1564 k e í ^ X ;567 k e x ;557 ké^dere 1549 kélla 1747 kellár u 1748 ker í^nu 1671 ke^párju 1749 ke^púlla 1750 kertánu 1752 kertu 1751 kibáre 1754 kibárju 1755 kíbu 1753 kírka 1621 kirkêllu 1757 kirkláre ;758 kísta 2232 kistella 2233 ki itatánu 1762 ki (i)táte 1761

289

290

klamo^re 1763 kla êllu 1765 kla su"ra 1764 kli^náre 1658 klí^nu 1569 koktú^ra 1766 ko^l ó^ne 1767 kollare 1769 kolligere 1643 kollokáre 2272 kóllu 1768 kolúmba 2215 kolumbí^nu 2214 kolúmbu 2215 kómes °ite 1523 kommoue^re 1772 komplángere 1773 kompó^nere 1774 komportáre 1775 kompóstu 1776 kompre^ndere 1777 komputáre 1778 komputu 1779 komu^ne 1770 komu^nikare 1771 kon 1651 kondí^kere 1782 kondí^re 1783 konduktu 1785 kondú^kere 1784 ko(n)fori^re 1787 ko(n)fortare 1786 konfríngere 1802 ko(n)fundere 1789 koniúngere 1790 konkakáre 2110 konmê^ku 1977 konsé^ku 2110 konté^ku 2148 kornú^ta 1793 koro^nare 1803 kórtike 1856 kostáre 1794 ko(n)stríngere 1795 kos(u)tú^me(ne 1796 kos(u)tú^ra 1797 koki6nare 1798 koráta 1799 kreáre 1791 krepatú^ra 1801 kré^ta 1792 krispáre 1804

APPENDIX II

krústa 1805 krustó^sa 1806 kúbitu 1807 kunkula 1781 kurtáre 1810 kur u 1812 kur áre 1811 kute 1813 kúî 1537 kú^ra 1808 k án 1633 k ár(e) 1634 k áx 1563 k ási 1599 k íd 1539 k ísti^ 1571 k í^x 1566 k í^ntu 1494 k ó^mo 1559 lakkiare 1957 laktáriu 2226 lanár u 1953 láng idu 2192 lang í^re 2191 lang ó^re 2190 lánk a 1954 lank áre 1955 lank áriu 1956 largít a 1958 lassáre 1960 lássu 1959 lata 1962 latrátu 1961 látro 1527 légere 1544 léo^1531 leó^ne 1531 leuáme(ne) 1963 léue 1681 ligáme(ne) 1964 lint ólu 1966 línt u 1965 longe 1600 lukráre 1967 lupí^nu 2223 lutáre 2205 lutó^sa 1968 ma ó^re 1515 makellár u 1969 mákina 1656

mákla 1971 makláre 1972 mákru 2246 mall ólu 1973 mandare 1820 manuélla 1974 mari^táre 1976 mármo 1507 marmore 223 mas o^nata 1975 med ánu 2217 med etáte 19 78 mel or 1516 mergere 2132 messáre 1979 messória 1280 métere^1981 metípse °o 1602 mea 1982 mê^ (ne) 1532 ménsula 2234 míbi 1534 minor 1517 minó^re 1517 minu^tál a 1986 mískere 1661 mí^ 1534 mí^ka (adv.) 1614 mí^ka (n.) 1983 mí^k(u)la 1984 m i n áriu 1985 modo 1603 mollikéllu 1987 mórbu 2208 morbo^su 2209 morsikáre 1990 mó^stru 1988 mulie(r) 1506 mulso^riu 1994 mulsú^ra 1995 multo 1615 mustó^su 199 7 muttu 1999 mu^gitu 1993 mu^gí^re 1994 mú^kere °í^re 1992 mú^kidu 1991 mu^tí^re 1998 náskere 1540 natató^re 2000 natí^ u 2001

LIST OF PROTO-ROMANCE WORDS

néke 2002 nek ú^nu 2274 nepo^s 1522 nigellu 2004 níkt 1756 níng ere 2005 ni áre 2006 ní^ 1635 ni^dále 2003 nostru 2009 noue 1495 nu^gále 1666 nugálior 1518 nugalio^re 1518 nukár u °a 2007 núnk a 1604 offérere °í^re 2012 ói 1639 okliáre 2010 okliáta 2011 ól u 2015 ono^ráre 19 30 onó^re 1929 ordináre 2016 ordíniu 2017 ord ólu 1931 orrí^re 1674 orró^re 1675 ospitáre 1932 ossaménta 2019 oue 2020 ouíkla 2021 ouí^le 2022 ouí^nu 2023 pal ár u 2018 part ó^ne 2187 pastináre 2026 pâstinu 2025 páte 1508 pátre 1508 pá ko 1616 pa sa 2027 páuu 2028 pedó^ne 2034 peduklo^su 2035 pe or 1519 pekko^su 2029 pekora 2030 pekuliáre 2032 pekuliu 2031

pelláme(ne) 2036 pellár u 2037 perkutere 2260 perlongu 2038 permané^re 2039 pe^ditu 2033 pignorare 2268 pílame(ne) 2040 píngere 2265 pinkto^re 2266 pinktú^ra 2267 píru 2041 piskí^na 2042 plana 2043 planáre 2044 ple^nitáte 2045 pollike 2047 pollikáre 2048 pórgere 2050 porkí^na 2049 pórku 1663 póst is 1606 postkrás 2051 potú^tu 1492 po^máriu 2227 po^me^tu 2046 predáre 2052 predato^re 2053 proba 2054 prope °o 1622 pro^ 1630 pro^ke^dere 2055 pro^míttere 2056 pro^págine 2203 proûide^re 2057 prú^nu 2058 pullástra 2060 pullikí^nu 2061 pulmo^ne 2062 pulpo^su 2063 punkt áre 2064 punktu^ra 2065 putató^re 2066 putrikáre 2068 pútridu 2069 putrí^re 2067 pu^likáre 2059 pú^re 1607 rabó^su 2070 radí^ke 2071 radi^kí^na 2072

291

rágere 2073 ragláre 2074 ramoAsa 2075 rankí^re 1662 ranukla 2076 rapíère 2188 rapt o^ne 2189 rasú^ra 2077 rekeptáre 2240 rekordáre 2078 rekurrere 2079 rele áre 2081 remane^re 2082 remíttere 2083 reno áre 2084 repa sáre 2085 repó^nere 2086 repré^nderé 2087 restare 1703 restríngere 2088 retórkere 2089 retrá(g)ere 2090 rétro 1608 re ersáre 2091 re ersu 2092 reuértere °i^re 2096 reuoluere 2093 ré^gere 1545 rí^su (past part.) 1650 rosa 2107 rós u 2106 ro^bore 2094 ro^bore^tu 2095 ro^táre 2097 ro^télla 2098 rúmike 2242 sabúrra 2099 saburráre 2100 sagittáre 2101 sakkáre 2255 salí^na 2102 salí^nu 2103 salí^re 'to salt' 2104 sang íniu 2105 sanitó^su 2108 sarkí^re 2261 sártor 1500 sarto^re 1500 satulláre 2253 saturare 2237 sáturu 2236

292

sedí^le 2112 sêd a °u 1652 séksta 2114 sekutáre 2111 sekuere 1949 senator 1501 senató^re 1501 sene ^without^ 1631 sen or 1520 séptimu 2113 séssu 2263 seu 1636 si 1558 sikkató^r u 2262 síkkita 2115 síne 1631 sit 1558 si^ 1558 si^biláre 2241 sonitu 2119 sordídior 1521 sordidio^re 1521 sórdidu 1668 so^lo 1609 sub 1632 subí^re 2129 subleuáre 2130 sukke^náre 2128 sukkúrrere 2140 sukkútere 2141 summérgere 2131 summíttere 2133 summónere °í^re 2134 supplikáre 2142 supportáre 2144 suppo^nere 2143 supti^liáre 2137 suptus 2139 surrí^dere 2145 suspendere 2146 sustáre 2137 sustené^re 2147 su ení^re 2138 su^surráre 2245 tanto 1608 teksátor 1503 teksítor 1503 teksitó^re 1503 tenáklu 2150 tenítor 1502 tenitó^re 1502

APPENDIX II

tepó^re 2151 térgere 1551 testú^gine 2259 té^(ne) 1533 te^lár u 2149 tíbi 1535 tín a 2152 tinió^su 2153 tí(^) 1535 tradi^re 1664 tradí^tor 1504 tradi^tó^re 1504 traktáre 2154 tramu^táre 2157 trás(e) 2155 trasí^re 2156 trauersa 2160 tra ersáre 2159 trauérsu 2158 tri^buláre 2243 trí^bulu 2244 tri^stítia 2161 trúnkulu 2162 túa 2167 túnk 1611 turba 2163 turbare 2164 túrbidu 2165 turturélla 2166 ulmé^tu 2168 ultra 1623 unki^nátu 2169 únk a 1612 urk ólu 2171 úrk u 2170 úrsa 2172 adó^su 2174 akkár u 2173 ermíklu 2235 értere 1653 estí^tu 2178 e^láre 2175 ue^nator 1505 e^ritáte 2176 iki^nitáte 2179 i^llánu 2180 i^nó^su 2181 i^sitáre 2239 í^t u 2206 ól ere 1660

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294


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INDEX OF TOPICS

Adjectives compound: 154, 187-188 demonstrative: 33, 39-42, 174-175, 192 derivation of: 117-124, 187 descriptive: 29-33 inflection of: 29-33 numeral: 33, 138, 154 Adverbs compound: 153, 163 derivation of: 149, 153, 159, 163, 187 interrogative-relative : 101-102 non-interrogative-relative : 102-105 Affixation: 108-109 Alighieri, Dante: 164 Alternations, morphophonemic: 4-5, 33-37, 101, 112, 138-139, 167, 170, 173, 192-194 Article definite: 191-192 indefinite: 191 Attribution: 10 Case: 8-9, 165-169, 189-191 Classification of forms: 12 Complementation: 10-11 Compounding, compounds: 109, 154-163, 187-188, 206 Conjugations: 49 Conjunctions: 11 Contrasts, grammatical loss of: 189-191 new, development of: 191-194 Coӧrdination, coӧrdinators: 11, 107 Declensions: 16-46, 165-170, 171-175, 195-197 Derivation: 1-2, 108-163, 186-188, 204-207 Endocentric formation: 110-111, 151, 154-159

Endings, personal: 51 Exocentric formation: 110-111, 151-153, 159-163 Forms, inflected classification of: 12 structure of: 15-16, 47-51 Gender, grammatical: 7-8, 155, 168 Indeclinables: 11-12, 101-107, 183-184, 202 Infixation: 108-109 Inflection: 1-2, 7-107, 164-185, 195-203 categories of: 7-9, 163-165 Introduction, introducers: 11, 105 Latin, Classical relation to Proto-Romance: 5-6, 164-188 Minor clauses: 11-12, 105, 107 Modification: 10 Nouns compound: 154, 188 derivation of: 124-137, 186 inflection of: 16-30, 33-37, 165-170 used as adverbs : 104 Number (grammatical): 9, 51, 165, 168, 189 Numerals: compound: 154 derivation of: 138, 154 inflection of: 33, 175, 199-200 Parasynthetic compounds: 159-163 Person (grammatical category): 9 Predication: 10 Prefixation: 2, 108-109, 151-153, 187, 205-206

304


Prepositions: 11, 105-106 Tense: 9 Pronouns Variation, morphological: 1-3 demonstrative: 39-43 Verbs indefinite: 199 aspect: 176 interrogative: 42-43 personal: 37-39, 175-176, 198 classification of: 51 relative: 42-43 compound: 151-163, 188 Protagonism: 10 conjugations: 49, 178, 182-183 Proto-Indo-European:164-168, 186 derivation of: 138-149, 151-163 Reconstruction, criteria for : 2-3 finite: 47-100 future: 51, 71-72, 182 Sex-reference: 7 inflection of: 47-100, 176-183 Stern-formants: 47-49 moods: 176 Stems passive: 177, 182 of nouns: 15 roots: 47-49 of verbs: 15-16, 47-49 stems Subordination, subordinators: A ("present"): 47-49, 51-72 11, 106 B ("future"): 47-48, 72 Substantives ( = nouns and ad C ("preterite"): 47-48, jectives) 72-93 derivation of: 112-117 stem-formants: 47-49 inflection of: 16-37, 189-191, "supine"-stem: 138-141, 159 195-198 tense-markers: 51 Substitution: 11 tenses: 49-51, 176-182 Suffixation: 2, 108-109, 112-150, 186-197, 204-205 zero-allomoprhs: 15-16, 47 Syntactic functions: 9-11 zero-suffixation: 108 Syntax, relation of to morpho logy: 3-4, 9-12

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